Library OF PRINCETON JUN 1 9 2003 THEOLGGiCAL SEMINARY THE PAPACY VOL. I. LONDON' : PRINTED BY 8P0TTISW00DB AND CO., NBW-STRKBT SQUAPB AND PARLIAMENT STREET A HISTOEY OF THE PAPACY DURING THE PERIOD OF THE REFORMATION BY M.'^CREIGHTON, M.A. LATE FELLOW OP MERTOX COLLEGE, O X P O I) D VOL. I. THE GREAT SCHISM -THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE 1378— 141S LIBRARY OF PRINCETON JUN 1 9 2008 THEOLOGICAL SE^^INARY LONDON LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 1882 Alt rii/lil.^ reserved PEEFACE. My aim in this book is to bring together materials for a judg- ment of the change which came over Europe in the sixteenth century, to which the name of ' The Eeformation ' is loosely given. I have attempted to do this from a strictly historical point of view, — by which I mean that I have contented myself with watching events and noting the gradual development of affairs. I have taken the history of the. Papacy as the central point for my investigation, because it gives the largest oppor- tunity for a survey of European affairs as a whole. I have not begun with the actual crisis itself, but have gone back to trace the gradual formation of opinions which were long simmering below the surface before they found actual expression. I pur- pose, if opportunity should be given me, to continue my survey in succeeding volumes to the dissolution of the Council of Trent. I have begun with a period of general helplessness, when men felt that the old landmarks were passing away, but did not see what was to take their place. The period of the Great Schism in the Papacy was but a reflection of similar crises in the history of the chief states of Europe. Dreary as the history of the Schism may be, its records show that it gave a great impulse to European thought. The existence of two Papal Courts doubled Papal taxation and produced a deep- seated feeling of the need for some readjustment in the re- lations of the Papacy towards national churche^ The attempts to heal the Schism led to a serious criticisjft^'$tffie Papal system by orthodox theologians, and to an examjnation of primitive \ sS":^ O V?l V If Y ^ Vi PEEFACE. usage which was fruitful for later times. The difficulties ex- perienced in finding any way out of the dilemma called the attention of statesmen to the anomaly of the existence of an irresponsible and indeterminable power. The theological and political basis of the Papacy was discussed, and Europe did not forget the results of the discussion. The power of the State, which at least rested on intelligible grounds, interfered some- what rudely to heal the breaches of an institution whose pre- tensions were so lofty that its mechanism, once disordered, could not be amended from within. The result of many experiments and much discussion was the establishment of a General Council as the ultimate court of appeal. Unsuccessful through its crudity at Pisa, the con- ciliar system asserted itself at Constance, and was strong enough to answer its immediate purpose, and end the Schism. But when it had done this, it could do nothing more. The abolition of ecclesiastical grievances was beyond its power. Men could not discover the interests of Christendom, because they were overlaid by conflicting interests of classes and nations. The Council, which expressed in the fullest manner the unity of Christendom, showed that that unity was illusory. The con- ciliar principle was set up as a permanent factor in the organi- sation of the Church, and men hoped that it might be more fortunate in the future. The condition of Europe and the fortunes of the Papacy offered a brilliant opportunity to the Council of Basel. In some things it succeeded; but it was helpless to reorganise the Church. It attacked, instead of reforming, the Papacy : it proposed to hand over the Church to a self-constituted parlia- ment. The Council of Constance failed because it represented Christendom too faithfully, even to its national dissensions. The Council of Basel failed because, in its endeavour to avoid that danger, it represented nothing save the pretensions of a self-elected, self-seeking body of ecclesiastics. The failure of the Council of Basel showed the impossibihty of reforming the Church fiom within. But though the General PREFACE. vii Councils could not carry out a conservative scheme of reform, they succeeded in checking movements which, in their attempts to remedy abuses, set up new theories of the Church and of its government. Ideas originated by Wyclif in England afforded a basis for a national movement in Bohemia, which in political as well as in ecclesiastical matters filled Europe with alarm. Bohemia, victorious but exhausted, was drawn to a compromise, and the flame was reduced to smouldering embers. The pacification of Bohemia and the failure of the conciliar movement gave the opportunity for a Papal restoration, which was conducted with great ability by two remarkable Popes, Nicolas V. and Pius II. They succeeded in rooting out the remnants of opposition, in re-establishing the Papal monarchy, and in opening out new paths for its activity. As the patron of the New Learning, and the leader of Christendom against the Turks, the Papacy was influential and respected. But the condition of European affairs was not hopeful for any great enterprise. The death of Pius II. left the exact sphere of the futm-e action of the Papacy still doubtful. Such is the thread of connexion which runs through these volumes. The vastness of the undertaking is a bar to anything like completeness in its execution. I cannot claim to have done more than given a specimen of European history, even in its relations to my subject. Much that is interesting has been omitted, much that is dull has been told at length. My omis- sions and my details are intentional. I have enlarged on points, not because they are interesting to the modern ob- server, but because they formed part of the political experience of those who moulded the immediate future. I have dwelt at greatest length upon the relations of the Papacy with Germany and Italy. German affair's are important as showing the ex- perience of the German reformers of the past dealings of the Papacy with the German Chmch and State. On the other hand, the intricacies of Italian politics explain the secularisa- tion of the Papacy to which the reformers pointed as their justification. VIU PREFACE. The circumstances of mj life have not allowed me to make much research for new authorities, which in so larg^ a field would have been almost impossible. What I have found in MS. was not of much importance. Respecting the main points which I have treated, the amount of material available is very large. I am only sorry that the third volume of the ' Monu- menta Conciliorum Greneralium,' containing the end of John of Segovia's History of the Council of Basel, has not yet been published. My work has been written under the difficulties which necessarily attend one who lives far from great libraries, and to whom study is the occupation of leisure hours, not the main object of life. I am conscious of many deficiencies, yet I thought it better to commit my volumes to the press rather than wait for opportunities which might never occur. On the difficult question of the spelling of proper names I am afraid that I have not been so consistent as I hoped to be. I have tried to use the name by which I thought a man was called by his contemporaries ; but I see, when it is too late, that I have occasionally called a man by different titles without explanation, and have sometimes wavered in my spelling. In the case of Cardinals especially, who went by many names amongst their contemporaries, it is difficult always to maintain consistency. I have to thank many friends for their assistance. Pro- fessor Stubbs was an unfailing refuge in case of difficulties. Professor Mayor of Cambridge gave me valuable advice. Mr. Hodgkin's friendly sympathy has constantly cheered me. But my greatest debt of gratitude is due to Rev. M. H. G. Buckle, who has employed the learning of a long life in the laborious task of revising my sheets for the press. EiMULEioN Vicarage, Chathill, Noktuumueuland : July 12, 1882. thsolug: CONTENTS THE FIRST VOLUME. INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER I. TUB KISE OF THE PAPAL POWER. Subject op this work A.D. 100-300. Growth of the organisation of the Church . 330. Foundation of Constantinople leaves Rome to its Bishop Controversies of the East referred to the Western Churcl 347-451. Precedence given to the Bishop of Rome 476-590. Increase of Papal power through decay of the Empire 590-604. Gregory I. makes Papacy chief power in Italy 596-700. Extension of Papal power by Missionary zeal 726-31. The Papacy frees itself fi'om tlie Empire 740-56. Alliance of the Papacy with the Frankish Kingdom 771-800. The Papacy and Charles the Great . 800. Coronation of Charles the Great . Theory of the Holy Roman Empire . 800-58. The Papacy under Charles and his successors Circa 850. Basis of the Papal Monarchy in the Forged Decretals 858-67. Pope Nicolas I 870-950. Anarchy in Empire and Papacy 950-1046. Revival of the Empire 1046-73. Revival of the Papacy under Hildebrand 1073-85. Pope Gregory VII 1095. The Criisades exalt the Papal Monarch}' . Legal basis of the Papal Jlouarchy 1085-1198. Struggle of Empire and Papacy 1159-77. Alexander III. and Frederick Barbarossa 1198-1216. Pope Innocent III Rise of the Preaching and Mendicant Friar Growth of the States of the Church 4 5 6 7 7 8 8 9 10 10 II 11 12 12 13 13 14 15 17 17 18 18 19 20 21 X CONTENTS OF THE FIEST VOLUME. AD. PAGE Effects o£ the Italian policy of the Papacy 22 1227-50. Struggle of the Papacy against Frederick II 22 1261-92. Angevin influence in Italy . . . . . . . . 23 Loss of moral prestige to the Papacy . . . . .23 1294. Pope Cclestine V 21 1294-1303. Pope Boniface VIII 25 1296. Bull ' Clericis laicos ' 26 1300. Jubilee 27 1301-3. Strife of Boniface VIII. and I'hilip IV. of France . . . 27 Fall of the Medieeval Papacy 28 CHAPTER IL THE POPES AT AVIGNON. 1305. 1305-13. 1313-22. 1327. 1327. 1334. 1234-42. 1342. 1342-7. 1352-62. 1362-70. 1370-8. 1378. Opposition to the Papacy in the Fourteenth Century Political ideas of S. Thomas of Aquino . Dante's ' De Monarchia ' . . . Egidio Colonna and John of Paris . Kemoval of the Papacy to Avignon Pope Clement V. .... - Pope John XXII. and the Empire John XXII. and the Mendicants Opposition to John XXII. . Michael of Cesena and William of Occam Marsiglio of Padua and John of Jandun The ' Defensor Pacis ' . . . . Influence of the ideas of Marsiglio Lewis crowrned Emperor in Rome . End of John XXII Benedict XII Reaction against Lewis Clement VI. and Lewis .... Results of the struggle Extortion of the Avignonese Popes . Resistance of England to Papal extortion Innocent VI Urban V Gregory XI Italian feeling towards the Papacy 29 29 30 31 31 32 33 34 35 35 36 37 40 41 42 42 43 44 41 45 47 48 48 49 50 CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. BOOK I. THE GREAT SCHISM. j^ 1378-1414. CHAPTER I. UKBAN VI., CLEMENT YII., AND THE AFPAIES OF NAPLES. 1378-1389. A.D. 1378 PAGE ^0^ A^ ? } Preparation for the Conclave 55 The College of Cardinals 56 Proposals for a compromise ....... 56 April 7-8. The Conclave 57 Tumult at the election of Bartolommeo Prignano . . .58 „ 18. Coronation of Urban VI 59 Urban VI. and the Cardinals .60 Growth of opposition to Urban VI 61 June. Formation of a party against Urban VI 62 July. The Cardinals impugn Urban VI.'s election . . . . 63 August. Legal questions raised by the Cardinals ..... 63 Sept. 20. Counter-election of Robert of Geneva . . . . . . 6i Previous life of Robert of Geneva, Pope Clement VII. . . 65 Division of Europe between the two Popes . . . . 65 Position of Urban VI. in Rome 66 The Companj" of S. George . . . • . • . . 66 1379. Victory of Alberigo da Barbiano 67 April 29. Surrender of the Castle of S. Angelo to Urban VI. . . . 67 June 10. Retreat of Clement VII. to Avignon 68 Neapolitan politics 68 1380. Plot of Giovanna I. against Urban VI 70 April, Death of S. Catharine of Siena 70 November. Alliance of Urban VI. with Hungary 71 June. Adoption of Louis I. of Anjou hy Giovanna I. . . . . 72 November. Preparations of Louis and Charles of Durazzo . ■ .73 1381. Success of Charles of Durazzo . . . . . . 74 1382. Death of Giovanna 1 75 Invasion of Naples by Louis of Anjou . . . . . 75 1383. Urban VI. goes to Naples 75 Dealings of Urban VI. with Charles of Naples . . . . 76 1384. Results of the campaign 78 May. Urban VI. withdraws to Nocera 78 Sept. Death of Louis I. of Anjou .79 Hostilities between Charles and Urban VI. . . . 79 1385. Plot of the Cardinals against Urban VI .80 Siege of Nocera .......... 82 July. Flight of Urban VI. from Nocera 83 xn CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME A.D. Sept. 1386. Urban VI. in Genoa Death of Charles III. of Naples Urban VI. 's design on Naples 1387. Urban VI. at Lucca .... Attempts of Florence to make peace 1388. Urban VL at Perugia Sept. Return of Urban VI. to Rome Urban VI. proclaims a year of Jubilee Oct. 1389. Death of Urban VI . . . Character of Urban VI. . PAGE 8.5 86 87 89 90 91 92 92 CHAPTER II. CLEMENT VII. ; BONIFACE IX. KELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN OXFORD AND PARIS, 1389-1394. Clement VII. wins the obedience of the Spanish Kingdoms Clement VII. and the University of Paris 1389. Theological Controversy in the University of Paris October. Election of Piero Tomacelli, Pope Boniface IX. Conciliatory measures of Boniface IX. 1390. The Jubilee Boniface IX. recognises the Dynasties in the Papal States Resistance to the Papacy in England .... 1340-65. John Wyclif at Oxford 1 366. Refusal of tribute by England to Pope Urban V. . 1371-5. Ministry of John of Gaunt 1377. Proceedings against Wyclif Wyclif 's theory of ' Dominion ' . 1378-80. Wyclif attacks the Papal Primacy .... Wyclif 's theory of the Church Wyclif 's view of the Papal Primacy 1381. Wyclif attacks Transubstantiation .... 1382. Condemnation of Wyclif 's doctrines by the Archbishop Suppression of Wyclifite teachers in Oxford 1383. Crusade of tlie Bishop of Norwich against the Clcmentists 1384. Death of Wyclif Importance of Wyclif 's teacliing . England and l'>oniface IX. . Extortions of Boniface IX. 1390-2. 111-succe.ss of Ladislas in Naples 1377-92. Affairs of Sicily .... 1393. Success of I^adi.slas . . . , 1391-2. Boniface IX. and the INjmans 1392-3. Boniface IX. at Perugia . 1393. The Romans recall Boniface IX. Efforts of tlie University of Paris to end thu Si'hism 94 96 97 98 99 100 100 101 102 102 103 104 104 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 113 114 116 117 118 120 120 121 122 123 CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. XUl Langenstein's ' Concilium Pacis ' Theory of Withdrawal of Allegiance . 1392-4. Action of the University to end the Schism Sept. 1394. Death of Clement VII Character of Clement VII, PAGE . 124 . 124 . 125 . 126 , 127 1394 " Sept. 22-4 Sept. 28. Feb. to ■ Aug. 1395 1395 6. 1397. Mar. 1398. July. 1398-9. 1399-1402. 1394-5. 1396-8. 1398. 1 399. 1400. 1398-1400. 1400. 1401-2. 1402. 1403. March. Maj. 1404. CHAPTER HI. BONIFACE IX. ; BENKDICT XIII.j^ ATTEMPTS OF FRANCE TO HEAL THE SCHISM. 1394-1404. > Attempts of France to prevent a new election . Election of Peter de Luna, Benedict XIII. > Negotiations for Benedict XIII.'s abdication Resistance of Benedict XIII. ...... Hostility of the University of Paris to Benedict XIII. Co-operation of England and Castile .... Conference of Charles VI. and Wenzel at Rheims . Withdrawal of the French allegiance from Benedict XIII Weakness of this procedure .... Fruitless mission of the Bishop of Cambrai Benedict XIII. besieged in Avignon . Reaction in favour of Benedict XIII. Boniface IX. and Ladislas Effects of the policy of France on Boniface IX. Boniface IX. becomes Master of Rome Final success of Ladislas in Naples The Flagellants The Jubilee ." . . Rising of the Colonna in Rome .... Affairs in Germany Deposition of Wenzel ..... Charges against Wenzel .... Election of Rupert as King of the Romans Rupert's Italian expedition .... Death of Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti . Recovery of Bologna and Perugia by Boniface IX. Italian schemes of Sigismund of Hungary Proceedings of Boniface IX. against Sigismund Reaction in France in favour of Benedict XIII. . Escape of Benedict XIII. from Avignon . Moderation of Benedict XIII Restoration of the French obedience to Benedict XIII. Difficulties of the restoration of obedience Death of Boniface IX. Character of Boniface IX 129 129 131 132 133 135 136 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 145 145 147 147 148 149 150 150 151 151 152 153 153 164 155 156 157 158 159 160 XIV CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. CHAPTER IV. INNOCENT Vn. ; BENEDICT XIII, TROUBLES IN IT\LT AND FBANCE. 1404-1406. A.D. Oct. 1404. Disturbances in Rome after the death of Boniface IX Oct. 17. Election of Cosimo dei Migliorati, Innocent VII. Oct, -Nov. Ladislas in Rome ...... Nov. The Romans assert their liberty ... Aug.- 1105. Hostilities between Innocent VII. and the Romans Aug. 6. Flight of Innocent VII. to Viterbo . Aug. 20. Attempt of Ladislas on Rome .... 1405. The Romans submit to the Pope 1405-6. Futile negotiations between the two Popes Benedict XIII. in Genoa .... Jan. 1406. The University proceeds against Benedict XIII. June. Return of Innocent VII. to Rome . , . Nov. Death of Innocent VII PAGE 162 162 163 165 166 168 168 169 170 170 171 172 172 CHAPTER V. GREGORY XII. ; BENEDICT XIII. NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE RIVAL POPES. 1406-1409, 1106. Election of Angelo Correr, Gregory XII. Zeal for unity of Gregory XII 1406-7. Proceedings of France towards Benedict XIII. 1407. Embassy of Gregory XII. to Benedict XIII. AiTangements for a Conference.at Savona Intrigues of Antonio Correr .... JLay. The Ambassadors of France and Benedict XIII. Extravngance of Gregory XII June. Intrignies of Ladislas to prevent the Conference July. Ambassadors of France at Rome Aug. Gregory XII. leaves Rome . . . . . Threatening attitude of Ladislas Nov. Gregory XII. fails to appear at Savona Jan, 1408. Gregory XII. at Lucca ..... April. Seizure of Rome by Ladislas . . . . Change of policy on tlio part of Gregory XII. May. Creation of new Cardinals by Gregory XII. Flight of Gregory XII. '.s Cardinals lo Pisa Bull of Excommunication i.ssued by Benedict XIII. The Bull condemned by the University 175 176 177 178 179 179 180 182 182 18.3 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 19.S 193 CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. XV A.D. June. Flight of Benedict XIII. to Perpignan . Nov. Gregory XII. takes refuge in Rimini July. The Cardinals summon a Council to Pisa 1408-9. Benedict XIII.'s Council at Perpignan Loss of obedience by both Popes Character of Gregory XII. Character of Benedict XIII. PAGE . 194 , 195 , 195 . 196 . 197 . 197 198 CHAPTER VI. THE COUNCIL OF PISA. 1409. 1409. Preparations in Germany Satires against the Popes Power of Cardinal Cossa at Bologna , League of Cossa against Ladislas Failure of Ladislas to hinder the Council Pisa at the time of the Council Mar. 25. Opening of the Council Mar.25-30. First three sessions of the Council . Basis of the conciliar action Opinion of the University of Bologna Opinion of Peter d'Ailly Opinion of Gerson Effects of the Schism on popular ideas April 15. Opposition of Rupert's ambassadors Attempted mediation of Carlo Malatesta Ap. 24-30. Fifth and sixth session May 4. Speech of Piero d'Anchorano May 10. Union of the two Colleges May 1 7-25 The Popes declared contumacious June 5. Deposition of the two Popes , June 5-14. Preparations for a new election Refusal of the Council to hear Benedict XIII. ' June 26. Election of Peter Philargi, Alexander V. . July-Aug. Alexander V. and the Council Aug. 7. Dissolution of the Council . Proposals of reform Influence of the Council on Benedict XIII. and Gregory XII. Defects in the Council's procedure . . . . . . s envoys 200 201 202 204 205 205 207 207 209 209 210 211 211 212 213 213 214 214 215 215 216 217 218 219 219 220 222 222 CHAPTER VII. ALEXANDER V. 1409-1410. 1409. The Papal household in the fourteenth century Dec. Attack on Rome in Alexander V."s behalf . Jan. 1410. Rome won from Ladislas .... Cossa supreme over the affairs of the Church . 225 . 227 . 228 . 228 XVI CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUJIE. A.D. IMay. Death of Alexander V. . Alexander V. and the Friars Character of Alexander V. PAGE . 229 . 230 . 282 May 1410. June. May. October. July 1411. April. May. 1412. May. Nov. 1413. June. 1413. Oct. Dec. 1414. Aug. Oct. CHAPTER VIII. JOHN XXIIT. 1410-1414. Election of Baldassare Cossa, John XXIII. Revolt of Genoa from France Louis of Anjou at Bologna John XXIII. and Carlo Malatesta . Death of Rupert in Germany Three Kings of the Romans . Recognition of Sigismund . John XXIII. enters Rome Defeat of Ladislas at Rocca Secca Premature triumph of John XXIII. Dissolution of the League against Ladislas Italian Condottieri — Sir John Hawkwood Early career of Sforza of Cotignola Sforza and John XXIII. John XXIII. makes peace with Ladislas Gregory XII. at Rimini Council at Rome .... Plans of Ladislas ..... Ladislas' troops occupy Rome . Flight of John XXIII. to Florence Career of Sigismund Sigismund and Italian affairs John XXIII. turns for help to Sigismund Proclamation of the Council of Constance Conference of John XXIII. and Sigismund Advance of Ladislas .... Death of Ladislas .... Character of Ladislas .... Rome recovered for John XXIII. Journey of John XXIII. to Constance . 234 235 236 237 237 237 238 239 239 240 241 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 250 251 252 253 255 255 256 257 258 CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. xvn BOOK 11. THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. * 1414-1418. CHAPTER I. THE COUNCIL OF COIJSTANCE AND JOHIf XXIII. 1414-1415. A.D, General desire for reform of the Church . Testimony of Dietrich Vrie Testimony of Nicolas de Clemanges Basis of the Council's authority . Schemes of the German reformers . 1114. State of Europe at the opening of the Council Nov. 5. Opening of the Council .... Nov. 16. First Session Signs of ojjpositiou to John XXIII. Dec. 7. Proposal for procedure rroi^osal of D'Ailly Dec. 23. Arrival of Sigismund .... Members present at the Council 1115. Sigismund accepts the policy of D'Ailly Jan. Reception of Ambassadors of Gregory XII. and Benedict XllI, Feb. 2. Canonisation of S. Briget Memoir of Cardinal Filastre . Right of voting in the Council . Division of the Council into nations Proposal for John XXIII. 's abdication John XXIII. promises to abdicate . Doubtful attitude of John XXIII. Opposition of John XXIII.'s party . The Curial party tries to win over the Frencl Quarrel between Sigismund and the French Frederick of Austria at Constance .Alar. 20. Flight of John XXIII. . Feb. Mar 16. 1. Mar. 11 Jlar. Mar. -14 17. 19. PAGE . 261 , 261 , 262 265 265 267 268 268 269 270 271 272 272 273 274 275 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 281 282 283 284 1415. Mar. 23. VOL. I, CHAPTER 11. DEPOSTXION OF JOHN xxur. 1415. Resoluteness of Sigismund after John XXIII.'s ihght Sermon of Gerson in defence of tlie Council . Difficult position of the Cnrdinnls . . . . The Council pays little heed to the Cardinals . a . 286 . 287 . 287 . :^88 xviii CONTENTS OF THE FIKST VOLUME. A.D. PAGE Mar. 26. Wise conduct of D'Ailly and Zabarella 288 Mar. 27-8. Increasing distrust of John XXIII 289 Mar. 29. Jolm XXIII. protests against the Council 292 Mar. 30. Decree of the Fourth Session 291 April 6. Re-enacted in the Fifth Session 292 Discomfiture of Frederick of Austria 292 April 17. Proceedings against John XXIII 293 ^ir^ ^o^\ Discussion of the claims of the Cardinals .... 291 May 25. J Helplessness of John XXIII 295 May 5. Submission of Fredericlc of Austria 296 Articles against John XXIII 297 John XXIII,-a prisoner at Eadolfzell . . . . .298 May 29. Deposition of John XXIII 298 Character of John XXIII 299 CHAPTER III. EELIGIOTJS MOVEMENTS IN ENGLAND AND BOHEMIA. The Council's activity against heresy 302 1395. Lollard Petition to the English Parliament . . . .303 1397. Condemnation of Wyclif 's opinions by Archbisliop Arundel . 304 1398-1401. Political character of the Lollard party 305 1401. ' De hicretico combureudo ' 305 1401-4. Decay of tlie Lollard party 306 General results of Wyclif 's teacliing in England . . . 306 Early history of Bohemia 307 1346-78. Reign of Charles IV. in Bohemia . . . . . 308 Efforts of Charles IV. to reform the Clergy . . . .308 13G0-70, Conrad of Waldhausen 308 1363-74. Milicz of Kremsicr 309 Matthias of Janow and Thomas Stitny 310 The University of Prag 311 1378-1400. King Wenzcl and John of Jenstein 311 Influence of Wyclif 's writings at Prag 313 CHAPTER IV. JOHN nUS IN BOHEMIA. 1398-1414. 1369-1402. Early life of IIus Position of Hus 1103. Coiidenmation of Wyclif by University of Prag Has and Archbishop Zbjnek . . . 1100-8. Zbyiick i)roceeds against Wyclilite teachers 314 314 315 316 316 CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. XIX A.D. 1408-9. 1409. Dec. July 1410. Feb. 1411. July. June 1412. July. 1412-3. 1413. 1414. Influence of the Council of Pisa on Wenzcl's position The Germans quit the University of Prag . Influence of this on Germany Bull of Alexander V. against Bohemian heretics Hus prof ests against the Bull .... Zbynek burns Wyclif 's writings . Hus excommunicated by Cardinal Colonna Temporary truce Hus protests against the sale of indulgences Tumult in Prag Excommunication of Hus Hus in exile ...... Wenzel attempts to make peace Literary activity of Hus .... Theological opinions of Hus . Hus agrees to go to the Council of Constance Journey of Hus to Constance . PAGE . 317 . 318 , 318 319 320 , 321 , 322 323 324 325 326 326 327 328 328 330 331 CHAPTER V. THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE AND THE BOHEMIAN EEFORMERS. 1414-1416. 1414. Hus and the opening of the Council .... Enemies of Hus at Constance Opinions at the Council about Hus .... Nov. 28. Hus imprisoned Hus before the Pope and Cardinals .... 1415. Anger of Sigismund at the violation of his safe conduct Arguments in favour of disregarding the safe conduct May 5. Condemnation of Wyclif's writings May 16-31. Protest of Hus's friends .... The Communion under both kinds in Bohemia May 23. Capture of Jerome of Prag .... Different positions of Hus and the Council . June 5. First audience of Hus June 7. Second audience of Hus Attitude of Sigismund .... June 8. Third audience of Hus Incautious confidences of Sigismund . Attempts to induce Hus to retreat . June 15. Decree against the Communion under both kinds Hus bids farewell to his friends July 6. Formal condemnation of Hus .... Hus degraded from the priesthood . Death of Hus Fairness of Hus's trial July 3 Oct, i} Effects of the death of Hus in Bohemia 333 333 334 335 336 337 338 340 341 341 342 343 344 345 347 347 350 350 351 352 353 353 354 356 355 XX CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. A.D. PAGE Sep. 10. Recantation of Jerome of Prag 357 Feb. 1416. Proceedings against Jerome 357 Poggio's account of the trial ....... 358 May 23. Trial of Jerome 359 May 2G. Jerome's second audience 360 .Tcrome witlidraws his recantation . . . . . . 360 Maj 30. Death of Jerome 361 CHAPTER YI. sigismtjnd's jotjeney and the council duking his absence. 1415-1416. July4, 1415. Abdication of Gregory XII. July 18. Departure of Sigismund from Constance September, Sigismund at Perpignan .... Resistance of Benedict XIII. . Dec. 13. Articles of Narbonne .Joy at Constance 1416. Plans of Sigismund Mar.-April. Sigismund in Paris ..... August. Failure of Sigismund's peace projects Aug. 15. Treaty of Canterbury Jan. 1417. Return of Sigismund to Constiince .... July 1415. Appointment of first Reform Commission Complaint of the French nation against Annates November. Failure of their movement against Annates . 1415-6. Lethargy of the Council about Reform Opinions of Jean Petit ....... 1413. Condemnation of Petit by the Bishop of Paris 1415. Moderating attitude of the Council towards the question Quarrel of Gerson and the Burgundian party 1416. Action of the Cardinals Opinions in the Council about Petit's propositions Oct. 15. Incorporation of Aragon Nov.-Dec. Discord of the French and English .... 362 362 363 364 365 365 366 367 367 367 368 369 370 371 372 372 373 373 374 375 375 376 377 CHAPTER VII. COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE AND THE ELECTION OF MARTIN V. 1417. Position of the Council March 3. Protest of the French against the English Nation March 30. Answer of the English January. Citation of Benedict XIII March 30. Demand of Castile for a new election Question of the Council's procedure . 378 379 380 381 382 382 CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. XXI April-June. July 11. July 26. Oct. 8, 1416 1417. Sept. 9. Sept. 9-11. Sept. 11. Sept. 14. Oct Oct 2. 9. Oct. Nov Nov. 9- Nov. 30. . 8. 10. 11. Parties in the Council Change of attitude of the French Nation Disturbance about the order of business Compromise Deposition of Benedict XIII Eeport ofj^he First Keform Commission Appointment of a second Reform Commission The Cardinals press for a Papal election Renewed disturbances at Constance Protest of the Cardinals . . . . . Diminution of Sigismund's party . Resistance of the Germans Sigismund deserted by the English Sigismund driven to consent to a new election . Reform decrees Compromise made by the Bishop of Winchester Decrees for furtherance of Reform . Beginning of the Conclave . . . . . Proceedings of the Conclave .... Election of Oddo Colonna . ' , PAGE . 383 . 385 . 386 , 387 , 388 . 388 , 389 . 389 . 390 , 390 , 391 . 392 . 392 , 393 , 393 , 394 , 395 . 395 , 396 , 397 CHAPTER VIII. MAETIN V. AND THE KEFOKMATION AT CONSTANCE. END OF THE COUNCIL. 1417-1418. 1417. Martin V. confirms the Chancery rules Rules of the Papal Chancery Nov. 21. Coronation of Martin V Difficulties in the way of Reform Jan. 1418. Martin V.'s Reform programme February. Embassy of the Greeks Questions of Petit and Falkenberg . March 21. Reform Statutes . The Concordats of Constance , Contents of the Concordats . The Brethren of Common Life Position of Matthias Grabow April. Grabow condemned by D'Ailly and Gerson April 22. Dissolution of the Council .... May 16. Martin V. leaves Constance Difficulties of Sigismund's departure . Fortunes of D'Ailly and Gerson Results of the Reformation of Constance . Reforms noted at Constance . Renewal of synods Reorganisation of the College of Cardinals 399 399 400 401 402 403 404 406 406 407 408 408 409 409 410 411 411 412 413 414 414 xxii CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. PAGE Papal taxation 415 Papal law-courts 416 Papal grants 416 Papal dispensations . . . .417 Papal revenues ............ 418 Causes of the failure of the Eeform at Constance 418 Defective oroauisation of the Council ........ 419 APPENDIX, 1. The Election of Urban VI 423 2. Dietrich of Niem 425 3. Gobelin Person 428 4. History of Naples 430 5. The French Popes during the Schism 431 6. Benedict XIII 433 7. Boniface IX 434 8. Leonardo Bruni of Arezzo 435 9. Innocent VII. and Gregory XII 437 10. German affairs during the Schism 438 11. Wyclif and England 438 12. The Council of Pisa 439 13. The Council of Constance 440 14. John XXIII 442 15. The Decree of the Fourth Session of the Council of Constance . . 443 16. Bohemia 445 17. The Emperor Sigismund 447 18. National differences at Constance 448 19. Tractates about the Reformation of the Church 449 20. The question of Annates . . . . . . . . ..451 21. The Election of Martin V 451 ADDENDUM TO VOL, I. On the eve of the publication of these volumes I have seen in the ArcMrio Storico per TnestejL'Istria ed il Trentino, for Maj' 1882, an Oratio ad Romanos Cardinnlcs de redintegranda unicndaque eeclesia, in consistorio Jiahita a 1406 Novemhn, by Paolo Vergerio the elder. Vergerio was a papal secretarj', and his speech, addressed to the Cardinals before the Conclave of Gregory XII., is a striking testimony to the effect wliich the discussions in France had pro- duced even in the Curia of the Roman Pope upon an Italian churcliman. The language addressed by a Curial to the Cardinals is in many points as direct as were the utterances of Wyclif and Uus. One or two extracts maj' suffice : — CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUIME. xxiii ' Primum cavete, patres conscripti, ne dum urbem ciistoditis orbem amittatis, et pro exiguo temporal! dominio universa spiritualis obedicntia depereat.' . . . ' Mihi quidem videtur, si nunc voluntate Dei, Petrus et Pauliis resurgerent a mortuis, liuc intra venicntes Ecclesiam banc non recognoscerent ; opinor ne magis earn pro sua reciperent quam ipsi reciperentnr a nobis. . . . Nam ipsi panperes et pajne nudi, nostrum hunc splendorem exterioris cultus quuni vident, non existimaren* hos eos esse qui a se descendissent, et qui pedibus ambulare solcrent, nunc tanto cum apparatu tanta cum pompa procedere, se pallidos jejuniisque maccratos, nos rubentibus baccis iuflatos obcsoque ventre videri ' Errata in Vol. I. Page 40, last line m text, for ' impartial ' read ' important ' „ 50, margin, for ' 1678 ' read ' 1378 ' „ 57, line 6, for ' rank ' read ' origin ' „ 57, uote,/o/- ' existis ' mtd ' ex istis ' ,, 136, line 12 from bottom, for ' Patriarch of Antioch ' read ' Patriarch of Alexandria ' ,, 247, in references in text, for ' 2 ' read ' \,' for ' 3 ' read ' 2 ' „ 327, note, for ' Palec ' i-ead ' Palecz ' „ 351 , margin, for ' June 5 ' read ' June 15 ' Pages 258, 280, 283, 285, 296. I have spoken indifferently of ' Frederick of Austria ' and ' Frederick, Duke of Austria,' following Niem and the otlier authorities in Von der Hardt, who use the terms ' Fredericus Austriacus ' and ' Fredericus Dux ^ ustrio;.' lam afraid that this may be misleading to an English reader; Albert V. of Austria (afterwards Emperor AUiert II.) ruled at Vienna, Frederick of Austi ia ruled the Tyrol and the Austrian domains in Suabia, Elsass, and the Breisgau INTEODUCTION VOL. I. '•7 CHAPTEE I. THE RISE OF THE PAPAL POWER. The change that passed over Europe in the sixteenth century CHAP, was due to the development of new conceptions, political, intel- -> — A— - lectual, and religious, which found their expression in a period Suj^ect of of bitter conflict. The state-system of Europe was remodelled, and the mediaeval ideal of a united Christendom was replaced by a struggle of warring nationalities. The Papal monarchy over the Western Church was attacked and overthrown. The traditional basis of the ecclesiastical system was impugned, and in some countries rejected, in favour of the authority of Scripture. The study of classical antiquity engendered new forms of thought, and created an enquiring criticism which gave a new tendency to the mental activity of Europe. The processes by which these results were achieved were not isolated, but influenced one another. However important each may be in itself, it cannot be profitably studied when con- sidered apart from the reaction of the rest. The object of the following pages is to trace, within a limited sphere, the working of the causes which brought about the change from mediaeval to modern times. The history of the Papacy affords the widest field for such an investigation ; for the Papacy was a chief element in the political system, and was supreme over \ the ecclesiastical system of the Middle Ages, while round it gathered much that was most characteristic of the changing intellectual life of Europe. The period which we propose to traverse may be defined as that of the decline of the Papal monarchy over Western Europe. The abasement of the Papacy by the Great Schism of the fourteenth centmy intensified Papal aggression and wrought havoc in the organisation of the Church. The schemes of reform which consequently agitated Christendom B 2 INTRODUCTION. INTROD. Growth (,f the orftan- isatioii of tlie Church. A.r>. 100- 300. showed a widespread desire for change. Some of these move- ments were held to pass beyond reform to revolution, and were consequently suppressed, while the plans of the conservative reformers failed through national jealousies and want of states- manship. On the failure of these attempts at organic reform the chief European kingdoms redressed the most crying grievances by separate legislation or by agreements with the Pope. A reaction, that was skilfully used, restored the Papacy to much of its old supremacy; but, instead of profiting by the lessons of its adversity, the Papacy only sought to minimise or abolish the concessions which had been wrung from it. Im- pelled by the growing feeling of nationality, it sought a firm basis for itself as a political power in Italy, whereby it regained prestige in Europe, and identified itself with the Italian mind at its most fertile epoch. But by its close identification with Italy, the Papacy, both in national and intellectual matters, drifted apart from Grermany, and the result was a Teutonic and national rebellion against the Papal monarchy — a rebellion so far successful that it divided Europe into two opposing camps, and brought to light differences of national character, of political aim and intellectual ideas, which had grown up un- noticed till conflict forced them into conscious expression. Important as this period may be, it deals only with one or two phases of the history of the Papacy. Before we trace the steps in the decline of the Papal monarchy, it will be useful to recall briefly the means by which it rose and the way in which it was interwoven with the state-system of Europe. The history of the early Church shows that even in Apos- tolic times the Christian congregations felt a need of organisa- tion. Deacons were chosen by popular election to provide for the due ministration of Christian benevolence, and elders were appointed to be rulers and instructors of the congregation. Ab the Apostles passed away, the need of presidency over meetings of the representatives of congregations developed the order of bishops, and led to the formation of districts within which their authority was exercised. The political life which had been extinguished under the Roman Imperial system began to revive in the organisation of the Church, and the old feeling of civic government found in the regulation of ecclesiastical aftairs a new field for its exercise. A line of separation was gradually KOME AND CONSTANTINOPLE. 5 drawn between the clergy and the laity, and the settlement chap. of controversies concerning the Christian faith gave ample scope , ^: . for the activity of the clerical order. Frequent assemblies were held for the discussion of disputed points, and the pre- eminence of the bishops of the chief cities was gradually established over oiher bishops. The clergy claimed authority over the laity, the control of the bishop over the inferior clergy grew more definite, and the bishop in tm-n recognised the superiority of his metropolitan. In th^third century the Christian Churches formed a powerful and active confederacy with an organised and graduated body of officials. The State looked on this new power with suspicion, which' Fountia- at times passed into persecution. Persecution only strength- const'.m- ened the organisation of the Church, and brought into pro-, *^"°|^'^*^ minence the depth of its influence. As soon as it became clear Kome to its that, in spite of persecution, Christianity had made good its .v'.k'aso. claim to be ranked as a power amongst men, the Empire turned from persecution to patronage. Constantine aimed at restoring the Imperial power by removing its seat to a new capital, where it might rise above the traditions of its past. In the new Eome by the Bosphorus the old memories of freedom and of paganism were alike discarded. The gi-atitude of a Christian people to a Christian Emperor, and the servile ideas of the East, combined to form a new foundation for the Imperial power on a ground cleared from those restraints which the past history of the city of Rome seemed to impose on claims to irre- sponsible sway. The plan of Constantine so far succeeded as to erect a compact power in the East, which withstood for centuries the onslaughts of the barbarian invaders who swept over Western Europe. But, though Rome was left widowed of her Imperial splendour, the memories of empire still hung around her walls, and her barbarian conquerors bowed before the awe inspired by the glories of her mighty past. In the rise of the Papacy on the spot left desolate by the Empire, the mysterious power of the old city claimed the futiure as her own by breathing her stern spirit of aggression into the power of love and brotheihood which had begun to bind the world into a vaster system than even the Roman Empire had created. Moreover, in the East the Imperial system had no intention INTRODUCTION. INTHOD. Precedence fjiven to Bishop of Konie. AD. 347- 4S1. A.D.Sr, A I). 4,J1. of conferring on the new religion which it adopted a different position from that held by the old religion which it had laid aside. Christianity was still to be a State religion, and the Emperor was still to be supreme. The internal development of Oriental Christianity strengthened these Imperial claims. The subtilty of the Oriental mind busied itself with specula- tions as to the exact relationships involved in the doctrine of the Trinity, and the exact connexion between the two natures of Christ. A feverish passion for logical definition seized clergy and laity alike, and these abstruse questions were argued with unseemly heat. Patriarchs hurried into rash assertions, which calmer enquiry showed to be dangerous ; and the patriarchates of the East lost respect among the orthodox because their holders had been at times associated with some shallow or over-hardy doctrine. As the struggles waxed fiercer in the East, men's eyes turned with greater reverence to the one patriarch of the West, the Bishop of Kome, who was but slightly troubled by the conflicts that rent asunder the Eastern Church. The practical tendency of the Latin mind ,'was comj^aralively free from the temptations to over-speculation Which beset the subtle Greek. The barbarian settlements in ihe West called out a missionary zeal which was concerned with enforcing the great moral principles of religion on the consciences of men rather than attempting to commend its details to their intelligence by acuteness of definition. The Western Church, which recognised the precedence of the Bishop of Rome, enjoyed the blessings of inward peace, and more and more frequently were questions referred from the troubled East to the decision of the Roman bishop. The f)recedence of the Bishop of Rome over other bishops was a natural growth of the conditions of the times. The need of organisation was forced upon the Chm-ch by internal discords and the hardships of stormy days : the traditions of organisation were a bequest from the Imperial system. It was natural that the Council of Sardica should entrust Bishop Julius of Rome with the duty of receiving appeals from bishops who had been condemned by synods, and ordering, if he thought fit, a fresh trial. It was natural that the Council of Chalcedon should accept the letter brought by the legates of POPE GREGORY I. ' Leo the Great as an orthodox settlement of the weary contests chap. about the union of the divine and human natures in the person , _: . of Christ. The prestige of the Imperial city, combined with the integrity, impartiality, and practical sagacity of its bishops, won for them a general recognition of precedence. The fall of th» shadowy Empire of the West, and the Decay of union of the Imperial power in the person of the ruler oi Con- periai stantinople, brought a fresh accession of dignity and im- f^^ly ju"^ portance to the Bishop of Eome. The distajit Emperor could creases the r i. jp». J. power exercise no real power over the West. The Ostrogothic of the kingdom in Italy scarcely lasted beyond the lifetime of its a.d!^47G- great founder Theodoric. The wars of Justinian only served ^^O- to show how scanty were the benefits of the Imperial rule. The invasion of the Lombards united all dwellers in Italy in an endeavour to escape the lot of servitude and save their land from barbarism. In this crisis it was found that the Imperial (' system had crumbled away, and that the Church alone pos- i sessed a strong organisation. In the decay of the old munici- pal aristocracy the people of the towns gathered round their bishops, whose sacred character inspired some respect in the barbarians, and whose active charity lightened the calamities of their flocks. In such a state of things Pope Gregory the Great raised Gregory i. the Papacy to a position of decisive eminence, and marked out PapacV't'he the course of its future policy. The piety of emperors and chief nobles had conferred lands on the Roman Church, not only in Italy. Italy, but in Sicily, Corsica, Gaul, and even in Asia and Africa, qqI[ '^ until the Bishop of Eome had become the largest landholder in Italy. To defend his Italian lands against the incursions of the Lombards was a course suggested to Gregory by self- interest ; to use the resources which came to him from abroad as a means of relieving the distress of the suffering people in Rome and Southern Italy was a natural prompting of his charity. In contrast to this, the distant Emperor was too feeble to send any effective help against the Lombards, while the fiscal oppression of his representatives added to the miseries of the starving people. The practical wisdom, admi-) nistrative capacity, and Christian zeal of Gregory I. led the! people of Rome and the neighbouring regions to look upon the^ Pope as their head in temporal as well as in spiritual matters, j INTRODUCTION. INTROD. Extension of the Papal power by missionary zeal. A.I). 596- 700. The Papacy frees itself from the Eastern Euiperor. A.I). 72G- The Papacy became a national centre to the Italians, and the attitude of the Popes towards the Emperor showed a spirit of independence which rapidly passed into antagonism and revolt. Gregory I. was not daunted by the difficulties nor absorbed by the cares of his position at home. When he saw Chris- tianity threatened in Italy by the heathen Lombards, he boldly pursued a system of religious colonisation. While dangers were rife at Rome, a band of Roman missionaries carried Chris- tianity to the distant English, and in England first was founded a Church which owed its existence to the zeal of the Roman bishop. Success beyond all that he could have hoped for attended Gregory's pious enterprise. The English Church spread and flom-ished, a dutiful daughter of her mother-chm-ch of Rome. England sent forth missionaries in her tm-n, and before the preaching of Willibrod and Winifred heathenism died away in Friesland, Franconia, and Thuringia. Under the new name of Boniface, given him by Pope Gregory II., Winifred, as Archbishop of Mainz, organised a German Church, subject to the successor of S. Peter. The course of events in the East also tended to increase the importance of the See of Rome. The Mohammedan con- quests destroyed the Patriarchates of Antioch and Jerusalem, wliich alone could boast of an apostolical foundation. Con- stantinople alone remained as a rival to Rome ; but under the shadow of the Imperial despotism it was impossible for the Patriarch of Constantinople to lay claim to spiritual independence. The settlement of Islam in its eastern pro- vinces involved the Empire in a desperate struggle for its existence. Henceforth its object no longer was to reassert its supremacy over the West, but to hold its ground against watchful foes in the East. Italy could hope for no help from the Emperor, and the Pope saw that a breach with the lilmpire would give greater independence to his own position, and enable him to seek new allies elsewhere. An opportunity was not long in offering itself. The great Emperor, Leo the Isam'ian, in his endeavom* to organise afresh the shattered mechanism of the Iin])erial system, saw the need of rescuing Oriental Christianity from an effeminate senti- mentalisiu which snjiped its strength. A spirit of ecstatic and ALLIANCE OF THE PAPACY WITH THE FRANKS. transient devotion before images had taken the place of a serious sense of the hard duties of practical life. By ordering the restriction of images to the purpose of architectural ornaments, Leo hoped to infuse into his degenerate people some of the severe Puritanism which marked the followers of Mohammed. He hoped, moreover, by enforcing his decree to assert the power of the Emperor over the Church, and so to weld his authority into a more harmonious whole. In the East his edict met with serious opposition ; in the West it was regar«led as a needless and unauthorised interference of the Imperial power in the realms of Church government. Combining political and eccle- siastical animosity, Pope Gregory II. loudly protested against ] the execution in Italy of the Imperial decree. The Romans drove from the walls the Imperial governor, and the Pope was left undisputed head of the Imperial city of the West. In this abeyance of the Empire the Lombard King naturally Alliance of aspired to seize the vacant dignity, and the only possible help with the for Italy was to be found in the Frankish kingdom, which, ki'iTgdom! under the strong rule of the house of Pippin of Landen, had ^;^^- ''^'^^ renewed its early vigoui'. In consolidating his power Pippin the Short saw the usefulness of ecclesiastical organisation as a means of binding to the Frankish monarchy the Grerman tribes across the Rhine. Through the labours of Boniface, the apostle of the Germans, the Papacy reaped a rich return for Gregory I.'s gift of Christianity to the English by the formation of an alliance between the Pope and the ruler of the Franks. There were more ways than one in which these two vigorous powers could help each other. Pippin wished to set aside in name, as he had done in deed, the Merovingian line, which still held the titular sovereignty of the Franks. Relieved from their scruples by the supreme priestly authority of the Pope, the Franks elected Pippin, who had hitherto been Mayor of ^'^•v- "oi- the Palace, as their king, and the bishops gave peculiar solemnity to this transfer of national allegiance by the cere- mony of anointing the new sovereign with holy oil. Soon Stephen III. asked for help in his turn, and fled to Pippin a.d. 7j4. before the triumphant advance against Rome of the Lombard King. Pippin recognised his obligations to the Pope. In two campaigns he beat back the Lombard King and made him 10 INTEODUCTION. INTROD. relinquish his conquests. Wishing, moreover, to give a signal token of his gratitude, he bestowed on the Pope the territory which the Lombards had won from the Emperor, the district reaching along the eastern coast from the mouth of the Po to Ancona. Thus the possessions of the Emperor passed into the hands of the Pope, and their acquisition gave definiteness to I the temporal power which circumstances had gradually forced upon the Papacy. On the other hand, the Imperial suzerainty over Italy devolved on the Frankish king, and the vague title of Patrician of Eome, bestowed on Pippin by the Pope as representative of the Eoman people, paved the way for the bestowal of the full Imperial title of the West upon Pippin's more famous son. The Charles the Great, son of Pippin, extended still further the and Charles powcr and renown of the Frankish monarchy, till he won for a'd ^^"T- himself a position which was in truth imperial over Western 800. Europe. He crushed the last remains of the Lombard power in Italy, and extended over the Papacy his protecting arm. A.u 799. LgQ jjj^ gg^ across the Alps to beg for protection against his foes, who had attempted a murderous outrage upon him. Charles led back the Pope in triumph to the rebellious city, Coronation where, on Christmas Day, 800, as he knelt in S. Peter's Church of Charles -r-.-- i-r» as Em- m the garb of a Roman Patrician, the Pope advanced and a!u?8u0. placed upon his head a golden crown, while the church rang with the shout of the assembled Romans, ' Long life and victory to Charles, Augustus, crowned by God, great and pacific Emperor ! ' In such strange fashion did the city of Rome assume once more its right of setting up an emperor, a right which, since the time of Romulus Augustulus, it had been con- tent to leave to the new Rome in the East. Everything tended to make this step both easy and natural. The Eastern Empire was in the hands of a woman, and was sunk for the time both in feebleness and moral decay. The Germans, on the contrary, were united for the first time into a strong power, and were ruled by a vigorous hand. No longer was there any antagonism between Germans and Latins : they had found the need in which each stood of the other and were joined in firm alliance. The coronation of Charles corresponded to the ambition of Latins and Germans alike. To the Latins it seemed to be the restoration to Rome and to Italy of their THE HOLY KOMAN EMPIRE. 11 former glory ; to the Grermans it was the realisation of the chap. dream which had floated before the eyes of the earliest con- ^" querors of their race. To Latins and Germans alike it was at once the recognition of their past achievements and the earnest of their future greatness. No one could have foreseen that the power which would reap the greatest benefit was that repre- sented by him who, in his twofold capacity of chief magistrate of the city of Rome and chief priest of Christendom, placed the crown on the head of the kneeling Qj^arles, and then fell prostrate before him in recognition of his high Imperial dignity. The coronation of Charles may be explained on grounds of Theory of T 1- . -x f 1 1 -x . • .1 -11 the Holy temporary expediency ; but it also had its root m the ideal Roman aspirations of men's hearts, an ideal which was partly a memory ^"^P''"^- of the world-wide organisation of the old Roman Empii'e, and partly an expression of the yearning for universal brotherhood which Christianity had taught mankind. It put into definite ^ form the belief in the unity of Christendom, which was the ( leading principle in mediaeval politics till it was shattered by | the movement which ended in the Reformation. It was na- tural to express this theory in the form of outward organisa- tion, and to set up by the side of a Catholic Chm'ch, which was to care for the souls of all Christian people, a universal empire which was to rule their bodies. No disappointment was rude enough to show men that this theory was but a dream. They were not so much concerned with actual practice ; it was enough for them that the theory was lofty and noble. The establishment of this great symbol of a united Christen- xhe dom could not but produce ultimately an accession to the Papal l^'ir^^y i- J 1 under dignity, though under Charles himself the Pope held the posi- Charles and tion of a grateful subordinate. The Empire was the represen- cessors. tation of God's kingdom on earth ; the Emperor, not the Pope, gjg' ^^^~ was the vicegerent of the Most High ; the Pope was his chief minister in ecclesiastical affairs, standing in the same relation towards him as did the high priest towards the divinely appointed king of the Jewish theocracy. But the strong hand of Charles was needed to keep his Empire together. Under his feeble successors local feeling again made head against the tendencies towards centralisation. The name of emperor became merely an ornamental title of him who, in the partition of the 12 INTRODUCTION. INTROD. Basis of the Pajial monarchy in the Forged Decretals. Circa 850. Pope Nicolas I. A.n. 8ii8- 807. dominions of Charles, obtained the kingdom of Italy. Under ^ the degenerate rulers* of the line of Charles, it was impossible to look upon the Empire as the representation on earth of the kingdom of God. It was at this time that the Papacy was tirst put forward as the centre of the state-system of Europe. The Empire had fallen after having given an expression, as emphatic as it was brief, to the political ideas that lay deep in the minds of men. The unity embodied in the Empire of Charles had been broken up into separate states ; but it still was possible to combine these states into a theocracy under the rule of the Pope. The theory of the Papal monarchy over the Church was not the result merely of grasping ambition and intrigue on the part of individual Popes ; it corresponded rather to the deep-seated belief of Western Christendom. This desire to unite Christen- dom under the Pope gave meaning and significance to the Forged Decretals bearing the name of Isidore, which formed the legal basis of the Papal monarchy. This forgery did not come from Kome, but from the land of the Western Franks. It set forth a collection of pretended decrees of early councils and letters of early Popes which exalted the power of the bishops, and at the same time subjected them to the supervision of the Pope. The Pope was set forth as universal bishop of the Church whose confirmation was needed for the decrees of any council. The importance of the forgery lay in the fact that it ^represented the ideal of the future as a fact of the past, and displayed the Papal primacy as an original institution of the Church of Christ. The Papacy did not originate this forgery ; but it made haste to use it. Pope Nicolas I. claimed and exercised the powers of supreme ecclesiastical authority, and was happy in being able to exercise them in the cause of moral right. The Frankish Church was willing to allow the profligate king Lothar II. to put away his wife that he might marry his mistress. The Pope interfered, sent delegates to enquire into the matter, deposed the Archbishops of Coin and Trier, and forced Lothar into an unwilling submission. In like manner he interposed in the attairs of the Eastern Church, withstood the Emperor, and sided with the deposed Patriarch of Con- ANARCHY OF THE TENTH CENTURY. 18 stantinople. On all sides he claimed for his office a decisive CHAP. supremacy. . _ ; _ . Meanwhile the Empire fell still lower in prestige and power. Anarchy in The Papacy, allying with the feudal feeling of the great Papacy, vassals who were striving to make the Frankish kingship elec- 95^'^'^ tive, declared the !^mpire to he elective also. Charles the Bald in 875 received the Imperial title from the hands of John VIII. as a gift of the Pope, not as a hereditary dignity. If the decay of the Frankish monarchy had not involved the destruction of order throughout Eiurope, the Papacy mighfnave won its way rapidly to supreme temporal as well as spiritual power. But the end of the ninth century was a time of wild confusion. Saracens, Normans, Slavs, plundered and conquered almost at will, and the Frankish kings and the Popes were equally powerless to maintain their position. The great vassals among the Franks destroyed the power of the monarchy. The fall of the Imperial power in Italy deprived the Popes of their pro- tector, and left them helpless instruments in the hands of the Italian nobles, who were called their vassals. Yet, even from its degradation the Papacy had something to gain, as the claims put forth by Nicolas I. gained in validity by not being exercised. When Empire and Papacy at last revived, two cen- turies of disorder threw a halo of immemorial antiquity over the Forged Decretals and the bold assertions of Nicolas I. From this common abasement the temporal power was the Revival of first to rise. The German peoples within the Empire of a.d.950-''* Charles the Great were at length united by the urgent necessity ^^^*'- of protecting themselves against barbarous foes. They formed a strong elective monarchy, and shook themselves loose from their Komanised brethren, the Western Franks, amongst whom the power of the vassals was still to maintain disunion for centuries. The German kingdom was the inheritor of the ideas and policy of Charles the Great, and the restoration of the Imperial power was a natural and worthy object of the Saxon line of kings. The restoration of the Empire involved a restoration also of the Papacy. But this was not left solely to political considerations, A revival of Christian feeling found a centre in the great monastery of Cluguy, and the monastic reformers, thoroughly imbued with the ideas of the Forged Decretals, aimed at uniting Christendom under the 14 INTRODUCTION. INTROD. headship of the Pope. Their immediate objects were to bring ' back the clergy to purer and more spiritual lives, and to check the secularisation of the clerical office which the growing wealth of the Church and the lax discipline of stormy times had gradually wrought. Their cry was for the strict enforce- ment of the celibacy of the clergy and the suppression of simony. They felt, however, that reform must begin with the head, and that no one could restore the Papacy except the Emperor. Henry III. was hailed as a second David, when at the Synod of Sutri he superintended the deposition of three simoniacal or profligate Popes who were struggling for the chair of S. Peter. Then under a noble line of German popes the Papacy was again identified with the highest spiritual life of Christendom, and learned to borrow the strength of the Imperial system, under whose shadow it grew to power. Revival of This condition of tutelage to the Empire could not long under'^^'^*^^ continue. The German bishop might be filled with the Hiide- deepest loyalty to the Emperor ; but his ideas and aspirations A.D. 1016- became enlarged when he was raised to the lofty position of Head of the Church. So soon as the Papacy was re-established, it aimed at independence. The next aims of the reformers were to make Eome the centre of the new ideas, to secure for the Papacy a safe position in Rome itself, and to free it from its dependence on the Empire. Their leading spirit was an Italian monk, Hildebrand of Saona, who, both at Rome and Clugny, had studied the reforming policy, and then, with keen and sober appreciation of the task that lay before him, set him- self to give it effect. Hildebrand combined the resoluteness that came from monkish discipline with the versatility and clear judgment that mark a statesman. He labom-ed patiently at the task of enforcing ideas which might provide a basis for the Papal power. His aim was to make clear the principles on which the Papal monarchy was to rest, and he trusted to the future to fill in ihe outline which he was careful to trace distinctly. He had the greatest mark of political genius — he knew how to wait till the full time had come. He maintained the German power in Rome till it had crushed the factious party among the Roman nobles. Then, by entrusting the Papal election to the Cardinal-bishops, priests and deacons, a step was taken which professed to check the turbulence of the 1073 POPE GREGORY VII. 15 Eoman people, but which also stopped Imperial interference, chap. An alliance with the Norman settlers in South Italy won to the ^ Papal cause soldiers who had a direct interest in opposing the Imperial claims. The Papacy slowly prepared to assert its independence of Imperial protection. When at lengtl^the time was ripe, Hildebrand ascended the Pope Gre- Papal throne as Gregory YII. Full of zeal and enthusiasm, he f"nfi073- was desirous of carrying out the grandest schemes. He wished ^^^^• to summon an army from the whole of Christendom, which under his leadership should conquer Byzantium, unite the Eastern and Western Churches under one head, and then march triumphantly against the Saracens and expel them from the lands where they had usurped an unlawful sway A worthy domain was to be secured for the Papal monarchy by the restoration of the old limits of Christendom, and the glories of the brightest age of the Church were to be brought back once more. It was a splendid dream — fruitful, like all that Gregory did, for later times ; but with a sigh Gregory renounced his dream for the harsh realities of his actual condition. Men were lukewarm ; the Church at home was corrupt ; kings and rulers were profligate, careless, and unworthy of a lofty aim. The reforming principles must sink deeper before Western Christen- dom was fitted for a noble mission. So Gregory VII. turned to enforce immediate reforms. The celibacy of the clergy had long floated before the eyes of Christians as an ideal ; Gregory VII. called on the laity to make it a reality, and bade them abstain from the ministrations of a married priest, ' be- cause his blessing was turned into a curse, his prayer into sin.' In the midst of the storm which this severity aroused, he went on to take rigorous measures against simony, and struck at the root of the evil by forbidding all investiture by laymen to any spiritual office. Gregory VII. put forward his ideas in their most pronounced and decided form : he claimed for the Church an entire independence from the temporal power. Nor. was this all ; as the struggle advanced he did not hesitate to declare that the independence of the Church was to be found' solely in the assertion of its supremacy over the State. We read- with wonder the claims which he put forward for the Papacy ; but our wonder is changed into admiration when we consider how many of them were realised by his successors. Gregory VII. 16 INTRODUCTION. INTROD. did not aim at securing the Papal monarchy over the Church ; ' that had been established since the days of Nicolas I. He ! aimed at asserting the freedom of the Church from the worldly ! influences which benumbed it, by setting up the Papacy as a i power strong enough to restrain Church and State alike. In ecclesiastical matters Gregory enunciated the infallibility of the Pope, his power of deposing bishops and restoring them at his own will, the necessity of his consent to give universal validity to synodal decrees, his supreme and irresponsible juris- diction, the precedence of his legates over all bishops. In political matters he asserted that the name of Pope was incom- parable with any other, that he alone could use the insignia of empire, that he could depose emperors, that all princes ought to kiss his feet, that he could release from their allegiance the subjects of wicked rulers Such were the magnificent claims which Grregory VII. bequeathed to the mediaeval Papacy, and pointed out the way towards their realisation. j Such views as these necessarily led to a struggle between the temporal and spiritual power. The conflict was first with the Empire, which was connected in the most vital way with the Papacy. Gregory VII. was happy in his adversary, the profligate and careless Henry IV. Strong as were the opponents whom the rigorous policy of Gregory raised up, the opponents of the misgovernment of Henry IV. were still stronger. The Saxons rose in revolt against a ruler of the house of Franconia ; the enemies of the King combined with the Pope, and Henry IV.'s moral weakness, gave Gregory the opportunity of iinpressing by a striking dramatic act his view of the Papal power upon the imagination of Europe. Three days did the humbled monarch in the courtyard of the castle of Canossa sue for absolution from the triumphant Pope. Gregory as priest could not refuse absolution to a penitent, and by obtaining absolution Henry could overthrow the plans of his opponents ; but Gregory, as a politician, resolved that the absolution so reluctantly extorted, which frustrated his designs for the present, should work for the future furtherance of his aims. The humiliation of Henry IV. was made a type to posterity of the relations between the temporal and spiritual power. Gregory VII. boldly plunged the Papacy into an inter- TUE CRUSADES. 17 ininable strife. He was not daunted by the horrors which followed, when Rome was plundered by the Normans whom he summoned to his aid. He died in exile from his capital, still confident in the justice of his aims, and left the fruits of his labours for others to reap. The course of Events in Europe carried away men's interests Tiie to a field where the Pajiacy came into prominence which there exau'tiil was none to dispute. The outburst of crusadingf zeal vmited ^'-^V'*^ , ,. f. . . Ill inonarcliy. Christendom for common action, in which-**the unity of the Church, which had before been a conception of the mind, became a reality, and Europe seemed one vast army under the leadership of the Pope. But, in the pious enthusiasm of Urban II. at Clermont, we miss the political wisdom of Gregory A"II. Urban could animate but could not guide the zeal with a.d. 1095, which men's hearts were full ; and, instead of the scheme of organised conquest which Gregory VII. had mapped out, he kindled a wild outburst of fanaticism which led only to dis- illusionment. Yet the movement corresponded too closely to men's desires for any failm'e to extinguish it. The old roving spirit of the Teutons was turned into a new channel by its alliance with revived zeal for the Church. The materialism of the Middle Ages long sought to find the spirit of Christ in local habitation of those fields which His feet had trodden. So long as the crusading movement lasted, the Papacy neces- sarily occupied the chief place in the politics of Europe. Other influences were also at work which tended to Lef-ai basis strengthen the building which Gregory VII. had raised. Gre- p"^'"; gory had gathered around him a school of canonists whose mouarciiy. labours put into legal form the pretensions which he had ad- vanced. The University of Bologna, which became the great centre of legal teaching throughout Western Europe, imbibed and extended the ideas of the Isidorian Decretals, and of the Hildebrandine Canonists. From Bologna issued in the middle of the twelfth century the Decretum of Gratian, which was accepted throughout the JNIiddle Ages as the recognised code of canon law. It embodied all the forgeries which had been made in the interests of the Papacy, and carried to its logical con- sequences the Hildebrandine system. Moreover, the University of Paris, the centre of mediteval theology, developed a system of theology and philosophy which gave full recognition to the VOL. I. C 18 INTRODUCTION. INTROD. Struggle of Papacy and Empire. A.D. 1085- 1198. A.i). 107S- 1254. Alexander III. and Frederic Barbarossa. A.r>. 1159- 1177. Papal claims. In law and jihilosopliy alike men's minds were led up to the acknowledgment of the Papal supremacy as the necessary foundation both of Christian society and thought. The struggle about investiture ended, as was to be expected, in a compromise ; but it was a compromise in which all the glory went to the Papacy. Men saw that the Papal claims had been excessive, even impossible ; but the object at which they aimed, the freedom of the Church from the secularising tendencies of feudalism, was in the main obtained. The conflict aroused by Gregory VII. deepened in men's minds the sense of spiritual freedom, and if it did not set up the Church as independent of the State, at least it saved it from sinking into a passive instrument of royal or aristocratic oppression. But the contest with the Empire still went on. One of the firmest supporters of Gregory VII. had been Matilda, Countess of Tuscany, over whose fervent piety Gregory had thrown the spell of his powerful mind. At her death, she bequeathed her possessions, which embraced nearly a quarter of Italy, to the Holy See. Some of the lands which she had held were allodial, some were fiefs of the Empire ; and the inheritance of JNIatilda was a fruitful source of contention to two powers already jealous of one another. The constant struggle that lasted for two centuries gave full scope for the development of the Italian towns. Courted first by one side, and then by the other, they learned how to wring privileges from the Emperor in return for the help they gave him ; and when the Imperial pretensions became irksome, they sided with the Pope against their common foe. The old Italian notion of establish- ing municipal freedom by an equilibrium of two contending powers was stamped still more deeply on Italian politics by the wars of Guelfs and Ghibellins. The union between the Papacy and the Lombard Eepublics was strong enough to humble the mightiest of the Emperors. Frederic Bai'barossa, who held the strongest views of the Imperial prerogative, had to confess himself vanquished by Pope Alex- ander III., and the meeting of Pope and Emperor at Venice was a memorable ending to the long struggle; that the great Emperor should kiss the feet of the Pope whom he had so long refused to acknowledge, was an act which stamped itself with dramatic etfect on the imagination of men, and gave rise to fables of a 1216. POPE INNOCENT III. 19 still more lowly submission. The length of the strife, the chap.. renown of Frederic, the unswerving tenacity of purpose with \' which Alexander had maintained his cause, all lent lustre to this triumph of the Pajpacy. The consistent policy of Alex- ander III., even in adverse circumstances, the calm dignity with which he assorted the Papal claims, and the wisdom with which he used his opportunities, made him a worthy successor to Gregory VII. at a great crisis in the fortunes of the Papacy. It was reserved, however, for Innocent LU. to realise most Pope Inno- cent III fully the ideas of Hildebrand. If Hildebrand was the Julius, a.u. ii98- Innocent was the Augustus, of the Papal Empire. He had not the creative genius nor the fiery energy of his great fore- runner ; but his clear intellect never missed an opportunity, and his calculating spirit rarely erred from its mark. A man of severe and lofty character, which inspired universal respect, he possessed all the qualities of an astute political intriguer. He was lucky in his opportunities, as he had no formidable antagonist ; among the rulers of Europe his was the master mind. In every land he made the Papal power decisively felt. In Germany, France, and England, he dictated the conduct of the Kings. His very success, however, was fraught with danger for the future. In England, the Pope might treat the kingdom as a fief of the Holy See; but when he attempted to use the Papal power in his vassal's aid against the old liberties of the land, he awakened a distrust of the Papacy which quickly grew in English hearts. On all sides Innocent III. enjoyed successes beyond his hopes. In the East, the crusading zeal of Europe was turned by Venice to the conquest of Constantinople, and Innocent could rejoice for a brief space in the subjection of the Eastern Church. In the West, Innocent tm-ned the cru- sading impulse to the interest of the Papal power, by diverting it against heretical sects which, in Northern Italy and the South of France, attacked the system of the Church. These sectaries consisted of men opposed partly to the rigidity of sacerdotalism, partly to the intellectual narrowness of the Church doctrine, partly to the immoral and unspiritual lives of the clergy ; others again had absorbed Manichaean heresies and vague Oriental mysticism ; while others used these sects as a cover for antinomian views, for religious heedlessness, and profligacy of life. Looked at from the point of view of our own c2 20 INTRODUCTION. INTKOD. fliiy, lliey seem a strange mixture of good and evil ; but from ~ ' the point of view of the Middle Ages they were a spectacle which could only be regarded with horror. They destroyed the unity of religious belief and practice ; and without the visible unity of the Church, Christianity became in men's eyes a mockery. It was in vain to hope for God's blessing on their arms against the infidels in the Holy Land, if they allowed unbelievers within the pale of Christendom to rend asunder Christ's seamless coat. Innocent III. did not speak in vain when he proclaimed a crusade against the Count of Toulouse, whose dominions afforded the chief shelter to these heretics. Political jealous}' and a desire for booty strengthened religions fanaticism ; the storm of war swept over the smiling fields of I^anguedoc, and the taint of heresy was washed away in blood. From this time forward the duty of seeking out heretics and bringing them to punishment became a prominent part of the episcopal office. Rise of the INIoreover Innocent saw the beginning, though he did not ^hT'm '"d" perceive the full importance, of a movement which the reaction cant Friars, against heresy produced within the Church. The Crusades had quickened men's activity, and the heretical sects had aimed at kindling greater fervour of spiritual life. The old ideal of Christian duty, which had grown up among the miseries of the downfall of the Koman world, gave way to an impulse towards more active zeal. By the side of the monastic aim of averting, by the prayers and penitence of a few, God's anger from a wicked world, there grew up a desire for self-devotion to missionary labour. Innocent III. was wise enough not to repulse this new enthusiasm, but find a place for it within the ecclesiastical system. Francis of Assisi gathered round him a body of followers who bound themselves to a literal following of the Apostles, to a life of poverty and labour, amongst the poor and outcast ; Dominic of Castile formed a society which aimed at the suppression of heresy by assiduous teacliing of the truth. The Franciscan and Dominican orders grew almost at once into power and importance, and their foundation marks a great reformation within the Church. The reformation movement of the eleventh century, under the skilful guidance of Hildebrand, laid the foundations of the Papal monarchy in the lielief of Europe." The reformaiion of (he thirteenth century found full THE STATES OF THE CHURCH. 21 scope for its energy under the protection of the Papal power ; for chap. the Papacy was still in sympathy with the conscience of Europe, . _ • which it could quicken and direct. These mendicant orders were directly connected with the Papacy, and were free from all episcopal control. Their zeal awakened popular enthu- siasm ; they rapWly increased in number and spread into every land. The Friars became the popular preachers and confessors, and threatened to supersede the old ecclesiastical order. Not only amongst the common people, but in the universities as well, did their influence become supreme. They were a vast army devoted to the service of the Pope, and over- ran Europe in his name. They preached Papal indulgences, they stirred up men to crusades in behalf of the Papacy, they gathered money for the Papal use. Nowhere could the Pope have found more effective servants. Innocent III. did not realise the full importance of these new helpers; and even without them he raised the Papacy to its highest level of power and respect. The change which he wrought in the attitude of the Papacy may be judged from the fact that, whereas his predecessors had contented themselves with the title of Vicar of Peter, Innocent assumed the name of "N'icar of Christ. Europe was to form a great theocracy under the direction of the Pope. If Innocent III. thus realised the Hildebrandine ideal of I Growth of the Papacy, he at the same time opened up a dangerous field' of n,J''*^'^^ for its immediate activity. Innocent III. may be called the Church, founder of the States of the Church. The lands with which Pippin and Charles had invested the Popes were held subject to the suzerainty of the Frankish sovereign and owned his jurisdiction. On the downfall of the Caroliogian Emph-e the neighbouring nobles, calling themselves Papal vassals, seized on these lands ; and when they were ousted in the Pope's name by the Normans, the Pope did not gain by the change of neigh- bours. Innocent III. was the first Pope who claimed and\ exercised the rights of an Italian prince. He exacted from the Imperial Prefect in Eome the oath of allegiance to himself ; he drove the Imperial vassals from the Matildan domain, and compelled Constance, the widowed queen of Sicily, to recognise the Pa})al suzerainty over her ancestral kingdom. He obtained from the Emperor Otto IV. (1201) the cession of all the land 22 INTEODUCTION. INTROD. which the Papacy claimed, and so established for the first time " ' ' an undisputed title to the Papal States. Innocent was an Italian as well as a Churchman. As a Churchman he wished to bring all the kings and princes of Europe into submission to the Papal power ; as an Italian he aimed at freeing Italy from foreign rulers, and uniting it into one State under the Papal sway. In this new sphere which Innocent opened up lay the great danger of Innocent's successors. The Papal monarchy over the Church had won its way to universal recognition, and the claim of the Papacy to interfere in the internal affairs of European States had been established. It was natural for the Papacy at the height of its power to strive after a firm territorial basis on which to rest secure ; what had been gained by moral superiority must be kept by political force. However distant nations might tremble before the Papal decrees, it often happened that the Pope himself was exiled from his capital by the turbulent rabble of the city, or was fleeing before foes whom his Imperial antagonist could raise against him at his very gates. The Papacy was only obeying a natural instinct of self-preservation in aiming at a temporal sovereignty which would secure it against temporal mishaps. Effects of Yet the whole significance of the Papacy was altered when poUcyVf*" this desire to secure a temporal sovereignty in Italy became a the Papacy, je^ding feature of the Papal policy. The Papacy still held the same position in the eyes of men, and its existence was still held necessary to maintain the fabric of Christendom ; but a Pope straining every nerve to defend his Italian possessions did not appeal to men's sympathies. So long as the Papacy had been fighting for ecclesiastical privileges, or for the establish- ment of its own dignity and importance, it had been fighting for an idea which in the days of feudal oppression awakened as much enthusiasm as does a struggle for freedom in oiu- own day. When the Papacy entered into a war to extend its own possessions, it might win glorious victories, but they were won at a ruinous cost. Stniffffleof The Emperor Frederic II., who had been brought up againsr''"^ uudcr lunoccnt's guardianship, proved the greatest enemy of ^'^T^i'j.'"'' . vzdi- endowed with all the fire of Gregory VII., and with the keen political instincts of Innocent IV., he failed to understand either the disastrous results to the Papacy of the policy of his predecessors, or the hidden strength of the opposition which it had kindled. The Papacy had destroyed the Empire, but in its victory had fallen with its foe. In overthrowing the Empire it had weakened the outward expression of the idea on which its own power was founded, and had first used, and then be- trayed, the growing feeling of nationality, which was the rising enemy of the mediaeval system. When Boniface VIII. aimed at absorbing into the Papacy the Imperial power, when he strove to weld together Europe into a great confederacy, over which the Pope was to preside, at once the head of its religion and the administrator of a system of international law, he only brought to light the gulf which had been slowly widening between the aims of the Papacy and the aspirations of Europe. His weapons were the weapons of this world, and though his utterances might assume the cover of religious phrases, his arts were those of an adventurous politician. First he resolved to secure himself in Rome, which he did by the remorseless over- throw of the Colonna fiimily. In the rest of Italy he aimed at bringing about order by crushing the Ghibellins and putting ihe Guelfs in power. He called in French help to restore the unity of the Sicilian kingdom, wliich had been 26 INTRODUCTION. Bull of ' Clericis laicos.' A.D. 129G INTROD. broken by the rebellion of 1282, and Charles of Valois over- threw the Grhibellins in Florence, and drove Dante into exile ; but, beyond drawing on himself and the Pope the hatred of the Italian people, he accomplished nothing. While these were his measures in Italy, Bonifiice VIII. advanced with no less boldness and decision elsewhere. He de- manded that the Kings of England and France should submit their differences to his arbitration. When they refused, he tried to make war impossible without his consent by cutting off one great source of supplies, and issued a bull, forbidding the taxation of the clergy, except by the consent of the Pope. But in England Boniface was repelled by the vigorous measures of Edward I., who taught the clergy that, if they would not con- tribute to the maintenance of civil government, they should not have the advantages of its protection. In France, Philip IV. retaliated by forbidding the export of gold or silver from his realm without the royal consent. Boniface was thus cut off from the supplies which the Papacy raised for itself by taxation of the clergy. Even while professing to fight the battle of clerical privilege, Boniface could not carry with him the staunch support of the clergy themselves. They had experienced the fiscal oppression of Pope and King equally, and found that the Pope was the more intolerable of the two. If they had to submit to the tender mercies of one or the other, the King was at least more amenable to reason. For a time Boniface had to give way ; but circumstances soon seemed to favour him. A quarrel arose between Edward I. and Philip IV., from which both wished to withdraw with credit. Boniface, not in his Papal, but in his individual capacity, was appointed arbitrator. In giving his award he assumed the character of a Pope, and pronounced the penalty of excommunication against those who infringed its conditions. Moreover, he took up the position of an absolute superior in the affairs of the German kingdom, where he disallowed the election of Albert of Austria. In England he claimed to interfere in the settlement of Edward's relations towards Scotland. Edward submitted the Pope's letter to Parliament, which replied to Boniface that the English kings had never answered, nor ought to answer, about their rights to any judge, ecclesiastical or civil. The s])iYit of national resist- ance to the claims of the Papacy to exercise supremacy in QUARREL OF BONIFACE VIII. AND PHILIP IV. 27 temporal matters was first developed under the wise govern- ment and patriotic care of Edward I. Yet Boniface could not read the signs of the times. He was misled by the outburst of popular enthusiasm and religious zeal which followed the establishment of a year of jubilee in 1300. The crusadkig age was past and gone; but the spirit that animated the Crusades still survived in Europe. The rest- less desire to visit a holy place and see with their bodily eyes some guarantee of the reality of their devotion, drove crowds of pilgrims to Kome to earn by prayers and offerings the pro- mised absolution for their sins. Others since the days of Boni- face have been, misled as to the real strength of a system, by taking as theii* measure the outbursts of feverish enthusiasm which it could at times call forth. Men trampled one another to death in their eagerness to reach the tombs of the Apostles ; yet in three short years the vicar of S. Peter found no one to rescue him from insult and outrage. The breach between Boniface VIII. and Philip IV. went on Strife of ■1- »i-rk !• •!• IJoiiiface Widening. As the Pope grew more resolute m asserting his viii. and pretensions, the King gathered the French clergy and people of 'France! more closely around him. The growth of legal studies had i\l.*o^^^^~ raised up a class of lawyers who could meet the Pope on his own ground. As he fortified himself by the principles of the canon law, the French legists rested on the principles of the old civil law of Rome. The canon law, in setting up the Pope as supreme over the Church, had but followed the example of the civil law, which traced its own origin to the Imperial pleasure. The two systems now met in collision, and their fundamental identity rendered compromise impossible. Angry bulls and letters followed one another. The Pope furbished up all the weapons in his armoury. On doctrinal grounds he asserted that, ' as Grod made two lights, the greater light to rule the day, and the lesser light to rule the night,' so He set up two jurisdictions, the temporal and the spiritual, of which the spi- ritual is greater, and involves the temporal in point of right, though not necessarily in point of use. On historical grounds he asserted : ' Our predecessors have deposed three Kings of France, and if any King did the wrong which they did, we would depose him like a servant.' Against this was set up the intel- ligible principle, that in things temporal the King held his 28 INTRODUCTION. INTROD. power suliject to God alone. Both sides prepared for extrciiii- ■ ties. Philip's lawyers accused the Pope of heresy, of crime, of siinony, and appealed to a General Council of the Chiuxh. Boniface excommunicated Philip, and prepared to pronounce against him the sentence of dethronement, releasing his sub- jects from their allegiance. But Philip's plans were cunningly laid, and he had Italian craft to help him. The day before the bull of deposition was to have been published, Boniface was made prisoner by a band of Philip's adherents. The exiled Italian, Sciarra Colonna, planned the attack, and the acuteness of the Tolosan, Guillaume de Nogaret, one of Philip's lawyers, helped to make its success complete. As he sat, unsuspecting of evil, in the retirement of his native Anagni, Boniface was suddenly surprised and maltreated, without a blow being struck in his behalf. It is true that on the third day of his captivity he was rescued ; but his prestige was gone. Frenzied, or heart-broken, we know not which, he died a month after his release. Fall of the With Boniface VIII. fell the mediaeval Papacy. He hod Papacy. striven to develop the idea oi the Papal monarchy mto a deh- nite system. He had claimed for it the noble position of arbiter amongst the nations of Europe. Had he succeeded, the power which, according to the mediaeval theory of Christendom, was vested in the Empire, would have passed over to the Papacy no longer as a theoretical right, but as an actunl possession ; and the Papacy would have asserted its supremacy over the rising state-system of Europe. His failure showed that with the destruction of the Empire the Papacy had fallen likewise. Both continued to exist in name, and set forth their old pre- tensions ; but the Empire, in its old aspect of head of Christen- dom, had become a name of the past or a dream of the future since the failure of Frederic II. The failure of Boniface VIII. showed that the same fate had overtaken the Papacy likewise. The suddenness and abruptness of the calamity which befell Boniface impressed this indelibly on the minds of men. The Papacy had first shown its power by a groat dramatic act ; its decline was manifested in the same way. The drama of Anagni is to be set against the drama of Cauossa. 29 CHArTER ir. THE rOPES AT AVIGNON. the four- teeuth century. We speak loosely of the Reformation as though it were a CHAP. definite event ; we ought rather to regard the fall of the Papal - .'- autocracy as the result of a number of political causes which Oppositioi 11 11 to the had slowly gathered strength. The victory of the Papacy over Paimey in Frederic II. marked the highest point of its power: the beginning of the fourteenth century saw the rise of new ideas which gradually led to its fall. The struggle of Philip IV. against Boniface VIII. was carried on by new weapons — by appeals to political principles. The rights of the State were asserted against the claims of the Papal monarchy, and the assertion was made good. The Papacy had advanced to power partly by religious, partly by political means ; and the Pa})al claims rested on principles which were drawn partly from texts of Scripture, partly from historical events in the past. To overthrow the Papal monarchy both of these bases had to be iipset. The ideas of the ^Middle Ages had to make wa}' for the ideas of the Renaissance before it was possible for men to grasp the meaning of Scripture as a whole, and found their political as well as their social life upon a wide conception of its spirit. But this was the second part of the process, for which the first part was necessary. Before men advanced to the criticism of Scripture they undertook the criticism of histor\\ Against the Papal view of the political facts and pi'inciples of the past, the men of the fourteenth century advanced new principles and interpreted the facts afresh. The mediaeval conception of the Papal power was set forth roiitieai by Thomas of Aquino. His ideal of government was a con- s.^Thonias stitutional monarchy, strong enough to keep order, not strong «fA(iiuih.. enough to become tyrannical. The object of Christian society is to lead men to eternal salvation, and this worl^ is done by 30 INTRODUCTION. INTROD. Dante's ' De Mon- archia.' tlie priests under the rule of the Pope. Under the Old Testament dispensation priests had been subject to kings ; under the N.ew Testament dispensation kings are subject to priests in matters pertaining to Christ's law. The king must see that such things as are necessary for the salvation of his people are cared for, and that things contrary thereto are for- bidden. If a king is heretical or schismatic, the Church must deprive him of his power, and by excommunicating him release his subjects from their allegiance. The Church which is thus to lead the State must be ruled by a monarchy strong enough to preserve the unity of the faith, and decide in matters that arise w^hat is to be believed and what condemned (nova editio symboli). In the Pope is vested the authority of the universal Church, and he cannot err ; according to Christ's words to Peter, ' I have prayed for thee that thy faith fail not.' Against such ideas the struggle of Boniface VIII. and Philip IV. produced a reaction, which may be seen in the ' De Monarchia ' of Dante, who in behalf of the Empire asserted the claims of the temporal against the spiritual power. Dante's Empire was the ideal creation of unity, peace, and order, which floated before the mediaeval mind. The empire, he argues, is necessary for the good of mankind, since the end of society is unity, and unity is only possible through obedience to one head. This empire belongs of right to the Eoman people who won it, and what they won Christ sanctioned by being born into it ; further He recognised its legitimacy by receiving at the hands of a Roman judge the sentence by which He bore our sorrows. The assertions of those who maintain that the empire does not come immediately from God, but mediately through the Pope, are not to be received ; they are founded on the Decretals and other traditions which came after the Church, and could not therefore confer on the Church any rights which it did not l»reviously possess. The foundation of the Church is Christ ; the Empire existed before the Church, which received from Christ no authority over the Empire, and therefore possesses none ; ' yet,' he ends, ' let Cassar be reverent to Peter, as the ' See especially S. Thomas Aquinas, Be rc(j'wnnc pnndpum, of which the first two books were bj- S. Thomas himself, the last two by a scholar, probably rtolemnius of Lucca. See also r>aumann, Die Staaislelvre des heil. Thomas von Aquino. Leipzig, 1873. DANTE'S 'DE MONARCiriA.' 31 first-bovn son should be reverent to his father.' Dante's CHAP. arguments are scholastic and obscure, resting frequently on / . merely verbal grounds ; but the importance of the ' De Monarchia' lies in the fact that, against the Decretals and against the current interpretation of Scripture, it founds a political system on the basis of reason and of historical fact. The form of the hpok is mediaeval, but a modern spirit of political dignity breathes through its pages.' Dante's ' De Monarchia ' is but a specimen of the writings which the conflict of Boniface YIII. and Philiij;,IV. called forth. .(^Cgidius Colonna, who became Archbishop of Eourges, and John Egidio of Paris, a Dominican monk, asserted the independent existence aiid"john of the temporal and the spiritual power, since both alike came ^^ P-^ri^- from God, and each has its own sphere of action ; in many points the priesthood must be subject to the monarchy, and in no way could it be shown that the Papacy had any jurisdiction over the realm of France. John of Paris went further and argued that, as Christ exercised no dominion in temporal matters, no priest could, on the ground of being Christ's vicar, exercise a power which his INIaster never claimed.^ In these and such like arguments there is an attempt to reach the facts of primitive Christianity, and use them as a means of criticising the Papal claims to universal monarchy. These attacks upon the Papal position were not the only Eemovai mischief which the assertion of Boniface VIII. brought upon papacy to the Papacy. The Papacy had destroyed the Empire, but failed "^^'^io^q; in its attempt to establish itself in the place of the Empire as the undoubted head over the rising nationalities of Europe. It was worsted by France, and as a consequence fell under French influence. When Philip IV. pursued his victory and devised the scheme of getting the Papal power into the hands of a nominee of his own, he met with little difficulty. Clement V., an Aquitanian by birth, shrank before the troubles which Philip IV. easily contrived to stir up in Italy, and for greater safety took up his abode at Avignon — a city held by Charles II. ' See De Monarchia, ed. Witte, 1874. / * These writings are in Goldast, MonarcMa S. liomani Imj)e7-ii, vol. iii. : — ' Egidius de Roma, QuEestio disputata in utramqiae partem, pro et contra Ponti- ficiam potestatem,' p. 95 ; ' F. Johannis de Parisiis, Tractatus de Potestate Regia et Papali," p. 108. 32 INTRODUCTION. t'lcmont, V. A.I). 1305- 131.S. of Naples as Count of Provence. It was, however, so near the boundaries of the French King as to be practically under his influence, and it marked a mighty breach with the tradition of the past when the seat of the Papacy was removed from the world-city of its ancient glories. It is at first a cause of some surprise that the Papacy did not suffer more than it did from the transference of its seat to Avignon. But, though deprived of political strength, it still had the prestige of past importance, and could exercise considerable influence when opportunity offered. Clement Y. was powerless against Philip IV. ; he had to consent to recognise the validity of everything that Philip IV. had done against his predecessor ; he had to revoke the obnoxious bulls of Boniface VIII., and even to authorise an enquiry into his life and character ; he had to lend himself as a tool to the royal avarice in suppressing the order of the Knights Templars. But, in spite of their disasters, the Papacy and the Empire were still the centres of European politics. No one ventm-ed to think it possible to diminish their claims to greatness ; it was rather a struggle which nation should succeed in using them for its own purposes. France had secured a strong hold upon the Papac}--, and wished to become master also of the Empire. Philip IV. strove to procure the election of his brother, Charles of Valois, and so gave the Pope a new means of asserting his importance. Charles was not elected, and the King found it wise not to press the Pope too far. At Avignon, the Pope was subject to the influence of the French King ; but he was at least personally secure, and could afford to adopt a haughty tone in dealing with other powers. Thei'e was no abatement in the lofty language of the Papacy ; and when Clement V. died, he might have boasted that he handed down the Papal power undiminished to his successors. His position might be ignoble, but he acted with policy and prudence in diflieult and dangerous circumstances, and made up for his humility towards the King of France by the arrogance of his attitude towards the Empire. The success of Henry VII. in Italy alarmed King Robert of Naples, and Clement V. warmly espoused the cause of his vassal, in whose dominions lay the protecting city of Axignon. The death of Jlenry VII. prevented the quarrel from becoming serious ; but on Henry's death Clement V. pub^ JOUN XXII. AND THE EMPIRE. 33 lished a bull declaring that the oath taken by the Kings of the chap. Romans to the Pope was an oath of vassalage, and involved the , \^- _. Papal suzerainty over the Empire. At the same time, during the vacancy of the Empire, the Pope, acting as over-lord, did away with the Ban of the Empire which Henry VII. had pro- nounced against Eobert of Naples, and also appointed Eobert as Imperial Vicar iit Italy. Clement V. followed the example of his predecessors in endeavouring to turn into a legal claim the vague talk of former Popes. His death, within a month of the publication of his Bull, left the struggle to hirsuccessor. John XXII. entered readily into the struggle, and the dis- John puted election to the Empire, between Lewis of Bavaria and theKmpire. Frederick of Austria, gave him a lucky opportunity of asserting ^.•"•./•^'"^" these new claims of the Papacy over the Empire. As an obse- quious dependent of the Kings of France and Naples, the Pope was encouraged to put forward against the Empire claims much more arrogant than those which Boniface VIII. had ventm-ed to make to Philip IV. The French King hoped to lay hands upon the Empire ; the King of Naples wished to pursue his plans in Italy without fear of Imperial intervention. So long as the Pope furthered their purposes, he might advance any arguments or pretensions that he pleased. It was this selfish policy on the part of the princes of Europe that maintained so long the Papal power, and gave the Papacy the means of rising after many falls and degradations. The Papal power and the Papal claims were inextricably interwoven in the state-system of Europe, and the Papacy was a political instrument which any monarch who could command was anxious to uphold. John XXII. claimed to be the rightful ruler of the Empire during the vacancy, and so long as the contest between Lewis and Frederick occupied all the energies of the rival claimants, there was no one to gainsay the Pope. When the battle of Miihldorf in 1322 gave the victory to Lewis, John resented his assumption of the title of King of the Komans without Papal confirmation, and soon proceeded to his excommunication. In the contest that ensued there was nothing heroic. Papacy nnd Empire alike seemed the shadows of their former selves. John XXII. was an austere and narrow-minded pedant, with no ]iolitieal insight; Lewis was destitute of any intellectual great- ness, and knew not how to control the forces which he had at VOL, I. D 34 INTRODUCTION. INTROD. tis command. The attack of the Pope upon the Empire was a ' ' ' desperate attempt to gain consideration for the Papacy at the expense of a foe Who was supposed to be too weak to make any formidable resistance. But the national feeling of the German people gathered round their King, when it became manifest that the onslaught upon him was made in the interest of France. The lawyers, as before, mustered in defence of the civil power ; and unexpected allies came to its succour, whose help made the contest memorable in the history of the progress of human thought. i^l'^T ^ Since the abdication of Celestine V. the Papacy had drifted AXII. and _ . 7 . the Mendi- further away from its connexion with the spiritual side of ihe life of the Church. The monkish ascetism of Celestine and his followers was not a robust form of Christian life, but it was the only one which set itself before the imagination of men. The doctrine of absolute poverty, as held by S. Francis and his followers, was hard to reconcile with the actual facts of life, and the Franciscan order had become divided into two parties, I one of which insisted on the rigid observance of the rules of their founder, while the other modified them into accordance iwith the growing wealth, learning, and importance of their Order. The Pope had striven by judicious measures to hold together these contending parties. But the obvious world- liness of the Papacy estranged from it the more rigid party, the Spiritual Franciscans or Fraticelli, as they were called. In their enthusiastic desire to lead the higher life, they found in Christ and his Apostles the patterns of the lives of Mendicant Friars ; and at last the Papacy was brought into open collision with the Franciscan Order. A Dominican Inquisitor at Nar- bonne condemned for heresy a fanatic who, amongst other things, had asserted that Christ and the Apostles had no pos- sessions, either individually or in common. A Franciscan who was present, maintained the orthodoxy of this opinion against the Inquisitor, and the question was taken up by the entire Order. Two General Chapters were held in 1322, which ac- cepted this doctrine as their own, and rested upon a Papal Bull of Nicolas III., 1279. This brought the matter before John XXII. ; but the luxury and quiet of Avignon made the doctrine of apostolic poverty more intolerable to John than it had been to his predecessors. They had contented themselves with WILLIAM OF OCCAM. 35 trying to explain it away and evade it ; John XXII. denounced chap. the opinion as heretical. The more pronounced of the Fran- , l^ , ciscan body refused to admit the justice of the Papal decision, and clamoured against John himself as a heretic. The question itself may seem of little moment ; but the Oppositiou struggle brought to light opinions which in after times were to xxii. become of deep importance. As Boniface VIII. had developed ''''"' "^ '' a temporal, so did John XXII. develop a spiritual, antagonism to the Papacy. The Pope was regarded as the head of a carnal Church which was degraded by worldliness, wealth, and wicked- ness, against which was set a spiritual Church adorned by simplicity, poverty, and godliness. The Spiritual Franciscans gathered round Lewis in his contest with the Pope, and lent a religious significance to the struggle. It was not the doings of either party, but the bold expression of opinions, which made the conflict memorable. Against the Pope were arrayed men who attacked him in the interests both of the Church and of the State. From the ecclesiastical side, the General of the Franciscan Midmei ot Order, Michael of Cesena, maintained against the Pope the wiiiiam of principles on which his order was foimded. In his ' Tractate Occam, against the Errors of the Pope ' he criticised the Papal utter- ances, denounced portions of them as erroneous, and appealed against him, as against a heretic, ' to the Universal Church and a Greneral Council, which in faith and morals is superior to the Pope, since a Pope can err in faith and morals, as many Eoman pontiffs have fiillen from the faith ; but the Universal Chm-ch cannot err, and a Council representing the Universal Church is likewise free from error.' ' In like manner the Englishman, William of Occam, who had exercised his powers as a disputant in the University of Paris till he won the title of ' the In- vincible Doctor,' brought his pen to attack the Pope. In a series of Dialogues and Tractates '^ he poured forth a flood of erudition in which scholastic arguments are strangely mingled with keen criticism of the Papal claims. At one time he is immersed in details of the passing conflict, at another he enunciates general principles of far-reaching importance. ' Goldast, Monarcliia, iii., 1360. * See ' Opus nonaginta dierum,' Goklast, iii. 903, &c. ; ' Tractal iis de dog- matibus Joannis XXJI. papffi,'?J. 740, i:c. ; 'Super Potestatc sumiui Ponfiticis octo Quest ionum Decisiones,' ih. 313, &c. ; ' Dialogus,' ib. 3i)9, &c. P 2 36 INTRODUCTION. IN TROD. Against the plenitude of the Papal power he asserts the freedom of the law of Christ ; men are not by Christ's ordi- nance the slaves of the Pope, nor can the Pope dispose of temporal affairs. Christ gave to Peter spiritual jurisdiction over the Church, and in temporal matters the right only of seeking his own maintenance and enough to enable him to fulfil his oflBce. Peter could confer no more on his successors ; if they have more, it comes from human grant or human indo- lence. It is not necessary that there should be one primate over the Church, for the Head of the Church is Christ, and by its union with Him the Church has unity. This unity would not be lessened if there were different rulers over different ecclesiastical provinces, as there are kings over different nations ; an aris- tocratic government maintains the unity of a state as well as does a monar'^hy. Occam discusses many questions, and the conclusions which he establishes do not form a consistent system but we see certain principles which he stoutly main- tains. He is opposed to the Papal claims to temporal monarchy and spiritual infallibility. Moreover, he shows a remarkable tendency to assert the authority of Scripture as the supreme arbiter of all questions in the Church. The Pope may err ; a General Council may err ; the Fathers and Doctors of the Church are not entirely exempt from error. Only Holy Scrip- ture and the beliefs of the Universal Church are of absolute validity. Occam seems to be groping after what is eternal in the faith of the Church, that he may mark it clearly off from what is of human ordinance and concerns only the temporary needs of the ecclesiastical system. If this is a sample of the ecclesiastical opposition raised against John XXII., the attack was still stronger from the political side, where jNIarsiglio of Padua and John of Jandun examined with boldness and acuteness the relations between Church and State. Marsiglio was an Italian, who, in the' politics of his own city, had gained a comprehensive grasp of principles, and whose mind had matured by the study of Aristotle. John of Jandun, a Frenchman, was Marsiglio's friend, and both held high positions in the University of Paris, which they suddenly quitted in 1327, sought out Lewis, and placed their learning at his disposal for an attack upon the Pope. It was strange that scholars and theorists should come Marsiglio of Padua and Jotin of Jandun THE 'DEFENSOll PACIS.' " 37 forward merely on theoretical grounds to enter into a contest cHAP. which in no way affected themselves. They proposed to Lewis . _ ^]' . a serious undertaking — that the Empire, as such, should enter into a controversy on abstract questions with the Pope. The Papacy was the source of orthodoxy, the centre of learning ; rude soldiers before this had answered its claims by deeds, but Lewis was asked to«ieet the Pope with his own weapons. Mar- siglio m-ged that John XXII. had already laid himself open to the charge of heresy ; his decision about the friars was in con- tradiction to the opinion of his predecessors i, unless the Papal autocracy were to be absolutely admitted, it was the Emperor's duty to check an erring Pope. For a time Lewis hesitated ; then he accepted Marsiglio's proposal, and appealed to Christen- dom to support him in his position. The great work of Marsiglio, the ' Defensor Pacis,' was The * De- already written, when first he sought Lewis, and was at once paci's^ published in explanation of the principles on which Lewis acted. The title of the work was skilfully chosen ; it marked out the Pope as the originator of the troubles, discords, and wars which a pacific Emperor wished to check. The work itself is a keen, bold, and clear assertion of the rights of the State I as against the Chm-ch. Following in the steps of Aristotle's * Politics,' JNIarsiglio traces the origin of government and of law. Civil society is a community for the purpose of common life ; in such community there are various classes with various occu- pations ; the occupation of the priestly class is ' to teach and discipline men in things which, according to the Gospel, ought to be believed, done, or omitted to obtain eternal salvation.' The regulator of the community is the judicial or governing class, whose object is to enforce the laws. Law is defined as * knowledge of what is just or useful, concerning the observance of which a coercive precept has been issued.' The legislator is ' the people or community of the citizens, or the majority of them, determining, by their choice or will, expressed by word in a general assembly, that anything should be done or omitted regarding man's civil acts under pain of temporal punishment.' ' ' I do not see that this definition of Marsiglio could be improved upon at the present day : ' Dicamus legislatorem seu causam legis efiectivam primam et propriam esse populum seu civium universitatem, aut ejus valentiorem partem per suam electionem seu voluntatem in general! civium congre 38 INTIIODUCTION. INTKOD. This legislative power is the source of the authority of the prince or ruler, whose duty it is to observe the laws and compel others to observe them. If the prince set himself above the laws, he ought to be corrected by the legislative power which he represents. This system of civil life is disturbed by the interference of the spiritual authority, especially of the Pope, with the due execution of the laws, and with the authority of the prince. The Pajjal claims rest on the supposed descent to Christ's repre- sentatives of the plenitude of Christ's power ; but this carries with it no coercive jurisdiction (jurisdictio coactiva) by which they may exact penalties or interfere in temporal affairs. It is their claim to this coercive jurisdiction that destroys civil government and causes universal disorder. Th" To trace this point more fully Marsi^lio proceeds to ex- ' Defensor . i • r i i ■, Pacis.' amine the relations of the priesthood towards the community. The Church is the community of all who believe in Christ ; for all, priests and laity alike, are ' Churchmen,' because Christ redeemed them with His blood. So far as a priest possesses worldly goods or engages in worldly matters, he is under the same laws as the rest of the community. The priesthood can have no authority except what was given by Christ, and the question to be considered is not what j^ower Christ could have given them, but what He actually gave. We find that Christ Idid not Himself exercise coercive jurisdiction, and did not confer it on the Apostles, but warned them by example, advice and precept to abstain from using it ; moreover, Christ sub- mitted Himself to the coercive jurisdiction of temporal princes. Hence no priest has any judicial or coercive power unless it be given him by the legislator ; his priestly authority, which he derives from Christ, is to preach the doctrine and administer the sacraments of Christ. To pronounce excommunication does not belong to an individual priest, but to the community of believers or their representatives. The priest is the minister of God's law, but has no power to compel men to accept or obey it ; only as physicians care for the health of the body, so do priests, by wise advice and warning, operate on the soul. It per scrmonem expressam, prKcipientom sen determinant cm aliqiiid fieri vel omitti circa civiles actus humanos sub poena vel supplicio temporali.' — Defensor, Part I. ch. xii. ; Golda&t, iii. p. Iti9. TUE 'DEFENSOR PACIS.' 39 may be objected that, at least in question of heresy, the chap. priesthood has to judge and punish : really, however, the ^^' _^ judge of heresy is Christ, and the punishment is inflicted in another world ; the priest judges in Christ's stead in this world, and must warn and terrify offenders by the thoughts of future punishment. The civil power punishes heresy only so far as heresy subverts th^ law. Marsiglio next subjects to criticism the doctrine of the Papal supremacy. Priests as such are all equal : S. Peter had no authority over the other Apostles, no power of punishment or jurisdiction. Moreover, the legend that S. Peter was the first Bishop of Eome rests on no Scriptural authority, and has no historical evidence. The appointment and deprivation of ecclesiastics belong to the community of the faithful, as is shown by the appointment of the first deacons recorded in the Acts of the Apostles. This authority of the community is now vested in the princes, and the appointment of good priests is a matter which concerns the well-being of the state. The Catholic faith is one, and rests on Scripture only, so that decretals and decrees of Popes and Cardinals are not necessary for salvation. When doubts arise about the meaning of Scripture, they can be settled only by a general council of the faithful, in which laity and clergy alike have seats. The summoning of such a council belongs to the supreme legisla- tive power, and only a council can pronounce excommunication or interdict upon princes or peoples. The authority of the Koman bishop over other bishops is necessary to give a head to the Church and a president to its councils ; but the Koman bishop has no j^ower of coercion beyond what a council confers. The existing theory of the primacy of the Pope sprang from the resjject originally paid to the Bishop of Rome, which has been extended, partly by unfounded claims of scriptural right, partly by the grants of princes, especially by the donation of Constantine. The Papal primacy has corrupted the Church ; for the Pope, through the plenitude of his power, interferes with elections, sets aside the rights of chapters, and appoints bishops who cannot speak the language of the people over whom they are set as shepherds, and who simply aim at gathering money from their flocks. Generally speaking, the bishops cannot preach, nor have they knowledge to refute 40 INTRODUCTION. I>?TROD. heresies ; and the inferior clergy are as ignorant as their """""^ superiors. Lawyers, not theologians, fill the Papal Court; ecclesiastical order is everywhere overthrown by the dis- pensations from episcopal control which the Pope readily grants to monks and friars. Simony abounds, and on all sides may be seen the proofs that the plenitude of the Papal power is the root of corruption in the Church. I Moreover the Papacy has put forth claims against the \ temporal power, especially against the Empire. This arises I from the fact that the Pope crowned the Emperor, and a I reverence at first voluntary has gi-adually been regarded as a • right. Papal recognition has been considered necessary to \ complete the authority bestowed on the Emperor by election. I But this is entirely unfounded ; the right conferred by election ~ ^! needs no supplement, and the claims of the Papacy have simply \ been advanced owing to the frequency of disputed elections and { vacancies in the Empire. The Papal claims and the exercise ; of Papal power in temporal matters have plunged Italy and ' Germany into discord, and it is the duty of all men, especially of kings and rulers, to check the abuse of this usurped authority. This remarkable work of Marsiglio stands on the very threshold of modern history as a clear forecast of the ideas which were to regulate the future progress of Europe. The , conceptions of the sovereignty of the people, and of the official 1 position of the ruler, mark the development of European politics up to our own day. The general relations between Church and State which Marsiglio foreshadowed were those which the Eeformation established in countries where it prevailed. In the clear definition of the limits of ecclesiastical authority, and in his assertion of the dignity of the individual believer, Marsiglio's ideas still remained unrealised. It is a wonderful testimony to the vigour of Italian civic life that the political experience gleaned at Padua ran so readily into the form provided by a study of Aristotle's ' Politics,' and produced results so clear, so bold, and so systematic' It is the scientific character of the ' Defensor Pacis ' that marks it as especially impartial, and sets it far beyond the other political writings of ' See Riezler, Die Uterai-isehfin Widernaclwr drr Pap.itc ziir Zrit Lvdwigs (Jes Balers. Leipzig : 1874. To Riezler belongs the credit of drawing attention to the great importance of Har^iglio's work. Influence of the ideas of Marsiglio POLICY OF LEWIS OF BAVARIA. 41 the next two centuries. It was calculated to produce a power- chap. ful impression on men's minds, and for a century and a half ^ — . after its appearance there were no writings in defence of the Papal power. Marsiglio's work remained as a great storehouse for the writers of the next century, and the ease with which the conciliar movement won its way to general acceptance throughout Christeddom must be attributed in great measure to the dissemination of Marsiglio's principles. Pope Clement VI. declared that he had never read a more pestilent heretic ; and Gregory XI. found that the opinions of Wiclif were only slightly changed from those of Marsiglio.' If Wiclif had been as clear and as systematic as Marsiglio, his influence on his contemporaries would have been far greater and his teaching would not have lent itself to so much misunderstanding. It was Marsiglio's misfortune that he was allied to a cause Lewis ° , crowned which had not a leader strong enough to give adequate Emperor expression to the principles which the genius of Marsiglio ^2d. 1327. supplied. The traditions of the past still determined the steps of Lewis; in 1327 he marched into Italy and was elected Emperor by the people of Eome. The old rights of the Roman Republic were set up against those of the Pope, and the Imperial crown was placed on the head of Lewis by Sciarra Colonna, who struck the deadly blow against Boniface VIII. at Anagni. Nor was this enough. The Minorites from the pulpits denounced John XXII. as a heretic, and Rome, which had made an Emperor, was willing to go fm-ther and also make a Pope. John XXII. was deposed ; a friar was elected Pope by the clergy and laity of Rome, and took the name of Nicolas V. Lewis had no means of combating the fictions on which the Papal power were founded save by setting against them a fiction still more ludicrous. The claim of the citizens of Rome to appoint the temporal and spiritual heads of Christendom was mcn-e monstrous than that of the Pope to determine the election of the Emperor. The mediaeval theory might be untenable, but the attempt to overthrow it by a ' BviU of Gregory XT., May 31, 1377, in Shirley, Fasciculi Zizanionim, p. 243: ' conclusiones . , qu« statum totius eccleaife ac etiam secularem politiam sub- vorteve et enervare nituntur ; quarumque aliqure, licet quibusdara mutatis tcrminis, sentire videntur perversas opinionesacdoctrinam indoctamdamnatie memori;i; Marsilii de Padua, et Johauuiti a Ganduno.' 42 INTKODUCTION. INTROD. End of John XXI r. A.D. 1334. Benedict XII. A.D. 1334- 1342. revival of classical usage was absurd. Tlie last struggle which had so long raged between Empire and Papacy ended in an empty theatrical display. Lewis was soon made to feel his real powerlessness. He failed in an attempt to reduce Robert of Naples, and his Italian supporters dropped away from him. He discovered at last that the Italians welcomed an Emperor only so long as he was useful for the purposes of their own factions ; when their disputes were settled, they were anxious to get rid of their troublesome guest. Lewis slowly abandoned Italy ; the G-hibellin party was everywhere put down ; the anti-Pope Nicolas was driven to make humiliating submission to John XXII. Lewis's prestige was gone, and the Pope was triumphant. In vain Lewis tried to be reconciled with the Holy See ; John XXII. was inexorable; but the end of John's pontificate gave Lewis some gleam of triumph. John XXII. had made many enemies, who were ready to use any handle against him, and his own pedantic and scholastic mind made him anxious to win theological triumphs. He ventured on an opinion, contrary to the general views of theologians, that the souls of the blessed departed do not see God, and are not perfectly happy, until after the general resurrection. The University of Paris strongly opposed this view, as did popular sentiment. King Philip VI. of France sided with the University, and in a peremptory tone advised the Pope to alter his opinion. The cry of heresy was raised against John XXII. , and Lewis was preparing to summon a General Council to enquire into this Papal heterodoxy, when John XXII. died, in December 1334. His succcessor, Benedict XIL, an upright but feeble- minded monk, would willingly have made peace with Lewis; but he was too much under the power of King Philip VI. to follow his own inclinations. It was to little purpose that he told Philip VI. that, if he had possessed two souls, he would willingly sacrifice one to do him service, but as he only had one soul, he could not go beyond what he thought right. Philip still de- manded that Germany should be kept distracted. Benedict XII. had to dismiss the ambassadors of Lewis, with tears over his own powerlessness. The national feeling of Germany declared itself more strongly than before in behalf of Lewis. The States affirmed that Lewis had done all that he ought, and that justice REACTION AGAINST LEWIS. 43 was wrongfully denied him ; they pronounced the Papal sen- chap. tence of no effect, and threatened with punishment any of the / _ - clergy who ventured to observe the Papal interdict. INIoreover, a.d. 1338. the Electoral princes declared at Kense that, on a vacancy in the Empire, he who was elected by a majority of votes was straight- way to be regarded as King of the Romans, and stood in no need of Papal confe'mation before assuming the title of King and beginning the exercise of the Imperial rights. This decla- ration passed into a law ; and whatever success the Pope might meet with afterwards, he could win no victwy in a struggle which had occasioned such an outbreak of decided national feeling. Benedict's successor might humble Lewis before him ; but Germany had made good its assertion of national indepen- dence, and had rescued its kingship from the difficulties into which its connexion with the Empire had so long involved it. It is true that the kingship was weak and infinn, and that the Empire had dwindled to a shadow ; but this only made the Grerman protest against Papal interference more emphatic in its historical importance. Lewis, however, did not know how to use his advantages ; Reaction he had not the firmness to caiTy on a protracted contest, but ^^^l^l^^ wavered between rash defiance of the Papal power and abject ^•^- ^'^^^^• attempts at reconciliation. After striving for absolution in 13-11, he made in 1342 an invasion upon ecclesiastical authority at which Europe stood aghast. By the plenitude of the Im- perial power he dissolved the marriage of Margaret Maultasch, heiress of the Tyrol, with John, son of the King of Bohemia, and also granted a dispensation on the ground of consanguinity for her marriage to his own son Lewis, Markgraf of Brandenburg. Such an act was the logical result of the theories of JNIarsiglio of Padua and William of Occam ; and was suggested, or at least defended, by them. They argued, keenly enough, that, if a marriage or a divorce was opposed to the law of God, no one, not even an angel from heaven, could make it lawful ; but, if the impediment can be removed by human law, the dispensa- tion ought to proceed from the civil power, and not from the ecclesiastical — from the Emperor, and not the Poi:)e. They forgot that it was an unfortunate case for the assertion of newly claimed powers when personal interest and dynastic aggrandisement were so clearly the ruling motives. The moral 44 INTRODUCTION. INTROD. Clement VI. and Lewis. A.D. 1342- 1347. Results of the struggle. as well as the religious sentiment of Europe was shocked, and the political jealousy of the Grerman nobles was aroused by this accession of power to the Bavarian house. The sympathy which had been on the side of Lewis was now transferred to the Pope, and the views of Marsiglio and Occam were looked upon with increased dread. A reaction set in against the rash- ness of the reforming party, a reaction which explains the timi- dity and caution of those who revived its principles when the Great Schism of the Papacy called for some revision of the government of the Church. The Papacy, on its side also, knew not how to use to real advantage the ojiportunity which had just been offered. If the piety of Benedict XII. could not overcome the difficulties attendant on a reconciliation with Lewis, the luxmious and worldly Clement VI. was resolved to press Lewis to the utter- most. He would not content himself with the most humi- liating submission, but made demands which the Diet set aside as destructive to the Empire ; he set up Charles of Bohemia against Lewis, who, however, in spite of his unpopu- larity in Germany, maintained his position against the Pope's nominee till his death (1347). Even then, Charles was so entirely regarded as a tool of the Pope, that he had some difficulty in establishing his position. It would seem that the victory in this long and dreary con- flict remained with the Pope. Certainly his opponents showed their incapacity for organising a definite political resistance. Resistance to the Pope had not yet become a political idea ; at times it burst forth, but soon fell back before other considera- tions of i^olitical expediency. Yet the conflict did much towards educating popular opinion. The flood of political writings awakened a sj)irit of discussion, which tended gradually to spread downwards. The Papacy was no longer accepted without question as a divine institution ; men began to criticise it and examine the origin and limits of its power. The Papacy was no longer looked upon as supreme over the other powers of Europe, but rather as an independent power with interests of its own, which were opposed to the national interests of the States of Europe. The Pope could no longer command public opinion, and feel that it would give force to his decrees. The struggle with Lewis of Bavaria ends entirely the mediaeval phase in (he history of the Pa})acy. PAPAL EXTORTION. 45 In one way this conflict inflicted serious injury on the chap. Papacy ; it gave it a delusive sense of power. It well might \'' . seem to Clement VI. that Boniface VIII. had been avenged, and that the majesty and dignity of the Papal power had been amply vindicated. Princes might learn, from the example of Lewis, that rebellions against the Papacy were doomed to failm-e. Moreover, the Papal position was secure at Avignon, which place Clement VI. in 1348 bought from Giovanna of Naples. At Avignon the voice of public opinion did not make itself heard by the Pope's ear so readily as #ii the turbulent city of Kome. The luxiu-y, vice, and iniquity of Avignon during the Papal residence became proverbial throughout Europe ; and the corruption of the Church was most clearly visible in the immediate neighbourhood of its princely head. Luxury and vice, moreover, are costly, and during the Pope's absence from Italy the Papal States were in confusion and yielded scanty revenues. JNIoney had to be raised from eccle- siastical property throughout Europe, and the Popes at Avignon carried extortion and oppression of the Church to an extent which it had never reached before. As the Church had grown wealthy in every land Kings and Extortions Popes competed with one another to have a share in its revenues. Avi.^*^ non- Gregory VII. had laboured to deliver the Church from the ®*® I'^pes. power of the temporal rulers, and his attempt was so far suc- cessful as to establish a compromise. The Church was to have! the show of independence, the State was to have the practical! right of nominating to important offices. The claims of the ^ Chapters to elect to bishoprics were nominally unimpaired ; but the royal influence was generally supreme. Still the Chapters were equally amenable to the Pope and to the King, and miglit exercise their right according to the dictation of either. Gra- dually the King and the Pope arrived at a practical under- standing as to the division of spoil. If the offices of the Church were to furnish salaries for the King's ministers, they must also supply revenues to the head of the Church. At times the Pope's authority was exercised to order a rebellious Chapter to accept the King's nominee ; at times the Koyal authority sup- ported the Pope's request, that the Chapter in their election should provide for one of the Pope's officials. Thus the Chapters, placed between two fires, tended to lose even the semblance of independence; while in this alliance with the Crown, the Papacy 46 INTRODUCTION. INTROD. soon gained the upper hand. Armed with spiritual power and claiming obedience as the head of the Church, the Pope cloaked his usurpations under the show of right, and extended his claims to smaller benefices, which were in the gift of the King or private patrons. It was but an extension of this principle when John XXII. reserved to himself all benefices vacated by promotion made by the Pope, and afterwards extended his reservation to the most lucrative posts in chapters, monasteries, and collegiate Churches. Monstrous as were these claims, they met with no decided opposition. The frequency of disputes about elections, and the consequent appeals to the Pope, had practically given him the decision of the validity of ecclesiastical appointments. His assumed power of granting dispensations from canonical disabilities made him a useful means of over- stepping inconvenient barriers. The Pope had been allowed so much authority to act as the instrument of the selfish in- terest of kings, that they had nothing to urge when he began to use his powers shamelessly in his own behalf. Clement VI. provided for his nephews and his Court at the expense of Chris- tendom, and said, with a laugh, that his predecessors had not \ "*^\M^ known how to be Popes. Besides provisions, reservations, and ^j^V^^ dispensations, he demanded large fees for -the confirmation of all episcopal elections, and succeeded in wresting from the bishops many of their rights over the inferior clergy. Chief of these were the revenues of benefices during a vacancy (fructus medii temporis). which arose from the extension of feudal reliefs to ecclesiastical holdings. Bishops, as protectors of benefices, disposed of their revenues when they were vacant, and this claim tended to become a regular tax of half a year's revenue paid by the presentee on his succession. The Papacy in its turn took this right from the bishops and claimed it for itself.' Moreover, the Pope imposed tithes from time to time on clerical revenues ; sometimes for his own use, sometimes grant- ing them to jmnces on the specious pretext of a crusade. A vast system of Papal extortion gradually developed, partly from the fault of churchmen, who too readily brought their quarrels to the Pope's tribunals, partly from the short-sighted policy of kings and princes, who found in an alliance with the Pope * For the growth of this custom and its relation to annates, see I'liillips, Kirchc.nrccht, v. HCiS, kc- and 572. RESISTANCE OF ENGLAND. 47 an easy means of helping themselves to ecclesiastical re- cftap. venues. Papal aggression could not have grown unless it had ._ ^}' _ been welcomed in its beginnings, and those who used the Pope's interference to serve their own ends had no strong ground for repelling the Pope when he used his powers in his own behalf. Cries went up throughout Christendom, but it was long before the cries were more<,han utterances of despair. England was the iirst country which showed a spirit of Resistance of EnLi;lan(' to Papal extortion. national resistance to Papal extortion. The alliance of the to papa/" Papacy with John and with Henry III. had a\j;3,kened a feeling of political antagonism amongst the barons, and they were un- willing to acquiesce, without a protest, in the loss of their rights. Under Edward I. the nation and the King were at one, and the claims of Boniface VIII. were met by a dignified assertion of national rights. The French war of Edward III. gave an increased meaning to the national resistance to the Papal extortions. The Popes at Avignon were the avowed partisans of the French King, and England would not submit to pay them taxes. In 1343 a stand was made against the agents of two Cardinals whom Clement VI. had aj)pointed to offices in England, and they were ignominiously driven from the land. When the Pope remonstrated, Edward III. laid before him a complaint against ' the army of provisors which has invaded our realm,' and drew a picture of the evils which they wrought on the Church. The King was warmly supported by Parlia- ment, which demanded the expulsion of provisors from the country; and in 1351 was passed the Statute of Provisors, enacting that, if the Pope appointed to a benefice, the presenta- tion was to be for that turn in the hands of the King, and the provisors or their representatives were to be imprisoned till they had renounced their claim or promised not to attempt to enforce it. This statute led to a collision of jurisdic- tions : the royal presentee defended his rights in the King's courts, the Papal provisor supported himself by Bulls from the Pope. To prevent this conflict was passed in 1353 the Statute of Praemimire, which forbade the withdrawal of suits from the King's courts to any foreign court under penalty of outlawry and forfeiture. These laws did not at once arrest the evils complained of; but they served as a menace to the Pope, and impressed on him the need of greater moderation in liis 48 INTRODUCTION. INTROD. Innocent VI. A.I). 1352- 1362. Urban V. A.D. 1362- 1370. dealings with England. They armed the King with powers which he might use if the Pope did not observe fair terms of partnership. Under the pontificate of Innocent VI. the advantages reaped by the Papal See from its sojourn at Avignon seemed to have come to an end. The disturbed condition of France no longer offered them security and repose. In 1361 a com- pany of freeboters scoured the country up to the gates of Avignon, defeated the Papal troops, and were only bought off by a large ransom. Innocent VI. found it desirable to increase the fortifications of the city. Moreover, the state of affairs in Italy called loudly for the Pope's intervention. The wondrous attempt of Rienzi to recall the old grandeur of Rome showed the power that still attached to the old traditions of the mis- tress of the world. The desperate condition of the States of the Church, which had fallen into the hands of small princes, called for energetic measures, unless the Popes were prepared to see them entirely lost to their authority. Innocent VI. sent into Italy a Spanish Cardinal, Gil Albomoz, who had already shown his military skill in fighting against the Moors. The fiery energy of Albomoz was crowned with success, and the smaller nobles were subdued in a series of hard-fought battles. In 1367 Urban V. saw the States of the Church once more reduced into obedience to the Pope. Meanwhile France was brought by its war with England to a state of anarchy, and the French King was powerless to keep the Popes at Avignon or to protect them if they stayed. Urban V. was a man of sincere and earnest piety, who looked with disgust ujion the pomp and luxury of the Avignonese court : and he judged that a reform would be more easily worked if it were transferred to another place. In Rome there was a longing for the presence of the Pope, who had not been seen for two generations. The inconvenience of the Papal residence at Avignon was strongly brought out in the repudia- tion by England (1 365) of the Papal claim to the tribute of 1,000 marks which John had agreed to pay in token of submission to Papal suzerainty. These motives combined to urge Urban V., in 1367, to return to Rome amid the cries of his agonised Cardinals, who shuddered to leave the luxury of Avignon for a land which they held to lu^ barbarous. A ])rief stay in Rome RETURN OF GREGORY XI. TO ROME. 49 was sufficient to convince Urban V. that the fears of his Cardinals chap. were not unfounded. The death of Albornoz, soon after the / _, Pope's landing in Italy, deprived him of the one man who could hold together the turbulent elements contained in the States of the Church. Rome was in ruins, its people were sunk in poverty and degradation. It was to no purpose that the Pope once more received iit Rome the homage of the Emperors of the East and West : Charles IV. displayed in Italy the helplessness of the Imperial name ; John Palseologus came as a beggar to seek for help in his extremity. Urban V. w«s clear-sighted enough to see that his position in Rome was precarious, and that he had not the knowledge nor the gifts to adventure in the troubled sea of Italian politics : his moral force was not strong enough to urge him to become a martyr to duty. The voices of his Cardinals prevailed, and after a visit of three years Urban returned to Avignon ; his death, which happened three months after his return, was regarded by many as a judgment of God upon his desertion of Rome. Urban Y. had returned to Rome because the States of the Gregory Church were reduced to obedience : his successor, Gregory XI., ^ ^l ^g-^,, was driven to return through dread of losing entirely all hold 1378. upon Italy. The French Popes awakened a strong feeling of national antipathy among their Italian subjects, and their policy was not associated with any of the elements of state life existing in Italy. Their desire to bring the States of the Church immediately under their power involved the destruc- tion of the small dynasties of princes, and the suppression of the democratic liberties of the people. Albornoz had been wise enough to leave the popular governments untouched, and to content himself with bringing the towns under the Papal obedience. But Urban V. and Gregory XI. set up French governors, whose rule was galling and oppressive ; and a revolt against them was organised by Horence, who, true to her old traditions, unfurled a banner inscribed only with the word ' Liberty.' The movement spread through all the towns in the Papal States, and in a few months the conquests of Albornoz had been lost. The temporal dominion of the Papacy might have been swept away if Florence could have brought about the Italian league which she desired. But Rome hung back VOL. I. E 50 INTEODUCTION. IXTROD. from the alliance, and listened to Gregory XI., who promised to ' retm-n if Rome would remain fiiithful. The Papal excommu- nication handed over the Florentines to be the slaves of their captors in every land, and the Kings of England and France did not scruple to use the opportunity offered to their cupidity. Gregory XI. felt that only the Pope's presence could save Rome for the Papacy. In spite of evil omens — for his horse re- fused to let him mount when he set out on his journey — Gregory XI. left Avignon ; in spite of the entreaties of the Florentines Rome again joyfully welcomed the entry of its Pope in 1377. But the Pope found his position in Italy to be surrounded with difficulties. His troops met with some small successes, but he was practically powerless, and aimed only at settling terms of peace with the Florentines. A congress was called for this purpose, and Gregory XI. was anxiously awaiting its termina- tion that he might return to Avignon, when death seized him, and his last hours were embittered by the thoughts of the crisis that was now inevitable. Italian Rome had made many sacrifices to win back the Pope, and towai^s the ou the occurrcnce of a vacancy which necessitated an election ^^^^' within the walls of Rome, it was likely that the wishes of the l^'l ^- city would make themselves felt. The remonstrances of Chris- tendom had been raised against the continuance of the Papacy at Avignon, and its consequent subordination to French influence. Moreover, national feeling had been quickened in Italy, and the loss of the Papacy seemed to be a deprivation of one of her immemorial privileges. To this national feeling was added a spirit of religious enthusiasm, which found its supreme expres- sion in the utterances of the saintly Catharine of Siena. She had exhorted Gregory XI. to leave Avignon, to return to Italy, to restore peace, and then turn to the reformation of the distracted Church. On all sides there was a desire that the Pope should shake off the political traditions which at Avignon had ham- pered his free action, should recover his Italian lands and live of his own in Rome at peace with all men, and should stop the crying abuses which the needs of a troubled time and of ex- ceptional circumstances had brought into the government of the Chm-ch. The Papacy had been strong in the past when it was allied FEELING OF ITALY. 51 with the reforming party in remedying disorder. The question chap. was — would the Papacy again renew its strength by taking up : . an independent position and redressing the ecclesiastical grievances under which Europe groaned ? The first step was its restoration to its ancient capital, where it might again be regarded as the representative of Christendom. E 2 BOOK I. THE GEEAT SCHISM. 1378—1414. 55 * CHAPTER I. URBAN VI., CLEMENT VII. AND THE AFFAIRS OF NAPLES. 1378-1389. When Gregory XI. lay upon his death-bed all men in Rome felt CHAP. that a great crisis was at hand. Among the citizens the ideas -^ — i- — - of the days of Rienzi and the aspirations of Catharine of Siena J^^P'YJ]^" passed from mouth to mouth, and the Cardinals were busy the Con- consulting on the steps which they could possibly take. The Marcii 27 government of Rome was at that time vested in a Senator ]^:^gP"^ '^' and thirteen Banderisi, or Bannerets, who commanded the civic levies of the thirteen regions into which the city was divided. Already, before Gregory XL's eyes were closed in death, the Romans urged upon the Cardinals the election of a Roman Pope who might introduce order into the States of the Church ; and during the funeral rites of Gregory their representations were renewed with increasing persistency. The Banderisi watched the Cardinals to prevent them fleeing from the city, and at the same time took measures to show that they were able and willing to maintain order within the walls. The gates were strictly guarded, the Roman barons were ordered to with- draw, and bands of armed militia were summoned from the country to protect the city against the danger of surprise by the soldier hordes who were prowling in the neighbom'hood. A marble column was erected in the middle of the Piazza of S. Peter's, bearing an axe and a block ; and three times a day proclamation was made that any one who injured the Cardinals or their attendants would instantly be beheaded. The Car- dinals could find no pretext for refusing to proceed to an elec- tion at Rome ; but they took such precautions as they could on their own account. They sent their valuables and all the Papal jewels for safe-keepmg into the Castle of S. Angelo, where the Papal Chamberlain, the Archbishop of Aries, went to secure the 56 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. The Car- dinal College. Proposals for a com- promise. governor and the garrison. They accepted the Banderisi as guardians of the Conclave, but added to them two Frenchmen, and the Bishops of Marseilles, Todi, and Tivoli. Of the twenty-three Cardinals who at that time represented the Church, six had remained in Avignon, and one was absent as legate in Tuscany. Of the sixteen who were in Eome, one was a Spaniard, four were Italians, and eleven were French. The great question to be decided at the coming election was, whether by choosing an Italian the Cardinals would assure the retm-n of the Papacy to Eome ; or by choosing a Frenchman they would strive to perpetuate its residence at Avignon. The French Cardinals looked upon Eome with disgust as squalid and barbarous ; they sighed to return to the luxmious ease of Avignon. If they had been united, they would have secm'ed the majority of two-thirds which was necessary for the election of a Pope. But the French were divided amongst themselves on grounds which awakened amongst them feelings as intense as could inspire the Italians. Clement VI. and his nephew Gregory XI. were both Limousins, and had shown marked pre- ference for their fellow-countrymen. Of the eleven French Cardinals, six belonged to a Limousin party, four were pitted against them as a Grallican party, and one seems to have been doubtful. Eather than submit to the election of another Limousin, the GalHcan Cardinals were ready to join with the Italians. In this state of things it was clearly necessary to try and arrange a compromise, and conferences were held before enter- ing into the Conclave. At first the Limousins tried to take advantage of their numerical majority over any other party, and boldly put forward Jean du Cros, Cardinal of Limoges; when told that he was impossible, they proposed Pierre de Bernier, Cardinal of Viviers, who was a native of Cahors, and therefore slightly removed from the dreaded neighbomliood of Limoges. The four Galilean Cardinals, joined by the Spaniard Peter de Luna, declared that they would never agree to this. The Italians meanwhile held by themselves, and demanded the election of an Italian. The Galilean party affirmed that they would make common cause with the Italians rather than give way to the Limousins, and the Limousins, before they entered the Conclave, were prepared to propose a compromise if they THE CONCLAVE OF 1378. 57 found it impossible to caiTy the Cardinal of Viviers. For this chap. piu'pose they thought of an Italian outside the College, whose ._ ; ._. election would not be a decisive triumph to any party, and would leave open all the questions which were involved in their struggle. They fixed on Bartolommeo Prignano, Archbishop of Bari, a man of humble rank, who had risen to eminence through the patronage of Pierre de Monterac, Cardinal of Pampeluna, a Limousin, who had remained at Avignon. Prignano had come to Rome as his deputy and exercised in his stead the office of Vice-Chancellor in the Curia. He seems to h».ve acquired con- siderable influence in Rome, was in the confidence of the Banderisi, and had shown much skill in an-anging ith them the measm'es for the security of the Conclave.' Thus he was likely to be acceptable as an escape from the jealousies within the College, while he would satisfy the demands of the Roman people. The Limousins determined that, if a compromise were necessary, it had better proceed from their side. They fixed on a man already connected with their own j)arty, and trusted that gratitude for their good offices would bind him still more securely to their side. Under ordinary circumstances the idea of a compromise would not so soon have taken shape, and a long vacancy would have been the most probable consequence of the divided condition of the College. But under the novel circumstances of an election in Rome, especially in the ferment of popular excitement, long delay was impossible, and a com- promise to be efiective must be put forward at once. When the time came for the Cardinals to enter the Conclave The Con- an excited crowd accompanied them to the door of the chamber ^'pj[f 7_g^ in the Vatican. It might well be that, after so many years of ^'^''^• disuse, the Romans had forgotten the general decorum which was supposed to attend the solemn ceremony. The crowd pressed into the room with the Cardinals, and peered into every corner to convince themselves that the Cardinals were really to be left alone. It was with difficulty that the room was cleared by the Banderisi, who before withdrawing addressed another ' Exemplar Attestationis Cardinalium, dated Aug. 2, to Charles VI. of France ; in Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Paris, iv. 468. ' In imo existis consiliis ' (i.e. of Romans to secure an Italian pope) ' fuit iste D. Bartholomacus turn Archiep. Barensis, prout ipse publice confcssus est ; quin etiam Bartholomitus postea, ut asserunt fide digni, se multum commendavit Banderensibus existentibus in ecclesia B. Mariie Noveb antequam conclave iutraretur.' 58 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Tumult at the election of Barto- lommeo Prisniano. exhortation to the Cardinals to elect a Koman Pope. It was late in the evening of April 7 when the Conclave was closed, and the repose of the Cardinals was troubled all night by the shouts of the mob, who stood around the palace exclaiming, ' Eomano, Romano lo volemo lo Papa, o almanco Italiano.' ' A Eoman, a Roman, we want a Roman for Pope, or at least an Italian.' As the morning drew near the tumult outside increased ; the campanile of S. Peter's was broken open, and its bells clanged out a summons to a greater crowd. The Cardinals saw that it would be well to lose no time, and the compromise projected by the Limousins began to assume a very definite shape. On the morning of April 8, after mass had been said, the Cardinals proceeded to vote. The Cardinal of Florence, as the senior, voted first, and expressing his real desire, gave his voice in favour of Tebaldeschi, Cardinal of S, Peter's, a Roman. Next followed the Cardinal of Limoges, who expressed the general opinion of the French party when he said that there were two objections to the Cardinal of S. Peter's : first, that he was a Roman, and it was undesirable to elect a Roman, lest they should seem to have done so through fear ; secondly, that he was too infirm for the labours of the Papacy. ' The Cardinal of Florence,' he proceeded, ' belongs to a people who are enemies to the Church ; the Cardinal of Milan comes from a land of tyrants who oppose the Church ; Cardinal Orsini is a Roman, and also is too young and inexperienced. I give my voice for the Archbishop of Bari.' It was found that there was a general consent ; two demurred on the ground that the election was being hurried through fear, and Cardinal Orsini is even said to have proposed that the College should pretend to elect some obscure friar, invest him with the Papal robes to deceive the people, and in the confusion make their escape and proceed to a real election. This proposal was at once rejected. It would seem that there was some sense of popular pressure, but not enough to influence the conduct of the Cardinals. The election of the Archbishop of Bari had been deter- mined, but before ]iroceeding to the formal act the Cardinals retired to breakfast. The tumult outside was raging furiously ; the mob had broken into the Pope's cellars, and the Papal wine had influenced their patriotism. The Cardinals hesitated to ELECTION OF URBAN VI. 59 face them with the news that they had not elected a Eoman chap. Pope ; the man whom they had chosen was not a member of ^- _ . the Sacred College ; he was not there, and they had no one to present for the reverence of the crowd. They sent a messenger to summon the Ardhbishop of Bari and some other ecclesiastics ; they also used this opportunity of sending to the Castle of S. Angelo the plate and jewels which they had with them, as they feared that the Conclave chamber would be sacked according to old custom. When the mob saw the prelates arrive, they suspected that an election had been made, and clamoured to be informed. When they found that the vessels of the Cardinals were being carried away, they grew still more suspicious and indignant. No longer able to endure suspense, they rushed to the door which had been akeady broken down to admit the prelates, and the Cardinals were now genuinely terrified at the prospect of facing the mob with the tidings that they had not elected a Koman. Already steps were heard along the passages, and as the crowd burst in, terror inspired one of the Cardinals to deceive them. ' The Cardinal of S. Peter's is Pope,' was exclaimed by some one, and as the eager throng rushed to do reverence to the old Tebaldeschi, the Cardinals hastened to make their escape. As the rude artisans seized Tebaldeschi's gouty hands to kiss them, it was in vain that the agonised old man screamed out, ' I am not the Pope, but a better man than me.' Few heard him, and those who heard thought it was his humility that spoke. The Cardinals succeeded in getting away before the cries of Tebal- deschi at length convinced his persecutors of the truth. Then a wild search was made for Prignano throughout the palace. If the disappointed mob could have found him, they would have torn him in pieces ; but he hid himself in the Pope's most private chamber till the search was abandoned as useless. Meanwhile the Cardinals who had escaped, when they saw Coronation the excitement of the people whom they had deceived, dreaded yj ^^pj|i the consequences to themselves when the truth was known. Some fled from Kome in fright ; some took refuge in the Castle of S. Angelo; five only dared to remain in their own palaces ; the Cardinal of S. Peter's alone remained with Prignano in the Vatican. Next day the tvmiult had ceased. The Roman people magnanimously forgave their disappointment, and the Ban- derisi loyally accepted the election of the Archbishop of Bari. 18. 60 THE GEEAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Urban VI. and the Cardinals. The new Pope summoned the Cardinals to his side, and the five who were in the city ventured to return to the Vatican ; it needed, however, repeated messages, even the entreaties of the Banderisi, before those who were in the castle dared to come forth. At last they assembled, went through the customary formalities, and on Easter Sunday, April 18, crowned the new Pope, who took the name of Urban VI. Next day they wrote to the Cardinals at Avignon announcing their election, and saying that their votes had been given ' freely and unanimously.' The Cardinals had elected Prignano as a respectable figure- head, who would prove amenable to their wishes. He had a reputation for theological and legal learning; h*e was well versed in the business of the Curia ; he knew the charms of Avignon, and was likely to find a good excuse for returning there and carrying on the traditions of the Avignonese Papacy. Grreat was their disappointment when they found that one whom they regarded as insignificant was resolved to make him- self their master. Urban V[. had never been a Cardinal, and so was untouched by the traditions of the order. Like many men whose presumed insignificance has raised them unexpectedly to high position, he longed to assert his authority roundly over his former superiors. He had long held his tongue and allowed others to lord it over him ; now that his turn was come he was re- solved to use his opportunity to the full. He was a short, stout man, with a swarthy face, full of Neapolitan fire and savagery. His monkish piety burned to distinguish itself by some striking measures of reform ; but he was without knowledge of himself or of the world, and knew nothing of the many steps to be taken between good intentions and their practical execution. He thought that he could enforce his will by self-assertion, and that the Cardinals could be reduced to absolute obedience by mere rudeness. Already on Easter Monday he began to inveigh against the conduct of the bishops, and said that they were perjured because they deserted their sees and followed the Curia. He tried to enforce sumptuary regulations upon the Cardinals, and ordered that they should make their meals of one dish only. He had no tact, no sense of dignity or decorum. He sat in the consistory and interrupted speakei-s with remarks of ' Kubbish,' ' Hold your tongue,' * You have said enough.' His anger found vent in unmeasured language. One day he YI. OPPOSITION TO URBAN VI. 61 called Cardinal Orsini a fool ; seeing the Cardinal of Limoges chap. turn away his head and make a face at something that he said, \' he bade him hold up his head and look him in the face. Another day he grew so angry with the same Cardinal that he rushed at him to strike him, but Eobert of Geneva pulled him back to his seat, exclaiming, ' Holy Father, Holy Father, what are you doing ? ' These were personal matters, intensely galling to the Car- Growth of 1 T-» 111-11 1 "opposition dmals, who, under the last ropes, had been richly endowed to Urban with ecclesiastical revenues, had lived in luxury, accustomed to treat kings as their equals, and to meet with nothing but consideration and respect. Still Urban VI.'s personal conduct gave them no ground for action, till they found to their dismay that the Pope had no intention of returning to Avignon ; he openly told the Banderisi that he purposed to remain at Eome and make a new creation of Koman and Italian Cardinals. The College felt itself seriously menaced ; the Frenchmen saw that they would be reduced to a minority, and then would be entirely neglected. Before this common danger all differences disappeared : Galileans and Limousins were reconciled and pre- pared to resist the Pope, whom their dissensions had set over them. One day after the Pope had furiously attacked the Cardinal of Amiens, Robert of Geneva said to him openly, ' You have not treated us Cardinals with the honour due to us, as your jDrede- cessors used to do, and you are lessening our dignity. I tell you truly that the Cardinals on their side will try to lessen your dignity also.' Urban VI. found that this was no empty menace, and that the hostility of his Cardinals had power even in Eome. The French governor of the Castle of S. Angelo refused to surrender it to the Pope, who, consequently, could not make himself master of the city. The Cardinals knew that they could rely on the support of the King of France against a Pope who avowed his intention of rescuing the Papacy from French influence. Urban's conduct gave them an unexpected ally in Queen Giovanna I. of Naples, who had at first hailed with delight the election of one of her subjects to the Pa]>acy. Counting on the pliancy of the new Pope, her fourth husband, Otto, Duke of Brunswick, hastened to Eome to receive from the Pope's hands his coronation as King of Naples. But Gio- vanna I. was childless, and Urban VI. did not choose that at her 62 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Formation of a party against Urban VI. June 1378. death Naples should pass into the hands of Germans ; he refused Otto's request, and even treated him with haughty insolence. One day Otto acted as the Pope's cup-bearer at a banquet and, as the custom was, presented the cup on bended knee. Urban for some time pretended not to see him, till one of the Cardinals called out, ' Holy Father, it is time to drink.' Griovanna's ambassadors, who were sent to congratulate Ur- ban VI. on his election, were treated to a scolding on the evil state of Naples, which the Pope threatened to amend. After this it was but natural that Griovanna I., who had been a firm ally of the Avignonese Popes, should be willing to join a party which aimed at the restoration of the old state of things. The smouldering discontent was not long in breaking out. At the end of May the Cardinals obtained leave from the Pope to retire before the heats of Eome to Anagni, which had been the summer residence of Grregory XL, where they had houses and stores of provisions. At Anagni the Cardinals found a new ally, whom the Pope's conduct had estranged. Onorato, Count of Fundi, who was Lord of Anagni, had been appointed by Gregory XL Governor of Campania, and had lent the Pope 20,000 florins. The headstrong Urban refused to pay his predecessor's debts, and after offending Onorato by his refusal, judged it safer to deprive him of his office and confer it upon his enemy, Tommaso of San Severino. After this he grew suspicious of the intercourse of the Cardinals with Ono- rato ; he determined to go to Tivoli for the summer, and ordered the Cardinals to join him there. The Cardinals raised diffi- culties about leaving their houses, which they had provisioned for the season. The Archbishop of Aries, Gregory XL's chamber- lain, joined them at Anagni, bringing with him the Papal jewels ; the Pope ordered his arrest, and the Cardinals feigned to com- ply with the Pope's order. The Cardinals at Anagni and the Pope at Tivoli each professed to invite the other, and feigned to wonder at the delay to accept the invitation. At last the Cardinals let their intentions be seen. They summoned to their aid a band of Bretons and Gascons which had been taken into the service of the Chm-ch by Gregory XL, and had served under Robert of Geneva in the year before. These adventurers advanced, plundering the Roman territory, and defeated by Ponte Salaro the Romans who went out against VALIDITY OF URBAN VI.'S ELECTION IMPUGNED. 63 them. The Breton company pursued its way to Anagni, and chap. Urban, at Tivoli, begged for help from the Queen of Naples, ^ • . who had not yet declared herself against him, and sent Duke Otto, with 200 lances and 100 foot, to guard his person. Otto, who was a sl!*rewd observer, gave it as his opinion that the Pope's name should be ' Turbanus ' instead of ' Urbanus,' as he seemed likely to upset everything, and bring himself into many difficulties. ^ The Cardinals at Anagni now found themselves strong The Car- enough to proceed to open measures against Urban. On July impugn 20 they wrote to the four Italian Cardinals, who were still with [,5 ul'^an"" Urban, setting forth that his election had been forced upon vi. July them by the Roman mob, and so had not been made freely ; 9, 1378. they required them to appear at Anagni within five days, to deliberate upon the steps to be taken to obviate this scandal. They wrote also to the University of Paris and to the King of France demanding their assistance. Urban on his part showed himself alive to the importance of the crisis. He sent the three Italian Cardinals who were with him (the Cardinal of S. Peter was ill, and died in August, declaring the validity of Urban's election), to negotiate at Palestrina with those at Anagni; he empowered them to offer to submit the question to the decision of a Greneral Council. The Ultramontanes refused this offer, and urged the Italian Cardinals to join them at Anagni ; the Italians wavered, and retired to Oenazzano to await the turn of affairs. The King of France, Louis of Anjou, and Giovanna of Naples, openly declared themselves in behalf of the rebels, who on August 9 issued an encyclical letter to the whole of Christendom. They declared that the election had been made under violence ; through fear of death they had elected the Archbishop of Bari, in the expectation that his conscience would not allow him to accept an election made in such a way ; he had been ensnared by ambition to the destruc- tion of his soul ; he was an intruder and deceiver ; they called upon him to give up his delusive dignity, and they summoned all Christians to reject his authority. War was now declared ; but it was at first a war of pnm- Legal phlets. Learned legists gave their opinions, and universities ^"ig*^|°"^ examined the question. There were two nice points to be the action determined, and arguments could readily be obtained on either cardinals. 64 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Counter- election of Eobert of Geneva. Sep. 20, 1378. side. (1) Did the tumult of the Komans amount to actual violence sufficient to do away with the freedom of the electors ? (2) If so, did not the subsequent recognition of Urban by the Cardinals, a recognition which lasted for three months, supply any defect which might have been in the original election ? It is clear that these questions might be settled according as prejudice or interest directed. There had been enough irre- gularity in the election to give the Cardinals a fair plea for their proceedings ; but the formal plea was a mere cloak to jDolitical motives. The significance of Urban's election lay in the fact that it restored the Papacy to Rome, and freed it from the influence of France. It was not to be expected that the traditions of the seventy years' captivity could be set aside at once ; it was not natm'al that France should let go her hold without a desperate effort. The rebellion of the irritated Cardinals against a Pope who paid no heed to their privileges combined with deep-seated motives of political interest and produced a schism. The Cardinals at Anagni found that their soldiers consumed all the provisions, so that they were driven to change their abode. They therefore transferred themselves to Fundi, where they were safer under the protection of Count Onorato. The Italian Cardinals went from Palestrina to Sessa, that they might continue their negotiations ; soon, however, they were per- suaded to join the other rebels at Fundi. It is said that they were won over by a promise that one of them should be elected Pope in Urban's stead. The Cardinals could now point to Urban's helplessness ; the whole body of his electors was united in opposition to him. In truth, Urban found himself almost entirely deserted, and when it was too late he repented bitterly of his first rashness. For a time his spirit was crushed, and his secretary, Dietrich of Niem, tells us that he often found him in tears.' But he soon plucked up courage, and on Sep- tember 18 created twenty-eight new Cardinals. This resolute step of Urban's hastened the proceedings of the rebels at Fundi, who, on September 20, elected as their Pope, Robert of Geneva, who took the name of Clement VII. The Italian Cardinals took no part in this election, nor did they repudiate • Niem, Schism, i. ch. 12, ' coepit dolere et quandoque, me vidente, flevit amai'c.' ELECTION OF CLEMENT VII. 65 it. They returned to Sessa, and thence retired to a castle of chap, the Orsini at Tagliacozzo. There Cardinal Orsini died in 1380, '• and the two others, feeling that it was too late for reconciliation with Urban, joined the party of Clement. In their election of Kobert of Cfeneva, the Cardinals had Previous chosen the man whom they thought best fitted to fight a hard Robert of battle. Robert was brother to the Count of Greneva, and so G^^^^'*- was allied with many noble houses. He was'ln the vigour of manhood, at the age of thirty-six, and had already shown great force of character, and practical skill in business. His fierce determination had been seen in his conduct as Legate in North Italy in 1377, where a rising of Cesena against his soldiers was avenged by a pitiless massacre of the whole city. Even the hardened leader of the savage mercenary band shrank at first from fulfilling Robert's orders, but was urged by the imperative command, ' Blood, blood, and justice.' For three days and three nights the carnage raged inside the devoted city; the gates were shut and no one could escape ; at last despair lent strength to feeble arms and the gates were forced open, but the unhappy victims only found another band of soldiers waiting outside to receive them. Five thousand perished in the slaughter, and the name of Cesena would have been destroyed if the barbarous general, Hawkwood, had not been better than his orders, saved a thousand women, and allowed some of the men to escape. This exploit had awakened in Italy the deepest detestation against Robert, but now seems to have stood him in good stead, as convincing his electors of the promptitude and decision which he possessed in emergencies. Moreover, Robert had all the qualities which Urban VI. lacked. He was tall and of commanding presence ; his manner was agreeable ; he was a favourite with princes and nobles, and knew how to conciliate them to his interests ; he had all the suavity and knowledge of the world which were so conspicuously wanting in Urban VI. The Cardinals could not have chosen a better leader of revolt. When the schism was declared and the two parties stood Division of in avowed opposition, allies began to gather round each fi-om J'-'"'"!"' . ^ " ° between motives which were purely political. Italy took the side of tlie the two Italian Pope, except the kingdom of Naples, which had been "'"'''' closely connected with the l^apaey at Avignon, and so main- tained its old position. France laboured fur Clement VII., to VOL. I. F 66 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Position of Urban VI. in Rome. A.D. lo78. Tlic Com- pany of S. Georffc. assert its former hold upon the Papacy. England, through hostility to France, became a staunch partisan of Urban, upon which Scotland declared itself on the side of Clement. If Urban, by his unyielding behaviour to Giovanna, had estranged Naples, he had by his complacency secured Germany : one of his first acts had been to accede to the request of the Emperor Charles IV. that he would recognise his son Wenzel as King of the Romans : the death of Charles IV. in November 29, 1378, set Wenzel on the throne of Germany. Hungary took the side opposed to Naples ; the northern kingdoms went with Germany ; Flanders followed England through its hostility to France ; the Count of Savoy adhered to Clement, whose kins- man he was. The Spanish kingdoms alone remained neutral, though in the end they fell into the allegiance of Clement. In Italy Urban's position was certainly the strongest. He had in July made peace with Florence and Perugia ; but he had not entire possession of Eome, as the French captain of the Castle of S. Angelo resisted all the onslaughts of the Eomans. They broke down the bridge and erected earthworks and palisades, but the castle was well supplied with provisions and guns ; for the first time the Romans heard the sound of cannon from its ramparts, and saw the balls shatter their houses. The Borgo of San Pietro was set on fire and destroyed ; everywhere in the city was confusion. Outside the walls the Orsini and the Count of Fundi laid waste the Roman territory and cut off their supplies. The position of Urban at the end of 1378 was gloomy enough ; he was endeavouring to gather round him the Cardinals whom he had nominated, though some of them de- clined to accept the dignity at his hands. He found also some satisfaction in excommunicating Clement and his supporters, and in gathering testimonies and writing letters in support of the validity of his own election. But he did not disregard the measures necessary to secure his own safety. Against the Breton band, which was now under the command of Clement VII.'s nephew, the Count JMontjoie, Urban summoned the aid of a band of adventurers under the leadership of a young Italian general, Alberigo da Barbiano. In the course of the thirteenth century in Italy the old com- numal militia had declined ; the war of the Papacy against Frederic II. and his house made Italy the battle-field of foreign VICTORY OF ALBERIGO DA EAKBIANO. 67 forces, and foreign mercenaries had taken the pkice of the civic chap. levies. During the fourteenth century Italy had been the „ '• , prey of German, Hungarian, Provencal, English, and Breton bands, who preyed upon the country and perpetuated the anarchy on which they prospered. But the spirit of adventure had at last awakened among the Italians themselves, and to Alberigo da Barbiano belongs the fame of having first gathered together the company of S. Gfeorge, composed of soldiers who were almost entirely Italian. The growing national feeling which had drawn such a band together found a worthy object for its first exploit in upholding the cause of the Italian Pope against his French opponents. Italian piety, as embodied in the mystic maid, Catharine of Siena, sent forth its imploring cry to Italian patriotism. 'Now,' she exclaims, 'is the time for new martyrs. You are the first who have given yoiu- blood ; how great is the fruit that you will receive ! It is eternal life. . . . We will do like Moses, for while the people fought Moses prayed, and while Moses prayed the people conquered.' It is significant to note how round this war of the rival Popes gathered the first enthusiasm of a new national feeling in Italy. No sooner had Alberigo arrived in Eome and received the Victory df Papal benediction than he set out against the enemy, who were Bari.iano. besieging Marino, only twelve miles distant from Rome, ^g^l^' "^" April 29, 1379. He drew up his forces in two squadrons, while Montjoie arranged his in three. Alberigo sent out his first squadron under one of his captains, but it was discomfited by the opposing squadron of the foe. Then Alberigo himself charged, drove back the pursuers in disorder upon their second squadron, routed that also, and charged the third division, which was commanded by JMontjoie. The battle was long and desperate, but the Italians won the day. Great was the joy in Eome : Urban dubbed Alberigo knight, and presented him witli a banner emblazoned with a red cross, and bearing the inscrip- tion, ' Italia liberata dai barbari.' It was a national as well as a Papal victory. On the same day the Castle of S. Angelo capitulated, and the Surn-ndir Roman people, in their hatred of this terrible fortress, which ca*-09- 43. ' As some sort of guide to the dreary and complicated historj'^ of Naples at this time, I append a genealogical table : — Charles 1. of Anjou, K. of Naples 1226-85 I Charles II. = Jfary of Hungary 1285-1309 Hungary Naples I Durazzo Tarento Provence I Charles Martel Charles Robert I I Robert 1309^3 I Charles John, D. of Durazzo Phlhp, P. of Tarento Margaret = Charles of Valois Philip VI., K. of France I I I 1 I I „ .,.1 Andre\v=(l)G'jotJanwa/.Mary=Charles Lewis Lewis, m. Philip, m. ^ v -c- c 1343-82 I I Giovanna (2) Mary (2) John, K. of I I France I Margarct= Charles III. K. of Naples I Louis I., D. of Charles V. Anjou, Ct. K. of France of Provence 70 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. riot of Giovanna I. against Urban VI. A.u. 1380. Catlinriiic of Sionn, (lied April 2!t. i:;,sii. punishment of the murderers. Giovanna I., to protect herself, married Lewis of Tarento in 1347. King Lewis of Hungary, aided by the party of Durazzo, entered Naples to avenge his brother's death, and for a while all was confusion. On the death of Lewis of Tarento (1362), Giovanna I. man-ied James, King of Majorca, and on his death (1374), Otto, Duke of Brunswick. Giovanna I. was childless, and the slight lull which in the last years had come over the war of factions in Naples was only owing to the fact that all were preparing for the inevitable conflict which her death would bring. It was easy for Urban VI. to awaken confusion in Naples, and precipitate the outbreak of war. At first Giovanna I. seems to have been alarmed after the departure of Clement VII. ; she made overtures to Urban VI., and promised to send ambassadors to arrange the terms of her submission. Soon, however, she changed her mind, recalled her ambassadors, and is said to have set on foot a conspiracy to poison Urban VI. The Eoman people, free from the dread of Clement's neigh- bourhood, found themselves more at leisure to criticise Urban VI.'s behaviour, and began to assert their freedom by seditious outcries. So alarming were their threats, that the holy maiden, Catharine of Siena, who stood by the Pope with enthusiastic devotion, betook herself to earnest prayer as a means of avert- ing from him impending calamity. She saw the whole city filled with demons who were inciting the people to crime, and who gathered with loud clamour round the praying saint to terrify her from her pious work, which was baffling their en- deavours. Urban VI. showed his courage by ordering the doors of the Vatican to be thrown open to the clamorous mob ; when they had rushed in they found the Pope seated on his throne in full pontificals. He calmly asked them what they wanted, and they, abashed by his display of dignity, retired in peace. After this the tumult in Kome settled quietly down, and when Gio- vanna I. stirred up Rainaldo degli Orsini to lead a troop against Rome, the Romans r('})ulyed them, and left their captives bound to trees to perish with hunger. The legend goes on to say that some of those who called on Catharine of Siena were miraculously released. It was the last miracle wrought by the saint in the flesh, as she died on April 29, 1 380. In the dismal history of these gloomy times, she CATHARINE OF SIENA. 71 presents a picture of purity, devotion, and self-sacrifice, to chap. which we turn with feelings of relief. In her intense and ^- passionate desire for personal communion with Jesus, Catharine resembled the fervent nature of S. Francis of Assisi. But her lot was cast in timoks when zeal had grown cold in high places, and she spent her energy in agonised attempts to heal the breaches of the Papal system. A simple maiden of Siena, she ventured in her Master's name to try and jredress the evils which were so open and avowed. She saw Italy widowed of its Pope ; she saw the Church venal and corrupt ; and though she was inspired by mystic enthusiasm, she worked with prac- tical force and courage to restore the Papacy to Italy and inaugm'ate an era of reform. In lugent tones she summoned the Popes from Avignon, and Urban V. answered to her call. She went from city to city pleading for peace, and in the discharge of her mission shrank neither from the fierce brawls of civic passion nor the coarse brutality of the condottiere camp. Before her eyes floated the vision of a purified and reformed Church, of which the restoration of the Papacy to its original seat was to be at once the symbol and the beginning. Blinded by her enthusiasm, she hailed with delight the acces- sion of Urban VI., and by the side of the violent and vindictive Pope, her pure and gentle spirit seems to stand as an angel of light. She did not long survive the disappointment of the Schism, and though she remained constant in her allegiance to Urban VI., his character and actions must have been a perpetual trial to her faith. She died at the age of thirty-three, and the removal of her influence for mercy is seen in the increased vindictiveness of Urban's measures. Canonized by Pius II., Catharine of Siena has a claim upon our reverence higher than that of a saint of the mediaeval Church. A low-born maiden, without education or culture, she gave the only possible expres- sion in her age and generation to the aspiration for national unity and for the restoration of ecclesiastical purity. Urban VI. finding himself menaced by Giovanna of Naples, Aliiancp of did not hesitate to accept the challenge, and on April 21 de- ^itii clared her deposed from her throne as a heretic, schismatic, ^prlf— ^" and traitor to the Pope. He looked for help in carrying out Kov. 1S80. his decree to King Le-svis of Hungary, who had for a time laid aside his desire for vengeance against Giovanna, but was ready 72 THE GKEAT SCHISM. ROOK to resume his plans of aggrandisement when a favourable oppor- .___; . tunity offered. He had brought into subjection his powerful nobles, and had consolidated Hungary into a strong and aggres- sive power : when Urban's messengers reached him he was at war with Venice for the possession of Dalmatia. Lewis was not himself disposed to leave his kingdom ; but he had at his court the son of his relative, Lewis of Durazzo, whom he had put to death in his Neapolitan campaign for complicity in Andrew's murder. Yet he felt compassion for his young son Charles, brought him to Hungary, and educated him at his court. As Giovanna was childless, Charles of Durazzo, or Carlo della Pace, as he was called in Italy, had a strong claim to the Neapolitan throne at her death. Lewis, who had only a daughter to succeed him in Hungary, was not sorry to rid himself of one who was conspicuous for military and princely qualities. He furnished Charles with Hungarian troops for an expedition against Naples, after exacting from him a promise that he would put forward no claim to the thrones of Hungary and Poland. In November Charles made his entry into Rome. He was a little man, with fair hair, of princely bearing, well qualified to win men's goodwill by his geniality, and by his courage to make the most of his opportunities. He was also a friend of learning and a man of keen political intelligence. He was one of the earliest of Italian rulers who combined a love for culture with a spirit of reckless adventure. Clement Clement VII. on his side bestirred himself in behalf of his junctions ^^^J Griovanna, and for this purpose could count on the help of Giovanna's Jn^auce. Failing the house of Durazzo, the house of Valois of Louis coidd put forward a claim to the Neapolitan throne, as being jline^io" descended from the daughter of Charles II. The helpless Grio- vanna I. in her need adopted as her heir and successor Louis, Duke of Anjou, brother of the French king, and called him to her aid. Clement VII. hastened to confer on Louis every- thing that he could ; he even formed the States of the Church into a kingdom of Adria, and bestowed them on Louis ; only Rome itself, and the adjacent lands in Tuscany, Campania Maritima, and Sabina were reserved for the Pope. The Avig- nonese pretender was resolved to show how little he cared for Italy or for tlie old traditions of the Italian greatness of his ofHce. 1380. CHARLES OF DURAZZO. 73 Charles of Dui'azzo was first in the field, for Louis of Anjou chap. was detained in PVance by the death of Charles V. in Septem- ^' _, ber 1380. The accession of Charles VI. at the age of twelve Prepara- threw the government of the kingdom upon the Council of I'^IJI's^and Kesfency, of which Louis of Anion was the chief member. He of Charles, used his position to gratify his chiei faiung, avarice, and — Jime gathered large sums of money for his Neapolitan campaign. Meanwhile Charles of Durazzo was in Kor»e, where Urban VI. equipped him for his undertaking. He made Charles Senator of Rome, that he might call out the levies of the Roman people ; he exhausted the Papal treasmy, and even laid hands on the sacred vessels and images of the Roman chm"ches, to supply pay for the troops of Alberigo da Barbiano, which were summoned to swell the ranks of Charles. But the Pope's zeal for Charles was tempered by attention to his own interests, and though willing to invest Charles with the kingdom, he demanded a high price for his services. Charles found the Pope's terms exorbitant, and the differences between them were only settled by an arbitration, conducted on the Pope's side by five Cardinals, and on the part of Charles by a learned Florentine lawyer, Lapo da Castiglionchio. Ultimately Charles agreed to confirm grants which the Pope claimed to have made in the vacancy that, according to him, followed on Giovanna's deposition. The grants were all in favour of Urban's nephew, Francesco Prignano, nicknamed Butillo, and conferred on him Capua, Amalfi, Caserta, Fundi, Graeta, Sorrento, and other towns, all the richest part of the Neapolitan kingdom. This unblushing nepotism of Urban VI. was not justified by any- thing in the capacities or character of his nephew, wlio was a rude and profligate ruffian, with no ability to redeem his vices from infamy.' When this matter had been arranged to Urban's satisfaction, he conferred on Charles the investiture of Naples, on June 1, 1381. He was proud of his triumph over Charles, and was determined to read him a lesson on the necessity of obedience. He sent for Lapo da Castiglionchio in the presence of the Cardinals and of the King's attendants, and as he knelt before him, proudly said, ' King Charles, King Charles, make ' Niem, Sc/iisni, i. 21, calls him ' effominatus et inutilis ' ; i. 33, 'crapulis, voluptatibus, somno et luxiu'L'u deditus.' 74 THE GKEAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Success of Cliarlesof Durazzo as^iinst Naples. June 8 — August 1381, much of Lapo, for it is he who has made you king.'' The coronation of Charles was performed with due pomp and cere- mony. Urban, in a sermon of two hours' length, praised his virtues and published a crusade in his favour ; with his own hands he fastened the red cross on the breast of Charles. Charles, who had been fretting under this long delay, hastened to leave Eome on June 8, and marched against Naj)les, where he had not many difficulties to encounter. The Neapo- litan barons were for the most part on his side ; they preferred a native ruler to a foreigner who would bring with him a train of French followers. Moreover, Urban VI., as a Neapolitan, had the popular sympathies in his favour ; he had raised many Neapolitans to the Cardinalate, while Clement VII. had chosen only Frenchmen. The cause of Charles and Urban was the national side, and Giovanna found herself in great straits. Yet her husband Otto was a brave soldier and went out to meet the foe. His first effort to check him on the frontier was unsuccessful ; he was repulsed from San Germano on June 28, and Charles pressed on to Naples. Otto hurried after him, and the two armies were face to face outside the walls ; but a rising within the city opened the gates to Charles on July 16, and Giovanna I. was driven to take refuge in the Castel Nuovo and Otto retreated to Aversa. Charles vigorously pressed the siege of the castle, which was ill supplied with provisions ; he neg- lected no means of bombardment to terrify the garrison, for he was anxious to get the Queen into his hands before reinforce- ments could arrive from Provence.^ It was to no purpose that Giovanna scanned the waters to catch sight of the sails of Provenpal galleys ; provisions failed, and on August 20 she was driven to open negotiations with Charles. A truce was ' See an interesting letter of Franeesco da Castiglionchio, Lapo's nephew, written from Rome to his father, in Mehns, Jilj>istole di Lapo da CastiglioncMo, Bologna, 1753, p. 149. ^ Gobelinns, Cosmodromion (^JiJtax. vi. ch. 76) gives a horrible accomit of the siege operations : ' Quoddam tnrpis machinationis genus hunc excogitavit in modum ; capiebantur quasdam V)arllia, quiB stercore humano mixto cum nianibus, pedibus, vel capitibus, aut aliis membris a captivorum corporibus nimia crudelitate pnucisis impleta machinis ad aeris alta projecta, dehinc cadentia deorsum super ijisius castri planitiera, vel redificiorum strncturas, impetuose magno cum fragore collisa, tantum fudere fa^torem, ut intra castra existentes, in aeris infecti attractione continua vomere compulsi, illico se sulfocari timuerunt.' THE NEAPOLITAN WAR. 75 made for five days, at the end of which the Queen was to sur- chap. render if no help came. On the morning of the 24th Otto . _ • . resolved to make a last desperate effort ; gathering his forces, he advanced against Charles. But his troops were half hearted, and when Otto rushed upon the foe they did not follow him ; he was surrounded and made prisoner. Griovanna I.'s last hopes were gone, and on August 26 she surrendered the castle to Charles, who in a few days received the submission of the whole kingdom. No sooner was Charles in possession of Naples than Urban's legate, Cardinal de Sangro, proceeded to treat the clergy as a barbarous conqueror dealing with defeated rebels. The unhappy prelates, who had only obliged their Queen in recognising Clement VII., were deprived of their possessions, im- jirisoned, and tortm'ed without regard to their rank or dignity. Urban is said to have appointed on one day thirty-two arch- bishops and bishops for the Neapolitan kingdom.* Louis of Anjou had delayed to help Griovanna I. while she Death of was still in possession of the kingdom ; his help when she was j. May 12, in captivity only hastened her death. At first Charles hoped to ^^^"^• obtain from Giovanna the adoption of himself and a revocation of her previous adoption of Louis, so as to secure for himself a legitimate title. He treated the Queen with resjject till he found that nothing could overcome her indomitable spirit ; then he changed his policy, imprisoned her closely, and in view of the approaching invasion of Louis, judged it wise to remove her from his path. She was strangled in her prison on May 12, 1382, and her corpse was exposed for six days before burial that the certainty of her death might be known to all. Thence- forth the question between Charles III. and Louis was not com- plicated by any considerations of Giovanna's rights. It was a struggle of two dynasties for the Neapolitan crown, a struggle which was to continue for the next century. Crowned King of Naples by Clement VII., Louis of Anjou Louis of quitted Avignon at the end of May, accompanied by a brilliant vades array of French barons and knights. He hastened through ^^^^^^' North Italy, and disappointed the hopes of the fervent par- 1382-3. tisans of Clement VII. by pm-suing his course over Aquila, through the Abruzzi, and refusing to turn aside to Eome, which, they said, he might have occupied, seized Urban VI., ' Niem, Scliixm, i. 26. 76 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Urban YI. goes to Naples. A.]). 1383. l)ealinfi;s of Charles of Naples witli Urban VI. A.I). liiSo. and so ended the Schism. When he entered the territory of Naples he soon received large accessions to his forces from discontented barons, while twenty-two galleys fi'om Provence occupied Ischia and threatened Naples. Charles was unable to meet his adversary in the field, as his forces were far inferior in number to those of Louis, which were estimated by contemporaries at 40,000 horse ; he was compelled to act on the defensive, but showed such tactical skill that Louis, in Maddaloni, could obtain no fodder for his horses, which died miserably, while his men suffered from the hardships of a severe winter, and no decisive blow could be struck. Throughout the winter and the following spring Charles acted strictly on the defensive, cutting off supplies, and harassing his enemy by unexpected sallies. The French troops perished miserably from the effects of the climate ; the Count of Savoy died of dysentery, on March 1, 1383 ; Louis saw his splendid army rapidly dwindling away. But Urban VI. was already discontented with Charles. His fiery temper wished to see the invaders swept away from the land, and he resolved to give his cautious vassal a lesson in generalship. Moreover, Charles already showed signs of in- gratitude, and took no steps to hand over to the nephew Butillo his share of the spoil. Urban VI. resolved to go in person to Naples, and there settle everything that was amiss. In vain the six Cardinals who were with him protested against the dangers of such a course; in vain some of them pleaded poverty as a reason why they should remain behind. Urban threatened them with immediate deposition unless they followed him, and they were compelled to obey. Taking advantage of a pestilence which was raging in Rome, Urban VI. withdrew to Tivoli in April without exciting the suspicion of the people ; thence he advanced to Valmontone, through Ferentino and San Grermano to Suessa, and so to Aversa. Charles was naturally disturbed at the news of the Pope's journey to his territory. He was sufficiently employed by his contest with Louis, without being exposed to the complications which might arise from the presence of the suzerain in a king- dom whose possession was yet ill assured. He resolved at once to give the Pope a lesson, and show him his real powerlessness. He accordingly went to meet the Pope at his entry into Aversa. URBAN VI. IN NAPLES. 77 Urban VI. attired himself in full pontificals ; but Charles came CHAP. dressed in a simple suit of black, and, instead of advancing in - ', - state along the road, came across country, so as to give the meeting an accidental appearance. Still he showed all signs of dutiful respect. *But, as he was leading the Pope's palfre}'^ towards the castle of Aversa, Urban expressed his desire to take up his quarters in the Bishop's palace. Charles at once gave way ; but Urban's followers observed witii terror that the city gates were shut after they entered. The following night Charles sent orders to Urban to come to the castle. The Pope replied that it was the same hour as that in which the Jews had seized Christ ; he was hm'ried away by armed men, passionately declaring them excommunicated as he went, and assuring them of the certainty of their damnation. After three days spent with Charles in Aversa, the King and the Pope journeyed amicably together to Naples, where they made their solemn entry on November 9. Again the Pope wished to take refuge in the Archbishop's palace. ' Nay, Holy Father,' ex- claimed the King, ' let us go to the castle.' There for five days the Pope was .kept in honom-able custody till an agi-eement was made between him and the King, that the nephew Butillo was to have Capua, Amalfi, Nocera, and other places, as well as a revenue of 5,000 florins ; and the Pope, on his part, was not to interfere in the affairs of the kingdom. This compact, made by the intervention of the Cardinals, was celebrated by re- joicings, and the Pope took up his residence in the x^rchbishop's palace in peace. Yet his desire to enrich his relatives was insatiable, and two of his nieces were married with great pomp to Neapolitan nobles. The parade of Papal ceremonial was welcomed by the Neapolitans, though the religious impression produced by the Pope's ecclesiastical solemnities was somewhat marred by the misconduct of his nephew. On Christmas eve, as the Pope was present at vespers in the cathedral, a rumoiu* was suddenly brought that Butillo had forcibly entered a nun- nery and violated a sister of noble birth, remarkable for her beauty. Charles was glad to make use of this scandal, and called Butillo to trial. Urban VI. excused his nephew on the ground of youth (he was forty years old), and urged his rights as suzerain of Naples to stop the proceedings. Charles gave way, after remodelling his agreement with the Pope, and as a THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Campaif of 1381. Urban withdraws to Nficera. May 138'1. punishment for his offence Butillo was condemned to matri- mony. He wedded a lady related to the King, and received in dowry the castle of Nocera, and a promise of a revenue of 7,000 florins, so long as the domains which Charles had gi-anted him remained in the possession of Louis. After this settlement of affairs, Urban, on January 1, 1384, proclaimed a crusade against Louis as a heretic and schismatic, and Charles unfurled the banner of the Cross. The presence of the Pope gave fresh vigour to the efforts of Charles, for it made him anxious to rid himself of Louis before turning against Urban VI., whose presence in his kingdom was intolerable to him. He followed up the Papal proclama- tion of a crusade by a royal edict (January 15), summoning all his counts and barons to prepare for an expedition in the spring. Meanwhile he raised supplies from every quarter ; the finest horses of the Cardinals disappeai-ed from their stables, and men said that the King knew where they had gone.' The cloths of the Florentine, Pisan, and Genoese merchants, which were in the custom-house, were seized and appropriated to the royal service. On April 4 Charles led out his army to Barletta, whither Louis advanced against him and offered battle. Charles took counsel of his prisoner, Otto of Brunswick, who advised him not to risk battle, but to act on the defensive, as Louis would not long be able to keep the field against him. His advice proved wise ; after a few skirmishes Louis was compelled to fall back upon Bari. As a token of his gratitude, Charles set Otto at liberty, and re- mained at Barletta watching Louis. Meanwhile, Urban had determined to withdraw himself from the power of Charles, and take up a strong position against him. In spite of the King's promises, Capua had not yet been handed over to the Pope's nephew, and Nocera was the only place which Butillo could call his own. Hither Urban re- tired during the King's absence from Naples. The castle of Nocera was strong, and Urban caused it to be well provisioned ; but the town that gathered round it did not contain seventy habitable houses, and the Curia found Nocera a most uncom- ' Giov. Nap., 1049 : ' Questo Cardinale di Itavonna bavea dieci corsiori bellissiini, e questa notte ne foro rubbati sette ; e se dicea die R6 Carlo seppe ben dove andarono.' URBAN VI. AT NOCERA. 79 fortable residence when Urban, in the middle of May, trans- cilAP. ferred his court thither. He was resolved to make Nocera the ^- capital of the Papacy till he had settled at his will the affairs of Naples, and he conferred upon the town the title of ' Lueeria Christianorum.' "Hie Cardinals shuddered at the horrors of the life they led in Nocera, and longed for an opportunity to escape. In the middle of August some smoke in the distance caused an alarm that the enemy was advai^ing against the city. There was a general flight, in which some of the Car- dinals took refuge in Naples, and showed no disposition to listen to the Pope's summons to return. Strengthened by their return, Queen Margaret, who was Eegent in Naples, forbade the supply of provisions to the Pope, on which Urban retaliated by asserting his claims as suzerain to interfere in the affairs of the kingdom. He abolished the impost on wines, and forbade its payment to the royal officers, under pain of excom- munication. It was clear to Charles that Urban was a more serious ad- Death of versary than Louis ; but Charles lay helpless, his army was An^ou.^" °^ attacked by the plague, and he himself was stricken down by ^^^' ^^^^' it. It spread to the army of Louis, which was already worn out by hardships and by want of food, and proved more fatal than in the camp of Charles. In September Louis himself died, leaving behind him a will by which he bequeathed his claims on Naples to his eldest son. Louis was a brave and skilful general and a sensible politician ; in France he might have played a useful part: as it was he wasted his own life and that of many noble followers in the useless pursuit of a kingdom. Naples was to prove hereafter the destruction of his race, and his own fortunes were but a symbol of the fate of those who were to follow in his steps. On the death of Louis the remnant of his army dispersed. Hostilities and Charles was free from one antagonist. Still suffering from chlides^ the effects of the plague, he retiurned to Naples on November 10 *"'^ Urban and at once proceeded to bring matters to a crisis with the Pope. He sent to enquire courteously the reason why the Poj^e liad quitted Naples, and invited him to return thither. Urban VI. haughtily answered that kings were wont to come to the feet of popes, not popes at the command of kings. He went on to assert his right as suzerain to interfere in the affairs 80 THE GREA.T SCHISM. BOOK of Naples. ' Let the King,' he said, ' if he wishes for my ^^ ^' friendship, free his kingdom from oppressive imposts.' He seems to have wished to gather round himself a popular party, and it was believed that he had formed the wild idea of setting his worthless nephew Butillo on the throne of Naples. The answer of Charles was equally clear and decided ; the kingdom, he said, was his own ; he had won it by his own arms and labours. As to taxation, he would impose as many taxes as he chose ; let the Pope busy himself with his clergy, and not meddle with things that did not concern him War was now declared between the Pope and the King ; and both sides prepared for the conflict. Plot of the Charles found adherents amongst Urban 's Cardinals, who against' ' repined at the discomforts of Nocera, and there were few who Urban yi. ^ould Sympathise with Urban's schemes. He had been elected Jan, 138o. •' ^ Pope that the Papacy might be restored to its old seat at Kome. It was more intolerable that Nocera should be the head-quarters of the Papacy than Avignon. Urban's designs to establish his nephew in Naples interested no one but himself; and the. Cardinals stood aghast at the stubbornness and recklessness of the intractable Pope. It was monstrous that they should submit to be dragged helplessly from place to place as the whim of the passionate old man might dictate. It was natural that they should take counsel together how they could rid themselves from this intolerable yoke. They consulted a learned lawyer, Bartolino of Piacenza, and submitted a case for his opinion : they wished to know if a Pope who was imperilling the Church, and ruling at his own will without paying any heed to the Cardinals, might be compelled to accept a council elected by the Cardinals to regulate his doings. Their plan was to set up a body of commissioners by the side of an incapable Pojie ; the Papal monarchy as exercised by a mad despot was to be limited by a permanent council of the ecclesiastical aristocracy. The plan was ingenious, and the constitutional question which it raised was of great importance for the future of the Papacy. Put the Cardinal Orsini of Manupello revealed it to Urban VI. before it had been brought to mat urity, and the Pope lost no time in crushing it. On January 11, 1385, he called to a consistory the six Cardinals whom he most suspected; his nephew Butillo seized them, and cast them into a loathsome dungeon made in URBAN VI. AND HIS CARDINALS. 81 a broken cistern. The Pope accused them of a plot to seize chap. his person, compel him to confess himself to be a heretic, and ^ ^' then burn him. They were left in their horrible dungeon to suffer from cold, hunger, and loathsome reptiles. Dietrich of Niem, who was sen^ to examine them, gives us an account of their sufferings and of the Pope's vindictive fmy. It was in vain that the unhappy men pleaded their innocence ; in vain Dietrich of Niem entreated the Pope to be merciful. Urban's face glowed with anger like a lamp, and his throat grew hoarse with furious maledictions. The accused were dragged before a consistory and were urged to confess ; when they still pleaded innocence, they were again plunged into their dungeon. Three days afterwards they were submitted to tor- ture, elderly and infirm as many of them were. The brutal Butillo stood by and laughed at their sufferings, while the Pope himself walked in a garden outside, listening with satis- faction to their shrieks of agony, and reading his hours from the Breviary in a loud voice that the torturer might display more diligence when he knew that the Pope was at hand. After this the unhappy Cardinals were again carried back to their prisons. With his College of Cardinals thus crippled. Urban proceeded to strengthen it by new nominations, amongst whom were many Germans. We are not surprised to find that they all refused the dangerous honour, and only a few Neapolitans could be found to accept it. Five of his Cardinals left him, and -wrote to the Eoman clergy declaring that they could no longer recognise Urban as Pope ; they told the story of his recent cruelty; they complained of his stubborn, intractable, perverse, and haughty character, which reached almost to the pitch of madness ; his conduct was ruining the Church ; his orthodoxy was doubtful ; they declared their intention of coming to Kome and there summoning a General Council to consider how the dangers which threatened the Chm-ch might be averted. Urban VI., however, was undaunted. His arrogance and recklessness were thorough, and admitted as little consideration for the future as for the present. He excommunicated the Abbot of Monte Casino, who shoAved signs of following in the line suggested by the letter of the Cardinals, and was accused of VOL. I. G 82 THE GEEAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Siege of Nocera. 1385. stirring up a disturbance in Rome. He excommunicated the King and Queen of Najiles, and laid their land under an inter- dict. It is needless to say that the Neapolitan clergy stood in greater awe of Charles than of Urban, and the Papal thun- ders produced no effect beyond raising a persecution against such of the clergy as were suspected of being partisans of Urban ; they were tortured, imprisoned, and some were even thrown into the sea. It was one horrible feature of the Schism that it called forth the spirit of persecution and intolerance as much as if some great principle had been at stake. Charles III. had no longer any compunctions about pro- ceeding against the Pope, and sent to the siege of Nocera the Constable of Naples, Alberigo da Barbiano, the condottiere general who six years before had secured Urban VI. in the Papacy by his victory at San Marino ; since then his fidelity to Charles had won for him nobility and high office in the king- dom. Alberigo had no more scruples in attacking the Pope than if he had been a Saracen. The town of Nocera was soon taken, but the castle was on a steep rock and was well fortified ; its outer wall was thrown down by bombardment, but the citadel remained impregnable. Three or four times a day the dauntless Pope appeared at a window, and with bell and torch cursed and excommunicated the besieging army. He issued a Bull freeing from ecclesiastical penalties all clergy who might kill or muti- late the partisans of Charles. Alberigo replied by a proclama- tion offering a reward of 10,000 florins to anyone who would bring the Pope alive or dead into the camp. Never had Pope used his ecclesiastical authority so profusely ; never had Pope been treated with such contumelious contempt. Yet Urban VI. still had friends, and Charles III. had foes. A fleet of ten Genoese vessels lay off the coast, to aid Urban if they saw an opportunity. Eaimondello Orsini, son of the Count of Nola, who had been an adherent of Clement VII. and Louis of Anjou, was willing to sink his ecclesiastical in his political quarrel, and to help Urban against Charles. Taking under his command a band of mercenaries, he hastened to Nocera ; but his mercenaries thought that they would gain more from Charles than from Urban. When the royal troops came out to meet them, they fled in pretended fear. Eaimondello, finding himself deserted, dashed with furious corn-age through his enemies, FLIGHT OF URBAN VI. FROM NOCERA. 83 and with a few followers escaped into the castle. Meanwhile chap, his traitorous soldiers succeeded in capturing the Pope's nephew, ^- Butillo, who had unsuspectingly given them shelter in their flight. He was carried off a prisoner to Charles. Eaimondello remained only lon^ enough to concert measures with the Pope. By night he again made his escape through the besieging army, and went to summon the remnants of the army of Louis, which still remained under the leadership oM'ommaso of San- severino. After this the blockade of Nocera was made more rigid. The arrival of the Abbot of Monte Casino in the royal camp inspired greater savagery into the war. All who were discovered approaching the castle, or trying to introduce sup- plies or letters, were cruelly tortured. A messenger of the Pope, who was taken prisoner, was hurled from a catapult and was dashed to pieces against the castle walls. Yet, even in his extremities. Urban VI. showed a touching solicitude for his successors ; and framed a Bull for future occasions of Papal captivity, denouncing penalties on all resident within ten days' journey who did not hasten to succour a Pope, and promising to those who aided him the same indulgences as if they had gone on a crusade to the Holy Land. Urban's troops were sorely pressed by famine, when at Fii.o-htof length, on July 5, Eaimondello Orsini and Tommaso of San- from" ^ ^' severino broke through the camp of the besiegers and carried ^°^^^^- provisions into the castle. Two days afterwards they rescued Au^aist the Pope with all his baggage, and the captive Cardinals, whom '^^^' he refused to let go even in his flight. The horse on Avhich one of them, the Bishop of Aquila, was mounted went lame, on which Urban ordered the Bishop to be put to death, and his corpse was left unburied by the roadside.' The royalist troops, who were not strong enough to prevent the escajie, hung on the rear and harassed the retreat.' The confusion that arose gave the Pope's deliverers an opportunity of pillaging his baggage, for the majority of the motley army consisted of Breton adventurers and the French soldiers of Louis, who looked with contempt on Urban as the anti-pope, and had no motive for rescuing him but a desire for gain. As they drew near to Salerno, a proposal was made to carry off Urban to ' Niem, Schisrn, i. .56. G 2 84 TUE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK Avignon, and hand him over to Clement, unless he gave them _- money enough. The Germans and Italians had some diffi- culty in defeating this project, and Urban had to pay down 11,000 florins, and give his bond for 24,000 more. After this, it was thought wise to get rid of the French soldiers, and Urban, with 300 Germans and Italians, hmi'ied on to Benevento. During this retreat we feel that Urban VI. is in his proper sphere. Surrounded by a band of reckless ruffians, himself as reckless and as ruffianly as the worst of them. Urban showed courage equal to any danger, and his spirit was undaunted amidst all hardships. He made for Benevento, and when the inha- bitants refused to receive him, he professed to lay aside his intention of going there, and then suddenly appeared before the gates and forced an entrance. Thither he summoned the captains of the Genoese galleys which were still anchored off Naples, and arranged with them that they should convey him to Genoa. He exacted from the Beneventans 1,000 florins, bestowed the rule of the city on Raimondello as a reward for his services, and then commenced his jom'ney to the eastern coast, which still held for the Angevin party, and where the Genoese galleys were to meet him. Gobelin of Paderborn, who accompanied Urban in his flight, gives a vivid account of the sufferings experienced in crossing the Apennines in the full blaze of the fierce summer sun. For three months there had been no rain, so that the ground was parched up, and water was scarcely to be found ; from before sunrise till after sunset the restless Urban pressed on, with only an hour's rest at mid-day. When at length the sea came in view, not far from Barletta, the sight was hailed by joyous blasts of the trumpets ; but the galleys were not visible, and Barletta held for Charles III. They were obliged to make a circuit, and direct their weary steps towards Trani, with many an anxious glance over the waters. At length the longed-for sails were seen; with shouts of joy they hastened to the shore, and were picked up by the galleys on August 21. Their voyage was not without perils, but at last they landed in Genoa on September 23. The Genoese had not served Urban for nothing ; they sent in a bill for their kind protection — the cost of ten galleys URBAN VI. IN GENOA. 85 for four months, which amounted to 80,000 florins.* Urban CHAP. made over to them as payment the seaport town of Corneto, . which lay in the Patrimony. Though Urban VI. was in safety at Genoa, his haughty spirit F''|i*" ^'^l- did not relish a re^jidence in a city where opinion was so freely Sep. 1385 — expressed. The Doge, Antoniotto Adorno, was a man of large views and enterprising character, who soon showed the Pope that he was by no means ready to obey his behests. He wrote to the Emperor and to other princes, inviting them to co- operate with him in taking measures to end the Schism. The people of Genoa did not show the Pope the respect which he considered his due, and during his residence in Genoa, Urban never went beyond the precincts of the Hospital of St. John, where he had taken up his abode on landing.^ Yet the ferocity of his temper was in no way abated. One day there appeared before him a crazy hermit — for crazy indeed he must have been to come on such an errand to such a man — a French- man, who claimed to have had a revelation from heaven that Clement was the true Pope ; he charged Urban, as he loved the Church and valued his own salvation, to lay aside his office. Urban VI. was so amazed at this audacity, that he was driven to account for it by the supposition of diabolical instigation. Seeing a ring on the hermit's finger, an unwonted ornament, he assumed that it was the abode of the evil spirit. He asked, jokingly, to be allowed to look at it ; and as soon as it was in his hand, ordered his attendants to seize the hermit and put him to torture. The poor wretch, of course, confessed that his pretended revelation was diabolic and not divine. The Pope wished to put him to death ; but his Cardinals pleaded that the French King might take an unpleasant revenge on several of their relatives who were still in France. The hermit's head was shaved in mockery ; he was compelled to take an oath of allegiance to Urban, and publicly to recant his words ; at length he was allowed to go back to France. After a residence of rather more than a year in Genoa, Urban • Gobelin (Coxm. JEt.\\., ch. 80) gives us some interesting accounts of naval expenses in those daj's : every galley cost 2,000 florins a month, and carried 180 rowers and 50 bowmen, besides the necessary attendants. * Stella, Annalcs Gcnuenses, in Mur. xvii. 1127: 'Quantum vero Janure moram traxit nunquam de eo Sancti Joannis loco descendit, nisi cum se ab eadem urbe secrevit.' 86 THE GEEAT SCHISM. BOOK I. De.atli of Charles III. of Naples. Peb. 1386. VI. received a coui'teous but decided hint, from the Doge, that he had better seek another place of sojourn ; ^ the Genoese did not like his presence, and there were frequent tumults between them and the followers of the Pope. Before his departure the captive Cardinals were put to death, and buried in a stable, because the Pope no longer wished to be troubled by the custody of prisoners. One only was released — an Englishman, Adam Easton, who owed his safety to the special entreaties of King Eichard II.^ At the end of his stay in Genoa Urban VI. saw a new opportunity for prosecuting his designs on Naples by the un- timely death of King Charles III. No sooner had that adven- turous prince freed himself from Urban than he plunged into new schemes of aggrandisement. The death of King Lewis of Hun- gary in 1382 left his kingdom to his daughter Mary, a girl of twelve years old, who was betrothed to Sigismund, second son of the Emperor Charles IV., a boy of fifteen. The regency was in the hands of the widowed Queen Elizabeth, whose preference for Nicolas Gara, one of the ministers of the late King, awoke the jealousy of the Hungarian barons. Wishing for a leader of revolt, they sent to Charles of Naples and offered him the Hungarian crown, and the ambition of Charles outweighed the promises which he had made to Lewis and prevailed over the entreaties of his wife. It would almost seem that Charles ordered his general to connive at Urban's escape from Nocera as being the simplest means of freeing himself from difficulties at home. No sooner was Urban fairly embarked on the Genoese galleys than Charles, with a few followers, hurried off to Hungary, where he found much dissatisfaction with the rule of women, and had no difficulty in gathering a strong party round him. At first he declared that he only came to pacify Hungary; but gradually he assumed to himself a kingly position. Elizabeth deemed it wisest to yield : in behalf of herself and her daughter she resigned the crown, and besought Charles to take it. l^ut a reaction soon set in, and popular sympathy ' Sozomen Pistoriensis, i/i Mur., xvi. lloO : ' Fcrebatur quod a Duce honeste prajceptum sibi fuerat discedere.' 2 Baluzius, ii. 985, makes Adam Easton Bishop of London, and Niem calls hira Bishop of Hereford ; he held none of these oflices, but was a canon of Salisbury, prebendary of Yetminster, and exchanged for a living in Norwich diocese in 1392. See Godwin, I)e PrcrsuUbus. DEATH OF CHARLES III. OF NAPLES. 87 arose for the disj)ossessed queens, who attended the coronation chap. of Charles with tears streaming down their cheeks and eyes \' . fixed on the tomb of the great Lewis, whose favours had been so soon forgotten, and whose wife and daughter had been so traitorously abandoned. Charles was natm-ally of a mild dispo- sition, and every motive of policy combined to lead him to treat with kindness Elizabeth and her daughter, in the hopes of uniting the contending factions in the kingdom. Elizabeth used her opportunity, and plotted the death of Charles : she invited him to a conference, and managed that it lasted so long as to weary out the patience of Charles's Italian followers, who gradually dispersed. When Charles was thus left alone, Nicolas Gara drew near as though to take leave of the Queen ; a man followed him, who, suddenly drawing his sword, aimed a blow at the head of the unsuspecting Charles. Though sorely wounded, Charles could still stagger from the room, but his attendants fled : he was a prisoner in the hands of Eliza- beth and Nicolas Gara, and when his wounds showed signs of healing, he was j)ut to death in prison on February 24, 1386. The death of Charles III. again plunged the kingdom of Urban's Naples into confusion. The Angevin party, which had been banks' ^'* powerless against Charles, raised against his son Ladislas, a boy of ^^sc. twelve years old, the claims of Louis II. of Anjou. The exactions of the Queen Eegent Margaret awoke dissatisfaction, and led to the appointment in Naples of a new civic magistracy, called the Otto di Euono Stato, who were at variance with Margaret. The Angevins rallied under Tommaso of Sanseverino, and were reinforced by the arrival of Otto of Brunswick. The cause of Louis was still identified with that of Clement VII., who, in May 1385, had solemnly invested him with the kingdom of Naples. Urban VI., however, refused to recognise the claims of the son of Charles, though Margaret tried to propitiate him by releasing Butillo from prison, and though Florence warmly supported her prayers for help. Ordinary motives of expe- diency did not weigh with Urban VI., who still hoped to bring Naples immediately under himself by setting Butillo upon the throne. When he left Genoa he resolved to move southwards towards Naples, where he had hopes of acceptance from the Otto di Buono Stato.^ ' Soz. Fist., 1130: ' Constitueruat sex Neapolitanos gubcrnatorcs Regni, 88 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK Urban VI. could not leave Genoa Immedly, for it was diffi- „ l_ . cult for him to find anywhere else to go. The Italian cities were Urban VI. uot anxious for the expensive honour of entertaining a Pope of l)ec."i38G Urban's overbearing disposition. At last, after meeting with —Sep. many refusals from other cities,' he prevailed on Lucca to receive him. On December 16, accompanied by twelve Car- dinals, he left Genoa by sea and journeyed to Lucca ; though he had promised the citizens of Lucca not to stay longer than fifteen days, he remained there till the following September. Things in Naples went badly for his plans ; his refusal to re- cognise Ladislas necessarily tended to strengthen the party of Louis, which found in Otto of Brunswick a skilful general ; the dissensions in the city of Naples between the Queen and the magistracy gave an opportunity for a successful attack. On July 8 Margaret was driven out of Naples, which fell into the hands of the Angevin party, and she had to take refuge in the impregnable Castle of Gaeta. Fierce vengeance was wreaked by the conquerors, who had personal, political, and religious differences to settle. Clement VII. gave the Papal permis- sion to sell the gold and silver vessels of the Neapolitan churches as a means of providing pay for the soldiers. Though Urban VI. might not wish to see Ladislas esta- blished in Naples, still less could he wish to see there a king who owed his title to Clement. On August 30 he issued an encyclical letter, calling on the faithful to follow the banner of the Church in driving out the schismatics from Naples. But he had no notion of drawing nearer to Ladislas : on Sep- tember 6 he appointed the Archbishop of Patras guardian of Achaia on behalf of the Church ; Ladislas, through his father, had some claim to the succession, and Urban took, in the name of the Church, the heritage of an excommunicated heretic. Both these letters of Urban's were equally without effect : no army gathered at the Pope's command to invade Naples ; the Church got no hold of Achaia. Aticmpts The proceedings of Urban VI. created uneasiness in Florence. of rlorencG to make The Republic, in its wish for peace, strove to reconcile Urban peace. 1387. qui vocaverunt dictum Urbanum Papam, promittentcs eum facere Domiuuiu, si illuc iret.' ' Soz. Fist., 1130: 'Admultas requisierat ire civitates, et nulla cum ac- ceptavit nisi civitas Lucana.' URBAN VI. AT PERUGIA. 89 with the party of Ladislas : when Urban showed himself in- cHAP. exorable, the Florentines tried to make peace by other means. \' They sent an embassy to France, and proposed a reconciliation of the two factions in Naples by a marriage of Louis of Anjou with Giovanna, the,^ister of Ladislas. Their proposal came to nothing ; but on their way home the ambassadors paid a visit to Clement VII. at Avignon, and were by him received w^ith great respect. Urban's conduct, especially Ijis execution of the captive Cardinals, awakened disgust throughout Europe. Clement was anxious, when he saw his rival's unpopularity, to submit his claims to a General Council. He sent an embassy to Florence to urge them to take a leading part in summoning a Council ; but the Florentines were too entirely Italian to wish to help a Pope at Avignon : they answered that it was for kings and princes to summon Councils, not for them. They contented themselves with trying to neutralise the ill effects of Urban's presence in their neighbom'hood ; party spirit waxed high at Bologna, and a faction was desirous of calling in the Pope to their aid. Florence was afraid of the power of Gian Galeazzo Visconti of Milan, and feared lest the Pope should add another to the disturbing causes which were already at woi'k. Events near Eome tended to call Urban southwards. On Urban vi. May 8 a powerful foe of Urban and of the Roman people, Fran- g^p. 13^7 cesco da Vico, was put to death at Viterbo. He was one of the ^^g"^* most powerful and of the most cruel and oppressive amongst the tyrants who had made themselves masters of the States of the Church, and his death was the cause of great rejoicing to the Roman citizens. His relatives, however, were powerful ; and the people of Viterbo, after slaying their tyrant, were driven to put themselves under the Papal protection, and receive as Papal legate Cardinal Orsini of INIanupello. En- couraged by this success, L^rban VI. began to draw nearer Rome, and on September 23 left Lucca for Perugia. The Florentines tried to persuade the Perugians not to receive him, and the Perugian magistrates so far listened to them that, when the}' met L^rban VI. on his entry into their city, they urged on him a pacific policy, particularly towards Florence. Urban briefly answered that peace no doubt was a good thing, but he wanted the lands of the Church : it was not for them to dictate 90 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Return of Urban VI. to Rome. Sep. 1, 1388. to him in his dealings with P^lorence. He hoped to have brought Perugia under his rule ; but the Perugians showed no signs of submission, nor did they pay fitting respect to the nephew Butillo, who had grown no wiser by previous experience, and conducted his amours with a Perugian lady in such a way as to awaken the anger of her brothers, who laid in wait for the imprudent lover by night and ignominiously flogged him. The Pope was full of wrath at this insult to his ftivourite, but his wrath was directed to another quarter. On some trivial he recalled Cardinal Orsini from Yiterbo : but the cause people held by the Cardinal, and refused to admit the new legate whom Urban sent in his place. Furious at this insult. Urban summoned Cardinal Orsini to Perugia, and could not await his arrival, but sent soldiers to arrest him on the way. This roused the anger of the Cardinal's brother, Cola Orsini, who seized upon the towns of Narni and Terni; Urban was driven to liberate the Cardinal and end this unprofitable quarrel. But all this while the Pope's eyes were fixed on Naples, and he saw in the varying successes of the two contending parties and in the miseries of the land a means of asserting his own claims. He declared that the kingdom had lapsed to the Holy See, and even wrote from Perugia, on May 1 , appoint- ing a governor of Calabria. He laboured to gather together troops for an expedition into Naples, and called upon Sicily to provide him with ships and men in accordance with an old treaty which bound Sicily to furnish aid to Naples when it was in extreme peril ; as rightful lord of Naples, Urban de- clared its peril to be extreme. All the soldiers that Urban could raise was a band of mercenaries, who, under the com- mand of an Englishman, Beltot, had been ravaging Tuscany. On August 8, 1388, Urban VI. put himself at the head of this lawless company and departed from Perugia. He had not gone far before his mule stumbled and he fell : though so severely shaken that he had to be carried in a litter, he still refused to go to Rome, and continued his course to Naples. A hermit came to meet him on his way, and prophesied, ' Whether you will or no, you will go to Rome and there die.' The pro- phecy came true. At Nami his reckless soldiers began to doubt about their chances of receiving pay ; the Florentines, EETUEN OF URBAN VI. TO EOME. 91 anxious to avert war, had made them tempting offers if they CHAP. would enter their service, and they began to think that the ' money of Florence was surer than that of the Pope. Two thousand of them left him and went back to Tuscany. Though Urban was left with only two hundred men, he still went on his way to Ferentino. There he waited for reinforcements, but only a thousand men gathered round him. He saw that his expedition was useless, and gloomily retired to jgome, which he had not seen for five years. He was received by the Romans on September 1 with outward respect, but with suspicion and dislike. They insisted that he should send away the soldiers whom he had brought with him, and he was obliged to dismiss them to Viterbo. Yet Urban VI.'s mind was still set upon an expedition to Urban vi. Naples, and for that purpose money must be raised. He hit a^^elTr of upon the happy expedient of hastening on the year of jubilee, jubike. which had been established by Boniface YIII., in 1300, as an anniversary to be held every hundred years, when pilgrims might visit Eome and gain indulgences by prayers at the graves of the Apostles. This jubilee had been found so pro- fitable that Clement VI. enacted that it should be held every fiftieth year. Urban VI. went further, and ordered that the year 1390 should be a year of jubilee, and that henceforth it should be held every thirty-third year. Of course there were excellent reasons for this change : thirty-three was the number of the years of the Redeemer's life on this earth ; it was also the duration of a generation of men, and gave all who wished it a fair chance of obtaining inestimable privileges. The procla- mation of a jubilee was Urban's last desperate step to obtain supplies for his projected invasion of Naples. Meanwhile it gave him a powerful means of keeping in order the refractory Romans. Their city was desolate ; they had suffered from the incursions of bands of plunderers of every sort ; poverty, beggary, and famine were rife. Urban had even had to issue a decree forbid- ding the people to dismantle the empty palaces of the Car- dinals that they might use the materials for building.* Rome • Theiner, Codex Diplomaticus Boimnii Temporalis, ii. G39, dated iii. Kal. Jan., 1384: ' XonnuUi tamen clerici quam laici . . . domos et palacia ad titulos sanctae Romanre ecclesiaj Cardinalium pertinencia invadere, seque in illis intrudere et ea occupare pnesumpserunt et praesumunt— et non solum ea 92 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK 1. Death of Urban VI. Oct. 15, 1389. hailed with joy the promise of a jubilee, which would again bring crowds of pilgrims and make money flow into their beggared city. Urban saw and used his opportunity to strike a blow at the power of the magistracy, who, since his departm*e, had ruled the city. He appointed a senator by his own powers : the people rose in uproar and rushed clamorous to the Vatican. But the Papal excommunication again had power in Rome when anything was to be gained from the Papacy. In a few days the Eoman magistrates, barefooted, in the garb of peni- tence, with ropes round their necks and candles in their hands, sought the Pope's absolution. Urban's indomitable spu-it had still some ground to triumph before it passed away. He reduced to obedience the people of Rome, and he heard of the failure of an attempt made by his foe, Cardinal Pileo of Ravenna, to create a diversion in favour of Clement in North Italy. On August 25 Urban fulminated his anathemas against him as a child of wickedness. On October 15 he died in the Vatican, and was bm-ied in the chapel of St. Andrew, whence his bones were afterwards transferred into the main church. Urban's pontificate is one of the most disastrous in the whole history of the Papacy. Many other Popes have been more vicious, but none showed less appreciation of the difficul- ties, the duties, the traditions of his oflfice. The private vices of a man are known for certain only to a few, and entire incompe- tence, if a dignified exterior be preserved, may escape detection. But at a most critical moment in the history of the Papacy, when tact, discretion, and conciliatory prudence were above all things necessary, Urban VI. showed to his astonished adherents nothing save furious self-will, unreasoning ambition, and a wild savageness of disposition, which removed his actions from all possibility of calculation. He excited bitter hatred, all the more bitter because his followers could not choose but submit. Urban VI. was at the head of a party bound together by many different interests ; but he was a necessary head, and men could not dispense with him if they would. Revolt against Urban meant acceptance of Clement, and all the political con- coUabi ct rucre damnose permittunt, verum eciam colunmas et lapides ot trabes, lignamina, fcrramonta et tcgulas de ipsis domibus ct palaciis snrri- pientes ct in proprios usus convcrtentcs carum domorum dcstructionem ac- celerant.' CHARACTER OF URBAN VI. 93 sequences which a Pope under French influence necessarily chap. involved. Men followed Urban VI. in helpless terror and dis- . ?" , gust, for his wild energy and ferocity prevented them from regarding him with contempt ; only a man like Charles VI. of Naples, strong and unscrupulous as himself, could beat him back. Men said that he was mad, that his head had been turned by his unexpected elevation to the Papacy. In truth, Urban VI. is an examjole of the wild excesses of An adventm'ous spirit, which had been in early years repressed, but not trained by discipline. When he became Pope he wished to comi^ress into a few years the gratification of the desires of a lifetime ; he fancied that his office in itself afforded him the means of giving effect to his personal schemes and caprices. The tra- ditions of the Papacy, the policy of his predecessors, the advice and the entreaties of his Cardinals, weighed equally little with him. His very virtues only lent intensity to the evil which he wrought; his personal uprightness, straightforwardness, and piety only tended to give strength to his pride and obstinacy. He was so confident in the rightness of his own opinion, that he regarded all advice with contempt ; he was so determined to move directly to his end, that he never reasonably considered the difficulties in the way. He was so convinced that his cause was the cause of heaven, that he had noplace for the hesitation or the wisdom of humility. He formed no large plans ; he can scarcely be said to have had a policy at all. Being a Nea- politan by birth, he seems to have burned with desire to make his power felt in his native land. This he hoped to do by the mere assertion of the old claims of the Papacy, which he wished to vise solely in the interests of his own family. His attempt would have been ludicrous if it had not been carried on with a fiery and passionate persistency that made it tragic. Still even in this attempt, unreflecting as it was, we see the beginnings of the obvious policy which the conditions of Italy forced upon the restored Papacy — the policy of founding itself upon a basis of temporal sovereignty, and taking place among the vigorous rulers who had sprung up in every part of Italy. Urban saw the need of this, and saw also that the end could only be reached by employing the Papal power to promote the Pope's relatives. The rash endeavours of Urban VI. are but a grotesque forecast of the subtler and more farseeing policy of his successors in the fifteenth century. 94 CHAPTER II. CLEMEXT VII. — BONIFACE IX. RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN OXFORD AND PARIS. 1389-1394. BOOK In following the wild career of Urban VI. we have seen but ^ little of his rival Clement VII. It would seem as if their Clement elevation to the Papacy had transformed the characters of the obe- the two men. The high-born Robert of Geneva laid aside the dience of reckless blood-thirstiness which marked him as a condottiere the opanish kingdoms, ofeneral, and adopted the stately decorum of the Papal office. The lowly Neapolitan bishop, Bart olommeo Prignano, disregarded the traditions of the Curia in which he had been trained, and plunged furiously into a career of military enterprise. In the peaceful retirement of Avignon, Clement VII. was free from the complications of Italian politics, and had none of the tempta- tions to adventurous exploits which led Urban VI. astray. He could listen unmoved to the fulminations of his rival, and was concerned only with the ceremonial side of the Neapolitan contest — the investiture and coronation of the Angevin pre- tenders. Instead of struggling to win a kingdom for himself, he pursued the less adventurous task of gaining over to his obedience the kingdoms of the Spanish peninsula. At first they had stood aloof from the strife of rival Pontiffs ; but in 1380 the necessities of a close alliance with France urged John I. of Castile, who had come to the throne in 1379, to recognise Clement VII. John I. was the son of Henry of Trastamare, who, in spite of the arms of the Black Prince, had ousted Peter the Cruel from the Castilian throne. But Peter's daughter Constance had been married to John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, who, in right of his wife, claimed Castile for him- CLEMENT VII. KECOGNISED BY THE SPANISH KINGDOMS. 95 self. This struggle was necessarily part of the great struggle chap. between France and England which occupies so much of the ^^- history of the fourteenth century. While English troops were ready to fight against John's throne, it was the interest of France to help him, and he was bound to draw near to France in all political matters. Yet the recognition of Clement was done with all due decorum, so as to be impressive to the rest of Europe. In November 1380, '"John ordered a council to be held at Medina del Campo, in the diocese of Salamanca, for the purpose of enquiring into the claims of the two Popes : Urban's cause was pleaded by the Bishops of Faenza and Pavia ; Clement's by a Spanish Cardinal, Peter de Luna, a keen and shrewd man of the world, whose Spanish birth gave him many advantages in the discussion. Many were the sittings of the Council, lengthy the speeches of the advocates, bulky the statements sent by the two Popes, and enormous the mass of depositions by which they each substantiated their claims. The Council sat from November 1380 till March 1381, and then declared for Clement, who by this adhesion of Castile won a decided triumph over his rival. Urban had submitted his claims to a tribunal which professed to weigh the matter care- fully, and then gave judgment against him. So far as conciliar action had gone, it had been in favour of Clement. Of course Urban declared John of Castile deposed, and handed over his kingdom to the Duke of Lancaster, who more than once led an English army into Castile; but, though helped by Portugal, he found the strife hopeless, and in 1390 made peace with John, and gave his daughter Katharine in marriage to the heir to the Castilian throne. In Aragon the ambitious and grasping Peter IV. was willino- to recognise Urban, if the Pope would invest him with Sicily, where he was trying to assert his claims to the throne, and would gratify his cupidity by further concessions. It is to Urban's credit that he refused the terms offered : indeed, Urban's haughtiness and self-confidence were too great to purchase recognition by un- worthy means. Peter accordingly acknowledged neither Pope ; but his successor, John I., listened to the persuasions of Peter de Luna, followed the example of Castile, and immediately on his accession in 1387 acknowledged Clement. Three years later, in 1390, Charles III. of Navarre, again at the instigation 96 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK 1. lement VII. and the Uni- versity of Paris. of the indefatigable Peter de Luna, joined the Kings of Castile and Aragon in their recognition of Clement. Follow- ing on the stormy and disastrous reign of Charles the Bad, he pursued a peaceful policy of alliance with his neighbours, and so wished to avoid the difficulties of ecclesiastical differences. In the peace of Avignon, however, Clement VII. had to face a theological power, from whose influence his rival was free. One of the results of the Papal residence at Avignon had been an increase of the reputation of the University of Paris as the fountain of theological learning. The University, by becoming the seat of philosophical teaching, had in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries given organised expression to the beliefs and opinions on which the Papal power was based, and in close alliance with the Papacy had grown in importance. Many of its sons became Popes, and showed due gratitude to their nursing mother by increasing her privileges and ex- tolling her glory. Alexander IV. spoke of the University of Paris as ' the tree of life in Paradise, the lamp of the house of God, a well of wisdom ever flowing for souls that thirsted after righteousness.' With such a reputation, and supported by the national pride of the French people, it was but natural that this powerful corporation of learned theologians should be reckoned as superior in theological matters to the Popes at Avignon, who were content to register rather than mould its decrees. When John XXII. held a different opinion from the University about the condition of departed souls after death, he narrowly escaped being branded as a heretic. On the outbreak of the Schism, motives of political in- terest had outweighed the scruples of canonists, and the French King had acknowledged Clement VII. without heed- ing the hesitation of the University. Yet a slight expe- rience of the evils of the Schism revived the power of the University, and gave practical emjihasis to its warnings. Clement VII. had to procure revenues for himself and his Cardinals chiefly at the expense of the French Church. Thirty- six proctors of the Cardinals ranged like harpies through the land, enquiring into the value of abbeys and benefices, and ready on a vacancy to pounce upon them for their masters. Every post of any value was reserved for the Papal officials, and the goods of prelates were seized at their death for the THE UNIVERSITY OF PAEIS. 97 Pope's use.' The native clergy saw that they ^Yould soon be chap. reduced to hard straits, the University dreaded the loss of its , ^J^ , share of ecclesiastical patronage, and thoughtful men saw with sorrow the neglect of all spiritual functions which such a state of affairs must necessarily produce in the Church. Already, on the death of Charles Y., in September 1380, there were hopes that under the new rule something mighWDe done to heal the schism, and the University laid before the Eegent, Louis of Anjou, a proposal for summoning a General Council. But Louis was bound to Clement VIL by the exigencies of his Neapo- litan policy, and answered the petition of the University by throwing its representatives into prison, whence they were not released till they had promised to lay aside their proposal of a Council. Still the University did not give up its project, though political necessities prevailed against it for a time. In the course of a few years a conflict arose within the Theoioiricai University itself which led it to submit to the Pope's decision ^vkh^n^the^' a disputed question of doctrine. Its orthodoxy received a University shock in 1387 by the opinions of a Dominican, Jean de Montson, 1387-1389. who asserted the view held by his Order that the Virgin JNIary was conceived in original sin. The reverence paid to JNIary had led to attempts to define and determine the exact limits of her holiness. S. Bernard had declared that she had been free from sin during her lifetime ; but jDopular devotion demanded more than this, and S. Thomas Aquinas had found it necessary to argue against the notion of an immaculate conception. The Dominican Order had followed their great teacher ; but the opinion of Duns Scotus, which was followed by the Franciscans, was more popular, and asserted the fitness and possibility of the belief that the Virorin had not been conceived in sin. The question had gradually developed into being one of importance, and the two parties were in opposition to one another. The University as a body sided with the Franciscan view, and Montson's teaching was regarded as a challenge. A commission was appointed to look into his opinions, which were unani- mously condemned.^ Montson appealed to Clement, and a ' IteJi'jieux dc S. Dcnyt, bk. ii., cb. 2. ^ The following are the two chief propositions of Montson, with their condemnation (Bula;\is, iv. 620) : — ' I. Asserere aliquot! verum quod est contra sacram scriptaram est expres- VOL. I. H 98 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK 1. Election of Piero Tomacelli, Boniface IX. Oct. 1389. deputation headed by Peter of Ailly, who was accompanied by his pupil Jean Gerson, was sent to plead the views of the Uni- versity at Avignon. Clement's position towards this question was uncomfortable ; on the side of Montson was the authority of Aquinas, who had been recognised by Pope Urban V. as an authoritative teacher of Christian truth. Clement must either set aside the declaration of a previous Pope, and so give his rival the opportunity of impeaching his own orthodoxy, or he must oppose the favourite doctrine of the University, and go counter to the popular opinion of France. Clement did not immediately pronounce on the matter, but Montson's flight into Aragon and adhesion to Urban decided Clement against him ; in January 1389 he condemned Montson's opinions, to the delight of the University and the people of France. Clement VII. thus took an important step in the formation of the opinion of the Church, though it was not till 1854 that the views of Ailly and of the University of Paris were raised to the dignity of a necessary dogma. Still the quarrel lasted within Ihe University ; no one was admitted to a degree who did not assent to the condemnation of Montson's propositions ; the Dominicans were for a time forbidden to lectui'e, and it was not till 1403 that a reconciliation was brought about and the Dominicans reluctantly submitted. Urban VI. died on October 15, 1389. On October 30, in the Court of Avignon, Clement VII., with great pomp, crowned Louis II. of Anjou as King of Naples. The French King lent his presence to the ceremony, which was thus a declaration of the political strength of the Pope at Avignon. There were hopes that with the death of Urban VI. the Schism might be ended by the universal recognition of Clement VII. Such, however, was not the idea of the fourteen Cardinals of Urban VI. who were at Eome ; they lost no time in going into Conclave, and elected a Neapolitan Cardinal, Piero Tomacelli, who was enthroned on November 2, 1389, and took the title of Boni- face IX. Tomacelli was taU and of commanding appearance, sissime contra fidem. Condon natvr revocanda tanquam falsa et injuriosa Sanctis et docinrihus, si earn intelligit univcrsaliter, j)rovt in 2)robatum ejus vidt'tiir praieiidcrc. 'II. B. Slarium Virgincm et Dei genotriceni nou conlraxisse peccatnm originale est expressc conlra fidem. lievocanda tanquavi falsa, scandalosa , pra-sumpi iwsc a-fserta ct piariivi avHum offen>siva.' ELECTION OF BONIFACE IX. 99 in the prime of life, being only thirty-three years old. He chap. was not a scholar, nor a student, nor was he even versed in the . . / _. ordinary routine of the business of the Curia. His secretary, Dietrich of Niem, sighs over his ignorance and heedlessness of the formalities in which the official mind especially delights.^ The College of Cardinals was not strong, and it was clear that he who was elected Pope would have no easjs^task before him. Tomacelli's vigour and prudence were well known, and his life was free from reproach ; contemporaries tell us, with wonder, that no suspicion of unchastity ever attached to him. The Cardinals, smarting under the indignities of the rule of Urban VI., chose a successor of whose affability they were sure, and whom they believed to possess the force of character ne- cessary to rescue the Papacy from the disastrous results of Urban's wrongheadedness. On his return from his enthronisa- tion, Boniface IX.'s answer to those who congratulated him was, ' My joy is your joy.' Boniface IX. lost no time in showing that his spirit was dif- Concili- ferent from that of Urban. He restored to his position as mensures Cardinal the luckless Encrlishman Adam Easton, the sole sur- ^f Boniface viving victim of Urban's tyranny ; and this conciliatory act bore its fruit in the return of the runaway Pileo of Eavenna, who, after being first a Cardinal of Urban VI. and then of Clement VII., was again received by Boniface IX. The Italians made merry over the tm-ncoat, and gave him the nickname of the Cardinal di Tricapelli — the ' Cardinal of three hats.' A pious adherent of Clement expresses a devout hope that his ambition and wantonness might be rewarded hereafter by a fom'th hat of red-hot iron.^ If Boniface IX. thus wished to show his freedom from the personal quarrels of his predecessor, he was equally anxious to reverse his political measiu-es. He saw the hopelessness of Urban's opposition to Ladislas of Naples ; he saw that a power- ful vassal king in Naples was the necessary support of the Papacy at Rome. Accordingly he lost no time in recognising Ladislas, who, in May 1390, was solemnly crowned Iving of ' Be Schism, ii. 6 : ' Supplicationes sibi porrectas signavit ac si nunquam fuisset in Romana Curia institutus, nee qiiiB petebantur in ipsis intellexit, et propositiones factas coram eo per advocates in ejus consistorio toto tempore sui Pontificatus non intelligens ad petita nimis confuse respondit.' 2 Baluze, Vit(B Paj>. Av. i. 524. 100 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK 1. The Jubilee of 1390. Boniface IX. rceog niises the, dynasties •within the Papal btalcs. Naples by the Florentine bishop, Angelo Acciaiuoli, who was sent as Papal Legate for the purpose. Boniface had the poli- tical wisdom to perceive at once that the first object of Papal policy must be to secure a firm territorial basis in Italy itself. He exchanged the wild schemes of Urban for a statesman- like plan of establishing the Pope's power in Rome, and of gathering together again the scattered States of the Church. But this was no easy task, and it required above all things money for its accomplishment. The whole nature of Boniface seems to have been devoted to attempts to gather money, and to this he turned all the power and privileges of his eccle- siastical position. Urban VI. had grievous faults, but he was not extortionate ; his determination to root out the abuses of the Curia was the chief cause which provoked against him the hatred of the seceding Cardinals. Yet Urban had felt the pressing need of money, and had proclaimed the Jubilee for 1390 ; and it was the luck of Boniface to enter at once into the enjoyment of the revenues which this source of income pro- vided. Pilgrims flocked from Grermany, Hungary, Poland, Bohemia, and England, and the Papal treasury was enriched by their pious offerings. So satisfied was Boniface with the results, that he was unwilling to deprive anyone of the indulgences which were so precious both to himself and them. He extended the privileges of the Jubilee to those who visited the churches I of many cities in Grermany, provided they extended helping hands to the Papal needs. Koln, jNIagdeburg, Meissen, Prag, and Paderborn, were in turns the objects of the Papal gene- rosity, and to each of them Pa])al collectors were sent who received the tribute of the faithful.^ So lucrative was this proceeding found, that unaccredited agents of the Pope took on themselves to sell indulgences, and the scandal was so great that the Pope was obliged to appoint commissioners to restrain these impostors. The money which Boniface raised by the Jubilee was needed for the help of Ladislas in Naples, where Louis of Anjou had landed in August 1390. The party of Ladislas was feeble, and all the Pope's aid was necessary to supply him with resources sufficient to enable him to make head against his more wealthy rival. Boniface did not scruple to alienate or mortgage Church ' Gob., C(>{:vi. vi. 86. BONIFACE IX. AND THE PAP^U:. STATES. 101 lands to raise supplies. He took also an important step of ciiAP. selling to the nobles who had risen to power in vai'ious cities of ._ '|- . the Patrimony the title of Vicar of the Eoman Church. In this Boniface showed his wisdom. He recognised the existing state of things, which he had no power of preventing, and was paid for his recognition. Moreover, his recognition was in the nature of a limitation. The authority which had b«^n gained by the nobles was irregular and indefinite ; it had grown up of its own accord, and might have developed unchecked. The Pope con- ferred upon them a title and an authority for a limited period, from ten to twelve years, and received in return a sum of money paid down, and a small yearly tribute. When the authority of these Papal vicars had once been defined, it could be altered or suspended according as the Pope was powerful. It Avas a wise act on the part of Boniface, in the midst of all the difficulties and necessities of his position, to adopt a scheme which filled his coffers, diminished the number of his foes, and gave him a standing ground from which to proceed against them when opportunity offered. Yet the ten- dency towards dismemberment of the Papal States was strong ; and the dynasties whose rights were now recognised remained for more than a century to disturb the Popes. Antonio of ]\Iontefeltro was made Vicar of Urbino and Cagli, and Astorgio Manfredi of Faenza. The Alidori ruled at Imola, the Ordelaffi at Forli, the jNIalatesta at Eimini, Fani, and Fossombrone ; Albert of Este at Ferrara. Bologna, Fermo, and Ascoli bought similar privileges for their municipal bodies. Not since the days of Albornoz had the Papal lordship been so widely acknowledged in the States of the Church. Boniface could raise money in Germany and Italy, but he Resistance found it more difficult to do so in England, where neither reli- \?.^^ll^^ j^ gious nor political feeling was strong on the side of the Pope. England. The old resistance to Papal exactions had gained additional weight when the Pope at Avignon was clearly on the side of the national foes. At the outbreak of the Schism, England had set herself on the side opposite to France, but had no interest in specially maintaining the cause of the Pftpe at Rome. The policy of national opposition to the extortions of the Papacy gathered still greater strength after the enactment of the Statutes of Provisors and Pra?munire, and this national spirit 102 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK soon found an exponent who raised the question of resistance to Eome above the level of a mere struggle against extortion. Joiin The destruction of the ecclesiastical system by the Popes, Oxf.ird. and the disastrous results of the Schism, gave rise to a move- 1310-13C5. Yaent within the University of Oxford, which went deeper than the corresponding movement in the University of Paris. While the theologians of Paris, accepting the Papal system, set them- selves to find a practical method of healing its breaches and restoring its unity, there arose in Oxford a follower of William of Occam, who advanced to a criticism of the foundations of the ecclesiastical system itself. From a little village near Rich- mond, in Yorkshire, John Wyclif went as a student to Oxford, where his learning and ability met with theu' reward in a Fellowship at Merton, the Mastership of Balliol, and the War- denship of Archbishop Islip's new foundation of Canterbury Hall in 1365. In this last position, Wyclif was engaged in the struggle that continually was waged between the monks and the secular clergy ; each party strove to possess themselves of the endowments of the Hall, and the monks, aided by Arch- bishop Langham, Islip's successor, and by the Pope, succeeded in dispossessing Wyclif and the secular clergy.' Refusal of In 1366 Wyclif first was brought into relation with public Enu'iimd"^ affairs. Pope Urban V. was unwise enough to add another to the to Pope causes of England's discontent by demanding payment of the 1 ,000 May 13G6. marks which John had agreed to pay yearly as tribute to the Pope. Since the accession of Edward I., this tribute had not been paid ; and when Urban V. demanded arrears for the past thirty- three years, Edward III. referred the matter to Parliament. Lords, prelates, and Commons unanimously answered that John had not the power to bind the people without their consent, and that his compact with the Pope had been a breach of his coro- nation oath ; they placed at the King's disposal all the power- and resources of the nation to protect his throne and the national honour against such a demand. Urban V. withdrew his claim in silence, and no mention was ever made again by > Pr. Sliirley, in a note to Fascienli Zizau'wrum, p. 513, has stated the arguments in favour of supposing that the P'ellow of Merton and Warden of Canterbury Hall was another person. The arguments, however, are not con- vincing ; see Lcchlcr, Johann Wiclif, i. 294 ; also Lorimer's notes in his English trn'slntion of Lecliler, i. 185 ; and an article in the Cluirch Qnartrrhj Itivibw, Oct. 1877. ECCLESIASTICAL AFFMRS IN ENGLAND. 103 the Papacy of suzerainty over England. On this occasion chap. Wyclif fii'st used his pen, by recording in a pamphlet the argu- ,' - ments used in Parliament by seven lords, who, on the grounds of national interestji^positive law, feudal obligation, and the nullity of the compact made by John, combated the Papal claims.' In the later years of Edward III., England \%as impoverished Ministry by the long war with France, and discontented at the manage- Gaunt." ^ ment of affairs. In 1371 laymen were substituted for eccle- ^-^^i-iSTS. siastics in the high offices of state, and hope was strong that the lay ministry, headed by John of Gaunt, besides bringing the French war to a speedy end, would protect the nation against the extortions of the Eoman Cui-ia. But the Ministry soon showed its feebleness by its dealings with Arnold Grarnier, who, in February 1372, presented himself in England as the accredited agent of Gregory XI. The Council did not venture to forbid his presence, but contented themselves with administering to him an oath that he would do nothing injurious to the King, the realm, or the laws. We do not find that Gamier, in consequence of his oath, behaved in any way differently from other Papal collectors, and Wyclif afterwards pointed out that he must necessarily commit perjury, as no diminution of the country's wealth could fail to be pernicious to the kingdom.^ But Wyclif soon had an opportunity of seeing close at hand the management of affairs by the Curia. In 1374 he was appointed one of seven commissioners who were to confer with Papal nuncios about the redress of Eng- land's grievances at Bruges, where a conference was being held to an-ange terms of peace with France. The commission arrived at no results, except that the Chief Commissioner, the Bishop of Bangor, soon after his return home, was translated by Papal provision to the more lucrative see of Hereford, as a re- compense for his readiness to do nothing. Gregory XI. issued, it is true, six lengthy Bulls which dealt only with existing circumstances, and laid down no principles for the future. The rule of John of Gaunt did nothing for England, and the ' Good Parliament' of 1376 set aside his power, and again committed • Lewis, Life of Wyclif, Appendix, No. 30. « In a MS. tractate, De Juramento Arnaldi, wTitten in 1377. See Lechler, Johann Wiclif, i. 340, «.tc. 104 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Proceed- ings against Wvclif. 1377. Wyclif's theory of dominiou. the government to William of Wykeham, Bishop of Winchester, an experienced official. The antagonism of poKtical parties waxed high in these last years of Edward III., when his glory and his power alike had passed away. John of Gaunt was unscrupulous in his desire for power, and was opposed to the prelates whose political in- fluence stood in his way. He sought allies against them on all sides, alike in the Koman Curia and in the energetic party which gathered round Wyclif's aspirations for a reformed Church. The prelates were not slow to retaliate, and aimed a blow at John of Gfaunt by striking Wyclif, who in February 1377 was summoned to appear before Convocation, in the Lady Chapel of S; Paul's, and answer for his opinions. He came, but the Duke of Lancaster stood by his side, and the assembly ended in a faction fight between the Londoners and the adherents of John of Graunt. But the prelates were prepared to move against Wyclif under cover of the Papal authority, if their own power was thus defied. In May 1377, Pope Gregory XL issued five Bulls against the errors of Wyclif, who was accused of following in the steps of Maxsiglio of Padua and John of Jandun, whose writings had already been condemned. Wyclif was already famous as a philosopher and a theologian ; nineteen proposi- tions taken from his writings were condemned by the Pope as erroneous, and two prelates were appointed to examine if the condemned propositions were rightly assigned to Wyclif. The propositions in question were concerned with theories of civil and ecclesiastical polity. They asserted that the rights of property and of inheritance were not unconditionally valid, but depended on obedience to the will of G-od ; that the pro- perty of the Church might be secularised if the Church fell into error or the clergy misused their possessions, on which points temporal princes might judge ; that the Pope's power to bind and loose was only valid when used in accordance with the Gospel. Wyclif's teaching on the relations between Church and State lacked the precision as well as the political knowledge which characterised INIarsiglio of Padua. INIarsiglio was a poli- tical philosopher who started from Aristotle and from the ex- perience of a self-governing civic community : Wyclif was a schoolman who limited his analysis to the particular discussion of the foundation of dominium, or lordship, and his political POLITICAL VIEWS OF WYCLIF. 105 conceptions did not rise beyond the technicalities of the feudal tnxp. system. He regarded Grod as the lord of the world who appor- >_ — ^ — , tioned to all in authority their power, which was held under Him ; dominion in ^things temporal and spiritual alike was \ held of Grod, and popes and kings were bound to recognise \ that their sovereignty depended upon its exercise in accordance with the law of Grod. Mortal sin was a breach of the tie of allegiance, and in itself destroyed the basis of power : in "Wyclif s phraseology, ' dominion was founded on grace.' This theory was no doubt an ideal theory, which Wyclif did not wish to apply to the subversion of social order, and to remedy its abstractness he enunciated in a paradoxical form the duty of obedience to existing authority; ' Grod,' he said, 'ought to obey the devil.' Grod has permitted evil in the world ; a Chris- \ tian ought to obey the commands of a wicked ruler, in the A same sense as Christ obeyed the devil, by submitting to his temptations. In his political theories Wyclif was neither clear in his analogies nor happy in his phraseology, and we can scarcely wonder that he was misunderstood and misrepresented. His political teaching easily lent itself to anarchical movements, and his followers in later times laboured imder the disadvantage of having no clear basis on which to bring their ideas into relation with the actual facts of political life.' Before the arrival of the Pope's Bulls ordering Wyclif's trial, Edward III. died, and the first parliament of Eichard II. was strongly opposed to Papal exactions. It raised the question whether in time of need the king might prohibit the exportation of money in spite of the Pope's admonitions. Wyclif s opinion was asked, and on the three grounds of the law of nature, the law of scripture, and the law of conscience, he replied in the affirmative. The prelates could not take action on the Pope's Bull before the end of 1377, and when Wyclif was summoned before Archbishop Sudbury and Courtenay, Bishop of London, the Council did not tliink it wise that the trial should proceed ; a message was sent by the Princess of Wales, mother of the > This view of Wyclif's teaching I have taken from Shirley, Introduction to Faxcicvli Zizanwrum, p. Ixii. &c. In the absence of an edition of his writings, De Do7mnio Cirili and Be Dominio Dirlno, it is difficult to form a just opinion of Wyclif's political ideas ; it is to be regretted that Lechler has not given a more explicit account of these works when he had the MSS. in his hands. 106 THE GEEAT SCHISM. BOOK young King Eichard II., ordering the trial to be broken oflF; • r" — ' and the cries of the people round the Court admonished the prelates to obey the command. The proceedings against Wy- clif were suspended, but for form's sake he was forbidden to promote or teach any of the doctrines condemned by the Pope. The death of Grregorj XI. and the Schism that ensued put aside the question of Wyclif s further trial. Wyciif jjut, the Papal prosecution and the events of the Schism had attacks the . ^ ^ Papal an important influence on the mind of Wyclif. At first he had 1378-1*380. been chiefly an Oxford student, of keen critical intellect, ready to give expression with remorseless logic to the national dislike of Papal extortion. But his political experience at Bruges, his riper study and reflection, his deeper knowledge as vicar of Lutterworth of the spiritual needs of simple folk — all these combined to lead him on to investigate the inner working, as well as the political aspect, of the ecclesiastical system, the mechanism and doctrines of the Church as well as the relations between Church and State. To this temper the outbreak of the Schism gave an additional impulse. The spu'itual earnest- ness of Wyclif was shocked at the sight of two men each claim- ing to be head of the Church, and each devoting his entire energies to the destruction of his rival, seeking only his own triumph, and doing nothing for the flock which he professed to guard. Moreover, the Schism dealt a heavy blow at the influ- ence exercised on the imagination of the Middle Ages by the imity of the Church. Instead of unity Wyclif saw division — saw the Pope whom England professed to follow sinking to the level of a robber chieftain. Gradually his mind became dis- satisfied with the doctrine of the Papal primacy. At a time when two Popes were fulminating excommunications against each other, and each called the other ' Antichrist,' it was not such a very long step for Wyclif to take when he asserted that the institution of the Papacy itself was the poison of the Chiurch; that it was not Urban or Clement who was antichrist, but the Pope, be he who he might, who claimed to rule the universal Church.' As Wyclif's opinion led him more and • See tlic quotations in Lccliler, i. 483, from a MS. sermon : ' Breviter totum papale oflicium est venonosum ; doberot enim habere purum ollicium pastorale, et tanquam miles prcecipuus in acie spiritualis pugnce virtuose . proccdcre, ct posteris, ut faciant simpliciter, exemplare. Sio enim fecit WYCLIF'S VIEW OF THE CHURCH. 107 more to oppose the Papal system his zeal increased. Dis- chap. ciples gathered round him, and, like another S. Dominic, . ^ . Wyclif sent forth preachers into the evil world ; but, unlike the reformers of the* thirteenth century who went forth as missionaries of the Papal power, those of the fourteenth de- nounced a corrupt hierarchy and the enslavement of the Chm'ch by an antichristian Pope. Moreover, to supply all men the means of judging for themselves, Wyclif and his chief disciples, with dauntless energy, undertook the noble work of translating the Bible into English, a work which was finished in the year 1382. Wyclif was at all times of his career a fertile writer, and Wyciifs may in this respect be compared with Luther. It was natural thecimrch. for him to cast into a literary form the thoughts that passed through his mind, and his works are alternately those of a scholastic disputant, a patriotic Churchman, and a mission priest. In all things he was equally earnest, whether it was to maintain the constitutional rights of the English Church and the English ruler against the extortions of Rome, to expose the assumptions of the Papal monarchy, to show the corruptions of the ecclesiastical system, or to kindle the spiritual life of simple folk. His treatises are numerous, and many of them exist only in manuscript. It is difficult to reduce into a system the multitudinous utterances of one who was at once a pro- found theologian, a publicist, and a popular preacher. In matters of ecclesiastical pohty, as in political speculations, Wyclif laid down a basis which was too abstract and too ideal to admit of application to actual affairs. He defined the Church as the corporate body of the chosen, consisting of three parts : one triumphant in heaven, another sleeping in purgatory, and a third militant on earth. This view, which in itself accords with the Augustinian doctrine of predestination, WycHf applied to determine the basis of ecclesiastical polity. Against the corrupt Chm-ch which he saw around him he set up the mystical body of the predestinated, against a degenerate hier- archy, he asserted the priesthood of all faithful Christians, and Cliristus in humilitate et passione, et non in srcculari dignitate vcl ditatione. Et hrec ratio, quare versi sunt iu lupos, et capitaneus eorum sit diabolus vita et opere antichristus.' If Wyciifs language is violent, it must be remembered that he had the example of Papal Bulls. 108 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK did not clearly determine the relations between the visible . ; . Church on earth and the great company of the saved. Wyciif s From the basis of this ideal conception of the Church Wvclif V16W of tllG Papal attacks the Papal primacy. There ought, he says, to be unity primacy. ^^ ^j^^ Church militant, if it is to be at unity with the Chm-ch triumi^hant ; but unity is disturbed by new sects of monks, friars, and clergy, who have set over the Church another head than Christ.' The primacy of S. Peter, on which they rest their theory of the Papacy, is set forth in Scripture only as dejDending on his superior humility ; he exercised no authority over the other Apostles, but was only endowed with special grace. Whatever power Peter had, there is no ground for assuming that it passed to the Bishop of Eome, whose authority was derived from Csesar, and is not mentioned in the Scriptures, save in irony, where it is written, ' The Kings of the Grentiles exercise lordship over them, but ye shall not be so.' It must have been at the instigation of a malignant spirit that the popes chose as the seat of the Curia the profane city of Rome, steeped in the blood of mai'tyrs ; by continuing in their secular life, and in the pride of Lucifer, they wrong Christ and continue in error. They claim to grant indulgences and privileges beyond what was done by Christ or the Apostles, and their pretensions can only be explained as the work of the devil, the power of Antichrist, A pope is only to be followed so far as he follows Christ ; if he ceases to be a good shepherd, he becomes antichrist ; and reverence paid to antichrist as though he were Christ is a manifest snare of the devil to beguile unwary souls ; and the belief in Papal infallibiHty is contrary to Scripture, and is a blasphemy suggested by the devil. If we take Scripture as om- guide, and compare the Pope with Christ, we shall see many differences. Chiist is truth, the Pope is the origin of falsehood; Christ lived in poverty, the Pope labours for worldly wealth ; Christ was humble and gentle, the Pope is proud and cruel ; Christ for- bade that anything be added to His law, the Pope makes many laws which distract men from the knowledge of Christ : Christ bade His disciples go into all the world and preach the Gospel, the Pope lives in his palace and pays no heed to such command ; ' I am here giving an abstract of Wyciif 's treatise, De Christo et sin) adver- sarin Antichristo, edited l)y Euddonsieg. Gotha. ISSO. WYCLIF AND TEANSUBSTAXTIATIOX. 109 Christ refused temijoral dominion, the Pope seeks it ; Christ chap. obeyed the temporal power, the Pope strives to weaken it ; . []: . Christ chose for His apostles twelve simple men, the Pope chooses as cardinals laany more than twelve, worldly and crafty ; Christ forbade to smite with the sword and preferred Himself to suffer, the Pope seizes the goods of the poor to hire soldiers ; Christ limited His mission to Judaea, the Pope emends his juris- diction everywhere for the sake of gain ; Christ was lowly, the Pope is magnificent and demands outward honoiu- ; Christ refused money, the Pope is entii-ely given up to pride and simony. Whoso considers these things will see that he must imitate Christ and flee from the example of antichrist. These are the words of a man who has been driven by the actual facts around him to take refuge in the plain words of Scriptm-e, and flee from the corruption of the ecclesiastical system to the purity and simplicity of the Divine Head of the Chm"ch. But W^yclif was not content only with this endeavour to Wydif bring back the organisation of the Chm-ch to its original purity ; Trmisub- his keen critical intellect pressed on into the reorion of doctrine, ^{'^"'^^"oo, ^ o 5 tion. 1381. and attacked the central position of the sacerdotal system. He busied himself with an examination of the sacraments, and convinced himself in 1380 that the doctrine of Transubstantia- tion, or the change in substance of the elements of the Euchiuist after consecration, was not according to Scripture. He lost no time in publishing his convictions. In the summer of 1381 he put forth twelve propositions about the Eucharist, which he offered to defend in disputation against all gainsayers. The upshot of these propositions was the assertion that bread and wine remained after consecration bread and wine as they were before, yet by virtue of the words of consecration contained the true body and blood of Christ, which were really present at every point of the host. Wyclif did not deny the real presence of Christ in the ele- ments; he denied only the change of substance in the elements after consecration. Christ's body was still miraculously present,' ' bee a passage from tlie trcntise, De Incar7iatio)ie, quoted by Shirley, Ihsc. Zi:., p. Ixi. : *llla autein non tit corpus Christi, seel lit signum signans nobis inelTablliter quod ad omne i">unctum sui sit sacramentaliter corpus Cliristi, et comitanter aninia sua et omnia alia Christi accidentia.' 110 THE GEEAT SCHISM. BOOK but the miracle was wrought by Christ Himself, not by the ^; words of the priest. ' Thou that art an earthly man,' he ex- claims to the priest, ' by what reason mayest thou say that thou makest thy Maker ? ' ^ ' Antichrist by this heresy destroys grammar, logic, and natural science ; but, what is more to be regretted, does away with the sense of the Gospel.' ^ ' The truth and the faith of the Church is that, as Christ is at once God and man, so the Sacrament is at once the body of Christ and bread — bread naturally and the body sacramentally.' ^ He rebelled against the idolatry of the mass, against the popular materialism, against the miraculous powers claimed by the priesthood ; and his propositions were aimed against the root of these abuses, not against the conception of the Sacrament of the Altar in itself. He attacked the prevalent materialism without pursuing the other aspects of the question.'* Condcmna- The propositions of Wyclif about the Sacrament of the Wvdif s Altar at once attracted much attention, and gave a shock to many opinions by -^^o had hitherto sympathised with him in his opposition theUniver- . ■, t • ^ ,- ttiii i sity, 1381 ; to Papal aggressiou and ciencai corruption. He bad advanced Archbi- beyond the discussion of ecclesiastical polity to the more dan- shop, 1382. geruus ground of doctrine, and the professed theologians, espe- cially those of the mendicant orders, who had hitherto looked on Wyclif with approval, felt themselves bound to oppose him. The Chancellor of the University of Oxford summoned a council of doctors, who concurred in declaring the doctrines contained in these theses to be unorthodox, and a decree was published forbidding them to be taught within the University. This was entirely unexpected by Wyclif, who was sitting in his doctor's chair in the school of the Augustinians, lecturing on the very subjects when an official entered and read the decree. Wyclif at ' Wycket, p. 16. * Triahgits, iv. ch. 5. * De EncharisHa, quoted by Lcchler, Johann Wiclif, i. p. 638. * This point is so often regarded as one chiefly concerned with reverence or logical .statement, that there is a tendency to forget the results of the material conception of Transubstantiation. I may refer to No. 99 of the Cent Nonrrlles Nourrllcs for an illustration of the mcdiaival view. A bishop cannot get fish for dinner on Friday, so he eats a partridge, and says to his abashed servant, ' Tu S(;ais et congnois bien que par parolles moy et tous les aultres prestres faisons d"une hostie, qui n'est que de bled et d'caue, le pre- cieux corps de Jhcsu-CIirist ; et ne puis je done pas, par plus forte raison, Bavoir par paroles faire convertir ces pcrdrix, qui est chair, en poisson, jasoit ce qu'elles retiennent la forme de perdrix ? ' CONDEMNATION OF WYCLIF. Ill once protested against its justice, and appealed from the Chan- en a p. cellorto the King. John of Gaunt interfered to impose silence .^ 1^ , on Wyclif, and events themselves declared against him. The peasants' rising undftr Wat Tyler, the murder of Archbishop Sudbury, and the hatred against wealth displayed by the insur- gents, filled the well-to-do classes with terror and provoked a reaction. Though Wyclif s teaching had nq^necessary con- nexion with the revolt, it was natural that all novelties should be suspected, and that men shrank before the discussion of dan- gerous questions. It was not difficult for Wyclifs opponents to raise a feeling against him, connect the Wyclifite teachers with anti-social movements, and find the root of all political dangers in the new doctrines which Wyclif taught. The new Archbishop of Canterbury, William Courtenay, held in London, in May 1382, a Council which condemned as heretical the pro- positions drawn from Wyclif s writings which dealt with the doc- trine of the Sacraments, and condemned as erroneous fourteen others Avhich dealt with points of ecclesiastical polity. Ouly the opinions were condemned, and no mention was made of their author by name. This Council was called by Wyclif the ' Earthquake Council,' because a slight shock of an earthquake was felt while it was sitting. Both sides explained the portent in their o^vn favour. Wyclif asserted that God spoke in behalf of His saints because men were silent ; the orthodox party an- swered that the earth expelled its noisome vapom-s in sympathy with the Church which drove out pestilent heresy. Armed with a condemnation of the dangerous opinions, the Suppression Archbishop at once proceeded against the teachers. He teaehersin^ appointed a Carmelite, Peter Stokys, well known for his zeal Oxford, against Wyclif, as his Commissary in Oxford, and bad him publish the decrees of the Council, and prohibit the teaching within the University of the condemned conclusions. He also wrote to the Chancellor bidding him assist the Commissary in this matter. For a while the Chancellor and a strong academ- ical party resisted this interference with the privileges of the University. Wyclif might be a heretic or not, but the inter- vention of Stokys by the Archbishop's authority was a slight on the officials, and the dictation of the Archbishop even on points of heresy was unlawful. But theological feeling was stronger than academic patriotism, and the opponents of Wyclif s views 1382. 112 THE GKEAT SCHISM. BOOK were ready to use any means to suppress them ; nor was it ^- possible for those who wished to fight only for the rights of the University to disentangle that issue from a supposed sympathy with Wyclif s opinions. Party feeling ran high, and the Arch- bishop used the opportunity so afforded him of striking a blow at the independent position of the University. When the Chancellor did not at once obey the Archbishop's mandate, the authority of the Crown was invoked on the Archbishop's side, and the Chancellor was forced to submit and to apologise. Within five months the rebellious teachers recanted or were re- duced to silence, and the University of Oxford was brought back to an outward appearance of orthodoxy. The triumph of the Archbishop marks a decisive period in the history of the University of Oxford. Hitherto it had been a centre of inde- pendent opinion ; henceforth its freedom was gone. While the undisputed orthodoxy of the University of Paris set it above bishops and synods, and gave it influence enough even to organise a general council, the prestige of Oxford was lost through its support of Wyclif, and it became the handmaid of the episcopacy.^ With his success in silencing the University the Ai'ch- bishop's triumph ceased. When Parliament met in November 1382, Wyclif presented to it a memorial defending some of his opinions. The Commons so far sided with Wyclif that they demanded and obtained the* withdrawal from the statute book of a Bill, which had been passed by the Lords only, in the last session, ordering the sheriffs to arrest Wyclifite teachers. Wy- clif himself was summoned before a provincial synod at Oxford ; but it would seem that the Archbishop judged it wise to rest content with some slight explanations on Wyclif 's part, and allowed him to retire in peace to his living of Lutterworth. Crus.i.ieof '^ext year, 1383, England had brought home to her the the Jiishop nieaning of the Schism in the Papacy. Kenry le Despenser, aK'niist tiie Bishop of Norwich, had displayed the spirit of a determined tiner'i'ssa. and remorseless soldier in putting down the villeins' rising. Thirsting for a new field for military glory, he obtained from Urban VI. a Bull appointing him leader of a crusade agaiust ' The details of this extremely interesting piece of University history are to be found in Fasciculi Zizaiiionun, p. 292, kc. ; see also Shirley's remarks in his Introduction. DEATH OF WYCLIF. 1 1 3 Clement VII. ; all who went on this crusade, or aided with their chap. money, were to receive the spiritual benefits of a crusade in , 'J , the Holy Land. The Bishop of Norwich made every use he could of the sale of^Papal indulgences as a means of raising money. The other Bishops aided him with all their might ; and the patriotic feelings of the English were awakened in behalf of an expedition which was to be directed against their national foe, the French. Again Wyclif 's warning voice was heard ; he pointed out that the Schism was a natural conse- quence of the moral decay of the Church, which was to be cured, not by crusades against Christian brethren, but by bringing back the Church to apostolic poverty and simplicity. The rival Popes, he added, are two dogs snarling over a bone ; take away the bone of contention, and the strife will cease.' Despenser's expedition, though at first successful in Flanders, ended in disaster ; in six months he returned to England empty-handed, without having accomplished anything. So great was the anger against him that he was called to account by Parliament, and his temporalities were sequestrated for two years to the Crown. Wyclif 's days were drawing to a close, but one of his last Death of utterances was a keenly ironical statement of his attitude to- 1384.''^' wards the Papacy, thrown into the literary form of a confession of faith made to the Pope.^ ' I infer,' he says, ' from the heart of God's law that Christ in the state of His earthly pilgrimage was a very poor man, and rejected all earthly dominion.' The Pope, if he is Christ's vicar, is bound above all others to follow his Master's example ; let him lay aside his temporal dominion, and then he would become a pattern to Christian men, for he would be following in the steps of the Apostles. Not long after writing these words, Wyclif was stricken by paralysis in his own chm'ch of Lutterworth, and died on the last day of 1384. The teaching of Wyclif marks an important crisis in the importance history of the Christian Church. He expressed the animating teadnn '■•'* '^ motives of previous endeavours for the amendment of the ' ' Videtur quod eorum interest prudenter aufen-e hoc disscnsionis semi- narium, sicut canibus pro osse rixantibus . . . os ipsum celeriter semovere.' Quoted by Lechler, i. 716. ' Fuse. Ziz., p. 341. VOL. I. I 114 THE GREAT SCniSV. England and Boni- face IX. Church, and gave them a new direction and significance. He began as a follower of William of Occam, and laboured to set forward the modern idea of the state, and to maintain its independence of hierarchical interference. To this he added the earnest longing after simplicity and spirituality of life and practice which had animated such men as S. Bernard and S. Francis of Assisi, and had made them look with regret upon the riches and temporal importance of the Chm-ch. It would seem that in Wyclif a deeply religious feeling of the moral evils of the existing Church-system, united with the keen intellect of the dialectician and the publicist, led him l;o a criticism of the doctrines on which the existing system of the Chm-ch was founded.. As the basis for this criticism he set up the authority of Scripture as higher than the authority of Pope or Church. He laid his finger upon the central doctrine of the existing ecclesiastical system, and maintained that the material belief in Transubstantiation was contrary alike to reason and Scripture. The question which he thus raised remained the prominent one in the controversies of the Eeform^tion move- ment, and it was more and more clearly seen that the only way to overthrow sacerdotal domination was to purify the doctrine of the Sacrament of the Altar from the superstition by which it had been converted into a miraculous act depending on human intervention. It was a question which the Lollards handed on to the Hussites, and the Hussites to Luther. Wy- clif challenged the belief in a miraculous change in the nature of the elements ; the Hussites attacked the denial of the cup to the laity, and Luther warred against the doctrine of the sacrifice of the mass. But Wyclif did more than simply enun- ciate opinions, he expressed in his own life a conviction that the existing state of the Church was radically wrong, and needed entire revision. His own method was defective, and his ideas were frequently put forward in ambiguous or mis- leading phraseology ; but they served as a basis to earnest minds in later times, and their echo never entirely died away. Wyclif's opinions, though persecuted by the English pre- lates, were spread ainong tlio people by the 'poor priests' whom Wyclif had instituted, and found many followers. Tliey strengthened the spirit of resistance to Papal aggression, which STATUTES OF TROVISORS AND PRAEMUNIRE. 115 vre find Parliament ever ready to profess. The old ques- ciup. tion of Provisors was fruitful of disputes and disturbances. . \'- The statute was often passed and often broken, because it was as much the interest^of the King as of the Pope to set aside the rights of other patrons and nominate to vacant benefices. Thus in 1379, Urban VI. conferred on the King the right to appoint to the two next vacant prebends in every cathedral church setting aside the rights of bishops and chapters. It was not natural that the King should be very anxious to enforce the Statutes of Provisors and Praemunire, when he might use them to his own advantage. Yet Parliament returned again and again to this grievance, and tried to make the statutes more and more peremptory. In 1390 a more vigorous Statute of Provisors was passed, and Boniface IX. saw with disgust the obstacles which the English Parliament placed in the way of his rapacity. Yet he was determined not to give way with- out a struggle, and in February 1391 he issued a Bull in which, after expressing his pain and grief that so good and pious a king as Eichard II. should allow such statutes to be passed, he boldly declared them to be null and void, ordered all records of them to be destroyed, forbade anyone to revive them, and commanded all who held benefices in virtue of such statutes to vacate their benefices within two months. He at once beo-an to grant provisions in England, and, amongst others, conferred on Cardinal Brancacio a prebend at Wells. A suit arose in the King's court between the King's nominee and the Cardinal in which the court held to the statutes. But there was some fear of the possible effects of a Papal excommunication, and in the next Parliament the Commons petitioned the King to enquire of the Estates what course they would adopt if the Pope were to excommunicate a bishop for instituting the King's nominee. To this question the Lords and Commons answered that they would regard such proceedings as against the law of the land and woidd resist them to the death, if need were ; the clergy answered that, though they recognised the Pope's power of excommunication, yet in the case proposed the rights of the Crown would be attacked, and it would be their duty to uphold them. After this display of determination on the part of all the Estates, the final Statutes of Provisors and Praemunire were passed, which put out of the protection of the law and 116 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK forfeited to the King the goods of any man who obtained pro- . _ ^ • visions or introduced bulls into the kingdom contrary to the royal rights. These statutes were not enforced much more than the previous ones ; but the result of the struggle was an in- crease of power to the Crown. The Papacy saw that it was useless to claim the right of provisions in England ; the right could only be used with the royal consent and sanction. The clergy did not regain the rights of which the Pope had deprived them, but the gain went to the Crown. Here, as in many other matters, the Papal despotism had overthrown the rights of the / clergy, who had to turn for support to the Crown ; what the Crown recovered from the Pope it appropriated to itself. Hence it was that, when the Papal yoke was at length thrown ofif, the Crown was found to be guardian of the Church in so many matters that the step to the recognition of its supremacy was but small. Extortions England escaped by its firmness the insatiable rapacity of of_p.oniface j^^^^iface IX., which fell with relentless violence on the other countries that owned his obedience. Throughout the ponti- ficate of Boniface IX. the cries against extortion and simony rise louder and louder. At first Boniface stood in awe of some of the Cardinals, and at least preserved a decent appearance of secresy in his scandalous sales of Church preferment. As the old Car- dinals died, he became more open in his mercantile transactions. It was soon understood that it was useless for a poor man to prefer a request to the Papal court. Favours were granted only on payment, and if a better offer were made afterwards, the Pope did not scruple to make a second grant dated previously to the first. In time a shameless system of repeated sales of presentations was recognised. The next presentation to a benefice was sold two or three times over ; then a new class of grant was constituted marked * Preference ' ; in time yet another class was created marked ' Pre-preference,' which gave the happy possessor a higher claim than his rivals ; though even then, when the vacancy actually occurred, the Pope would often sell it again, despite all previous grants of reservation. If any disappointed candidate instituted a suit on the ground of a previous grant, the Pope inhibited his courts from trjang it, so that there was no possibility of redress. Boniface IX., with grim humour, maintained that this procedm-e was only just, for those who had offered little had wished to deceive him. Every EXTORTION OF BONIFACE IX. 117 possible right and privilege was sold, even exemptions from chap. canonical restrictions, and permissions to hold pluralities to the ,J . number of ten or twelve at once. Monks bought the right to change from one or J ^ Papacy cast a blight over the municipal institutions of Rome, and prevented them from developing into strength. The Romans could neither obey nor resist the Pope according to any persistent plan ; his presence and his absence were alike intolerable to them. They could not make up their minds either to forego the advantage which their city reaped as capital of the Papacy, nor to endure the inconvenience of the Papal residence among them. They sent ambassadors to Boniface at Assisi beseeching him to return to Rome. Boniface assented on his own conditions. The Romans were to send 1,000 knights to escort him on his way, and were to lend him 10,000 florins of gold for the expenses of the jom-ney. They were, moreover, to agree that the Pope should, if he chose, appoint a senator of Rome ; if he did not do so, the Conservators who exercised the senatorial authority were to take an oath of fidelity to him ; his senators were not to be interfered with by the Banderisi or other magistrates of the city. The Romans were to keep the roads to Narni and Rieti free and open, and were to maintain a galley to guard the approach by sea. The clergy and members of the Curia were to be amenable only to the Pa})al courts, and were to BONIFACE IX. AND THE GOVERNMENT OF KOME. 123 be free from tolls and taxes. The goods of the ehui-ches and chap. hospitals were to be similarly free from taxes. The markets of .^^ i^: , the city were to be under the charge of two officers, one ap- pointed by the Pope, Wie other by the people. These conditions were accepted by the Romans on August 8, 1393, and Boniface again took up his residence in Rome in the beginning of Decem- ber. This agreement bears a strong testimony j^P the political shrewdness of Boniface. He knew the advantage of striking a blow at the right time ; he knew the importance of privileges once granted. The conditions to which the Romans so lightly I agreed under the impulse of a passing panic, laid the founda- / tions of the Papal sovereignty over the city of Rome ; Boniface ' IX. himself lived to broaden and extend them, and his successors inherited his claims as their lawful prerogatives. But Boniface was not to reap immediately the fruits of his policy and of the short-sightedness of the Roman people. The rule of the Pope was soon found to be galling, and the Romans regretted that they had sold their liberties for such a doubtful boon as the presence of the Pope. Disagreements soon arose between the Pope and the Banderisi ; the Roman people rose in arms in iMay 1394, and the position of Boniface in Rome became precarious — even his life was threatened. Buthis alliance with Naples had not been made in vain, andLadislas was ready to help his protector. In October 1394 the young King of Naples came to the rescue of the Pope, and repressed the rebellion of the people ; after a few days' stay in Rome he returned to Gaeta laden with sub- stantial tokens of the Pope's gratitude. At the same time that Boniface was freed from this danger EflFortsof he also was relieved from another foe : on September 16 died the ^!f ^"^'^f" anti-Pope Clement VII. His end was probably hastened by the to end the humiliations to which he was subjected by the remonstrances of the University of Paris. It is the great glory of that learned body that it did not cease to labour to restore the shattered unity of the Chm'ch. It was, indeed, necessary that this question should be discussed by a learned body of professed theologians, for the principles of Papal jurisprudence had been so successfully applied to the system of ecclesiastical government that they had destroyed all traces of a more primitive organisation. The Pope was recognised as God's Vicar, as superior to General Councils, and there was no j urisdiction which could claim to call 124 THE GEEAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Langen- stein's ' Concilium Pacis.' Theory of with iravval of alle- {^iance. him to account. Yet now the organisation of the Papacy, which owed its poAver to the fact that it was a symbol of the unity of the Church, had brought about the destruction of that unity, and was an insuperable obstacle in the way of its restora- tion. Christendom groaned under the expense of two Papal establishments, but was helpless to find any lawful method of redressing its grievances and setting at one the distracted Church. It was the work of the University of Paris to revive the more ancient polity of the Church before the days of the establishment of the Papal monarchy, and by a ceaseless literary agitation to familiarise Christendom with ideas which at first seemed little better than heretical. So great were the difficulties which beset any endeavour to escape from the legal principles of the canon law, that the conciliar theory was advanced with great caution, and only on the ground of absolute necessity. In 1381 a German doctor at Paris, Henry Langenstein, of Hesse, wrote his ' Concilium Pacis,' ' in which he argued in favour of the summons of a General Council. Necessity, he urged, makes things lawful which are otherwise unlawful ; where human law fails recourse must be had to natural or divine law ; the spirit of ecclesiastical rules must take precedence of the letter ; equity, as Aristotle says, must be called in to redress the wrongs of strict justice ; in time of necessity the Church must have recourse to the authority of Christ, the infallible Head of the Church, whose authority is resident in the whole body. To decide the question whether the election made by the Cardinals, as commissaries of the Church, was lawful or not, recourse must be had to the assem- blage of bishops which represents the Church. This theory of I^angenstein had much to commend it, but no one could ignore the difficulties in the way of assembling or constituting a General Council. The threat of a Council was an effective weapon in reserve for the case of extreme need ; but, instead of summoning a Council to decide between two claimants, was it not possible to induce the rival claimants to resign their positions ? This idea of voluntary abdication by the two Popes found favour in Paris; but it was open to the obvious objection that it was difficult to ' It is printed in Gerson, Op. ii. 809-40 ; also in Von der Hardt, II. pt. i. 1-69. THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS AXD THE SCHISM, 125 induce men to resign lucrative and important posts. It might, chap. however, be possible to compel them to do so by a withdrawal of the []: , allegiance of the faithful. This proposed withdrawal the theolo- gians of the University set to work to justify ; schism was as bad as heresy ; and if a Pope condemned for heresy ceased to be Pope, the case of Popes openly and notoriously persisting in schism fell under the same law. By this theory the principles of feudalism were carried into the Church. The Pope held his power of Christ ; if he used it to the separation of His Lord's king- dom, the inferior vassals might defy him. It was an attempt to legitimatise rebellion as the ultimate appeal in case of difficulty.' As opinion was slowly formed within the University, it was Action of from time to time laid before the French King; but the mad- sitv^oeiui" ness which fell upon him in 1392, and the disturbed state of ^^e SchiMn. France through the struggle for power between the King's uncles and his brother, made any practical measures hopeless. Yet in the King's lucid moments the entreaties of the Univer- sity were renewed, and, strangely enough, they were seconded by Boniface IX., who at the end of 1392 sent two Carthusian monks with a letter to the King reminding him of his duties to Christendom, and offering his co-operation in any steps which might be thought necessary to heal the Schism. Boniface IX. hoped by a show of humility to detach France from his rival ; but the royal counsellors wrote back an answer carefully framed to contain no word of recognition of Boniface, while conveying a general assurance of the King's zeal.^ At the end of 1393, the University met with a favourable answer from the King's brother, the Duke of Berri ; it showed its gratitude by a solemn procession to S. Martin des Champs, and at once appointed a commission to consider means for attaining its end. A chest was placed in the Convent of the Maturins, into which each member of the University cast his written opinion ; and after duly inspecting the votes, the commissioners reported that three possible courses had been submitted — an abdication by both Popes, an arbitration by an equal number of judges ' See the speech of Pierre Plaoiil, in Bulasus, iv. 836, &c. I am indebted to Hiibler, Difi Constanzer Reformation, p. 367, for pointing out the full bearing of the doctrine of withdrawal. ' See Chrome, de S. Dniys, bk. xii. ch. 11 ; and the King's letter in D'Achery, Spicilegium, i. 785. 126 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Death of Clempnt tonil>t>r IG, 1394. appointed by both sides, or a General Council. Clement VIT. was alarmed at these revolutionary proposals ; he summoned the chiefs of the University to Avignon, but they refused to go. He then tried the more effectual means of sending a legate with rich presents to the King's counsellors, and the crafty Cardinal, Peter de Luna, who was then resident in Paris, helped with his ready intrigues. Hence when the University first brought its report to the King, the Duke of Berri refused an audience, and threatened its chief men with imprisonment ; it was only after some delay, by the influence of the Duke of Bur- gundy, that the representatives of the University came, on June 29, 1394, before the King. . They laid before him in an address the three methods proposed for ending the Schism ; they stated the arguments in favour of each, and combated the objections which might be raised. 'Why should not the Pope,' they pleaded, ' submit himself to the authority of others ? Is he greater than Christ, who in the Grospel was subject to His mother and Joseph ? Surely the Pope is subject to his mother, the Church, who is the mother of all faithful people.' Charles VI. listened with interest, and ordered the address of the University to be translated into French, that it might serve as the declaration of a new policy. Great hopes were entertained that he would act decisively ; but again the intrigues of Peter de Luna prevailed with the Duke of Berri, and the University was forbidden to approach the King or meddle with the matter of the Schism. The University knew of Clement's machinations, and was pre- pared for the check ; for its deputies at once replied that all lectures, sermons, and other academic acts would cease until it obtained its just demands. The King, however, had ordered a copy of the address of the University to be forwarded to Clement VII., and the Uni- versity itself sent him a representation against the conduct of Peter de Luna,' and an exhortation to unity. Clement A"1T. was both wounded and alarmed at their plain speaking, and angrily denoimccd the letter of the University as ' wicked and veno- mous ; ' but his Cardinals gave it as their opinion that one of ' It described Peter de Luna as ' Homo qui antiquis zizaniis nova super seminando hunc totum laborem nostrum tarn salutarem tamque fructiferum extinpuere et cessare licet frustra molitus est. Heus Pater Beatissime, iterum heu, tcrtio hcu, quod vir ecclesiasticus hoc audeat.' — Bulasus, iv. 609. DEATH OF CLEMENT VII. 127 the ways recommended by the University would have to be fol- chap. lowed to restore peace to the Church. In the state of depression . ^}: . which these humiliations caused to the haughty spirit of Clement VII. he was*stricken suddenly by apoplexy, and died on September 16, 1394. Robert of Geneva, like many others, found that a lofty Chaiactor position stifled rather than kindled his energies-*.. In his earlier ^^j^'j|®™'^"'^ days he had enjoyed the work of a soldier, and felt keen pleasure in being at the head of the strongest party among the Cardinals. His aristocratic sentiments made him delight in being in a position of command, and he did not discover, till after his elevation to the dangerous dignity of an antipope, how much sweeter is power when it is exercised without the oppres- sive load of responsibility. Kobert of Geneva was not the man for an equivocal position, for his nature was too sensitive to grapple with the difficulties which beset him. By feeling, as well as by birth, he belonged to the class of feudal nobles, not of adventurers, and the daring which he showed when his course was clear deserted him when he felt that his position was doubtful. He soon discovered that the greater part of Christendom repudiated him, and that he was maintained as Pope solely by the French King — a fact which the French courtiers did not scruple to throw in his teeth.' His adherents in other lands were ousted from their offices, and fled in poverty to Avignon, clamouring for help, which Clement VII. had no means of giving ; he could not afford to maintain a crowd of needy dependents, and his natural taste for grandeur suffered from the sight of misery which fidelity to his cause had brought upon others. His sensitiveness was also wounded by the calls which constantly reached his ears that he should restore peace to the distracted Chm"ch. His pride prevented him alike from abandoning and from enjoying his position. He could not find satisfaction in the petty intrigues and the small victories which would have satisfied a coarser nature. Tall, handsome, and of commanding aspect, he always cherished those gifts which had won him popularity ; he was always genial, affable, ' Be Coi'riipto Statu Ecclesiw, in Von der Hardt, I. pt. iii. 46 : ' Quid Clcmenti nostro quoad vixit miserabilius ! qui ita se servum servorura Gallicis principibus adjecerat ut eas ferret injurias et 'contumelias qute sibi quotidie ab anlicis infercbantur quas vix deceret in vilissimum mancipium dici.' 128 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK and decorous. But he shrank from everything that reminded , ^ , him of his powerlessness ; and such power as he had he was determined to exercise by himself. He was morose to his car- dinals, and rarely asked their advice or held consistories ; when he did so, they were summoned at a late hoiu-, and were rapidly dismissed.^ Such business as he had he dallied with, and it was hard to get him to take a decided step. When at last he saw that the representations of the University of Paris had begun to prevail even with the French King, Clement's humi- liation was complete. He was not great enough to submit for the good of Christendom, nor was he small enough to fight solely for himself. Overcome by the dilemma, he died. ' Life, in Baluze, ii. 537 : ' Contra ritum et consuetudinem suorum prae- decessorum consistoria et concilia tenuit satis raro et hora tardiori. Fuit enim valde morosus et longus in negotiis sibi incumbentibus expediendis.' 129 CHAPTER III. BONIFACE IX. ; BENEDICT XIII. ATTEMPTS OF FRANCE TO HEAL THE SCHISM. 1394-1404. When, on September 22, 1394, the news of the death of Clement chap. VII. reached Paris, it was felt that a great opportunity was ^^^• offered for ending the Schism. A meeting of the Eoyal Council Attempts to was held immediately, and a messenger was despatched, post neweiec- haste, to Avignon bearing a royal missive to the Cardinals, [ember^22- requiring them to make no new election till they had received ^^' ^'^^'^• an embassy which the King was about to send. In this the royal zeal outsped the monitions of the University ; but that body sent a letter to the Cardinals by the hands of the royal ambassadors. ' Never could there be again such an opportunity of healing the Schism : it was as though the Holy Ghost stood at the door and knocked.' No time was lost by the King : on the 24th a royal embassy was sent off to Avignon, but heard on the way the news of the election of Peter de Luna. It was, in fact, too much to expect that the Cardinals at Election of Avignon should trust themselves to the tender mercies of the Pet^''*^^ King of France. They had advised Clement VII. to take steps Beuedict towards ending the Schism, and had been ready to second the tenibe'/28, advice of the University of Paris. But in any measures taken ^^^'^' by a Pope, their dignity could at least be spared, and their interests respected. The extinction of the Schism, by prevent- ing the election of another Pope, meant the extinction of the Cardinals themselves. The one unmistakable right of Car- dinals was the election of a Pope : if they did not proceed to the election, they cast a doubt on the validity of their ownoflSce, VOL. I. K 130 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK which they could not expect that others would esteem more ._ ; highly than they did themselves. They lost no time in enter- ing into Conclave, and the King's first letter reached Avignon just as the doors were being closed, on the evening of September 26. But the Cardinals suspected its contents, ard resolved to read it after the election, which was the business on which they were at present engaged. At the same time, wishing to free themselves from the charge of promoting the Schism, they drew out a solemn form of oath binding themselves to do all in their power to end the Schism, and binding him who should be elected to resign the Papacy, if a majority of the Cardinals called on him to do so in the interests of the Church. Of the twenty-four Cardinals who then composed the College, three were absent, and of those present only three refused to sign this declaration. The eighteen Cardinals who signed pro- ceeded at once to deliberate : one Cardinal was proposed, but he cried out, * I am feeble, and perhaps would not abdicate. I prefer not to be exposed to the temptation ! ' ' I, on the other hand,' said Peter de Luna, ' would abdicate as easily as I take off my hat.' All eyes were turned on him ; his political skill was well established, and his zeal for the reunion of the Church was credited. On September 28, Peter de Luna was elected Pope, and took the title of Benedict XIIL The election of Peter de Luna was, in itself, unexceptionable. Sprung from an old Aragonese house, he had devoted himself to the study of canon law, of which he became professor in the University of Montpellier. Gregory XL made him a cardinal on account of his learning, and his ability had always made him a man of mark in the Curia. He was a man of blameless life, and his enemies could bring no charge against him save that of foster- ing the Schism. His cleverness, however, verged on craft and subtilty, and in his dealings with Spain and with the court of France he had shown an ingrained love of intrigue and a delight in nianaging complicated affairs which augured ill for his pliabi- lity. His short and spare frame contained a restless and resolute mind, and the Cardinals who had voted for him on the ground of his repeated protestations of his desire to end the imha])py Schism of the Church, found that he meant the end to come only in the way which he pleased. At first, however, all went smoothly, and so delighted was PEOrOS.U. FOR THE ABDICATIOX OF BENEDICT XUI. 131 the University of Paris with the new Pope's expressions of chap. readiness to adopt any measures for appeasing the Schism, that . ^\^- . they hailed him as indeed Benedict — one blessed indeed if he spread on all sides the blessing of peace.' The letter in which he announced his election to the French King assured him that he had only accepted the office of Pope as a means of ending the Schism, and reminded him how entirely their views had agreed on this point when they had discussed the matter together at Paris. No one could speak more fairly than Benedict. The envoys of the University in their first interview met him as he was going to table ; as he took off his hat before sitting down, he repeated his remark that he could lay aside his office as easily as his cap. Promises and fair words were easily uttered, but the year came to an end and nothing further had been done. In February, 1395, a synod of bishops met in Paris, and Negotia- after considering the three methods proposed by the Univ^ersity, Benedict ffave its opinion in favour of abdication as the best way of ^}}}- f. " i J abdication. ending the Schism. If Benedict could suggest any better February- way, let him do so : if not, let him place himself in the King's 1395. hands, who would then confer with the princes of the obe- dience of Boniface, and take steps to compel him to do like- wise. Ai-med with this opinion, a royal embassy was sent to Benedict, headed by the Dukes of Burgundy and Berri, the King's uncles, and the Duke of Orleans, his brother. They arrived at Avignon on May 22, and lost no time in m-ging their business. The Pope met them by raising difficulties at every step. First, there was a discussion whether they might see the document which the Cardinals had signed before the election : when at last they obtained a copy, Benedict warned them that it did not follow that those who had signed it before would sign it now, and as for himself his position had been entirely changed since his election.- When the proposal for abdication was made, Benedict met it by the impossible suggestion of a conference between the two Popes, under the protection of the French ' Cf. Letter of Univ. in D'Achery, Spicilegium, i. 773 : ' O vos certe bene- dictum, Pater Beatissime, si nos benedixeris ista benedictione.' "^ See the detailed account of these negotiations given by the secretary, Gontier Col, in Martene and Diirand, Vet. Scrij}. CoUectio, vii. 488, &c. ; and compare the account from the Papal side in Baluze, Vita Fap. Aven. ii. 1108, &c. 132 THE GEEAT SCHISM. BOOK King, for the purpose of discussing their respective pretensions. ^- When this was naturally rejected by the royal ambassadors, Benedict asked that their })ropositions should be reduced to writing and submitted to him in due form. He was answered that the King's proposal was contained in one word, 'abdication': at this he was offended, and complained of scant courtesy ; he was ready to receive advice not commands, as he was not bound to obey any one save Christ. When the Pope was thus found to be unyielding, the Duke of Burgundy resolved to bring the opinion of the College of Cardinals to bear on his obstinacy. He summoned the Cardinals to his house, and demanded the private opinion of each upon the course to be pursued. Nine- teen agreed more or less decidedly with the proposition of the King : one, the Cardinal of Pampeluna, the only Spanish member of the College, advocated the martial method of ending the Schism by forcibly expelling Boniface IX. from Rome ; if this were impossible, he preferred a conference to abdication, resistance The attempt to exercise pressure on Benedict XIII. was a ot Benedict niistake, and the negotiations were conducted in an overbearing manner that was sure to provoke his resentment. Benedict XIII. before his election was well aware of the schemes of the University, and had gauged the capacity of the men who advo- cated them. Now that he was Pope, he was responsible for maintaining the rights of his office, and the crude proposals of the University theologians were scarcely likely to commend themselves to one who was well versed in canon law. Benedict XIII. may be pardoned for feeling it his duty to resist a scheme for ending the Schism which was founded in the use of compulsion towards the two claimants of a disputed suc- cession. It was a clumsy attemi)t to cut the knot instead of untying it. One of the claimants was clearly the rightful pope: it might be difficult to find any It^gal means (tf settling on whicli side the right l;iy, but the })roi)osal to over-ride the question of right by comj)elling both claimants to abdicate was a rude abolition of law iu favour of violence. Moreover Benedict XIII. saw clearly enough the practical difficulties which lay in the way of the ]tlans of the f^niversity. If he were to abdicate, wliat guarantee was tluM-e that ]iis rival could be compelled I o do likewise? He was asked to place himself unreservedly in the hands of the King of France, who probably after a few years EESISTANCE OF BENEDICT XIII. 133 of unsuccessful negotiations would set up a pope of liis own, chap. entirely subservient to the French Crown. Benedict's obedience . _ ^'/' _. comprised other kingdoms besides France ; he was himself a Spaniard, and resented the interference of France as though it were the only power concerned in this matter, which affected the whole of Christendom. He said, with some truth, that if he had been a Frenchman, he would not have been treated with such arrogance ; there were other kings besides the King of France, other universities besides that of Paris : he could not answer the King's proposals till he had consulted with the doctors of the University of Avignon, for no clerks were more learned than they, and many came from Paris to considt them. On June 20, Benedict, in the presence of two Cardinals only, gave his answer, in the shape of a Bull, to the ambassadors ; he repeated his proposal of a conference, and reiterated his objections to the procedure by abdication. It was to no pur- pose that the ambassadors tried to bring pressiu'e to bear upon him through the Cardinals, who declared themselves on the King's side ; Benedict met them with tact and prudence, and overwhelmed them with formal objections. The ambassadors lived in Villeneuve, on the opposite side of the Rhone from Avignon ; whether it was a measure to speed their departure or not cannot be said, but one night the wooden bridge across the Rhone caught fire, and thenceforth the ambassadors' interviews with Pope or Cardinals were checked by the fact that they had to cross the turbulent Rhone in an open boat. They could obtain nothing from Benedict XIII. but more Bulls expressing his willingness to do what he had suggested : with these they returned to Paris on August 24. Their mission had proved entirely fruitless. Both sides now prepared for war. The University of Paris, Hostility of stung by the attack of Benedict, at once presented a memorial gJlvSpIris to the King, desiring him to call a synod, and by its authority to Benedict deprive Benedict of the riglit of presentation to benefices ; and -96. ' cut him oflf from his ecclesiastical revenues. The royal advisers were not, however, prepared to take such a decisive stej) ; and the University contented itself with sending circular letters to all the princes and universities in Europe, urging them to join in enforcing their policy upon the contending Popes. On his side Benedict drew nearer to Spain, and the King of Castile 134 THE GEEAT SCHISM. EOOiv wrote angrily to the Cardinals, complaining that they took ; — . counsel with the French King, and did not consult him : ' yet I think that among Christian princes I ought to be consulted as much as any other king Avhatever.' ^ Moreover the Univer- sity of Toulouse espoused his cause, and began to attack the theological position of the University of Paris. Already, while the French ambassadors were at Avignon, the representatives of the University of Paris had laid before them eight con- clusions put forward by an English Dominican, John Hayton, which were entirely subversive of their position. Hayton asserted the rights of the one Head of the Church, the Pope, and denounced the use of coercion to make him abandon them : he did not hesitate to call the University ' a daughter of Satan, mother of error, nurse of sedition, defamer of the Pope.' The envoys of the University urged the royal am- bassadors to procure the Papal condemnation of these con- clusions of Hayton, and the Pope faintly condemned them. But Benedict XIII. showed considerable tact in detaching from the side of the University some of its most distinguished men. Benedict was himself a scholar, and as such had an attraction for other scholars ; while the practical steps, which the Univer- sity recommended as the means of carrying their opinions into effect, naturally awakened repugnance in many thoughtful minds. The simple scholar would feel little interest in m'ging on the King the use of forcible means to bring Benedict to abdicate : he would see that it was impossible to restore spiritual authority by means of compvdsion applied in such a way. Hence we find Nicolas de Clemanges, who had been rector of the University in 1393, invited by Benedict to be his secretary and librarian in 1394 ; and early in 1395 the learned Peter d'Ailly resigned his offices in the University, and accepted from Benedict the rich bishopric of Cambrai. This retirement of the more moderate men only made the action of the University more vehement. It submitted, in the form of questions, nine definite points which had been in their opinion raised by the refusal of Benedict to accept the proposed abdication. Has the Pope by his refusal fallen into ' Letter in iMartone, 77i(Xull in BuLbus, iv. 821 : ' Declaramus non liciiisse neu licere a Romano Pontifice appellate sen etiam provocare.' 136 THE GKEAT SCHISM. 15O0K J. Conference i>f Charles VI. and Wenzel at Rheims. March 1398. With- drawal of the allegi- ance of France from Bene- dict Xlli. May 22- July 27, 1398. 1398 ; that the Schism must be healed by that date, other- wise the King would himself proceed to remove its causes. Charles VI. was now pledged to proceed to extremities, but wished first to engage on his side Wenzel, King of the Romans. Wenzel was personally on good terms with Boniface IX., who had good-naturedly overlooked his wild violations of ecclesiastical privileges ; but the University of Prag had followed the lead of the University of Paris, and the Bohemian King felt himself called upon to seem to do something. A conference was held between the tw^o monarchs at Rheims, on March 23, 1398, to decide the future of Christendom. They were a strange pair for such a purpose — a madman and a drunkard. Charles YI. enjoyed intervals of reason, and, though feeble in mind at all times, was still beloved by his people for his personal kindliness. Wenzel day by day grew more besotted in his vices, and was only able to do business in the morning before he had time to get drunk. The two Kings agreed that between them they would restore the peace of the Church. Charles VI. undertook to force Benedict XIII. to abdicate, and Wenzel vaguely pro- mised to compel Boniface IX. to do likewise, if it could be done without prejudice to his own honour. On this understanding, Charles VI. returned to Paris, and did his utmost to fulfil his promise ; it would have been well for Wenzel if he had acted with like determination. On May 22, 1398, a synod of French bishops and represen- tatives of the Universities assembled in Paris in obedience to the royal summons. The King himself was unable 1o attend through illness, but the Dukes of Berri, Burgundy, and Orleans were present. Simon Cramaud, Patriarch of Antioch, the chief ecclesiastic in France, and a staunch supporter of the royal policy, was president of the synod ; he laid before it as the question for discussion how the abdication of Benedict XIII. was to be procured — whether for that purpose a total or partial withdrawal of obedience was necessary. It was agreed that six disputants on either side should put forth the argimients for and against Benedict XIII. On the side of Benedict was urged, first, the theoretical unlawfulness of a withdrawal of allegiance, since the supremacy of tbe Pope was absolute, and nothing save heresy could impair it ; next the practical inconveniences, as it would be the cause of great disorders, and would probably xTHDRAWAL OF ALLEGIANCE OF FRANCE FROM BENEDICT XIII. 1 37 harden the resistance of Benedict rather thon subdue it; if he chap. were to abdicate after such withdrawal of allegiance, his adhe- . J:: . rents would declare it had been done under compulsion ; if he were not to abdicate, it was impossible to see what might liappen ; moreover such a step was fatal also to the founda- tions of civil government, for it gave an example of rebellion. On the side of the clergy and University it wa* urged that the life of the Church lay in unity, and schism was its death ; only when the Pope cares for the unity of the Church is he Christ's vicar, when he opposes unity he is Christ's adversary ; as to the argument about the danger to civil governments of the exam- ple of withdrawing allegiance from the Pope, there was no analogy between the two ; for Christ said ' the Kings of the Gentiles exercise lordship over them, but whosoever amongst you would be greatest, let him be your servant ; ' the temporal power is not subject to the j)eople, but the Pope is the servant of the Church, and must act for its good ; his abdication is necessary to heal the Schism, and the withdrawal of allegiance is necessary to cut off his resom-ces and reduce him to submit. After this disputation the votes of the assembly were taken ; two hundred and forty-seven voted in favour of immediate withdrawal of obedience, twenty voted for postponing the question at present and summoning the Pope afresh, sixteen voted for holding a council of the entire obedience of Benedict, and submitting the matter to its consideration. After this vote the royal order was signed on July 27, 1398, for the withdrawal of allegiance, which cut off from Benedict all power over the French Chm-ch, and all means of raising money out of the ecclesiastical revenues of France.' The University of Paris had worked its will at last, and Weakness could certainly claim the credit or blame of all that had been ^l^^H ^^^ done. It had succeeded in awakening in men's minds a desire to end the Schism, and had asserted, as the basis for all action, the superiority of the interests of the Church as a whole over the interests of its contending rulers. But the doctors of the Univer- sity were still under the power of the ideas of the Middle Ages. They took their stand upon the necessity of a formal unity of the Church, which was to be represented by the outward unity of its government. Many minds, amid the jangle of contending > Acts, iu Bulajus, vi. 829, &c. 138 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK assertions, tended towards neutrality, and looked upon both Popes s ,' with suspicion ; many advocated a national government for each national Church ; but the University maintained stoutly the mediaeval desire for outward unity, and carried its theories no farther than was necessary under existing circumstances for its restoration. But there was an inherent weakness in the policy of the University, for it resorted to extraordinary mea- sures, while it could not be sure that they would gain their end. The withdrawal of allegiance from Benedict was an act entirely opposed to the ecclesiastical constitution, and no reasons except those of expediency could be urged in its favour. Moreover, that measure in itself was only a dubious step towards gaining the end proposed. The University argued that the withdrawal of the allegiance of France would probably lead to the abdication of Benedict, and then the example of France would probably be followed by the Empire towards Boniface, who would also probably be compelled to abdicate, and then the united Church could again choose a head. The chance, of ultimate success in this elaborate scheme was too far distant to justify the revolu- tionary step which was to set all in motion. Revolutionary measures are dangerous unless they are likely to effect their end at once ; in this case the inevitable reaction in favour of legality set in before the first step could be accomplished, France counted on forcing Benedict into perfect submission. Fruitless Immediately after the Council, D'Ailly. Bishop of Cambrai, who mission of, •ii i i- •• -ii-r* the Bishop had previously been employed m negotiation with the Pope, set to Benl'iil "^^t together with Marshal Boucicaut for Avignon. If D'Ailly's XIII. persuasions failed, Boucicaut, who stayed behind at Lyons, was to proceed to force. When D'Ailly in his first interview with Bene- dict expressed the King's wish that he should resign his office, Benedict changed colom* and angrily exclaimed, ' I will never do so as long as I live, and I wish the King of France to know that I will pay no heed to his ordinances, but will keep my name and Papacy till death.' ' D'Ailly replied that he could ' The details of this embassy are given in Froissart, bk. iv., eh. 96. No doubt Froissart's speeches are rhetorical inventions, but Tschackert (Peter ron Ailli, p. 103) has pointed out that, as Froissart ended his days in 1400 at CantimprL', near Cambrai, it is very possible that he may have heai'd many of the incidental details, which are vivid in this part of his narrative, from the lips of D'Ailly himself. BENEDICT XIII. BESIEGED IN AVIGNON. 139 accept no answer which was not made after counsel with the chap. Cardinals ; two who were present joined in urging the sum- ^J — . moning of a consistory. Next morning D'Ailly spoke before the assembled Cardinals and then left them to their delibera- tions, which were stormy. Many of them urged the Pope to yield, and when he refused they left the consistory in anger. D'Ailly, who was waiting outside, entered the fbom, and asked for Benedict's answer. The Pope, still sitting on his throne, with one or two cardinals around him, answered with indomitable spirit that he had been duly elected Pope, and would remain so as long as he lived. ' Tell om sou of P'rance,' he added, ' that until now we have held him for a good Catholic ; but if from ill advice he is about to enter into error, he will repent it ; but I pray you tell him from me to take good advice, and not incline to anything which may trouble his conscience.' Saying this the Pope left his throne, and D'Ailly mounted his horse to carry the news of his ill success to Boucicaut, who had already advanced to the Fort of St. Andre, twenty-seven miles from Avignon. D'Ailly's mission had failed, and Boucicaut's was now to Benedict begin. He rapidly raised a body of troops, for many were sieged in eager to share in the plunder of Avignon. On September 1 « ^'f °"/^' the withdrawal of allegiance was proclaimed at Villeneuve, and i, i.^ps- Benedict's French supporters left him ; eighteen of his twenty- 1399. three Cardinals went to Villeneuve and wrote to the French King proclaiming their renunciation of the stubborn Pope. The citizens of Avignon were not desirous of suffering a siege for the Pope's sake, and welcomed Boucicaut's soldiers into the city. Benedict was besieged in his palace, where he made a stubborn defence. Victuals, however, began to fail, and all the store of fuel was set on fire and burnt. The two Cardinals who adhered to Benedict were captured in an attempt to escape, and were put in prison. Everywhere Benedict seemed to be deserted, Flanders, Sicily, Castile, and Xavarre joined with France in the withdrawal of allegiance ; only Scot hind and Aragon still held by Benedict. The King of Aragon, in spite of Benedict's summons to him as gonfalonier of the Chui'ch, hesitated to enter into war with France for the sake of a priest. Still Benedict XIII. held out stubbornly, and his brother, 1-10 THE GKEAT SCHISM. BOOK Rodrigo de Luna, was energetic in introducing supplies. The - ; besiegers attempted to enter the castle through a sewer which communicated with the kitchen, but were discovered, and were captured one by one as they slowly crawled out of their subterranean passage. This led to an exchange of prisoners, and the blockade was more strictly pressed. But the troubled state of France itself brought Benedict help. Among the numerous intriguers who gathered round the unhappy Charles VI., there were some who hoped to find Benedict useful for their own purposes, and who secretly exerted their influence with the King to save the Pope from being reduced to extremi- ties. Orders were sent to Marshal Boucicaut that he was not to pursue the siege too vigorously, and the experienced general must have felt ashamed of the pitiful duty assigned to him. Ambassadors from the King of Aragon urged Charles VI. to a reconciliation. After much negotiation it was agreed that Charles should withdraw his troops and guarantee Benedict's safety at Avignon, provided Benedict promised that he would abdicate in case Boniface abdicated, died, or was ejected ; that he would not hinder any plans for the union of the Church, and would be willing to attend any Council held for that pur- pose ; that meanwhile he would not leave Avignon without the King's permission, and would receive guardians of his person appointed by the King. Benedict's resources were at an end, and he was obliged to accept these terms, which at all events gave him time. Reaction in On April 10, 1399, the King nominated as the Pope's Be^nediet guardians the College of Cardinals ; but Benedict placed himself '^\Io-> ^^^^ under the protection of the Duke of Orleans, who had already discovered how useful a Pope might be for his ambitious schemes. This matter was not decided for the present, but be- came of imjDortance in the future. Already the French Comt found that the reaction in favour of Benedict had set in, and that their com-se was full of difficulties. Three of the Cardinals, who in January 1399 had come to Paris to accuse Benedict of heresy, and urge sterner measures against him, were hooted by the people in the streets. The clergy also found, as was always the case, that the yoke of the Crown was heavier than the yoke of the Pope ; they groaned over the impositions of the royal treasury, and began to regard the enthusiasm for the peace of BONIFACE IX. AND LADISLAS. 14 the Church as a convenient means of fiscal exaction from eccle- ciiai'. siastical revenues. In this state of public feeling the Com-t . IJl: was glad of a truce with Benedict, who remained for the next four years a prisoner in his palace at Avignon eagerly watching the current of events. Meanwhile Boniface IX. at Kome had been feeling the pres- Boniface sure of this movement in behalf of unity ; but fhe greater inde- Ladiskl pendence of his political position enabled him more safely to 1394-95. resist. Boniface w;is a clear-sighted statesman, and after his return to Rome in 1394 kept steadily in view the imj)ortance of strengthening his hold upon the city. The States of the Church were ravaged by the old opponents of the Pope — Biordo de' Mich elotti, who had seized upon Assisi, Malatesta de' Malatesta, who had made himself lord of Todi, and Onorato of Fundi, who was always on the watch to attack the Pope, and who strove to raise among the Eomans a party in favour of Benedict XIII.' Boniface saw that his only hope of success against these foes lay in close alliance with Ladislas, who, in 1.S95, after capturing Aversa and Capua, laid siege to Naples. But the siege was broken up by some Provencal galleys, which routed the Papal fleet, and the final triumph of Ladislas was delayed for some years longer. Yet Boniface did not serve Ladislas for nothing ; he obtained from him the investiture of the Duchy of Sora for his brother Giovanni Tomacelli. Boniface, like all other Popes who aimed at temporal sovereignty, felt the need of helpers whom he could trust. He carried on the nepotism of which Urban VI. had set the example ; but he was more fortunate in his rela- tives. His brother Andrea, invested by him with the Duchy of Spoleto and the marquisate of Ancona, was an experienced soldier, and on hiui and Giovanni, Boniface mainly relied for counsel and aid. With the rise of a new Pope the relatives of his predecessor were swept away. The end of Francesco Prig- nano, the nephew of Urban YL, was tragic enough. Neglected by all on his uncle's death, and fearful for the future, he took ' Onorato of Fundi seems to have wished to act in the name of Benedict XIII. ; see letter of Cardinal Galeottoda Pietra Mala to the Roman people in Martene, Avip. Coll, i. 1513 : ' Per christianissimiim Fundoruui comiten],aut per oratores quos ad vos cum benignissimisliteris suis sancta et sinccra intentioue refertis mittit vobis et vestro populo porrigendis, videbitis quod Benedictus iste pater non qujerit quae sua sunt, sed quse Christi, quae ecclesias, quae vestife, quRB cuncta: militife Christianii:.' 142 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK refuge with Eaimondello Orsini in one of his castles in the , ^- Abruzzi. There he grew day by day more melancholy at the thought of his fall, till at last one day, after a ball given by his host, he returned to his room and attempted suicide with a knife. On his recovery Eaimondello feared to keep any longer so unpleasant a guest, and it was agreed that Francesco should hand over to him all that was left of his once vast possessions, the county of Altamura, in return for 12,000 florins, and an annual pension. When this was settled, Francesco set sail with his wife and mother to Venice ; but on the way the ship was lost, and all the posterity of Urban VI. Avas swallowed in the waves.' Effects of In all things Boniface IX. pursued with firmness and prudence of FralicI ^^^ policy of establishing his hold over Rome and the dominions on Boniface ^f h^q Church, and it is sm'prising to see how he succeeded 98." amid the many difficulties by which he was beset. In 1390 was another rising of the Romans against him ; some of the nobles of the city, in league with the Count of Fundi, con- spired to put Boniface to death. Again King Ladislas lent his aid, and the rising was with difiiculty put down. Thirteen ringleaders, in whose houses were found banners to wave before the rebel army, were executed, and the people of Trastevere were deprived of their franchises. Boniface determined to rule the Romans with a strong hand. Yet day by day his position became more insecure, as the steps taken by France to bring about a union of the Church became more decisive. The blows levelled at Benedict fell upon Boniface as well ; the enforced abdication of one was regarded as the preliminary to the en- forced abdication of the other. So soon as Charles VI. reduced Benedict to submission, it would be the duty of Wenzel to deal with Boniface. Hence Boniface saw with alarm the spread of French influence in Italy. Genoa, worn out with intestine dis- cords, handed over to the King of France itssigniory in October 1396. In vain 15oniface tried to awaken the national jealousy of the English and enlist their sym})athy. He appointed the ' Theod. a Kiem, ii. cli. :{1. ' Divinu juilie-io \ indietam rejietente,' adds the viudictive cbrouicler. 2 Cf. Gio)\ Nap. (Mnr. xxi.) 1065 : ' Per qucsto il Papa ne fece morire 13, che in casaloro foro tiovate le baiidicre co le quali per mezzo del Conte di Fundi volevauo soUevarc il regno.' NEGOTIATIONS WITH BONIFACE IX. 143 King's half brother, John Holland, Earl of Huntingdon, leader ciiAi'. of a crusade in his behalf. But Eichard II. adhered to his . _ ^^^ _. plan of a close alliance between himself and the French King. Nothing was done bj the Earl of Huntingdon, and the internal troubles of the last years of Richard's reign rendered English intervention impossible. Yet Boniface was pestered with embassies and advice in the same way as Bene- dict. To the ambassadors of France and Spain he answered haughtily that he was the true and undoubted Pope, and had no intentions of resigning his office. A worthy hermit of the name of Robert, who at the end of 1396 undertook the task of visiting Rome and Avignon in the interests of peace, could get no better answer from Boniface than a declaration that he would not con- sent to place the justice of his cause in another man's hands. After the conference at Rheims between Charles YI. and Wenzel, Peter d'Ailly, the Bishop of Cambrai, was sent as joint am- bassador of King and Emperor to the two Popes. He visited Boniface first, and found him at Fundi, where he met with an honom'able reception. Boniface refused to answer him till he had consulted his Cardinals at Rome ; then he replied that so soon as Benedict had resigned he was willing to submit to the advice of the Kings of England, Germany and Hungary, and would attend a Greneral Council if they thought fit to summon one. When this answer was brought back to Wenzel, he said to D'Ailly, ' You will carry this to the King of France ; according as he shall act, so will I and the Empire ; but he must begin first, and when he has deposed his Pope, we will depose om-s.' The Roman people meanwhile looked upon these embassies with suspicion. They might not like Boniface, but they were Bonifa^fi anxious to have a Pope at Rome. The year 1400 was drawing- l^-^*-'^"'"''' L J & master of near, and they were looking forward to the rich harvest which they Home, i irns. were likely to reap from the pilgrims who would flock to the jubilee. A number of the leading citizens hastened to Boniface after his interview with D'Ailly to assure themselves that he had no intention of leaving Rome. ' Whatever the Empei-or or the King of France may do, I will not submit to their will,' was the answer of Boniface. Indeed, the position of Boniface in Rome was gradually growing stronger. In February, 1397, Onorato of Fundi found it expedient 144 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK to make peace with the Pope, and several of the Eoman nobles — ,' _. also submitted. The affairs of Ladislas in Naples were at a standstill, owing to the defection of some of his chief adherents ; but after many negotiations, their differences were referred to the mediation of Boniface, who arranged matters in June 1398. From this time the party of Ladislas was united, and the hopes of Louis began to fade away. One by one the chief barons of the Avignon faction began to reconcile themselves with Ladislas ; and the power of the Pope over the States of the Church grew in proportion to the success of Ladislas in Naples. Aided by this and by the pliancy of the Eomans, who had set their hopes on the rich harvest of the Jubilee, Boniface in 1398 proceeded more vigorously to establish his power over the city of Rome and appointed a vice-senator responsible only to himself. The Republican party amongst the Romans, headed by three of the former magistrates, formed a plot to throw off the Papal yoke, and allied themselves to the restless Count of Fundi, who promised to support their rising in the city by an attack on the gate of S. John Lateran. The vigilance of the vice-senator discovered the plot, and the ringleaders were beheaded ; but Onorato of Fundi seized Ostia, and carried on a piratical war against the city, cutting off its supplies and hindering free communication with it. Boniface used the oppor- tunity given by this unsuccessful rising to assert his supremacy over Rome, and the year 1398 was remembered as the epoch of the loss of the liberties of the city.^ As other Italian cities let their municipal liberties fall into abeyance and submitted to the power of a despot, so the city of Rome fell under the sway of the Pope. Henceforth the old magistrates disappeared, and Rome was governed by a senator appointed by the Pope eveiy six months. Moreover Boniface IX. took the same steps as other despots to secure his power. The Vatican palace was strongly fortified ; the Castle of S. Angelo, which had been dis- mantled in the time of Urban YL, was restored and surmounted by a strong tower ; the palace of the Senator on the Capitol was built up and fortified. Many poor priests laboured at this ' Tlnis Stella, AiinaJrs Gemie^iges (Mur. xvii. 117fi): ' Summns Pontifox Eonifacius in menim fuit constitutus dominum Urbis Romae, ciijus prius idiotfc artifices dominium obtinebant.' So too Infessura : (Mur., III. part ii. 1115), ' ebbe lo Stato di Roma.' THE FLAGELLANTS. 145 work, carrying stones and cement in the vain hope of winning ciiAP. by their manual labour some ecclesiastical preferment from the ,_J^L_- Pope.' The Papal fl^et was again revived, and Gaspar Cossa, of Ischia, was made admiral. Ostia was taken directly under the Pope's rule, and was repaired for purposes of defence. Boniface IX. shows in all his doings the keen practical sense which Urban VI. so entirely lacked. Secure in Rome, Boniface at once turned against his Fiuai enemies. In May 1899 a solemn Bull of excommunication Lafiisias in was issued against Onorato of Fundi, and the Papal troops, ^^^^^^^' under Andrea Tomacelli, the Pope's brother, marched against him. Anagni fell at once before him, and the success of Ladislas in Naples made Onorato's position desperate. The barons of the Neapolitan kingdom continued to abandon the side of Louis and join themselves to Ladislas, till at last the adhesion of the powerful family of the Sanseverini left Ladislas conqueror. In July 1399 he sailed to Naples while Louis was absent at Taranto, and was quickly admitted by the citizens within the walls. Charles of Anjou, the brother of Louis, Avas besieged in the Castel Nuovo ; and when Louis returned he found Naples in the hands of his rival. Feeling that his chances were lost, he made terms with Ladislas, sur- rendered the Castel Nuovo, ransomed his brother, and sailed away to Provence, leaving J^adislas in imdisturbed possession of Naples. Onorato of Fundi now saw that his cause was hope- less, and was driven to make terms with the Pope, by which he gave up almost the whole of his possessions. Unable to bear the humiliation, he died in April 1400, and by his death Boni- face became lord of Campania. In October 1399 another of the Pope's enemies, Giovanni da Vico, who had so long ravaged the Patrimony of S. Peter, was driven to submit. Freed from his most pressing foes, Boniface IX. could look forward to celebrate the Jubilee in triumph. The end of the fourteenth century witnessed a profound Thf Fia- outburst of popular devotion. The miserable condition of the ^ ° "" ^' Church, distracted by schism, and the disturbed state of every country in Europe, awoke a spirit of penitence and contrition at the prospect of another great Jubilee, and the opening of a ' Niem, Schism ii. 26 : ' Ut sic gratinsaliquasabeodera Bonifacio reportarent, et literas ejus super illis gratis habercnt, quod pauci eorum conseciiti fuertait.' VOL.1. L 146 BOOK THE GREAT SCHISM. new century. Bands of penitents wandered from place to 1-"^ place, clad in white garments ; their faces, except the eyes, " were covered with hoods, and on their backs they wore a red cross. They walked two and two, in solemn procession, old and young, men and women together, singing hymns of penitence, amongst which the sad strains of the ' Stabat lAIater ' held the chief place. At times they paused and flung themselves on the ground, exclaiming 'Mercy,' or ' Peace,' and continued in silent prayer. All was done with order and decorum ; the processions generally lasted for nine days, and the penitents during this time fasted rigorously. The movement seems to have origi- nated in Provence, but rapidly spread through Italy. Enemies were reconciled, restitution was made for wrongs, the churches were crowded wherever the penitents, or ' Bianchi,' as they were called from their dress, made their appearance. The inhabi- tants of one city made a pilgrimage to another and stirred up their devotion. The people of Modena went to Bologna ; the Bolognese suspended all business for nine days, and walked to Imola, whence the contagion rapidly spread southwards. For the last three months of 1399 this enthusiasm lasted, and wrought marked results upon morals and religion for a time. Yet enthusiasm tended to create imposture. Crucifixes were made to sweat blood ; a fanatic declared that he was the Pro- phet Elias, and foretold the impending destruction of the world. Crowds of men and women wandering about, and spend- ing the night together in the open air, gave reason for suspicion of grave disorders.^ Boniface, like the Duke of Milan and the Venetians, as a cautious statesman in troublous times, doubted the results that might occur from any great gatherings of people for a common purpose. He was afraid lest his enemies might seize the opportunity and hatch some new plot against him. When the bands of the Bianchi reached Rome in the year of Jubilee, he discountenanced and finally dissolved them. The movement passed away ; but it has left its dress as a distinctive badge to the confraternities of mercy which are familiar to the traveller in the streets of many cities of Italy. In the Jubilee of 1400 crowds of pilgrims flocked to Rome. • Thcodoric a Nicm plaintively mentions the robbery of orchards as one of the minor inconveniences to prosaic minds, ' repertos fructus in arboribus totaliter devorando.'— /Sc/iisw, ii. cb. 26. RISING OF THE COLONNA. 147 Although it was but ten years since the last Jubilee was cele- chap. brated, still to many pious minds the original intention of ^ ^^}' . granting these indulgences at intervals of a hundred years gave ^^^400*^'*^® a solemnity to this Jubilee which had been possessed by none since the first institution in 1300. PVom France especially pilgrims are said to have come in crowds ; but^the results of their crowding into Rome were disastrous. The plague broke out among them and spread rapidly throughout Italy. In Florence alone from 600 to 800 died daily ; in Naples the loss was computed at 16,000. It is said that in some places two-thirds of the population was destroyed. But, though Eome was stricken by the plague, Boniface did not dare to leave it, lest he should lose his hold upon the city which he had won with such difficulty. The resistance was indeed stubborn, and needed a strong Rising of hand ru'ompt to repress. The powerful house of the Colonna theO.ionna r 1 1 1 111 '" Rome. of Palestrina saw with resentment the danger Avhich threatened a.d. 14oo. their relative, the Count of Fundi. Theii- hereditary antagonism to the political power of the Papacy made them join the side of the anti-pope in the Schism, and they looked with alarm at the spread of the papal power in Rome. They allied them- selves with the discontented republicans in Rome, and on a dark night in January, Niccolo and Giovanni Colonna, with a troop of 4,000 horse and 4,000 foot, dashed through the Porta del Popolo and made for the Capitol, raising the cry ' Long live the people : death to the tyrant Boniface ! ' The Pope in alarm took refuge in the Castle of S. Angelo, but the senator, Zaccaria Trevisano, a Venetian, manfully defended the Capitol, and the Roman conspirators shrank back when they found that the mass of the people refused to rise at the Colonna cry. When morning dawned, the Colonna found it wise to retire : thirty-one were made prisoners in the retreat, and were promptly hanged. As the public executioner could not be found, one of the captives was promised his life on condition that he woidd put the others to death ; with face streaming with tears, he hanged his comrades, amongst whom were his own father and brother. Boniface IX. showed his gratitude to the senator by the grant of a yearly pension of five hundred florins of gold. In May, after the death of the Count of Fundi, he judged himself sti'ong enough to proceed against the Colonna. Their L 2 148 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK possessions were laid under an interdict, themselves were ex- . communicated, and a holy war' was proclaimed against them. The Pa})al forces were reinforced by Ladislas, and several of the Colonna castles were captured ; but Palestrina defied the Papal arms, till in January 1401 the Colonna found it wise to come to terms. Boniface IX. had learned from the example of his predecessor Boniface VIII. the unwisdom of driving this power- ful family to extremities. On receiving their submission, he confirmed them in their possessions ; even Jacobello Gaetani, the son of Count Onorato of Fundi, was allowed to retain some part of his father's lands. Boniface was sufficiently prudent not to raise up implacable enemies by advancing lofty preten- sions which he could not maintain. On November 18 in the same year Viterbo also, worn out by internal discords, acknow- ledged the Papal sway.' Affairs in Thus Bouiface by his persistent skill had established his dermany. i t-> 139G-1400. rule over Kome, and had reduced to submission the enemies around him. In Germany also his policy met with a triumph. King Wenzel had so far agreed with the policy of Charles VI. of France that he had promised to compel Boniface to abdicate if Charles was successful in his endeavour to force Benedict to this step. But Wenzel's position in Germany did not allow him to do anything decided, even if he had had the will. His father, Charles IV., had transferred to the eastern provinces the supremacy over Germany ; and he had cautiously maintained his position by a close union with the Bohemian people. Wenzel had to face the natural jealousy of the purely Ger- manic states at the Sclavonic policy of the house of Luxemburg, and he had not his father's wisdom in dealing with Bohemia. Profligate and drunken, with all a drunkard's capriciousness and savagery, he set the clergy against him by his open mockery of their weaknesses, and made himself many enemies amongst the Bohemian barons. Germany, neglected by the King, was in a state of anarchy, and the prevailing discontent found ex- pression in plots against Wenzel. The Pfalzgraf Eupert was the natural leader of opposition, and found a strong supporter in John, Archbishop of Mainz, a count of the house of Nassau, who, in spite of another election by the chapter and the oppo- sition fo Wenzel, managed in 1396 to obtain his archbishopric ' Theiner, Codex Dominii Temj}oralis, iii. 60 DEPOSITION OF WENZEI . 149 by the payment of large sums of money to Boniface IX. The ^^f ^• Archbishops of Trier and Kohi followed John of Mainz, and ■ ^ — - the league of the Ej^enish electors sought the help of Boniface IX. to support them in the deposition of Wenzel. Boniface was dissatisfied with Wenzel's attitude towards him since his conference with Charles VI. at Eheims in 1398. Before Wen- zel went to Eheims, Eupert wrote him a long letter of remon- strance, in which he warned him that, if he withdrew from obedience to the Pope, who had confirmed him as King of the Eomans, it was possible that the electors might withdraw their allegiance from himself.^ Still Boniface IX. was too cautious to declare himself openly on the side of the discontented electors. So late as August 26, 1400, he wrote to Wenzel assuring him that he was prepared to uphold his cause even to the point of shedding his own blood.^ Yet two years later he took credit to himself that it was his support and authority that emboldened the electors to proceed to Wenzel's deposition. The attitude of Boniface towards Grermany was astute rather than straight- forward ; he was prepared to be on the winning side, whichever that might be. At length, in 1400, the plans of the Ehenish Electors were Deposition ready. Wenzel was involved in troubles in Bohemia, and his August, brother Sigismund was equally busy with his kingdom of Hun- gary. The fovu- Ehenish electors met at Lahnstein on August 1 1, and decreed the deposition of Wenzel. It was a bare majority of the Electoral College that proceeded to cany matters with so high a hand ; the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg stood aloof. On August 20, the decree of deposition was read by John of Mainz to the assembled people. It set forth that Wenzel had not striven to end the Schism and promote the unity of the Church, that he had not established peace and order in Germany, and that he had diminished the rights of the Empire in Germany. ' In Martene, TJu'sanrus!,\\. 1172: 'Nam possent subditi vestri dicere : Tu non vis obedire illi qui te confirmavit in regnum, et nos non intendimus etiam tibi obedire, neque tenemur, quia nondum es rex. Si autem tu es vere con- tirmatus et denegas obedientiaui contirmanti, justum est et rationabile quod noa etiam tibi denegemus.' ^ Pelzel, Urliundenhuchy ii. 428, gives the letter which Wenzel sent to Regens- burg to show that the Pope was on his side: 'Studio paternje teneritudinis erimus indefesso, usque ad proprii effusionem sanguinis pervigiles et intenti,' 150 THE GREAT SCHISM. Charges agaiDst Wenzel. Election of the Pfalz- graf Rupert as King of tlie Ho- miuM. 1400. The first two charges against Wenzel demanded of him tasks which were beyond his power ; but on the third head of accusation there was a strong case against him. Since the accession of Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti to the lordship of Milan, in 1378, the peace of Northern Italy had been disturbed by his struggles for self-aggrandisement. He added to his domi- nions Verona, Vicenza, Padua, and Siena, and pressed hard upon Florence, which was the bulwark of the remaining liberties of Italian cities. But Giovanni Galeazzo was not content with possession ; he wished also for a semblance of legitimacy to his conquests. At first he called himself Count of Vertus, from the small French county which he inherited from his wife Isabella, daughter of John of France ; but in 1395 he bought from the needy Wenzel, for 100,000 gulden, the title of Duke of Milan, and agreed to hold his lands as fiefs of the Empire. In 1397 Wenzel conferred on him the further title of Duke of Lombardy, and the right of bearing in his arms the Imperial eagle. Wenzel made this new creation without consulting the princes of the Empire, Avho were indignant at this addition to their number. He also sold for money a title over cities which had' been forcibly seized, and so used the Imperial mantle as a cloak to deeds of violence and oppression. His recognition of (jiovanni Galeazzo awakened the alarm of the Florentines, who lent their powerful aid to help the electors and bring about Wenzel's fall. Such were the formal grounds for Wenzel's deposition. The real grounds were the private grievances of the electors, and the fact that the vices, incompetence, and indolence of Wenzel had so weakened his hold upon Germany that it was safe to act against him. On the day following the det;laration of Wenzel's deposi- tion the electors chose the Pfalzgraf Kupert to be King of the Eomans. Kupert possessed all the qualities of a ruler; he was surnamed ' the mild ' from his gentleness, and was just, upright, devout and learned, so that in all points he was a contrast to the luckless Wenzel. Still he was not recognised at first by any but the states along the Rhine, and Boni- face IX., afraid of alienating Bohemia, Hungary, and Poland, refused to commit himself to his cause. Wenzel, however, failed to receive even his brother's support ; for Sigismund was too cautious to help him without securities which Wenzel de- RUPERT'S ITALIAN EXPEDITION. 161 dined to ffive. Dissension broke out between the two brothers ; chap. Ill Wenzel did not move and his adherents fell away ; disturbances ,_ — ^ — - arose in Hungary, and Sigismund was imprisoned by his rebellious subjects. Kupert on his side had small resom'ces at his command, and despaired of making much way in Germany by force of arms, but judged the opportunity fevourable for an ex- pedition into Italy, by which he might overcome the hesitation of the Pope, vindicate the rights of the Empire over Milan, and return with the prestige of the Papal approbation and the dignity of the Imperial crown. He accordingly negotiated v,-ith Boniface for his coronation, which Boniface agreed to per- form on condition that Rupert undertook to make no treaty with the King of France, take no part in measures for ending the Schism without the Pope's consent, and do his utmost to reconcile France and other schismatic countries with himself as the one true Pope. Boniface IX. was resolved to drive a hard bargain, and Rupert's troubles would be great before he accepted it. The Florentines hailed Rupert's coming as a means of Rupert's striking a blow against the alarming power of the Duke of expedition. Milan, and promised money and supplies. But Rupert's Italian ^4^^!^^'" ii expedition was even more inglorious than those of his prede- 1402. cessors. He marched from Trent against Brescia (October 24, 1401), where his army was attacked by Gian Galeazzo's condot- tiere general, Facino Cane. The Duke of Austria was taken prisoner and released in three days without ransom ; stories of treachery were spread, and the Duke of Austria angrily withdrew. Rupert's army began to diminish, and he found that sup- plies did not flow in as he had hoped from the Pope or the Florentines. Without these he was helpless, and after a few ceremonial receptions at Padua and Venice, he retired inglori- ously to Germany, in April 1402. No sooner had Rupert departed from Italy than Gian Death of Galeazzo Visconti prepared for new aggressions. His troops, Gaieazzo under Alberigo da Barbiano, marched upon Bologna, inflicted a ggptgn^ber severe defeat upon the Florentines, and took the city. Florence 1402. was reduced to the lowest ebb. She saw herself surrounded by the arms of the Duke of ]\Iilan, her supplies threatened, and her trade ruined. But, in September 1402, Gian Galeazzo died suddenly of the plague, and Italy began to breathe anew. Gian 152 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK 1. Boniface IX. re- covers Bologna and Peru- gia. 140;). Galeazzo Vi.sconti was a man of great force and determination, who had gone far to establish his power as supreme over North Italy ; but his conquests were made by force, and rested on force only. He was skilful in making acquisitions, but he had neither the talents nor the time to weld them together into a .state. His rapid advance spread universal terror, but his power died away with the strong hand that created it, and the most lasting impress that he left in Italy are the two mighty monuments of the Cathedral of jNlilan and the Certosa at Pavia. In their luxuriant magnificence and wild splendour we can still trace the restless ambition and undisciplined desires of the passionate spirit of him who designed them as memorials of his glory. With the death of Grian Galeazzo his power fell to the ground. His dominions were divided amongst his three young sons, who were helpless to protect them. The Florentines and the Pope entered into an alliance. Alberigo da Barbiano left the side of the Visconti and took service under the Florentines. Boniface sent as his legate Cardinal Baldassare Cossa, who knew how to promote his master's interests. There were commotions in all the cities under the rule of the ^^isconti, and when the joint army of the Pope and the Florentines entered the Bolog- nese territory, in June 1403, they gave the signal for universal revolt. The Visconti thought it wise to detach the Pope from the Florentines, and entered into a secret treaty with the legate, giving up to the Pope Bologna, Perugia, Assisi, and other towns which had been taken from the States of the Church. On August 25 this treaty was published, to the mortification of the Florentines, who found that no mention was made of their interests, and that they were abandoned by their ally. On September 2, Cardinal Cossa entered Bologna ; in October, Perugia opened its gates to the Pope's brother, Gianello Toraacelli. It was in vain that the Florentines sent ambas- sadors to the Pope to beseech him not to ratify the treaty made by his legate, and not to abandon the league disgi'acefully. Boniface eluded their remonstrances by delays, and confirmed the treaty. He had reason to be satisfied with the success that attended his efforts to restore the Papal sovereignty over the States of the Church. As regards German affairs, the death of Gian Galeazzo was SIGISMUND OF HUNGARY. 153 of some moment. Rupert returned fi-ora his Italian expedition chap. with ruined prestige, and Wenzel's cause rose in proportion. , ^'/" . It was now Wenzel's turn to plan an expedition to Rome, that Italian he might return with the glory of the Imperial crown. But Sigismund troubles arose in Bohemia, and Wenzel was entirely dependent gary. uo-i. on the help of his brother Sigismund, who so managed matters as to get Wenzel entirely into his own hand???' He kept him prisoner, and intended to use him as a tool. Wenzel's health was broken by debauchery, his life was uncertain, and he had no children ; at his death Sigismund would inherit Bohemia, and thought it well to begin in good time to arrange its affairs. He therefore proposed to take Wenzel to Rome, and have him crowned Emperor by the help of the Duke of Milan, who was not sorry to have an opportunity of using his power under the guise of the Emperor's orders. This dangerous threat to Rupert and the Pope came to nothing on Gian Graleazzo's death ; but it set Boniface IX. to discover a means of keeping Sigismund employed at home. Sigismund's position in his Hungarian kingdom had always Proceed- been a difficult one. He held his title by virtue of his marriage B^n;,*![pe with the Queen Maria, and, after the murder of Charles of ix. against Naples, had been crowned, in 1387. But he quarrelled with his and Wen- wife, he offended the Hungarian people, and suffered a crushing ^^^3 defeat in an expedition against the Turks at Nicopolis, in 1396. On his inglorious return there were disturbances in Hun- gary, and Sigismund was imprisoned by his rebellious sub- jects, who turned their eyes to the old house of Durfizzo for a leader, and had called Ladislas to assert his father's claims on Hungary. But at that time Ladislas had enough to do in Naples to make head against Louis of Anjou ; Sigismund was freed from prison, and there was peace for a time. But when Sigismund began to threaten an expedition into Italy for the crowning of his puppet Wenzel, it was easy for Boniface to find him work at home, now that the hands of Ladislas were free. Early in 1402, when Sigismund first began to talk of an expedi- tion to Rome, Ladislas sent five galleys with troops into Dalmatia, and the rebels in Hungary again began to raise their heads. At the end of May, Boniface in a secret consistory declared Ladislas king of Hungary, and on June 1 appointed Cardinal AugeloAcciaiuoli Papal legate in the Hungarian kingdom. 154 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. In July Ladislas landed at Zara, and on August 5 was crowned king of Hungary in the presence of the Papal legate. Sigismund retaliated on the Pope with vigour ; he forbade both in Bohemia and Hungary the payment of any money to the Papal treasury; he prohibited the publication of any Bulls, letters, or ordinances, and threatened imprisonment to any one who corresponded with the Koman Court. Boniface met this by a formal decree of deposition against Wenzel, in which he asserted that the pro- ceedings of the electors had been taken with his sanction,* and. confirmed the election of Rupert, without requiring the condi- tions which he had previously attempted to enact. He judged it prudent to secure Rupert's allegiance, lest he should make com- mon cause with France and England, and join them in with- drawing from obedience to both Popes alike. When Ladislas advanced into Hungary, he received a severe defeat near Raab, and was driven back to Dalmatia. The fate of his father Charles seemed to him an evil omen ; he felt that his Hun- garian partisans could not be trusted, and he wisely decided that a secme kingdom in Naples was better than the uncertainties of a tedious war waged for a precarious throne in Hungary. Sigismund showed his wisdom by offering amnesty to the rebels. Ladislas saw that his chance was gone, and at the end of October returned to Naples. The Pope's schemes upon Hungary had failed disastrously, as Sigismund held to his edict, forbidding Papal intervention in his kingdom, and thenceforth disposed of ecclesiastical offices at his own pleasure. As regards the Schism, Boniface IX.'s position was too purely that of an Italian prince for him to make any real head against his rival. In France it was found that no good results had followed from the withdrawal of allegiance from Benedict. The XIII. M02 example set by France had not been universally followed, for -1403. Scotland and Aragon still held to Benedict. The French clergy groaned under the taxation of the royal officers, and found that the liberties of their Church had been more respected by the Pope than they were by the King, who, on the ground that his efforts to end the Schism involved him in great expense, demanded large sums from the clergy. Even the L^niversity of Paris saw its privileges set aside, as the bishops, to whom passed ' Bull in Rayn., 1403, § 4 : ' Ad ipsius Wenceslai depositionem scu amotioneni a prx'fato Romano imperio auctoritate nostra sufTulti concorditer processerunt.' Reaction in France aj^ainst tlie ■withdrawal of obedi- ence from \ PARTIES IN FRANCE. 155 the collation of benefices hitherto reserved by the Pope, paid CHAP. little heed to the claims of learned theologians, and conferred — ^ '_^ preferment on officials who were useful to themselves. It was natural that a reaction should set in, and the state of parties at the French Court gave it a leader. In the madness of Charles VI. France became the prey of contending factions, headed by the King's brother, the Duke of Orleans, and the King's uncle, the Duke of Burgundy. Orleans represented the side of aristocratic culture against the feudal chivalry which gathered round Burgundy. It was natural that Orleans should find his strength in the South of France, and Burgundy in the North ; that Orleans should try to strengthen himself by restoring Benedict, and that Burgundy should maintain the existing attitude of affairs. The Duke of Orleans openly threatened, in the King's presence, to take up arms in behalf of Benedict, who was consequently more closely watched in his captivity at Avignon. The ambassadors of Aragon urged the release of Benedict: the University of Toulouse, moved by jealousy of the University of Paris, addressed to the King a long letter controverting the grounds on which the Uni- versity of Paris had advocated the withdrawal of allegiance. Louis of Anjou, on his return from his unsuccessful attempt on Naples, determined to support the Pope on whose sanction his claims on Naples were founded : he visited Benedict at Avignon on August 31, 1402, and restored obedience to him within his county of Provence, on the ground that he had never given his consent to the withdrawal, which had been proved to be useless in re- storing the unity of the Church, and was founded neither on human nor divine law.' Opinion was so divided in France that the King's counsellors thought it wise to summon the nobles and prelates of the realm to a Council, to be held in Paris on May 15, 1403. But before this assembly could meet, Benedict XIII. and the Duke of Orleans had settled matters for themselves. The nobles round Avignon all belonged to the party of Escape of Orleans, and were ready to help the Pope, who secretly gathered xTii!^from together a body of four hundred men-at-arms who awaited him i^^'^^'"""-, . , 1 , , March 12, outside the city ; he himself only awaited a ftivourable moment i-ioa. to evade the vigilance of the Cardinals and citizens of Avignon. A Norman baron, Robert de Braquemond, who was in the service ' See letter of Louis, in Murtene, Thesaurus, ii. 12G3. 156 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK of the Duke of Orleans, devised means for his escape, and on the V ; . evening of March 1 2, Benedict, in disguise, accompanied by three attendants, managed to pass the guards and quit the palace. He took nothing with him save a pyx containing the Host, and an autograj)h letter of the French King, in which he promised to the Pope filial obedience. Once free from prison, Benedict found himself in the midst of adherents. He took refuge in a house in Avignon where a company of French gentlemen awaited him. They kissed his feet, and paid him again the honours of which for five years he had been deprived. A band of troops were waiting outside the gates, and Benedict was hurried away under their care to Chateau Kenard, a few miles from Avignon. There he could feel secure, and laid aside the outward sign of his humiliation — his beard, which had grown long, as he had made an oath never to shave it while he was a prisoner. He could afford to laugh good-humouredly at those who had shown him the greatest insolence ; he asked the barber what county he came from, and on hearing that he was a Picard, he merrily exclaimed, 'Then I have proved the Normans liars, for they declared that they would shave my beard for me.' Moderation At Chateau Renard, Benedict could rely on the protection of Xill. ^ Louis of Anjou, and he knew what he had to expect from the Duke of Orleans. In Avignon all was terror when the Pope's flight was discovered : the burghers at once saw their powerlessness, and offered no opposition to the departure of the Pope's attendants and of the Cardinals who had remained faithful to him. The Cardinals who had been opposed to him sought all means to be re- stored to his favour ; the nobles who had been against him vied in declarations of the necessity of restoring obedience. Benedict addressed a letter to the King, his counsellors, and the University, setting forth that he had been willing for some years to endure privations for the good of the Church, but finding that they were useless, he had left Avignon and gone to Chateau Renard, that he might labour more usefully to restore the union of the Church. To the repentant Cardinals he showed himself merciful. On April 29 they presented themselves before him, and on their knees, with sobs, begged his forgiveness, and swore to be faithful for the future. Benedict was not re- vengeful ; his determined temper was united with buoyancy, and a keen sense of humour. He assured them of his forgive- RESTORATION OF THE FRENCH OBEDIENCE TO BENEDICT XIII. 157 ness ' and invited them to dinner. When they were seated, they saw with terror that the other places were occupied by men in arms. Trembhi^, they expected punishment, but were grimly assured that these were the Pope's body-guard, who never left his side even when he said mass. It was a signiiicani hint that Benedict henceforth was determined to protect himself even against those who ought naturally to be hislupporters. Nor were the Cardinals the only ones who were alarmed at the Pope's military guise. The citizens of Avignon, in terror, besought his pardon, which was accorded on condition that they repaired the walls of the Papal palace, which had been overthrown during the siege. Long time they laboured at this ungrateful task. But Benedict refused again to take up his abode at Avignon ; he garrisoned it with Aragonese soldiers, and provisioned it to with- stand a lengthy siege. The men of Avignon were left to the tender mercies of the Pope's mercenaries. On May 25, two of the repentant Cardinals appeared before Restoration Charles VI. to plead for a restoration of obedience to Benedict, •^f^heobe- -I dience of The Universities of Orleans, Angers, Montpellier, and Toulouse France to all supported them. There were great differences of opinion, xiii. May and the discussions might have gone on interminably if the Duke ' ^' ^ "'^" of Orleans had not hastened to bring the matter to a conclusion. He ordered the metropolitans to enquire secretly the opinions of their suffragans, and when he found that a majority was in favour of renewing obdience, he presented himself, on May 28, before the King, whom he found in his oratory, and laid before him the result of his canvass. It was one of the lucid intervals of the unhap})y Charles ; he was moved by the representations of Orleans, and by his own respect for the Pope's character and learning, and gave his adhesion to the plan of renewing obedience. The Duke took tlie crucifix from the altar and prayed the King to confirm his words by an oath. Laying his trembling hands upon the crucifix, the King declared, ' I restore full obedience to our lord Pope Benedict, declaring, by the holy cross of Christ, that I will main- tain so long as I live inviolate obedience to him, as the true Vicar of Jesus Christ on earth, and I will cause obedience to him to be restored in all parts of my kingdom.' Then kneeling at the altar, with clasped hands, the King chanted the ' Te ' The terms of peace are given in ]\lartene, Thcs. ii. 126G. 158 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK Deum,' in which those present joined with tears of joy. The ; _- churches in Paris re-echoed the ' Te Deum,' and their bells rang joyous peals for the restoration of their Pope. The Dukes of Berri and Burgundy were at first indignant, as was the University of Paris, but after a time they gave way, and professed to hope that the lesson which Benedict had re- ceived might make him more eager to bring about the union of the Church than he had been before. On May 29, a solemn ser- vice of thanksgiving was held in Notre Dame, at which the Bishop of Cambrai preached, and read an undertaking made by the Duke of Orleans, in behalf of Benedict, that he would forgive all that had passed, and would recognise all ecclesiastical appoint- ments made during the withdrawal of obedience ; that he was still ready to resign if his rival should resign or die ; that he would summon a General Council to discuss measures for the reform of the Church.' No j)romises could be fairer ; the re- forming party rejoiced to think that they would get more, after all, from the Pope than they could hope to gain by rebellion against him. Difficulties But all liopes founded on Benedict's moderation were soon ration of*"' clashcd to the ground. He received most graciously the two obedience, royal ambassadors who were sent to announce to him the re- storation of obedience ; but immediately after giving them audience he sent a commission of Cardinals to call to account one of them, the Abbot of St. Denys, who had been appointed during the period of withdrawal of obedience. His election was declared null, an enquiry was made into his life and character, and he was then formally reappointed to his office. Benedict fell back upon the full rights of the Papacy ; he was willing to overlook the rebellion against his authority, but he could not recognise as valid what had been done during his imprisonment. The rights of the Papacy stood in antagonism to the honour of the P'rench monarchy. The French King had taken an un- tenable position, from which he was driven to withdraw. Bene- dict did not wish to put any needless difficulties in the way, nor to make any demand for humiliating submission ; but ■ he could not be expected to admit the principle that a king might withdraw at pleasure from obedience to the Head of the ' An account of all this is pi ven in the appeal made by tlie University against Benedict, printed in Martenc, Thes. ii. 1295. DEATH OF BONIFACE IX. 159 Church, might arrange at his will matters ecclesiastical in his CHAP, own dominions, and might then demand the ratification of his _ ' . measures as a reward for the restitution of obedience. On the other hand, the proceedings of the French King had been taken in a period of emergency to remedy a pressing evil. It was sufficiently humiliating that they had failed in their end ; it was too much to expect that they should alsiTbe admitted to have been illegal in their means. Benedict saw the difficulty and acted wisely. He asserted his own rights qidetly in individual cases without putting for- ward any principles which might offend the feeling of the French nation. Yet his attitude made any good understanding between himself and the Court impossible. It was to no pm'pose that, in October, the Duke of Orleans paid a visit to Benedict, who owed him so much, and tried to bend his stubbornness. Benedict was grateful and polite, but would not confirm the promises which the Duke had made in his name. The King met the difficulty by an edict (December 19), which declared that all ecclesiastical appointments made during the withdrawal of obedience were valid, and that no payments should be made to the Pope of any mone3's which he might claim as due to him during that period. Benedict on his part gave way a little, and the Duke of Orleans was able to take back to Paris a few delusive Bulls which announced forgiveness of all wrongs during llie withdrawal of obedience, announced also a General Council, and promised that, through paternal care for the honour of France, no mention of the withdrawal should there be made ; another Bull declared Benedict's intention to labour in all ways to bring about the union of the Church. Benedict found it necessary to make some show of taking Death of steps towards restoring the unity of the Church. He secretly ix. Octo- negotiated with Boniface that he should receive his envoys, and in June 1404 obtained a safe- conduct for them, through the mediation of the Florentines. The Bishops of S. Pons and Ilerda appeared, on September 22, before Boniface IX. and his Cardinals. They brought from Benedict proposals for a con- ference between the two Popes in some neutral place to be agreed upon between them,' and suggested the appointment of ' We have an account of this embassy from Benedict himself, in a letter to the French King, in Martene and Durand, Amj>lissima CoUectio, vii. 686. ber 1404. 160 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK a committ/ee to be chosen equally from both sides, who should < ', report upon the questions in dispute. It was the old proposal of Benedict to the French King, and was clearly useless and delusive. Boniface was suffering agonies from the disease of which he died — -the stone. He sternly answered the proposals of the ambassadors in the negative. ' I am Pope,' he proudly said, ' and Peter de Luna is antipope.' ' At least,' answered the envoys, ' our master is not simoniacal.' Boniface angrily bade them leave the city at once. It was his last effort : he returned to his bed, and died in the tortures of his terrible disease on October 1. Boniface IX. was a skilful ruler, who knew how to use for his own interest the fluctuations of Italian politics. Among the Italian princes of his time he would deservedly hold a high position for wisdom in gathering his states together, and skill in repressing their disorders. He made good his hold upon Eome, destroyed its old municipal liberties, and established himself in a seciu-ity which his predecessors had never gained. Rome found in him a stern and powerful ruler, and the unruly city quailed before a master.' He brought together again the States of the Chiu:-ch, and established the Papacy as a territorial power in Italy. Tall, stalwart, and handsome, with kindly and courteous manner, he was well fitted to be a ruler of men. Yet he was destitute of any elevation of mind, either on the side of religion or of culture. His ends were purely temporal, and he had no care for the higher interests of the Church. The Schism seems to have affected him in no way save as a diminution of his revenues. To gain the sovereignty which he aimed at, he saw that money was above all things necessary, and no sense of reverence prevented him from gaining money in every possible way. His shameless simony filled with horror contemporaries Avho were by no means scrupulous;'- and his greed was strong even in death. When asked, in his lasl hours, how he was, he answered, ' If I had more money, I should lie Benedict is anxious to show (iiat his ambassrulors did not derogate from his pretensions in their interview with Boniface. ' ISalutantes eundem, biretis depositis atque aliquantulum capitibus inclinat is, nulla taraen eidem per eos alterius generis reverent ia e.xhibita.' Compare Tlioodoric a Niem. ' Gobelin, Cosmodrnmion, Mt. vi. oh. 84 : ' Romanis non solum ut Papa sed tanquam rigidus Imperatordominabatur.' * Niem, de Schism, ii. ch. 11. CHARACTER OF BONIFACE IX. 161 well enough.' ' Even amid the intolerable agonies of the stone,' chap. says Gobelin, ' he did not cease to thirst after gold.' ' At all .___,_:^ periods of his life hig spirits rose on receiving money, for he was eminently a man of business, and took a practical view of his position and its immediate needs. Even when mass was being celebrated in his presence, he could noj^ disengage his mind from worldly affairs, but would beckon cardinals to him or send for his secretaries to give them instructions which flashed through his mind. He was entirely engrossed in secular matters, and managed the Church as though it were merely a temporal lordship. Yet his worst enemies could bring no worse charge against him ; he was free from private vices, and was respected as much as he was feared. In another age the statesmanlike qualities of Piero Tomacelli would have deserved admira- tion ; as it was, his rapacity and extortion warned the growing party in favour of reform of the dangers to which the ecclesias- tical system was exposed from the absolute monarchy of the Pope. ' Cosmodrom., Mi. vi. ch. 87. VOL. I, 162. THE GREAT SCHISM. Elpction of Ccisimo (lei Mi^liorati. October 17, 1404. CHAPTER IV. INNOCENT VII. ; BENEDICT XIII. TROUBLES IN ITALY AND FRANCE. 1404-1406. The career of Boniface IX. was that of an aspiring Italian prince, and the fortunes of his dominions corresponded to the means by which they had been won. No sooner was the news of the death of Boniface sj)read through the city than the people rose to assert their old liberties (October 1). The streets were barricaded, the nobles hurried with their retainers from the country, and the old cries of ' Gruelf,' ' Ghibellin,' ' Colonna,' * Orsini,' were again heard in the city. The Capitol was held by the two brothers of Boniface and by the Senator. The people, led by the Colonna, hastened to attack it ; but the Orsini gathered their partisans, and advancing by night to the relief of the Capitol, defeated the Colonna in a light in the streets.* The defeated party turned for help to Ladislas of Naples, who had already shown a desire to mix in the affairs of Rome. It was in this wild confusion, and with the knowledge of the rapid advance of I^adislas, that the nine Cardinals present in Rome entered the Conclave on Octolier 12. The ambassadors of Benedict, who had been im}»risoned during the tumult by the Castellan of S. Angelo, and only obtained their liberty after payment of a ransom of 5,000 ducats, besought the Cardinals to defer the election. They were asked if they were commis- sioned to offer Benedict's resignation ; when they answered that • A vivid descrijition of the wild confusion in Rome is given in a letter of the ambassador of tlie Teutonic knights in Voigt, Stlmmrti aii.i Horn, inVon Raumer's IlinforiKc/ics Ttmch'tihiieh, vol. iv. 178, &c. Voigt lias erroneously dated the letter HOG, on the death of Innocent VII., to which it does not apply. ELECTION OF INNOCENT VII. 163 they had no power to proceed so far,' the Cardinals went on to CHAP. then" election. The public opinion of Europe so far weighed ^_ / _. with them that the^ followed the example of the Cardinals at Avignon, before the election of Peter de Luna : they signed a solemn undertaking that each of them would use all diligence to bring about the unity of the Church, and tfeftt he who might be chosen Pope would resign his office at any time, if need were, to promote that object. It is said that they had some difficulty in coming to an agreement ; ^ but the approach of Ladislas did not permit them to delay. On October 17 they elected Cosimo dei JNIigliorati, a Neapolitan, who, they hoped, would be alike well pleasing to Ladislas and to the Romans, and whose pacitic character held out hopes of a settlement of the discords of the Church. ]\Iigliorati was sprung from a middle-class family of Sul- mone, in the Abruzzi. He was learned both in canon and in civil law, and entered the Curia under Urban VI., where his capacity for business won him speedy advancement. He was for some time Papal collector in England, then was made Arch- bishop of Ravenna in the room of Pileo, and afterwards Bishop of Bologna. Boniface IX. recognised his merits by appointing him Cardinal, and confided to his care the chief part of the business of the Curia. He was popular in Rome through his conciliatory manner and gentle nature ; he was, moreover, uni- versally respected for his learning and his blameless life. He was, however, old, and the Romans felt that in him they had not got another master like Boniface. Cardinal Migliorati took the Papal title of Innocent VII., but Ladislas in it was some time before he could openly assume the Papal ?^?'"°;o^*^ crown. He possessed nothing except the Vatican and the November Castle of S. Angelo, which a brother of Boniface still held ' securely ; in the city itself only the Capitol resisted the people, who declared that they would only let the Pope be free when he had given them back their freedom.^ In this state of things ' Letter of Innocent to Duke of Berri, JIartene and Dur., Amp. Coll. vii. : ' Respondernnt se mandatum ad earn rem non habere nee id consonum juri suo arbitrari.' - Infessnra, Mur., III. pt. ii. 1116: ' f u molta discordia trai Cardinal! per fare lo Papa.' ' Gcidilix DelpJiini Dittriitm (Mur., III. ii. 814) : ' Komani non li volevano dare la liberta, ma volevano es.■^ere liberi.' M 2 164 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK Ladislas arrived at Rome, and was received in triumph by the / _. people. He entered by the gate of S. Giovanni in Laterano, on October 19, and spent the night in the Lateran palace, whence, on the morning of the 21st, he went in state to the Vatican to offer his services as mediator to the luckless Pope. Ladislas had a deep-laid scheme to make himself master of Eome. As soon as he was secure in Naples, his restless and ambitious spirit looked out for a new sphere, and he determined to increase his dominions at the expense of the States of the Church. Boniface in his later days had looked upon him with growing suspicion, and so long as Boniface lived he did not venture to move ; but he hastened to take advantage of the distiurbance which broke out on the death of Boniface, and there is good ground for thinking that he fomented it. His plan was to set the Pope and the Roman people against one another, and by helping now one and now the other to get them both into his power ; by this policy he hoped that Rome itself would soon fall into his hands.' He trusted that the rebellious Romans would drive the Pope from the city, and would then be com- pelled to submit to himself. Against such a foe Innocent VII. was powerless. He had no option save to allow Ladislas to settle matters between him- self and the Romans. An agreement was accordingly made on October 27 which was cleverly constructed to restore to the Romans much of their old freedom, to secure to Ladislas a decisive position in the affairs of Rome, and to reserve to the Pope a decent semblance of power. The Senator was still to be appointed by the Pope ; the people were to elect seven governors of the city treasury, who were to hold office for two months, and were to take oath of office before the Senator ; to these seven three were to be added by the appointment of the Pope or of King Ladislas, and the ten together were to manage the finances of the city. All magistrates were to be responsible at the end of their office to two syndics, one appointed by the Pope and one elected by the people. The Cnpitol was to be surrendered to King Ladislas, and was to be turned into a public palace or law courts ; Ladislas might, if he chose, assign ' Leonardo Bruni gives a clear sketch of the policy of Ladislas (]\rur., xix. 921): ' Romauos nee prius quictos sua pra^sentia in Pontilicem conci- tavit ; ipse vcro mentem cvexit ad Urbcra Romam capiendam.' KING LADLSLAS IN ROME. 165 it US the official residence of the ten governors. It is obvious chap. that by this agreement all that the strong hand of Boniface IX. _ — ^ — . had won was lost to liis successor, and that opportunities were carefully left for differences between the contracting parties which Ladislas must necessarily be called in to settle. Ladislas had given perfidious aid to the Pope, but had the audacity to claim a reward for it. Innocent ^ave him for five years the Maritima and Campania, by which he commanded free approach to Rome. Moreover, Ladislas obtained from the Pope a decree declaring that, in any steps he might take towards restoring the unity of the Church, the title of I^adislas to Naples should be secured as a preliminary. This promise was sure to render all his measures useless, as France could not be expected expressly to abandon the claims of the house of Anjou. The unscrupulous Ladislas was bent on tm-ning the indolent Innocent into a pliant tool. He still remained for a few days the Pope's guest, so long as it suited him to continue his intrigues with Rome. P^inally he determined before his departure to impress the people by his splendour. Leaving the Vatican on November 14, he crossed the Ponte Molle and entered Rome by the Porta del Popolo. He rode in triumph through the street of Torre del Conte to the Lateran, and on his way asserted his rights in Rome by dubbing knight one Galeotto Normanni, who afterwards assumed the significant title of the 'Knight of Liberty.' After spending the evening of November 4 at the Lateran, he departed next day for Naples. Not till he was gone did Innocent VII. venture to be crowned, on November 11, and after his coronation rode, amid the cheers of the people, to take possession of the Lateran. It was not long, however, before matters turned out as TheRo- Ladislashad designed. The Romans had gained enough liberty thdrUbe^-* to make them wish for more, and the easy good-nature of the ty ajrainst Pope emboldened them to set him at defiance. The new con- November stitutiou was wrested to their own purposes, and the seven 1405^ governors elected by the Romans seem to have acted indepen- dently of the three appointed by the Pope. Giovanni Colonna kept a body of troops in the neighbourhood of Rome ready to support the Romans. The Pope with difficulty maintained himself in the Leonine city l)y the help of his troops under his condottiere-general Mustiuda. The state of things in Rome is 166 THE GKEAT SCHISM. BOOK described by Leonardo Bruni of Arezzo, who came at this time / _ as Papal secretary : — ' The Roman people were making an extra- vagant use of the freedom which they had lately gained. Amongst the nobles the Colonna and Savelli were the most powerful ; the Orsini had sunk, and were suspected by the people as partisans of the Pope. The Curia was brilliant and wealthy. There were many cardinals, and they men of worth. The Pope lived in the Vatican, desirous of ease and content with the existing state of things, had he only been allowed to enjoy it ; but such was the perversity of the leaders of the Roman people, that there was no chance of quiet.' ^ The Romans pestered the Pope with requests and petitions, and the more he granted, the more readily were new ones preferred. They even begged for the office of cardinal for their relatives. One day the Pope's patience was worn out. ' I have given you all you wished,' he exclaimed ; ' what more can I give you except this mantle ? ' ■^ Matters went on becoming more and more difficult. In March 1405 the Romans, led by Giovanni Colonna, made an expedition against Molara, a castle of the Annibaldi, a few miles distant from Rome. The siege caused much damage, and in the end of April the Pope sent the Prior of S. Maria on the Aventine to make peace between the contending parties. His efforts were successful, and the Roman soldiers returned with him to the city. No sooner had he entered Rome than he was seized and executed as a traitor by the seven governors (April 25). But this was felt even by the Romans to be excessive, and Innocent threatened to leave the city. On May 10 the governors appeared before Innocent in the guise of penitents, with candles in their hands, to ask his forgiveness. After this submission there seemed for a time to be peace. On June 12 Innocent created eleven new Cardinals, of whom five were Romans and one was Oddo Colonna. He wished to do everything that he could to convince the Romans of his good intentions, and induce them to let him live in peace. Hostilities Peace, however, was not what Ladislas desired, and his ad- i{oin;iiis?° herents were active in iiome. It was notorious that he had in uoT'***^ ^' P'^y '^ nuHilicr of tlie cliicf citizens whose actions he guided at ' Leon. Aret., Com., ihinitori, xix. i)22. ■■^ Niem, ii. 36 INNOCENT VII. AND THE ROMANS. 167 liis pleasure.' It was easy, therefore, to incite the Romans to chap. another act of aggression. By the agreement made between _ — ,J — . Pope and people, the care of the bridges of Rome was to belong to the citizens, except the Ponte JNIolle, which commanded the approach to the Vatican on one side, while the Castle of S. Angelo defended it from the other. The Romans professed to consider the possession of the Ponte Molle as ffecessary for the protection of the Latin hills. The Pope refused to give it up to them, and it was guarded by Papal soldiers. On the night of August 2 a body of Romans attempted to take it by surprise, but were driven back with considerable loss. It was a festival morning when they returned, and the people had nothing to do. The bells of the Capitol rung out a summons to arms, and the excited crowd rushed to besiege the Castle of S. Angelo, which was vigorously defended by its garrison, who cast up earthworks. The night was spent by both sides under arms, but the morning brought reflection, and negotiations were begun ; both parties at last agreed that the Ponte Molle should be broken down in the middle, and so rendered useless. On August 6 a deputation of the Romans waited on the Pope and treated him to a long speech, in which they expressed their general views about his conduct. As they were riding back unsuspectingly, they were seized by the Pope's nephew, Ludovico Migliorati, and were dragged into the Hospital of S. Spirito, where he had his quarters. Eleven of them were put to death, of whom two were magistrates, and eight were friends of the Pope ; their dead bodies were flung out of the windows. This sanguinary deed awoke the passionate resentment of the people. The relatives of the murdered men thronged the Ponte di S. Angelo clamouring for vengeance.^ In the city itself the wildest excitement prevailed, and the whole populace were assembling in arms. Meanwhile the luckless Innocent sat tearfully in the ' Niem, ii. 36 : ' JIultos majores de populo corrupit pecunia ut sibi assis- terent quod dominium ipsius urbis quo modo libet sortiretur, et hos corruptos rellqiaum \\\\^wa prorisxonatos nominabat.' ^ See the vivid account in Leon. Aret., Com., Mur., xix. 923 ; also Ejnstolce (ed. Mehus), book I., iv. and v. He was in the city at the time of the outbreak, and had great difficulty in getting safely back to the Vatican. Contemporary testimony is clearly in favour of Iimocent's entire guiltlessness in this crime. 168 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Flight of Innocent VII. to ViterLi.i. Aiignst G- 9, 1405. Rnck of the Vatican. August 1405. Attempt of Ladislas on Koine. Au- gust M05. Vatican calling heaven to witness his innocence and bewaihng his sad fortune. He was incapable of forming any plan of action, and those around him differed in opinion ; some m-ged immediate flight and some advocated delay. But the troops of Naples might be expected to advance to the aid of the Romans; the fidelity of Antonello Tomacelli, who held the Castle of S. Angelo, was doubtful, and it was believed that he was in the pay of Ladislas ; the walls of the Leonine city had fallen in many places, and were ill fitted to stand a siege ; above all, supplies of food were wanting. It was hopeless to think of resistance ; flight alone was possible. Short time was given to the terrified Cardinals to gather together their valuables, as on the evening of the same day the retreat began. First went a squadron of horse, then the baggage, next the Pope and his attendants, and another squadron of horse brought up the rear to ward off attacks. They made all possible haste to escape, for the Romans were in pursuit. That night they reached Cesano, a distance of twelve miles ; next day they pressed on to Sutri, through the blazing heat of an Italian August ; the third day they reached Viterbo. Thirty of Innocent's attendants died on the way through heat and thirst, or died soon afterwards through immoderate draughts of water. Innocent himself was more dead than alive. No sooner had the Pope left Rome than Giovanni Colonna, at the head of his troops, burst into the Vatican, where he took up his quarters. The people laughed at his airs of importance, and called him Jolm XXIII. The Vatican was sacked ; even the Papal archives were pillaged, and Bulls, letters and registers were scattered about the streets. JNIany of these were afterwards restored, but the loss of historic docu- ments must have been great. Everywhere in the city the arms of Innocent were destroyed or filled up with mud ; the Romans loudly declared that they would no longer recognise him as Pope, but would take measures for restoring the unity of the Church. The talk of the Romans was vain, and they were soon to" find that Innocent was necessary to them. Ladislas judged that his time had now come : the waters were sufficiently ' Niem, ii. 3G. EETURN OF INNOCENT VII. TO ROME. 169 troubled for one to fish who knew the art.' He had a strong CHAP. 1 IV party among the Eoman nobles, and sent on August 20 the v_ — ,_! — > Count of Troja, with^5,000 horse, and two men already appointed to be governors of Eome in his name. This reinforcement was welcomed by Giovanni Colonna; but the Eoman people had not striven to recover their liberties from the Pope that they might put them in the hands of the King oT Naples. They besieged their treacherous magistrates in the Capitol, and barred the Ponte di S. Angelo against the Neapolitans, in spite of the fire opened upon them from the Castle. The Neapolitans could not force the barricades and obtain admission into the city. The Capitol surrendered on August 23 to the citizens, who set up three new magistrates called * buon uomini.' In their new peril, the minds of the Eomans went back to the Pope whom they had driven away. The members of the Curia who had been imprisoned in the tumult were released, and much of the goods of ecclesiastics which had been sacked was restored to the magistrates. When men's minds grew calmer, they recognised that Innocent was blameless of his nephew's crime ; and when submission to the rule of Ladislas drew near, the Eomans looked back with regret on the good-natured, in- dolent Pope. Envoys were at once despatched to Viterbo, to beg for aid ; Romans and on August 26 the Papal troops, tinder Paolo Orsini nfitTo tYe and Mustarda, advanced. The Neapolitans thought it wise to ^"P^- ^"^"'^• withdraw : they had missed their opportunity of seizing Eome, and it was not worth while to stay longer. Giovanni Colonna abandoned the Vatican and retreated. Only the Castle of S. Angelo still beld out for Ladislas. On October 30 Inno- cent appointed as Senator of Eome, Francesco dei Panciatiei of Pistoia. The attempt of Ladislas only ended in re-establishing in Eome the Papal power, which he had managed insidiously to sap. In January 1406 a deputation of the Eomans begged Innocent VII. to return to his capital, and on March 13 he entered Eome amid shouts of triumph and festivities of rejoicing which rarely greeted a Papal return. His nephew Lodovico accompanied him, having undergone no severer pimishment than a penance inflicted by the Pope. The ' Niem, I.e. : ' Cogitansquod bonum esset aquistuibidispiscari scientibus artcm.' 170 THE GEEAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Futile ne- gotiatinns between the two Popes. 14U5-G. Renediet XIII. in Nice and (ienoa. J 404-5. passions of the Komans were quick, but were easily appeased. . A horrible crime had driven them to rebellion ; but when their rebellion threatened to bring with it unpleasant consequences, they laid aside their thoughts of vengeance, and condoned the offence. We cannot blame them, for they had to choose between two evils: but Innocent's sense of justice and of right must have been very dim before he could ride through the streets of Kome by the side of the man who had wrought a treacherous deed of slaughter. How little Innocent counted the crimes of his nephew may be seen by the fact that he made him Lord of Ancona and Forli. The career of Innocent had been so eventful that he might safely plead inability to gra})ple with the great question of the Schism. Each Pope wished to seem to be doing something, and to do nothing ; to have a case sufficient to enable him to abuse his adversary, if not to defend himself. Innocent VII. began by summoning a synod to assemble at Eome on Novem- ber 1, 1405 ; the disturbed state of the city gave him an excuse for deferring it to May 1, 1406. Benedict XIII. , on his side, continued his plan of professing to negotiate for a meeting between the two Popes, and sent to ask for a safe- conduct for his envoys. Innocent YII. thought that the last envoys of Benedict XIII. had been troublesome enough, for compensation was demanded from him for the ransom they had had to pay during the disturbances that preceded his election : he accordingly refused a safe-conduct to Viterbo. Benedict was now in a position to write letters declaiming against the ob.>ance generally all was in confusion. The King's madness increased, and he sank almost to the condition of a wild beast, devouring food with insatiable rapidity, and refusing to change his clothes or allow himself to be kept clean. The antagonism between the Dukes of Burgundy and Orleans was daily becoming more intense, and it was with difficulty that peace was kept between them. But, in spite of political disturbances, the University of Paris returned to the charge against Benedict XIII. in January 1406. The stream of public opinion again ran strongly against him, and on May 17 the University succeeded in obtaining from the Royal Council an audience, in which they once more urged the withdrawal of the obedience of France. The Council had too much on hand, in consequence of the disturbed state of the kingdom, to venture on the troubled sea of ecclesiastical discussion, and they referred the University to the Parlement. The pleadings began on June 7, and Pierre Plaon and Jean Petit refuted the arguments which had been put forward by the University of Toulouse against with- drawal from Benedict ; they pointed out that he had not kei)t his promises, and they denounced his exactions. The King's advocate, Jean Juvenal des Ursins, followed on the same side, and complained against Benedict's conduct as injurious to the honour of France. Benedict's friends tried to get the matter deferred, but the University pressed for a decision. At the end of July the letter of the University of Toulouse was con- demned as ' scandalous and pernicious, defaming the honour of the King and his subjects,' and was ordered to be burned at the gates of Toulouse. On September 11 a further decision was given that the Gallican Church should be free 'thenceforth and for ever from all services, tithes, procurations, and other subventions unduly introduced by the Poman Church.' ^ This was a withdrawal from Benedict XIII. of the important power of raising ecclesiastical revenues, and contained also an assertion of the right of the national Church to manage its own affairs ' See their appeal in ]\Iartene, Tht'saurus, ii. 1295. - Citron, de St. Dcnijs, bk. xxvii. ch. 3 : ' Ut ecclesia Gallifana deinceps et l^erpetuo a serviciis, deciniis, procuracionilms et cajteris adinventis subven- cionibus indebite ab ecclesia Romana introduotis, libera remaneret.' DEATH OF INNOCENT VII. 173 under royal protection. The University had so far changed chap. its tactics that it rested its complaint against Benedict XIII. . ^^' _ no longer solely on teojinical grounds, but on grounds of national utility ; but it still had no other remedy to suggest than the old plan, which had already been tried and failed — that of trying to force Benedict to resign by withdrawing from his obedience. It pressed for a decision on this point also ; out Benedict's friends sought to gain time, and this question was deferred to a synod of prelates summoned for November 1. Before this synod, however, met for the despatch of business (November 18), the news of the death of Innocent VII. somewhat altered the aspect of affairs. Innocent did not live long after his return to Rome to enjoy Restora- his triumph. At first the Colonna and other barons of the party innocent of Ladislas held out against him, and Antonello Tomacelli main- Bonie!?June tained his position in the Castle of S. Angelo. On June 18 "J"^^™^^'' Innocent issued Bulls against the Colonna, the Count of Troja, and other barons of the Neapolitan faction; and on June 20 he deprived Ladislas of his vicariate of Campania and the Maritima. Ladislas was not in a position to have the Pope for his declared enemy. His hold on Naples was not so secure that the Angevin faction might not again become troublesome if they were emboldened by the Pope's help ; Ladislas thought it wise to make peace, and the Pope's nephew LudovicO was sent to settle terms. On August 6 peace was agreed to ; the past was to be forgiven, the Castle of S. Angelo was to be given up to the Pope, Ladislas was confirmed in all his rights, and was, moreover, made Protector and Standard-bearer of the Church. Innocent was certainly trustful and forgiving : he did not profess to seek anything beyond the means of leading a quiet life in Rome, and was prepared to take any steps which might secure that end. But he was not long to enjoy the tranquillity which he sought ; he had already had two slight attacks of apoplexy, and a third proved fatal to him on November 6. Innocent VII. possessed the negative virtues which accom- Death of • 11 T • • • #• 1 Innocent pany an indolent disposition. Ihe writers of the time speak more vii. No- highly of him than he deserved, because his good-natm-ed care- ijoe. ' ' lessness contrasted favourably with the rapacious ambition of his predecessor. Personally he was courteous, affable, and gentle ; he liked giving audiences, listening to grievances, and granting 174 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK little favours; and he had not the strength of character to offend , _^ ^ anyone if he could avoid it. He was averse from the simoniacal practices of Boniface, and is praised by the ecclesiastical writers for the doubtful virtue of abstinence from their grosser forms. But the indolent old man fell under the influence of his nephew, and allowed violations of civil and moral law to pass unpunished. Moreover, he exercised no control over the Romans or even over his own soldiers, who in irreverence surpassed their opponents. * On S. Paul's day, June 30,' says an eyewitness,' * I went to S. Paul's Church, and found it a stable for the horses of the Pope's soldiers. No place was empty, save the Chapel of the High Altar and the tribune; the palace and the entire space round the church was full of the horses of Paolo Orsini and other com- manders of Holy Mother Church.' As regards healing the Schism, Innocent VII. did nothing. Like his rival Benedict XIII., he gained a reputation as a cardinal by expressing strong opinions on the subject; but after he became pope, his indolence made him averse from any decided steps, and the only thing which disturbed his equanimity and made him peevish was a mention of the Schism in his presence.- In quiet times Innocent VII. might have made a respectable pope ; as it was, he was feeble and incompetent. ' Diarinm Antonii Petri, Mur., xxiv. 979. 2 Platina : ' Ipse Pontificatum adeptus, secntusqne in quibusrtam Urbaui et Bonifacii vestigia, qiios privatiis carpebat, non modo quod tantopere laudabat effecit, verum etiam iniquo animo ferebat si quis apud se ea de re verbum fecisset.' 175 CHAPTER V. GREGORY XII. ; BENEDICT XIII. NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE RIVAL POPES. 1406-1409. The death of Innocent VII. again kindled iii France delusive CHAP, hopes of a peaceable ending of the Schism. In a short tractate . _ ' ^^ Gerson set forth four possible courses : the recognition of ^'j^'^^J^^ ^^ Benedict XIII. by the Roman Cardinals ; a General Council of the Correr. adherents of both parties to decide on the steps to be taken ; xii. No- recognition by Benedict's obedience of the rights of the Roman ^y^^^"^ ^^' Cardinals, or a union of both Colleges for a new election.' On their side the Romans Cardinals hesitated what course to pursue. If France succeeded in forcing Benedict to resign, a new election by the united Colleges was the surest means of settling a dispute between two powers which recognised no superior ; but the procedure would be long, and meanwhile what was to become of Rome, the Papal dominions, and the Cardinals themselves ? They shrank before the dangers of a doubtful future, and tried to discover a middle course by which they would be at least secure. The fomieen Cardinals who were in Rome entered the Conclave on November 18 ; after the doors were closed, there arrived an envoy from Florence, and a window was broken in the wall to allow him to address the Car- dinals, who announced that they were not going to electapo2)e, but a commissioner to restore the unity of the Church.- They acted in the same spirit, and resolved on November 23, after some discussion, to elect a Pope who was solemnly bound to make ' Acta qunedam de schismate tollendo, in Gerson, Oji. ii. 76, &c. * A short account is given by Leonardo Bruni, EpistoUc, ii. 2. 176 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Zeal for unity of Gregory XII. the restoration of unity his chief duty. They set their hands to a document, and took oaths upon the Gospels, that he who was elected should resign his office whenever the anti-pope did so, or died ; that this promise should be announced to all the princes and prelates of Christendom within a month of the Pope's enthronement ; and that ambassadors should be sent within three months of that date to try and arrange for ending the Schism ; meanwhile, no new cardinals were to be created until after an interval of fifteen months, in case negotiations failed through the obstinacy of the anti-pope. The Cardinals showed their sincerity by the election which they made. They chose a man renowned for uprightness and sincerity rather than for intelligence and cleverness, Angelo Correr, Cardinal of S. Mark, a Venetian, whose character and age seemed to guarantee him as free from the promptings of ambition and self-seeking. He was nearly eighty years old, a man of old- fashioned severity and piety.' The very appearance of Cardinal Correr seemed to carry conviction : he was tall, but so thin and worn, that he seemed to be but skin and bones.^ The only objection to him was that he was scarcely likely to live long enough to accomplish his object. Correr had not been remarkable in his early years, but had acted as legate under Boniface IX., and had been made cardinal by Innocent VII., of whom he had been a special favourite. His first steps were in accordance with his previous character. He took the name of Gregory XII., and was enthroned on December 5, when he preached a sermon from the text * Prepare ye the way of the Lord,' and exhorted every one to labour for unity. Before his coronation he publicly repeated the oath which he had taken in common with the other Cardinals. His talk was of nothing but of unity; he eagerly declared that no small hindrances should stand in his way ; if there was not a galley to take him to the place of conference with his rival, he would go in a fishing-boat; if horses failed him, he would take his staff in his hand and go on foot. In the same spirit, on December 11, he sent letters, written by- Leon. Ar. : ' Vir prisca scvcritale et sanctimonia rcverendus.' Mur., xix. 925. 2 Vita Greqorii XIT., ap. Mur., iii,, part 2, p. 837 : ' Homo statura niagnus sed ita macer et squallidus et senex erat quod solum spiritus cum ossibus et pelle apparebat.' FRANCE AND BENEDICT XIII. 177 Leonardo Bruni, to Benedict and to all the princes of ciiAP. Christendom, To Benedict he wrote in a tone of kindly ^ ^ • , remonstrance. 'Le^ us both arise,' he said, 'and come together into one desire for unity : let us bring health to the Church tluit has been so long diseased.' He declared himself ready to resign if Benedict would, and proposed to send ambassadors to settle the place and manner in which the Cardinals on both sides shoidd meet for a new election. These steps of the Roman Cardinals and their Pope pro- Pmceed- duced a deep impression in Paris, where the P>ench prelates France to- were sitting to decide on the demand of the University that wards '' Benedict France should withdraw from the obedience of Benedict. The Xiil. synod set to work on November 18 ; but so bitter was the Uni- Hoo-Jnnu versity against Benedict, that Peter d'Ailly and. others were ^'y i^"7. with difficulty allowed to plead in his behalf. The violence of the University damaged its cause : some did not scruple to lay to Benedict's charge foul accusations for which there was not a shadow of proof.' Peter d'Ailly spoke with weight against such rash and violent procedure, and advocated the summons of a Council of Benedict's obedience. There was much heat in discussion and much difference of opinion. Benedict's friends wished to approach him by way of filial remonstrance ; his opponents declared that many efforts had been made in vain to vanquish his obstinacy, and that nothing reniained but entirely to withdraw from his obedience. It was not, indeed, easy to discover a way of getting rid of Benedict without diminishing the rights of the Church. Gradually a compromise was made, and it was agreed to leave Benedict's sjjiritual power untouched, but to deprive him of his revenues. A decree was prepared for withdrawing from the Pope the collation to all benefices in France until a Cxeneral Council should decide otherwise. It was signed by the King on January 7, 1407, but was not immediately published, as the Duke of Orleans wished to see the results of the proceedings of the Roman Vo\)e : an edict was, however, signed forbidding the payment of annates and other dues. When Gregory XII. 's letters were known in Paris there was ' Ckroti. dc St. Denijs, xxvii. 17 : ' Ipsura jam vergcntcii) in seniiim de incon- tinentia, cupiditate inexplebili et perjurid post creationem suam commisso accusantes.' VOL. I. N 178 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Embassy of Gregory XII. to Benedict XIII. 1407. great rejoicing, and some even talked of recognising Gregory if Benedict still remained obstinate. But Benedict surprised all by the cordiality of his reply ; he assured Gregory that his desire for union was sincere, and that he was ready to agree to the proposal of a common resignation. ' We cannot dissemble our surprise,' he adds, ' that your letter insinuates that you can- not come to the establishment of union by the way of justice ; it never has been, is, or will be our doing that the justice and truth of this matter, so far as concerns us, be not seen and recognised.' ' Some of the Professors of the University looked suspiciously at the last sentence, which was capable of two in- terpretations, and might mean that Benedict was ready for dis- cussion, not for resignation of his claims. Accordingly the King wrote, on March 1, to Benedict XIII., saying that, as some expressions in his letter might mean that he wished to waste time in discussing the justice of his position, he besought him to lay aside all subterfuges and state openly his willingness to resign. At the same time, influential ambas- sadors, headed by Simon Cramaud, Patriarch of Alexandria, were appointed to confer with both Popes, and a twentieth was levied on the French clergy to provide for the expenses of their journey. There was no lack of letters, of ambassadors, and of talk. Before the French ambassadors reached Marseilles, where Benedict XI 11. had taken up his abode in the autumn of 1406, an embassy from Gregory XII. had already been there. The appointment of this emlmssy gave the first reason to Gregory's Cardinals for doubting the sincerity of the Pope. According to the promise made on his election, he was bound to send an em- bassy within three months. Malatesta, Lord of Pesaro, offered to go as ambassador at his own expense ; but Gregory XII. declined his offer, and waited till the day before the expiration of the term of three months, when he appointed as his envoys his nephew, Antonio Correr, Bishop of JNIodon, the Bishop of Todi, and Antonio de Butrio, a learned jurist of Bologna. It was not a good augury that one who had a strong personal interest in keeping his uncle on the Papal seat should be appointed to ne- gotiate for liis abdication. The Cardinals urged Gregory XII. to waste no time, but finish the great cause he had in hand : ' 'Nee per nns unqiiam stctit, atat, ant stabit quorainus justicia et Veritas huivis rei, quantum ad noi pcrtinct, vidcatur et agnoscatur.'-- Ckron. dv Sf. DoiDjK, xxvii. 21. Savona. HOT ARRANGEMENTS FOR A CONFERENCE AT SAVONA. 179 Gregory humbly asked them to help him to do so ; ' as if,' says chap. Niem indignantly,' ' they had anything to do with the matter.' . T' . - The Cardinals began to suspect the Pope of being a wolf in sheep's clothing. When Gregory's ambassadors reached Marseilles there was Arrantre- ^ •' , merits for a much fierce discussion al)out the place wher^^the two Popes conference were to meet, the number of attendants each was to bring, the popes at securities to be taken on each side, and suchlike points. The question of the place of meeting was of course the most impor- tant, as each Pope demanded a place in his own obedience. At last matters were referred, on Benedict's part, to a small com- mittee, which proposed Savona, near Genoa, on the Riviera. To everyone's surprise Antonio Correr at once agreed, and drew from his pocket a paper in Gregory's handwriting, in which he declared himself ready to accept Ghent or Avignon rather than let any difficulty about place stand in the way of peace. The acceptance of Savona was greatly in favour of Benedict XIII.; he was close to it, could go and return readily to a town which, being in the hands of France, was in his obedience. To Gre- gory XII., on the other hand, Savona was difficult to reach ; the journey was costly, and the dangers in the way were consider- able. We are driven to the conclusion that Antonio Correr was acting slyly in his own interests. By accepting Savona he gave a touching proof of his uncle's readiness to do what was demanded of him,while the real chance of a conference at Savona was very slight. Still an elaborate series of regulations as to arrange- ments for the conference was drawn up and signed on April 21, and September 29, or at the latest November 1, was fixed as the day of meeting. The agreement just made between the two Popes can intrigues scarcely have been regarded as satisfactory by anyone outside Correr." France. If both Popes ceded at Savona, and a new election were there made, France would have an overwhelming influence upon the choice of the Cardinals. This would be hazardous to England, to Naples, and to Venice, who would be sure to take steps to prevent it. France, while professing its zeal for the union of the Church, aimed at a return to the principles of the French Papacy at Avignon. Europe might lament a Schism, but would not consent to end the Schism bj'' restoring ' Schism, iii. 12. 180 THE GKEAT SCHISM. BOOK I. The am- bassadors of France and Bone- diet XIII. Mav 1407, the P^rencli predominance over the Papacy. Antonio Correr looked forward with a light heart to the failure of all expec- tations built on this plan. He left Marseilles for Paris, and on his way, at Aix, met the French ambassadors, who besought him to return to Rome at once and prepare his uncle for the jour- ney. They regarded with suspicion the agreement which had just been signed, as it was over-plausible, and left room for doubtful interpretations on many points. Correr did his best to reassure them : he repeated to them words which his uncle had spoken to him in private. ' Do you think, my dear nephew, that it is the obligation of my oath which makes me labour for peace ? It is love, rather than my oath, which leads me to resign ; day by day my zeal for peace increases. When shall I see the happy day on which I shall have restored the unity of the Church ? ' At the same time he warned the ambassadors that Benedict was a hard man, who ought not to be irritated, but rather allured by kindness. He begged them to treat him gently, or they would spoil all. Antonio's zeal was truly touching ; plausible hypocrisy could go no fm'ther.^ On JMay 10 Benedict XIII. received the ambassadors of France, and at the audience the Patriarch of Alexandria be- sought him to go to the conference without any view of dis- cussion, but to resolve on abdicating, and to express himself on this point without any ambiguity. The Pope answered at once with great fluency and at great length, but divided his answer into so many heads, and spoke with such obscurity, that the ambassadors gazed at one another in silent hope that some one else might be more acute than himself at understanding the Pope's meaning.^ The next day they came before him with a demand that he would issue a Bull declaring his intention ance had no interest in maintaining a Spanish / _^ Pope. Benedict XIII. contented himself with upholding the technical legality of his position against what he rightly thought an ill-considered attempt on the part of the University of Paris to solve a difficult problem by recourse to violent measures. The fauk of Benedict XIII. was that he had no plan of his own for meeting the growing desire for a union of the Church. It is his merit that he made a dignified resistance ; he maintained an unequal struggle, which pre^^nted the settle- ment of the affairs of the Church from falling into the hands of the unstable government of France. A revolution headed by the Cardinals was preferable to the political intervention of the French Court. 200 THE GREAT SCHISM. CHAPTER VI. THE COUNCIL OF PISA. 1409. BOOK Christendom had fallen away from the two refractory Popes, ^ — ' and the Cardinals had undertaken to heal the Schism of the tioM^r Church. All plans had failed which rested on either the the Council voluntary or compulsory withdrawal of one or both of the con- many, tending Popes. It was impossible to get rid of these two claimants to the Papal dignity and yet leave the foundations of that dignity itself unmoved. The bold theory of an appeal from the Vicar of Christ on earth to Christ Himself residing in the whole body of the Church was to be tried, and the long- forgotten name of a Greneral Council was again revived. The Cardinals, however, knew that the weight of such a Council would depend upon the fulness of its representation ; and they did all they could to win the recognition of the princes of Europe. France, of com'se, was anxious for a Council. Henry IV. of England accepted it willingly, and even wrote to Rupert, King of the Romans, urging him to take part in it.' The diffi- culty lay with Grermany, where Rupert and Wenzel both claimed the Imperial title. Wenzel offered to send ambassadors to the Council if they were received as the ambassadors of the King of the Romans.^ When this was agreed to, he published, on January 22, 1409, a declaration of neutrality throughout his dominions. This, however, had the effect of rendering Rupert uneasy. He was uncertain what view a new Pope might take of his claims, which had been recognised by Boniface IX., and were bound up in the recognition of Gregory XII. At a Diet held at Frankfort, in January 1409, Cardinal Landulf of Pari ' Martene and Durand, Amj)!. Coll. vii. 887. 2 Thid. p. 891. SATIRES IX PISA. 201 maintained the cause of the Cardinals, and Gregory's nephew chap. Antonio the cause of the Pope. The majority of the princes ., ^^" . were in favour of the Cardinals, but Kupert still held to Gre- gory ; and it was finally resolved that both parties should send envoys to the Council to represent their views. Nor Avas it only in high political matters that the Cardinals Satires pursued their efforts for Gregory's overthrow. Pisa itself was p^pe"! a manufactory of satires and invectives against him. One may be quoted as a remarkable instance of the mediaeval notions of reverence and of wit. Two of the Cardinals died in Pisa, in July 1408, and a letter purporting to give their expe- riences of the politics of the other world was found one morning affixed to the gates of the Cathedral of Pisa. It describes with rhetorical realism a consistory held by Christ in Heaven, in which one of the saints rises and calls attention to the dis- tracted state of the Church on earth. He is made to describe the two Popes and their followers with the vilest scurrility of personal spite. • After hearing this speech, the Cardinals meet with a friend, who tells them that, on his road to Paradise, he hajipened to miss his way and peep into the regions of punish- ment, where he saw a fiery chariot being prepared for Gregory, to which were harnessed the chief persecutors of the Church. He saw Urban VI. and Clement VII. made objects of mockery even by their fellow-sufi'erers in the abode of heretics ; while Innocent VII. was condemned to menial work in Heaven, where he hid himself from shame at the thought that he had made Gregory a Cardinal. Finally, the two Cardinals are welcomed by the Almighty into the heavenly assemblage, and are assured that a blessing will rest on the labours which they have begun.^ ' The document is given in Martene and Durand, Ampl. Coll. vii. 826, &c. A sample of the language in which Gregory's Cardinals are described in it will show the decency and humour of the writer. ' Tertius frater Johannes Dominici qui claustra sanctimonialium frequentando, super nova prole foecun- dans, multas S. V. dedicatas virgines efEecit matres liliorum lactantes. . . . Urinale clisten et gladium portans succedit quart us, protonotharius Utri- nensis, qui sure sedi tutus sterquilino sordescens, omnium honestorum nares olentis suaj infamise putredine inticit.' Gregory is called 'rapa errorius,' and his Cardinals ' carpinales.' In the same style is a letter to Cardinal John Domenici, purporting to come from Satan, in Niem, Nemus Unionis, Lahy- nntlins 29. - It is noticeable as a feature of the intellectual life of the times that it is not considered incongruous to represent the Deity as quoting Yirgil. ' Pro salutatioue, a::ternum vale ; et illud Virgilianum semper habere praj oculis : Tu 202 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Power of Cardinal Cossa at Bologna. There were many such pamphlets, and much coarse wit was mingled with theological discussion. In one, which issued from the University of Paris, Peter de Luna is reminded that, if he were true to his name, he would be shining like the moon in a clear sky ; as it is, he is eclipsed by clouds of vanity. Angelo Correr is informed that his name means ' angel ' ; but he seems to be Satan transforming himself into an angel of light.' The great question, however, for the Cardinals was to strengthen themselves in Italy. It was clear that Ladislas would maintain the cause of Gregory ; and, such was the power of Ladislas in Italy, that he might render insecure the position of the Cardinals in Pisa, and bring their Council to naught. The Cardinals looked for help to one of their own number, Baldassare Cossa, who in the days of Boniface IX. had been made legate in Bologna, over which he established himself supreme. Cossa was a Neapolitan, who began his career as a piratical adventurer in the naval war between Ladislas and Louis of Anjou. When peace was made, his occupation was gone, and he determined to seek advancement in other ways, though his old habits never entirely left him, and he had a robber's custom of working all night, and sleeping only when dawn appeared. He -entered as a student in the University of Bologna, which he quitted for Eome, where Boniface IX. soon recognised and esteemed his practical sagacity. He was made by Boniface one of his chamberlains, and his ingenuity in ex- torting money won the Pope's admiration. Cossa would write to absent bishops, warning them with all friendly concern that the Pope was indignant with them, and intended to transfer them from their present posts to some unknown regions or districts in the hands of the Saracens ; after thus exciting their fears, he proffered himself for the office of treasm'er of the gifts which they eagerly sent to propitiate the Pope. Besides this, he organised and superintended the vast army of Papal officials who went out for the sale of Lidulgences. Boniftice recosTiised his merits by making him Cardinal in 1402 ; and when, on the death of Gian Galeazzo Visconti, there was an opportunity of extending the power of the Church in ^Lmilia, Cardinal Cossa ne cede malis sed eo audacior ito, quo te, non ut ipse dicit, fortuna, sed Deiis vocat. Et illud Lucani,' &c. ' Martene, Amjf. Coll. vii. 849. CARDINAL COSSA. 203 was sent as legate, and established the Pope's power in Bologna. chap. Thenceforth he ruled the city and the district with firmness __ ^/' _. and severity. He knew how far to allow a plot to proceed before bringing it to light and punishing its authors ; he knew how to involve in charges of treason those who stood in his way ; and, while carefully strengthening the fortifications, he pleased the citizens by beautifying their city.' He managed to turn to his own pm-poses the schemes of Alberigo da Bar- biano, who strove to make himself a principality in the Eomagna. "When Alberigo pressed on Faenza, Cardinal Cosgji, brought the signory for the church from the terrified Ettore de' Manfreddi, and occupied the ten-itory. He borrowed the money from the city of Bologna, but did not pay it to Manfreddi, whom in November 1405 he invited to Faenza, and put to death on the charge of attempted treason.^ At the same time died Cecco degli Orde- laffi, lord of Forli, leaving a young son to succeed him. Cossa claimed Forli for the Church, on the ground that the grant of Boniface IX. had been a personal grant to Cecco. The people of Forli rose and reasserted their old municipal government. For a while there was war; but in 1406 peace was made, and the Eepublic of Forli recognised their allegiance to the Eoman Church by accepting a Podesta and Legate from Eome. These triumphs abroad improved Cossa's hold upon Bologna, which he ruled as an independent prince. Complaints were made against him to Innocent VII., but Cossa imprisoned the complainants, and Innocent was too feeble to do more than express his dis- trust. Cossa openly defied Gregory XII., and refused to admit his nephew Antonio to the possessions of the bishopric of Bologna, which the Pope conferred upon him ; he pleaded that he needed them for his own expenses. It was not as a Cardinal, but rather as an Italian prince, that he declared him- self in favour of the Council of Pisa, and took the Cardinals ' See Cronica di Bologna, Mur., xviii. 58G, for details of Cossa's work. ' Iucominci5 a fare alzare la Piazza e a selciarla a spese dell' entrata di San Petronio, e venne a perfezione, e fu una bell' opera. . . . CoUa sua prudenza acquist5 la Signoria di Faenza, onde ne fu grande allegrezza in Bologna.' - Ibid. 589. ' Estore figliuolo di Messer Giovanni de' Manfreddi. . . . f u cbiamato maliziosamente da Messer Baldassare Cossa, die si era chiara- mente informato clie il detto Estore gli voleva togliere Faenza a tradimento. Onde Estore ebbe tagliata la testa nella Piazza di Faenza.' 204 . THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK under his protection. It was said that he bore a deadly hatred v_ — ^ — . to Ladislas, who had captured and put to death two of Cossa's brothers, who had not been so wise as himself in desisting from piracy in good time. Without this motive of vindietiveness Cossa had motives of self-interest to induce him to side with the Cardinals. He became at once the most powerful man amongst them, and his support was necessary to enable them to carry out their Council. Cossa saw the Papacy henceforth depen- dent on himself. League Cossa's first step was to secure Florence for the side of the agairfsf Cardinals ; and Florence, which had always been on good terms Ladislas. y^'\\}cL the Popes at Avignon, was easily won over. Early in 1409 a Council of Florentine ecclesiastics determined that they were in conscience bound to withdraw from allegiance to Gregory ; and this determination was announced to take effect from March 26, in case he did not appear or send commissioners with full power to the Council of Pisa. Moreover, Cossa succeeded in establishing firmly a league between Florence and Siena, so as to secure the safety of the Council against an attack of Ladislas. • Had it not been for Cossa's skill, the Council might easily have been disturbed by the hostile demonstrations of Ladislas, who was determined to uphold Gregory as long as possible, and meanwhile to get all he could from a Pope who had no other refuge than himself. Gregory had sunk to the lowest pitch of degradation : he sold to Ladislas for the small sum of 25,000 florins the entire States of the Church, and even Kome itself.^ After this bargain Ladislas set out for Rome, intending to proceed into Tuscany and break up the Council. He entered Rome on March 12, and took up his abode in the Vatican, where he lived in regal state, and appointed new magistrates for the city. On March 28 he left Rome for Viterbo, but was driven back by a violent tempest, and again set out on April 2. His standard bore a doggerel rhyme ^ : — lo son un povero Re, amico delli Saccomanni, Amatore deUi Popoli, e destruttore delli Tiranni. ' See Poggio, Hut. Flor., in Mur., xx. 307, &c. ■■^ Cf. Sozomen, Spccime)), in Jlur,, xvi. 1193, and Eonincontrius, Amtales, Mur., xxi. 100, for this almost incredible act. ' Diarinm Antonii Petri, Mur., xxiv. 909. The Saccomanni were the mercenary soldiers or plunderers. FAILURE OF LADISLAS TO HINDER THE COUNCIL. 205 With this assuring promise he marched northwards and chap. threatened Siena, which was too strong for assault, having been /• _. reinforced by a Florentine garrison. Florence, true to her ,, ., •^ . ° . ' I" ailure of policy of opposing the overweening might of any power, Ladisiasto resolved to hold by the Cardinals and further the election of asseiriWing^ a new Pope, so as to have a barrier against the outspoken ^ ^^^_^ intentions of Ladislas t^ seize the States of the Church. Already they had warned Ladislas that they could not recognise his sovereignty over the States of the Church ; and when he scorn- fully asked with what troops they would defend themselves, the Florentine ambassador, Bartolonimeo Valori, answered, ' With yours.' Ladislas checked himself, for he knew that the wealth of the Florentine citizens could allure his followers from his ranks. It was lucky for Cossa's plans that on April 26 died Alberigo da Barbiano near Perugia, when on his way to join Ladislas at Eome. Alberigo was full of indignation against Cossa, who had seized his castles in Eomagna, and his death robbed Ladislas of an important ally. To check the progress . of Ladislas, the Florentines engaged Malatesta de' Malatesti, lord of Pesaro, who, being far outnumbered by Ladislas, could only pursue a cautious policy of cutting off supplies and harassing the advance of the army. When Ladislas found that he could not take Siena, he pressed on to Arezzo, which also closed its gates against him ; thence he made an attempt on Cortona, which was also unsuccessful. Though master of the country, he could not capture any fortified place, but only laid waste the fields. The peasants began to mock at him, and gave him the nickname ' Ee Guastagrano,' ' King Waste-the- Corn.' ^ A second attempt on Cortona was more successful, as the citizens, through hatred to their lord, plotted with Ladislas and opened the gates to his troops on June 3. Meanwhile the Council was sitting peaceably at Pisa, and I'isa at the the attempt of Ladislas to prevent its assembling had entirely (joimcih^^ failed. The luckless city of Pisa greeted with joy the meeting of the Council within her walls. Once mistress of the trade in the Mediterranean, and chief in wealth and importance among the Italian cities, she had sunk from her lofty position, ' riero Minerbetti, in Tartini, ii. GOO. The account of this expedition of Ladislas is given by Poggio, Hist. Flor., book iv. ; by Jacopo Delayto, in Mur., xvii. 1083, kc, and by Piero Minerbetti as above. 206 . THE GEE AT SCHISM. BOOK overshadowed first by Genoa and then by Florence. Internal dissensions accomplished the work of her downfall ; she passed from one lord to another till, in 1405, the once haughty city was sold as a chattel to Florence. Florentine rule was not established without a desperate struggle, in which the Pisans were reduced only by famine, and in the hour of their uttermost despair were betrayed by him whom they had chosen leader of their last desperate defence. But, though reduced, the Pisans were not subdued, and their old spirit of indepen- dence was still strong within them. Pisa in this condition of enforced quietude, with its many memories of departed glories, was well fitted to be the meeting place of the Council which was to restore the peace of Christendom. The building, moreover, in which the Council was held is the noblest monument which Christendom contains of the aspirations and activity of the mediaeval Church. Nowhere is a more vivid impression gained of the magnificent sobriety and earnestness of the Italian citizen than when first the Cathedral of Pisa strikes upon the eye. Away from the Amo, with its throng of ships and noise of sailors, away from the Exchange where merchants congregate, away from the Piazza where the people meet to manage the affairs of their city, away at the extremest verge of the city, where there is nought that can hinder the full force of their impressiveness, the Pisans raised the noble buildings which tell the sincerity of their piety and the greatness of their municipal life. The stately simplicity of the vast basilica, which was consecrated in 1118, shows how ' the rich fancy of the Lombards enriched without destroying the purity and severity of the Roman forms. The graceful proportions of the Baptistery, which was begun in 1153, testify the increased freedom of handling among the Pisan architect-, and the Campanile is a memorial of their determination of spirit and joyous resoluteness in facing unforeseen difficulties. ! The exquisite Grothic cloister of Giovanni Pisano surrounding J the peaceful burying-ground of their forefathers tells of the - poetic seriousness of the Pisan people and the freshness of their great architects to receive new impulses. Nor was this all ; inside these splendid buildings were stored the treasures of Italy's earliest and most reflective art. The Pisan school of scul})tui-e ' put f )rth all its strength and grace in decorating the great OPENING OF THE COUNCIL OF PISA. 207 church of the city ; the most thoughtful and earnest of the chap. flourishing school of painters at Siena unfolded in allegory on . _ / _. the walls of the Campo Santo the great realities of human life. Such was the place, so full of many and varied associations, to which the assembled Cardinals summoned the representatives of every land in Christendom. The Council was opened on the Festival of the Annunciation, Opening of INIarch 25. The long procession of its members formed in the Mare'ii"2r'' monastery of S. jNIichele, and wound slowly through the streets i^^^^- to the cathedral. Tlie number of those who attended the Council was imposing, though all had not arrived at first. There were present twenty-two Cardinals of both obediences, four patriarchs, ten archbishops, and sixty-nine bishops ; besides these, thirteen archbishops and eighty-two bishops sent their representatives. Seventy-one abbots were present, 118 sent proctors ; there were also sixty priors, the Generals of the great orders of the Dominicans, Franciscans, Carmelites, Augustinians, the Grandmaster of the Knights of S. John, and the prior of the Teutonic Knights; besides 109 representatives of cathedi'al and collegiate Chapters. Ambassadors were sent by Wenzel, King of the Romans ; the Kings of England, France, Sicily, Poland, Cyprus ; the Dukes of Burgundy and Brabant, Cleves, Bavaria, Pomerania ; the Landgraf of Thuringia ; the jNIarkgraf Jobst of Brandenburg ; the Universities of Paris, Toulouse, Angers, ^Nlontpellier, Vienna, Prag, Coin, Cracow, Bologna, Cambridge, and Oxford. One hundred and twenty-three doctors of theology and more than two hundred doctors of law are said to have been there.' It was computed that altogether ten thousand strangers visited Pisa during the period of the Council.- The first day of the Council, March 25, was devoted to the YiT>^t three procession, and solemn service in the cathedral. Next day sessions of the Council assembled in the long nave of the cathedral, cii, March After mass a sermon was preached by the Cardinal of Milan ; uho^' ^^' then all knelt in silent prayer, which was followed by a Litany, and then the assembly on their knees raised through the vaulted ' The lists of those present at the Council differ somewhat in Mansi, Ray- naldiis and D'Achery : I have principally followed U'Achcry, whose list la in most detail. 2 Delayto, Amialcs L'sfoitcs, Mur., xviii. luSG. 208 THE GREAT SCUISM. BOOK roof the strain of the hymn ' Veni Creator.' The business of ^ ' the Council then began, under the presidency of Guy Malesec, Cardinal of Poictiers, who was both venerable from his age and from the fact that he was the only Cardinal who had been created before the outbreak of the Schism.' The Archbishop of Pisa, in behalf of the Council, read a solemn profession of faith, and, the better to assert its orthodoxy, ended with a declaration that it firmly held 'that every heretic or schis- matic must share with the devil and his angels the burning of eternal fire, unless before the end of this life he be restored to the Catholic Church.' The Council then elected its officials — marshals, auditors, advocates, promoters, notaries — who took the oaths of office. Immediately one of the advocates, Simon of Perugia, demanded that the letters of summons addressed to the two rival Popes be read. When this ceremony had been gone through, he asked that steps be taken to discover whether these men, whom he nicknamed Benefictus and Errorius, had been guilty of contumacy. With a ridiculous imitation of the forms of a law-court, w^hich had no relevancy to the present matter, two of the Cardinals, accompanied by an archbishop, a bishop, and several officials, advanced to the great doors of the cathedral, which were thrown open. Standing on the steps, they summoned the two Popes, and enquired of the gaping crowd if they had seen in the city any of the household of either of them. Then they solemnly returned, and informed the Council that no one had answered to their summons. The advocate hereupon demanded that they should be declared contumacious. The proposition was submitted by the President to the other Cardinals, who gave their voice for delay until the morrow. The other members signified their assent by cries of ' Placet, placet,' and the session came to an end. Next day the same formalities were repeated with the same result, and the third session was fixed for March 30. After a third fruit- less summons, the rival Popes were declared contumacious ; the one Cardinal still adhering to Gregory and the three who re- mained with Benedict were called upon to be present at the next session, when further steps were to be taken against Gregory and Benedict if they still refused to appear. To give them time to do so, the day of meeting was fixed for April 15. ' Cf. Chron. de St. Dcnijs, book xxx., cli. 1. Guy had been created cardiual by Gregory XL, in 1375. ITALIAN* OPINION AEOUT THE COUNCIL'S LASIS. 209 It was well for the Council to delay that its members might chap. confer privately and assure themselves of the basis upon which ___\L_^ their proceedings were to rest. It was one thing to wish to BaMsoftiie ^ " . " conciliar remedy the evils of the Schism ; it was another thing to settle action, the nature of the authority by which the Schism was to be brought to an end. The Papal monarchy had so entirely ab- sorbed all the powers of the Church that its old mechanism had disappeared; and the very principles upon which it had rested were a matter of uncertainty. Opinions were eagerly sought upon this point. Pamphlets were fCfeely published, and different views were set forward which enable us to judge of the difficulties in the way of obtaining the unanimity which was necessary before active steps could be taken. It is worth while to notice some of the principal views by Opinion «f which the freedom of conciliar action was vindicated. Cossa sity of caused the University of Bologna to express its opinion, which ^^logna. it did with the cautious proviso that, if it said anything devi- ating from the traditions of the Church, it was to be counted as unsaid.' It took for its starting-point the proposition that schism of long duration })asses into heresy. A Pope elected under an oath to do away with the SchisrA, if he foil, nourishes heresy ; and those subject to him are therefore bound to with- draw their allegiance, and seek a true Pope who will extirpate the Schism. If the Cardinals, whose chief duty it is, do not call a Council for that purpose, provincial synods and princes may take such steps as they think wise in the matter. This o])inion, founded on canon law, was technical and formal, and admitted of technical and formal answer. It seems to have been supplemented at the time of its Yjublication by a state- ment of more general principles deduced from the nature of the Church itself, such as had been insisted upon by the University of Paris. True Cardinals represent the Universal Church, in electing a Pope, and in all questions that concern the unity of the Church ; for the object of the election of a Pope is to embody that imity; all obligations that they im- posed in making an election they imposed in the name of the Universal Church, and are boimd to see them carried out, other- ' In ]Martene, Amj). Coll. vii. SIM : * Quodsi aliquid dixerimus, quod absit, di'viaiis a traditionibus ccclcsia\ i>ro non dicto liabcatur, ac ox nunc illud ex niiini parte rcvocamus.' VOL. I. r 210 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK wise thej incur the guilt of heresy.' This additional opinion, ,_ / which is compelled to fall back upon general principles, still does so with caution, and shows an unwillingness to go further than was necessary to justify technically the summons of a Council under existing circumstances. Its object is to show the exis- tence of a legal obligation on the Cardinals to proceed in the way which they had chosen. The Italian mind was clearly not much interested in the question. It was from France that the conciliar movement came, and it was French intellect which advocated Greneral Councils as a recurrence to primitive anti- quity. Opinions of Peter d'Ailly and Jean Gerson codified their opinions for d'Au'^iv. the good of the Pisan fathers, and in their utterances we see the advance of opposition to the principles of the Papal mon- archy which the Schism had brought about. D'Ailly was loth to cut himself off entirely from obedience to Benedict, but he set the unity of the Church above personal feeling. The Head of the Church, he writes,^ is Christ ; and in unity with Him, not necessarily with the Pope, does the unity of the Church con- sist. From Christ its Head the Church has the authority to come together or summon a Council to preserve its unity; for Christ said, ' Where two or three are gathered together in ]My name, there am I in the midst ' ; He said not ' in the name of Peter ' or ' in the name of the Pope,' but ' in My name.' Moreover, the law of nature prompts every living body to gather together its members and resist its own division or destruction. The primitive Church, as may be seen in the Acts of the Apostles, used this power of assembling Councils ; and in the Council of Jerusalem it was not Peter, but James, who presided. With the growth of the Church this power was reasonably limited for the sake of order, so that Councils could not be called without the Pope's authority ; but this limitation did not prevent the power from vesting in the Church itself, ' ISIartene, Aiiijk Coll. vii. 892. The last clause of this document refers to the opinion of the Bolognese doctors, and absorbs it. ' Doctores studiorum generalium et pnecipue theologi et juristic debent et tenenturtideles instruere, et in hoc comracndandum est studium Bononiense, a quo nupcr emanavit dctcrminatio conforniis ad hajc pi-ffiinissa,' - Martene and Durand, Amp. Coll. vii. 909, gives these conclusions, pro-, pounded on January 1, 1409, in a provincial synod at Aix : on January 10, fLuthur ones were set forth by D'Ailly at Tarascon, I.e. 916. OPINIONS OF D'AILLY AND GERSON. 211 which in cases of necessity is bound to use it. It is true that chap. positive laws of the Church are opposed to this, but in the . ^^- ^ present necessity they must be broadly construed,' without affecting the rights of the Pope when there is one canonical Pope universally recognised. To get over the existing difficulty a General Council may be called, not only by the Cardinals, but by any faithful men who have the power. Before this Council the rival Popes are bound to appear, or, better, to send their proctors, and, if necessary, abdicate their position to promote the imity of the Church. If they refuse, the'Douncil can pro- ceed against them as promoters of schism, and go on to a new election, which, however, would not be expedient unless the whole of Christendom were likely to agree to it. These conclusions of D'Ailly were still further strengthened Opinions by a tractate of Gerson on the ' Unity of the Church,' which he ° "^**'^'°' sent from Paris before he was able personally to join the Council.^ In this he examines all the objections on the ground of canon law which can be raised against the Council. He asserts that the unity of the Church to one Vicar of Christ need not be procured by a literal observance of the terms or cere- monies of positive law, but by the wider equity of a Council, in which will reside the power of interpreting positive law and adapting it to the great end of promoting unity. The unity of ihe Church depends on divine law, natural law, canon law, and municipal law ; but the last two must in cases of emergency be interpreted by the first two. A case has now arisen in which neither canon law nor municipal law can avail ; the Council, therefore, must use divine law and natural law to inter2:)ret them, but must do so with discretion and moderation, so as not to injure their stability. Gerson agrees with D'Ailly in urging that, unless the Council be unanimous about proceeding to a new election, such a course be deferred. JNIoreover, as the search for unity must be undertaken with prayers and penance, since the Schism has its origin in sin, so must unity itself be established by a reformation of the Church in head and members, lest worse befall. In these utterances of D'Ailly and Gerson we see the root Effects of of all the efforts after reform which formed the ideal of thinking !i^'p%^uL"r ideas of the ' ' Civiliter intelligi debent.' Papacy. * Gerson, O/k ii. 113-21, begun on January- 2'J, 1409. p 2 212 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Opposition of Rupert's ambassa- dors in tlie fourth session. April 15, 14U9. men for the next century and a half. We find ideas of the . nature of the Church and the position of the Papacy which are founded on broad principles of historical fact and natural right. These ideas might have been discussed as abstract problems in a few learned circles, but the Schism made them articles of popular belief in every country. One great result of the Schism was that it forced men to enquire into matters which otherwise Avould never have been investigated. Every Christian was driven to form an opinion on a subject of vital interest to / Christendom. The letters of the rival Popes and the statements of their opponents were widely circulated and eagerly dis- cussed. All parties appealed to the people, and felt that their claims must rest finally on popular assent. Abstruse questions, that ordinarily were discussed by scholars in the closet, were now noised abroad on the housetop. Schoolmen and legists might discuss ; but it was clear that the Pisan Council must owe its power to the universality of its acceptance. It was true that the greater part of the Christian world had declared its allegiance, but some powers still held aloof. The Spanish kingdoms were true to their obedience to Benedict. Ladislas would not give up so useful an instru- ment as Grregory ; the Northern nations stood aloof, as did Sigismund of Hungary ; Venice maintained an attitude of cautious neutrality, and Carlo Malatesta, lord of Eom- agna, still upheld Gregory ; the German king Eupert opposed the Council which his rival Wenzel supported. When the Council met for its fourth session, on April 15, it had to face the existence of opposition to its authority. Four ambassadors from Eupert, the German king, attended the Council ; but, though all were ecclesiastics, they did not appear in their vest- ments, nor did they take their seats among the others. As soon as the opening ceremonies were over, one of them, the Bishop of Verdun, rose, and in a lengthy speech propounded twenty-two objections to the Council, all of which were of a narrow and technical character, mostly founded on an acute criticism of the terms of the summons to the Council, and difficulties concerning its dates. The ambassadors were re- quested to put their objections in writing, which they did the next day; and A])ril 24 was fixed for the next session, when an answer would be fi^iven them. ]5ut the ambassadors did not SESSIONS OF THE COUNCIL OF PISA. 213 think it worth while to await an answer: on April 21, which fH.\r. was a Sunday, they attended Mass in the cathedral, and heard —A/' . a sermon preached in refutation of their statements ; the same evening they hurriedly left Pisa, after lodging an appeal from Ihe Council to a future council to be convoked by Gregory. In the same week tliere came to Pisa, Carlo Malatesta, lord Attempted of Eimini, in whose dominions Gregory had taken shelter, of Carlo Carlo had already sought to make terms between Gregory and ^^'"^'■'t'^'^'^'''- the Council, and had proposed a change of the place of the Council to Bologna, Mantua, or Forli, to any c^ which Gregory would promise to come. The Cardinals had answered that, liaving summoned the Council to Pisa, they were no longer free to change the place. Now Carlo came to Pisa to try and make the peace : the Cardinals suggested that, if Gregory would not abdicate. Carlo should seize his person as a schismatic and heretic. But Carlo was too honourable to entertain the suggestion ; he was himself a learned and eloquent man of up- right character, and answered that, what he could do lawfully, he was ready to do, but he could use no violence. He returned to Rimini on April 26, and informed Gregory of the state of affairs at Pisa ; he added that, unless the Pope's righteousness exceeded the righteousness of the Pharisees, the Church would never have peace. Gregory answered that difficulties beset him on every side — if he abdicated, what was to become of his Cardinals and of King Ladislas ? if he did not, great danger beset the Church ; his only practical step was to hasten the meeting of the Council which he had summoned. At Pisa the fifth session of the Council was held on April Fifth and 24 ; an advocate read a Jong statement, which lasted for three sions! April hours, of the charges against the two Popes, and demanded 14,^9"*^ ^^' that they should be adjudged heretical and deprived of their office. This document, which was drawn up by the Cardinals, glided gently over the share which they themselves had, by making their elections, in prolonging the Schism. It insisted on the pains which they had taken to induce the Popes to yield, the bodily terror in which they stood of the violent temper of the Popes, and the persistent obstinacy shown in neglecting their advice. The Council appointed com- missioners to examine witnesses as to the truth of the state- ments contained in the thirty-eight charges so preferred 214 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Speech of Piero cl' An- chorano, seventh session. Mav 4, 1109. Eighth session. Union of the two Colleges. May 10, 1409. The same day arrived in Pisa the ambassadors of the King of France, headed by Simon Cramaud, Patriarch of Alexandria, and soon after came the English ambassadors, headed by Robert Hallam, Bishop of Salisbmy. The next session, on April 30, seems to have been spent in Avelcoming them; Cramaud presided, and Hallam addressed the Council, urging them to united action, and assuring them of the goodwill of the English King towards their efforts to restore unity. The Bishop's speech lasted so long that nothing else could be done that day. At the seventh session, May 4, a learned legist of Bologna, Piero d'Anchorano, rose to answer the objections made by Rupert's ambassadors. This he did with much legal skill and acuteness ; but his argument was founded on the assumption that, by the Schism, the Church was without a head, and that in the vacancy the Cardinals were the rightful administrators of the Papacy. The legal mind could not advance beyond the basis of the canon law, which only led to interminable questions of dispute. We see, as we look through the objec- tions of Rupert's ambassadors and the answers of D'Anchorano, that the controversy on legal grounds might be protracted end- lessly ; only by an adoption of the theoretical grounds of D'Ailly and Grerson — that the supreme power vested in the Chm^ch itself, which must act according to the laws of Grod and nature in cases of emergency — could the Council be justified. It is not to be wondered at that the legal mind of the canonists, which saw in the Papal monarchy over the Church the only foundation of law and order, shrank from any assertion that might affect the basis of this authority. Yet without some such assertion the authority of the Council could not be established, the Schism could not be brought to an end. The eighth session, on May 10, brought one of these technical difficulties to light. The advocate demanded a decree that the union of the two Colleges had been duly and canonically effected. On this the Bishop of Salisbury remarked that he did not understand how the two Colleges were on the same footing, seeing that Gregory's had formally withdrawn their obedience, while Benedict's had not. It was suggested that a decree be passed, that it was lawful, and also was a duty, for everyone to withdraw from both Popes since the time when it became clear that they had no intention of promoting the unity of the Church by common abdication. To this some of DEPOSITION OF THE RIYAL POPES. 215 the Cardinals, especially those of Poictiers and Albano, demurred ; ciiAl'. ])ut the Council affirmed it by cries of ' Placet.' Then the Pre- , l/; , sident — the Patriarch of Alexandria — read out a decree of the Council according to the advocate's demand, declaring approval of the union of the two Colleges, and affirming the Council to be duly assembled as representative of the Universal Church, and to have authority to decide all questions concerning the Schism and the restoration of unity. Before the next session, on May 17, the Cardinals had been Xinth- won over to agree to the decree brought forward at the last sessions, session declaring the withdrawal of allegiance from both Jg^glj^^g^^^^ Popes : the powers of the commissioners who had been contuma- 111 • i. ii cious. May appointed to examine witnesses about the charges against the 17-25, 1409. Popes were also extended, to allow them to get through their work more quickly. In the tenth and eleventh sessions. May 22 and 23, the articles against the two Popes were read, and their truth was attested by the Archbishop of Pisa, who declared each of them to be true and notorious, and mentioned in the case of each the number of witnesses by whose testimony it was established. On the same day Bulls from Benedict were brought to his Cardinals, who at first refused to receive them ; but the Cardinal of Milan at length opened them, at the instigation of Simon Cramaud. The Bulls contained an inhibition to proceed to a fresh election, and pronounced excommunication against all who should withdraw from obedience to the Roman See. These Bulls of Benedict, in the existing temper of the Council, were regarded as more con- vincing than many witnesses of his stubbornness and incapacity. At last, in the twelfth session, on May 25, Gregory and Benedict Avere declared contumacious, and the charges against them were pronounced notoriously true. On May 28 the doctors of theology who were present at the Deposition Council, to the number of 120, gave their opinions that the Popes. two Popes were schismatic and heretics, and might be excom- yQg/'' municated and deprived of their rights. At the session next day, Dr. Pierre Plaoul spoke in the name of the University of Paris, which, he said, was not only a representative of the French kingdom, but had scholars from England, Grermany, and Italy by whose co-operation its opinions were formed. He declared its view to be, that the Church stood above the two 216 THE GKEAT SCJILSM. BOOK claimants of the Papal throne, who were both heretical and ' schismatic ; the same opinion was also held by the Universities of Angers, Toulouse, and Orleans. Similar opinions were also expressed on behalf of the Universities of Bologna and Florence. On June 1 the Archbishop of Pisa read a summary of the articles against the two Popes and the evidence on which they were founded. Finally, on June 5, the Patriai'ch of Alexandria read the sentence of deposition against the two Popes as schismatics and heretics ; all the faithful were absolved from allegiance to them and their censures were declared of no effect. The sentence was read before the open doors to the assembled crowd, and was received with rejoicing. The magistrates proclaimed it with the sound of trumpets and ordered a universal holiday. The bells of the cathedral pealed out joyously, and each church took up the peal, which spread from village to village, so that in four hours' time the news was carried in this way to Florence.' Prepara- The Council was not, however, very sure of its own position neweiec- lu Spite of its lofty pretensions, if we may judge from the fact 5-]4 1409^ that, in the same session, it prohibited any of its members to depart till they had signed the decree of deposition. It seems to have felt that its authority, after all, would depend upon its numerical strength and unanimity. In the same spirit, at the next session, on June 10, letters were sent to the communities and lords of the patriarchate of Aquileia, where Gregory had taken refuge, requiring them to use all diligence to restrain Oregory from holding a council. At the same time the Cardinal of Chalant, who had at length departed from Benedict, was, on the intercession of the Cardinal of Albano, allowed in silence to take his seat in the Council. The existing Popes had been set aside by the authority of the Council; there remained the important question how a new Pope was to be obtained. The proceedings of the Council really rested on popular assent ; a disputed succession to the Papal monarchy had led to the assembling of an ecclesiastical parliament to end the miseries of civil war. The authority of this parliament was necessary to put down the two claimants to the Papal throne ; but the ecclesiastical hierarchy was anxious to check any movement towards democracy. The Cardinals ' ' Martcnc, .1/'/^^ Coll. vii. lOOC. PREPARATIONS FOR A NEW ELECTION. 217 could elect a Pope, but could not depose one ; they were chap. driven to have recourse to a Council, as the only means of . _ / . getting rid of the two claimants for the Headship of the Chiucli, but they were anxious that the pretensions of the Council should extend no further. Now that the rival Popes were gone, the Cardinals were prepared to revive the old custom, and proceed quietly to ^e election of a new Pope. With a view of giving assurance to the Council, and preventing any inter- ference in the election to the Papacy, the Cardinals, in the session on June 10, caused a paper to be resad by the Arch- bishop of Pisa, in which they bound themselves, in case any one of them should be elected Pope, not to dissolve the Council until a ' due, reasonable, and sufficient reform of the Church, in head and members, had been brought about.'' There were, in fact, different opinions about the procedure in the election of a new Poi^e. Some were of opinion that, as the Cardinals had been created dm'ing the Schism, an election by the Council would be the best way of restoring legitimacy. But this seemed too revolutionary, and as a compromise, the representatives of the University of Paris urged that the Council should authorise the Cardinals to proceed to an election, and should provide that a two-thirds majority of each College should be required. On the necessity of such an authorisation there was a difference of opinion even among the French prelates ; nevertheless, at the next session, on June 14, the Patriarch of Alexandria read an authorisation of the Council without submitting the question to a vote. An oath was administered to the city magistrates that they would secure peace and order during the election. Ambassadors from the King of Aragon, who had just arrived, TheCouncil with difficulty obtained a hearing from the Council, whose hearBene- interest now lay entirely in the election of a new Pope. They euvoys. demanded that the envoys from Benedict's Council of Perpignan should be heard by the Council ; and received answer that it was now late in the day, and was the eve of the Conclave ; commissioners were, however, appointed to confer with them. Next day they appeared before the Cardinals, who were named ' Mansi, xsvi. 1149 : ' Promittimus quod siqiiis nostrum in summum Ponti- ficem eligetur, prresens Concilium continuabit nee clissolvet aut dissolvi per- niittet, quantum in eo erit, usquequo per ij^sum cum consilio ejusdem concilii sit facta debita, rationalis et sutticiens reformatio ecclesi;\i et status ejus tarn in capite quam in menibris.' 218 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Election of Peter Philargi, Alexander V3 June 26, 1409. commissioners, in the church of S. Martin, but were received with scant courtesy. The Bull of deposition was read to them, and when the Archbishop of Tarragona persisted in calling him- self the envoy of Pope Benedict, there was a cry, ' You are an envoy of a heretic and a schismatic' A tumult arose, and the declaration of the city magistrates that they could not, in accordance with their oath, allow anything which might disturb the Council, rendered it useless for the envoys to stay longer. They asked for a safe-conduct to go and confer with Gregory about peace ; but were told by Cardinal Cossa that, if they entered the district where he was legate, he would have them bm-ned, safe-conduct or no. The envoys in fear left the city.^ In this matter the Council failed to act either with dignity or fairness. It is true that they were wearied with fruitless em- bassies to the recalcitrant Popes ; it is true that this embassy came late, and that the Council had already decided on a course of conduct which no embassy could affect. Still the restoration of unity to the Church could only be brought about by tact, by conciliation, by imposing dignity ; it was necessary to prove the two Popes hopelessly in the wrong, and leave them nothing to which they could appeal in their own defence. The ambas- sador of the King of Aragon informed the Patriarch afterwards that they had come with powers to tender Benedict's resigna- tion, even though Gregory might not resign.- A chance of reconciliation had been thrown away by the precipitate action of the Cardinals just at the last. The Cardinals were bent on the new election, and on June 15 they entered into conclave in the Archbishop's palace. There were ten Cardinals of Benedict's obedience, fourteen of Gregory's. There was a controversy whether a term should be set, within which the Cardinals should make an election, or the right of election should pass to the Council ; but it was agreed to leave the Cardinals full liberty. Fears were entertained lest ' See the Traciatns pro Defensione Benedicti XIII. by Boniface Ferrer, who was one of Benedict's ambassadors on this occasion, Martene, Thesavrus, ii. 1146. The ambassadors had been imprisoned in Nisnics by the mistaken zeal of the French, and only arrived by the escort of the King's ambassadors. Ferrer says that they came 'habentes plenissimam potestatem pro exequendo et com- plendo effect naliter quidquid esset necessarium pro vera unitate ecclesias.' "^ The Cluniac Prior ■Robert.jin a letter to his abbot (Martene, Coll.\\\' 1113), gives the rci^ort of the Aragonese ambassador to the Patriarch. VI. ELECTION OF ALEXANDER Y. 219 the election should be long deferred ; but on June 26 it was chap, announced that the unanimous choice of the Cardinals had fallen on Peter Philargi, Cardinal of Milan. Of the proceedings in the Conclave we know nothing for certain. The Cardinals must have felt that they had a difficult task before them : it was necessary to elect someone who would awaken no national jealousy, and who would be capable of dealing energetically with the disturbances in the Papal States. It is said that at first their thoughts turned upon the vigorous Legate of Bologna, Baldassare Cossa.' But Cossa was alive to the difficulties which one so deeply concerned in Italian politics would have to face. He besought them to choose Philargi instead of himself, as being a man of learning and of stainless character, a Greek by birth, who would be a compromise between contending nation- alities, and who had no relatives whom he could wish to aggran- dise at the expense of the Church. He promised that he himself would do all in his power to recover from usurpers the possessions of the Holy See. The Cardinals agreed, and elected Philargi, who was over seventy years of age, and seemed to promise only a short tenui'e of office. Philargi's election was hailed with joy. The bells were rung, the new Pope was carried to the cathedral, and there en- throned. He took the name of Alexander V. Everyone was fairly satisfied with his election, as being a judicious compro- mise which could offend no one. Born of a humble family in Crete, Peter Philargi knew neither father nor mother. As a beggar-boy in the street, he was taken and educated by a friar minor. After his admission into the Franciscan order, he went into Italy, and thence proceeded as a student to the Universities of Oxford and Paris, where he gained great reputation for his theological knowledge. ^ Returning into Lombai'dy, he won the confidence of Griovanni Visconti, lord of Milan, and was by him made tutor of his sons. Promotion rapidly followed ; he was made Bishop of Vicenza, then of No vara, next Archbishop of ]\Iilan ; Innocent VII. created him Cardinal, and his authority in North Italy had been of great service in arranging the pre- liminaries of the Council. He was universally popular for his ' Tlta Johannis XXIIL, by Niem, in Meibomius, i. p. 12. ^ Niem, De Schism., iii. ch, 52. 220 THE GREAT SCHISM. Dissolu- tion of the ("ouucil of I'isa. August 7, 1109. affability, kindliness, and munificence ; to the benefits of whicli everyone hastened at once to put in a claim. On July 1 the new Pope preached before the Council, and then the Cardinal of Bologna (Cossa) read in his behalf decrees approving of everything that had been done by the Cardinals from May 1408 up to the beginning of the Council, and also uniting the two Colleges into one, so that there should be no more question who were true Cardinals and who were not.' Whichever was the true College, as all had been unanimous in Alexander's election, he was indisputably a true Pope, and could supply all defects either of law or fact. On July 7 was the solemn coronation of the Pope, and on July 10 came am- bassadors from Florence and Siena, who delivered speeches in praise of the Pope. The Sienese envoy m'ged the Pope to hasten his return to Rome, whither the way now lay open to him by the retreat of Ladislas.^ In fact, now that a Pope was elected, political motives rapidly began to outweigh ecclesiastical. Cossa, who was the Pope's chief adviser, pined to find a field for his adventurous spirit in the recovery of the States of the Church. Louis of Anjou hastened to Pisa in hopes that this change in the Paj)acy might bring again into prominence his claims on the Neapo- litan crown. It was true that the Cardinals had bound them- selves before the election that the Pope should proceed at once to a reform of the Church ; but this was a vague undertaking, and it was hard to know how to begin to carry it out: the times were stirring, and the Pope, if he were to establish him- self, must show a power of vigorous action. The session which was to begin the reform of the Church had been fixed for July 15 ; but the Cardinals wavered, and on the excuse of the Pope's illness the session was put off to the 20th, the 24th, and finally the 27th. Then, as the result of many conferences between the Cardinals and the Council, the Archbishop of Pisa declared, in the Pope's name, that he re- nounced all pecuniary claims that had been accruing during ' This is the view taken by Prior Fiuberl ]Marteno, Coll. vii. 1120 : ' Quia certum erat quod alteram de duobus collegiis erat non vere, et ignorabatur quod, licet certum esset ipsum verum esse i^apam, qiiia electus erat ab omni- bus et sic a veris.' "^ Marteno, I.e. 1107: ' Quod usquo ad Urbeni quasi ] nvparatiim est iter et adit us sccuriis et paeilicus.' PROPOSALS OF REFORM 221 the vacancy up to the day of his election, and gave up reser- chap. vations of the goods of deceased prelates, and claims to the _^^' ,- revenues of vacant benefices. The Cardinals were asked to do the same as regarded their claims, and all, except the Cardinals of Albano and Naples, assented. A series of decrees were passed securing in their benefices and possessions all who adhered to the Council, confirming all their acts, and declaring that a Greneral Council was to be summoned by the Pope or his successor in three years — that is, in the month of April, 1412. In the last session, on August 7, a fe<^ trivial decrees were promulgated directing the holding of diocesan and pro- vincial synods and chapters of monks. Plenary absolution, which was to avail even in the hour of death, was given to all who had attended the Council, and to their attendants. Finally the Pope declared his intention of reforming the Church in head and members. Much had already been done, but more remained, which, owing to the departure of prelates and am- bassadors, could not now be undertaken. The Pope therefore deferred further reforms to the future Council, which was to be regarded as a continuation of the present one.^ There were some members of the Council who wished to Proposals make their voice heard on the question of reform. The prelates °^ 'reform, and proctors of England, France, Germany, Poland, Bohemia, and Provence presented to the Pope a list of grievances to which they called his attention, as deviating from the old laws and customs of the Chiu'ch.^ They enumerate translations of bishops against their will. Papal reservations and provisions, destruction of the rights of patronage of bishops and chapters, the exaction of first-fruits and tenths, grants of exemptions from the visitatorial power of bishops, the excessive liberty of appeal to the Pope in cases which have not been heard in the inferior courts. They petition for a remission of debts to the Papal Camera, by which many churches are entirely over- whelmed, and for a simplification of the rules of the Papal Chancery, which are opposed to the common law, and baffle even the learned. They pray that the Pope will not rashly alienate ' D'Acherj', Sj)icilegium, ii. 8o3 : ' Dominus noster dictam reformationem suspendit et continuat i;sq\;e ad proxime indicium Concilium, et praesens Concilium prorogat et continuat usque ad ilium terminum qui praefixus est ad Concilium jam dictum.' -' In ilartene, Colic cHo, vii. 1121, with the Pope's answer ai>peuded. 222 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK 1. Influence of tlie (k)uncil on Benedict XIII. and Gregory XII. Defects in the pro- cedure of tlie Council. nor mortgage the possessions of the Eoman See. To these requests Alexander V. returned fair answers, except in the matter of appeals, about which he only said that he would con- sider farther. The })romise of a future Council enabled the Pope to put aside for the present the question of reform, and the greed of the chief members of the Council to seek their own promotion from a Pope, whose liberality and kindliness were well known, made them indifferent to anything beyond their own interest. The Patriarch of Alexandria, who had been the leader of the Council, was busily engaged in seeking to obtain his own nomination to the archbishopric of Rheims, which had just fallen vacant. The members of the Council of Pisa returned home con- vinced that they had at length given peace to the Church, and had healed the long Schism. They had no doubt that their Pope would prevail, and that the others would sink into oblivion. BenedictXIII.had never been very warmly supported by Aragon : after protesting against the Council of Pisa and its proceedings, he retired to the rocky fortress of Peniscola, on the coast, and there shut himself up for safety. Gregory XII. held a council in opposition to that at Pisa at Cividale, which was but scantily attended. However, it declared the election of Alexander V. to be null and void (August 22), and before its dissolution, Gregory, on September 5, made a magnanimous offer to abdicate provided Benedict and Alexander would do the same ; he offered to meet them for this purpose at any place which might be agreed upon by Kupert, Sigismund, and I^adislas. Such an offer might be specious, but was clearly illusory ; Rupert, Sigismund, and Ladislas were not at all likely to agree in the choice of a place, and if they did, there was no reason to suppose that Gregory's rivals would abide by their decision. But Gregory himself was in sore straits where to turn when his shadowy council was dissolved. The Patriarch of Aquileia was hostile to him, and he had difficulty in escaping safely from Cividale ; at last, in disguise, he managed to make his way to the coast, and take refuge in two galleys of Ladislas, which conveyed him to Gaeta, where he settled for a time. The adherents of Benedict and Gregory might be few, but' so long as there were any the object of the Council had failed. FAULTS IN THE COUNCIL'S PROCEDURE. 223 It had met to restore unity to the Church, but did not succeed chap. in doing so. In fact, we are driven to admit that the Council ^^- scarcely proceeded with the care or discretion or singleness of purpose which was necessary to enable it to perform the duty which it had undertaken. Its intention from the beginning seems to have been to over-ride, not to conciliate, the contend- ing Popes. In the first session the advocate of the Council was allowed to call them by the derisive names of ' Benefictus ' and ' Errorius.' The Council entirely identified itself with the Cardinals, and accepted their procedure "as its own. It did not enter into negotiations with the Popes, nor send to invite their presence ; but it assumed at once that the summons of the Cardinals was one which the Popes were bound to obey, and declared them contumacious for their refusal. It could hardly have been expected that the Popes would submit them- selves at once to the behest of their rebellious Cardinals. If the Council had taken up a position of its own, which could have been supported by all moderate men, it might have exerted such influence on the Popes themselves or their sup- porters as to have reduced them to submission. Even if this had failed, the Council should have remembered that its avowed object was the restoration of the outward unity of the Church ; and it was not possible that the authority of a Council irregularly convoked should meet with such universal acceptance, that its sentence of deposition would be received with entire unanimity by the whole Church. Both the Popes were old ; a new election could not be far removed : judicious negotiations might have provided satisfactory measm-es to be taken when a vacancy occurred : it would have been safer to have ended the Schism surely than to have aimed at ending it speedily. Moreover the Council did not sit long enough nor discuss matters with sufficient freedom to make its basis sure. The teaching of D'Ailly and Gerson had done much to justify the assembly of a Council as an extraordinary step due to necessity. But the Council proceeded to depose the Popes without making out very clearly its right to do so. D'Anchorano had grounded its right on the assertion that the two Popes, having failed to fulfil their promises to resign for the sake of promoting unity, had become schismatics and heretics. But this view was by no 224 THE CtEEAT schism. BOOK means universally accepted, nor did any very definite view pre- ^l , vail. We find next year that the Cardinal of Bari, before going on an embassy to Spain, submitted to Alexander V.'s successor thirty-four objections which might be taken to the proceedings of the Council, and requested that he might be provided before- hand by the University of Bologna with answers wherewith to meet them.^ The Council of Constance, by accepting Gre- gory's resignation and negotiating for that of Benedict, tacitly confessed that their deposition by the Council of Pisa could not be regarded as lawful. The Council of Pisa has been re- garded as of dubious authority, very greatly, no doubt, owing to its want of success. We cannot wonder that an assembly which dealt so hastily and so precipitately with difficult and dangerous questions should fail to obtain a permanent solution. The theory of the sovereignty of the Church, as against the sovereignty of the Pope, had been so ardently advocated by French theologians, that it was accepted at Pisa as sufficient for all pm-poses with- out due explanation or consideration. The Council forgot that the decisions of canonists and theologians are not at once universally accepted. If all Europe had been unanimous in withdrawing from the obedience of the rival Popes, the decision of the Council might have been acted upon as a means of ob- taining a new settlement. As it was, there were too many politi- cal motives involved in upholding the existing claimants to make it possible that the Council's Pope should receive that universal acceptance which alone could bring the Schism to an end.^ ' Martene, Themi(riis, ii. loSi. * See Schwab. Johanfws Gerson, p. 248, &c. 225 CHAPTER VII. ALEXANDER V. "**' 1409-1410. It is not often that, amidst the scanty records from which chap. media;val history has to be laboriously yjieced together, we find X^3j anything that brings before us the more intimate facts of The Papal mediaeval life. Some one, however, of the Fathers assembled at in the four- Pisa luckily employed his spare time after the election of centSy. Alexander V. in drawing out an account of the Papal household — perhaps he thought that Alexander was inexperienced and might err through want of knowledge, as he could not inherit the establishment of a predecessor, but would have to form his own anew.^ It is worth while to turn from more lofty matters, and consider the composition of a household at this time. First amongst the officers of the household come the Cham- berlains, who are of three classes ; some honorary, some prelates, generally four who are intimate with the Pope, read the Hours with him, and serve at Mass ; some domestics, generally two, who sleep in his chamber and wait upon him. Of the prelates one has charge of the Pope's private letters and receives his instruc- tions about the answers to be given ; another has the care of the Pope's jewels, a third of the wardrobe, a fourth of the medicines and drugs. The prelates discharge the duties of their office without salary except in cases when they are poor. The domestic chamberlains have board for themselves and two servants, and have an underling to sweep the rooms and do the ' See the document in Muratori, vol. iii., part 2, p. 810. It is headed ' Arvisamenta pro Regimine et dispositione Officiariorum in Palatio Domini Nostri Papse,' and at the end, ' Scripta Pisis post novam Creationem felicis recor- dalionis Alcrandri Paptc Quhit., MOD, IV. Junii.' It seems most probably to have been written by one of Benedict's household. VOL. I. Q 226 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK dirty work. Besides these, two Door-keepers have charge of the . ^' Audience Chamber, where they generally sleep. Next in importance is the Controller of the Household, who receives the Pope's orders about his meals and entertainments, issues invitations, and orders the service of the banquet. Every night he receives the keys of the palace when the gates are shut, and lays them on the table at the Pope's supper hour. Every night also he receives and examines the accounts of all subordinate officials, which, after receiving his signature, are presented weekly at the Treasury. He is generally responsible for the order and decorum of the household, and has under him a clerk and one or two servants. The Pope's personal attendants are Squires of Honour, generally eight or ten in number, who receive pay or allowances, and frequently hold some other office. For each article consumed in the household there is a separate department. Two ecclesiastics, each with two servants under him, hold office over the Bakery, and provide bread and fruit, have the care of the table linen, knives, forks, and salt-cellars, and have the duty of laying the table. In like manner two ecclesiastics, each with two inferiors, discharge the office of Butler, provide the wines, keep the cellar books, and take charge of the drinking-vessels. One ecclesiastic is enough to have charge over the water, and the number of his subor- dinates varies according to the difficulties of obtaining it; his office extends to the care of wells and their cleansing. Another ecclesiastic, with two inferiors, has charge of the candles and candlesticks and all that concerns the Hghting of the palace. Another officer has care of the beds and tapestries ; he has to arrange seats at consistories, and see to the proper covering of the Pope's chair at church and elsewhere. The Keeper of the Plate has the arduous duty of seeing that the plates and dishes are kept clean and are not stolen ; every day after dinner the gates of the palace are kept closed until he has counted the dishes and has certified that all are there. The Master of the Kitchen supervises all the cooking arrange- ments ; the Steward does the marketing and hands over the produce to the Keeper of the Larder, who also receives all presents of game and such like that are made to the Pope. The Master of the Hall arranges the tables, places the guests in- order, and sees that they are properly served. THE PAPAL HOUSEHOLD. 227 Besides these officers the Papal household contains a chap. Master of the Works to see after the repairs of the palace ; a . \^^ , Confessor whose duty it is to regulate the services in the chajjel and to vest the Pope ; a Master of the Palace, generally a Dominican Friar, who lectures on Theology and proposes questions at the Pope's bidding ; an Almoner, and a Choir- master for the chapel services. Cooks, door-keepers, physicians, registrars, messengers, and grooms make up the remainder of the Pope's retinue. We do not find in these details any trace of undue luxury or extravagance. Man^ of these officials were without salaries ; and although the cost of the household must have been considerable, yet it was not larger than any noble of the period would have felt requisite. The regulation of his household may have employed Attack on Alexander V. for some little time at Pisa; but he was soon i;o»ie m ' _ Alexan- reminded of his political duties by the arrival of Louis of Anjou, ders behalf. whose claims on Naples he at once sanctioned. Cossa saw December, that the vital matter for the new Pope was the pos. ession of ^^^^• the city of Pome, which was also the great question of Italian politics. The overweening power of Ladislas awoke universal alarm, and the political feebleness of Gregory XII. had been the chief reason why Italy had so readily abandoned him. The cause of the Council's Pope meant opposition to Neapolitan domination, and a strong party gathered round Alexander V. Cossa strengthened his league with Florence and Siena by the admission of Louis of Anjou, and the confederates proposed to march at once against Ladislas, who had retired from Cortona to NajJes, leaving Paolo Orsini to guard the places which he had seized. In September the allied army under the command of the Florentine general, Malatesta dei Malatesti, marched towards Rome. The prophecy of the Florentine ambassador to Ladislas that they would overcome him with his own troops proved true. Paolo Orsini deserted from Ladislas, and his defection opened the road into the States of the Church. Or- vieto, INIontifinscone, Viterbo, and other places opened their gates, and the allied army appeared before Pome on October 1. But Ladislas had taken measures to keep down the Romans ; many citizens opposed to his interests had been exiled, and the Neapolitan faction was strong in the city. The allies gained possession of the Vatican, and the Castle of S. Angelo Q 2 228 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK 1. Eome cap- tured from Ladislas. January 1, 1410. Cossa i^uprenic over tlie affairs of the Cluircli, hoisted the flag of Alexander V. ; but Eome itself, where the Count of Troja was in command, offered a vigorous resistance. On October 10, the allies found themselves forced to quit the Leonine city and take up their position at Monte Rotondo. Louis of Anjou and Cossa returned to Pisa leaving the siege in the hands of Malatesta. After a conference with the Pope Louis went off hurriedly to Provence to raise more money. The fortune of Ladislas was still in the ascendant, and if he had boldly marched to Rome with reinforcements he might have maintained his hold upon the city. On December 28, Malatesta advanced with a portion of his army to S. Lorenzo outside the walls ; his men advanced to the gate calling to the people, ' Men of Rome, how is it that you do not cry, " The Church and the People " ' ? ' At the same time Paolo Orsini advanced again into the Leonine city. Attacked on both sides the Count of Troja determined to cut off his assailants when thus divided. On December 29, he fell upon Paolo Orsini, but was defeated at the Porta Septi- miana. Malatesta had been plotting with a party inside the walls in favour of Alexander ; at the first failure of the Neapolitans they rose against them with cries of ' Viva lo Popolo e la Chiesa.' On January 1, 1410, Paolo Orsini entered the city by the Ponte dei Judei, and was hailed by the people, who were glad to free themselves from the Neapolitan rule, and asserted their liberties by electing their own magistrates. On January 5, the Capitol also surrendered ; but the strong towers by the gates still held out for Ladislas, and were only taken after a regular siege. The tower by the Porta Maggiore fell on February 15 ; and the captm-e of the Ponte JMoUe, on May 1, destroyed the last remnant of the Neapolitan domination. Meanwhile Alexander V. stayed for some time at Pisa, where, on November 1, 1409, he issued a summons to Ladislas to appear and answer all the charges made against him of faithlessness .to his duty as a vassal of the Church. He was driven to leave Pisa by the outbreak of a pestilence, and retired to Prato, thence to Pistoia. On the news of the capture of Rome the Florentines ' Blarium A?iUinii /W?'?, in Mural ori, xxiv. 1012: ' Dicentes, 0 Romani como non dicete, Viva la Chiesa e lo Popolo ? ' The writer was in Rome at tlie time, and describes minutely all the operation^ of this siege. DEATH OF ALEXANDER V. 229 at once sent an embassy to the Pope, begging him to hasten CHAP. to Rome, and so assm-e the wavering allegiance of the neigh- ^ — ,J — . bouriug cities in the States of the Church. The Sienese also offered their city as a residence for the Pope on his way.^ But Alexander V, was entirely in the hands of Cossa, who ruled Pope and Cardinals ahke. The Florentines and ►Sienese seem to liave been afraid of the growing power of Cossa, and wished to see the Pope emancipated from his hands. But their efforts were useless. Alexander answered that he would go to Rome when things were more se- was the usual lesson which life always teaches the old, and which the young never learn save by experience — the lesson, ' Seek peace and ensue it.' ^ He addressed his Cardinals on the text, ' Peace I leave with you, my peace I give unto you;' he declared his belief in the canonicity of the Council of Pisa, and in his own position as Pope ; he besought them by pacific measures to bring about the unity of the Church. The Cardinals wept at the touching ' Piero Minerbetti, in Tartini, ii. 019. * Theod. a Niem, ScJiism, iii. 52 : ' Ipsemet tunc in agone seu in iiltimis const itut us coram suis familiaribus faciendo pulcrum sermonem dicebat nunquam novit patrem vel matrem,' &i.-. See Vito Alcrandri I'., in JIur., iii. part 2, 8i2. 230 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK words of the dying Pope, but their conduct shows that they did '^ . not look forward to gain peace save by the sword. On May 3, Alexander V. died, and was buried in the church of S. P'rancesco at Bologna, the church of the Order to which he owed so much, and which he loved so well. AiexandiT The one thing which Alexander V. did in the matters of the Friars. "^ Church was to issue a Bull in favour of the Friars, who had hailed with joy his elevation to the Papacy, and lost no time in besieging him with their requests. The Mendicant Orders had been steadily growing in importance and power since the days of Francis and Dominic. The Papacy, grateful for their aid, had constantly increased their privileges at the expense of the old machinery of the ecclesiastical system. The Friars, supported by the Papal authority, infringed the rights of parish priests, and were exempt from any Episcopal supervision. They preached, heard confessions, administered the sacraments, performed funerals wherever they chose, and threatened entirely to super- sede the old parochial system. Naturally men preferred to confess to a wandering Friar whom they had never seen before and hoped never to see again, rather than to their parish priest whose rebukes and admonitions might follow them at times when the spirit of contrition was not so strong within them. It was natural that bishops and clergv should fight for their very existence against the usurping Friars. A truce was made by Boniface VIII. in 1300, on the conditions that the Friars were not to preach in parish churches without the consent of the parish priest, that bishops were to have a veto over the individual Friars who were to hear confessions within their diocese, and that the Friars were to hand over to the parish church a quarter of all the funeral and other dues and offerings which came to them from the district. The Universities also saw themselves invaded by the Friars, who by their learning and energy rose to eminence, possessed themselves of theological chairs, and promulgated their own doctrines. In the University of Paris, the conflict against the Mendicants was vigorously carried on in the middle of the thirteenth century by Guillaume de Saint Amour, who not only protested against their excep- tional privileges, but attacked their rule of life. Anable-bodied man, he asserted, who can work for his livelihood commits nothing less than sacrilege if lie lives on the alms of the poor ; ALEXANDEE V. AND THE FEANCISCANS. 231 for S. Paul says, 'if a man will not work, neither let him eat.' chap. If it be urged that it is a counsel of perfection to live like LJl . Christ, it ought to be remembered that Christ's example teaches us to do good works, not to beg ; if any man wishes to be perfect, let him work or enter a monastery. Thomas Aquinas and Bonaventura took up the defence of the Mendicants, and, with the help of the^Papacy, the Friars maintained their posi- tion, though they were regarded with aversion and suspicion by the University. In 1321, a doctor of the Sorbonne, Jean de Poilly, was summoned before Pope John XXII. for having taught that those who confessed to Friars were bound to con- fess the same sins again to their own parish priest, and no Pope had the power to absolve them from this duty. His opinions were condemned, and he was compelled to retract them. In Oxford the controversy was renewed later by Richard Fitz Ralph, Archbishop of Armagh, who went to Avignon to answer for his opinions to Innocent IV., but no judgment was given against him. In both Universities the opposition to the Friars was manfully maintained in spite of the Papal censures. In January 1409, the Sorbonne was strong enough to carry the war into the enemies' quarters, and a PVanciscan, Jean de Gorel, was compelled to retract his assertion that Friars, as being of the institution of the primitive Church, had a more essential right to preach and hear confessions than had parish priests, who were of a later origin. On the accession of Alexander V. the Mendicants judged that their hour of triumph was come. They hastened to procure from him a Bull, ' Regnans in Ecclesia,' dated from Pisa, October 12, 1409, in which the Pope condemned the chief propositions of the Doctors of the University, and affirmed most emphatically the condem- nation issued by John XXII.' The Friars themselves seem to have been afraid to use this Bull when they had obtained it. Rumours of its existence reached Paris, and messengers were sent to enquire if rumour spoke truly ; the Cardinals denied that it had been issued with their counsel or consent, but the messen- gers saw the Bull and its leaden seal. The University at once proceeded to vigorous measmes ; they expelled all the IMendi- cants, and prohibited them from preaching in Paris till they had ' In l*ul;\nis, vi. lOfi. Sec also Chrau. dr S. JJeii'i^, book xxx. ch. 19, 232 THE GEEAT SCHISM. BOOK 1. Character of Alexan der V. produced the original Bull and had renounced it. Gerson raised his powerful voice against it, and the Government entirely sided with the University. The Dominicans and the Carmelites judged submission to be the wisest course. On March 1, 1410, the University went in solemn procession to the Chmxh of S. Martin des Champs, where one of the Dominicans preached a sermon in which he declared that the Bull had been obtained without the consent of his Order, nor did they approve of it, but were content with their former privileges. The Franciscans refused to submit, and proclamation was made in front of their doors by a herald, prohibiting the clergy in the king's name, from allowing them to preach, hear confessions, or administer the sacraments. Alexander's successor found it wise to revoke the Bull, and put an end to this fruitless conflict with the University. From his conduct in this matter we may judge the character of Alexander V. Owing ever}i:hing to his Order, he was ready to befriend it in any way, and at once complied with the requests which its advocates preferred, without any consideration of their wisdom or expediency. His weakness was that he knew too little of the world, and was too ready to gain praise by unreasoning liberality and munificence. He used to say of himself that he had been rich as a Bishop, poor as a Cardinal, but as Pope a beggar. He was generally under the rule of the Cardinals ; only in granting this Bull to his beloved Order did he venture to act without their advice, and then he foolishly en- deavoured to act secretly, because he had not the courage to face and overcome opposition. In his brief pontificate he had not time to show what he might have become. Some were won by his simple character to regard him as a saint. Others were misled, by the extravagance, which his known liberality encouraged in his household, to mistake him for a luxm-ious sybarite.' It would ' See And. Billii Hist., in Mur., xix. p. 41 : ' Dimidium temporis conviviis trahebatur; levitatis id modo notatum, plus quadringenti vernicul.'e uno vestitu insignes in domo versabantur.' This luxury seems rather doubtful when we compare the accounts given by Xiem, the lives in Muratori, iii. part 2, and the mentions, which are all laudator}', made by other Italian clironiclers. The journey from Pistoiato Bologna was not one which an over-luxurious man of seventy would willingly have taken in winter ; and Niem, Vita Johannis XXIIT. (Meiboniius, i. p. 13) says that Alexander V. was maintained in Bologna by Cossa — ' providit manualiter de expensis, satis tamen tenuiter et remlsse ' — which hardly agrees with Biglia's account of extravagance. CHARACTER OF ALEXANDER V. 233 seem that both of these judgments were equally removed from chap. the truth. Alexander V., like many men who rise to eminence . ^ |^' . from a humble origin, owed his good fortune to his negative qualities, and was conscious to himself that he enjoyed a reputa- tion beyond his deserts. Cossa rightly judged that, when elevated to the Papacy, Philargi would of his own nature cling to one whose strength of chiPracter he recognised, and would be the best of tools, for he would wish to submit to a stronger mind as a means of concealing his own incompetence. So entirely dependent on Cossa did he show himself ^by coming to Bologna, that, on his death, the story rapidly spread that he had been poisoned by Cossa, who wished to have the new election in a place where his power was supreme. 231 TIFE GREAT SCHISM. CHAPTER VIII. JOHN XXIII. 1410-1414 Alexander V, died on May 3 ; and before the eighteen Cardinals who were in Bologna entered the Conclave, their minds were made up as to his successor. Louis of Anjou, who was preparing Cossa, John an expedition against Ladislas, hoped that the energy of Cossa, May 17, whlch he had experienced in the previous year, would secui'e his success against Naples. He sent pressing admonitions to the French Cardinals to procure Cossa's election, which indeed the political aspect of affairs seemed to render almost necessary. It was to no purpose that Carlo Malatesta sent envoys to beg the Cardinals to defer their election in the hope of procuring the peace of the Church. Cossa answered that Gregory was entirely in the hands of Ladislas, and nothing could be expected from him; that the Cardinals could not abandon the cause of Louis of Anjou after encouraging him to proceed so far ; and that in the present condition of affairs in Rome a Pope was absolutely necessary to keep the city from again falling into the hands of Ladislas ; moreover the Cardinals themselves, if they did not elect a Pope, would be without the necessaries of life and the Curia would be dissolved. The envoys tried to alarm Cossa with the fear of a rival for the Papacy. Cossa replied that he knew not how the votes might go ; for his own part, though he was not a man of great knowledge, he had done for the Chmx-h more than the rest: if a friend were elected, he would be satisfied; if a foe, it might be better for his own soul.' Carlo's envoys were worsted in the encounter with Cossa, and could do no more than beseech the Cardinals, on the eve of the Conclave, to bind ' These interesting details are given in tlie paper . of the envoj's in Martene, Amu. Coll. viii. 162, kc. ELECTION OF JOUN XXIII. 235 him who might be elected to abdicate if his rivals abdicated, or chap to unite with them in summoning a General Council. No heed . _ \ ' _. was paid to Malatesta's entreaties : the place, the political situation, made Cossa for the time omnipotent. The Cardinals entered the Conclave on the evening of May 14, and Cossa's election was announced on the l7th. He was enthroned in state in the Church of S. I*etronio on May 25, and took the title of John XXIII. The Cardinals cannot have hid from themselves that the election of Cossa was not likely to be approved ofi any but poli- tical grounds. No one could look upon Cossa as an ecclesiastic, or as having any real interest in the spiritual affairs of the Church. He was a man of vigour, possessing all the qualities of a successful condottiere general. He had kept down the city of Bologna, had extended his power over neighbouring States, had j)rotect6d the Council of Pisa from Ladislas, and was the firm ally of Louis of Anjou. But he was more at home in a camp than in a church ; ' his private life exceeded even the bounds of military license ; ^ it was a grotesque and blasphemous incon- gruity to look upon such a man as the Vicar of Christ.^ John XXIII. soon found that his lofty position was a Rev.it of hindrance rather than a help; his character was more fitted %^^J^'^^ for decisive and energetic action as occasion offered than for September 1409. pursuing with astuteness a careful and deliberate policy. From the first, things went contrary to him and his ally Louis of Anjou. The loss of Genoa to the French threw a great hindrance in the way of Louis. Genoa since 1396 had sub- mitted to its French governor, Jean le Maingre, JNIarshal Boucicaut, but gradually grew more and more discontented with his rule. As taxes weighed heavily commerce did not prosper ; and the Genoese, felt themselves involved in a policy which was alien to their old traditions, and which might be in the interests of Boucicaut or of France, but was not in the interests of Genoa. Boucicaut's interference in the affairs of Milan ' And. BilUi Hist., Mur., xix. 42 : ' Plus delectabant hominem scuta et cristie quam pallia et apices.' - Niem, in Meibomius, i. 6, says : ' Publico dicebatur Bononiae anno primo pontilicatus quod ipse ducentas maritatas, viduas et virgines, ac etiam quam plures moniales illic corruperat.' ' Leon. Ai-et., Mur., xviii. 927, says siynilicantly: ' Vir in tcmpoialibus qui- dem raagnus, in spiritualibus nuUus omnino atquc inept us.' 2.16 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Louis of Anjou at Bologna. June, 1410. especially angered the Grenoese, till the Marquis of Montferrat in Boucicaut's absence marched to Genoa, and was welcomed by the citizens, who, on September 6, threw off the French rule, declared themselves free, and chose the Marquis of jNIontferrat to be captain of their Eepublic with all the powers of the old Doges. • When Genoa had thus thrown off the French yoke, it warmly espoused the cause of Ladislas against Louis, and from its commanding position at sea rendered difficult to Louis the transport of soldiers. As was to be expected, John XXIII. hastened to identify his cause with that of Louis. On May 25, the day on which were dated the encyclical letters announcing his election, he issued also letters commending the cause of Louis to all archbishops, princes, and magistrates, exhorting them to re- ceive him with all respect and lend him all the aid that he required. The Pope's admonition came too late so far as the Genoese were concerned; for on May 16, they had inter- cepted and destroyed five of the galleys in which Louis was bringing his forces for a new expedition. Louis with the rest of his squadron landed at Pisa, whence he went to Bologna, which he entered somewhat crestfallen on June 6.^ Still his army was powerful, and great things were to be expected from the Pope's help. But John XXIII. soon found that he was less powerful as Pope than he had been as Legate. No sooner did the cities which he had subdued feel that the hand of their master was slackened by his elevation to a higher office, than they hastened to throw off the yoke to which they had unwillingly submitted. On June 12, came the news that Giorgio degli Ordelaffi had recovered Forli, and on June 18, that Faenza had thrown oflf the Papal rule and had taken Giovanni dei Manfreddi for its lord. These revolts were clearly due to the influence of Carlo Malatesta, who, after protesting against John's election, declared against him and sided with Ladislas. John felt that for the present he was over-mastered ; he saw that he could not trust his merce- naries, nor, when revolt was so near, did he venture to leave Bologna, which he knew that he only held by force. On June ' See G. Stella, Annates Genuenses, in Murutori, xvii. 1220, kc. '^ ' Venne per Stra' San Stefano moUo miseram uLo,' 8:13 s the writer of Cronica di Bologna, Mur., xviii. Slt'J. DISPUTED ELECTION IN GERMANY. 237 23, Louis set out for Rome without his friend and adviser, and chap, the Pope, with rage in his heart, was compelled, sorely against his . _^^/^' . will, to stay behind. John's first endeavour was to win over Carlo Malatesta to John XXIII his side, promising that if he would recognise him as Pope andCa'i-lo he would exert all his influence on his behalf. Malatesta ^a^atesta, replied that, though he had esteemed him as Legate of Bologna, he could not in conscience recognise him as Pope, for which post he was unfit ; he besought him to join with Grregory in a renunciation of the Papacy ; in that case he pi'B'mised to help him with all his power. John endeavoured to protract the negotiations ; but in Carlo Malatesta he had to deal with as strong a character as his own, and a keener wit. In spite of his efforts he could gain nothing. In Germany also John had to watch events eagerly, and Death of struggle to hold his own against his rival Grregory. The eccFetilsti- schism in the Papacy had been reproduced in the Empire ; ^^^ fiifficui- and Rupert, who owed his position to the help of Boniface Geimany. IX., refused to acknowledge the Conciliar Pope. This made i4ib. ' Rupert's enemies more eager in the support of Alexander V., and a civil war seemed imminent in Germany when Rupert suddenly died on May 18, 1410. Wenzel's party was now anxious that no new election should be made, and that Wenzel should be universally recognised as King of the Romans. His opponents, though determined to proceed to a new election, were divided between the rival Popes. Rupert's son, the Elector Palatine, and the Archbishop of Trier were in favour of Gregory XII. ; the Archbishop of Mainz was on the side of John XXIII. Four only out of the seven electors met at Frankfm-t on September 1 , for a new election. Wenzel, who as King of Bohemia was an elector, of course kept aloof, as did also Rudolf of Saxony : it was doubtful who had the right to vote as Elector of Brandenburg, which Sigismund, King of Hungary, had mortgaged to his cousin Jobst, Markgraf of Moravia. It soon became clear that the four electors differed too deeply on the ecclesiastical question to agree in the choice of a new KinRsof king. On September 12, the Archbishops of Mainz and Coin ^^^^^H made i)reparations for departure. But the Archbishoi) of Trier iV*^."=^«"'' , 1 1 T- 1 Sigismund, and the Elector Palatine proceeded to an election; they And Jobst. recognised Sigismund as Elector of Brandenburg, and accepted i-no,^*''^ 238 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK 1. Final success of SiJsmund. July, 1411. his representative Frederick, Biirggraf of Niirnberg, as his proxy. Though the Archbishop of Mainz laid the city under an inter- dict, and closed all the churches against them, they went through the accustomed ceremonies in the churchyard of the Cathedral, and, on September 20, announced that they had elected Sigismund King of the Eomans.' At this elevation of his younger brother, Wenzel felt himself doubly aggrieved, and Jobst of Moravia wished to assert his claims to Brandenburg. They hastened to send representatives to support the recal- citrant Archbishops of Mainz and Coin, who thereon proceeded, on October 1 , to elect Jobst of Moravia, reserving to Wenzel, as the price of his submission, the title, though not the authority, of King of the Romans. There were now three claimants to the Empire as there were three claimants to the Papacy. It was said that three kings were again come to adore Christ, but they were not like the three wise men of old.^ John XXIII. was anxious to se- cure Sigismund to his side ; for Sigismund had remained neutral towards the Council of Pisa, and since then had shown signs of a reconciliation with Gregory XII. John issued Bulls declaring his affection for Sigismund ; but still Sigismund's attitude remained ambiguous, till the death of Jobst on January 8, 1411, made his position more sure. There was now no one to stand in his way if he could manage to reconcile his personal differ- ences with the electors who had opposed him. The besotted Wenzel was won over by hopes of obtaining for himself the Imperial Crown, and by Sigismund's promise to content himself during Wenzel's lifetime with the title of King of the Romans. The Archbishop of Mainz made his own terms with Sigismund ; among them was a stipulation for the recognition of John XXIIT. Finally on July 21, 1411, Sigismund was unanimously elected ' Hence went I'orth a doggerel rhyme about Sigismund's election — ' Zu B'rankfurt hinterm Chor Haben gewelt einen Konig ein Chind und ein Thor.' The Elector Palatine is called a child from his youth, and the Archbishop of Trier a fool from his age. See Andrea liatislionensis CJironiemn, in Eccard, i. 2Hi. ■■^ ' De his Iribu.s regibus, scilicet Sigismondo, Jodoco ct Wenzcslao habcutur versus : Adorant Cliristum tres Rcges jam Romanorum, Non sunt Tharscnses, ncc Arabcs, nee Sabinenses.' And. Ilatis., ut supra, 21-15. DEFEAT OF LADLSLAS AT ROCCA .SECCA. 239 King of the Romans. Thenceforth the doubtful allegiance of chap. Germany was at an end, and the recognition of John XXIII. as ^ ' ^ rightful Pope was at once carried out. In Naples John's cause was not so successful. The John expedition of Louis in 1410 came to nothing. He entered takes up Rome and displayed himself to the citizens, who always liked to I'lsji^o^*-' have a distinguished guest within their walls ; but he had no April, 1411. money for his soldiers and could not keep together the different elements of which his army was composed. After waiting help- less in Rome till the end of the year, he set out for Bologna to beg the Pope to come to Rome and hcl}) him — a request which was echoed by the Roman people. John by this time saw that Carlo ^lalatesta could only be reduced to obedience if he were deprived of his ally Ladislas. He determined to leave Bologna to its fate, and help Louis to prosecute the war against Ladislas with vigour. On March 31, 1411, John left Bologna and moved towards Rome, accompanied by his Cardinals and attended by a brilliant escort of PVench and Italian nobles. On April 11, he reached San Pancrazio, and, on April 12, entered the city amid the acclamations of the people. On April 14, the city magistrates, to the number of forty-six, appeared before him with lighted torches in their hands and did him obeisance. On April 23, the banners of the Pope, King Louis, and Defeat of Paolo Orsini were blessed with great pomp and ceremony, and, Ijadisias at on April 28, John had the proud satisfaction of seeing the Secca. strongest force that Italy could raise set forth to drive Ladislas '*' ' from the throne of Xaples. The chief leaders of condottieri had all been won over by John to the side of Louis ; and the Neapolitans heard with terror that the four best generals of the world ' — Braccio da JNIontone, Sforza da Cotignola, Paolo Orsini, and Gentile da Monterano — were marching against them. Ladislas advanced to Rocca Secca and took up a strong position on the heights above the little river JNIelfa. Louis pitched his camp opposite, and for eight days the two armies faced one another. At last, on the evening of jNIay 19, the troops of Louis crossed the river in the evening and fell upon the enemy un- expectedly as they were at supper. The rout was complete ; many of the chiefs were taken prisoners in their tents ; Ladislas ' Gwriutli Xajiolittini, Mur., xxi. lU7o : ' I quattri capitanei mij^liori del mondo.' 240 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK with difficulty escaped to San Germano ; all his possessions fell . I' ^ into the enemies' hands. Premature John XXIII. received with joy the news of this victory, johiT^^ °^ which was soon followed by trophies from the battle-field — the xxiil. standards of Ladislas and Gregory ; he caused them to be hung from the Campanile of S. Peter in derision. Nor was this enough to gratify his pride ; on May 25, he rode with his Cardinals, followed by all the clergy and people, to the Church of San Giovanni in Laterano. Four archbishops and bishops bore the holy relic of the head of S. John Baptist ; and with strange incongruity the procession was brought up by the banners of Ladislas and Gregory trailed in the dust. The wiser members of the Curia looked with disgust on this premature display of insolent triumph, which was neither judicious nor befitting the Head of the Chm-ch. Their feeling was well founded, for it soon appeared that though Louis' victory was complete, he did not know how to use it. After the battle his generals did not agree ; Sforza m-ged the immediate pursuit of Ladislas ; Orsini exclaimed that enough had been done for one day ; the soldiers meanwhile betook themselves to plunder the camp. Delay was fatal, as the prisoners were enabled to negotiate their ransoms and even buy back their arms from the victors. Ladislas himself said that on the day of the battle the enemy were masters both of his person and of his kingdom ; the next day, though they had missed him, they might have seized his kingdom ; the third day they could neither take him nor his kingdom. In fact, Ladislas bought back his army from the needy soldiers of Louis, and again manned the defiles which led towards Naples. In the camp of Louis there were contentions between the generals, want of food, sickness, and clamours for pay. On July 12, Louis retm^ned with his victorious army to Kome, having gained nothing. Men began to see that his cause was hopeless ; and when, on August 3, he took ship on the Eipa Grande to return to Provence, none of the Roman nobles, who had been so obsequious to him on his arrival, thought it worth while to escort him on his departure.* • DiarUim Antonii IVrri (iVIur., xxiv. 1017): ' Sciatis quod nullus ex Bai-oni- " bvis Urbis sociavit cum in recessu : et de hoc ego Antonius Petri fui valdc luiratus, quia quando inlravit Urbcm, omncs Baroncs fucrunt cum co ia societatem.' STEAITS OF JOHN XXIII. 241 They were right in their judgment : Louis died in 1417, fiiAP. without making any further attempts on the Neapolitan . J^ ^^^' . kingdom. John XXIII. had been entirely disappointed of his hopes Dissolution when they seemed >on the very verge of attainment. More- p^g^^ over, by moving to Eome to help Ladislas, he lost Bologna, leafruc Scarcely had he left it when, on May 12, the cry was raised Ladisia?. ' Viva il popolo e le Arti ; ' the Cardinal of Naples, who had been ^^ ^'^ ' left as legate, was driven out, the people elected their own magistrates, set up again their old republican form of government, and vigorously repulsed Carlo Malatesta, who had fomented the rising in hopes of gaining possession of the city.' Kefore this also Ladislas had managed to detach Florence and Siena from their league with the Pope, by selling to the Florentines Cortona, and saving their honour by the easy promise that he would not occupy Rome nor any other place in the direction of Tuscany. John XXIII. found himself left alone to face Ladislas, who was smarting under the sense of his late defeat. Of coiucse he excommunicated him, deprived him of his kingdom and proclaimed a crusade against him ; but these did Ladislas little harm. John's only hope was in the fidelity of the condottieri generals who were in his pay, and he soon found how slender were his grounds for trusting them. In May 1412 Sforza, who was carrying on the war in Naples, deserted the side of the Pope and took service with Ladislas. From this time forward Sforza becomes one of the chief itaiiau figures in Italian history. We have seen how Alberigo da ^^J.'^j°]||,\'^'^'' Jiarbiano was the first to form a soldier band of his country- Hawkwoud. men to take the place of the lawless companies of foreign mercenaries who had, since the decay of the citizen militia, made Italy their prey. The last and greatest of the foreign captains 'was an Englishman — Sir John Hawkwood, whose adventurous career was closed at Florence in 1394. The Florentines paid due honour to the great general, whose equestrian portrait, painted by the hand of Paolo L'^ccelli, one of the masterpieces of early realism in art, still adorns the south wall of the Florentine Cathedral.'- Though a skilful • .See his protest against Jolm, sent to Ijologna April 10, in Martene, Aiiq). Coll. viii. 120G. * The inscription runs : 'Johannes Acutus, eques Dritannicus, dux a;tatis VOL. I. K 242 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK. I. Early- career of the elder Sforza. soldier, Hawkwood, as might be expected, was merely an ad- ventm-er whose trade was plunder. His tenor of mind is well illustrated by a tale of the old Florentine story-teller, Franco Sacchetti. One day, when Hawkwood was at his castle of Mon- tecchio, two friars approached him with the usual greeting, ' God give you peace.' ' Grod take away your alms,' was Hawkwood's reply. The astonished friars asked why he answered thus. ' Why spake you as you did ? ' was the question : ' Sire, we thought that we said well.' ' How thought you that you said well,' exclaimed Hawkwood, ' when you wished that God might make me die of hunger ? Know you not that I live on war and that peace would undo me ? I live on war as you live on alms, and so I returned your greeting in like sort as you gave it.' Sacchetti adds that Hawkwood knew well how to cause that there should be no peace in Italy in his days. With the formation of native companies, warfare became more humane and pillage less terrible. The Italian soldiers were connected with their leaders by other ties than those simply of pillage. They were gradually brought under more systematic discipline, and became trained armies rather than troops of plundering adventurers. Alberigo da Barbiano did much to bring about this result, and the two great generals of the generation that followed his death in 1409 had both been trained under his command.^ The early life of Sforza is characteristic both of the man and of the times. Muzio Attendolo was born in Cotignola, a little town in the Eomagna, in 1369. He was of a peasant stock, and worked in the fields, when one day there passed a band of soldiers and enquired the way. Struck by his stal- wart aspect, one of them asked why he did not follow their example instead of pursuing his dreary toil. The peasant waited before replying, then, seeking for an augury, threw his hoe into a tree, resolving that if it fell to the ground he would take it again, if it remained in the tree he would follow the SUJB cautissimus ac rei railLtaris peritissimns.' The Italians called him Augut or Ao'uto; as the Italians reproduced the name plioneticallj', we see that Hawk- wood's soldiers pronounced liis name as would a cockney at the present day. ' On tlie subject of tlie Italian military system see Ricotti, Storia dellc Comparinic Antonius Petri (I\Iur. xxiv. 1032): lo sono Sforza, villano della Cotognola, traditore, Che dodici tradimenti ho fatti alia Chiesa, contro lo mio onore : Promessioni, capitoli, patti ho io rotti.' PEACE BETWEEN LADISLAS AND JOHN XXIII. 24o the Church. Ladislas on his part engaged to keep 1,000 chap. lances for the service of the Church, and undertook to treat . _ ^^_ . with Gregory XII. that he should renounce the papacy within three months on condition of being appointed Legate of the March of Ancona, receiving 50,000 ducats, and having three of his Cardinals confirmed in their office. If Gregory refused to accept these terms, Ladislas was to send him prisoner to Provence.' The position of both parties in j^is compact was equally disgraceful : each of them gave up an ally to whom he was bound by the most solemn engagements, and who had en- dm-ed much for his sake ; each threw to the winds all consider- ations of honom-. Ladislas for his part tried to make his change of attitude towards Gregory as little ignominious as might be; he called a synod of Bishops and theologians at Naples, before which he laid a statement of the doubts which beset him about the validity of supporting Gregory when other princes had accepted John. The synod of course declared its willingness to abandon Gregory, and on October 16 Ladislas wrote to John XXIII. announcing that by the ' grace of the Holy Spirit ' he recognised him as lawful pontiff.^ He sent a message to Gregory at Gaeta, ordering him to leave his dominions in a few days. Gregory, whose suspicions had been quieted by the express as- surance of Ladislas that they were unfounded, had taken no measures to provide himself with a refuge. The chance arrival of two Venetian merchantmen on their homeward voyage gave him the means to flee. The citizens, who loved the Pope, bought up the cargoes of the ships that they might be at liberty to take him on board. He embarked on October 31, with the three Cardinals who still clung to him, of whom one was his ^regory nephew Gabriele Condulmier, who afterwards became Pope to Rimini. Eugenius IV. In dread of enemies and pii-ates he sailed round 1412!"^ Italy and reached the Slavonian coast ; thence five small boats brought him and his attendants to Cesena, where he was met by Carlo ^Nlalatesta and was conducted with all respect to Rimini. Carlo Malatesta was too high-minded to follow the example of Ladislas and abandon an ally in adversity. Though he knew that so long as Gregory was in his territory, he would be exposed to the incessant hostility of John XXIII. , he still did ' Marin Sanudo, Vite de* Dtichi di Venezia, in Mur. xxii. 868. * Letter in Kiiynaldiis, 1412, 2 : ' Invocata Sancti Spiiitus g ratia.* 246 THE GEEAT SCHISM. ]K)OK I. Council a Ifoiiio. I'clinmrv Mnrch lim. not hesitate to declare himself the sole supporter of the helpless wanderer. Carlo ]Malatesta is the only Italian who awakens our admiration by his honesty and integrity of purpose in endeavour- ing to end the schism of the Church. Meanwhile John XXIII. had felt himself so far bound by the promise of his predecessor to summon a Council for the purpose of carrying on the work of reformation of the Church begun at Pisa, that he issued a summons on April 29, 1411, for a Council to be held at Eome on April 1 in the following year. The summons, however, bore on the face of it marks that it was not meant to be taken in earnest.' The Pope narrated the necessity under which he was placed of coming to Eome, abused Ladislas, praised the advantages of Eome as the place for a Council, and excommunicated any one who hinders prelates from coming. With a vieAv of strengthening his hands, John, in June 1411, created fourteen new Cardinals, who were wisely chosen from amongst the most influential men in every king- dom ; amongst them were Peter d'Ailly, Bishop of Cambray, and two Englishmen — Thomas Langley, Bishop of Durham, and Eobert Hallam, Bishop of Salisbury. In the hazardous position of affairs at the beginning of 1412 the Council was deferred, and finally met on February 10, 1413.^ It was but scantily attended,^ as was natural, for no one believed that anything would be done, and nothing could be done in Eome at such a troubled time. It is said that the Pope used his soldiers to prevent those whom he did not trust from coming to the Council at all. The only thing which the Council did was to condemn the writings of Wiclif, which were solemnly burned on the top of the steps of St. Peter's.^ When some proposals were made to go further than this in the work of reforming the Church, Cardinal Zabarella rose and talked the matter out.' A ludicrous incident is chronicled about this ' See the letter in rnynalcTus, Mil, § 7. * Of this Council, about which very little is known, we gather the date of the commencement from Antonius Petri, p. ]0X^. Raynaldus puts it at the end of H12 ; but see ]\ransi's note. ■' Gobelinus Persona (Meibomius, i. 3:51) : ' Pn^ilatis non venientibus in copia quara rerura posccbat gravitas, illud concilium sine effectu sortiebatur.' * Vita JoJuuiuis XXJII., in IMuratori, iii. part ii. 8-tC. ■' Vifii .Muriiiiis XXITI., in Muratori, iii. part ii. 8-lG : ' Quum aliqua THE COUNCIL OF ROME, 1413. 247 Council, and the fact that it is recorded shows the horror with chap. which the Pope's character was regarded. One evening, while ._J^^^/^;, . the Pope was at vespers in his chapel, as the hymn ' Veni Crea- tor Spiritus ' was begun, came a screech-owl and settled on the Pope's head. ' A strange shape for the Holy Ghost,' said a Car- dinal, and tittered ; but John was dismayed. ' It is an evil omen,' said he, and those present agreed with him.^ The Council was soon dissolved on account of its numerical insignificance ; but John XXIII. did not dare to let all mention of a Council di'op. The University of Paris was too strong to be offended, and it still clung to the hope of a genuine reformation of the Church by means of a General Council. Moreover, Sigismund, the King of the Eomans, who had begun to take an interest in Italian affairs, listened to the representations of Carlo Malatesta and urged on John the summoning of a Council. Accordingly, in dismissing the few prelates who ventured to come to Kome, John issued a summons, on March 3,^ for a Council to be held in December in some fitting and suitable place of which notice was to be given in three months' time. He little thought that events would force him to keep his hypocritical promise. Ladislas of Naples had only made peace with John to gain l^^°®,°^ a short breathing-time for himself and drive the Pope out of Kome with greater ease. In the beginning of May his pre- parations were made, and he found adherents in plenty amongst the Romans themselves, who were groaning under John's exac- tions. The opportunity had come for wiping away the disgrace of the defeat of Eocca Secca, and for advancing once more his pretensions over the city of Eome. The scheme of forming an Italian kingdom floated before the eyes of Ladislas, as it had 'done before so many other Italian princes ; he, like the rest, proponebantur contra Papaa voluntatem, statirn surgebat Cardinalis Floren- tinus et faciebat sennonem longum ut propositiones pr^latorum imjaediret.' ' This incident produced a deep impression, which probably is due to John's later misfortunes. The accoimt of it is given by Niem in Meibom. i. 19, in the life of John in Muratori, iii. pt. ii. 846, and by Clemanges in Von de Hardt, i. pt. ii. 67, who says that he was told it by a friend who was present. He makes the incident much more marvellous : the owl fixes its gaze on the Pope and disconcerts him ; it comes on two successive days, and would not go away though beaten with sticks ; at last it was killed. The story did not lose by telling. = Raynaldus, 1413, ^ 16. 248 THE GEEAT SCHISM. BOOK I. The troops of Ladislns occupy Rome. June 141;^ found the States of the Chm-ch thrust like a wedge between North and South Italy. But the Papacy was less formidable than it had been in former times ; it no longer had its roots so deep in the politics of Europe as to be able to raise armies for its defence. Ladislas might hope to succeed where others had failed, and by repeated assaults on Rome, when occasion offered, destroy the prestige of the Papal power, and habituate the citizens to the idea of Neapolitan rule. When Rome had fallen, the only opposition which he need dread was that of Florence. In Alay Ladislas detached Sforza against Paolo Orsini, who was in the March of Ancona. Sforza, eager to pursue his hated rival, took Paolo Orsini by surprise and shut him up in Rocca Contratta. It was believed that the Pope was dissatisfied with Orsini, and had secretly betrayed him to Ladislas.' If so, Ladis- las caught the Pope in his own toils. He entered the Roman territory with an army (May 3) on the ground that, as the Pope proposed to leave the city for the purpose of holding a Council, it was necessary that he should provide for its protection during his absence. John XXIIL was helpless ; he could not trust his mercenaries ; the people hated him on account of his oppressive imposts ; the very members of the Ciu*ia were so suspicious of him that they were not sure whether the move- ments of Ladislas were made in concert with the Pope or not."^ At every step in the career of John XXIIL we find the same impression amongst those who saw him most, that for him iiny course was possible. As Ladislas drew nearer, John tried when it was too late to win the Roman people to his side. On Jime 4 he abolished his detested tax on wine ; next day he tried to galvanise into life the old Roman Republic, and solemnly restored to the citi- zens their old liberties and their old form of government. A comedy of exalted patriotism was performed between the Poj^e and the people. John pompously addressed them : ' I place you once more upon your feet, I entreat you to do what is for the good of the Church, and to be faithful now if ever. Fear not King Ladislas, nor any man in the world, for I am ready to die • Poggio, Hist. Flor., in Mnr. xx. 315. "^ Niem, in Meibomius, i. 21 : ' Et quia etiam dnbitabant si prasdicti hostes de ipsius Balthassaris voluntate ad urbem ipsam sic venissent.' OCCUPATION OF ROME BY LADISLAS. 249 with you in defence of the Chmch and the Eoman people.' chap. The citizens were not to be outdone in theatrical declamation : . ^ . ' Holy Father,' they answered, ' doubt not that the Eoman people is prepared to die with you in defence of the Church and your Holiness.' N^xt day (June 6) they held a Council in the Capitol and unanimously resolved, ' We Komans are deter- mined to feed on our own children rather than submit to the dragon of Ladislas ; ' ' a crowd of enthusiastic patriots announced this valiant resolution to the delighted Pope. Next day John left the Vatican and rode with his Cardinals to the palace of Count Orsini of Manupello on the other side of the river; he wished to take up his abode in the city to declare his confidence in the people. But on the night of June 8, the troops of Ladislas broke down part of the wall of the church of S. Croce in Gerusalemme, and, led by the condottiere Tartaglia, entered the city. They did not ventm'e to advance in the night, and in the morning the citizens did not venture to attack them. Patriotism and enthusiasm were too precious in word to be rudely expressed in deed. The cry was raised, ' King Ladislas and Peace ! ' no opposition was made, and Tartaglia was in pos- session of Eome. John XXIII. did not think it wise to expose his patriotism Flight of to a ruder shock than did the Eomans. As soon as the news xxiil. to of Tartaglia's entry reached him, he hastened to leave Eome Florence, with his Cardinals by the gate of St. Angelo, and hurried toward Sutri. The horsemen of Ladislas pursued the unhappy fugitives, whose age and luxmious habits made them unfit for a hasty flight in the mid heat of summer ; many were plundered and ill-treated, even the Pope's mercenaries took part in plunder- ing instead of protecting them ; many died on the way of thirst. Old men who could rarely endure to ride even for exercise before were seen running on foot to save their lives.- Even in Sutri John did not think himself safe, but pressed on in the night to Viterbo, and, after a rest of two days, to Montifia scone. It was harvest time, and the peasants were fearful for their crops if Ladislas was to march in pursuit of the Pope. John did not ' These details are given bj' an eye-witness, Antonins Petri, Mur. xxiv. 1035. ^ See the description of the flight by Xiem, who shared in it, in IMeibomius, i. 21. 250 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Career of Sigisniund. Sigismund and Italian affairs. tliink it wise to trust to their loyalty, but passed to Siena on June 17, and thence, on June 21, to Florence. Even Florence was not prepared to quarrel with Ladislas without due delibera- tion ; the Pope was not admitted inside the city at first, but was lodged in the monastery of S. Antonio outside the Porta San Grallo. There he abode till the beginning of November, hearing the news of the entire subjugation of Kome by Ladis- las, whose triumphant army advanced northwards through the States of the Church. In vain John wrote melancholy letters to the princes of Christendom detailing the enormities of Ladislas, and imploring their help. The only one who lent an ear to his complaints was Sigismund, King of the Eomans. Sigismund had reached this dignity at the age of forty-three, after an adventurous life, in which he had generally played an ignominious part. He plunged while still a youth into the troubles of Hungary, of which he claimed the kingdom through his wife ; to raise money for his Hungarian adventures he pledged Brandenburg to his cousin Jobst ; he led an Hungarian army in the ill-fated expedition against the Turks, which ended in the disastrous defeat of Nico- polis ; his Hungarian subjects rebelled against him and even made him prisoner ; his attitude towards his worthless elder brother Wenzel was one of cautious self-seeking which had no- thing heroic. The circumstances which preceded his election as King of the Eomans were not such as to redound to his credit. He was a needy, shifty man, always busy, but whose schemes seemed to lack the elements of greatness and decision which are necessary for success. On his accession to the dignity of King of the Romans, Sigismund recognised that an opportunity was offered of making a fresh start. The teaching of experience had not been thrown away upon him. He had learned that the cruelty by which he had alienated his Hungarian subjects was unprofitable ; he had learned to restrain his immoderate sensual appetites ; he had learned that a policy of peace was better than one of continual war. He set himself to realise the duties of his new position, to vindicate the old glories of the Imperial dignity, to seek- the peace and well-being of Christendom, to labour for the unity of the Church. With many failings, with a ludicrous in- congruity between his pretensions and his resources, Sigismund SIGISMUND AND JOHN XXIII, 251 nevertheless nourished a lofty ideal, which he perseveringly chap. and conscientiously laboui'ed to carry out. . ._ . '_ . When he was elected King of the Komans, Sigismund was involved in a dispute with Venice about the possession of Zara on the Dalmatian «oast ; the republic had bought it from Ladislas, as King of Hungary, without enquiring into his title to sell it to them. As King of the Komans, Sigismund com- plained of the infringement of the Imperial rights by the Venetian conquests on the mainland. If he were to go to Rome for coronation as Emperor, he must command an entrance into Italy through Friuli, which Venice had seized. War against Venice was undertaken in 1411 ; Sigismund's forces were at first successful, but Carlo jMalatesta, fighting for the Venetians, cliecked their advance and the war lingered on without any decisive results. John XXIII. in vain attempted to mediate. At last exhaustion caused both parties to wish for a truce, which was concluded on April 17, 1413. Sigismund then proceeded into Lombardy, in hopes of gaining back from INIilan some of the lost possessions of the Empire. But he came too late; Lombardy, after a disastrous period of disunion which followed on the death of Gian Galeazzo Visconti in 1402, had again become united in 1412, under Filippo Maria Visconti, after the violent death of his two brothers. So strong was Filippo ISIaria's position that Sigismund found it impossible to gain strong enough allies to attack him. But if he was disappointed in his hopes of gaining glory by an attack on ]Milan, fortune threw in his way the more lofty undertaking of directing the fortunes of the Church. The Empii-e, which had fallen from its lofty pre- tensions and saw its old claims one by one ignored, was yet to find itself in the hands of Sigismund hailed once more by Christ- endom as the restorer of the Church and arbiter of the Papacy. As Sigismund abode at Como, John XXIII., terrified by the john success of Ladislas, the coldness of Florence, and the sense of ^j^f^^Jf^j. his owTi helplessness, at last resolved to trust himself to the i^eip to King of the Romans, and submit to his condition of summon- ing a General Council. John saw the dangers of such a course, but trusted to his own capacity to overcome them ; it would be easy for a quick-witted Italian to find some means of eluding a promise made to a clumsy Teuton like Sigismund. His secre- tary, Leonardo Bruni, tells us how the Pope talked the question Sigisimind. 252 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Proclama- tion of the Council of Constance. October 30, 141:5. over with him.' ' The whole point of the Council,' he said, ' lies in the place, and I will take care that it is not held where the Emperor will be more powerful than myself. I will give my ambassadors the most ample powers, which they may openly show for the sake of appearances, but secretly I will restrict my commission to certain places.' Such was John's intention, and when the time came for the departure of his ambassadors, the Cardinals Challant and Zabarella, the Pope took them apart and discoursed with them long upon the momentous nature of their mission. He assured them how entirely he trusted their wisdom and fidelity ; he said that they knew better than him- self what ought to be done. Like many strong and eager natures, John's feelings were easily roused and he was easily carried away by them. Persuaded by his own eloquence, he abandoned all precaution : ' See,' he exclaimed, ' I had deter- mined to name certain places to which you should be bound, but I have changed my opinion and leave all to your prudence. Do you consider on my behalf what would be safe and what dangerous.' So saying, he tore in pieces the secret instructions which he had prepared, and dismissed his ambassadors to carry on their negotiations unfettered. ' This,' says Leonardo Bruui, ' was the beginning of the Pope's ruin.' When the Pope's ambassadors, accompanied by the learned Clreek scholar, Emmanuel Chrysolaras, met Sigismund at Como, he at once proposed to them Constance as the place for the meeting of the Council. In spite of their endeavours to fix some place in Italy he stood firm. He urged that Constance was admirably adapted for the purpose, being an imperial city, where he could guarantee peace and order ; in a central position for France, Germany, and Italy ; easy of access to the northern nations ; in a healthy situation on the shores of a lake ; roomy and commodious for the accommodation of crowds of visitors ; situated in the midst of a fertile region whence provisions could easily be obtained. These arguments admitted of no objection : the ambassadors were unprepared to find Sigismund .so decided. As he would not give way, they hesitated to break off negotia- tions, considering the helpless condition of the Pope and the, hopes which he placed in Sigismund's protection. Perhaps they had also a lingering wish for a Council which should be a reality, ' CommcntarUis, in I^Iuratori xix. 928. SUMMONS OF THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. 253 and were not sony to find themselves in a position to commit chap. the Pope to a decided step. At all events, in the Pope's name v_Z^_lL_. they accepted Constance as the place of a Council to be held in a year's time, on November 1, 1414. Sigismmid lost no time in making his trium^i known. Before the Pope could hear of the agreement that had been made, Sigismuud, on October 30, issued a letter announcing the time and place of the Council, summoning to it all princes and prelates, and premising that he would be there himself to provide for its full security and liberty.' John was thunderstruck when he heard what his legates had done ; he cursed his own folly for having trusted their dis- Conference cretion. He was keenly alive to the danger of putting himself xxnfand in Sigismund's hands ; but he had been irrevocably committed, Sigismund and his destitute condition gave him no hopes of escape. He December soon, however, recovered his courage and trusted to his own ^'^^°' skill to win over Sigismuud and prevail upon him to change the place fixed for the Council. For this purpose he sought a per- sonal interview, and early in November left Florence for Bologna, where he arrived on November 12. Bologna had soon grown tired of its republican rule ; the nobles had risen and put down the popular party, and the city returned to its allegiance to the Pope in August 1412. It was not, however, a safe place of refuge for him, as Carlo ]Malatesta, acting again in conjunc- tion with Ladislas, advanced into the Bolognese territory and threatened the city. John left Bologna, on November 25, for Lodi. Sigismund advanced to Piacenza to meet him, and they entered Lodi together, where they were entertained in royal state. John, however, found that all his artifices were of no avail to overcome Sigismund's intention ; he resisted all proposals to change the seat of the Council from Constance to some Lom- bard city. John was obliged to stand by the luckless under- taking of his legates, and with a heavy heiirt issued fi'om Lodi, on December 9, his summons to the Council to be held at Con- stance in the next November. Sigismund sent also summonses to Gregory XII., Benedict XIII., and the Kings of France and Arragon. Once more the old Imperial pretensions were revi\ed, and the rule of Christendom, by the joint action of the temporal and spiritual power, was set forward.^ ' Dated fi-om ' Villa vocata Tiglwl in volgari Vegui.^ In Von der Hardt, vi. 5. ' See letter in Von der Hardt, vol. vi. 7: 'Inter cnras varias nostris 254 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. John XXIII. and Sigis- mund at Lodi. Jan. 1414. At Lodi John and Sigismund stayed for a month in amicable relations, and celebrated with royal and papal pomp the festival of Christmas. From Lodi they passed on together to Cremona, then under the lordship of Gabrino Fondolo, a man characteristic of the political condition of Italy in that age. He had won his way to the lordship of Cremona by the murder of his masters, the brothers Cavalcabo, whom he had instigated previously to assassinate their uncle, so as to acce- lerate their own accession to power. Now that he had the Pope and King of the Eomans in his city, his heart swelled with pride and he wished to immortalise himself.^ The thought flashed through his mind that he might do a deed which would make his name more renowned than that of Em- pedocles : he had in his power the two heads of Christendom, and if he put them to death the exploit would give his name an undying memory. One day, when he had taken his distinguished guests to the top of the Torrazzo, the campanile of the Duomo of Cremona, famous as being the loftiest tower in Italy of that date, he felt a powerful temptation to hurl them down as they were unsuspiciously feasting their eyes on the splendid panorama of the fruitful plain of Lombardy watered by the Po and closed in by the mountain chains of the Alps and Apennines. The news that the Venetian ambassador Tommaso Mocenigo, who had come to Cremona to greet the Pope, had been elected Doge of Venice, put a third noble victim in Fon- dolo's hands. Though he resisted the temptation at the time, so strongly had the idea impressed itself on his imagination that, eleven years later, when his blood-stained career was cut short, and he was put to death by the Duke of Milan, he looked back regretfully on the opportunity which he had missed. When he reflected on the barren results of his adventurous Hfe, he con- fessed the project which he had once entertained of gaining immortality, and grieved that he had not had the courage to carry it into execution.^ So powerful a motive was the desire for fame, however accjuired, to the wild and soaring characters proccssibus inllnenles sollicitudo qiiolidiana nos cxcrcel qualiter gcncrali bono statuitotinspopnli Christ iani multifarie multisque modisnostris tcmpori-- bus proficere valcamus.' > Chron. Eugvh., in Mur. xxi. OoS. « lhUl.\ and Campo, Cremona Jlddissima Citta, bk. iii. DEATH OF LADISLAS. 255 which the plastic nature and adventurous politics of the Italian chap. States had developed. ~J^^^^'_^ Though neither John nor Sigismund knew the extent of the Advance of danger which they had run, yet they did not feel comfortable in ilfl^ ^^' the hands of Fondolo.' John passed on to JNIantua on January 16, to see if any help could be gained from Giovanni Francesco Gonzaga. There he stayed for a month, and went to Ferraraon February 16, where he won over to his side the Marquis Niccolo d'Este, whom Ladislas had tried to bribe. On1*'ebruary 26 he arrived in Bologna, where he intended to make his position se- cure ; he restored the castle of Porta Galliera, and raised round it an earthwork surmounted by a palisade. There was need of John's precautions, for the implacable Ladislas was moved to anger at the news of John's negotiations with Sigismund. He declared in wi-ath that he would drive him out of Bologna as he had driven him out of Home. On INlarch 14 Ladislas entered Eome with his army, and showed his haughty contempt for all things human and divine by riding into the Church of St. Giovanni in Laterano, where the priests brought forth their holiest relics — the heads of S. Peter and S. Paul — and humbly displayed them to the King, who remained seated on his war- horse. After a month's stay in Rome he moved northwards. Florence, terrified at this advance, negotiated for peace, which was concluded at Perugia on June 22, on condition that Ladislas proceeded no fm-ther. The interposition of Florence, which dreaded a disturbance so near her own territory, saved John for the time. Ladislas slowly retired towards Eome, smitten with a mortal Death of disease, the results of his own debauchery. He was borne in a August 6, litter to S. Paolo outside the walls, and thence to the sea, ^^'^" where a galley canied him to Naples. With him he took in chains Paolo Orsini, against whom he had conceived some sus- picion. He pm-posed to have him put to death at Naples, but did not live long enough to carry his purpose into effect. His sister, Giovanna, who was his successor, judged it better to spare so useful a general, and Ladislas was soothed in his last hours by the false belief that his sanguinary commands had been ' Redusius, Chron. Tarvisinum, in Mur. xix. 827: 'In illorum mentem incidit quod apud infidum hospitem reperirentiu', et deliberaverunt insalutato hospite abire quam presto et ad propria remeare. Sicque factum est.' 256 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK executed.' He died on August 6, and the body of this mighty / _. King was hurriedly buried by night, unhonoured and ungi-aced, in the church of S. Giovanni Carbonara, which he had himself restored and enlarged. The monument of Ladislas raised by his sister, Queen Griovanna II., is one of the grandest monumental works of Italian sculpture, and gives a powerful impression of the desire felt by Italian princes to commemorate their name and their achievements. Striving after massive grandeur, the sculptors wlio worked in Naples created no new form of monu- ment, but magnified into a vast piece of architect ui'e the simple conception of the effigy of the dead reclining on a slab, which for convenience was raised from the ground and received an ornamental base. The whole east end of the church behind the high altar is filled with the tomb of Ladislas. Colossal figures of virtues support an architrave which holds the inscrip- tion ; above that are seated in a niche figures of Ladislas and Griovanna II., with crown, sceptre, and imperial eagle, in royal state dispensing justice. Above that rises another tier holding the sarcophagus of Ladislas, from before whose sculptured figure two angels, in the Tuscan fashion, are softly drawing the cur- tains which shroud the dead. On the top of the arch which closes the sarcophagus stands an equestrian statue of Ladislas, drawn sword in hand, in such guise as often he led his men to battle. Character The barbaric vastness and luxuriance of the tomb of Ladislas, of Ladislas. ^-^j^ ^^-^ inscriptions, ' Divus Ladislas,' ' Libera sidereum mens alta petivit Olympum,' is characteristic of the man and of the time. Ladislas had the strong will and the strong arm of a born ruler. He reduced to order and obedience the turbulent barons of Naples by playing off against one another the rival factions of Anjou and Durazzo. His plan of secularising the \ States of the Church, as the first step towards forming a great \ Italian kingdom, was one which long floated before the eyes of the more adventurous politicians of Italy. He was an excellent general, a man of unfailing resolution and boundless daring. But his character was barbarous and brutal, he was alike desti- tute of religion and morality ; neither in public nor private life ' Giornnli Napolitani, in I\hir. xxi. 1U7G : *E sempre diceva: "E' vivo Paolo 1 menatelo qui, clie r voglio uccidere io di mia mano." E la sera se chiam6 la sovclla c Ic ordino chc facesse subito iicciderlo ; e la sorella li dissc cho gii\ era niorto, c cosi riposu da qnella an.sia.' RECOVERY OF ROME FOR THE POPE. 2.57 was he guided by any consideration of honour, and no means cnAi'. were too base or treacherous for him to employ. So long as he ^*"' . lived, all Italy was in terror of his ambitious schemes ; when he died and his power passed into the hands of his foolish and pro- fligate sister Griovanna II., the Italian cities began to breathe again with a new sense of freedom. On the news of the death of Ladislas, Rome rose against K<>mi' le- the Neapolitan senator and raised the old cry, 'Viva lopopolo ! ' the i''c'|.c!' Sforza hastened to put down the rising ; but the people raised ^,'"5'''"^^'" barricades in the streets and Sforza was compelled to retire. John XXIII.'s hopes had revived on the death of his dreaded foe, and he sent to Rome as his legate Cardinal Isolani of Bologna. The old republican feeling of Rome had been too far weakened to be sure of its own position ; on the legate's ap- proach the cry was raised, ' Viva lo popolo e la Chiesa ! ' and, on October 19, Isolani without a battle took possession of the city in the name of the Pope. Had this success occurred a month sooner John XXIII. would have returned to Rome instead of going to Constance ; as it was, it came too late, for his com-se had to be determined before he was sure of possessing Rome. For some time he hesitated to begin his journey to Constance ; but the Cardinals urged that his word was pledged, the sum- mons was issued, and it was too late to go back. He spoke of sending representatives to the Council and going himself to Rome ; the Cardinals reminded him that a Pope should settle spiritual matters in person and temporal liiatters by deputy.' IMeanness and fear of danger were not amongst the faults of John XXIII. ; he still believed in his own power to cope suc- cessfully with difficidties, and he was attracted by the prospect of presiding over a Council gathered from the whole of Christen- dom. Before beginning his journey he obtained through Sigis- mund an undeitaking from the magistrates of Constance that he should be received with honour and recognised as the one true Pope ; that the Curia shoidd be respected and the Papal jurisdiction be freely exercised ; that he should be at liberty to remain in Constance, or withdraw at pleasure. His intention was to preside a few months over the Council and then return to Rome. On October 1, John XXIII. set out for Constance, travelling ' From Vatican M8. in Raynaldus, 1414, No. G. Vol. I. S 258 THE GREAT SCHISM. BOOK I. Journey of John XXIII. to Constance. October 1414. through Verona and Trent. There he met Frederick Duke of Austria, who was no friend of Sigismund, and saw many advan- tages to be gained by an alliance with the Pope. John was eager to form a party, and at Meran, on October 15, appointed Frederick Captain-Greneral of his forces, and honorary chamber- lain, with a yearly pension of 6,600 ducats. PVederick was lord of much of the temtory that lay round Constance, and John had the caution to assm-e himself of an ally who could aflford him refuge or give him means of escape if need should be. Moreover, Frederick was related by marriage to the Duke of Burgundy, who had a strong motive for preventing the Council from sitting long, as he knew that the Gallican party intended to press a question which closely concerned his own honour. From Meran the jom'ney was tedious and perilous. On the Aiiberg the Pope's carriage broke down and he was tumbled in the snow ; when his attendants anxiously enquired if he was hurt, he made the unchristian answer, ' Here I lie in the devil's name.' When he reached the summit of the pass and looked down upon the Lake of Constance girt in by moun- tains and hills, he exclaimed with a shudder, ' A trap for foxes ! ' ' At last the perils of the journey were over and its sweets begun ; but, true to his policy of making useful friends, John XXIII. conferred on the Abbot of Kreuzlingen, a monastery just out- side the walls of Constance, the privilege of wearing a mitre. On October 28, he made his entry into Constance attended by nine Cardinals and followed by six hundred attendants ; he was received by the city magistrates with all due pomp and reverence. ' Keiclientlial, 13 : ' 8ic capiuiilur vulpes.' BOOK 11. THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. 1414-1418. 261 CHAPTER I. . THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE AND JOHN XXHI. U14_U15. At the time of the assembling of the Council of Constance there chap. was a widespread and serious desire throughout Europe for a ;; , reformation of the ecclesiastical abuses which the Schism had ^^^^^^ desire for forced into such luxuriant growth : not only was unity to be reform of restored to the headship of the Church, but a remedy must also be found for the evils which beset the entire body. The gross extortions of the Pope and Cm-ia must be checked and their oc- casion done away. The Papal invasion of ecclesiastical patron- age all over Christendom must be stojjped. The ordinary machinery of Church government, which had been weakened by the constant interference of the Pope, must be again restored. The clergy, Avhose knowledge, morahty and zeal had all declined, must be brought back to discipline, so that their waning influ- ence over earnest men might be re-established. If we would understand aright the force of the feelings Testimony that made the Papacy hateful, till the hatred broke out into ^^,?J^^"'=^ open revolt, it is worth while to gatlier a few of the impassioned utterances of this time. Dietrich Vrie, a German monk who went to Constance, in a Latin poem more remarkable for its vigour than its grace, puts the following language into the mouth of the disconsolate Chm'ch : ' The Pope, once the wonder of the world, has fallen, and / with him fell the heavenly temples, my members. Now is the reign of Simon INIagus, and the riches of this world prevent just judgment. The Papal Court noiurishes every kind of scandal, 262 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK ir. Testimonj' of Nicolas (le 01^- maiiKes. and turns God's houses into a market. The sacraments are basely sold ; the rich is honoured, the poor is despised, he who gives most is best received. Golden was the first age of the Papal Court ; then came the baser age of silver ; next the iron age long set its yoke on the stubborn neck. Then came the age of clay. Could aught be worse ? Aye, dung, and in dung sits the Papal Court. All things are degenerate, the Papal Court is rotten ; the Pope himself, head of all wickedness, plots every kind of disgraceful scheme, and, while absolving others, hurries himself to death.' ^ Vrie's ' History of the Council of Constance ' begins with a denunciation of the simony, the avarice, the ambition, and the luxury of the Pope, the Bishops, and the entire clergy : ' What shall I say of their luxury when the facts themselves cry out most openly on the shameless life of prelates and priests ! They spare neither condition nor sex ; maidens and married men and those living in the world are all alike to them.' ^ ' Benefices,' he complains, ' which ought to provide alms for the poor have become the patrimony of the rich. One holds eighteen, another twenty, a third twenty-four ; while the poor man is despised, his knowledge and his holy life are of no account. An infant newly born is provided by his careful parents with ecclesiastical benefices. " We will hand him over," say they, " to such a Bishop who is our friend, or whom we have served, that we may be enriched from the goods of the Lord, and our inheritance be not divided amongst so many children." Another is nurtured with more than fatherly affection by some dean or provost, that he may succeed him — is nurtured in luxury and sin. Another, perhaps the son of a prince, is worthy of an archdeaconry, much more so if he be a bishop's nephew. Another eagerly seeks a place on every side, flatters, cringes, dissembles, nay, does not blush to beg, crawling on hands and knees, provided that by any guile he may creep into the patrimony of the Crucified One.' ^ If these utterances of Vrie be thought rhetorical, the more sober spirit of Nicolas de Clemanges, doctor of the University of Paris, and Secretary to Benedict XIII., gives no very different account. ' Now-a-days in undertaking a cure of souls no ' Von der Hardt, T. part i. 1 1 . 2 JMd. p. 69. ' Ihifl. pp. 70-71. CORRUPTION OF THE CHURCH. 263 mention is made of Divine services, of the salvation or edification chap. of those entrusted to the priest's care ; the only question is ^ about the revenue. Nor do men count the revenue to be the value of the benefice to one who is resident and serves the Chm-ch, but what it will yield to one who is far away and per- haps never intends to visit it. No one obtains a benefice how- ever great his merits, without constant and repeated asking for it.* The Popes in their desire for money have drawn all man- ner of elections into their own hands, and appoint ignorant and useless men, provided they are rich and can afford to pay large sums. The rights of bishops and patrons are set at naught ; grants of benefices in expectancy are given to noPen who come from the plough and do not know A from B. The claims of the Popes for firstfruits, or the first year's revenues on presentation to a benefice, and other dues have become intolerable. Papal collectors devastate the land, and excommunicate or suspend those who do not satisfy their demands ; hence chm-ches fall into ruins, and the church plate is sold ; priests leave their bene- fices and take to secular occupations. Ecclesiastical causes are drawn into the Papal court on every kind of pretext, and judg- ment is given in favour of those who pay the most. The Papal Curia alone is rich, and benefices are heaped on Cardinals who devour their revenues in luxury and neglect their duties.' In this state of things, Clemanges proceeds, the chief care of the clergy is of their pockets, not of their flocks. ' They strive, scold, litigate, and would endure with greater calmness the loss of ten thousand souls than of ten thousand shillings. If by chance there arise a pastor who does not walk in this way, who despises money, or condemns avarice, or does not wring gold justly or unjustly from his people, but strives by wholesome ex- hortation to benefit their souls, and meditates in the law of God more than the laws of men, forthwith the teeth of all are whetted against him. They cry out that he is entirely senseless and unworthy of the priesthood ; he is ignorant of the law and does not know how to defend his rights, or rule his people, or re- strain them by canonical censures ; he knows nothing save idle preaching which is more fitting for friars who have none of the cares of temporal administration. The study of Holy Writ and its professors are openly tiu-ned to ridicule, especially by the ' De Ruina Ecclesice, Von cler Hardt, I. part iii. G. 264 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK Popes, who set up their traditions far above the Divine commands. ^ — The sacred and noble duty of preaching is held so cheap among lliem that they count nothing less befitting their dignity.' ' Episcopal jurisdiction is useless. Priests condemned for theft, homicide, rape, sacrilege, or any other serious offence are only condemned to imprisonment on a diet of bread and water, and are imprisoned only till they have paid enough money, when they walk away scot free. On the other hand, the Episcopal jmisdiction is eagerly extended over harmless rustics, ;ind summoners scorn- the land to pry out offences against canon law, for which the luckless victims are harassed by a protracted process and are driven to pay heavy fines to escape. Bishops do not hesitate to sell to priests licences to keep concubines. No care is taken to ordain proper persons to the priesthood. Men who are lazy and do not choose to work, but who wish to live in idleness, fly to the priesthood ; as priests, they frequent brothels and taverns, and spend their time in drinking, revelling, and gambling, fight and brawl in their cups, and with their polluted lips blaspheme the name of God and the saints, and from the embraces of prostitutes hurry to the altar.' ^ Bishops are rarely resident in their sees and are gener- ally engaged in political or temporal pursuits ; yet they are of such a character that their absence is better than their presence. Chapters and their canons are no better than bishops. Monks are undisciplined and dissolute, idle and good for nothing. The Friars on the other hand are active enough, but active only in rapacity and voluptuousness.^ Nunneries are so sunk in shame, so openly given up to evil, that it is scarcely possible to speak of them.'* Clemanges admits that there are some good men among the clergy, but ' scarcely one in a thousand sincerely does what his profession requires.' The Schism is the scourge of Grod on these abuses, and imless a reformation be wrought worse ills will follow and the Chmch will be destroyed. ' Von der Hardt, td sujjra, pp. 21-22. " Ibid. p. 26. * 1M4. 36. ' Mero se ac lautis epulis cum non suis uxoribus, licet sajpc cum suis i^arvulis, avide satiantes, cunctaquc libidinibus, quarum torventur ardore, polluentes.' ' IMd. p. 38. ' Nam quid, obsccro, aliud sunt lioc tempore puellarum raon- asteria, nisi quiudam non dico Dei sanctuaria, sed lascivorum et impudicoruni juvcnum ad libidines explendas receptacula ? Ut idem sit hodie puellam velare quod ad publice scortandum exponere.' PLANS OF REFOEM. 265 Denunciations to the same effect might be quoted from chap. writers of almost every land. Lamentations over the corruptions ^' _. of the Chm'ch were not confined to a few enthusiasts : men of 5**^^ ?f ^^^^ ' Councils high ecclesiastical position and of undoubted orthodoxy spoke aiithority. openly of the abuses which everywhere prevailed. It was not wonderful that heresy spread, that the doctrines of Wiclif and Hus made many converts. Men went to Constance with three I aims in view — to restore the unity of the Church, to reform \\\y in head and members, and to purge it of erroneous doctrines. \ These objects were to be attained by means of a General Council, though the exact scope of its power was yet to be determined. The foundation of the Council's authority w^s the theory that the plenitude of ecclesiastical power vested in the universal Church, whose head was Christ, and of which the Pope was the chief minister. The executive power in the Church rested gene- rally with the Pope ; but a Council had a concurrent jurisdiction in all important matters, a corrective power in case of abuses, and a power of removing the Pope in case of necessity. For these purposes a Council had a power of compulsion and of punishment against a Pope.' Such was the general result of the teaching of the Parisian theologians which had been turned into practice by the Council of Pisa. But the Parisian theologians did not wish to push these Sehemeof principles too far : in practice they only aimed at rescuing the reftmiieT" Papal primacy from the evils of the Schism, restoring its unity, regulating its powers, and then reinstating it in its former posi- tion. There was a school of German reformers who had a more ideal system before their eyes, who aimed at diminishing the plenitude of the Papal primacy, and making it depend on the recognition of the Chm'ch. Their views are fully expressed in a treatise written in 1410, most probably the work of Dietrich of Niem, who well knew the ways of the Koman Curia : ' About the means of unity and reforming the Church.' ^ Beginning from the Creed, the writer asserts his belief in ' one Catholic and Apostolic Church.' The Catholic Church consists of all who believe in Christ, who is its only Head, and it can never err : the Apostolic Chm-ch is a particular and private Church, con- sisting of Pope, Cardinals, and prelates ; its head is supposed ' See Hiibler, Bxe Constanzer Beformation, pp. 372-8. - In Von der Hardt, I. part iv. For the author.ship see Appendix. 266 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK to be the Pope, and it can err. The Catholic Church cannot be ^. — ^ — ' divided ; but for the sake of its members we must labour for the unity of the Apostolic Church, which stands to the Catholic Church as a genus to a species. As the object of all society is the common good, a Pope can have no rights as against the well-being of the Church. The Papal primacy has been won by guile, and fraud, and usurpation ; but the idea that a Pope cannot be judged by any is contrary alike to reason and Scripture. The Pope is a man, born of man, subject to sin, a few days ago a peasant's son ; how is he to become impeccable and infallible ? He is bound to resign or even to die if the common good should require it. The unity of the Church must be secured by the ab- dication of two of the three Popes, or, if it be necessary, by the compulsory abdication of all of them. Union with a particular Pope is no part of the faith of the Catholic Church, nor is it ne- cessary for salvation ; rather. Popes contending for their private good are in mortal sin, and have no claim on the allegiance of Christians. A Greneral Council represents the universal Church ; and when the question to be settled is the resignation of a Pope, it does not belong to the Pope to summon the Council, but to prelates and princes who represent the community. The Pope is bound to obey such a Council, which can make new laws and rescind old ones. The Council must make a general reform in the Church, must sweep away simony, and amend the ways of Pope, Cardinals, prelates, and other clergy. For this purpose it must limit the power of the Pope who has invaded the rights of Bishops, drawn all matters to the Curia, and overthrown the original constitution of the Church.* The authority of the Pope must be reduced to its ancient limits, the abuses of the Cardinals must be checked, and the prelates and clergy puri- fied. The writer of this treatise admits that there are many ' Von der Hardt, I. part iv. 90. ' Quam quidem coactivam potestatera multi summi Pontiliccs per s\icoessiones temporam et €ontra Deum et jiisti- tiam sibiapplicarunt,]irivando inferioresEpiscopospoteptatibiis et antoritatibiis, eis a Deo et ecclesia conccssis : qiii in primitiva ecclesia a^qnalis potet;tatis cum papa erant, quando non fnerunt papales beneficiorum reservationes, non casuum episcopalium inhibitiones. . . . Tandem per tempora successive crescente clericorum avaritia et Papaj simonia, cnpiditate etambitione, potest as et antoritas episcoporum et praelatorum inferiorum quasi videtur exhansta et totaliter diruta. Ita ut jam in ecclesia non videntur esse nisi simulacra depicta et quasi frustra.' PLANS OF REFORM. 267 difficulties in the way — difficulties arising from self-interest and chap. conservative prejudice. A Council can only succeed if supported ^- by the Emperor who holds from God a power over the bodies of all men. The work concludes with defining the business of the Council to be, (1) the reincorporation of the members of the universal Church, (2) the establishment of one undoubted and good Pope, (3) limitation of the Papal power, (4) restoration of the ancient rights of the primitive Church, (5) provisions concerning Pope and Cardinals which may prevent future schism, and finally (6) the removal of all abuses in the govern- ment of the Church. Such was the large plan of the reformii^ party in Grer- many. It was to be decided in the Council assembled at Constance how much of it was to be carried into actual effect. The quiet city of Constance was now to be the centre of State of European politics, for the Council held in it was looked upon the opening as a congress rather than a synod. Every nation in Europe felt ?f^''^-, itself more or less helpless, and in need of assistance. Italy was in a condition of hopeless confusion ; the Greek Empire was in its decrepitude menaced by the Turks, whom Hungary also had just reason to dread; Bohemia was torn by civil and re- ligious discord ; the Empire was feeble and divided ; in France the madness of King Charles VI. gave an opportunity to the bloody feuds of the Burgundians and Armagnacs ; England had gathered strength a little under Henry IV., but was disturbed by the Lollards, and was on the brink of war with France. Europe was hopelessly distracted, and longed to realise its unity in some worthy work. The disunion of the ecclesiastical system was a symbol of the civil discord which everywhere pre- vailed. Men looked back longingly upon a more peaceful past, and Sigismund's appeal to old traditions met with a ready answer. The Council of Pisa had been an assemblage of prelates ; through Sigismund's participation the Council of Constance became the meeting place of all the national interests of Christendom. Slowly but sincerely all the wisest in Europe prepared to set their faces towards Constance. Men did not assemble at once. Till the last there had been 268 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK ir. Opening of the Council. November 5, 1414. First ses- sion. No- vember 16, 1414. doubts whether the Pope would come. In June came the Bishop of Augsburg, and the Count of Nellenburg, to make pre- parations on Sigismund's part ; it was not till August 12, that the Cardinal of Viviers arrived on behalf of the Pope and pre- parations were made in earnest. The magistrates and citizens of Constance set themselves diligentlj to work to provide lodgings, lay up stores of provisions, take measures for the safety and order of the city, and make all the numerous changes which were necessary to enable them to fulfil the honourable duty which had fallen upon them. At first, however, prelates arrived slowly, chiefly from Italy in obedience to the Pope. On Novem- ber 1, owing to the scanty attendance, John deferred the open- ing of the Council till the 3rd, and in so doing pronounced the Council to be a continuation of the Council of Pisa. On November 3, the opening was again deferred till the 5th, when the Pope with fifteen Cardinals, two Patriarchs, twenty-three Archbishops, and a good number of other prelates, solemnly opened the Council by a service in the cathedral, after which the first session was fixed for the 16th. Now that the Council had begun, arrivals became more fi'e- quent, still chiefly from Italy, whence the good news of the recovery of Eome filled the Pope's heart with joy. Meanwhile the theologians were busy in drawing up proposals for the pro- cedure of the Council. They suggested that proctors and pro- moters be appointed as at Pisa, who should lay matters before the Council ; besides them was to be chosen a number of doc- tors who between the sessions should receive suggestions and determine the form in which business should be brought for- ward. It was generally agreed that the first question should be the restoration of the unity of the Church by procuring, if pos- sible, the abdication of Gregory XII. and Benedict XIII. At the first session on November 16, John XXIII. preached a sermon on the text, ' Speak ye every man the truth ; ' after which a Bull was read detailing the circumstances of the summoning of the C/Ouncil, and its connexion with the Councils of Pisa and Rome, exhorting the members to root out the eiTors of Wiclif and re- form the Church, and promising to all entire freedom of consul- tation and action. Nothing more was done that day. As yet the Pope and the Council were watching each other, and no one was ready to take a decided step. Those amongst the ber 7.1414 GROWTH OF OPPOSITION TO JOHN XXIII. 269 Germans and Italians, who wished something to be done, were waiting for the French and English prelates to lead them.' With the arrival of Peter d'Aillj, Bishop of Cambrai, on signs of November 17, begins the first formation of an opposition to to John"'" the Pope, which a trivial incident soon brought to light. On xxiii. November 18, lodgings were prepared in the Augnstinian mon- 17-Decem- astery for the Cardinal of Kagusa, legate of Grregory XII. Ac- cording to custom the legate's arms were put up above the door, and with them the tu-ms of Gregory XII. On the following night the arms were ignominiously torn down, without doubt by the orders of John XXIII. This overt action awoke at once a feeling among the members of the Council, and a congre- gation was called to consider the matter. It was urged that Gregory, having been deposed by the Council of Pisa, could not have any claim to be acknowledged as Pope ; but the general opinion was against any decision on this broad ground ; and merely agreed that the arms should not be replaced because Gregory XII. was not himself present, but only his legates. Soon after this, on November 28, came a letter from Sigismund telling of his coronation at Aachen and announcing his speedy arrival at the Council. John was compelled in courtesy to an- swer by a letter urging him to come as soon as possible; but he was ill at ease. His plans for managing the Council did not seem to prosper. He had hoped to overbear opposition by the multitude of Italian bishops dependent on himself ; but this in- tention was so openly displayed that the Council, in spite of John's efforts to the contrary, began to talk of organising itself by nations, so as to do away with the numerical preponderance of the Italians, and allow each separate kingdom to bring forward its own special grievances. Indeed, John was not a skilful diplomat ; he could not disguise his uneasiness and was too transparent in his intrigues. He gained secret information from his partisans of everything that was being talked about, and then was not discreet enough to keep his own counsel. The opposition between the Pope and the Council was day by day increasing, and he was anxious to have a secure position before Sigismund came. ' ' Apud aliquos erat morbus XoH me taiujerc. Illi autem qui ao-ere cupiebant prse absentia Gallicorum et Anglicorum, in quibus apud omnes maxima spes erat, tangere non audebant.' Von der Hardt, II. part viii. IS'J. 270 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. Accordingly in a congregation of Cardinals and prelates held in the Pope's palace, though in the Pope's absence, on December 7, the Italian or Papal party brought forward a schedule to regulate the business of the Council. This schedule laid down that matters concerning the faith were to take precedence over other matters ; that the first step should be to confirm the acts of the Council of Pisa and empower the Pope to proceed against Gregory XII. and Benedict XIII. if possible by compact, if not by force ' ; that the Pope should summon a General Council every ten years, should abolish simony, and agree to a few obvious re- gulations. The object of this proposal was to recognise the acts of the Council of Pisa, so far as the deposition of Gregory and Benedict was concerned, but to give the Coimcil of Constance an independent existence so far as regarded the reformation of the Church. Questions relating to faith, the opinions of Wiclif and Hus, were first to be discussed, and no doubt they would take up time enough till the Council dissolved and all discussions of reforms except on a few trivial points might be again put off. This proposal of the Italians was opposed by Peter d'Ailly and other French prelates, who objected that the present Council was a continuation of the Council of Pisa for the purpose of proceeding with the union and reformation of the Church ; until that had been accomplished it must rest on the basis of the Pisan Council and could not confirm it : whoever spoke of dissolving or proroguing this Council was a favourer of schism and heresy. A third proposal was made by four of the old Cardinals which was directly aimed against the Pope. It set forth bluntly and straightforwardly the reforms which were needed in the Pope's household and personal conduct. The Pope, it laid down, ought to have fixed hours in the day for religious duties which ought not to be slurred over nor neglected ; he must show dili- gence in business, and avoid simony ; he should appear in public in Papal attire, and should conduct himself with gravity in word and gesture ; ^ he must take care that the Papal dignity be not counted cheap in the eyes of the nations flocking to the Coun- cil, and must remember the saying that ' careless masters make lazy servants ; ' he should not waste his time in idle talk with irresponsible persons, but should act with proper advice, regulate • ' Per viam tractatus ' or ' per viain facti.' Von d(!r Hardt, iv. 24. * ' Romanus poiitifox debet so cxliibcro semper in habitu pajiali, et nnilta gravitate in vcrbo ct gcstu.' Von der Hardt, iv. 25. PKOPOSAL OF D'AILLY. 271 everything that goes on in the Council, and honestly work with CHAP, it. There was certainly no want of plain speaking ; and John . might have perceived, had he been wise, how dangerous was his position between those who, like Peter d'Ailly, wished to set to work at the reformation of the Church, and those who were convinced that no reformation of the Church was possible till there had been a very decided reformation in the Pope. No conclusion was arrived at from this discussion; but a few Proposal of days later D'Ailly i» a general congregation in the Pope's pre- December sence read a memoir in favour of proceeding mildly against Gre- '^'^^'^■ gory and Benedict as the sm-est way of promoting the cause of union. Kesignation ought to be made easy to,- them in every way ; a committee might be appointed by the Council chosen from the different nations to confer with them and arrange terms for their resignation. This view of D'Ailly's was vehemently attacked both by those who were partisans of John XXIII. and by those who wished to maintain to the letter the authority of the Pisan Council. D'Ailly answered the arguments of both parties, and in so doing laid down a principle which was fruitful in later times. ' Although the Pisan Council,' he said, ' is believed with probability to have represented the universal Church which is ruled by the Holy Spirit and cannot err ; still every Christian is not bound to believe that that Council could not err, seeing that there have been many former Councils, ac- counted general, which, we read, have erred. For according to some great doctors a General Council can err not only in deed but also in law, and, what is more, in faith ; for it is only the universal Church which has the privilege that it cannot err in faith.' ' To meet the general suspicion with which the proceed- ings of the Council of Pisa were regarded, D'Ailly laid down the weighty principle that the faith of Christendom was to be found ' Licet Concilium Pisanum probabiliter credatur representasse universalem Ecclesiam, et vices ejus gessisse, qufe Spiritu Sancto regitnr et errare non poterit ; tamen propter hoc non est necessario concludendumquoda quocunque fideli sit tirmiter credendum qnod illud concilium errare non potuit, cum plura priora concilia fuerunt generalia reputata quaj errasse leguntur. Nam secundum quosdara magnos doctores, generale concilium potest errare non solum in facto, sed etiam in jure et, quod magis est, in fide. Quia sola univer- salis ecclesia hoc habet privilegium quod in fide errare non potest, juxta illud Christi dictum Petro, non pro se nee personali sua fide, sed pro tide universje ecclesiaj, " Petre, non deficiet fides tua." ' A''on der Hardt, ii. 201. 272 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Arrival of Sigisinund. December 25, 1414. Numbers present at the Council. graven on the heart of Christendom, and the infallibility of Councils was to depend on their decrees embodying the universal consciousness of the truth. These differences of opinion prevented any definite conclu- sion, and further proceedings were deferred till the arrival of .Sigisinund. The second session, which John had announced for December 17, was not held till March 2, 1415. On the morn- ing of Christmas day, amid the glare of torches, Sigismund arrived in Constance with his Queen, Barbara of Cilly, Queen Elizabeth of Hungary, the Countess of Wurtemberg, and Ku- dolph of Saxony. He scarcely had time to change his raiment before he made his first public appearance at early mass on Christmas morning. The Markgraf of Brandenburg bore the royal sceptre ; the Elector of Saxony the drawn sword, and the Count of Cilly the golden apple of the Empire. Sigismund acted as deacon at the mass, and read with majesty the Gospel, ' There went out a decree fi'om Caesar Augustus.' The Pope, after the mass was over, handed the King a sword, with a charge to use it in protection of the Church, which Sigismund swore to do. Sigismund had a love of pomp and outward magnificence, and had timed his arrival at the Council so as to gratify it to the full. Once having secured his position, he was sure to receive due respect afterwards ; the staunch adherents of the Council offered extravagant incense to the Imperial dignity.' He was addressed as a second Messiah come to ransom and re- store the desolate Church. Sigismund's arrival was the signal to all who had yet delayed to hasten their jom'ney to Constance. Day by day princes and prelates, nobles and theologians, from every court and every nation of Europe, had been streaming into the little town on the borders of the Boden See. 1^'rom Italy, France, and Crer- inany ; from England, Sweden, Denmark, Poland, Hungary, Bohemia, even from Constantinople, flocked the representatives of power and learning. In their train came a motley crew of sightseers and adventurers of every kind. The novels of the next generation show us how Constance was regarded as the metropolis of every kind of enjoyment, gallantry, and intrigue. ' See Vrie in Von dcr Hardt, \.,,jMiSKii)i, p. 8. ' Vcstra serenitas e serapliico flcmissa solio,' &c. There is no adoration so fulsome tliat Vrie docs not lavish it on Si":ismund. CONSTANCE DURING THE COUNCIL. 273 The number of strangers present in Constance chiring the Coun- cil seems to have varied between 50,000 and 100,000,' amongst whom were counted 1,500 prostitutes^ and 1,400 flute players, mountebanks, and such like. Thirty thousand horses were stalled in the city, beds were provided for thirty-six thousand men, and boys made fortunes by raking up the hay that fell from the carts which thronged the streets with fodder. Excellent pre- cautions were taken under the direction of the Pfalzgi-af Lewis for the supply of provisions and the maintenance of order. In spite of the crowd there was no lack of food, nor did the prices rise owing to the pressure. Two thousand men sufficed to pre- serve order, and the utmost decorum marked alFthe proceedings of the Council, though we read that during the session of the Council 500 men disapjjeared by drowning in the lake. This vast number of attendants lent splendour and magnifi- cence to all the proceedings, and gave an overpowering sense of their importance. The number of prelates was twenty-nine cardinals, three jiatriarchs, thirty-three archbishops, about 150 bishops, 100 abbots, 50 provosts, 300 doctors of theology, and 1,800 priests. More than 100 dukes and earls and 2,400 knights are recorded as present, together with 116 representatives of cities. The Pope's suite alone consisted of 600 horsemen, and a simple priest like Hus had eight attendants. The enumeration of such details shows both the pomp and luxury of the age, and also the surprising power of organisation which enabled a little city like Constance, whose ordinary population cannot have ex- ceeded 7,000, to accommodate so vast a multitude. The Council awaited Sigismund's arrival before deciding Sigismund what business was first to be taken in hand. John XXIII and ^•=^?P''^ 1^° • '^^*^' policy of the Italians wished to begin with the condemnation of Wyclif's ^"Aiib'- opinions and the trial of Hus ; the French, headed by Peter ' Tliere is naturally a difference in the computations. The fullest is in Von der Hardt, V. part ii. 11, &c., from Dacher. See too Reichental. 2 See Dacher's account of his census in Von der Hardt, V., Prolegomena 20 ; he counted up 700, and then begged to be excused the unpleasant task. One MS. given in p. 51 I.e. puts down 'xvc. meretrices vagabundse.' The same document contains the following entries :— ' Item dicitur quod una meretrix lucrata est viiic fiorenos. ' Item quidam civ-is Constantiensis vendidit uxorem suam Cancellariis Reois pro vc ducatis, pro quibus pecuniis emit domum. ' Item dicebatur quod plus quara vc homines de nocte in lacu submersi sunt.' VOL. I. T 274 THE COUNCIL OP CONST ANX'E. BOOK II. d'Ailly, wished to take in hand first the restoration of unity to the Church. In an Advent sermon, preached before Sigismund's arrival,' on the text, ' There shall be signs in the sun, and in the moon, and in the stars,' D'Ailly detined clearly the position and duty of the Council. The sun, he explained, represents the Papal majesty, the moon the Imperial power, the stars the different orders of ecclesiastics : in this Council all come together to represent the Universal Church. There must be one good Pope who lives rightly and governs well, not three in impious mockery of the Trinity : the Emperor with clemency and justice must carry out the decrees of the Council ; the clergy, summoned by the Pope, must assist him with their wis- dom. Three things are to be done. The past must be amended — that is, the Church must be reformed — the present must be duly ordered by attaining unity, and provision must be made for the future by wise precautions. Such was the policy which D'Ailly advocated with all his zeal and learning. He laid it down that there could be no real union without reformation, and no real reformation without union. Sigismund at once fell in with D'Ailly 's policy, and his first steps showed that he wished to proceed first with the restora- On December 29 he laid before the Council a statement of his embassies to Gregory XII., to Benedict XIII., and to the King of Aragon, and asked the Council to wait for the arrival of their envoys. On January 4, 1415, the question was discussed whether the envoys of the anti-popes were to be received as cardinals or no. John's faction strongly opposed the concession by the Council of any such distinction to the envoys of those who had been deposed at the Council of Pisa. Peter d'Ailly, true to his principle of proceeding with all possible gentleness, and throwing no hindrances in the way of a union, succeeded in carrying his point that they should be received in their cardinals' hats. This was a severe blow to John XXIII., and showed him that he had not much to expect from Sigis- mund's help. On January 12 the ambassadors of Benedict ' Von der Hardt, i. 436, dates tliis sermon 1417 : the contents show that this date is clearly wrong, as the sermon was preached soon after the opening of the Council in 1414. Other writers have regarded it as preached immediately after Sigismund's arrival, but Tscliackert {Peter von Ailli, Appendix, 47) pub- lishes a sermon preached on All Saints' Day 1416, in which this one is referred to as ' sermo dc ;idventn domini,' i.e. it was iircached in AdNCut 1411. Reception of the am- bassadors of Benedict ^{q^ of unity. XIII. and '' Gregory XII. January 1415. SIGISMUND SIDES WITH D'AILLY. 275 and Aragon proposed that Sigismund should advance to Nice, and there confer with Benedict and the King of Aragon about means to end the Schism ; to this request no answer was given at the time. On January 25 Gregory's ambassadors were honom-ably received by Sigismund and the Council, as they were under the protection of Lewis of Bavaria, who next day pre- sented a memoir undertaking, on behalf of himself and Gregory's adherents, to procure Gregory's abdication, and themselves join the Council, provide*d John did not preside, and Gregory was invited to attend. To this John's partisans answered that the abdication of Gregory and Benedict, according to the provisions of the Council of Pisa, was desirable, but thaifthe question of John's presidency could not be discussed, as he was the lawful Pope whom all were bound to obey, and he was willing to labour with all his power for the reformation of the Church. John XXIII. felt that the toils were closing round him. He had not been present at the assemblies for some time, but he was carefully informed of everything that passed. He was glad to find an opportunity of making a public appearance, and pre- side at the solemn ceremony of the canonisation of a saint. A Swedish lady, Briget, who instituted a new monastic order and died at Rome in 1373, had been canonised already by Bonifece IX. But as this had occurred during the time of the Schism, the representatives of the northern nations were desirous of having the authenticity of their countrywoman's title placed beyond dispute. The canonisation took place on February 1. A Danish archbishop, after mass was over, raised a silver image of the saint to popular adoration : the 'Te Deum ' was raised by those present, and the day closed with splendid festivities. But ceremonies and festivities did not prevent the expres- sion of what everyone had in his mind. It was clear that the union of the Church could only be accomplished by the resig- nation of all the three Popes, and the offer of Gregory's abdica- tion brought forward prominently the desirability of John's resignation as well. The first to break the ice and venture to express the general idea was Guillaume Filastre, a learned French prelate whom John had made cardinal. Filastre cir- culated a memoir in which he pointed out that the surest and quickest means of procuring union was the mutual abdication of all three Popes ; if this were so, John XXIII. was bound to T 2 CHAP. I. Canonisa- tion of S. Briget. February 1, 1414. Memoir of Cardinal Filastre, 276 THE COUN'CII. OF CONSTANCE. BOOK adopt that method ; for if llic Good Shepherd would lay down His . ^^- , life for His sheep, much more ought the Pope to lay down his dignities. If he was bound to do so, the Council might compel him to do so ; but he should first be asked humbly to adopt this course, and should be assured of an honourable position in the Church if he complied. Sigismund expressed his approval of this memoir, which was largely circulated, and soon reached the Pope, who had not expected to be attacked by his own Car- dinals, and was greatly enraged. Filastre, however, put on a bold face, visited the Pope, and assured him that he had acted to the best of his knowledge for the good of the Church. Filastre's memoir drew forth several answers, urging that the course which he proposed destroyed the validity of the Council of Pisa, and that it was unjust to rank a legitimate Pope with men who had been condemned as schismatics and heretics. In a matter of so great delicacy it was judged wise to proceed by means of written memoirs, and not to enter upon a public discussion till considerable unanimity had been obtained. Peter d'Ailly again came forward to defend the original scheme of the University of Paris and remove by subtle arguments founded on expediency the formal objections urged against John's resignation. He recognised John as the lawful Pope, and allowed the validity of all that had been done at Pisa ; but, he argued, the adherents of Benedict and Gregory do not agree, and all the arguments in favour of promoting imion by voluntary abdication, which were urged at Pisa, apply with still greater force when there are three Popes instead of two. In the proposal for John's abdica- tion, he is not ranked with the Popes who were deposed, but is set above these by being summoned to perform an ' act which is for the good of the Church. If he refuse, the Council, as re- presenting the Church, may compel him to lay aside his office, though no charge be made against him, simply as a means of Question of effecting the unity which the Church longs for.' • liKiitof John XXIIL now clearly saw the issue which lay before him, voting in •' . . the Coun j^Qt he still had hopes of escaping. INIemoirs might be circulated cil. ' These documents .ire all given in Von der llardl, II. pari viii. The posi- tion of the Pope as a minister, not the master of the Church, is emphatically declared. ' Ecclesia universalis . . . potest quemlibet, etiam summum ejusdcin Ecclesiie miiiistriim, per cujus persistentiam status universalis Ecclcsi;e turba- rctur, . . . ctiam sine culjia ministii, amovcre/ p. 223. ORGANISATION OF THE COUNCIL. 277 and discussions carried on amongst the theologians assembled in chap. Constance, but when matters came to voting he would be safe. , ^ — , He had spent money freely to secure votes : the crowd of needy Italian prelates were all dependent on him ; he had created fifty new bishops with a view to their votes in the Coimcil. John's adversaries saw this also, and boldly raised the qviestion who had the right to vote. According to old custom there was no doubt that this right had been exercised only by bishops and abbots, and John's adherents demanded that the old custom should be followed. But D'Ailly answered, with his usual learning and clearness of judgment, that in the most ancient times, as may be found in the Acts of the Apostles and Eu^ius, the object was to represent in councils the Christian community; only bishops and abbots voted because they were thoroughly repre- sentative. At present priors and heads of congregations had a greater right to vote than titular abbots who represented no one. Moreover doctors of theology and law were not heard of in old times, because there were no universities ; they ought now to be admitted, as they had been at Pisa, on account of their position as teachers and representatives of learning. Also, as the question under discussion was the unity of the Church, it was absurd to exclude kings and princes, or their ambassadors, since they were especially affected. Filastre went further than D'Ailly. He demanded that all the clergy should be allowed to vote. ' An ignorant king or bishop,' he said, ' is no better than a crowned ass.' He urged that the status of all priests was the same, though their rank might differ. This extremely de- mocratic view did not meet with much favour, and D'Ailly's suggestions were practically adopted by the Council. Moreover the large crowd of Italians, dependent on the Division of Pope, possessed a numerical superiority which was out of propor- {^^^ ,"""*^' tion to the interests which they represented. PVom the begin- t'o'^*'- ning of the Council the Germans and English showed a disposi- tion to consult with their fellow-countrymen and disregard the Italians. The idea gradually sprang up that it would be well to adopt in the Council the same system as obtained in the universities and organise themselves by nations. Sigismund declared himself in favour of this "suggestion, and the German and English nations proceeded to constitute themselves with- out any definite permission from the Council.' On February 24 278 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK the envoys of the University of Paris, who had just arrived, . were received by Sigismund in a congregation of the German nation, and were exhorted to organise themselves after the model of the English and Germans, which they at once agreed to do. The Italians for a time resisted, but events were too strong for them, and they were driven in a month's time to adopt the same method or lose all voice in the questions con- cerning John XXIII. Henceforth every matter was first dis- cussed by each nation separately, and their conclusions were communicated to one another. When by this means an agree- ment had been reached, a general congregation of the four nations was held, and their conclusions were put into a final shape. A general session of the Council then gave formal validity to the decree. Proposal of John XXIII.'s hopes of being able to lead the Council were xxill.'s now entirely frustrated ; he had to consider how he might februaiv"' ^^^^ escape destruction. The plan of a common abdication of 16, I4if). all three Popes had been proposed, and as John was preparing to resist it, his courage was entirely upset by hearing that a memoir had been circulated by some Italian, containing a list of his crimes and vices, and demanding that an enquiry be in- stituted into the truth of the charges. Doubtless John's life had not been such that he would wish its details to be exposed in the eyes of assembled Christendom. He had done many things that ill befitted a priestly character, and enough could be substantiated against him to make the blackest charges seem credible on very slight evidence. John was entirely unnerved at the prospect ; he consulted with his Cardinals whether he had not better at once confess to the Council the frailties fi'om which, as a man, he had not been exempt. They advised him to wait a while and think over it before committing himself. John's ' Most writers, following Von der Hardt, ii. 40, say that on Febrnar}- 7 the nations were constituted by a decree of the Council ; but the Acts of the Council contain no such decree, and on February 2-t Sigismund exhorted the ambassadors of the University of Paris: ' ut se nostric nationi et nationi Anglic;e conforraarent ' (Hardt, ii. 237). An extract in Hardt, ii. 2.31, says ' din in his quiestionibus Concilium pependit ' ; again the ' Disputatio Gallorum contra Anglos,' in Hardt, v. 67, says ' ad obviandumdi.ssolutioDi, se per nationes congregaverunt. . . . nulla tamen dccreto Concilii nullaque ordinatione inter- venientibus.' In fact, the division into nations seems to have settled itself. See Tschackert's note, Pcte7- von AUK, p. 206. JOHN XXIII. PROMISES TO ABDICATE. 279 relief was great when he heard that many of the English and chap. Germans opposed an enqniry into his character from a wish to . ; — , spare the reputation of the Papacy, and advocated that he be urged to abdicate. In a congregation of the English, French, and German nations, held on February 16, it was agreed to re- quest John to abdicate, as the surest and speediest way towards union. John at once accepted their request ; but he hoped to do so John in terms so vague a§ to lead to no results. His first schedule promises to was rejected as too dubious in meaning. The second met with ^j^^'^^^j" no better success, as it indulged in needless condemnation of 1415. Gregory and Benedict as heretics. The Germaias passed a series of strong resolutions which pressed hard upon John XXIII. They declared that the Council had supreme authority to end the Schism, and that John was bound under the penalty of mor- tal sin to accept a formula of resignation offered by the three nations. On February 28 the formula was drawn up. In it John was made to ' undertake and promise ' to resign, if, and as far as, Gregory and Benedict did the same. The representa- tives of the University of Paris suggested that this only imposed a civil obligation, which it would be well to strengthen by a religious one ; they proposed the addition of the words ' swear and vow,' which were unanimously accepted.' On March 1 this formula was presented to the Pope in the presence of Sigismund and deputies from the nations. John XXIII. received it with a good grace ; first he read it to himself, and then, remarking that he had only come to Constance for the purpose of giving peace to the Church, read it aloud with a clear voice. Tears of joy streamed down many faces at the accomplishment of this first step towards the union of the Church ; the assembled pre- lates raised the ' Te Deum,' but more wept than sang and many did both. In the city the bells rang joyously, and the utmost delight prevailed at this first result of the Council, which had sat four months and had achieved nothing. Next day John XXIII. read the same formula publicly in the cathedi-al ; at the solemn words of promise he bowed before the altar and laid his hand upon his breast. Sigismund rose from his throne, laid ' The formula ran 'Profiteer, spondeo et promitto, juro et voveo' (Von der Hardt, ii. 240). 280 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Doubtful attitude of John XXIII. aside his crown, and kneeling before the Pope kissed his foot in token of gratitude. The Patriarch of Alexandria thanked him in the name of the Council. The unanimity between John XXIII. and the Council seemed to be complete ; but when the first outburst of joy was over John's resignation seemed to be too good news to be true. There was a wish to bind him more completely, and it was sug- gested that he should embody his resignation in a Bull. At first he refused ; but Sigismund's influence obtained the Bull on March 7. The Council was anxious to be quite sure of its own position, as it was now in a position to authorise the inter- view which Benedict's ambassadors had suggested between their master and Sigismund at Nice. When preparations were being made for this purpose it was suggested that John XXIII. should name as his proctors, with full power to resign in his behalf, Sigismund and the prelates who were to accompany him. This was a vital point, on which John XXIII. could not give way : if he did, his chances were entirely lost and his resigna- tion, which was at present only conditional, would be irrevocably accomplished. He adroitly proposed that he should go himself to meet Benedict ; but the Council remembered the innumerable obstacles which had been found to prevent the meeting of Gregory and Benedict ; nor did they desire to let John leave Constance, lest he should at once dissolve the Council. JNIutual distrust blazed up in an instant. Frederick, Duke of Austria, had come to Constance on February 18, and though he stu- diously avoided the Pope, rumours were rife of an understand- ing between them, and suspicions were keen. John made a last attempt to soften Sigismund by presenting him, on jNIarch 10, with the golden rose, which, according to old custom, the Popes consecrated, when they chose, three weeks before Easter, and presented to kings whom they delighted to honour. Sigismund received the gift with due respect, and bore it in solemn procession through the city ; but it was significant that he did not keep it for himself, but offered it to the Virgin in the cathedral. Sigismund soon showed that he was not moved by this touching mark of Papal affection. Next day, March II, he presided at a congregation, in which some members spoke of electing a new Pope, after securing the abdication of the three DIFFICULTIES RAISED BY JOHN XXIII. 281 claimants. The Archbishop of Mainz rose and protested that he could obey no one except John XXIII. Words ran high ; the old accusations against John were again brought up, and the assembly dispersed in confusion. It was clear that there was war between Sigismund and the Pope. John XXIII. did not mean to take any steps to accomplish his resignation ; Sigismund was resolved to hold him to his promise. As John would not give way, it was clear that he must be purposing to leave Constance. Sigismund gave orders that the gates should be closely guarded. When one of the Cardinals attempted to pass he was turned back. John summoned the great lords and magistrates of the city, and loudly complained to the Council, with good reason, of this violation of the safe-conduct under which they were all assembled. The burgomaster of Constance pleaded Sigismund's orders ; Frederick of Austria stood forward and declared that, for his part, he intended to keep the safe-conduct which he had promised. Next day, March 14, Sigismund sum- moned a congregation of the French, Germans, and Italians, who sent to the Pope a renewed demand that he would appoint proctors to carry out his abdication ; they added a request that lie would promise not to dissolve the Council or allow anyone to leave Constance till union had been achieved. With these demands Sigismund sent his excuse about the watch over the gate ; he said that he had set it at the request of some of the Cardinals, who feared lest the Council should melt away ; he wished, how- ever, in all things to stand by his safe-conduct. John agreed not to dissolve the Council, but suggested its transference to some place in the neighbourhood of Nice, where he might more conveniently meet Benedict and perform his resignation in person. Matters were now in a very awkward position. Sigismund and the three Transalpine nations stood opposed to the Pope and the Italians. John's resistance clearly indicated an inten- tion of quitting Constance ; this made his opponents more eager to deprive him by any means of the power of harming them. In a congregation on March 17 the Germans and English were for insisting on the appointment of proctors by the Pope ; but the French were opposed to driving matters to extremities, and voted for adjoiu-nment.' The French already had had experience of the difficidties in the way of using CHAP. I. Opposition of the party of John XX I II. March 11- 14, 1415. The Curial party tries to win ever the French, March 17, 1415. 282 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Quarrel between Sigiamund and the French nation. March 11), 1115. violence to a Pope ; they had also a stronger sense of decorum than the Teutons, and seem to have resented the high- handed way in which Sigismimd managed matters. The close alliance between the English and the Germans somewhat annoyed them ; for, though the mission of the Council was a peaceful one, national animosity could not be entirely silenced, and the French knew that England was on the brink of waging an unjust war of invasion against their country. No sooner was there the faintest sign of a breach in the serried front of the Transalpine nations than the Italians hastened to take advantage of it. They sent five Cardinals to detach the French from the English and Germans. Amongst them was Peter d'Ailly, for the Cardinals as Italian prelates formed part of the Italian nation. D'Ailly, who had been the most prominent man in the beginning of the Council, disap- proved of the violent and revolutionary spirit which had been developed since Sigismund's arrival. He now used his influence with the French to induce them not to join with the Germans and English in their scheme of forcing the Pope to appoint proctors ; he also begged them to withdraw from the method of voting by nations, and advocate the old method of personal voting. Though D'Ailly had argued strongly in favour of extending the franchise, he was not prepared to admit an entire change in the method of voting. The prospect of a union between the French and the Italians enraged still more the Germans and English. At a congrega- tion on March 19 the English proposed that John be seized and made prisoner. Sigismund, followed by the English and Germans, proceeded with this demand to an assembly where the French were sitting in conference with the five Cardinals deputed by the Italians. If the French had before resented Sigismund's conduct, they now blazed up at this unwarrantable interference, and angrily demanded that their deliberations should be left undisturbed. The English and Germans with- drew, but Sigismund and his lords remained. The French demanded that the lords also should withdraw. Sigismund lost his temper, for the majority of those who sat amongst the French were his subjects.' He angrily exclaimed, ' Now it will be seen ' They used the old formula ' Amplius deliberare se velle.' Ceretanus in llardt, iv. 57. FREDEKICK OF AUSTRIA. 283 who is for union and faithful to the Eoman Empire.' Peter cilAI'. d'Ailly, indignant at this attempted coercion, rose and left the ; . room ; the other four Cardinals protested that they were not free to deliberate. On the King's departure messengers were sent to ask if the French were to consider themselves free. Sigis- mund had now recovered his equanimity and answered that they were perfectly free ; he had spoken in haste. At the same time he ordered all who did not belong to the French nation to quit their assembly on pain of imprisonment. The quarrel seemed to have become serious; but the ambassadors of the French King, who had arrived on March 5, entered the French assembly and said that the French Ming wished that the Pope should appoint proctors, and should not leave Con- stance nor dissolve the Council. This calmed the wrath of the French, who now separated themselves again from the Italians and joined the Germans and English. There now seemed to be no hope for John XXIII., but the Frederick sense of his danger at length spurred him to take the desperate ^t Con-"^ step of fleeing from Constance. He had bound to himself stance. Frederick of Austria, a young and adventm'ous prince, who hated Sigismund, feared the Council, and hoped to gain much from the Pope. He had come to Constance, and there found his pride outraged by the commanding position assigned to Sigismund. He had been called upon by Sigismund to do homage for his lands, and, though at first he refused, was driven to do so by the good terms on which the King stood with the Swiss cantons, the hereditary foes of the Austrian House. He strove to detach Sigismund from the Swiss by making him great offers if he would help him to make war upon the Swiss. But Sigismund was too wily for him, and gave the Swiss information of his proposals ; when the Swiss envoys arrived at Constance, Sigismund confronted them with Frederick and offered his services to settle any disputes which might exist between them. Outwitted and filled with shame and rage, Frederick stammered out excuses, and had to arrange matters with the Swiss by pleading that he had been misinformed. But Frederick's humiliation made him burn with desire to upset Sigismund's triumphal progress at the Council. He knew that he would ' Letter of the Pope, in Hardt, ii. 2.")7. ' Minor pars dictae nationis erat subjecta regi Franciaj, et cum t res partes ipsi regi Roraanorum essent suhjectae, volebat,' cScc 284 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Fli-lit of John XXIII. March 20, Uli,. not stand alone, and that John XXIII. still had powerful friends. The Duke of Burgundy wished by all means to dissolve the Council ; the Archbishop of Mainz was Sigismund's foe and a staunch adherent of John XXIII. ; the Markgraf of Baden had been won over to John's side by the substantial argument of a gift of 16,000 florins. John and Frederick laid their plans cautiously and skilfully, yet not without awakening some suspicion. Sigismund thought it well to visit the Pope and reassure him. He found him in the evening lying on his bed, and enquired about his health ; John answered that the air of Constance did not agree with him. Sigismund said that there were many pleasant residences near Constance where he might go for change of air, and offered to accompany him ; he begged him not to think of leaving Constance secretly. John answered that he had no intention of leaving till the Council were dissolved. Men afterwards re- garded this answer as framed like an oracle of old ; John meant that by his departure he would dissolve the Council.' No sooner was the King gone than John, in the hearing of his attendants, called him a ' beggar, a drunkard, a fool, and a barbarian.' He accused Sigismund of sending to demand a bribe for keeping him in his Papal office. JMost likely John here laid his finger on Sigismund's weak point ; Sigismund was poor, and may have demanded money for the expenses of the' Council from the Pope whom he was labouring to drive from his office.^ John's attendants wondered to hear such plain speaking : their master's tongue was loosened by the thought ' Niem in Hardt, ii. 395. * Thattherewerepecnniarytransactionsbetween John XXIII. and Sigismund there can be little doubt, but of their exact nature there may be different opinions. Niem's words (Z.. ii. 20o. 288 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. T50()K II. The Coun- cil pays little heed to the Cardinals. Wise con- duct of Cardinals d'Ailly and Za- barella. March 26. journey through France on his way to meet Benedict. These letters were written to no purpose, as they were only referred back to the Council. On the same day John sent to Constance a peremptory order to all the officers of the Curia to join him at Schaffhausen within six days, under pain of excommunication. Seven Cardinals left Constance next day, and went to Schaff- hausen, as did the greater part of the Curia. On March 25 the Archbishop of Eheims returned with letters from the Pope to Sigismund, saying that he had gone to Schaffhausen merely for change of air, not through any fear of danger. He offered to appoint as proctors to accomplish his resignation, in case Grregory and Benedict also resigned, the whole body of Cardinals, or three of them, and four prelates, one out of each nation, of whom three should be empowered to act. But the Council was full of suspicion of John and of his Cardi nals ; it resolved to go its own way according to the principles laid down by Grerson, and to pay no further heed to the Poj)e. So strong was the Council that it refused to consider the reasonable difficulties of the Cardinals, who felt themselves bound to hold by John until he openly set himself in opposition to the Coun- cil. The Cardinals, like all moderate men who try to guide their conduct by ordinary rules in extraordinary crises, were re- garded with suspicion by both sides. They were not summoned to the assembly of nations held on INIarch 26 to prepare decrees Avhich were to be submitted to a session of the Council on the same day ; the resolutions were only handed to them to read over before the session of the Council opened. They demanded that the session be deferred till the return of their envoys from the Pope ; they were told that Sigismund and the Coimcil were weary of subterfuges. They were in sore perplexity ; a wave of revolutionary spirit threatened to sweep away Pope and Cardinals at the same time. It seemed to some sufficiently dreadful that a session of the Council should be held without the Pope ; though for this at least the precedent of the Council of Pisa could be claimed. But it was an unheard of innovation that the Council should meet in spite of Pope and Cardinals ; the exclusive aristocracy which had been willing to weaken the monarchical system of the Church found that its own position was almost lost as well. Some of the Cardinals at once retired to John ; many thought THE COUNCIL'S DISTRUST OF JOHN XXIII. 289 it wise to pretend illness and watch how events tm^ned out ; chap. only two determined to make a last effort to save the dignity of 1^: , the Cardinals from the violence of the Council. Peter d'Ailly and Zabarella presented themselves at the session and succeeded in olotaining the respect due to their rank. D'Ailly celebrated the mass and presided ; Zabarella read the decrees, which affirmed that the Council had been duly summoned to Constance, was not dissolved by the Pope's flight, and ought not to be dissolved till the Schism was ended and the Church reformed ; meanwhile the Council would not be trans- ferred to another place without its own assent, nor should prelates leave the Council till its work was Id one. A loud cry of ' Placet ! ' followed the reading of these decrees. Then Zabarella went on to read a protest in behalf of himself and D'Ailly, saying that so long as John laboured for the peace of the Church they must hold by him ; they could have wished that this session had been deferred, but, as the Council deter- mined otherwise, they thought it right to be present, in the hope that what was done would be confirmed by the Pope. The skilful and coiu-ageous behaviour of the two Cardinals saved the prestige of the Sacred College, and prevented an irrevocable breach between the Council and the old traditions of the Church, which would have strengthened the hands of John XXIII. On the same evening the envoys of the Cardinals returned increasing from Schaffhausen, and next day, March 27, before a general ^'^frustof congregation, reported the Pope's offer to appoint the Cardinals xxill. at as his proctors, so that two of them could carry out his resigna- March 27- tion, even against his will; he promised not to dissolve the Conn- ^^' ^'^^'^' cil till there was a perfect union of the Church ; he demanded security for his own person and indemnity for the Duke of Austria. But the Council was too suspicious of John to trust to any fair promises, nor did the attitude of the Cardinals who had come from Schaffhausen tend to confirm their confidence. In the discussion that followed some of them ventured to hint that the Pope's withdrawal had dissolved the Council ; they were angrily answered that the Pope was not above the Council, but subject to it. The suspicions entertained against the Cardinals were increased by the fact that a copy of John's summons to his Curia to attend him at Schaffhausen, had been posted ou VOL. I. U 290 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. John XXIII. protests ogaiust the Council. March 29, 1415. the doors of the cathedral of Constance, clearly at the instiga- tion of some of the Cardinals who had returned from visiting the Pope. The publication next day, March 25, of a prolonga- tion of the period within which they were bound to leave Constance, only increased the irritation of the Council. Con- gregations of the nations set to work busily to frame decrees establishing the authority of the Council without the Pope ; and the Cardinals, in alarm, saw the opinions of the most advanced advocates of the reforming party being adopted with enthusiasm by the entire Council. In vain they endeavoured to arrest the current of opinion by offering new concessions on behalf of the Pope ; Sigismund should be joined as proctor to the Cardinals, and the summons to the Curia to leave Constance should be entirely withdrawn. It was too late ; the distrust of John XXIII. and the Cardinals was too deep-seated and had been too well deserved. Under the excitement of the last few days the Council had risen to a sense of its own importance and was determined to assert itself in spite of Pope or Cardinals. John XXIIL, who was kept well informed of what was passing, grew alarmed at the turn which affairs were taking. Before the Council had asserted its power he thought it wise to remove himself to a more secure spot than Schaffhausen. The position of Frederick of Austria seemed precarious. The Swiss Confederates were preparing to attack him ; many of his own vassals renounced their allegiance ; Schaffhausen would not be safe against an attack. So on March 29, on a rainy day, John left Schaffhausen. Outside the gate he paused, and caused a notary to draw up a protest that all his oaths, vows, and promises made at Constance had been drawn from him through fear of violence ; then he galloped off to the strong castle of Lauffenberg, some thirty miles higher up the Khine. He did not take with him even the Cardinals who were at Schaffhausen, and they returned ignominiously to Constance, where they were received with decorous contempt. John had now thrown off the veil and justified the suspicions of his adversaries. His policy of chicanery and prevarication had been baffled by the resolute attitude of the Council, and he was driven at last to try the chances of open war. The Cardinals still desperately strove to check the alarming advance of the pretensions of the Council. They saw, and saw DECREE OF THE FOURTH SESSION. 291 rightly, that an unmodified assertion of the supremacy of a Gene- chap, ral Council over the Pope meant the introduction of a new princi- . ' . pie into the existing government of the Church. They threatened f,^^l^^ °L to absent themselves from the session to be held on INIarch 30, session, unless the articles to be proposed were modified. Sigismund 1415. offered to lay their views before the nations, and gave them vague hopes that some slight changes might be made. They prevailed on the French ambassadors and the deputies of the University to join with them in begging Sigismund to lay aside his intention of making war on Frederick of Austria ; but Sigismund was inexorable. After much anxious deliberation all the Cardinals who were in Constance, except Peter d'Ailly and the Cardinal of Viviers, presented themselves at the session held on March 30. Cardinal Orsini presided ; Sigismund appeared in royal robes, accompanied by several lords and about two hundred fathers. The decrees were given to the Cardinal Zabarella to read. They set forth that ' This Synod, lawfully assembled in the Holy Ghost, forming a General Council repre- senting the Catholic Church Militant, has its power immediately from Christ, and all men, of every rank and dignity, even the Pope, are bound to obey it in matters pertaining to the faith and the extirpation of the present schism.' — So far Zabarella read ; but seeing that the words went on, — ' and general reforma- tion of the Church of God in head and members,' he paused, and saying that they were contrary to general opinion, omitted them, and passed on to the next decrees, declaring that the Pope could not dissolve the Council, and that all acts done by him to the detriment of the Council should be null and void. The Cardinals were willing to admit the , supremacy of the Council over the Pope for the immediate purpose of ending the Schism, but they were not willing that it should extend to the matter which more closely concerned themselves, that of the reformation of the Church. In the tumult that followed his omission of the words of the decree it was not sure how much he read afterwards. The session broke up in confusion, and the wrath of the Council against the Cardinals blazed higher. A memoir presented next day by Benoit Gentien, one of the deputies of the University of Paris, attacked them in no measured language. They had been in league with the Pope against the Council ; many of them had followed hira to Schafif- u 2 292 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK hausen, and had only returned because they were not satisfied \^' with the cookery there.^ Their character might be seen by that of the Pope whom they elected — a tyrant, a homicide, a Simoniac, steeped in unmentionable vices. If they chose him as being the best among their number, what was to be thought of the rest ? Ee-enact- Yet the Council behaved with dignity. It named depu- dec'rce'in ^ ^^^^ ^^ confer with Zabarella, but it refused to reconsider thefifthses- tJie decrees themselves. On April 6 another session was sion. April , i • i i r i 6, 1415. held, in which the former decrees were ag-ain submitted and approved, on being read by the Bishop of Posen, with two additions — that anyone refusing to obey the decrees of the Council might be punished, and that John XXIII. had enjoyed full liberty while at Constance. This last decree was an answer to John's plea on leaving Schaffhausen, that he had fled from Constance through fear of violence. On this point his cunning had overreached itself, as the moral force which a plea of coercion might have possessed was lost by his first excuse, that he left for the sake of change of air. He pub- lished a further allegation on April 7, that he fled lest the obvious violence to which he was exposed at Constance might afford a pretext to Gregory and Benedict for withdrawing their offers of resignation. John XXIII. was much too plau- sible, and failed entirely to see that he could not establish his moral character in the face of Europe by putting forwai'd pleas which no one could profess to believe. Discomfi- John was soon driven to feel his helplessness. On April 6 Frederick ^^^ Couiicil besought Sigisiuuud to bring back the Pope of Austria t-o Constance; on April 7 the ban of the Emijire was issued l)v the Swiss. against Frederick of Austria, and the excommunication of the Council was pronounced against the disturber of its peace. The hoj)e of booty made many willing to carry out the behests of the King and the Council. Frederick, Biu-ggraf of Niirnberg, led an army into Swabia, where strong towns fell before him. Schaffhausen, too weak to endure a siege, at once submitted to Sigismund. Another army was gathered from Bavaria and over- ran the Tyrol. Still Frederick of Austria might have held out securely if the Swiss had maintained neutrality, as at first they intended to do in accordance with a fifty years' peace which ' In Von dur Hiudt, ii. 281. ' Et quia non rcpcrerunt coquinam bonam, ali ;.^. fluence with the Council on the side of mercy. John's sub- mission disarmed the extreme bitterness felt against him, and the sentence of deprivation pronounced against him on May 29 was couched in much milder terms than the articles would have warranted. It set forth the evils with which John's flight from Constance had threatened the unity of the Church, and then proceeded, ' Our Lord Pope John was moreover a noto- rious simoniac, a waster of the goods and rights not only of the Eoman Church but others, an evil administrator both of the spiritualities and temporalities of the Church, Causing notorious scandal to the Church of God and Christian people by his de- testable and unseemly life and manners, both before and since his accession to the Papacy.' In sj^ite of frequent monitions he persisted in his evil course, and therefore is now deposed as ' unworthy, useless, and harmful ; ' all Christians are freed from their allegiance, and are forbidden to recognise him any longer as Pope. After the deposition of Jolm care was taken for the future by a decree that no new election should be made, in case of vacancy, without the express consent of the Council, and that none of the three contending claimants should be re-elected. A solemn procession of the whole Council round the city of Constance celebrated this final assurance of their triumph. The deposed Pope, now called once more by his former name of Baldassare Cossa, was brought for safe keeping into the strong castle of Gottlieben, close to Constance. But there was a sus- picion that some discontented spirits had again opened corre- spondence with him ; and Sigismund handed him over to the custody of the Pfalzgraf Lewis, who held the office of Protector of the Council. Lewis sent him to the Castle of Heidelberg, where he remained so long as the Council sat, attended only by Germans, whose language he did not understand and with whom he communicated only by signs. Thus fell John XXIII., undefended and, it would seem, un- Character pitied ; nor has posterity reversed the verdict of the Council. Yet xxill. it is difficult not to feel that John XXIII. had hard measme dealt to him in the exceptional obloquy which has been his lot. Elected to the Papacy in return for his signal services in the Council of Pisa, he was ignominiously deposed by the Council 300 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK which claimed to be a continuation of that of Pisa. Here, as II v« — ^ — . elsewhere, the revolution swallo^yed up its own child, and John's character has met with the fate which always befalls those whom everyone is interested to malign and no one is interested to defend. . In his early career he established his reputation for courage and political sagacity by his administration of Bo- logna ; but his capacities were those of a soldier of fortune, and few looked upon him seriously as a priest. As the chief man in North Italy he had it in his power to dispose of the fortunes of the Council of Pisa, and the Cardinals could scarcely help rewarding him for his services by the gift of the Papacy. But in his exalted position everything went amiss with John, and his entire want of success in Italian affairs compelled him, sorely against his will, to appeal to the sympathies of Christendom. His previous training in a life of military adventure made him light-hearted in running into danger; his entire ignorance of the religious feeling of Europe made him utterly unable to cope with his danger when once it gathered round him. It was one thing to play off against one another condottieri generals and win by trickery the towns of Forli and Faenza ; it was another thing to guide the deliberations of an assembly of theo- logians profoundly convinced of their own powers. John had neither learning nor moral character to enable him to hold his own in the face of the Council. He had nothing but intrigue, which he managed so ill as to make it impossible for anyone to hold by him through respect for the Papal dignity. Betrayed first by Sigismund and then by Frederick of Austria, he lost all self-command and self-confidence. When force of character rests neither upon moral nor intellectual principles, it rapidly decays under adverse circumstances. When John found that his first endeavours to manage the Council were unsuccessful, he began to lose his nerve and then blundered more and more lamentably. The Council took advantage of each of his mis- takes, and drove him remorselessly from point to point ; John contested each point in detail with the weapons of mean sub- terfuge, and thus entirely ruined his prestige in the eyes of Europe. Everything went against him, and when he fell there was no one interested to save him or even to give him shelter. Everyone felt that such a man never ought to have been elected Pope. He was nothing more nor less than an Italian military CHARACTER OF JOHN XXIII. 301 adventurer, and his camp life had been scandalous enough to cilAP. make any stories against him sound credible. Yet it was not , ^|- to the moral indignation caused by his character that John XXIII. owed his fall, but to the policy of Sigismund and the Council, who were bent upon restoring unmistakably the out- ward unity of the Church. When John threw difficulties in the way of their plan of a common abdication of the three contending claimants of the Papacy, a civil war followed, in which victory declared against John. His rebellion was signally punished, and it was necessary not only to depose him, but to render it impossible for anyone to revive his claims. John XXIII. had few friends, and they could do ntjthing for him. The Council was omnipotent, and suddenly applied to him a moral standard which would have condemned many of his predecessors ; at Constance every tongue and pen was turned against John. A calm Italian observer blamed John for trust- ing himself to a Council composed of turbulent spirits who wished to turn the world upside down. He admired his versa- tility and capacity ; in his youth a student, he afterwards dis- tinguished himself greatly as a general and administrator ; unfortunately he meddled in ecclesiastical matters which he did not understand ; and his ability was forgotten in the con- templation of his misfortunes.' This seems to have been the prevailing opinion in Italy. Cosimo dei Medici, who was not likely to befriend an utterly worthless man, retained both affection and respect for the deposed Baldassare Cossa, and gave him shelter in his last days. Still it must be admitted that, whatever good qualities John XXIII. possessed, they were useless to him as Pope, and his ignorance and heedless- ness of the spiritual duties of his sacred office gave the Coun- cil a handle against him. No remorse was felt in making him a victim to the zeal for the union of the distracted Church. ' Vita di Bartobmmeo Vahri, by Lnca della Robbia, in ArcJdno Storxco Italiano (lirst series), vol. iv. pt. i. 261, .&:c. 302 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. CHAPTER III. RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN ENGLAND AND BOHEMIA. BOOK When the dispossessed Baldassare Cossa was taken as prisoner . ^1" . to the Castle of Grottlieben, there was another prisoner of the thfciundi Council within its walls, a Bohemian priest, John Hus, who against -y^^g accused of heresy. At the beginning of the Council it had expre^'se^d been a question keenly disputed whether the promotion of the teacMnff ^uity, or the purification of the faith, of the Church should take of Wyciif precedence. Both matters had in some degree progressed, and and Hus. >- ^ ■,. ■, r^ t tt the two prisoners at Grottlieben, Cossa and Hus, were witnesses of the two sides of the Council's energy. The form of heresy which engaged its attention was one with which the Council might have been expected to feel some sympathy, for it had its root in a deep-seated moral repugnance to the existing abuses in the ecclesiastical system and a longing for their reform. It had the same aim as the Council itself. But though men were all convinced of the need of reform, they differed widely in the basis which they were ready to adopt. Abuses were so widespread that everyone wished to remedy them ; but some merely wished to remove the abuses of the existing system, others wished to remodel the system itself. The system of the Church had grown with the life of Christen- dom, and the individual Christian recognised his religious life as forming part of the corporate life of the Church. So far as the ecclesiastical system, under the political exigencies of the Papal monarchy, had strayed from its original purpose, and threw stumbling-blocks in the way of the spiritual power of the Church itself, so far were the fathers of the Council of Constance anxious for reform. But the troubled times of the Schism and the misuse of the Papal power drove others to criticise the THE LOLLAEDS. 303 nature and basis of the ecclesiastical system itself, and had led chap. them to the conclusion that it was inadequate to the needs of . ^j^- ^ the individual soul, and ought to be reorganised on a new basis. The leading spirits at Constance were anxious to reform the Church system ; but they looked with horror on those who wished to create it afresh. Part of the work which they had before them Avas the extirpation of the errors of Wyclif and Hus, was the purification of the faith of England and Bohemia. We have spoked of Wyclif in the three phases of his Petition of career as an upholder of the rights of the kingdom against lards to Papal aggression, as a reformer of the morals of the clergy, and ment!^' as a critic of the system and doctrine of the 6hurch. In the i^^-"^- first phase all Englishmen went with him ; in the second he was in accord not only with the best minds amongst his own country- men, but with the best minds in Europe ; but when he attacked in unmeasured terms the foundations of the ecclesiastical system, it was felt that he threatened the existence of the Church and even of civil society. It must be owned that the moral sense of the individual was set up by Wyclif in dangerous superiority over law, and that his dialectical subtlety led him to indulge in theories and maxims which were capable of wider extension than he intended. We cannot be surprised that the English hierarchy set their faces against Wyclif 's teaching, and did their utmost to put down a movement which menaced theu' own existence. After Wyclif's death the party of the Lollards, or ' Canters,' ^ as they were called, formed a compact body and grew in numbers and influence. They had always been favoured by the discontented gentry, and numbered amongst their adherents several men of rank. In 1395, during Kichard IL's absence in Ireland, the Lollards presented to Parliament a peti- tion for the reform of the Church, in which they expressed themselves with astonishing boldness.^ They set forth the decay of the Chm'ch, owing to its temporal grandeur and the conse- quent corruption of the clergy. ' This is the most probable etymology of this doubtful word — from the same root that wc have in lulltibi/, meaning to sing, Thomas Hocsemius, of Lii'^ge, speaks of ' hypocritiB gyrovagi, qui Lollardi sivc deum laudantes voca- bantur, per Hannoniam ut Brabantiam quasdam mulieres nobilesde ceperunt. Sub anno 1309. See Ducange, Ghmmriuin. ^ In Fasciculi Zizanioriim, p. 3G0. 304 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. 1/ The ordinary Roman priesthood, it set forth, is no longer the true priesthood ordained by Christ ; the pretended miracle of + he mass leads men to idolatry; the enforced celibacy of the clergy causes immoral living; the use of needless benedictions and exorcisms savours of necromancy rather than theology ; prayers for the dead are merely means of gaining alms ; auricular confession only exalts the pride of the priest ; pilgrimages to deaf images and relics are akin to idol worship ; monastic vows lead to much social disorder ; war and homicide are contrary to the law of Christ, and occupations serving only for luxury are sinful. Inasmuch as the Church of England has gone astray in these matters, following its stepmother, the Church of Rome, the petitioners pray for its reformation and restoration to primi- tive perfection. We have here a plan of social as well as eccle- siastical reform, founded upon Wyclif s principles and expressed for the most part in Wyclif's language. So important did Richard II. consider this movement to be that he hastily returned from Ireland, and demanded from the chiefs of the Lollard party an oath of abjuration of their opinions. They seem to have given way at once, a proof that the movement had amongst its most influential followers no real meaning, but ex- pressed rather general discontent than any scheme which they seriously hoped to realise. The petition of the Lollards naturally awakened the in- dignation of the leaders of the clergy. In 1396, Archbishop opinions by Courtcnay, who had shown little or no disposition for repres- Arundei!"'' siou, was succeeded by Thomas Arundel, who resolved to take vigorous measures against the insolence of the Lollards. At a provincial synod held in February 1397 eighteen propositions of Wyclif were condemned. They were drawn from the Trial ogus by some learned member of the University of Oxford, which was now anxious to restore its reputation for orthodoxy. The condemned propositions consist of ten which tend to weaken the sacramental system of the Church, five which disparage the clerical order and the legitimacy of temporal possessions by the Church ; the other three assert the superiority of Scripture over ecclesiastical tradition, the moral basis of authority, and the philosophic doctrine of necessity. Not only did the eccle- siastical synod condemn these doctrines, but a trained contro- Condemna tion of VVvclifa 1397. 'DE H^RETICO COMBURENDO.' 305 versialist, a Franciscan friar, William Woodford, wrote a refutation of them, at the Archbishop's bidding.^ Archbishop Arundel had thus prepared the way for stringent Influence measures against the Lollards ; the clergy condemned them, questionT the learned refuted them. But before he could strike a blow o° ^}^^ L°'' lard partv. he was himself stricken. Political questions swallowed up 1398-I40"i. ecclesiastical disputes : the nation was too busy with other things to attend either to the Lollards or to the clergy. The Earls of Arundel and* Gloucester were put to death ; the Arch- bishop himself was impeached by the submissive Commons, and was condemned to banishment. Pope Boniface IX. did not choose to quarrel with the King about an ewchbishop, and translated Arundel to the see of St. Albans. But Eichard II.'s triumph was short-lived, and Arundel took a leading part in the events which set Henry of Lancaster upon the English throne. Under Henry IV. Arundel was more powerful than ever, and was resolute in his hostility to the Lollards. Public opinion seems to have turned decidedly against them, for many of their chief supporters had been staunch adherents of the fallen tyrant. Henry IV. was greatly indebted to the help of the clergy for his easy accession to the throne, and had many promises to fulfil. He was poor and needed money ; he was weak and needed political support. He was, moreover, fervently orthodox, and may not have been sorry to dissociate himself at once from his father's unworthy intrigues with the Lollard party. Accordingly, in 1401, a petition was addressed to the King 'Dehwie- by the clergy, praying for legislative measm^es against the j'*"" '^j™; Lollards who escaped ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The petition Hoi. received the assent of King, Lords, and Commons, and a clause was inserted in the statute for the year enacting that a heretic convicted in a spiritual court was to be handed over to the secular arm to be burnt. Immediately after this a Lollard preacher, William Sautre, met his doom as a heretic. The country as a whole had now pronounced its opinion against Lollardism, which thenceforth became more and more an ' In Fascicuhis Jicrinn Fngicndarvm, &c., p. 191. Woodford recognises the boldness of 'Wyclif in his attack upon Transubstautiation. 'Licet aliqul corum dixerant lioc esse fals\;m, nunquam aliquis prius pr;csuinpserat dicere hoc esse ha;reticum.' VOL. I. X 306 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK expression of political and social discontent, and lost much of ^^- ^ its religious meaning. Dwayof j In 1406 another petition was presented to Parliament !wty°^^**'^l setting forth that the Lollards were dangerous to public order 1401-14. I ii^ matters temporal and spiritual alike ; they disseminated disquieting rumours and aimed at upsetting the peace of the kingdom. No fresh steps were taken, but the revolutionary attempt of the Lollard leader, Sir John Oldcastle, at the beginning of the reign of Henry V., led to a more severe act against Lollardism in 1414 ; by it the secular power was empowered to enquire after heretics, and on suspicion hand them over for trial to the spiritual courts.^ From this time Lollardism gradually disappeared. The French wars found employment for adventurous minds : political parties afterwards had many grounds for contention without sheltering themselves behind religious factions ; the thirst for free enquiry died away in the Universities ; England entered upon a career of administrative helplessness and personal selfishness in high places which left no room for discussion of abstract principles. The smouldering discontent with society, into which Lollardism passed away, still lingered and at times blazed forth ; but it had none of the elements of a serious religious movement.^ General The teaching of Wyclif produced no deep impression in WvciLf'f England. Partly this was due to his own character. Wyclif teaching in ^as a keen, acute dialectician ; but his spirit was too critical, England. . . . , jt ■ i his teaching too negative, to inspire deep enthusiasm or supply a position round which men would rally to the death. Wyclif himself had none of the spirit of a martyr, and his followers were ready to recant rather than to suffer. The movement was in its origin academic rather than popular, and was used at once for party purposes, from the traces of which it never quite escaped. It lent colourable countenance to socialist doctrines and awakened hostility as being subversive to society. In short, its force was frittered away in various directions ; there was no great national interest with which it was decidedly identified. Perhaps the condition of English politics was unfavourable to a great religious movement ; there was no decided popular ' Jiof. Fori. iii. 583. ' See Stubb.s, Conditufinnnl lEstorij of Encjland, vol. iii. B5.3, kz., for an admirable summary of the political a.spect of the Wyelitite movement. EARLY HISTORY OF BOHEMIA. 307 party, no place for political action founded upon broad chap. principles. Still, though Wyclif set in motion no great , ^}}i . movement and left no lasting impression of his definite opinions, he did much to awaken controversy, and by his translation of the Bible he spread among the people a knowledge of the Scriptures. He thus prepared the way for the testing and reception of new opinions in the sixteenth century, and it is not an exaggeration to date from the time of Wyclif that reverence for the exact words of Scripture which has always been the special characteristic of English religious life. The immediate importance of Wyclif in the history of the world lies in the fact that in the remote country of Bohemia his writings became one element of the first great national movement towards a new religious system. There was much in the early traditions of the Bohemian Early kingdom to dispose it to revolt from the Papal dominion. The cohemir^ history of Bohemia was that of a Slavonic tribe thrown into the midst of German peoples. The wave of German conquest flowed around it, and it saw in the Holy Eoman Empire merely a means of extending the power of the invading Germans. Christianity came to Bohemia from two sides, from Germany and Byzantium ; but the Slavs listened to the preaching of the Greek monks, Cyril and jNIethodius, though the Papacy reaped the fruit of these conversions, and behaved wisely in humouring the prejudices of the new converts. Moravia was made into a separate diocese, and the use of a Slavonic liturgy was allowed. The German Church resented this ecclesiastical organisation of the Slavonic peoples, and the cohesion of the Slavs was soon destroyed by the terrible invasion of JNIagyars, which severed the Slavic peoples and left Bohemia a helpless prey to German influences. The liturgy of Cyril and Methodius was suppressed and gradually disappeared, though it lingered in some obscure places till the middle of the fourteenth century. In its very origin Latin Christianity' in Bohemia was forced upon the unwilling Tchecks and was a badge of Teutonic supremacy. The soil was ready to receive opinions contrary to the ecclesias- tical system, and nowhere did the heretical sects of the thirteenth century, the Bogomilians and Waldenses, take deeper root than in Bohemia. The reign of Charles IV. (13-16-1 378) forms a decisive epoch 308 THE COUNCIL OF COiNSTANCE. BOOK II. Reign of Charles IV 1346-78. Efforts of Charles IVj to reform the lives of the clergy. Conrad of Walrt- haiisen. 13GO-70. in Bohemian history. The ' Pfaffenkaiser,' raised to the Em- pire by the influence of the Church, was bound to use his power in the Church's behalf. Charles IV. has been differently judged according to different conceptions of his duty. To the political theorist or reformer, who looked to the Emperor to inspire Europe with a new spirit, Charles IV. seemed an indolent and self- indulgent ruler. To the Grermans Charles IV. seemed destitute of dignity, weak and incapable, a king who did not care to maintain his prerogatives against the encroachments of his nobles, but regarded Germany as a province annexed to Bohemia. It is true that Charles IV. paid no heed to the Empire, and allowed Grermany to go its own way ; but he devoted himself to the interests of his Bohemian subjects, so that his reign is the golden age of their national annals. ' A model of a father to Bohemia and a model of a stepfather to Grermany,' the Em- peror Maximilian called him in later years. ' He made Prag,' said an admirer, ' what Eome and Constantinople had been.' He adorned his capital, elevated it into the seat of an arch- bishopric, and founded a university which soon took its place by the side of the great Universities of Paris, Oxford, and Bologna. These steps of Charles IV., so far as they strengthened the organisation of the Church, increased the influence of the Grermans. But, besides increasing the power of the Church, Charles IV.'s zeal led him to wish for a reform in the clergy, and round the cry for reform, which Charles IV. fostered, the national spirit of the Tchecks slowly and unconsciously rallied. The Church in Bohemia was wealthy and powerful ; the Archbishop of Prag was lord of 329 towns and villages ; the cathedral of Prag maintained 300 ecclesiastics; there were at least 110 con- vents in the land. Simony was rife, and, as a consequence, negligence of duty, exaction, and corruption of manners pre- vailed among the clergy. A visitation held in 1379 convicted of immorality sixteen clergymen out" of thirty who were visited. Charles IV. and the Archbishop Ernest of Pardubic were anxious to restore the zeal and morality of the Bohemian clergy. Charles's reforming zeal led him to summon from Austria an earnest preacher, Conrad of Waldhausen, who came to Prag in 13G0, and began to denounce pride, luxur}', and avarice, with MILICZ OF KEEMSIER. 301 sucli effect that crowds thronged to his preaching, and showed ciiAP. the power of his words by returning to simplicity of life. Con- . rad was led to ask himself how it was that he succeeded where the ordinary ministrations of the clergy failed. His meditations led him to attack the simony and other vices of the clergy, and especially of the friars. It was in vain that the clergy accused Conrad of heresy. The King and the Archbishop upheld him) against their attacks, and it is by the irony of fate that in his zeal for the purity of* the Bohemian Church the orthodox Kine set on foot a movement which involved his son in bloody war .against his people and made Bohemia a hotbed of heresy. I The earnestness of Conrad of Waldhausen raised up followers, Miiicz of chief of whom was jNIilicz of Kremsier, in INIoravia, who in 1363 136^-74/' laid aside his canonry at Prag to devote himself to the work of preaching to the poor. The teaching of Conrad had only been addressed to the Grermans ; but Miiicz preached in the Bohemian language, and by his fiery mysticism appealed to the imagina- tion of the people. He expounded prophecy and terrified his hearers by his denunciations. The tone of his preaching became more mystical, and the visions of the Apocalypse filled his imagi- nation. One day his zeal carried him so far that, preaching before Charles IV., he denounced him as antichrist. But the Emperor forgave him, and when he was accused of heresy and appealed to Pope Urban Y. in 1367, Charles warmly recom- mended him to the Pope. Miiicz went to Eome, but while waiting for the Pope's coming affixed a notice to the door of St. Peter's that he was ready to prove in a sermon the speedy coming of antichrist. For this he was imprisoned ; but Urban V. on his arrival released him and treated him kindly. Miiicz retmiied to Prag, justified against his accusers, but ceased afterwards to preach about antichrist. His saintly character impressed all who came near him, and he was the consoler of many troubled hearts. The wonders wrought by his preaching and the growing number of converts, who laid aside their evil courses and submitted themselves to his guidance, soon kindled the jealousy of the clergy, who again denounced him as a heretic to the Pope. The charges against him were chiefly his preach- ing of antichrist, his abuse of the clergy, disregard of excom- munication, and excessive puritanism in several points. He 310 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK was summoned to Avignon by Gregory XL, and died there - "• - in 1374. Mathias of. Milicz had succeeded in kindling the imagination and Thomas'" \ awakening the religious enthusiasm of the Bohemians. By his Stitny. words and by his actions he had set before them a lofty ideal of personal holiness and purity. ' He was,' says one of his followers, ' the image and son of our Lord Jesus Christ, the express similitude of His apostles.' • He quickened religious zeal, deepened men's grasp on spiritual truth, and left behind him a band of devoted followers bent on walking in his steps. But what he had expressed in the form of mysticism, in stirring appeals to men's feelings, his followers, chief amongst whom Mathias of Janow and Thomas Stitny, worked out in their writings into dogmatic forms. Mathias of Janow was not so much a preacher as a theologian, and in his work ' De regulis veteris et novi Testamenti ' ^ drew out from the Bible alone, disregarding the works of the fathers and the traditions of the Church, the rules of a holy and Christian life. He insisted upon the sufficiency of the Scriptures ; he urged the need of having Christ in the heart, and not merely on the lips ; he dwelt upon the danger of ceremonies in hiding from men's eyes the sufficiency of Christ as the sole Eedeemer, who suffices for the salvation of all who believe in Him. In urging these conclu- sions Mathias had no consciousness of a breach with the existing ecclesiastical system, but he none the less struck blows against it which sapped its hold upon the minds of men. Mathias, how- ever, wrote in Latin, and so addressed himself only to the more educated and intelligent. Thomas of Stitny, a Bohemian nobleman, followed in the steps of Milicz and wrote for the Bohemian people. In clear and simple language he carried home to men's minds the same truths as Mathias insisted upon, the need of faith founded on the Word of God, showing itself in good works and not resting on ceremonial observances. This spiritual movement in Bohemia would have died away, ' ' Ipse Milicius, filins et imago domini Jcsu Christi, apostolorumque i})sius similitndo propc expressa et ostensa.' Mathias of Janow, quoted bj' Palacky ; Geschichti' rnn Hohmcn, iii. pt. i. 173. ^ The whole of this work has not been published, but the tractate Do Abominatione DesnlaHonis in Ecdcsia Christi is published amongst the works ot YiMB \r\ IlistoHa ct Monuntoita Iltisnii (1715), i. 473, &c. Some striking extracts are given by Palacky. THE UNIVEKSITY OF PKAG. 311 as SO many others had done, if it had not found in the University of Prag an organised body which gave it stability and force. Founded in 1348, the University of Prag, under the fostering care of Charles IV., rapidly increased in importance, so that in 1372 it counted 4,000 students. Its constitution was a matter of some difficulty, and the faculties of theology and jurispru- dence strove for supremacy till, in 1372, the jurists formed themselves into a separate university. Following the example of Paris, the Univers^fty of Prag divided itself into four nations, Bohemian, Bavarian, Saxon, and Polish. At the end of the fourteenth century the foundation of universities at Cracow, Vienna, Heidelberg, Coin, and Erfurth ip. some degree diminished the importance of Prag, but it still remained the chief centre of intellectual life among the German and Slavonic peoples. The Poles, however, were few in number, and their vote was practically exercised by the Germans of Silesia. The Tchecks found themselves in a minority in the university which had been founded in their behalf, and the struggle of nationah"ties, which prevailed throughout Bohemia, raged fiercely in academic matters. The Tchecks claimed exclusive possession of the colleges, which, as elsewhere, were foundations to encourage research. Their claims were supported by King Wenzel, who with all his failings was true to the Bohemian people and by their help maintained himself upon his throne. We may gather from Wenzel's conduct to the Archbishop, Kinj; John of . Jenstein, how slight was the hold which the clergy had Arehblsho'ij upon popular favour, how deep was the impression produced by j°''". "f the reforming preachers. John of Jenstein was made Archbishop 1378-1400. of Prag in 1378 because he had won Wenzel's favour by his pleasant manners and skill in the chase. The story of Becket and Henry II. was almost reproducetl. A change came over the Archbishop ; he became a rigid ascetic, and his new sense of duty brought him into frequent collisions with the King. The quarrel came to a crisis in 1393, when John of Jenstein hastened to fill up the vacant abbacy of Kladruby, though he knew that the King was applying to the Pope to suppress it for the purpose of founding a new bishopric. Wenzel's wrath was ungovernable ; he summoned John to Prag, and passionately ordered him and three of his followers to be seized and im- prisoned. Two of them were tortm-ed, and Wenzel ordered all 312 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. of them to be drowned ; but when his rage passed away he bethought himself of the consequences which might follow from drowning an archbishop, and reluctantly ordered his prisoners to be released. One of them, John of Pomuc, was so severely injured by the torture that his life was hopeless, and Wenzel ordered him to be thrown into the Moldau. Ai'ch- bishop John was driven to humble himself before Wenzel ; he met with no support from the clergy or the people, and at last fled to Eome, where Boniface IX. refused to take any steps that might lead to a quarrel with Wenzel, from whom at that time he looked for help in Italy. John was driven to resign his archbishopric and died in Eome in 1400. That Wenzel should with impunity and success oflfet such violence to the metropolitan of the Bohemian Church is a striking evidence that the clergy were looked upon with in- difference, if not with dislike. The death of John of Pomuc caused no commotion in Bohemia. The University of Prag showed no desire to interfere in the quarrel between Wenzel and the Archbishop. Hus was accused afterwards of openly expressing his approval of the mmder of John of Pomuc ; his answer, that he only said that the drowning or imprisoning of a priest was no reason for putting the kingdon under an interdict,' shows that he certainly made no protest nor raised his voice against Wenzel's conduct. It is a curious point in later history that this John of Pomuc was chosen by the Jesuits to supplant the memory of Hus as a martyr in the minds of the Bohemians. But legend gathered round John's history ; he was confused with a confessor of Wenzel's queen, and was said to have been thrown into tlie Moldau because he refused to violate the secrets of the confessional at the bidding of a jealous and tyrannical husband. The legend took root in Bohemia in the dark days of the Catholic reaction, and the imaginary confessor was canonised in 1729 under the name of S. John Nepomucen. He answered his purpose in providing Bohemia with a national saint and in substituting a more poetical martyr for John Hus, who was only burnt at the stake for his theological opinions.^ There were in Bohemia, at the end of the fourteenth cen- tury, many political elements which favoured a revolutionary ' See Palacky, Docvvunita Nan. Johannh IIus Vitavi illiixtrantxa, p. 105. * See Wratisluw'a Life of S. John Kcj^Himurcti. WYCLIFS WEITINGS AT PEAG. movement. There was an ill-concealed jealousy of the Tchecks against the German middle classes, which tended to combine with the pm-itan movement against the abuses of the clergy. The rising of the German nobles against Wenzel, and the pre- tensions of EujDert to replace him in the Empire, identified his cause still more strongly with that of the Tcheck nationality. In the University of Prag the reforming party became similarly identified with the Tchecks, who were striving to maintain their privileges against tlie Germans. Soon a new impulse and a more definite form was given to the energies of the reformers by the spread in the University of Prag of the writings of Wyclif. The keen, clear criticisms of ecclesiastical dogmas, which had not taken root in England because they were associated with no national or political interest, supplied a form to the religious aspirations which were in Bohemia associated with a widespread popular movement. The connexion between Bohemia and England, which followed on Kichard II.'s marriage with Wenzel's sister Anne, increased the natural intercourse which existed in those days between universities. From Oxford the writings of Wyclif were brought to Prag, as early as 1385, by Jerome of Prag, who was himself a student at Oxford. The questions which they raised, especially the question of Transubstantia- tion, were eagerly discussed by an increasing party in the University, of whom John Hus became the chief represen- tative. / 313 CHAP, III. Influence of the writinffs of Wyclif in the Uni- versity of Prag. 1385-1400. 314 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Early life of Hus. Position of Hus. CHAPTER IV. JOHN HUS IN BOHEMIA. 1398—1414. John Hus was born of humble parents in the little village of Husinec, in 1369, and rose by his talents and his industry to high fame in the University of Prag. There he began to teach in 1398, and with his friend Nicolas of Leitomysl founded a philosophic school on the basis of the philosophical writings of Wyclif. From Wyclif's philosophy he advanced to Wyclifs theology, which seemed to find an echo in his own moral nature. From the first, however, he saw the dangers to which the ac- ceptance of Wyclif's teaching was likely to lead. ' Oh, Wyclif, Wyclif,' he exclaimed in a sermon, ' you will trouble the heads of many ! ' * Nor was the influence of Hus confined only to academic circles. One of the marks of the religious activity produced by the preaching of Milicz was the foundation in Prag by a wealthy burgher of a chapel called Bethlehem, for the purpose of procuring for the Tchecks sermons in their native tongue. The nomination of Hus as priest of the Chapel of Bethlehem in 1402 gave him the means of appeahng forcibly to the popular mind. Hus summed up in his own person all the political and reli- gious aspii-ations of the Tchecks, and gave them clear, forcible expression in his sermons. Sprung from the people, he main- tained that Bohemia ought to be for the Bohemians, as Germany was for the Germans and France for the French. Of pure and ' See Palacky, Docvvinita, 168, ' Et dixi et scripsi, O WicklefY, Wickleff, nejednomu ty \\\a.v;\x zwildrs ? ^ The exclamation is doubtless of the nature of a pun — znikles meaning 'you will disturb.' The library of Stockholm possesses a copy of five philosophical treatises of Wyclif, written in the haml of Hus in 1398, with copious marginal notes. See l)udik, Scluvcdische lidse, p. UJS. Prag;i403. WYCLIF'S OPINIONS CONDEMNED AT PRAG. 315 austere life, his countenance bore the traces of constant self- chap. denial, and his loftiness of pui-pose lent force to his words. ._ / _. From the time that he undertook the Chapel of Bethlehem he devoted himself to the work of popular preaching, and his pene- trating intelligence, his clearness of expression, his splendid eloquence, made his sermons produce a more lasting impression than the more impassioned harangues of Conrad or the more mystical and imaginative discom'ses of Milicz. He exactly ex- pressed the thoughts that were siuging in the minds of the people, and gave them definiteness and form. It was clear that Hus was not merely a popular preacher : he threatened to be- come the founder of a new school of rehgious thought. At first Hus followed in the same lines as his predecessors, Condemna- and strove to bring about a moral reformation of the Chm'ch by -vvyciif s means of the existing authorities. The feebleness of the Arch- ^{'^'"uni^- bishop of Prag, his death, and a long vacancy in the see left versity of the ground open for the Wyclifite teachers ; but in 1 403 a re- action set in. The office of rector of the University passed by rotation from the Bohemians to the Germans, and it was proposed to affirm in Bohemia the acts of the Council of London in 1382, which condemned the writings of Wyclif. It was a great matter for the opponents of the reforming party to be able to identify their teaching with that of one who had been already condemned for heresy. This fact has caused the influ- ence of \yyclif on the Bohemian reformation to be somewhat over-estimated ; his powerful writings produced a deep impres- sion on the chiefs of the Bohemian movement, but the move- ment itself had an independent existence, and it was owing to convenience that the struggle between the two parties raged round the writings of Wyclif. A German master of the Uni- versity, John Hiibner, laid before the Chapter of Prag the twenty-four articles of Wyclif 's teaching condemned by the Synod of London, and added twenty-one of his own discovery. These forty-five articles were submitted to the University on JNIay 28, 1403. Wyclifs followers contented themselves with protesting that the articles were not to be found in Wyclifs writings; but after some warm discussion the majority con- demned the articles laid before them, and a decree was passed that no member of the University was to teach them either in public or in private. 31 G THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK This decree of the University, however, produced no effect. -_ ,' _- The new Archbishop of Prag, Zbynek, was no theologian, trusted by ^^^ ^'^^ attracted by the earnestness of Hus. The clerical Archbishop party had no hope of help from him, and applied directly to 1403-6.' Innocent VII., who, in 1405, addressed to the Archbishop a monition to greater diligence in rooting out the errors and heresy of Wyclif. Little, however, was done in this direction, perhaps owing to the influence of Hus, who was so trusted by the Archbishop that he requested him to bring before his notice any defects of ecclesiastical discipline which, in his opinion, needed correction. Moreover, the position of Hus as confessor to Queen Sophia gave him considerable influence at Court, and Wenzel was so indignant at the refusal of Innocent VII., and afterwards of Gregory XII., to recognise him as Emperor, that he had no objection to see a more independent ecclesiastical party establishing itself in his kingdom. Archbishop But affairs soon destroyed this agreement between Hus and proceeds ^^^ Archbishop and Court. Zbynek was beginning to be exer- asainst cised in his mind at the frequent discussions about the Eucharist, VV vclidte . '^ •11 doctrines, and in 1406 published a pastoral defining what he considered to be the true doctrine. The preparations for the Council of Pisa exercised great influence over Wenzel, who hoped to secure from the Council, or the Council's Pope, a recognition of his Imperial title, but saw that for this end he must be ready to purge his kingdom of its reputation for heresy. In May 1408 the condemned opinions of Wyclif were read over to a congre- gation of the Bohemian nation of the University, and lectures or disputations on the words of Wyclif were forbidden. Some of the Bohemian masters were tried for heresy before the Arch- bishop's court, and a letter of Hus to the Archbishop, couched in lofty tones of moral remonstrance, besought him not to punish the lowly priests who were striving to do their duty in preaching the Gospel, when there were so many of their accusers who were given up to avarice and luxury.' From this time a breach was made between Hus and the Archbishop, which went on increasing. The Archbishop, however, satisfied with his victory for the present, declared, in a provincial synod on July 17, 1408, that no heretics were to be found in his diocese : ' Palackj', Documcnia, p. 3. WENZEL AND THE UNIVERSITY OF PRAG. 317 he ordered all the books of Wyelif to be burned, and enjoined chap. on the clergy to preach transubstantiation to the people. , ^y- The questions raised by the schism of the Papacy gave IIus influence and his party unexpected help. Wenzel was desirous to have coundi of his kingdom cleared of the charge of heresy, that he mio-ht ^''/'^ "", more decidedly take part in the negotiations about the sum- policy, mons of the Council of Pisa. He was ill-disposed to ^*^^"^'^^^- Gregory XII., who carried out his predecessor's policy, and continued to recognise Rupert as King of the Eomans. Wenzel was urged by the French Court to join in the Council of Pisa, and on November 24 wrote to the Cardinals that he was willing to do so, provided his ambassadors were received as those of the King of the Romans. Meanwhile he wished to withdraw from the allegiance of Gregory XII. and declare neutrality within his kingdom. The reforming party naturally hoped for some changes in their favour from a council, and supported the King's desire : Archbishop Zbynek and the orthodox party opposed it. When the King appealed to the University of Prag the Bohemians were on his side, the Germans sided with the Archbishop. The question of the neutrality drew together the Bohemian masters in the University : many who had combated Hus as a heretic were now with him. The King's anger gave the Bohemian academic party an opportunity of gaining a triumph over their German adversaries. A deputa- tion, of whom Hus was one, represented to the King the grievances of the Bohemians, who had only one vote in the Uni- versity while the Germans had three. They urged that the Bohemian masters had increased in number, while the Germans had diminished ; in learning, as well as in numbers, the Bohemians were at least equal to the Germans. While they were young they were content to be in bondage ; but now the fulness of time was come, when they need no more be regarded as servants, but heirs of all that the original foundation of Charles IV. had meant to bestow upon them.' The cause of the Bohemian masters was warmly applauded by some of Wenzel's favourites, and also by the ambassadors of P>ance. On January 18, 1409, the King issued an angry decree that it was ' Cf. the arguments brought forward in a tractate assigned to Hus, but which Palacky with greater probability assigns to John of Jansinec. — Palacky, Docuinenta, ooo, &c. THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. The German masters quit the University of Prauf. 1409. "^ Results of this to Germany and Bo- hemia, unjust that the Grermans, who were foreigners, should have three votes and the true heirs of the kingdom only one : he ordered that henceforth the Bohemians should have three votes and the Grermans one. On January 22 he published a decree renouncing the obedience of Gregory XII. The Tchecks were triumphant. Hus in a sermon openly thanked Grod for this victory over the Grermans. Popular ex- citement ran high, and the Grermans in vain strove to resist. They declared that they would leave the University rather than obey. They refused to elect any officials, and when the King nominated them by royal authority the Grerman masters carried their threat into execution and left Prag. According to the most moderate computation,' 2,000 are said to have departed, leaving but scanty remnants behind. This hasty, passionate step of Wenzel was the destruction of the European importance of the University of Prag, and was a decisive moment in the intellectual development of Grermany. The emigrant masters formed a new university at Leipzig, and many of them went to the young universities of Grermany. Henceforth there was no great centre of learning in Germany and a powerful bond of national union was lost. But the loss was counterbalanced by the vigorous growth of scattered uni- versities, which leavened more thoroughly with the traditions of learning the mass of the German people. The importance of Prag as one of the great cities of the world began to decline, and the strife of Germans and Tchecks was no longer to be contested, when it could most surely have been healed, in the bloodless sphere of academic disputation. More immediate consequences followed on this decree of Wenzel. He had wished only to pave the way to his adhesion to the Council of Pisa ; he kindled into a flame the smouldering spirit of the Bohemian people, and did ' That of iEneas Sylvivis, Hist. Bohem. c. .S5 : ' Uno die supra duo niillia Pragam reliquere, nee diu post circiter tria millia sccuti.' Some wi-iters put it at 20,000, some even at 40,000, but accurate statistics are a growth of modern times, and mcditeval numbers constantly present gross improbabilities. A paper by Drobisch, in Verliandhnigcn der Gcs. dcr Wissenschaften zv lA-ipzi/j, 1849, i. 69, &c., founded on an examination of the records of degrees conferred yearly, computes that the University of Prag at its most flourishing epoch did not exceed 4,000 students, and at this time numbered about 2,500. We may allow that nearly 2,000 quitted it. I have followed this computation in assign- ing numbers to the University of Prag ; the generally received number of its students is 11,000. ALEXANDER V. AND BOHEMIA. 319 much to identify the nation with the cause of ecclesiastical re- CHAP, form. This great national victory was also a victory for the . ^^' _. reformers. But it was won at a heavy cost ; the enemy was baffled, not crushed. The emigrant masters were dispersed throughout Germany, filled with hatred of their victorious rivals. They spread far and wide the story of their woes ; they painted in the blackest colours the wickedness, the impiety of the Bohemians. When we seek afterwards for the causes which led Grermany to pour its Crusading bands uj)on the Bohemian land, we may find it in the bitterness which the woes of the emigrant students carried into all quarters. Meanwhile Wenzel was satisfied with the* results of his BuUof measure, and its meaning was clearly shown by the election of vl'a^^alnst Hus as the first rector of the mutilated University. The heresy in '' IJonemia. Cardinals and the Council of Pisa received Wenzel's ambassadors, December disavowed Kupert, and restored to Wenzel in the eyes of ' Christendom his lofty position as King of the Eomans. When the Council's Pope had been duly elected, on Wenzel would naturally devolve the duty of securing his universal recognition. But Wenzel found with shame that he was powerless even in his own land. Archbishop Zbynek refused to recognise Alexander V., and was supported by the clergy ; he even laid Prag under an interdict. Wenzel replied by confiscating the goods of those clergy who joined the Archbishop in withdrawing from Prag. Zbynek was driven to submit, and reluctantly acknowledged Alexander V. in September 1409. These events, however, kindled anew the animosity of the Bohemians against the clergy, and arrayed the Court, the reformers, and the Bohemian people against the Germans and, the clergy. The Archbishop's mind became more and more exasperated against Hus, who had preached loudly in the King's behalf, and he prepared to wipe away in a conflict with Hus the discomfiture which he had undergone. Articles against Hus had already, before the end of 1408, been presented to the Archbishop, complaining that he defamed the clergy in his sermons and brought them into contempt with the people. In 1409 new articles were presented, and Hus was summoned to answer before the Archbishop's inquisitor to charges of defaming the clergy, speaking in praise of Wjclif, and kindling contention 320 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Has protests against the Bull. July 1410. between Germans and Bohemians.^ Hus does not seem to have appeared to answer to these charges : indeed, a counter charge was raised against the Archbishop in the Papal court, and Alexander V., who can have felt little goodwill to Zbynek, summoned him to answer to these charges. The summons, however, was soon countermanded, as the Ai'chbishop's envoys laid before the Pope an account of ecclesiastical matters in Bohemia, and Alexander V. became impressed with the gravity of the situation. He issued a Bull from Pistoia on December 20, bidding the Archbishop appoint a commission of six doctors, who were to purge his diocese from heresy, forbid the spread of Wyclif s doctrines, and remove fi-om the eyes of the faithful the books of Wyclif. Appeals to the Pope by those accused on any of these points were disallowed beforehand by the Bull. When this Bull was published in Prag the reformers felt that for a time they must bow before the storm. Hus himself brought to the Archbishop the books of Wyclif which he pos- sessed, with a request that Zbynek would point out the errors which they contained, and he was ready to combat them in public. Zbynek's commissioners contented themselves with reporting that Wyclif's writings, which they specified by name, contained manifest heresy and error, and were to be condemned. Whereupon, on June 1 6, the Archbishop ordered the books to be burned, denounced Wyclif's opinions and prohibited all teaching in private places and chapels. Already on June 14 the University had met and protested against the condemnation of the books of Wyclif, asserting, as was true, that the Archbishop and his commissioners had not had time to examine their contents. On June 20 they renewed their protest, and Hus, seeing him- self pushed to extremities, proceeded to a bold step in defiance of ecclesiastical authority. Alexander V. was dead, and there was a chance that his successor might be disposed to reconsider the Bohemian question. Disregarding the Archbishop's decree, Hus again ascended the pulpit in his chapel of Bethlehem ; dis- regarding the Bull of Alexander V., he appealed from a pope wronorly informed to a pope better informed. He called upon the people, he called upon his congregation, to support him in ' See Palacky, Doeumenta, 164, for the articles, with Plus's answer to each, written on the MS., but apparently not till the year IIM, shortly before setting out to Constance. HUS AND AECHBISHOP ZBYNEK. 321 the line which he resolved to pursue. He read the Pope's chap. Bull, the Archbishop's decree : he recalled the previous declara- , ' .^ tion of Zbynek that there were no heretics in Bohemia ; he declared the charges contained in the Bull to be untrue. ' They are lies, they are lies,' exclaimed with one voice the con- gregation. 'I have appealed, I do appeal,' continued Hus, * against the Archbishop's decrees. Will you be on my side ? ' * We will, we will,' was the enthusiastic answer. ' Know, then,' he went on, ' that, siiice it is my duty to preach, my purpose stands to do so, or be driven beyond the earth or die in prison ; for man may lie, but Grod lies not. Think of this, ye who purpose to stand by me, and have no fear of exCOmmunication for joining in my appeal.' ' The language of the appeal itself was equally resolute. The Bull of Alexander V., it affirms, was surreptitiously obtained by Zbynek on false grounds ; its authority came to an end with Alexander's death, and Zbynek's decrees were therefore invalid. As for Wyclif's books, even if they contained some errors, theological students ought not to be prohibited from reading them. The Archbishop's decree closing the chapels was an attempt to hinder the preaching of the Gospel and could not be obeyed, for ' we must obey God rather than men in things which are necessary for salvation.' The decisive step of a breach with the ecclesiastical system had now been taken. Hus asserted, as against authority, the sanction of the individual conscience, and he called on those who thought with him to array themselves on his side. Hus had stepped from the position of a reformer to that of a revolutionist. Zbynek was not slow to take up the challenge. Wenzel in Archbish vain strove to arrange a compromise. On July 16 the Arch- Zbvnek bishop gathered the clergy round him, and in solemn state writings of burned two hundred volumes of Wyclifs wi'itings which had juiv^ffio been surrendered to him. The ' Te Deum ' was chanted durino- o the ceremony, and all the church bells in Prag rang out a joyous peal in honour of the event. Two days afterwards Zbynek excommunicated Hus and all who had joined in his appeal, as disobedient and impugners of the Catholic faith. If by these strong measures Zbynek hoped to overawe the ' This account is given in a report sent to the Pope, in Palackj-, Documenta, 405. VOL. I. Y 322 Tliy COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK people he was entirely mistaken. Epigrams on the man who ^^' . burned the books he had not read passed from mouth to mouth ; songs declared that it was done to spite the Tchecks. When the Archbishop came in state to the cathedral door, accom- panied by forty clergy, to pronounce the excommunication against Hus, the uproar of the people forced him to retire for safety into the church. Wenzel, though hostile to the Ai*ch- bishop, found it necessary to interfere, and in a high-handed way devised a compromise. Libellous songs were prohibited on pain of death ; the Archbishop was ordered to pay back to the owners of the books he had burned their value, and to withdraw his excommunication. When he hesitated his revenues were seized for the purpose. Wenzel also wrote to Pope John XXIII., asserting that Bohemia was free from heresy, and begging him to revoke the Bull of Alexander V., which had produced nothing but mischief and ill-feeling. But the Arch- bishop had forestalled the King at the Papal Com-t : he had sent Hus's appeal and a statement of his own case. John XXIII. referred the matter to Cardinal Oddo Colonna, afterwards Pope Martin V., who lost no time in making his decision. In a letter dated from Bologna, August 24, he enjoined the Archbishop to proceed according to the Bull of Alexander V., and if necessary to call in the secular arm to his aid ; Hus was summoned to appear personally at the Papal Court to answer for himself. Husexcom- This letter reached Prag soon after Wenzel's letter to the municated pope had been despatched. The Archbishop triumphed, but tumacy by Wenzel felt himself personally aggrieved, and wrote again to CoLnn'a. the Popc, asserting that there was no ground of fear for the February yeligious Condition of his kingdom ; he took Hus under his personal protection, begged the Pope to withdraw his summons, confirm the privileges of the Chapel of Bethlehem, and allow Hus to continue in peace his useful ministrations. The friends of Hus gathered round him and loudly declared that they would not suffer him to be exposed to the perils of a journey to Rome through lands that were filled with his bitter enemies. But John XXIII. naturally thought that opinions reflecting on the luxury, worldly lives, and evil living of the clergy ought not to be allowed free scope. In spite of Wenzel's remonstrances, Hus was declared by Cardinal Colonna contumacious for not appear- ing, and was pronounced excommunicated (February 1411). RELIGIOUS TRUCE IN 1411. 323 Political considerations, however, soon admonished John chap. XXIII. to pay more heed to Wenzel's requests. The death of ._ ^ . Jobst of Moravia (January 17, 1411) left the title of King of J'^n'!!. the Eomans in the hands of one or other of the brothers Wenzel or Sigismund. Sigismund was still an adherent of Gregory XII., and John XXIII. felt that it would not be wise to drive Wenzel to join his brother; moreover, he hoped for Wenzel's aid . in bringing over Sigismund to his own obedience. He there- fore resolved to procrastinate in the matter of Hus, and trans- ferred the cause from the hands of Cardinal Colonna to those of a new commission, which allowed the matter to stand over. The sentence of excommunication against Hus was not rescinded, and the Archbishop ordered it to be promulgated in Prag. Little attention was paid to it, and Zb3mek, ah-eady infuriated by the seizure of his goods to pay for the books which he had burnt, laid Prag under an interdict. Wenzel in great wrath drove out the priests, who, in obedience to the Archbishop, refused to perform the services, and seized their goods. The nobles were always ready to stand by the King when they could lay hands on the property of the clergy, whose riches they looked upon with a jealous eye. Zbynek, who hoped by his extreme measure to strike terror into Wenzel and the people, found himself entirely mistaken. With the example of John of Jenstein before his eyes, he did not think it wise to exasperate the King further, jor to trust to the Pope for help in extremities. Most probably John XXIII. privately advised him to make peace with the King. At all events he agreed to submit his disputes with Hus and the University to arbiters appointed by Wenzel, who gave their decision (July 6) that the Archbishop should submit to the King, should write to the Pope saying that there were no here- sies in Bohemia, and that the disputes between himself and the University were at an end, that all excommunications should be recalled and all suits suspended. The King on his side was to do all he could to check the growth of error, and was to restore all benefices taken from the clergy. To this Zbynek was forced to consent ; but the letter to the Pope, though written, was never sent. Before the disputed points could be practically arranged, Zbynek died, on September 28. He was a man of blameless life and high character. Hus sincerely regretted his death and honoured him for his attempts to reform the lives and morals of Y 2 324 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK the clergy. He had been his friend in the early part of his ^^- . episcopate, and Hus considered the persecution of himself as due to the Archbishop's advisers, not to himself. The new Arch- bishop, Albik, was an old man, who knew and cared little about theology. He was Wenzel's physician, and was of an easy dis- position, rich and avaricious ; nothing but the dread of Wenzel's displeasure drove him to accept the office of Archbishop. Under him it seemed as though peace would be again restored, and. there was quiet for a while. Protest of Hus, however, had, unknown to himself, drifted far away the^safe of^* fi'om the old ccclesiastical system. His conscience had become iudui- more sensitive, and his feeling that he must guard against June 1412. offending the conscience of others had become more intense. Hitherto he had raised the voice of moral reproach against the abuses of the clergy ; occasion soon drove him to raise the same protest against the abuses of the Papacy itself. John XXIII., in his struggle against Ladislas, appealed to Christendom for help. He issued Bulls of excommunication, proclaimed a crusade, promised indulgences to the faithful who took part in it, and sent commissioners to stir up their zeal. The Papal legate in Bohemia for this purpose, Wenzel Tiem, Dean of Passau, was not wanting in energy. Three chests were put up in public places to receive contributions ; indulgences were preached in the market-place, and those who had no money might pay in kind. The parish clergy were enlisted in the legate's service, and used the confessional as a means of extort- ing money. ^ There was nothing new in this, nothing exceptionally scan- dalous. Yet it set the whole natm^e of Hus in revolt. He denounced the crusade as opposed to Christian charity ; he vehemently attacked the methods by which money was being raised. In vain the theological faculty of the University dissented from him, pointing out that it was, and had been for centuries, the belief of Christendom that the Pope could give remission of sins, and that he was justified in calling on the faithful to hel}) him in time of need. In spite of the efforts of > So says Hus. I'alacky, Locinncnta, 223 : ' ropulum taxarunt mirabiliter in confessionibus nt pactatam conqnirercnt pecuniam.' The Ai-chbisliop in vain tried to check this by issuing a letter 'quod populus in confet^sionibus non taxetur.'— iW<^. A51. PKOTEST OF HUS AGAINST THE SALE OF INDULGENCES. 325 the University to prevent it, Hus held a public disputation CHAP. against the Pope's Bull on June 7, 1412. Hus in his argument . / ^, discussed the two questions of the vahdity of indulgences and the justice of a crusade. While admitting the priestly power of absolution, he urged that its efficacy depended on the true re- pentance of him who received it, and that God only knew who were predestinated to salvation. Neither priest nor Pope could grant privileges contrary to the law of Christ ; in following the example of Christ^could salvation most surely be obtained.' Hus's subtle arguments met with many answers, but his fiery scholar Jerome of Prag by a storm of eloquence so carried away the younger scholars that they escorted hi«a in triumph home. In the general excitement the noisiest and least thoughtful spirits, as usual, took the lead. One of the King's favourites, Wok of Waldstein, organised a piece of buffoonery which was meant to be a reprisal for the burning of "SVyclif s books two years before. A student, dressed as a courtesan, was seated in a car with the Pope's Bull fastened round his neck ; surrounded by a motley throng, the car was drawn through the city to the Neustadt, where the Bull was burnt (June 24). Wenzel was natiu-ally indignant at this uproar, and ordered Tumult in the magistrates of the city to punish with death those who jJi|' '^ spoke against the indulgences. On Sunday, July 10, three young men of the lower orders were apprehended for having cried out in churches that the indulgences were a lie. In vain Hus, accompanied by two thousand students, pleaded before the magistrates in behalf of the prisoners. Their fault, he said, was his ; if anyone ought to suffer, it was himself. The magistrates gave him a fair answer, but a few hom's afterwards, on Monday afternoon, the three prisoners were brought out for execution, surrounded by armed men. A vast crowd followed the proces- sion in solemn silence. When the executioner proclaimed, ' All who do like them must expect their punishment,' many voices exclaimed that they were ready to do and suffer the same. A band of students took possession of the three corpses, and chanting the martyr's psalm ' Isti sunt sancti,' bore them to the Chapel of Bethlehem, where they were solemnly buried. The first blood had been shed in the religious strife in Bohemia ; ' These arguments were afterwards put in shape by Hus and published ; ' Disputatio adversus Indulgcntias Papales.' Hus, Ojjera, i. 215, &c. 326 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Excommu- nication of Hus. 1412. Hub goes into exile. 1412-13. the reformation had won its first martyrs. Hus declared in a sermon that he would not part with their bodies for thousands of gold and silver. The opponents of Hus felt that he could not be silenced by means of the University, where a large majority was on his side. They accordingly had recourse to the royal authority, and asked Wenzel to forbid the teaching of the forty-five articles, taken from the writings of Wyclif, which had been condemned in 1408. To these were added six new articles bearing on the present disturbance, condemning the opinion that priestly abso- lution was not in itself effectual but merely declaratory,' and the opinion that the Pope might not ask for subsidies in his temporal needs. Wenzel forbad under pain of banishment the teaching of any of these condemned articles, but refused to go further and prohibit from preaching those who were accused as prime causes of the late disturbances. Not content with the aid of the King, the clergy of Prag also complained to the Pope. John XXIII., naturally incensed at the news of this defiance offered in Bohemia to his authority, handed over the trial of Hus to Car- dinal Annibaldi, who lost no time in pronouncing against Hus the greater excommunication : if within twenty days he did not submit to the Church, none were to speak to him or receive him into their houses ; the offices of the Church were to cease when he was present, and the sentence against him was to be solemnly read in all churches in Bohemia every Sunday. Nor was this all ; by a second decree all the faithful were required to seize the person of Hus and deliver him to the Archbishop of Prag, or the Bishop of Leitomysl, to be bm-ned ; his Chapel of Bethlehem was to be levelled with the ground. The denunciations of the Papacy have never been lacking in severity, but they have rarely been carried at once into effect. Hus appealed from the Pope to Jesus Christ, the true Head of the Chiu'ch ; it was a curious piece of formalism to maintain himself still within the communion of the Church. His foes were ready to proceed against him ; so long as he was in Prag the interdict was rigidly observed by the clergy. But the resolute attitude of his friends portended a bloody conflict. Wenzel interfered to ' ' Quod sacerdotes non absolvunt a peccatis nee dimittuut peccata miuis- terialiter, confcrcndo et applicando sacramenlum pccnitentiiB, scd quod solum denuntiant couOtcntcm absolutuui est error.'— Talacky, Documenta, 455. WENZEL'S ATTEMPT AT PACIFICATION. 327 prevent it, and prevailed on Hus, for the sake of keeping the chap. peace, to leave Prag for a time ; he promised to do his utmost , y* . to reconcile him with the clergy. Hus obej^ed the royal request, though with a feeling that he was forsaking his post, and left Prag in December 1412. Wenzel was genuinely anxious to have things amicably Wenzei settled, and appointed a Commission, with the Archbishop at its makeiieacc. head, to draw up the terms of a reconciliation. But when once ^'*^•'• theological disputes aiiise, every step towards a formal agreement is keenly criticised. The representatives of the University theologians objected to be called in the preamble ' a party ' ; they declared that they expressed the opinions of the Church : they defined the Chiurch as that ' whose present head was Pope John XXIII., and whose body was the Cardinals, and the opinions of that Church must be obeyed in all concerning the Catholic faith.' The friends of Hus were willing to accept this with the addition ' as far as a good and faithful Christian ought.' The four doc- tors who represented the University refused to accept this, and protested against the Commissioners.^ Wenzei regarded them as throwing wilful hindrances in the way of his project of peace, and angrily banished them from his kingdom. This victory of the followers of Hus was followed by a politi- cal triumph that was of still greater importance. The strength of Hus's party in Prag lay in the Bohemians, and the strength of the orthodox party lay in the German middle class. Prag consisted of three separate municipalities. On the left bank of the Moldau lay the Old Town and the New Town ; on the right bank of the Moldau, the Little Town nestled round the cathedral and the royal palace of the Hradschin. In the New Town the Tchecks were in a majority, but in the Old Town the municipal council was chiefly in the hands of the well-to-do Germans, which accounts for the vigour displayed by the magis- tracy in suppressing all objections to the sale of indulgences. In late years the struggle of Germans and Tchecks had been bitter within the Old Town, and Wenzei, in pursuit of his pacific policy, ordered, on October 21, 1413, that henceforth the names of twenty-five Germans and twenty-five Bohemians be submitted to him, from whom he would choose eighteen, nine from each ' The account of this is given by one of the University doctors, Stephen I'alec, in Palacky, Bocunierita, 507. 328 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK nation, who should constitute the Councih From this time the „_ — ^ — . superiority of the Germans was broken, and they no longer had the government of the Old Town in their hands. Literary Wenzel's repressive measures produced external peace for a Hus. time. Hus in his exile spread his opinions still more widely throughout the land. Tractates and addresses to the people flowed unceasingly from his pen, as well as his great treatise ' De Ecclesia.' Freed from the excitement which had constantly attended his last six years in Prag, the literary activity of Hus was now unimpeded. Nor must Hus be regarded only as a con- troversialist ; he was the great framer of the Bohemian tongue. He adapted the Eoman alphabet more fully to the expression of the Tcheck sounds ; and the orthography which Hus intro- duced exists up to this day in Bohemia. He was, moreover, anxious for the purity of the Tcheck language, reproved the citizens of Prag for their combination of Grerman and Tcheck, and was in his own writings and speech a linguistic purist. Theological In the treatise ' De Ecclesia ' Hus expresses most clearly Hus!°"^ ° his opinions, though it is not as a thinker that Hus owes his chief claim to the consideration of after times. His strength lay in his moral rather than in his intellectual qualities. His opinions were not logically developed, as were those of Wyclif, but for that very reason they awakened a louder echo amongst his hearers. Hus was deeply impressed -with the abuses of the ecclesiastical system, which were everywhere apparent. He was above all things a preacher, bent upon awakening men to a new spiritual life, and keenly sensitive of the difficulties thrown in his way by the failings and vices of the clergy. Hus had no wish to attack the system of the Eoman Church, no wish to act in opposition to its established rules ; he main- tained conscientiously to the last that he was a faithful son of the Eoman Church. But the necessity of attacking abuses led him on step by step to set up the law of Christ as superior to all other enactments, as sufficient in itself for the regulation of the Church ; and this law of Christ he defined as the law of the Grospel as laid down by Christ during the sojourn on earth of Himself and the Apostles.* His adversaries at once pointed ' See the tractate written at Constance in lili, ' De Sufficientia Legis Christi,' Opera, i. 57. * Voco autem, ne fiat [cquivocatio, Legem Christi Evan- gelicaoi, legem a Christo pro tempore suaa viationis ct Apostolorum cxpositam ad regimen militantis ecclesia;,' OPINIONS OF HUS. 329 out that, starting from this principle, he maintained the right CHAP, of each individual to interpret Scripture according to his own ,_ / . pleasure, and so introduced disorder into the Chm'ch. Besides this claim for the sufficiency of Scripture instead of ecclesiastical tradition, Hus, from his deep moral earnestness, adopted the Augustinian view of predestination, and defined the true Church as the body of the elect. There were true Christians and false Christians ; it was one thing to be in the Church and anothei* thing to be of the Church. Those only were of the Chm-ch who by the grace of predestination were made members of Christ. The Pope was not the head of the Church, but was only the Vicar of Pet^-, chief of the Apostles ; and the Pope was only Vicar of Peter so far as he followed in the steps of Peter. Spiritual power was given that those who exercised it might lead the people to imitate Christ ; it is to be resisted if it hinders them in that duty.^ The Pope cannot claim an absolute obedience ; his commands are to be obeyed only as being founded on the law of Christ, and if contrary thereto ought to be resisted.^ No ecclesiastical censures ought to prevent a priest from fulfilling the commands of Christ, for he can reach the kingdom of heaven under the leadership of his ^Master, Christ.^ We find in this much that reminds us of Wyclif ; but what WycHf reasoned out calmly, with a full sense of the difficulties involved in his view, Hus asserts with passionate earnestness, applying only so much of his principles as covers his own position at the time. It is difficult to say how much Hus owed to Wyclif, and it is easy to point out similarities between the ideas of the two. But the language of Hus might be paralleled on some points by the language of Gerson and D'Ailly. All who were anxious for reform, and saw that reform was hopeless through the Papacy, tended to criticise the Papal power in the same strain. It is ' ' De Ecclesia,' Opera, i. 271 : ' Veraces ChristicoliB debent cuilibet potestati pr?ctensje resistere, qure nititur eos ab imitatione Christi vi vel subdole rem over e.' ■« IM(1.293: ' Si autem cognoscit veraciter quod mandatiun Papae obviat mandato vel consilio Christi, vel vergit in aliquod malum ecclesiaj, tunc debet audactor resistere ne sit parti ceps criminis ex consensu.' * Ibid. 317 : ' Benedictus quoque sit Christus summus Romanus Pontifex, qui dedit gratiam suis fidelibus, quod non existente aliquo Romano Pontilice pro dato tempore ad cieli patriam possunt duce Christo Uomino perveuire.' 330 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK the strong personality of the writer that attracts us in the case v.. — ,—^^ of Hus. Everything he writes is the result of his own soul's experience, is penetrated with a deep moral earnestness, illumined by a boldness and a self-forgetfulness that breathe the spirit of the cry, ' Let Grod be true and every man a liar.' In this literary activity Hus spent his exile from Prag. He was in constant communication with his followers there, and his letters of encouragement to them in their trials, and of ex- hortation to approve their opinions by goodness of life, give us a touching picture of simple, earnest piety rooted on a deep consciousness of Grod's abiding presence. These letters show us neither a fanatic nor a passionate party-leader, but a man of childlike spirit, whose one desire was to discharge faithfully his pastoral duties and do all things as in the sight of Grod and not of man.^ Has agrees Thus passed the year 1413; there was truce between the Council of two parties in Bohemia, but both were eagerly expecting what Comtance. ^j^^ i^xtmQ might bring. John XXIII.'s Council in Rome at the beginning of the year had condemned the writings of Wyclif, but the proceedings of the Council were too trivial to awaken much attention. But when the Council of Constance was first announced, both sides felt that it must have a decisive influ- ence on the state of affairs in Bohemia. John XXIII. was anxious to bring into prominence the Bohemian dispute ; it was the one question that might stave off for a while any discussion of the reform of the Church. In fact, the Bohemian movement rested entirely upon a desire for reform : it put before Chris- tendom one set of principles, one way of procedure which would make a thorough reform of the Church possible. Though John XXIII. did not know much about theology, he knew enough about human nature to feel convinced that the principles of the Bohemian reformers would not commend themselves to the ecclesiastical hierarchy assembled in the Council. He trusted that the difficulties which their discussion might raise would blunt the earnestness of the reformers in the Council, by identifying their cause with principles that were clearly sub- versive of the order of the Church. Sigismund on his side was urged by his vanity as well as his self-interest to use the prestige of a united Christendom to reduce into order Bohemia, • These letters are given in Palacky, Documenta 34-66. HUS JOURNEYS TO CONSTANCE. 331 of which, as his brother Wenzel was childless, he was the heir. chap. Accordingly he lost no time in negotiating with Hus that he . — ^ '. should appear before the Council and plead his own cause. He offered Hus his safe-conduct, promised to procure him an audience before the Council and to afford him a safe return in case his matter was not decided to his satisfaction.' Hus's friends besought him not to go. ' Assuredly you will be con- demned,' they pleaded. They warned him not to trust too much to Sigismund'^ safe-conduct. But Hus considered it to be his duty to go and make profession of his faith, in spite of all dangers ; he had not considered that he was called upon to risk his life in going before the Pope two years ago,«but now he had a safe-conduct against the perils of the journey, and had hopes of appearing before a competent and impartial tribunal. He set out on his journey to Constance on October 11, amidst the sad forebodings of his friends. ' God be with you,' said a good shoemaker as he bade him farewell ; ' God be with you : I fear you will never come back.' Hus was anxious to be in good time at the Council, so he Journey of left Prag before he had received the promised safe-conduct Constance, from Sigismund. He was escorted by two Bohemian barons, ^^'^^^■ Wenzel of Duba and John of Chlum, who were afterwards joined by a third, Henry of Latzenborck. On his journey Hus sent before him, into the various towns through which he passed, public notices that he was going to Constance to clear himself of heresy, and that those who had any accusation against him should prepare to present it before the Council. Everjrwhere he was received with respectful curiosity by the people, and in many cases by the clergy. The Germans no longer saw in Hus a national antagonist, but rather a religious reformer. They were willing to stand neutral until the Council had pronounced its decision on his doctrines.^ On November 3rd Hus entered ' This was bow Hus regarded the undertaking of Sigismund's envoy, as he writes from Constance (Palacky, Document a, p. 114) : ' Mihi intimavit per Henriciim Lefl et per alios, quod vellet mihi ordinare sufficientem audientiam, et si me non submitterem judicio, quod vellet me dirigere vice versa.' In the same sense is Hus's letter, dated Prag, September 1, 1414, written in answer to Sigismund's offers : ' Tntendo humiliter collum subjicere et sub protectionis vestne salvo conductu in proximo Coustautiensi concilio comparere.' Docvmenta, p. 70. =* A letter of Hus from Xiirnberg, October 20, gives an interesting account of his reception ; he says, * nullum adhuc sensi inimicum.' — Palacky, Doc. 76, 332 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK Constance and took up his abode in the house of a good widow V- / _^ close by the Schnetzthor. His arrival was announced by John of Chlum and Henry of Latzenborck to the Pope, who assured them that he wished to do nothing by violence. In the true style of a condottiere general he said that, even if Hus had killed his own brother, he should be safe in Constance.' On November 3 Wenzel of Duba, who had ridden from Niirnberg to Sigismund, returned with the royal safe-conduct, which ordered all men to give Hus free passage and allow him to stay or return at pleasure.^ In full confidence for the future, in the simple belief that a plain statement of his real opinions would suffice to clear away all misrepresentations, and that the truth would prevail, Hus awaited the opening of the Council. He expected that Sigismund would arrive at Christmas, and that the Council, if not dissolved before, would have finished all its business by Easter. also the account of Peter of Mladenowic, Secretary of John of Chlum, Docu- menta, 245. * Mladenowic, in Palacky, Documcnta, 246. 2 The document is given by Mladenowic {Doc. 238) : ' Transire, stare, morari et redire libera permittatis.' 333 CHAPTER V. THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE AND THE BOHEMIAN REFORMERS. 1414-1416. From his lodging by the city wall Hus looked out with sur- prise on the assembling of the Council, on the pomp that signified the arrival of princes of the Church ; but he had no enthusiasm in his heart. He saw only the \ace and luxury that accompanied this gathering of the faithful. ' Would that you could see this Council,' he wrote afterwards to his Bohemian friends, ' which is called most holy and infallible ; truly you would see great wickedness, so that I have been told by Suabians that Constance could not in thirty years be i)urged of the sins which the Council has committed in the city.' ' Hus stayed quietly in his house, for he was still excommunicated, and the place where he was lay under an interdict. The Pope sent him a message saying that the interdict was suspended, and that he was at liberty to visit the churches of Constance ; but, to avoid scandal, he was not to be present at High Mass. Hus seems to have made no use of this pennission ; he was busily employed at home in preparing for his defence. jNIeanwhile his enemies were actively engaged in poisoning Enemies of the Council against him. Chief amonsfst his opponents were ?"^ "' ^ . . ^ ^ ^ Constauce. the Bishop of Leitomysl and Michael of Nemecky Brod, who had formerly been a priest in Prag, but had been aj)pointed by the Pope ' procurator de causis fidei,' and from his office was generally called jNIichael de Causis. There too was Wenzel Tiem, anxious to avenge himself upon the man who had done such harm to his financing operations in the sale of indulgences. From the University of Prag came Stephen Palecz, who had formerly been a friend of Hus; but, alarmed at Hus's action ' I'alacky, Docuvwnta, 138 334 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Opinions at the Council about Hus. against the preaching of indulgences, had changed sides, and afterwards showed all a renegade's bitterness against his former leader. Hus complains that the Bohemians were his bitterest foes ; they gave their own account of what had happened in Bohemia, brought Hus's writings to Constance and interpreted his Bohemian works, as they alone knew the language. Through the activity of these powerful opponents Hus's cause was judged beforehand, and the only question which the Council had before it was the method of his condemnation. It is difficult to see where Hus expected to iind partisans in the Council. The Pope and the Cardinals had already declared themselves against him. England had abandoned ^^''yclif, and was not likely to raise its voice in favour of Hus. France in its distracted condition brought its political animosities to the Council, and was not likely to lend help to one whose princi- ples were subversive of political order. Already the ecclesias- tical reformers of the University of Paris had taken steps to cut themselves off from all connexion with those of Prag. In May 1414 Grerson wrote to Conrad, the new Archbishop of Prag, ex- horting him to root out the Wyclifite errors. On September 24 he sent the Archbishop twenty articles taken from the wi'itings of Hus, which the theological faculty of the University of Paris had condemned as erroneous. These articles mostly dealt with Hus's conception of the Church as the body of those predes- tinated to salvation, and the consequent inference that the commands of those predestinated to damnation were not bind- ing on the faithful. Gerson was horrified at such a theory of the Church ; he regarded it as subversive of all law and order. He and the conservative reformers of Paris were willing to reform the existing abuses in the ecclesiastical system, and for that j^urpose admitted a power residing in the whole body of the Church which was superior on emergencies to that of its ordinary ruler ; but they shrank from a new conception of the Church which would allow the private judgment of the predestinated to over- ride all authority. Gerson regarded Hus as a dangerous revolu- tionist ; he wrote to the Archbishop on September 24, ' The most dangerous error, destructive of all political order and quiet, is this — that one predestined to damnation or living in mortal sin, has no rule, jurisdiction, or power over others in a Christian people. Against such an error it seems to my IMPEISONMENT OF HUS. 335 humility that all power, spiritual and temporal, ought to rise chap. and exterminate it by fire and sword rather than by cm-ious . ^- _. reasoning. For political power is not founded on the title of predestination or grace, since that would be most uncertain, but is established according to laws ecclesiastical and civil.' ' The antagonism between the two schools of thought was pro- found. Hus, in his desire to deepen the consciousness of spiritual life, and bind together the ftiithful by an invisible bond of union with Christianity, was willing to sacrifice all out- ward organisation. Gerson regarded the Church as a religious polity whose laws and constitution needed reform; but the most fatal enemy to that reform was the spjrit of revolution which threatened the whole fabric with destruction. As a statesman and as a logician Gerson regarded Hus's views as extremely dangerous. Hus, stii'red only by his desire for greater holiness in the Church, believed that he could move the Council as he moved his congregation of Bethlehem. He wished only for an ojiportunity of getting forth his opinions before assembled Christendom, and thought that their manifest truth could not fail to carry conviction. There was a child- like simplicity about his character, and an ignorance of the world which some writers of modern times have mistaken for vanity. Feeling that the Council was entirely on their side, the Hus im- enemies of Hus were anxious to proceed against him before nov°°28.' Sigismund's arrival. John XXIII. on his part was equally will- ing that the Council should find some occupation for its activity. The first step was to seize the person of Hus. Ungrounded rumours were spread that he had made an attempt to leave the city in a hay cart ; ^ it was urged that he said mass every day in his own house, and that many went to visit him and hear his false doctrines. Accordingly, on November 28, the Bishops of Augsburg and Trent, together with the burgomaster of Con- stance, came to Hus's house while he was at dinner with John of Chlum, and informed him that the Pope and the Cardinals were ' Palacky, Documenta, 528. ' This story, given by Reichcnthal, has been often repeated, but tlie account of Mladcnowic (in Doc. 247) clearly contradicts it. Reichenthal has con- fused Hus with Jerome of I'rag. If Hus had attempted to escape, the fact would have been urged against him in the proceedings of the Council. See Palacky, Gcsch. Bohm. III. i. 322 «. 336 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. nOOK II. Hus before the Pope and Car- dinals. Nov. 28. ready to hear him. John of Chlum angrily answered that Hiis had come at Sigismund's request to sj)eak before the Council ; it was Sigismund's will that he should not speak before his arriv^al. The Bishop of Trent answered that they had come on an errand of peace. On this Hus rose from the table and said that he had not come to Constance to confer with the Cardinals, but to speak before the Council ; nevertheless he was willing to go Slid answer anywhere for the truth. He bade adieu to his weeping landlady, who had seen the armed men with whom these messengers of peace had smTounded her house, and as Hus mounted his horse she begged his blessing, as from one who never would return. When Hus appeared, at twelve o'clock, before the Cardinals in the Pope's palace, he was told that there were many grievous charges against him of sowing errors in Bohemia. He answered, ' Most reverend fathers, know that I would rather die than hold a single error. I came of my own accord to this Council, and if it be proved that I have erred in anything I am willing humbly to be corrected and amend.' The Cardinals said that his words were fair, and then rose, leaving Hus and John of Chlum under the guard of the soldiers who had escorted them there. A subtle theologian, in the guise of a simple friar in quest for truth, came meanwhile to talk with Hus on the doctrine of the Eucharist and the two natures of Christ. Hus, however, discovered him, and guarded against his desire for religious confidences. At four o'clock the Cardinals again assembled to consider Hus's case. The articles prepared by Michael de Causis were laid before them. They accused Hus of (1) teaching the necessity of receiving the Eucharist under both kinds and of attacking transubstantiation ; (2) of making the validity of the sacraments depend on the moral character of the priest ; (3) of erroneous doctrine concerning the nature of the Church, its possessions, its discipline, and its organisation. Hus's opponents were there, and urged the necessity for putting him in prison ; if he were to escape from Constance he would boast that he had been tried and acquitted, and would do more harm than any heretic since the times of Constantine the Great. ^ It was evening when the master of the Pope's household came ' Articles of Michael dc Causis, Palacky, Documcnta, 199. IMPRISONMENT OF HUS. 337 to announce to John of Chlum that he was free to depart if he ciiAP. chose, but IRis must remain in the palace. The fiery Bohemian ^- forced his way into the Pope's chamber. ' Holy Father,' he exclaimed, ' this is not what you promised. I told you that Master Hus came here under the safe-conduct of my master the King of the Romans ; and you answered that if he had killed your brother he should be safe. I wish to raise my voice and warn those who^have violated my master's safe-conduct.' The Pope called the Cardinals to witness that he had never sent to take Hus prisoner. He afterwards called John of Chlum aside, and said to him, ' You know how matters stand between me and the Cardinals ; they have brought me Hus as a prisoner, and I am bound to receive him.' John XXIII. cared little about his promise, or about Hus ; he frankly admitted that he was thinking only how to save himself. Hus was led to the house of one of the Canons of Constance, where he was guarded for eight days. On December 6 he was taken to the Convent of the Dominicans, on a small island close to the shore of the lake. There he was cast into a dark and narrow dungeon, damp with the waters of the lake, and close to the mouth of a sewer. In this noisome spot he was attacked by fever, so that his life was despaired of, and John XXIII. sent his own phy- sicians to attend him. The anger of John of Chlum at the imprisonment of I[us Anger of gave a sample of the spirit which afterwards animated the ^J'^t',*""")^'! whole Bohemian nation. He did not cease to complain in lation of His sflfC" Constance of the Pope and Cardinals ; he showed 8igismimd's comiuct. safe-conduct to all whom he met ; he even fixed on the doors of the Cathedral a solemn protest against the Papal perfidy. Sigismund himself was equally indignant at the dishonour done to his promise ; he requested that Hus be immediately released from prison, otherwise he would come and break down the doors himself. But the enemies of Hus were more powerful than the remonstrances of Sigismund. Perhaps John XXIII. was not sorry to find a subject about which he might try to create a quarrel between Sigismund and the Council. Proceedings against Hus were begun ; on December 4 the Pope appointed a com- mission of three, headed by the Patriarch of Constantinople, to receive testimonies against Hus. Hus asked in vain for an advocate to take exception to the witnesses, of whom many VOL. I. z 338 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Arguments in favour of disre- garding the safe- conduct of IIus. were his personal foes. He was answered that it was contrary to law for anyone to defend a suspected heretic. When Sigismund arrived in Constance on December 25, the first question that engaged his attention was that of Hus's imprisonment. He demanded of the Pope that Hus should be released. John XXIII. gave him the same answer as he had given to John of Chlum : he referred him to the Cardinals and the Council, whose work it was. Discussion went on sharjjly for some time.^ Sigismund urged that he was bound to see his safe- conduct respected ; the fathers of the Council answered that they were bound to judge according to the law one suspected of heresy. When Sigismund urged the indig- nation which was rising in Bohemia at Hus's imprisonment, he was answered that there would be serious danger to all authority, ecclesiastical and civil, if Hus were to escape to Bohemia and again commence his mischievous preaching. Sigismund threatened to leave Constance if Hus were not released ; the Council answered that it also must dissolve itself if he wished to hinder it in the performance of its duty.^ We are so far removed from a state of opinion in which a King could be m-ged to break his word, on the ground that it was only plighted to a heretic, that it is difficult for us to appreciate the arguments by which such conduct could be justified. The Council maintained that one of its chief objects was to put down heresy. Hus was certainly a heretic, and must be tried as such ; he was now in their power, and if he were to escape the evil would be greatly increased. It was not their business to consider how he had put himself in their power. The existence of the Council was independent of Sigis- mund's help, and it must not allow its independence to be fettered at the outset by Sigisraund's interference. jMoreover, the terrible conception of heresy in the Middle Ages put the heretic outside the limits of a king's protection.^ He was a ' The letter of the envoys of the University of Koln, dated January 17, Hlo, says : ' Hodie est occasio non modic.-B pertnrbationis propter salvum condnc- tum sibi (i.e. Hus) pnustitum.' Martene, Tkesaur. ii. 1611. This is opposed to Von der Hardt, iv, 26, who makes Sigismnnd withdraw his safe-conduct on January 1. '^ Pahicky, Gcxchiehte von Bohmrn, iii. 1, 329, from a letter of Sigismund to the Ilolicmian estates, written from Paris, March 21, 1116. ' Schwab, Johannes Gerson, 582-3, has collected a number of passages bearing on this point. \ HUS'S SAFE-CONDUCT. 339 plague-spot in the body of a State, and must be cut out at cilAP. ouce, lest the contagion spread. Heresy in a land was a blot ^; - on the national honour, which kings were bound to preserve intact ; the heretic was a traitor against God, much more a traitor against his own sovereign. It was the clear duty of all in authority to protect themselves and the community against the risks which the spread of heresy inevitably brought. Nor could a promise of^ safe-conduct rashly made override the higher duties of a king. No promise was binding if its observance proved to be prejudicial to the Catholic faith.' Eash and wicked promises are not binding, aod the goodness of a promise must in some cases be judged by its result. ' Call to mind,' urged the Bishop of Arras, ' the oath of Herod, which the result proved to be an evil one ; so in the case of a heretic with a safe-conduct, his obstinacy makes it necessary that the decree be changed ; for that promise is impious which is fulfilled by a crime.' ^ Such is a sample of the reasons which led the wisest and best men of Christendom to urge Sigismund to a shameless breach of faith. Their arguments were enforced by Sigismund's fear lest the Council dissolve if he refused to listen, and so all the glory which he hoped to gain be lost to himself, and all the benefits of a reunion of Chris- tendom be lost to mankind. King Ferdinand of Aragon wrote to Sigismund, expressing his surprise at any hesitation about punishing Hus. It was impossible, he said, to break faith with one who had ah-eady broken faith with God.^ This letter must have jiroduced a great impression on Sigismund ; if the Council were to succeed, Ai-agon must be brought to acknowledge its authority, and no pretext must be given which might cover a refusal. Overborne by these considerations, Sigismund aban- doned Hus to his fate. ' * Cum dictus Johannes Hus fidem orthodoxam pcrtinaciter impugnans, se ab omni conductu et privilegio reddiderit alienum, nee aliqua sibi (ides ant promissio de jure naturali, divino vel humane, fuerit in praejudicium catholicae fidei observanda,' — Declaration of the Council, Von der Hardt, iv. 521. ■^ Gerson, Oj). v. 572 : ' Resolve in animo tuo juramentum Herodis et com- pcries quod in malis promissis fides est rescindcnda non solum a principio sed etiam ab eventu, sicut de hicretico, cui etiam datur salvus conductus, ob cujus pertinaciam mutandum est decretum ; impia est enim promissio quae scelere adimpletur.' ^ '^Q.Q Andrea: Ratisboncnsxs Chronicon. Eccard, i. 2HG. 340 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTA>X'E. BOOK H. Condemna- tion of the writings of Wyclif. Mav 4, 1415. We cannot resist a feeling of moral indignation at such sentiments and at such conduct ; but the object of history is to iinderstand, before we judge, the past. Freedom of opinion has been established among us at the present day by the teaching of experience : we have learned that duty has an existence amongst men independent of the law of the Church. Such a conception was impossible in the jNIiddle Ages. The belief that rightness of conduct depended on Tightness of religious opinion was universal, and the spirit of persecution was but the logical expression of this belief. Sigismund's perfidy must not be laid down to ecclesiastical obliquity of vision, caused by fanaticism or religious hate : it was but the logical result of the idea of Europe as a Christian common- wealth which might admit of national differences in things temporal, but in things spiritual was subject to the same laws and the same government. The question of the abdication of John XXIII. threw the cause of Hus for a time into the background. John's flight on March 20 put the responsibility of Hus's imprisonment in the hands of Sigismund and the Council. For a moment the friends of Hus hoped that Sigismund would use this opportu- nity and set Hus at liberty. He might have done so with safety, for the Council was now too far dependent upon him to take much umbrage at his doings. But Sigismund had entirely identified himself with the Council, and had no farther qualms of conscience about his treatment of Hus ; he is even said to have taken credit to himself for his firmness of purpose. There were great fears that the friends of Hus might attempt a rescue ; ' so on March 24 Sigismund handed over the custody of Hus to the Bishop of Constance, who removed him by night, imder a strong escort, to the Castle of Gottlieben, two miles above Constance, on the Ehine, where he was kept in chains. On April 6 a new commission, at the head of which were the Cardinals of Cambrai and St. Mark, was appointed to examine the heresies of Wyclif and Hus. As the Council was anxious to have this matter ready to hand when it had finished its conflict with John XXIII., it again transferred, on April 17, the examina- ' Letter in Palacky, (reach, ran linhmcn, iii. 1, 339 : 'De Tins fuit poriculum neeripcretur de carccribus ordinis Pnvdicatorum situatis ultra muros civil atis, quia c'listodcs jam erant pauci ct remissi.' PROCEEDINGS AGAINST HUS. 341 tion of Hus to another commission, whose members had more chap. leisure than the Cardinals. No time was lost in inaugm'ating • . the Council's activity against heresy. In the eighth session, on May 4, Wyclif was condemned as the leader and chief of the heretics of the time. The forty-five articles taken from Wyclif 's writings were condemned as heretical ; two hundred and six others, which had been drawn up by the ingenuity of the University of Oxford, were declared heretical, erroneous, or scandalous ; the writings of Wyclif were ordered to be burnt ; his memory was condemned, and it was decreed that his bones be exhumed and cast out of consecrated ground. The friends of Hus saw that if they hoped t^ save him they Protest of must act promptly. On May 16 a petition was presented to J^/^^ds the Council, signed by Wenzel of Duba, John of Chlum, Henry ^I'ly iG-3i, of Latzenborck, and other Bohemian nobles in Constance, pray- ing for Hus's release from prison, on the ground that he had come voluntarily with a safe-conduct to plead on behalf of his opinions, and had been thrown into prison unheard, in violation of the safe-conduct, though heretics condemned by the Council of Pisa were allowed to come and go freely. There were replies and counter-replies, which only embittered the enemies of Hus. At last, on May 10, an answer was given by the Patriarch of Antioch, on behalf of the Council, that they would in no case release from prison a man who was not to be trusted, but that, in answer to the request for a public audience, the Council would hear him on June 5. If Hus's cause had been prejudged by the Council when he Adminis- was put in prison, everything that had happened since then had the^com^ only strengthened the conviction that Hus and his opinions muniou ^ , under tioth were most dangerous to the peace of the Chm-ch. Ihe news kinds in from Bohemia told that the revolt against ecclesiastical "'^™**- authority was rapidly spreading. After the departm-e of Hus the chief place amongst his followers was taken by one Jakubek of Mies, who attacked the custom of the Church by pre^aching the necessity of the reception of the Eucharist under both kinds. The question had previously been raised by JMathias of Janow, but in obedience to the Archbishop of Prag had been laid aside. Jakubek, not content with holding a disputation before the university in defence of his views, pro- ceeded to administer the Communion under both kinds in 342 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. several churches in Prag, heedless of the Archbishop's excom- munication. There was some difference of opinion on this question amongst Hus's followers in Bohemia, and the opinion of Hus was requested.' Hus gave his opinion in favour of Jakubek, on the ground that the Communion under both kinds was more in accordance with the teaching of St. Paul and the custom of the primitive Church ; but it is evident from his way of speaking that he did not consider the question as one of vital importance. However, a letter of his to Jakubek, and Jakubek's answer, which was expressed in imprudent language, fell into the hands of the spies of Michael de Causis, and were used to prove still more clearly the dangerous character of Hus.2 Capture of Moreover, the friends of Hus showed a zeal in his behalf, Pra™^May "^^i^h the Council regarded as unseemly, if not suspicious. 23, 1415. Hus wrote to warn them to curb their desire to come and visit him. One of them. Christian of Prachatic, was imprisoned on the accusation of Michael de Causis, and was only released on Sigismund's intervention, who had a special care for him as a learned astronomer. Hus's warnings, however, did not prevent his fiery scholar, Jerome of Prag, from venturing secretly to Constance. Jerome was the knight-errant of the Hussite movement, whose restless activity spread its influence far and wide. Sprung from a noble family, he represented the alliance between Hus and the Bohemian aristocracy. He studied at Heidelberg, Koln, Paris, and Oxford, and wandered over Europe in quest of adventures. He had been imprisoned as a heretic at Pesth and at Vienna, and had only escaped through the in- tervention of his noble friends and of the University of Prag. He had dreamed of a reconciliation between the Bohemian re- formers and the Greek Church. Violent and impetuous in all things, he hastened to Constance, where he kept himself hid, and on April 7 posted on the church doors a request for a safe-con- duct, saying that he was willing to appear before the Council and answer for his opinions. On April 17 the Council cited him to appear within fifteen days, giving him a safe-conduct ' Letter of John of Clilum (Palack}', DocuDinita, 86) : 'Quia fratrum adlmc aliqualis est scissio, et propter illud muHi turbantur, ad vos et arbitrium vcs- trum juxta scripta quaedam se referentcy.' ' Letter of Hus to Peter Mladenowic. Docmuoita, 87. JEKO.ME OF PRAG. 343 against violence, but announcing the intention of i)ioceeding CIIAP. legally against him. Jerome already repented of his rash- ness ; he judged it wiser to return to Prag, but was recognised when close on the Bohemian frontier, at Hirschau, was made prisoner and was sent back to Constance, where he arrived on May 23. He was led in chains by his captor to the P>anciscan monastery, where a general congi'egation of the Council was sitting. Jerome was asked why he had not appeared in answer to the citation, and* answered that he had not received it in time to do so; he had waited for some time, but had turned liis face homewards in despair before it was issued. Angry cries ai'ose on every side, for Jerome's keen tongue and fiery temper had raised him enemies wherever he had gone. Academic hatred blazed up ; the hostility of the Nominalists against the Eealistic philosophy was proved to be no inconsider- able element in the opposition to the tenets of Wyclif and Hus. Gerson exclaimed, ' When you were at Paris, you disturbed the University with false positions, especially in the matter of universals and ideas and other scandalous doctrines.' A doctor from Heidelberg cried out, ' When you were at Heidelberg you painted up a shield comparing the Trinity to water, snow, and ice.' He alluded to a diagram which Jerome had drawn out to illustrate his philosophic views, in which water, snow, and ice, as three forms of one substance, were paralleled with the three Persons co-existing in the Trinity. Jerome demanded that his opinions be proved eiToneous ; if so, he was willing humbly to recall them. There were loud cries, ' Burn him, burn him.' *Kyou wish my death,' he exclaimed, 'so be it, in God's name.' ' Nay,' said the chivalrous Robert Hallam, Bishop of Salisbury, ' Nay, Jerome ; for it is written, " I will not the death of a sinner, but rather that he be converted and live." ' In the midst of general confusion Jerome was hurried off to prison in the tower of St. Paul's Church — a dark and narrow dungeon where he could not see to read, and was treated with the utmost rigour. The hopes of Hus and his friends fell lower and lower, as Difr.Tent the months of his imprisonment went on. The Commissioners yh,s',"ndof of the Council plied Hus with questions and framed their in- <'>e Coun- (lictment against him. Hus laboured hard to prepare his de- fence, and still found time to write little tractates for the use 344 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK of his friends and even of his guards. His own desire was that . ^ — - he might have the opj)ortunity of defending his opinions openly. So entirely were they the expression of his whole moral natm-e, that he could not imagine it possible for anyone to consider that the frank expression of such opinions was really culpable. But the Council saw no reason for listening to Hus's exj^lana- tions. In their mind his guilt was clear ; his writings con- tained opinions contrary to the system of the Church ; he had openly acted in defiance of ecclesiastical authority, and had taught others to do the same. It was useless to give such an one another opportunity of raising his voice. The Council that had just been victorious over a Pope thought it beneath its dignity to waste time over a heretic. The very fact of the over- throw of John XXIII. made the condemnation of Hus more necessary. If the Council had been compelled by the emer- gency to overstep the bounds of precedent in its dealings with the Pope, Hus afforded it an opportunity of showing Christendom how clearly it distinguished between reform and revolution ; how its anxiety to amend the evils of the Church did not lead it to deviate from the old ecclesiastical traditions. The real state of affairs was accurately expressed in the advice given to Hus by a friend who was a man of the world : ' If the Council were to assert that you have only one eye, though you have two, you ought to agree with the Council's opinion.' Hus answered, ' If the whole world were to tell me so, I could not, so long as I have the reason that I now enjoy, agree without doing violence to my conscience.' ' Hus had the spirit of a martyr, because he had the singleness of character which made life impossible if purchased by the overthrow of his moral and intellectual sincerity. First audi- ^^ wlien, on June 5, the fathers of the Council assembled ence of jj^ ^|^q refcctorv of the Franciscan Convent, they came to con- 11 us. June -^ _ 7 J 5, 1415. demn Hus, not to hear him. Before Hus was brought in, the re- port of the Commissioners ni)pointed to examine his case was read. A Bohemian, looking over the reader's shoulder, saw that it ended in a condemnation of various articles taken from Hus's writings. When John of C'hlum and "NVenzel of Duba heard this they went to Sigismuud, who was not present at the congregation, and besought him to interfere. Sigismund was ' From a letter of lias in Palacky, Uociimrntu, 102. FIRST AUDIENCE OF UUS. 345 moved to send Frederick of Niirnberg and the Pfalzgraf Lewis to request the Council not to condemn IIus unheard, but to give a careful hearing to his defence. The friends of Hus objected that the articles against Hus were taken from garbled copies of his writings, and they laid before the Council Hus's original manuscript of the ' De Ecclesia ' and other works, on condition that they should be safely returned. After these preliminaries, Hus was brought in. He admitted that the manuscript^which he was shown were his; he added that if they were proved to contain any errors, he was ready to amend them. The first article of his accusation was then read, and Hus began to answer it. He had not procjgeded far before he was stopped by cries on all sides. It was not the Council's notion of a defence that the accused should discuss the stan- dard of orthodoxy, or bring forward quotations fi'om the Fathers in proof of each of his opinions. To them the rule of faith was the Church, and the Church was represented by the Council. It was for them to say what opinions were heretical or erroneous. The only question in Hus's case was whether or no he owned the opinions of which he was accused. 'Have done with your sophistries,' was the cry, ' and answer yes or no.' When he quoted from the writings of the early Fathers, he was told that was not to the point : when he was silent, his foes exclaimed, ' Your silence shows assent to these errors.' The more sober members decided the Council to defer for two days the further hearing of Hus. At the second audience, June 7, Sigismund was present, gecond and there was greater order, owing to a proclamation, in the ^^^'''"jy^g name of the King and the Council, that anyone crying out in a 7, uio. disorderly way would be removed. The first point on which Hus was accused was his view of the Sacrament of the Altar, about which Hus denied, as he always had done, that he shared Wyclif's views. Peter d'Ailly, who was president at the session, tried to discuss the question on philosophical grounds, and to prove that Hus, as a realist who believed in universals, could not accept the true doctrine on the subject. The English, who had been experienced in this question since Wyclif's days, took a great share in the discussion. At last one of them brought it to an end by declaring that these philosophical points had nothin<>- to do with the matter: he declared himself satisfied 346 , THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK with the soundness of Hus's opinion on this point. There was II. some warmth in the discussion, and many spoke at once, till Hus exclaimed, ' I expected to find in the Council more piety, reverence, and order.' This exclamation produced silence, for it was a quiet appeal to the mandate against interruption : but D'Ailly resented the remark, and said, 'When you were in your prison, you spoke more modestly.' ' Yes,' retorted Hus, ' for there at least I was not disturbed.' ' The discussion then passed into an attempt to discover what was the nature of the evidence by which a man's opinions were to be determined. Cardinal Zabarella remarked to Hus that, according to Scripture, ' In the mouth of two or three witnesses shall every word be established ' : as on most points there were at least twenty witnesses who deposed against Hus, it was diffi- cult to see what he could gain by denying the charges. Hus answered, ' If Grod and my conscience witness for me that I never taught what I am accused of teaching, the testimony of my opponents hurts me not.' To this Cardinal d'Ailly ob- served with truth, ' We cannot judge according to your con- science, but according to the testimony laid before us.' Here, in fact, lay the inevitable difference in point of view that made the trial of Hus seem, in his own eyes, to be a mere mockery of justice. The discussion wandered on aimlessly. Hus was accused of defending Wyclif and his doctrines, of causing disturbances in the University of Prag and in the kingdom of Bohemia. Cardinal d'Ailly quoted, in support of the charge of sedition, a remark by Hus when he was first brought before the Cardinals, that he had come to Constance of his own free will, and if he had not wished to do so, neither the King of Bohemia nor the King of the Romans could have compelled him. Hus answered, ' Yes, there are many lords in Bohemia who love me, in whose castles I could have been hid, so that neither King could have ' I assign this incident to Hus's second audience, though most writers, following Von der Hardt, iv. 307, put it down to the first. Von der Hardt quotes a letter of Hus, dated June 27, in which he is making a general complaint against the Council ; but a letter which Palacky dates June 7 {Docnmento, 108), and which clearl}^ refers to the second audience, because it mentions the presence of Sigismund, narrates this event as occurring then. IMladcnowic, in his licJafio {Doc. 282), records the reproof of D'Ailly, but not the exclam- ation of IIus. SECOND AUDIENCE OF HUS. 347 compelled me.' D'Ailly cried out on such audacity ; but John of Chlum rose and said sturdily, ' What he speaks is true. I am but a poor knight in our kingdom, yet I would willingly keep him for a year, whomsoever it pleased or displeased, so that no one could take him. There are many great lords who love him and would keep him in their castles as long as they ' chose, even against both Kings together.' John's remark was noble and brave and true, but it was Attitmic of not politic. The Kiftg of the Romans, the disposer of Chris- '""•"'""' • tendom, the idol of the Council, sat by with wrath and heard the bitter truth about his mightiness, and was publicly braved for the sake of an obscure heretic. Presidenjti,, d'Ailly saw an opportunity for closing triumphantly this unprofitable wrangle. Turning to Hus, he said, ' You declared in prison that you were willing to submit to the judgment of the Council : I advise you to do so, and the Council will deal mercifully with you.' Sigis- uumd, smarting under the affront of John of Chlum, publicly abandoned Hus. He told him that he had given him a safe- conduct for the purpose of procuring him a hearing before the Council. He had now been heard : there was nothing to be done but submit to the Council, which, for the sake of Wenzel and himself, would deal mercifully Avith him. ' If, however,' he continued, ' you persist in your errors, it is for the Council to determine what it will do. I have said that I will not defend a heretic ; nay, if anyone remained obstinate in heresy, I would, with my own hands, burn him. I advise you to submit entirely to the Council's grace, and the sooner the better, lest you be involved in deeper error.' Hus thanked Sigismund — it must have been ironically — for his safe-conduct, repeated his vague statement that he was willing to abandon any errors about which he was better informed, and was conducted back to his prison. The audience was continued next day, June 8, when thirty- Third audi- nine articles against Hus were laid before the Council : twenty- Hu^.'^June six of them were taken from the treatise ' De Ecclesia,' the 8, 1415. remainder from his controversial writings. Hus's manuscript was before the Council, and each article was compared with the passages on which it was founded : D'Ailly observed on several articles that they were milder than Hus's words justified. The articles chiefly turned on Hus's conception of the Church as 318 TUE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOR the body of the predestinated, and the consequent dependence . ,: — , of ecclesiastical power on the worthiness of him who exercised it. Hus objected to several of the articles, that they did not properly express his meaning, w^ere taken out of connexion with the context, and paid no attention to the limitations which had accompanied his statements. To the article that * a wicked pope or prelate is not truly a pastor,' Hus put in a limitation that he meant they were not priests so far as their merits went, but he admitted that they were priests so far as their office was concerned. To back up this fine distinction, he urged the case of John XXIIL, and asked whether he were really a Pope, or really a robber. The Cardinals looked at one another and smiled, but answered, ' Oh, he was a true Pope.' The whole proceeding was wearisome and profitless, for the Council had no doubt that Hus's teaching as a whole was op- posed to all order, and they had in their favour the practical argument of the Bohemian disturbances. It was useless for Hus to palliate each separate article and urge that there was a sense in w^hich it might have an orthodox meaning. In spite of his attempts to be cautious, Hus occasionally betrayed the revolutionary nature of his views if pushed to the extreme. When the article was read, ' If a pope, bishop, or prelate be in mortal sin, he is not a true pope, bishop, or pre- late,' Hus urged the words of Samuel to Saul, ' Because thou hast rejected the word of the Lord, He hath rejected thee from being king.' Sigismund at the time was talking in a window with Frederick of Niirnberg and the Pfalzgraf Lewis ; there was a cry, ' Call the King, for this affects him.' When Sigismund had returned to his place, Hus was asked to repeat his remark. Sigismund with truth and pertinence remarked, ' Hus, no one is without sin.' Peter d'Ailly was resolved not to let slip the opportunity of showing the danger attending Hus's opinions if they were extended to political as well as religious matters. ' It was not enough for you,' he exclaimed, ' by your writings and teaching to throw down the spiritual power; you wish also to oust kings from their places.' At length the reading of the articles and their attestation was ended. D'Ailly, as president, addressed Hus : ' There are two ways open for your choice. Either submit yourself entii'ely to the mercy of the Council, which, for the sake of the King of THIRD AUDIE^XE OF HUS. 349 the Eomans and the King of Bohemia, will deal kindly with you ; or, if you wish further to maintain your opinions, an o\)- portunity will be given you. Know, however, that there are here many learned men, who have such strong reasons against your articles that I fear if you attempt to defend them further you will be involved in graver errors. I speak as an adviser, not as a judge.' There were cries on all sides urging Hus to submit. He answered, 'I came here freely, not to defend anything obstinately, but to submit to better information if I was wrong. I crave another audience to explain my meaning, and if my arguments do not prevail, I am willing to submit humbly to the information of the Council.' His"A^'ords awakened the anger of many. ' The Council is not here to inform, but to judge ; he is equivocating,' was cried out on all sides. Hus amended his words : he was willing to submit to their correc- tion and decision. On this D'Ailly at once rose, and said that sixty doctors had unanimously decided on the steps which Hus must take : ' He must humbly recognise his errors, abjure and revoke the articles against him, promise never to teach them again, but henceforth to preach and teach the oj^posite.' Hus answered that he could not lie and abjure doctrines which he had never held, as was the case with some of the articles brought against him. Hereon a verbal dispute arose about the meaning of abjuration, which Sigismund tried to settle by the remark that he was ready to abjure all errors, but this did not imply that he had previously held them. Cardinal Zabarella at last told Hus that a written form of abjuration would be sub- mitted to him, and he could make up his mind at leisure. Hus demanded another chance of explaining his doctrines ; but Sigismund warned him that two courses only were open — either he must abjure and submit to the Council's mercy, or the Council would proceed to assert its rights. A desultory con- versation followed. At last Palecz, moved in some way by the solemnity of the occasion, rose and protested that in promoting the cause against Hus he had been actuated by no personal motive, but solely by zeal for the truth. Michael de Causis said the same. Hus answered, ' I stand before the judgment-seat of God, who will judge both you and me after our deserts.' He was then taken back to his prison. The laymen quickly left the Council chamber, and Sigismund !50 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. Attempt to remained talking in the window with some of the chief pre- lates. The Bohemians, John of Chlum, Wenzel of Duba, and Peter Mladenowic, remained sadly behind the rest, and so heard Sigismund's conversation. With indignation and dismay they heard him urge on the fathers Hus's condemnation. There was more than enough evidence, he said ; if Hus would not abjure, let him be burned. Even if he did abjure, it would be well to inhibit him from preaching again, as he could not be trusted ; they must make an end of the matter, and root out all Hus's followers, beginning with Jerome, whom they had in their hands. ' It was only in my boyhood,' ended Sigismund, ' that this sect arose in Bohemia, and see how it has grown and multiplied.' The prelates agreed with the King's oj^inion, and Sigismund retired satisfied with his acuteness in turning things to his own advantage. He thought that vigorous mea- sures on the part of the Council would overawe the turbulent spirits in Bohemia, and would spare him much trouble when the time came that he inherited the Bohemian crown. The unguarded words that he spoke lost him his Bohemian kingdom for ever. Sigismund might have been forgiven for refusing to come into collision with the rights of the Council by insisting on the observance of his safe-conduct ; he could never be forgiven for joining the ranks of Hus's foes and hounding on the Council to condemn him. As King of the Romans he might have duties which brought him into conflict with the wishes of the Bohemians ; he was discovered secretly using his in- fluence against them, and striving to crush what the Bohemians longed to assert. The insult to the nation, of inciting the Council to root out errors from Bohemia, was deeply felt and bitterly resented. The people steeled their hearts to assert that they would not have this man to rule over them.' An attempt was made to bring Hus to retract. Some to retract, induce Hus niembcr of the Council,^ whom Hus knew and resijected, was chosen to submit to him a formula of retractation, setting forth, ' though many things are laid to my charge which I never thought, yet I submit myself concerning all such points, either drawn from my books or from the depositions of witnesses, to ' Peter Mladenowic, Hclatio, in ralacky, Docinncnta, 314. - We do not know who tins was ; he is merely addressed by Hus ' Ecvercnde Pater.' Palacky, Doc. 121. HUS REFUSES TO EECANT. 351 the order, definition, and correction of the Holy Council.' cHAP. Hus answered that he could not condemn many truths which ^ ^' seemed to the Council scandalous ; he could not perjure himself by renouncing errors which he did not hold, and so scan- dalising Christian people who had heard him preach the con- trary. 'I stand,' he ended, *at the judgment-seat of Christ, to whom I have appealed, knowing that He will judge every man, not according to false or erroneous witness, but according to the truth and eacft one's deserts.' There was no longer any attempt at special jjleading. Hus asserted against authority the rights of the individual conscience, and removed his cause from the tribunal of man to the judgment-s»at of God. A ^ new spirit had arisen in Christendom when a man felt that his life and character had been so definitely built up round opinions which the Church condemned, that it was easier for him to die than to resign the truths which made him what he was. There was but one course open to the Council, yet it hesi- tated to proceed to the condemnation of Hus. On June 15 it ^^^.^gg turned its attention again to the innovations introduced into against the Bohemia by Jakubek of Mies, in the administration of the Eu- tration of charist. It issued a decree declaring the administration under I'lunion^' both kinds to be heretical, because opposed to the custom and "?'>" i^cth ^ ^ kinds. ordinance of the Church, which had been made to prevent June o, irregularities. Hus, in his letters to his friends, did not scruple to call this decree mere madness, in that it set the custom of the Koman Church against the plain words of Christ and of S. Paul.' He wrote also to Havlik,"^ who had taken his place as preacher in the Bethlehem Chapel, exhorting him not to withstand Jakubek's teacliing in this matter, and so cause a schism among the faithful by paying heed to this decree of the Council. Hus set himself more and more de- cidedly against the Council, and all efforts to induce him to submit were unavailing. Even Palecz, the friend of Hus's ' • 0 quanta dementia evangelium Christi, epistolam Pauli, . . . et factum Christi . . . condemnare 1 . . . O Sancte Paule ! tu dicis omnibus fidelibus " Quotienscunque manducabitis panem himc et calicem bibetis, mortem domini aununtiabitis, donee veniat : " hoc est usque diem judicii in quo veniet ; ut ecce, jam dicitur, quod consuetudo Romamc ecclcsiie est in op- posit um.' — Palacky, Doc. 12G. 2 Palacky, Boc. 128, dated June 21. 352 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK youth and now his bitterest foe, visited him in prison and _ -,'- ^ besought him to abjure. 'What would you do,' said Hus, 'if you were charged with errors which you knew for certain that you never held ? Would you abjure? ' ' It is a hard matter,' answered Palecz, and burst into tears. It was characteristic of Hus that he asked to have Palecz as his confessor, for he was his chief adversary. Palecz shrank from the office, but paid his former friend another visit, and excused himself for the part that he had taken against him. Hus bids Hus resolutely prepared to die, and wrote to bid farewell to adieu to his his various friends in Bohemia and at Constance. A tranquil friends. ... yet determined spkit breathes through his letters ; the charm of his personal character is seen in the tenderness and thought- fulness of the messages which he sends.* Eepeated deputations from the Council vainly endeavoured to prove to him the duty, the easiness, of recantation. At last, on July 1, a formal answer in writing was returned by Hus to the Council. He said that, fearing to offend God, and fearing to commit perjury, he was unwilling to retract any of the articles brought against him. On July 5, at Sigismund's request, the Bohemian nobles, John of Chlum and Wenzel of Duba, accompanied the repre- sentatives of the Council on a last visit to Hus. John of Chlum manfully addressed him, and his words are a strong proof of the sturdy moral spirit which Hus had awakened in his followers : ' We are laymen and cannot advise you ; con- sider, however, and if you feel that you are guilty in any of the matters laid to your charge, have no shame in recanting. If, however, you do not feel yourself guilty, by no means act contrary to your conscience, and do not lie in the sight of God, but rather persevere unto death in the truth which you know.' Hus answered : ' If I knew that I had written or preached anything erroneous, contrary to the law and the Church, God is my witness that I would in all humility retract. But my wish always has been that better doctrine be proved to me out of Scriptm-e, and then I would be most ready to recaiit.' One ' Thus : ' D. Hcnrioiim Lefi utique petas quod Jacobo scriptori det unam sexagenam, quam sibi promisit.' Palac. Doc. 120 : ' Nobilis domine Wenceslae, uxorem accipiendo, sancte vivatis in matrimonio, jjostpositis vanitatibus seculi.' Id. 125: 'Petre, amice carissime, pellicium tibi serva in mei memoriam.' Id, Ml. CONDEMNATION OF HUS. 353 of the Bishops said indignantly, ' Will you be wiser than the whole Council ? ' Hus answered, ' Show me the least member of the Council who will inform me better out of the Scriptures, and I will forthwith retract.' ' He is obstinate in his heresy,' exclaimed the prelates, and Hus was led back to his prison. Next day, July 6, was a general session of the Council in Formal the Cathedral, which Sigismund attended in royal state, tiono""^' During the celebration of mass Hus was kept standing in the J.^^j,'/"^^ porch with an armed escort. He was brought in to listen to a sermon on the sin of heresy from the Bishop of Lodi. He was stationed before a raised platform, on which was a stand containing all the articles of a priest's dress. During the ser- mon Hus knelt in prayer. When the sermon was over a proctor of the Council demanded sentence against Hus. A doctor mounted the pulpit and read a selection from the condemned articles of Wyclif and the conclusions of the process against Hus. jMore than once Hus tried to answer to the charges, but he was ordered to keep silence. He pleaded that he wished to clear himself of error in the eyes of those who stood by ; afterwards they might deal with him as they chose. When he was forbidden to speak he again knelt in prayer. The number and rank, but not the names, of the witnesses to each charge, together with a summary of their testimony, was then read. Hus was aroused by hearing new charges brought against him — amongst others the monstrous assertion that he had declared himself to be the Fourth Person of the Trinity. He indig- nantly asked the name of the one doctor who was quoted as witness, but was answered that there was no need of naming him now. When he was charged with despising the Papal excommunication and refusing to answer the Pope's summons, he again protested that he had desired nothing more than to prove his own innocence, and had for that pm-pose come to Constance of his own free will, trusting in the Imperial safe- conduct. As he said this he looked fixedly at Sigismund, who blushed through shame. After this recital of his crimes, the sentence of the Council Hus de- against Hus was read. First his writings, Latin and Bohemian, fi-om the were condemned as heretical and ordered to be burnt. Hus P™sthooi. asked how they could know that his Bohemian writings were heretical, seeiug they had never read them. The sentence VOL. I. A A 354 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Death of Hus. July 6, 1415. went on, that Hus himself as a pertinacious heretic be degraded from the priesthood. When the reading of the sentence was over, Hus prayed aloud : ' 0 Lord Jesus Christ, pardon all my enemies, for Thy great mercy's sake, I beseech Thee. Thou knowest that they have falsely accused me, brought for- ward false witnesses and forged false articles against me. Pardon them through Thy immense mercy.' The Archbishop of Milan, with six other Bishops, proceeded to the formal degra- dation of Hus. He was set on the platform in the middle of the Cathedral, and was invested in the full priestly dress, with the chalice in his hand. Again he was exhorted to retract. He turned to the people, and, with tears streaming down his face, said, ' See how these Bishops expect me to abjure : yet I fear to do so, lest I be a liar in the sight of the Lord — lest I offend my conscience and the truth of God, since I never held these articles which witness falsely against me, but rather wrote and taught the opposite. I fear, too, to scandalise the mul- titude to which I preached.' The Bishops then proceeded to his degradation. Each article of his priestly office was taken from him with solemn formality, and his tonsure was cut on four sides. Then it was pronounced, ' The Church has taken from him all rights of the Church ; and commits him to the secular arm.' The paper cap, painted over with fiends, was put on his head, with the words, ' We commit your soul to the devil.' Sigismund gave him to the charge of Lewis of Bavaria, who handed him to the civic officers for execution. As the procession passed out of the church Hus saw his books being burned in the church- yard. He was led out of the town into a suburb called Briiel, where in a meadow the stake had been prepared. To the last he asserted to the bystanders that he had never taught the things laid to his charge. When he was bound to the stake and Lewis of Bavaria again begged him to recant, Hus answered that the charges against him were false : ' I am prepared to die in that truth of the Gospel which I taught and wiote.' As the pile was kindled Hus began to sing from the Liturgy : — 0 Christ, Son of the living God, have mercy upon us ; O Christ, Son of the living God, have mercy upon me ; Thou Avho wast born of the Virgin Mary — EXECUTION OF HUS. 355 The wind swept the flumes upward into his face, and he remained speechless^ His lips were seen to move for a few minutes and then his spirit passed away. The attendants took great care that his body was all reduced to ashes. His clothes, which, according to custom, belonged to the executioner, were bought from him by Lewis of Bavaria, and were also burned. The ashes were flung into the Ehine : it was determined that Bohemia should have no relics of her martyr. Hus died protesting against the unfairness of his trial. It Fairness of is indeed impossible that a trial for opinions should ever be con- sidered fair by the accused. He is charged with subverting the existing system of thought : he answers that some modification of the existing system is necessary, and that his opinions, if rightly understood, are not subversive, but amending. Into this issue his judges cannot follow him. It is as though a man accused of high treason were to urge that his treason is the noblest patriotism. There may be truth in his allegation, but it is a truth which human justice cannot take into account. The judge is appointed to execute existing laws, and till those laws are altered by the properly constituted authority, the best attempts to amend them by individual protest must be reckoned as rebellion. No doubt Hus's Bohemian foes did their best to ruin him ; but his opinions were judged by the Council to be subversive of the ecclesiastical system, and when he refused to submit to that decision, he was necessarily regarded as an obstinate heretic. It is useless to criticise particular points in his trial. The Council was anxious for his submission and gave him every opportunity to make it. But it is the glory of Hus that he first deliberately asserted the rights of the individual conscience against ecclesiastical authority, and sealed his asser- tion by his own life blood. The Council still had Jerome in their hands, but they were Effects of in no haste to proceed against him. The news of the death of ofiiusdn Hus kindled in Bohemia the bitterest wrath. It was a national j^j'Jy'g!'^' insult, and branded Bohemia in the eyes of Christendom as the October i, home of heresy. The clergy and monks were regarded with hatred as the causes of Hus's persecution. In Prag there was a riot, in which the clergy were severely handled ; a crowd of Bohemians ravaged the lands of the Bishop of Leitomysl, who had been especially active in the prosecution of Hus. The A A 2 356 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK Council thought it desirable to try and calm the irritation in ^^- Bohemia, and on July 23 sent a letter to the Bohemian clergy exhorting them to persevere in the extirpation of heresy. This letter only had the effect of sharpening the antagonism of the two parties in Bohemia. One party drew more closely to the side of the Council and of Catholic orthodoxy ; the other more pro- nouncedly asserted the claims of Bohemia to settle its re- ligious controversies without foreign interference. The Bishop of Leitomysl was sent by the Council to protect the interests of the Church ; but so strong was the feeling against him in Bohemia that he felt it wise to stay indoors, and lived in fear of his personal safety.^ On September 2 a meeting was held at Prag of sixty-two Bohemian and Moravian nobles, who drew up an angry reply to the Council's letter. They asserted their respect for Hus and their belief in his innocence ; they defended Bohemia from the charge of heresy ; they branded as a liar and traitor anyone who maintained such a charge for the future ; they declared themselves determined to defend with their blood the law of Christ and its devout preachers in Bohemia. This letter received as many as 450 signatures. On September 5 the Hussite lords entered into a formal bond, or covenant, to uphold freedom of preaching in Bohemia, and defend against episcopal prohibition or excom- munication all faithful preachers ; the University of Prag was recognised as the arbiter in doctrinal matters. On October 1 a similar covenant was entered into by the Catholic nobles to uphold the Church, the Council, and the worship of their fore- fathers. Wenzel took no steps to prevent these threatenings of disturbance. He was angry at the execution of Hus, which he regarded as a slight upon himself and his kingdom. He was especially angry that it had been done under Sigismund's sanction ; for he still regarded himself as King of the Romans, and was indignant at this intrusion of Sigismund into mat- ters concerning the kingdom of Bohemia. Moreover, Queen Sophia grieved over the death of her confessor, whom she revered, and whose genuine piety she knew. Though Wenzel gave a verbal adhesion to the Catholic League, he was not thought to be in earnest. The fathers of Constance had seen what little imi)ression ' Nicui, in V'uii dcr Ilaidl, ii. 125. RECANTATION OF JEROME OF PRAG. 357 tlieir severity produced on Hus ; they learned that it produced chap. e(|ually little on his followers in Bohemia. Hence there was a , general wish to win over Jerome if possible to the Council's l^ecanta- Side, or, at least, to spare the Council the odium of making Jerome of another martyr. Every method was used to induce Jerome to sepf. jo retract; till, overcome by the pleadings of men'whose character ^^^^• he could not but respect, he consented on September 10 to make his submission to the Council. He wrote to his Bohe- mian friends that, on examination of- the articles against Hus, he found many of them heretical, and on comparing them with Hus's own manusciipt writings he had been forced to own that the articles fairly represented Hus's words : he consequently felt bound to admit that Hus had been justly dealt with by the Council ; though he wished to defend Hus's honour, he did not wish to be associated with his errors.' The Council was proud of its triumph, and caused Jerome to renew his retrac- tation in a more formal manner in a public session on Septem- ber 23. It also passed a decree against those who assailed Sigismund for violating his safe-conduct to Hus. The decree asserted that ' neither by natural, divine, nor human law was any promise to be observed to the prejudice of the Catholic faith.' Jerome's recantation did not procure his freedom. He was Proceed- taken back to prison, though his confinement was made much "Lffinst less rigid. The Commissioners who had examined him — Car- ^'^rome. ° rebruarv- dinals Zabarella, D'Ailly, Orsini and the Cardinal of Apulia, April, i4it3. urged his release ; but the Bohemian party dreaded the results of his return to Bohemia, and declared that his retractation was not sincere. Gerson wrote a pamphlet to examine the amount of evidence to be attached to the retractation of one accused of heresy. The fanaticism that had been aroused by antagonism to the Hussites won at Constance the victory which it could not win in Bohemia. The Council determined to pro- ceed against Jerome, and on February 24, 1416, appointed fresh Commissioners to examine witnesses on the points laid to his charge. On April 27 the articles of accusation were laid before the Council. Jerome liad not been a writer or preacher like Hus, and his words could not be quoted against him ; but every act of his life was set forth as a sepin^ate charge. He had been to England, and had brought back the books of ' LetteV to Lacho of Kriisvar, dated Sep. 12, in Palacky, Documcnia, 598. 358 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. 10 Braccio- lini's ac- count of the trial of Jerome. Wyclif ; he had been concerned in all the disturbances in Bo- hemia ; he had rambled over Europe, carrying heresy in his train. Every daring act into which his impetuous temper had led him was now raked up against him. He had interfered to aid a citizen, whose servant was being carried off for some slight cause to a monastery prison, and when the monks attacked him, had snatched a sword from one of the citizens and put them to flight. He had been moved with pity for a young monk whose abbot denied him the necessaries of life, and had accompanied him into the abbot's presence, where he flung off his cowl and rushed away from the monastery.- He had slapped the face of a monk who publicly insulted him. Jerome demanded a public audience in which to answer these charges, and on May 23 was brought before the Council. Amongst those present at his trial was the Florentine scholar Poggio Bracciolini, who had come to Constance as secretary to John XXIII. On the dispersal of the Papal household he had wandered for a time in Germany, searching for manuscripts of the classics, and had again returned to Constance to seek his fortune from some patron of learning. Poggio was deeply im- pressed by the vigorous personality of Jerome, and communi- cated his impressions in a letter to his friend Leonardo Bruni. As a man of letters and of culture Poggio looked with some slight contempt on the theological disputes of the assembled fathers. As an Italian he found it hard to sympathise with men who thought it worth while to rebel against the system of the Church. To his mind theological questions were not of much importance. The established system must, of course, be maintained for the preservation of order; but, after a decent recognition of its outward authority, the cvdtivated individual might think or act as he pleased so long as he avoided open collision. Poggio had no fellow-feeling with a man who was prepared to die for his opinions : he thought him clumsy for reducing himself to such an unpleasant alternative. But he was attracted to Jerome by his force, his mental versatility, his fiery self-confidence, his keen wit, and, above all, his philo- sophic spirit. To Poggio Jerome was an interesting study of character, and he saw the permanent and human interest attaching to the religious martyr. From Poggio's testimony TRIAL OF JEROME OF PRAG. 359 we are able to bring vividly before our eyes the scene of chap. Jerome's trial.' . ,J - When Jerome appeared he was called upon to answer to j^i^^y „f each of the articles broutrht against him. This he refused ^f'""5; >=> ° Jlay -23, for a long time to do, and demanded that he should first state hicj. his own case, and then answer his adversaria's' allegations. When his claim was overruled he said, ' What iniquity is this, that I, who have been kept in a foul prison for three hundred and forty days without means of preparing my defence, while my adversaries have always had your ears, am now refused an hour to defend myself? Your minds are prejudiced against me as a heretic ; you judged me to be wicked before you had any means of knowing what manner of man I was. And yet you are men, not gods ; mortals, not eternal ; you are liable to error and mistake. The more you claim to be held as lights of the world, the more careful you ought to be to approve your justice to all men. I, whose cause you judge, am of no re- pute, nor do I speak for myself, for death comes to all ; but I would not have so many wise men do an unjust act, which will do more harm by the precedent it gives than by the punish- ment it inflicts.' He was heard with murmurs. The articles against him were read one by one from the pulpit. He put forth all his skill and eloquence to plead against their truth. Poggio was amazed at the dignity, openness, and vigour with which he spoke. ' If he really believed what he said, not only could no cause of death be found in him, but not even of the slightest offence.' Sometimes with jest, sometimes with irony, some- times with sarcasm, sometimes with fiery indignation, some- times with fervid eloquence, he answered the charges brought against him. When he was pressed on the question of Tran- substantiation, and was charged with having said that after consecration the bread remained bread, he dryly said, ' At the baker's it remains bread.' When a Dominican fiercely attacked him, he exclaimed, ' Hypocrite, hold your tongue ! ' When another made oath on his conscience, he rejoined, ' That is the surest way to deceive.' So numerous were the charges ' The letter has been often printed, in Von der Tlardt, iii. 64 ; Poggio, Opera 301 ; Palacky, Documenta, 624 ; and in many other places. 360 THE COUNCIL OF COXSTANCE. Jerome withdraws his recan- tation. against him that his case had to be put off for three days, till May 26. In the next audience the reading of the articles and testi- mony against him was ended, and Jerome with difficulty ob- tained leave to speak. Beginning with an humble prayer to Grod, he began a magnificent defence. Gifted with a sweet, clear, resonant voice, he sometimes poured forth torrents of fiery indignation and sometimes touched the chords of deepest pathos. He set forth the glorious fate of those who in old times had suffered wrongfully. Beginning with Socrates, he traced the persecutions of philosophers down to Boethius. Then he turned to the Scriptures, and from Joseph down to Stephen showed how goodness had met with calumny and persecution- Stephen, he urged, was put to death by an assembly of priests ; the Apostles were persecuted as subverters of order and movers of sedition. He pleaded that no greater iniquity could be committed than that priests should be wrongfully condemned to death by priests ; yet this had often occurred in the past. Then, turning to his own case, he showed that the witnesses against him were moved by personal animosity, and were not worthy of belief. He had come to the Council to clear his own character ; he had hoped that men in these days might do as they had done of old, engage in amicable discussion with a view of investigating the truth. Augustine and Jerome had differed, nay, had asserted, on some points, contrary opinions, without any suspicion of heresy on either side. His audience was moved by his eloquence, and sat expecting that he would urge his retractation and ask pardon for his errors. To their surprise and grief, he went on to say that he was conscious of no errors, and could not retract the false charges brought against him. He had recanted through fear and against his conscience, but now revoked the letter he had written to Bo- hemia. He looked on Hus as a just and holy man, whose fate he was prepared to share, leaving the lying witnesses against him to answer for their doings in the presence of God, whom they could not deceive. A cry arose from the Council, and many strove to induce Jerome to explain away his words. But his courage had returned, and he was resolved to tread in his master's footsteps to the stake. He repeated his belief in the opinions of Hus and of Wyclif, except in points concerning the EXECUTION OF JEROME OF PRAG. 3G1 Eucharist, where he held with the doctors of the Church. ' Hus,' chap. he exclaimed, ' spoke not against the Church of God, but . ^" , against the abuses of the clergy, the pride and pomp of the prelates. The patrimony of the Church should be spent on the poor, on strangers and on buildings ; but it is spent on harlots and banquets, horses and dogs, splendid apjUiirel, and other things unworthy of Christ's religion.' The Council still gave him a few days for consideration, but Death of to no purpose. On May ,30 he was brought before a general jii.l'v"^^' session in the cathedral. The eloquence of the Bishop of Lodi ''*'^'- was again called into request to convince the obstinate heretic of the justice of his doom.' When the sermon was over Jerome repeated his withdrawal of his former retractation. Sentence was passed against him, and he was led away to be burned in the same place as Hus. Like Hus, he went to die with calm and cheerful face. As he left the cathedral he began to chant the Creed and then the Litany. When he reached the place of execution he kneeled before the stake, as though it had been an image of Hus, and prayed. As he was bound he again recited the Creed, and called the people to witness that in that faith he died. When the executioner was going to light the pile at his back he called to him, ' Come in front, and light it before my face ; if I had feared death, I would never have come here.' As the flames gathered round him he sang a hymn till his voice was choked by the smoke. As in the case of Hus, his clothes were burned, and his ashes were cast into the Rhine. The Council had done all that lay in its power to restore peace in Bohemia. ' The sermon is given in Von der Hardt, iii. 55. It is a pretty specimen of arrangement and of style, but is entirely without the feeling which tlie cir- cumstances might have been expected to inspire. 362 THE COUNCIL OF COXSTAXCK. BOOK II. Abdicatiou of Gregoiy XII. July 4, 1415. Departure of .Si^-is- inuad on a journey of general pacifica- tion. July 18, 1415. CHAPTEE VI. SIGISMUND's journey, and the COUNCIL DURING HIS ABSENCE. 1415-1416. The Council had displayed its zeal for the promotion of the unity of the Church, both within and without, by deposing a Pope and burning two heretics. But there still remained other pretenders to the Papal dignity, and the trials of Hus and Jerome were only episodes in the more important question of the resignation of the contending Popes. Gregory XII., weary of the conflict, and seeing himself abandoned on every side, submitted with good grace to abdicate. After a few negotiations about preliminaries, the abdication was formally carried out by Carlo Malatesta, acting as Gregory's proc- tor, in a general session of the Council, on July 4, 1415. The two Colleges of Cardinals were united, Gregory's acts in the Papacy were ratified, his officials were confirmed in their offices ; he himself received the title of Cardinal of Porto and the legation in the March of Ancona for life ; he was declared ineligible for re-election to the Papacy, but was to rank next to the future Pope. At the same time a decree was passed that the Council should not be dissolved till it had elected a new Pope. There still remained Benedict XIII., who had agreed to be present at a conference at Nice between Ferdinand of Aragon and Sigismund, in June 1415. But the exciting scenes which followed on the flight of John XXIII. obliged Sigismund to defer his departure till July 18. Owing to the illness of the King of Aragon, the place of meeting was changed from Nice to Perpignan. Thither went Benedict XIII. in June, and waited till the end of the month, when he declared Sigismund contumacious and retired to Valencia. Sigismund, in a speech to the Council before his departure, announced his intentions SIGISMUND AT PERPIGNAN. 363 on a grand scale. He purposed first to appease the Schism, then chap. to make peace between France and England, between Poland , ^ j , and the Teutonic knights ; and after this general pacification of Em-ope, to undertake a crusade against the Turks.' It was Sigismund's merit that he formed great plans of European im- portance ; it was his weakness that he never 'Considered what means he had to carry them into execution. To obtain money for this journey, which was to have such mighty results, he was compelled to raise 250,000 marks by making over Branden- burg to the wealthy Frederick, Burggi-af of Niirnberg. Frederick had already lent him 150,000 marks, and now, for the additional sum, obtained from the needy Emperor a grant of Brandenburg and the electoral dignity. Sigismund set out in state with a train of four thousand si^^ismun(l knights, amid the good wishes of the fathers of the Council, ^!^^^'gjpt who ordered a solemn procession to be made every Sunday, i^io. and mass to be said for his safety. He journeyed over SchafF- hausen to Basel, and thence to Chambery and Narbonne, where he arrived on August 15. There he stayed for a month, waiting for the arrival at Perpignan of Ferdinand of Aragon, whose health scarcely permitted the journey. On September 18, he entered Perpignan, where Ferdinand awaited him. Benedict, who had raised objections about a safe-conduct, and had de- manded that Sigismund should treat him as Pope, was at length driven by Ferdinand's pressure to appear also towards the end of September. The efforts of Ferdinand and Sigismund could do nothing to bend the obstinate spirit of Benedict to submit to the Council. He answered that to him the way of justice seemed better than the way of abdication. If, however, the Kings thought otherwise, he was ready to abdicate, provided that the decrees of the Council of Pisa were revoked, the Council of Constance dissolved, and a new Council called in some free and impartial place — in the south of France or Aragon. As regarded the election of a new Pope, he claimed that he alone should ' This speech of Sigismund's is given in Gerson's sermon to the Coun- cil, on July 21 (Von der Hardt, ii. 483). Von der Hardt makes this sermon be delivered before Sigismund's departure, which he therefore puts down to this same day, July 21. But Gerson says of this speech ' priusquam recederet ab hoc concilio orationem habuit ; ' and Niem (Von der Hardt, ii. 41 1) says that Sigismund went on July 18. See also the letter of the envoy of the Univer- sity of Koln, Martene, Thesaurus, ii, IGIO. 3G4 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK nominate, as being the only Cardinal appointed by Gregory XI. v.^ ,J__^ before the Schism. If that was not acceptable, he would appoint a committee of his Cardinals, and the Council might appoint an equal number of their Cardinals ; the new election should be made by a majority in each committee agreeing to the same person. After such election he would abdicate, retaining his Cardinals, with full legatine power over all his present obedi- ence. Obstinate Benedict was trae to his old principles. He had been of Benedht elected Pope by as good a title as his predecessors, and he saw ^'"- no reason why he should abandon his legal rights. Threats were useless against his stubbornness. When the Kings of Aragon, Navarre, and Castile threatened him with a withdrawal of obedience if he did not give way, he only grew more deter- mined in his refusal. Sigismund found himself unsafe at Per- pignan ; his enemies seemed resolved to attack him when he was in a foreign land. A fire suspiciously broke out in a house adjoining his own, and the Infante Alphonso rushed to his rescue with assurances of his father's protection. Some of Sigismund's Grerman followers rode away and left him without giving any reason. A suspicious embassy came from Frederick of Austria, which was said to have two notorious poisoners in its train.' Fearing for his personal safety, Sigismund withdrew to Nar- bonne in the beginning of November, where he was followed by the ambassadors of the Spanish princes and of Scotland. New negotiations were set on foot, and Benedict, seeing himself threatened with a withdrawal of obedience, fled to the neigh- bouring fortress of Collioure, intending to take refuge in Sardinia ; his galleys, however, were destroyed by the ships of the neighboiu'iug ports. Several of his Cardinals, at the request of the King of Aragon, returned to Perpignan, and Benedict, who scorned to yield, retired to the rocky fortress of Peniscola, which belonged to his family. Popular feeling was everywhere turning against him ; his staunch upholder — the great Domini- can preacher, Vincent Ferrer — went as ambassador to urge Benedict to resign, and on his refusal raised his voice in favour of union with the Council of Constance. Negotiations went on rapidly between Sigismund and the King of Aragon. At last, on December LS, twelve articles were ' Tliese misliaiis arc told hy Windock, in 'Monckon, i. lODS. ARTICLES OF NARBONNE. 365 drawn up at Narboune between the representatives of the chap. Council and those of Benedict's obedience. It was am-eed that . ^ the Council of Constance should issue a summons to the princes Articles of and prelates of Benedict's obedience to come to Constance within betweeu three months and form a General Council; a similar summons andiJene-'' w^as to be addressed by Benedict's obedience tcT the Council of '^^"^'"^ Constance. W hen m tins way the dignity oi both parties had Dee. i;j, been })reserved, the General Council so formed was to proceed ^' to the deposition of Benedict, the election of a new Pope, the reformation of the Church, and the destruction of heresy. Benedict's acts till his first summons to withdraw on November 15 were to be ratified, his Cardinals and other officials recog- nised by the Council, and a safe-conduct given to himself if he chose to appear. Great w'as the joy of the Council when, on the evening of Jc.yat December 29, the news of this compact was brought to Con- ^er'thT^ stance. Communications with Narbonne had been rare, and "^^^■^• rumours of every sort prevailed. The Council found their proceedings a little dull in Sigismund's absence. Commis- sioners might sit and discuss various questions of Church reform, but it was clear that nothing would be don? till Sigis-- mund was back again. The expenses of a stay in Constance began to weigh heavily, and the representatives of universities and other cor})orations found it necessary to urge on their con- stituents the importance of the work on which the Council was engaged, and the need of their continued presence at Constance. The first joy of the Council at the good news from Narbonne was a little checked when it came to consider the formalities that had to be gone through before its real business could proceed any further. Sigismund had not obtained, as had been hoped, the resignation of Benedict XIII.; the way was not yet open for ending the Schism ; but the union of Spain with the Council would bring about again the union of Christendom. Hopes of ending the Council by Easter 1415 were ex- changed for expectations that it might be over in September 141G.' The good news that Ferdinand of Aragon had on ' These det.nils arc Uikcn from the letters of the amba.«sadors of tlic University of Koln in JIartenc, Thesavrux^W. 1654, &c., and the letters of Peter von Pulka, ambassador of the University of Vienna, published by Firnhaber in vol. XV. of the Archir fiir Ocsfcrrcichischcr Gcgchichtg- Qitdlcn, p. 31). 366 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Plans of Siffismuud. Sipisnuiiid ill Pans. March- April, ]4i(;. January 6 ordered the publication throughout his dominions of the withdrawal of allegiance from Benedict XIII. hardly com- pensated for the news that Sigismund proposed to make a journey to Paris and London to arrange for peace between France and England. The ambassadors of the Council, who returned on January 29, assured them of the great use of this step in procuring the unity of the Church, and brought Sigismund's promise that he would return as soon as possible. If Sigismund, before leaving Constance, had set forth as one of his objects the establishment of peace between France and England, events that had happened since then had increased the danger which the union of Christendom was likely to incur from the growth of national animosity. In August 1415 Henry V. had sailed to France, in September had taken Harfleur, and in October had inflicted on the French army the crushing defeat of Agincourt. The Council thought that Sigis- mund's presence was consequently more than ever necessary at Constance to keep the peace and hasten on the business. But Sigismund had his own ends to serve while serving the Council. He had already succeeded in asserting anew the glories of the Imperial name in the affairs of the Church ; he was equally resolved to assert it in the politics of Europe. His scheme of uniting Europe in a crusade against the Turk might be a dream ; but at least it was a noble dream. In matters more immediately at hand — the full reunion and reform of the Church — Sigismund saw that nothing could be done on a satisfactory basis unless Europe were agreed. As bearing the Imperial name, Sigismund resolved to try and unite Europe for this purpose. It is true that he had little save the Imperial name to support him in his good intentions ; yet, if his plan succeeded, he would work a lasting result for the good of Christendom, and would assert the old prestige of the Empire. Full of hope, he entered Paris on IMarch 1, 1416, and was received with splendid festivities. But the fierce antagonism of the Burgundian and Orleanist factions had been intensified by the national discomfiture, and Sigismund found that in the dis- turbed state of Paris he could obtain no definite understanding : what one party accepted the other refused. Yet Sigismund tried his utmost to win the French Com't to his projects : he offered towed his daughter Elizabeth with the second son of Charles YL, TREATY OF CANTERBURY. 367 and so make him heir to the Hungarian throne, as he had no chap. male offspring.' When he found that he could do nothing in . \^ , Paris, he pursued hi^ way to England, and even on his journey was treated with contumely at Abbeville and Boulogne. It was clear that there was a strong party in France which had no wish for peace. Sigismund arrived in London on May 3, and there also Fjiiiure of great festivities were held in his honour. He took with him ^'S'*;, o mund s William, Duke of Holland, an ally of England, a relative of peace pm- the French King, and consequently likely to be trusted by uio. ° both parties. Henry V. was willing to accept Sigismund's offer of mediation and agree to a truce for three years, on condition of retaining Harfleur, a small compensation for the glorious campaign of Agincourt. Preliminaries were agreed to, and a conference between the three monarchs was arranged ; but suddenly negotiations were broken off by the successful in- trigues of the Count of Armagnac. William of Holland abruptly left England, and Sigismund found his mediation ignominiously disavowed. Sigismund was bitterly disapj)ointed, and was placed in an awkward situation by this sudden change in the policy of France. Public opinion in England regarded him with grave suspicion, and he was entirely in the hands of Henry V. The Imperial honour had been, sullied and the Im- perial dignity outraged in this negotiation, from which Sigis- nuind had hoped so much. He wrote angrily to the French King, and withdrew from further complicity in his affairs.' lie had indeed cause to be aggrieved, for he had not merely failed, but his failure threatened to be disastrous. He could not return to Constance crestfallen and discredited ; he could not even leave England suspicious of his good intentions. One com-se only remained open for him — to abandon his Alliance of alliance with France, and draw nearer to England. Henry V., on Sigismund his part, was ready enough to renew the policy of Edward I. and Hemy V. Edward III., of forming an alliance with Germany against France. i4i6. ^' On August 15 Sigismund concluded at Canterbury an offensive and defensive alliance with Henry V., on the ground that the ' Letter of Sigismund to the King, in Caro, Aus dcr Kanziri Kaher Sigis- mund's (Wicn, 1879). p. 120. ^ This long and interesting letter, which serves as the basis for the above account, is printed by Caro, p. 10'.', &c. 368 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Return of Sigisimmd to Con- stance. Jan. 27, 1417. P'rench favoured the Schism of the Church, and ojjposed all efforts to make peace with England.' It was an event of no small importance in European politics ; it was a breach of the long- standing friendship between France and the house of Luxem- burg— a friendship which Sigismund's grandfather, John of Bohemia, had sealed with his blood on the field of Crecy. At the end of August Sigismund went to Calais, where Henry Y. soon joined him, and again a conference for peace was held ; to it came the Duke of Burgundy, who, in his hatred against the Coui't of Armagnac, was ready to listen to Henry Y.'s pro- posals for a separate alliance. When the conference was over Sigismund bethought himself of returning to Constance. He was so short of money that he had to send his trusty servant, Eberard Windeck, to Bruges to pawn for 18,000 ducats the presents which he had received from Henry V. and his Court.- From Calais he went by sea to Dordrecht, and then made his way slowly up the Rhine to Constance, where he arrived on January 27, 1417, after an absence of nearly a year and a half. Grreat was the delight of the Council at Sigismund's return ; he was met outside the wall, and was escorted in solemn procession to the cathedral. But the account of his reception shows us how strong an element of discord the national animosity between the French and English had introduced into the Council. The English observed with pride that Sigis- mund wore round his neck the Order of the Garter ; and the Bishop of Salisbury, after meeting Sigismund, rode hastily away to the cathedral, that he might frustrate Peter d'Ailly, and get possession of the pulpit for the purpose of delivering a sermon of welcome. Sigismund, on his side, did not scruple to manifest in a marked way his wish for a good understanding witli the English. On January 29 he received the English nation at a private audience, shook hands with each of its members, praised all (hat he had seen in England, and assured them of his wish to work with them for the reformation of the Church.^ On Sun- clay, January 31, he wore the robes of the Grarter at high mass, " atid was afterwards entertained by the English at a magnificent baiKjuet, which was enlivened by a miracle play representing ' Jlvmcr, Fwdeni, ix 377, &c. - AVindeck, in Mencken,!. 1113. » These details are given in an interesting letter of the English ambassador, Juliii Forester, to Henry V., in Uymer, Fwdcra, ix. 131. meiit of the fir-st Re- riRST REFORM COMMISSION. 369 the birth of Christ, the adoration of the Magi, and the mas- chap. sacre of the Innocents. . ^^' ^ During SigismunS's absence from Constance the Council Appoint had been unanimous only in condemning Jerome of Prag of heresy. The rest of its business had advanced but slowly. It form Co'n- is true that at the end of July a commissioif had been ap- juiy h'. pointed to report upon the measures necessary for a reform of the Church in head and members. The commission consisted of thirty-five members, eight from each of the four nations; and three Cardinals, D'Ailly, Zabarella, and Adimari.' There was no lack of material for the labours of the commissioners sermons, memoirs, and tractates furnished them with copious lists of grievances. But the difficulty was to decide where to begin. All were anxious to do something ; but each regarded as sacred the interests of his own order, and it was impossible to attack the fabric of abuses without en- dangering some of the props which supported the existing organisation of the hierarchy. The general outline of the reforming scheme was clear and simple enough : it Avas a demand that the Pope should live on his own revenues, ■ should abstain from interference in episcopal and capitular elections and presentations to benefices throughout Christen- dom, and should not unnecessarily interfere with episcopal or national jurisdictions. All these questions were really questions of finance, and the times were not favourable to serious financial reform. The Papal dominions in Italy were in the hands of the invader, and there was little revenue which could at that time be said to belong indisputably to the Pope. If the Pope were to be prohibited from making any demands on ecclesiastical revenues, he would be left almost penniless, and the Cardinals who depended on him would be destitute. JNIore- over, the Pope's claims to raise money were the sign of the recognition of his supremacy, and it was difficult to forbid his extortion without impairing his necessary authority. The Col- lege of Cardinals during Sigismund's absence regained its pres- tige and influence in the Council, and had a direct and i^ersoual ' The letter of the ambassador of the University of Kohi, dated Aug. 1, says : ' Sex deputati de qualibet quatuor nationum.' Pulka in Firnhaber, 28, says : ' Octo de qualibet uatione,' which agrees with the title of the report in Vou der Hardt, i. 583, ' Avisamenta per xsxv Cardinales, praslates et doctores ' VOL. I. B B 370 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Complaint of the French nation against Annates. interest in preventing any unreasonable diminution of the Papal revenues or of the Papal power. The reform commission found it necessary to proceed slowly and cautiously : they could only obtain unanimity on unimportant points ; when they discussed matters of graver moment it was a question what was to be allowed to remain in the present necessity. The tax which the French were most anxious to see re- formed was the one called Annates, which included all the l^ayments demanded by the Curia on the collation to a benefice. Such dues seem to have had their origin in the custom of making presents to those who officiated at ordinations, a custom which the Papacy had organised into a definite tax on all bishops and abbots, whose nomination passed through the Papal Consistory ; ' the tax was levied upon a moderate assess- ment of the yearly value of their revenues in the books of the Consistory. During the Schism this source of revenue was extended, it is said by the ingenuity of Boniface IX., to all benefices, and incoming incumbents were in every case required to pay half the revenues of the first year to the Pope, under a penalty of excommunication if they refused. The abolition of this oppressive impost was loudly demanded by the French dej)uties in the commission ; but the Cardinals offered deter- mined opposition to their pleadings, and urged that annates were the chief support of the Pope and the College of Car- dinals ; if they were abolished at present the Pope and Cardinals would be left penniless. Their opposition so far weighed with the representatives of the other nations that they agreed to allow this question to stand over. In truth, the question of annates affected France more closely than any other kingdom, as the necessity of supporting a Pope during the Schism had weighed most heavily on France. England had withstood the attempts of Boniface IX. to extend the payment of annates to all benefices, and the old payment only was made by bishops. In Italy benefices were of small value, ' This payment consisted of two parts, the 'serviti.a comniunia,' whicli was divided between the Pope and the Cardinals, and the ' servitia minnta,' wliich went to the lower otiicials of the Chancery. On this complicated subject see I'hillips, Kirchcnrccht, v. 557, &c. A tax roll for the assessment of annates, of tlie date of about HGO, is given b}' Dollinger, Beitrdge zxir polithclH'n, kirchlichni viid Cultur- GfucMchte, ii. 1, &c. ; it contains much curious statis- tical information. THE QUESTION OF ANNATES. 371 and the civic communities knew how to protect themselves CHAP, against Papal aggression ; in Germany the bishops were more ' _. powerful than in France, and so could defend themselves. The French complained that they paid more than all the other nations put together, and bore the burden and heat of the day.' This might be true ; but when a proposal was made to substi- tute for annates a yearly tax of one-fiftieth of the value of all benefices above ten ducats for the maintenance of the Curia, we are not surprised that the more favoured nations hesitated to adopt the new scheme.^ The French were not so ready as the other nations to let Failure of the question of annates stand over. When they found that ment for they were beaten in the commission, they tried to bring pressure Ifon'of'^*" to bear upon that body by taking action in their own nation, annates. Accordingly on October 15, 1415, the French nation discussed the question for themselves. Their debates were tumultuous, and extended over seven sittings, as each man gave his vote and stated his reasons separately. At last on November 2, the majority was declared to be in favour of the abolition of annates, and the appointment of a commission to consider the means of making a fair provision for the Pope and Cardinals in their stead. This conclusion was communicated to the other nations, and their co-operation was invited to carry it out ; but the Italians entirely rejected the proposal, and the Germans and English did not think it advisable to discuss the matter at that time. The Cardinals called on the Procurator Fiscal of the Apos- tolic See to lodge a protest against the proposal as an en- croachment on the Papal rights. The French replied by setting forth at length their grievances ; but nothing was done. The failm-e of this first attempt at common action in the matter of reform damped the ardour of the most advanced reformers, and showed the Cardinals their strength as a compact body when opposed to varying national interests. After this effort of the French the Eeform Commission was ' See CoUatio Cleri Gallk-ani, in Bourgeois du Chastenet, 409-78. Also Apostoli venerabilis naiionig Gallicantp, in Preuves des Liberies de VEglise Gal- licane, ch. xxii., where the facts are stated. "^ This proposal, which gives a detailed calculation of the estimated e.x- penses of the reformed Curia, is printed by Bollinger, Bcifrdge, ii. 321. There is no date, and perhaps the document was drawn up later, but the scheme was probably discussed at this time. B B 2 Jean Petit. 372 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK left to continue its labours in peace. On December 19 the . Grerman nation moved that the Council proceed to consider Lethargy measures to put down simony ; but no practical steps were of the , , Council taken. about re- Eveu ou the ouestion of the reform of the Benedictine form. Dec. i 1415 -April, Order agreement was so difficult that, though the Council definitely appointed Commissioners on February 19, 1416, the matter was allowed to stand over. On April 5 Sigismund wrote from Paris to the Council, begging them to suspend all im- portant matters till his return, and meanwhile to employ them- selves with considering the reform of the clergy, especially in Grermany. He recommended for their consideration such points as the manners, dress, and bearing of the clergy, and the prevention of hereditary claims over the lands of the Churcb. He urged them also to reconsider their proceedings in the matter of .Tean Petit. Opinions of This last questiou was, in fact, the only one in which the Council had shown any ardour, and it was simply a transference to Constance of the political animosity by which France was convulsed. As the struggle in Bohemia between the Tchecks and Germans had made its way to the Council Chamber, so the struggle in France between Orleanists and Burgundians pene- trated into matters which craved for ecclesiastical decision. I.ouis of Orleans, brother of Charles VT. of France, had been mm-dered in 1407, and there was no doubt that the murder had been instigated by his opponent, the Duke of Burgundy. It might have been expected that such an act would have met with reprobation at the hands of those who Avere the guardians of public morality. But Louis of Orleans had been the sup- porter of Benedict XIII., who was the opponent of the policy of the University of Paris, and had shown himself willing to dimin- ish its privileges and importance. One of the doctors of the University, Jean Petit, made an apology for the Duke of Bur- gundy before the helpless King on March 8, 1408. He justified his patron by a series of ingenious sophistries which affected the very foundations of political society. He set forth that any subject who })lots against the welfare of his sovereign is worthy of deatli, and that his culpability is increased in pro- portion to his high degree. Hence it is lawful, nay, meri- torious, for anyone, without waiting for an express command, OPINIONS OF JEAN PETIT. 373 but relying on moral and divine law, to kill such traitor chap. and tyrant, and the more meritorious in proportion to / _. his high degree. Promises which are contrary to the welfare of the Sovereign are not binding, and ought to be set aside ; nay, dissimulation is justifiable if it renders easier the death of the traitor. Besides enunciatin^these proposi- tions. Petit assailed the memory of the Duke of Orleans, and accused him of sorcery and evil practices to compass the King's death. Arguments might serve for a time to justify, in the opinion of his partisans, one who was master of the situation. But the moderate party in the University, headed by Gerson, Condemna- looked with alarm on the enunciation of princij^les which they pe^it*'^,^ considered subversive both of moral and i)olitical order. So long ^^^ Bishop ^ ° of Paris. as the Duke of Burgundy was supreme they could do little to lii.s. make their voices heard ; but, when in 1412 the Armagnac i)arty succeeded in driving the Duke of Bm"gundy from Paris, they were eager to justify the memory of the murdered Duke of Orleans and fix a moral stigma on their opponents. In 1413 the Bishop of Paris summoned a Council to examine the doctrines of Petit, who had died two years before. After some deliberation nine propositions drawn from the writings of Petit were con- demned in February 1414, and his book was publicly burned. The Duke of Burgundy appealed against tliis decision to the Pope, and John XXIII. deputed three Cardinals to examine the matter. Their deliberations were yet pending when the Council was summoned, and so this important controversy was transferred to Constance. The representatives of the University of Paris were chosen from those opposed to the views of Petit ; the Burgundian aml)assadors were ordered to prevent Petit's official condemnation. It was this state of parties that led John XXIII. to hope for help against the Council from the ])uke of Burgundy, and the Council was by no means anxious to alienate so powerful a prince. As soon, however, as the Council was rid of all fear from Modeiat- John XXIII., and by its proceedings against Hus had shown |,f"[hY^"'" its zeal to maintain the pm'ity of the faith, Gerson pressed Council for the condemnation of the doctrines of Petit. On June 15, Petit's 1415, a commission was appointed to examine the matter; and j^'j""'"** as Sigismund was anxious to have something decided before he went away, the Council on July 6, the same day on which it 374 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. condemned Hus as a heretic, passed a decree which it hoped might be an acceptable compromise in the matter of Jean Petit. The decree set forth that the Council, in its desire to extirpate all erroneous opinions, declares heretical the assertion that any tyrant may be killed by any vassal or subject of his own, even by treachery, in despite of oaths, and without any judicial sentence being passed against him. The decree made no men- tion of France or of Petit ; it was pm'ely general, and did not go into the details of Petit's arguments, but merely condemned an abstract proposition without any reference to the events which called it forth. Quarrel of Gersou was indignant at this lenient treatment of Petit, the'^Bur- " especially when contrasted with the severity shown at the same gundian time towards Hus. He asserted that if Hus had been allowed party. an advocate, he would never have been condemned.' He went so far in his indignation as to say that he would rather be tried by Jews and heathens than by the Council. He entered with strong personal warmth into the controversy, and was not content to let it rest, although the prospect of a war with England made the French Court anxious that nothing should be done which could alienate the Duke of Burgundy. He pressed for a further decision on Petit's propositions, and involved himself in a dis- pute with the Bishop of Arras, who argued that they concerned points of philosophy and politics rather than theology. Gerson carried his zeal beyond the limits of discretion, and wearied the Council with his repeated expostulations. Naturally the Coun- cil did not like to be told that they, who had not spared a Pope, ought not, through fear of a j^rince, to desert the defence of the truth. Taking advantage of this feeling, a Franciscan, Jean de Rocha, presented before the Commission for Matters of the Faith twenty-five articles drawn from Gerson's writings, which he declared to be heretical. The Bishop of Arras similarly accused of heresy Peter d'Ailly. The Council which was the scene of such proceedings had entirely lost its moral force. When the learned fathers of the Church tried to brand as heretics those who took the opposite side in national politics, we cannot wonder that the condemnation of Jerome of Prag by such a tribunal did not at once carry conviction to the rebel- lious Bohemians. They had some grounds at least for arguing ' Ger.soii, Op. V. 444. THE COUNCIL AND PETIT'S PEG POSITIONS. '675 that the wisest of the Council, Gerson and D'Ailly, were eager chap. for the condemnation of Hus, that it might pave the way for / - the condemnation of Petit, — that Gerson's suspicions of the sin- cerity of Jerome's recantation were sharpened by the feeling that his own orthodoxy was not above attack. It would seem that the majority of the Counciti were heartily Action of wearied of this question, and in the beginning of 1416 there dinais to- was a general request that the Commissioners on INIatters of petu-'s Faith should pronounce an opinion, one way or the other, on ^^^- i^ie. the nine propositions of Petit. But the matter was further complicated by the action of the Cardinals Osini, Zabarella, and Pancerini, who had been deputed by John XXIII. to consider the appeal of the Duke of Burgundy against the decision of the Council of Paris. They now gave their judgment on that ap- peal, and quashed the proceedings of the Parisian Council on grounds of informality. It had proceeded in a matter of faith of which only the Pope could take cognisance, and also had not summoned the accused pai'ties, but had founded its judgment on passages which were not authentic writings of Petit. The Cardinals seem to have taken this step from a desire to reserve the whole question for the decision of a future Pope. But in France the position of parties had again changed. Opinion in After the defeat of Agincourt, the Orleanists rej)resented the on^Petit"" national and patriotic party, and the Duke of Burgundy had p/fposi- to flee to Flanders. The Orleanists possessed themselves of the royal authority, and in the King's name pressed for the condemnation of Petit. On March 19 they appealed from the decision of the Commissioners to that of the Council. The Commissioners in their defence published the opinions of canonists which they had collected : twenty-six were in favour of condemning Petit, sixty-one were against the condemnation. It may seem to us monstrous that such should have been the result. But the Council had already pronounced its decision against the general principle of the lawfulness of tyrannicide, and many thought that it was undesirable for political reasons to go farther. ]Many regarded the question as not properly a theological question, and objected to its decision on purely theological grounds ; many regarded it as a mere party matter in which the Council would do well not to meddle. ^Moreover, the question in itself admitted of some doubt in a time when 37G THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Incorpora- tion of Araf^on with the Council. Oct. 15, MIC. political institutions were in a rudimentary stage. Political assassinations wore a different aspect in days when the destinies of a nation might rest on the caprice of an individual. Clas- sical and biblical antiquity supplied instances of tyrannicide which won the admiration of posterity. Many felt unwilling in their hearts that the Church should absolutely forbid conduct which it could not be denied was sometimes useful. Still Gerson pursued his point, and the struggle between himself and the Bishop of Arras waxed warmer. Sigismund wrote from Paris urging that the decision of the three Cardinals against the proceedings of the Bishop of Paris should be recalled; but the Cardinals wrote back a justification of their own conduct. The weary controversy still went on and occu- pied the time and energies of the Council. It awakened such strong feeling that the Burgundian prelates separated themselves from the rest of the Gallican nation. Grerson flung himself entirely into this question, and so diminished the influence which his learning had previously gained him at Constance. The Council would not decide the matter, but preferred to leave it for the future Pope. Grerson exclaimed that no refor- mation could be wrought by the Council, unless it were under a wise and powerful head.' When Sigismund returned to Constance, Grerson hoped that he would use his influence to have the matter settled. But the change which the English alliance had wrought in Sigismund's political attitude made him unwilling to offend the Duke of Burgundy. The French prelates remained in a state of gloomy dissatisfaction, and the animosities which this dreary question had raised destroyed the unanimity of the Council and did much to hamper its future labours. Nor was this the only cause of disunion in the Council. The assembled Fathers were eagerly waiting the opportunity of finishing their greatest and most important task, the restora- tion of the unity of the Church. P'orthis purpose they needed the incorporation of the Spanisli kingdoms and the formal de- position of Benedict XTII. The death of Ferdinand of Aragon on April 2, 1416, caused some delay in sending ambassadors; ' Diahnjns Apolorietlciis ; Gerson, Op. ii. 392 : ' Video quod ecclesias refor- matio nuiKiuam fict per Concilium sine pnusidenlia ductoris affect ati bone, prudentis sinnil ot constant is.' DISCORD IN THE COUNCIL. 377 and his successor, Alfonso V., though anxious to carry out his chap. father's plans, was not in a position to do so at once. Not till , ^/' _^ September 5 did the Aragonese envoys arrive, and they were at first unwilling to join the Council till they had been joined by the representatives of Castile. At length their scruples were overcome, and on October 15 a fifth nation, th« Spanish, was constituted in the Council. But this process was not completed without difficulties which portended future troubles. First the Portuguese, who had joined the Council on June 1, protested against the formation of a Sj)anish nation as disparaging the honour of Portugal, which claimed to be a nation by itself. Next the Aragonese claimed precedence over the English, and the English protested against their claim. The French then allowed the Aragonese to sit alternately with themselves, pro- testing that they did so without prejudice to the dignity of the French nation. The alliance thus made between the French and Aragonese Discord of was used by the French as a means of annoying the English. Fjr.'iilh"'"^ The Aragonese raised the question of the right of the English ^'' \-' i*^<'-:- to be considered a nation. Loud hissings were heard in the Council Chamber at this attempt to introduce a spirit of fac- tion, and the Aragonese ambassadors left the room. The ques- tion was dismissed, but the ill-feeling created by it remained; the English and French wore arms in the streets, and there was constant fear of an open collision. So serious was the dis- cord that, on December 23, a Congregation continued wrangling till late at night, and then fell to blows, so that the Pfalzgraf Lewis and Frederick of Niirnberg had to be hastily summoned to i^reserve order. This was the state of things that awaited Sigismund on his arrival at Constance, and his change of political attitude during his absence deprived him of the power to exercise any moderat- ing influence upon the discord which wasted the energies of the Council. 378 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. CHAPTER VII. THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE AND THE ELECTION OF MAETIN V. 1417. BOOK II. Politics of the Council. We may feel that the conflicts which agitated the fathers at Constance displayed a petty spirit and an undue attention to formal matters, yet they were more truly the signs of the growth of strong national feelings that were affecting European politics. The ideal unity of the Church when embodied in a European congress could not rise superior to the actual antagonisms of contending nations. Indeed the very question that called the Council together was in its origin political ; the Schism in the Church had arisen through the desire of France to secure the Papacy on the side of her own national interests. An experi- ence of the evils of the Schism had led Em-ope to wish to end it by the arbitration of a General Council. On the question of the union of the Church there had been at Constance practical unanimity ; but when that point was on a fair way to solution the same unanimity was no longer to be expected in other matters. The very nature of the questions which the Council next took in hand shows the strength of national sentiment. The condemnation of Hus was not merely a matter of faith ; it was a step towards suppressing the movement of the Tchecks against the Germans in Eastern Europe. The question of Jean Petit was a transference to Constance of the struggle of par- ties which was rending P\ance asunder. In like manner the deadly contest between France and England carried its national antagonism into the affairs of the Council. It is true that there was no question of doctrine or of ecclesiastical practice round which this contest could rage ; for that very reason it sought expression in trivial matters, and the point of the constitution of the Council opened up a wide field to technical ingenuity. It would have been a difficult PKOTEST OF THE FRENCH AGAINST THE ENGLISH. 379 matter to arrange with any definiteness a scheme for the repre- ciiAP. sentation of united Christendom, nor was this ever attempted ^_2_|Il_^ at Constance. The ct)nstitution of the Council was estabhshed in a haphazard way at the beginning- ; the organisation into four nations had been practically accepted at a time when the Council was anxious to proceed to business and*.-assert its posi- tion against John XXIII. The incorporation with the Council of the Spanish kingdoms gave the French an opportunity of discussing the general organisation of Christendom, and so aiming a blow at the pride and honour of England. The leader of the French in this attack was Peter d'Ailly, who probably had ulterior objects in view, and was glad of an opportunity for educating his nation to follow his lead.^ If feeling ran high between the French and the English during Sigismund's absence, it ran higher when on his return he sliowed signal marks of favour to his new allies. Accordingly the French determined to open a formal attack Protest of upon the English; and on March 3, 1417, the ambassadors of against°he the French King laid before the Council a protest, which set J.'^'I'.pJ,''^^^^ forth that England was not a nation that ought to rank as nation, equal to Italy, France, Germany, or Spain, which all contain 1417. "' many nations within themselves. The Constitutions of Benedict XII. had recognised in Christendom four nations, and an eccle- siastical assembly ought to abide by the Papal Constitutions. Those four nations were the Italian, German, French, and Sj)anish ; and now that the Spanish nation had joined the Council, the English should be added to the German nation, with which they were counted in the Bull of Benedict XII. Neither according to its political nor its ecclesiastical divisions was England equal to the other four nations. It had been allowed to count as a nation before the coming of the Spaniards to keep up the number of nations to four. But now that the Council became a new Council, it ought to revise its former arrangements for the conduct of its business. The French therefore demanded either that the English should be added to ' So Forester, writing to the English King, in Rjmer, ix. 434 ; ' the Cardinal Cameracence, chief of the Nation of France and your special enemy ;' so, too, letter of Appleton (id. 438) : ' Cardinalis Camerocensis nationeiii Anglicanam, a principio hujus Concilii capitali odio continuo persequens, ymmo nationis Anglicana3 nomen, ne vocem tanquam inter aeteras nationes haberet, totis con- llatis viribus supprimerc et prorsus extinguere.' 380 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Answer of the English. March 30, 1417. the German nation ; or if it was considered necessary to keep np a distinct English nation, then that the other nations should be divided according to their respective governments ; or else that the method of voting by nations should be entirely done away. While this protest was being read to the Council hisses and loud exclamations of dissent were heard. Sigismund interposed to prevent the reading from being finished, on the groimd that it was entirely contrary to the customary procedure for anything to be read in the Council which had not previously been ap- proved by the Nations. Moreover, as Protector of the Council, he ordered that thenceforth nothing be lirought forward in public sessions to the prejudice of the Council, especially such things as might hinder the union of the Church. But the English were not content with this vindication. They jnit forth their learning to answer the arguments of the French, and on March 30 handed in to the Council a written reply, in which they styled themselves ' the ambassadors of the King of England and France,' and called the French King ' our adver- sary of France.' They proved, first, that the Constitution of Benedict XII. was not dealing with a division of Christendom into nations, but solely with a method of arranging episcopal visitations and chapters of Benedictines. They retaliated with crushing statistics the charges of the French about the small- ness of the English kingdom compared with France. Eight kingdoms were subject to the English Crown, • not counting the Orcades and other islands to the number of sixty, which by themselves were as large as the kingdom of France. The realm of the English king contained 110 dioceses, that of the French King only 60. Britain was 800 miles long, or forty days' journey, and France was not generally supposed to have such a great extent. France had not more than 6,000 parish churches, England had 52,000. England was converted b}' Joseph of Arimathea, France only by Dionysius the Areopagite. The proposal to put England and Germany together was entirely ' Von der Hardt, v. 86 : — ' Attamen substantialiter praetor Ducatus, terras ac insulas et dominia in numero copioso, sunt regua 8, videlicet Anglia, Scotia, AVallia, qua3 tria majorem integrant Britanniam, regnuin etiam de mari et in Ilibernia, juxta Angliani, quatuor regna magna et notabilia, videlicet Catholi- cum, Caleiise, Iffora/nrr et Mcncchatoie.' I cannot identify these last four names ; but the text is obviously corrupt, and tliey probably represent divisions of Ireland. CITATION OF BENEDICT XIII. 381 absurd, as these two nations comprised between them almost chap. half Christendom. The natural, as well as canonical, division of . ^\^' , nations was into northern, southern, eastern, and western ; the English were at the head of the northern group, the Germans of the eastern, the Italians of the southern, and the French and Spanish were left to make up the western. The English on these grounds branded the arguments of the French as empty and frivolous, and protested against any change being made which might affect the position of the English nation. The protest was received by the Council, and no attempt was made to change the constitution of the nations. Indeed the proce- dure of the French can scarcely have been intended seriously, but was merely an affront to the English, and a step in the education of the French party in opposition to Sigismund's influence. By the side of these altercations the great business of the citation of Council, the deposition of Benedict XIII., was slowly proceed- ^-^i'Ji^^t^ ing. On November 5, 1416, after the arrival of the Aragonese 141". ambassadors. Commissioners were ajipointed to receive evidence against Peter de Luna on the charges of breaking his promises and oaths, and throwing obstacles in the way of the union of the Church. So quickly did the Commissioners do their work that on November 28 a citation was issued to Benedict to appear personally at Constance within seventy days after receiving the summons. Two Benedictine monks were sent to serve the citation. They made their way to Peniscola, and were received by Benedict's nephew with 200 armed men, who escorted them into Benedict's presence on January 22, 1417. The old man looked at the black monks as they approached, and said, ' Here come the crows of the Council.' ' Yes,' was the muttered answer, ' crows gather round a dead body.' Benedict listened to the reading of the citation, uttering from time to time in- dignant exclamations, ' That is not true,' ' They lie.' He re- peated his old proposals — that a new Council should be sum- moned, and that he should elect the new Pojie. He haughtily asserted that he was right and that the Council was wrong. Grasp- ing the arm of his chair, he repeated, 'This is the ark of Noah.' Tlie determination of Benedict XIII. was as unbroken as ever; the world might abandon him, but he would remain true to himself and his dignity. 382 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Demand of Castile for a settle- ment of the. prelim- inaries for a Papal election. March 30, 1417. Question of the pro- cedure of the Coun- cil. On March 10 the Council received the account of their ambassadors to Benedict XIII., and on April 1 declared him guilty of contumacy. Commissioners were appointed to examine the charges against him and hear witnesses. But final sentence could not be passed till the union of the Spanish kingdoms with the Council had been accomplished, and this formal act was again made the occasion of raising serious ques- tions. The ambassadors of Castile only arrived in Constance on March 29 ; but Castile was not very firm in its allegiance to the Council, and its envoys seem willingly to have lent themselves to the projects of the Curial party. The English suspected Peter d'Ailly of getting hold of them for his own purposes, and using the incorporation of Castile as the means of accomplishing his plan of identifying the French nation with the party of the Cardinals. At all events, the Castilians declared themselves on the side of the Curial party, and demanded as a condition of their incorporation with the Council that the preliminaries of a new Papal election should be settled.' This demand raised at once a question that had long been simmering. The Council had met for the threefold purpose of restoring the unity of the Church, purging it from heresy, and reforming it in head and members. In the deposition of the three contending Popes and the condemnation of the opinions of Wyclif and Hus there had been practical luianimity ; but the question of reform was likely to lead to greater differences of opinion, and the proceedings of the Eeform Commission showed the difficulties which were in the way. Men were not agreed whether the reformation should be dealt with in a radical or in a conservative spirit ; if it were to be done radically, it must be done by the Council before the election of a new Pope ; if it were to be done tenderly, a Pope must first be elected to look after the interests of the Papacy and the Curia. The circum- stances attending the opening of the Council had created a precedent for approaching burning questions in the technical form of discussing which should be undertaken first. - John XXIII. was defeated on the question of precedence between the cause of union and the cause of faith ; when the Council de- ' We are justified in inferring that this was the doing of D'Aillj- from his sermon preached on AVhit Sunday, May .30, arguing in favour of the course proposed by the Castilians, Hardt, iv. 1329 PARTIES IN THE COUNCIL. 383 cided to undertake the union of the Church before discussing ciiAP. the heresies of Hus, the fate of John XXI IT. was practically ,_^|^- ^ decided. In the first flush of the Council's triumph over the Pope the cause of reform seemed to have a promising future ; but the absence of Sigismund, the long period of inactivity, and the growing heat of national jealousies afforded an oppor- tunity to the Curial party which they were not slow to use. The proceedings relative to the deposition of John XXIII. warned the Cardinals of their danger if a revolutionary spirit were to prevail, and during Sigismund's absence the Cardinals drew closely together, and obtained a powerful influence over the Council. They knew that they could count on the alle- giance of the Italian nation, and their policy was to take ad» vantage of any disunion in the ranks of the other three nations. Such an opportunity had been afforded by the discontent of a section of the French nation at the proceedings about Jean Petit, and still more by the national animosity between the French and English, which had been increased by Sigismund's political change, Tlie incorporation of the Spanish kingdoms afforded the Curial party a chance of trying their strength. On the incorporation of Aragon they raised the question of the constitution of the Council ; next on the incorporation of Cas- tile they raised the question of the Council's business. This they did in the recognised form of a discussion about priority of procedure ; ought not one point to be finished before another was undertaken ? Ought not the unity of the Church to be definitely restored by a new election before the more doubtful subject of reform was taken in hand ? This was the point which the Castilians were induced to raise, and their request brought to a crisis a number of conflicting opinions which weighed differently with different nations and classes in the Council. P'irst of all, there were strong political differences which parties Sigismund's alliance with England brought prominently into |?*'*®., the foreground at Constance. The French regarded Sigismund with suspicion after his political change. Yet during the vacancy of the Papacy Sigismund was sure to be the most powerful person in the Council : he was its Protector ; it was in his hands ; he could bring pressure to bear upon it at his will. The French began to doubt whether it was wise to help the 384 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK English and Germans, whom they regarded as theu* national ^^' . foes, to arrange the condition of the future Pope. The Schism had arisen from the influence exercised by France over the Papacy ; and France had only laid aside her claims because they were a source of embarrassment rather than of profit. Yet France could not allow her influence to pass to Grermany, and did not wish to prolong a Council which might again establish the Imperial supremacy in Christendom, especially when the Emperor was in close alliance with England. The forthcoming Paj)al election would be an event of considerable political im- portance, and Sigismund must not be allowed to influence it for his own purposes. To these political reasons were added considerations arising directl}/ from the question of reform itself. Men discovered that it was not a matter to be under- taken lightly, and that declamations against abuses were not easily converted into schemes of redress. In the foreground of Papal abuses were the exaction of annates and the collation to benefices ; but an attemjit to abolish annates aroused the deepest apprehension of the Cardinals and Cmia, who asked how they were to be maintained without them. Similarly the attack on the Papal collations to benefices alarmed the Uni- versities, whose graduates found that the claims of learning were more liberally recognised by the Popes than by Ordinaries immersed in official business. The University of Paris had had experience of this truth during the period of withdrawal of obedience from Benedict XIII. ; it had complained, and had been met with delusory promises. Many members of the academic party thought that a reform w^ould be more tenderly, accomplished after the election of a Pope who would advocate his own cause. Moreover, there was much plausibility in the cry that another matter ought not to be undertaken till the main object of the Council was accomplished. It had decided to undertake first the cause of unity. It had advanced so far as to get rid of the rival claimants ; why should it hesitate to accomplish its work, and confer on the Church one undoubted head ? Delay was fraught with danger; there was at present a unanimity which might soon be destroyed. The Council had already sat so long as to weary the patience of those who were still detained at Constance. Growing weariness and disputes about the THE aiKDINALS WIN OVER THE FRENCH. 080 reformation question might make the Council dwindle entirely chap. away before the Papal elections were decided, and so all might , ^\^- _. still be left in doubt, and a schism worse than the first again desolate Christendom. In the disturbed state of Europe war might break out in the neighbourhood, and the Council be broken up by force,^or be deprived suddenly of supplies. It was a serious risk to keep the important matter of the new election undecided in the face of all the contingencies that might happen. There was a good deal of force in these arguments of tem- porary expediency — enough to impress the waverers ; but the real question was whether the reformation of the Church was to be seriously undertaken or not. Sigismund sincerely desired it ; the pai'ty of the Curia were determined to resist by all means in their power. All depended on the success of either side in gaining adherents. Sigismund was allied with Henry V. of England, and was sure of the co-operation of the English Nation. Henry V. kept an observant watch on affairs at Con- stance, sent his instructions to the live bishops who were at the head of the English nation, and commanded that all his liegemen should follow the directions of the bishops, or else leave Constance under penalty of forfeiture of all their goods.' Perhaps this very resoluteness of the English and Germans Change of made it easy for the Curial party to win over the French. The the French alliance of England and Germany was adverse to the interests of France ; why should France support it in the Council ? Under the name of a reform in the Church, the Papacy might be brought under German influence, might be turned into a political instrument against France. We can only guess at these causes for the adhesion of France to the Curial party, which we find an accomplished fact within a few months after the return of Sigismund. The records of the Council deal only with its sessions and its congregations ; we know little of the proceedings within the separate nations, and have nothing save general considerations to guide us in this matter. It is, however, noticeable that the most important man amongst the F'rench was also the most important man amongst the Cardinals, and Peter d'Ailly seems to have been the means of winning over the French nation to the side of the Cimal ' Letter to the bishops, dated July 18, 1417, in Rymer, ix. 4G6. VOL. I. C C nation. 386 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Disturb- ance at Constance about the order of business. April- June, 1417. party. It is true that so late as November 1416 D'Ailly had pressed for a reform of the Church, which he declared was a matter concerning the faith, and not to be considered separately. But D'Ailly had never been very famous for consistency, and had shown a capacity for turning with the tide, and conciliating opposing interests. He had accepted from Benedict XIII. the bishopric of Cambray, without deserting the party of the Univer- sity of Paris ; he had received from the Pope the Cardinal's hat, without ceasing to be a royal ambassador in opposition to the Pope. He had been one of the most manful upholders of the right of the Council to proceed against John XXIII., yet had protested against the action of the Council in asserting its superiority to the Pope. He had pressed for reform before a Papal election, but had no difficulty in assuring himself that reform would be more safely accomplished under the Paj^al presidency. In the case of Germany and England the in- fluence of their kings was strong enough to keep the nations united in their policy, whatever individual difference of opinion may have existed in their ranks. France had no such head ; it would have been difficult for the king — even if his policy had been decided — to enforce unanimity on the representatives of the French nation ; as it was, he had no interest to do so. The influence of the University of Paris, which had so long been predominant in matters ecclesiastical, was now broken. The affair of Jean Petit had ended in the defeat of Gerson and the purely academic party, and Gerson's heat in this matter had ruined his influence. D'Ailly's position as a Cardinal led him to grow more and more conservative in the matter of reform, and the national hostility of France against Germany and England enabled him to bring the French nation to join in opposition to their revolutionary schemes. In this state of parties the Castilians were induced to raise the question which was to decide the scope of the future activity of the Council ; and the Cardinals strained every nerve to give a decisive proof of their strength. Besides the demand for a settlement of the preliminaries of a new Papal election, the Cas- tilians formally asked for a guarantee of freedom to the Council, and the French seized upon this as an occasion to harass Sigis- mund, by pressing for a more ample form of safe-conduct. The Cardinals made a formal declaration that they had enjoyed j[)er- COMPROMISE OF JULY 1117. 387 feet freedom, save in their assent to the decree forbidding the chap. election of a Pope without the consent of the Council ; this they ^_L^i_, had accepted, not through any pressure from Sigismund, but through fear of being branded as schismatics if they objected. Men were greatly alarmed at this equivocal utterance ; it was a covert threat that unless the Cardinals were respected in the future, they might cast a doubt upon the legitimacy of what had been done in the past.' Accordingly, there was great confusion'^ at Constance. Projects for the regulation of the new election were broached and rejected. Complaints were made about want of freedom ; the city magistrates were asked to protect the Council ; protests were lodged against unworthy treatment ; and in the midst of the consequent confusion, the Cardinals urged the acceptance of their proposals about the new election as the one means of restoring peace. Sigismund, however, managed to avert the en- tire dissolution of the Council. The Castilians were somewhat alarmed at the violence of the storm which they had raised ; they were not really desirous of the failure of the Council, and Sigismund prevailed on them, on June 16, to withdraw their conditions and unite themselves to the Council. Peace, however, was not restored. The Cardinals took ad- Compro- vantage of some complaint that the judges of the Council had jlJu- n, overstepped their powers. The French, Italian, and Spanish ^■*^^- nations joined them in another attack upon Sigismund. They protested that they were not in full enjoyment of their liberty, and would take no further part in the Council, till they had ample guarantees for fi-eedom. Sigismund naturally objected to grant a demand which cast a reflection upon the past pro- ceedings of the Council. Again discord raged for some weeks, till both parties were weary, and agreed on July 11 to a compromise, which was proposed by the ambassadors of Savoy. Sigismund granted an ample assm-ance of the freedom of the Council on condition that the order of procedure was fixed to be, first, the deposition of Benedict XIII. ; next, the reform of the Church in its head and in the Curia ; thirdly, a new Papal election.'^ The Cardinals had so far triumphed as to reserve for the new Pope the reformation of the Church in its general features ; ' See letter of Pulka of June 16, in Firnhaber, p. 50. ^ The document is in Martene, Thesauruf, ii. 1677, &c c c 2 388 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK Sigismund retained the important point that the reformation of ^ ^1' _^ the Papacy and of the Curia should precede the appointment of an imdoulDted Pope. The struggle ended for the time ; but the compromise was of the nature of a truce, not of a lasting peace. Sigismnnd's j^osition had been forced, and after giving way so far he might be driven to give way still more. Deposition When in this way agreement had been again restored, xm.'^^'^^^'^ the Council proceeded to the deposition of Benedict XIII. On ul? ^^' J'^^^y 26 he was again cited, declared contumacious, and sen- tence was passed against him. It declared th> t, after examining witnesses, the Council pronounced him to be ' perjured and the cause of scandal to the universal Church, a favourer of in- veterate schism, a hinderer of the union of the Church, a heretic who had wandered from the faith ; ' as such he was pronounced unworthy of all rank and dignity, deprived of all right in the Papacy and in the Roman Church, and lopped off like a dry bough from the Catholic Church. This sentence was published throughout Constance amid general rejoicings. The bells were rung, the citizens kept holiday, and Sigismund's heralds rode through the streets proclaiming the sentence. Report of Now that the union of the Church had been established, Ref/rm*^ there remained for the Council only the question of reform, Commia- j^ accordance with the agreement made between Sigismund sion. Oct. F' p 1 T-. p 8, 1416. and the Cardinals. For this purpose the report of the Reform Commission was ready as a basis for discussion. The Commis- sion had continued its labours till October 8, 1416, and had drawn up its conclusions in a tentative form. First came six chapters, dealing with the reformation of the Curia, jiroviding for the holding of future Councils with powder to depose wicked and mischievous Popes, defining the duties of the Pope and his relations to the Cardinals, fixing the number of Car- dinals at eighteen and prescribing their qualifications. On these points the Commissioners seem to have been agreed, as their con- clusions were drawn up in the shape of decrees for the Council to pass. Then came a number of petitions for reform which were put into a shape that might admit of discussion. The report ended with a number of protocols which seem to contain a summary of suggestions and questions raised before the Commissioners.' • ' There are two editions of thi.s report, in Von der ITardt, i. 583, &c. ; sec the excellent criticism of lliibler, Blv Consianzcr lirformntion, ii., &c. STRUGGLE FOR A PAPAL ELECTION. 389 But the points, taken all together, touch only on the removal of crying ?.nd obvious abuses — dispensations, exemptions, plurali- ties, appeals to Rome, simony, clerical concubinage, non -resi- dence of bishops and the like. None of them affect the basis of the Papal system or try to alter the constitution of the Church where it -was proved to be defective. They contain little which a provincial synod might not have decreed, nothing wliich was worthy of the labours of a General Council. Even this report, harmless as it was, was not taken into the Appoint- Council's consideration. Such was the respect paid to techni- "econd H*- calities, that a report drawn up before the incorporation of the f"i;"\Com- (-1 . , , . , mission. Spanish kingdoms was not considered to be of sufficient authority for the newly-constituted assembly to discuss. It would have been possible to continue the Commission with the addition of Sjmnish representatives ; but the Council wanted to gain time, and there was some plausibility in the objection that such a Commission would be unwieldy through its numbers. Accordingly, a new Commission of twenty-five doctors and prelates, five from each nation, was appointed to revise the work of their predecessors.' This they proceeded to do ; and while they were busy with their labours, the Curial party had leisure to renew their attack upon the compromise which had so lately been accepted. When once the prospect of a new Papal election was in The Car- view, it was natural that men should wish for its accomplish- pr&*s for a ment. Many must have felt shocked in their inmost hearts at fi^^f/^n the anomalous state of things that existed in the Church. Sept. 9, 1417. Many more were swayed by motives of self-interest, and felt that promotion was to be gained from a Pope, but nothing from the Council. All were wearied with their long stay in Constance, and wished to see a definite end to their labours. Moreover, the talk about a new election intensified national jealous}' and suspicion. It was easy to raise an outcry that Sigismund was using the Council for his own purposes and meant to finish his design by securing his hold upon the Papacy, when he and the victorious Henry V. would be arbiters of the destinies of Europe.'^ The Cardinals had formed their ' Their report is given in Von der Hardt, i. GoO. It bears the heading ' Avisatain Reformatorio per xxv pnelates et doctores.' Hiibler, p. 21, first pointed out the relation of this document to the preceding ones. - See Niem, in Von der Hardt, ii.434 : 'Multi de Italia hie existent es, in eodem 390 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Renewed disturb- ances at Constance. Sept. 9-11, 1417. Renewed protest of the Car- dinals. Sept. 11, 1417. party and had already made trial of their strength. They were sure of the allegiance of three of the five nations, and deter- mined to attack the position of the Germans and English by pressing for an immediate election to the Papacy. Accord- ingly, on September 9, the Cardinals presented to a general congregation a protest setting forth their readiness to proceed to the election of a Pope, lest harm ensue to the Church through their negligence ; they professed that this should be done with- out prejudice to the cause of reformation. The reading of this protest was interrupted by loud cries, and Sigismund rose and left the cathedral, followed by the Patriarch of Antioch. Some one called out, ' Let the heretics go,' which galled Sigismund to the quick. ^ When he showed his anger some of the members of the Council professed fear for their personal safety. Eumours were spread that Sigis- mund was preparing to overawe the Council by armed force. The Castilians, who had never shown themselves much in earnest, and who were in strife with the Aragonese about pre- cedence, took the opportunity of this alarm to leave Constance, but they had not proceeded farther than Steckborn when they were brought back by Sigismund's troops. So great was Sigis- mund's anger that he ordered the cathedral and the Bishop's palace to be closed against the Cardinals, so as to prevent their further deliberations. They held a meeting next day, sitting on the steps in the courtyard of the palace, and sent to the city magistrates and Frederick of Brandenburg to demand se- curity and freedom. After some mediation the Cardinals were allowed to be present at a general congregation held the next day (September 11). In this congregation the Cardinals presented and read a second protest against the action of the German nation couched in stronger language than the first. They said that they and three nations wished to proceed to the election of a Pope, and were hindered by the German nation and a few others. They washed their hands of all responsibility for the evils which might happen in consequence to the Church. They insisted concilio murmurabant inter se dicentcs quod ipse dominus Rex Romanoruin ficte ageret, iiecnon Papam ad ejus voluntatem hie eligi vellet ad hoc, ut sic ejus conditionem faceret meliorem.' ' Schelstraten, in Von der Ilardt, i. 921. SIGISMUND LOSES GROUND. 391 that they had a majority of the nations, and that those who chap. opposed them were merely the adherents of Sigismund, who . ,_! — . were of no individual weight, as they had no weight apart from their own nation. They declared that they desired a reforma- tion as much as did the Germans, but the first reformation needed was the rem'edy of the monstrous condition of a head- less Church.' It is noticeable that the protest makes no men- tion of the English nation. Perhaps the Cardinals, in their desire to make a strong case on their own behalf, tacitly as- sun^ed the position which had been taken up by the French, that the Council consisted only of four nations, and reckoned the English amongst the adherents of the Germans. Perhaps the English had shown signs of withdrawing their opposition to the new election, and the Cardinals thought it better, in the existing state of things, to make no mention of those who were tending to neutrality. After the reading of this protest there was renewed confu- Diminu- sion. Agam rumours were spread oi the nerceness oi higis- frismund's mund's wrath. At one time it was said that he intended to im- f"""*-^'- prison all the Cardinals ; then that he had consented to limit his fury to six of the ringleaders. Next day the Cardinals appeared wearing their red hats, in token that they were ready, if need be, to suffer martyrdom. But they were well aware that they would not be put to that test, and knew that their organisation was everywhere working conversions. Even the Patriarch of Antioch, whom on August 14 Sigismund had ap- pointed as his representative in the meetings of the French nation, deserted Sigismund's cause and joined the French on September 12. The Cardinals protested against the breach of national organisation caused by the existence of a party devoted to Sigismund ; the Archbishop of Milan, the Cardinals Correr ;ind Condulmier, returned to their national allegiance. All who did not belong to the Engli.sh and German nations were now on the side of the Cardinals.^ September 13 was devoted to the funeral rites of Kobert ' ' Prajterea si reformatio ficnd;i est de defomiatis, quas major est aut esse potest in corpore deformitas quam carcre capite et acephalum esse ? ' — Vender Hardt, i. 919. ■^ Schelstraten, on the authority of a Vatican MS. (Von der Hardt, iv. 1418). ' Dimiserunt Ke°:cm et Rex dimisit eos et sunt reversi ad suas nationes.' 392 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. Sigismund deserted by the English. Hallam, Bishop of Salisbury, who had been the leading Eng- lishman at the Council, and had ranked high amongst Sigis- mund's advisers. Hallam had won respect by his boldness and straightforwardness, and all were desirous to do him honour. But on the next day the Grermans appeared with an answer to the protest of the Cardinals ; they indignantly cleared them- selves of the charges of schism and heresy which their oppo- nents had brought against them. If future schism was to be avoided, it could only be by a genuine reformation of the Eoman Curia. The chair of the Pope needed cleansing before it was fit for a new occupant. The cause of the Schism was to be found in the self-seeking and carnal minds of the Cardinals, who could be no otherwise, so long as reservations, commendams, usurpa- tions of ecclesiastical patronage, annates, simony, and all the abuses of the Papal law courts were allowed to go on unchecked. The Grermans had said their say, and Sigismund was still prepared to hold his own ; but the ranks of his followers sen- sibly decreased, and at last his position was rendered unten- able by the desertion of the English nation. Here again we can only conjecture the motives which were at work. The English at the Council acted entirely at the dictation of their King, and the change must have been brought about in consequence of orders from home. The coming of Henry Beaufort, the uncle of the King, can have been no accidental matter. We are justified in assuming that he left England to bring the news of Henry's change of policy, to explain its rea- sons to Sigismund, and to co-operate with him for the purpose of giving a new direction to the joint policy of England and Germany. We cannot say what were the motives that weighed with Henry V. He was an ideal politician, as much as Sigis- mund, and had a project of a Crusade against the Turks as soon as the conquest of France had been achieved. Probably he was convinced that the dangers of continuing to demand an imme- diate reformation of the Church were too great to render a dogged obstinacy any longer desirable. Henry V. was profoundly orthodox, and may have become convinced that Sigismund's policy was dangerous. Anyhow, the question of reform did not affect England as closely as it affected Germany. The laws of England gave the Crown means of defending the rights of the English Church, which a strong king could use at his pleasure. A NEW PAPAL ELECTION DETERMINED ON. 393 The Council of Constance had now sat so long that little was to chap. be hoped from its future activity. The treaty of Canterbury had , IJI: , brought no political advantage to Henry V., as Sigismund pleaded the pressure of business at Constance as a reason why he could not help his English ally in the field.' Probably Henry V. thought it expedient that he and Sigismund should use their influence to secure a satisfactory election to the Papacy, rather than embitter ecclesiastical questions by a longer resistance to a majority who could not be quelled. Whatever yjere Henry V.'s motives, the English nation deserted the cause of Sigismund, and the death of Kobert Hallam gave a colourable pretext for their change of front, though it was in no way connected with it. As soon as the Grerman nation was left alone desertions sigisnumd gradually took place. The Bishops of Piga and Chur, who conlenuo stood high in Sigismund's confidence, promised their adhesion « l^«pa' , ,1 7^, T T T . 1 1 -I-, 1 1 1 election. to the Cardmals on condition that the Pope when elected OctoiK-r 2, should stay at Constance with the Council till the work of re- '" formation had been accomplished. It is said that they were won over by the promise of rich benefices, and they certainly were afterwards promoted.^ Sigismund could hold out no longer, and early in October gave his consent to the election of a pope, provided that an undertaking were given by the Council, that immediately after his election and before his coronation the work of reformation should be set on foot. But the Cardinals hesitated to give this guarantee and raised technical difficulties regarding its form. Meanwhile as a sop to the reforming party, a decree was passed on October 9, em- bodying some few of the reforms on which there was a general agreement. The decree of October 9 was the first fruits of the reform Reform wrought at Constance. It begins with the famous decree '■^^^^^^'^ "J Frequens,^ which provided for the recurrence of Greneral Coun- ih7. cils. The next Council was to be held in seven years' time, and after that they were to follow at intervals of five years. This was the result of all the movement which the Schism had set on foot. ' See letter of Aug. 4, 1417, in Caro : -4ms der KanzJci Kaiser Sigumnnd's, p. 128. 2 MS. Chronicle of .Vainz, dated 1440, in Hardt, iv. 1427. ' So called from its first words ' Frequens generalium Conciliorum celebratio agri Domiuici cultura est prtccipua,' llardt, iv. 143.5. 394 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Compro- mise effected by the Bishop of Win- chester. Oct. 1417. The exceptional measure necessary to heal the Schism became established on the foundation of ancient usage ; its revival was to prevent for the future the growth of evil customs in the Church and was to supply a sure means of slowly remedying those which already existed. Henceforth General Councils were to be restored to their primitive position in the organisation of the Church, and the Papal despotism was to be curbed by the creation of an ecclesiastical parliament. As a corollary to this projwsition, it was decreed that in case of schism a Council might convoke itself at any time. A few of the most crying grievances of the clergy were redressed by enactments that the Pope should not translate prelates against their will, nor reserve to his own use the possessions of clergy on their death, nor the procurations due at visitations. The passing of this decree did not do much to clear the way for a settlement of Sigismund's demand of a guarantee for future reform. After much negotiation about the form which such a guarantee should take, the Cardinals finally said that they could not bind the future Pope. The Cardinals were anxious to know what part they were to have in the election. Though they could not hope to have the exclusive right, yet they were resolved not to be reduced to the level of deputies of their respective nations, and before giving any guarantee they wished to secm-e their own position. Again everything was in confusion at Constance till it was suggested that there was close at hand an influential prelate who might be called in to mediate. Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, half-brother of Henry IV. of England, and powerful in English politics, was at that time at Ulm, ostensibly on his way as a pilgrim to the Holy Land. He was accordingly summoned to Constance, where he was welcomed by the King and Cardinals,^ and by his mediation an agreement was at last arranged between the con- tending parties. It provided that a guarantee for carrying out the reformation after the election of the Pope should be em- ' The date of his arrival is not certain. Walsingham (ed. Riley), ii. 319, says : ' Ultima die mensis Octobris Episcopus Wintonensis accessit ad Con- cilium.' Schelstraten, in Hardt, iv. 1447, says : ' Iverant illi obviam rex et tres Cardinales ;' and Tschudi, ii. 82, says that Sigismund left Constance for a journey into the Swiss country on Oct. 21, and returned on Nov. 6. Hence it would seem that Beaufort came on or before Oct. 20, which seems much more probable, as the results of his mediation were declared on Oct. 31. REFORM DECREES OF OCTOBER 1417. 395 bodied in a decree of the Council ; that those points contained in chap. the report of the Keform Commissioners, concerning which all ^\^' _,. the nations were agreed, should be laid before the Council for its approval ; and that Commissioners should be appointed to determine the method of the new Papal election. We cannot doubt that Henry Beatifort's presence was the result of a poli- tical mission from Henry V., to whose plans Sigismund was reluctantly compelled to agree. The influence of England was used to make the best terms possible between„the Germans, who were driven to give way, and the victorious Cardinals, whose obstinacy increased with their success. On October 30 the final result of this protracted struggle Decrees of was embodied in decrees. It was enacted that the future Pope, ^4^7 ' with the Council or with deputies of the several nations, should reform the Chm-ch in its head and in the Roman Curia, dealing with eighteen specified points which had been agreed to by the Reform Commission ; after the election of deputies for this object, the other members of the Council might retire. It was fm-ther decreed that the election of the Pope be made by the Cardinals and six deputies to be elected by each nation within ten days: two- thirds of the Cardinals and two-thirds of the deputies of each nation were to agree before an election could be made. These decrees show at a glance how completely the reform- ing party had been worsted, and the enthusiasm for reform was spent. Step by step the Cardinals had succeeded in limiting the sphere of the Council's activity. In July the aim of the Council had been defined as the reformation of the Pope and Curia before a Papal election, and after it the general reforma- tion of the Church. By the end of October the reformation of the Church was dropped entirely, and all that the Council wished to do was to help the new Pope to reform his office and Curia, and that not unreservedly, but simply in eighteen specified points to which the zeal of the Council and the labours of the Reform Commission had ultimately dwindled. In fact, as soon as a Papal election became possible, it swal- Befjinning lowed up all other considerations and absorbed all attention, clave. Nuv. Men who had spent three long years at Constance wished to see ' ^"^^ " the outward and visible sign of the work that they had done to reunite the Church ] they wished to see a Pope appointed who 396 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANX'E. BOOK II. Proceed- ings of the Conclave. Nov. 9-10, 1417. might recognise and requite their zeah No sooner were the decrees passed than preparations for the election were busily pressed. In the Kaufhaus of Constance chambers were con- structed for the fifty-three members of the Conclave — twenty- three Cardinals and thirty electors chosen by the five nations. Sigismund took oath to protect the Conclave ; guards and officers were appointed to j^rovide for its safety, and every cus- tomary formality was carefully observed. On the afternoon of November 8, the Cardinals and electors assembled in the Bishop's palace. They were met outside by Sigismund, who dis- mounted from his horse, took each by the hand and greeted him kindly. The solemnity of the occasion wiped out all traces of former rivalries, and tears were shed at the sight of this restored unanimity. The Miinster-platz was filled with a kneeling crowd, amongst whom knelt Sigismund. The doors of the cathedral were thrown open, and the Patriarch of Antioch sur- rounded by the clergy advanced and prayed and gave the bene- diction. All rose from their knees and a procession of the electors was formed. Sigismund rode first, and when all had entered the Conclave, they laid their hands in his and swore to make a true and honest choice. With a few words of friendly exhortation, Sigismund left them, and the Conclave was closed. Next day, November 9, was spent in settling the method of voting, about which there was some difference of opinion. The Cardinals wished to retain the customary method of voting by means of papers which were placed on the altar, and then sub- mitted to scrutiny ; others were desirous of adopting more open, and, as they thought, simpler methods. At last, how- ever, the Cardinals prevailed ; but it was not till the morning of November 10 that any votes were taken. It was then found that the struggle lay between three, the Cardinals Oddo Colonna and Peter d'Ailly, and Jacopo da Camplo, abbot-elect of the monastery of Penna. It was natural that D'Ailly should be put forward as a candidate. After the death of Cardinal Zabarella on Septem- ber 26, D'Ailly was undoubtedly the man of greatest mark among the Cardinals, as well as the man who w^as most closely associated with the Council's activity. But the English and Grermans could not consent to see their brilliant opponent raised to the Papal dignity. Tliey directed all their efforts to ELECTION OF ODDO COLONNA. 397 defeat the candidature of D'Ailly, which was sup])orted by chap. the French, and was acceptable to the Spaniards, for D'Ailly , ^ |^' ^ was an old friend of Benedict XIII. It was not hard for the English and Germans to win over the Italians by awakening their dread of a French Pope, and by agreeing to accept an Italian. Among the* Cardinals, Oddo Colonna was marked out as a Roman of noble fiimily, a man who had remained neutral among the struggles which rent the Council, unobjec- tionable on every ground, and personally acceptable both to Henry V. and Sigismund. Of Jacopo da Camplo we know nothing, except that he was an Italian : perhaps he w^as the candidate of a small Italian party which wished to hold its own against the Cardinals. On the morning of November 11 the electors again met in Election of the chapel to proceed to another vote. As they were on their 9,*^^" ■^ ^ . "^ Colonnn. knees after the celebration of mass, engaged in private devo- Nov. ii, tion, they heard from outside the voices of the clergy, who, during the period of the Conclave, made a daily procession round the city, chanting the hymn, ' Veni Creator Spirit us.' Their minds were touched by the solemn thoughts of spiritual sympathy which these strains inspired ; and when they rose from their knees Jacopo da Camplo said suddenly, ' The votes that I have I give to Oddo Colonna.' After this accession the chances of Peter d'Ailly were gone, and, with the best grace he could, he followed the example set him. A scrutiny was immediately held, and it was found that Oddo Colonna had the requisite number of votes. The electors, according to custom, placed him on the altar, kissed his feet, and chanted the ' Te Deum.' The cry was raised to those outside, ' We have a Pope, Oddo Colonna,' and the news spread fast through the city. It was not yet midday when it reached Sigismund, who, forgetful of all dignity, hastened in his joy to the Conclave, thanked the electors for their worthy choice, and, prostrating himself before the new Pope, humbly kissed his feet. A solemn procession was formed to the cathedral. The new Pope, who took the name of Martin V. because it was S. Martin's day, mounted on horseback, while Sigismund held his bridle on the right, PVederick of Brandenburg on the left. Again he was placed on the altar in the cathedral, amid a solemn service of 398 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK thanksgiving. Then he retired to the Bishop's palace, which _ ^^' was thenceforward his abode. The election of Oddo Colonna was one which gave universal satisfaction, and Sigismund's unrestrained manifestations of delight show that he regarded it with unfeigned self-congratula- tion. Politically, he had gained an adherent where he feared that he might have elevated a foe. The French had been baffled, and there was nothing more to fear from their influence over the Council. Similarly, on grounds that affected the Papacy, its position in Italy, and the recovery of the patrimony of the Church, Oddo Colonna, as a member of the most power- ful Eoman family, seemed likely to restore the Papal prestige. Moreover, Oddo Colonna gave hopes of favouring the cause of the reformation. He was known as the poorest and simplest among the Cardinals,^ and was a man of genial, kindly nature, who had never shown any capacity for intrigue.^ No one could object to his election ; for he had held himself aloof from all the quarrels which had convulsed the Council, had made no enemies, and was regarded as a moderate and sensible man. ' Windeck, in Meneken, i. 1117, 'er der armest und einfaltigiste Cardinal were unter alien Cardinalen die zu Costenz dazumale warent.' '^ Leon. Art. in Mm-, xix. : 'Vir antea nequaquam sagax exist imatus sed benignus.' 399 CHAPTER VIII. MARTIN V. AND THE REFORMATION AT CONSTANCE — END OF THE COUNCIL. 1417-1418. Whatever hopes had been entertained that INIartin V. might ciiAP. favour the work of reformation received a shock from his first , ^\^^\ , pontifical act. Instead of regarding his position as somewhat Martin V. exceptional, instead of awaiting the results of further delibera- the nUel of tion of the Council, he followed the custom of his predecessor, ^^hancerv and on the day after his election approved and edited the rules issued by of the Papal Chancery. The moment that the officials of the XXIII. Curia had obtained a head, they felt themselves strong enough to fight for the abuses on which they throve. The Vice- chancellor, the Cardinal of Ostia, who had published the Chancery regulations of John XXIII., hastened to lay them before Martin V., with a demand that he should maintain the rights of his office ; and the new Pope at once complied. This act of Martin V. struck at the root of the reforming efiforts of the Council. The abuses, which after long deliberation had been selected as the most crying, were organised and protected in the rules of the Papal Chancery. The Chancery itself was a necessary branch of the adminis- Rules of trative department of the Papacy, and was concerned with the chiuicTn-. care of the Papal archives, and the preparation and execution of all the official documents of the Pope. Such a department necessarily had rules, and these rules were revised and repub- lished by each Pope on his accession. They regulated the de- spatch of business by the Chancery, and during the period of the Avignonese Papacy had been largely increased so as to cover the growth of the system of Papal reservations and the extension 400 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. liooK of the Papal jurisdiction.' John XXII. and Benedict XII. ' , greatly enlarged their scope, but the earliest edition of them that we possess is that of John XXIII. , which Martin V. now confirmed in its integrity. The rules thus established as part of the constitution of the Church reserved to the Pope all the chief dignities in cathedral, collegiate and conventual churches, provided for the issue of expectative graces, or pro- mises of next appointment to benefices, and fixed the pay- ments due for such grants. They regulated Papal dispensations from ecclesiastical disqualifications, from residence at benefices, from the need of ordination by holders of benefices who wei'e employed in the service of the Curia or in study. They provided for pluralities, indulgences, and the conduct of appeals before the Curia. In short, they set forth the system by which the Papacy had managed to divert to itself the revenues of the Church ; they were the code on which rested the abuses of the Papal power which the Council hoped to eradicate. Coronation Perhaps this act of Martin V. was not at once divulged, as V. Nov." the Chancery regulations were not formally published till Feb- 21, 1417. ri^ary 26, 1418. If it was known, men did not in their first flush of joy appreciate its full significance. It might be urged that the act was merely formal, that a Pope must have a Chancery, and the Chancery must have its rules ; their publication in no way hindered their subsequent reformation. However that might be, nothing disturbed the harmony at Constance. On November 13 iSIartin V., who was only a Cardinal-deacon, was ordained priest, and next day was consecrated bishop. The next few days were spent in receiving homage from all the clergy and nobles in Con- stance. On November 21 all was ready for the Pope's corona- tion, which was carried out with great splendour. At midnight he was anointed in the cathedral. At eight in the morning the coronation took place on a raised platform in the courtyard of the Bishop's palace. The tow was burned before the Pope, with the admonition, ' Sic transit gloria mundi.' Then ]\Iartin V. mounted a horse and went in stately procession through the town, Sigismund and Frederick of Brandenburg holdino' the reins of his steed. The Jews met him, according to custom, bearing the volume of the law, and begging him to confirm their privileges. Martin, perhaps not at once under- ' Hec, for rurthcr details, Phillips, Kirchcnrccht, iv. 188, &c. DIFFICULTIES IN THE WAY OF EEFORM. 401 standing the ceremony, refused the volume; but Sigismund chap. took it and said : ' The law of ]Moses is just and good, nor do ,__^ we reject it, but you do not keep it as you ought.' Then he gave them back the volume, and Martin, who had now his cue, said : ' Almighty God remove the veil from your eyes, and make you see the light of everlasting life.' ' It is impossible not to feel that Si^smund was excellently fitted to discharge the duties of a Pope with punctilious decorum. It would seem, that Sigismund was so satisfied with the Diffiouities election of Martin V. that he did not raisc^he question of "f reform? proceeding with the reformation before the coronation of the Pope, according to the agreement which he had made with the Cardinals. But immediately after the coronation a new Reform Commission was formed of six Cardinals and as many deputies from each nation. The Commissioners did not, however, pro- ceed rapidly with their work. The old difficulties at once revived. The Germans and the French prelates wished to abolish Papal provisions ; the representatives of the French Universities joined with the Italians and .Spaniards to main- tain in their own interests the rights of the Pope. The English, who by the statutes against Provisors had settled the matter for themselves, were indififerent. The previous quarrels of the nations in the Council were a hindrance to joint action. The French besought Sigismund to use his influence to further the reformation. Sigismund answered : ' When I was urgent that the reformation should be undertaken before the election of a Pope, you would not consent. Now we have a Pope ; go to him, for I no longer have the same interest in the matter as I had before.'^ Indeed, Sigismund seems to have given up reform as hopeless, and resolved to make the best terms he could for himself. On January 17, 1418, he publicly received at the hands of the Pope a formal recognition of his position as King of the Romans, and a few days afterwards obtained a grant of a tenth of the ecclesiastical revenues of three German provinces, as a recompense for the expenses which he had in- curred in the Council's behalf. ' Both Dacher (in Von der Hardt, iv. 1491) and Reichcntlial, p. 43, agree in this account, though others represent Martin as taking the book himself from the Jews. '^ Gobeliuus, in Vou dor Ilurelt, iv. 150;}. VOL. I. D D 402 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK In this state of collision of interests and general lethargy . ^[' . and weariness, it became clear that nothing could be done in Martin v.'s the Way of a common scheme of reform. The Germans were of reform"^ the first to recognise this, and presented to the Pope in Jan. 1418. January 1418 a series of articles of reformation founded on the labours of the previous Commission. A clamour for reform was directed to the Pope ; and a squib published by a Spaniard, headed ' A Mass for Simony,' ' helped to warn Martin Y. that he must in some way declare himself, for Benedict XIII. still had adherents. So far Martin V. had refused to state his inten- tions. He saw that his wisest policy was to allow the reform- ing party to involve themselves in difficulties and to bide his time. When asked to declare his o^^inion, he answered with the utmost courtesy that if the nations agreed on any point, he was desirous to do what he could for the reformation. At last he judged it prudent to speak, and on January 18, 1418, put forward the Papal idea of reform in the shape of an answer to the points set forward in the decree of October 30, which had been the guarantee on which the Germans consented to the election of a Pope. On all the points therein contained the Pope agreed to some slight surrender of his prerogatives in favour of the Ordinaries ; but one point, the definition of the ' causes for which a Pope could be admonished or deposed,' was dismissed with the remark, ' It does not seem good to us, as it did not to several nations, that on this point anything new should be determined or decreed.' The programme of the Pope was referred to the nations for their opinion. Again there were the old difficulties. The nations could not agree on the amendments which they wished to make. Martin V. could now urge that he had done his part, and that the obstacles arose from the want of concord among the several nations. He kept pressing them to quicken their deliberations ; ^ and while he awaited their decision he continued to exercise the old ' This curious production is given inVon dor Hardt, iv.l505. At the end conies the warning : ' Jamfumus simonite in cajlurn ascendit : et jam divina justicia provocata est in tantum, quod, si iste Papa non ponit remedium super hoc, sciat ge pcrcutiendum plaga magna et in brevi casurum.' ■•^ Letter of Pulka, dated Feb. 10 : ' Instat apud nationem nostram quatenus super advisamenta reformationis qute alias ipse dedit, concludat et sibi respondeat, \\i ad alia j)rocedi valeat, et concilium ccleriter concludi. ' Firnhaber, GG. EMBASSY OF THE GREEKS. 403 powers of the Papacy, and made numerous grants in expectancy, p,, . „ which no doubt gave a practical proof to many that the Papal '^''"• system after all had its advantages. It was natural that the Council, which was before enfeebled Embassy by its own divisions, should find itself growing still feebler Greeks. before a Pope. The influence of the Papal office was strong ^'^^' ^'*^^" over men's imaginations. The joy felt throughout Euro})e at the termination of the Schism was reflected among the P\ithers at Constance. The ambassadors who came to congratulate the new Pope on his accession could not fail to (feepen the im- pression of his importance. The death of Gregory XII. on October 18, 1-417, was an additional security for Martin V.'s position. Moreover, the prestige of the Pope was increased by the an'ival in Constance on February 19 of an embassy from the Greek Emperor, headed by the Archbishop of Kief, to negotiate for the union of the Eastern and "Western Churches. The luckless Greeks saw themselves day by day more and more helpless to resist the invading Turks, and their leaders deemed it politic to remove by union with the Latin Church the reli- gious differences which had done much to sunder the East and West. During the Schism it had been hopeless to j^rosecute their scheme, as reconciliation with one Pope Avould only have won for them the hostility of the obedience of his rival. But their desire was known ; and soon after the Council of Pisa, Gerson, preaching before the French King, in-ged the convocation of another Council in three years' time, that the Greeks might then appear and negotiate for their union with Western Christendom.' So soon as the Council of Constance had suc- ceeded in establishing internal unity in the Latin Church, the Greek envoys made their appearance. They were honourably received by Sigismund, who rode out to meet them. With wondering eyes the Latin prelates gazed on the Greek eccle- siastics, whose long black hair flowed down their shoulders, who wore long beards, and had nothing but the tonsure to mark their priestly office. During their stay in Constance the Greeks practised their own ritual, and were courteously treated by the Council ; but it does not appear that much was done towards the object which they had in view. The distracted state of opinion in Con^^tance was not calculated to inspire them with ' Gei-son, Oj). ii. Hi.'. D D 2 404 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Questions of Petit and Fal- kenberg. much confidence.^ The Council did not last long enough for the question to be seriously discussed. We find, however, that friendly relations were established between Martin V. and the Greek Emperor, for Martin gave his consent to a project of in- termarriage between the Emperor's sons and Latin ladies.^ It was natural for Martin V. to urge the rapid dissolution of the Council. So long as it remained sitting unpleasant questions were sure to be forced upon him. The condemnation of Jean Petit, which had been deferred by the Council, was now laid before the Pope for his decision, and there was added to it another question of like character. A Dominican monk, John of Falkenberg, had written a libel against the King of Poland at the instigation of his enemies, the Teutonic Knights. This libel asserted that the King of Poland and his people were only worthy of the hatred of all Christian men, and ought to be exterminated like pagans. It was brought before the Commissioners in Matters of Faith early in 1417, was by them condemned and ordered to be burned; but its formal condemna- tion was left for the new Pope. Thus the Poles and the French alike called on Martin to condemn their enemies ; but Martin was too politic to wish to offend either the Duke of Burgundy or the Teutonic Knights. The French and the Poles published a protest setting forth the scandals that would be caused by any refusal of justice. When this produced no effect, the Poles intimated their intention of appealing to a future Council. Martin V. thought it desirable to check, if possible, this dangerous privilege, and in a consistory on March 10 promulgated a constitution which asserted : ' No one may appeal from the supreme judge, that is, the apostolic seat or the Roman Pontiff, Vicar on earth of Jesus Christ, or may decline his authority in matters of faith.' To this constitution the Poles determined to pay no heed, and Grerson pointed out that it was destructive to the whole theory on which the Councils of Pisa and Constance rested their authority.^ It was ' Dacher, in Von dcr Hardt, iv. 1512. ' Man meinte wiiredie Reformation fiir sich gegangen, sie hiitten Weg und Sachen f unden dass sic aucb viJllig Christen worden wiiran.' 2 His letter, dated Constance, April 0, 1118, is given in Eaynaldus, sub anno, no. 17. The Emjieror had asked this 'pro faciliori et magis accommodo reductionis antiquic pacis medio et rcconciliatione mutua cuuctaruin Christum" colentiumreligionum ' * Ger-iou, Tractatus qioomodo et an liccat in causis Jidei a suinmo Pontijice REFORM STATUTES OF MARCH HI 8. 405 indeed clear that if the Council remained sitting and this ciiAP. question were discussed, a collision between the Pope and . ^_J_ the Council would be inevitable. But Martin V. knew before he took this step that the days of the Council were numbered, and that the majority of those in Constance were anxiously awaiting its end. He had made an agreement* to accept a few general reforms in the Church, and to remedy for each nation some of the abuses of which they complained. He also endorsed the proceedings of the Council by issuing on Feb. 22 a Bull against the errors of Wyclif and Hus, and drew up twenty-four articles, which were sent to Bohemia as the Council's prescription for ending the religious strife. They were not couched in conciliatory language, and matters had gone too far for reconciliation ; but they expressed Martin's acquiescence in what had been done. The settlement of the reformation question exjoresses the Reform weariness and incompetence of the Council. There were no ]vi'„rph'2i, men of sufficient statesmanship to unite the contending ele- ^-^i^- ments of which it was composed, and direct them to a common end. The desire for reformation with which the Council opened had so lost its force in the collision of national interests that even the restricted programme embodied in the decree of October 30, 1417, was found to be more than could be accom- plished. After much aimless discussion, it was finally agreed that a synodal decree should be passed about a few of these eighteen points on which there was tolerable unanimity, and that all other questions should be left for the Pope to settle with the several nations according to their grievances. On March 21 the Council approved of statutes in which the Pope withdrew exemptions and incorporations granted since the death of Gregory XI., abandoned the Papal claims to ecclesias- tical revenues dm-ing vacancies, condemned simony, withdrew dispensations from discharging the duties of ecclesiastical offices while receiving its revenues, promised not to impose tenths except for a real necessity, nor specially in any kuigdom or province without consulting its bishops, and enjoined greater recrularity in clerical dress and demeanour. The rest of the eighteen points raised by the decree of opprllari' sni rj us Judicium drcliuarc, Op. ii. 303. It was written after tlie dissolution of the Council, during (.iei-son's exile. 40G THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. October 30, 1417, were settled by separate agreements or concordats with the different nations. In the session of March 21, 1418, the Council gave its approbation to these concordats, and solemnly declared that the synodal decrees then j)assed, together with the concordats, fulfilled the requirements of the decree of October 30.* The Council as a whole accepted the decrees, the nations separately accepted the con- cordats ; then the Council declared that these two together fulfilled the guarantee on the strength of which a Papal election had been agreed to. It is true that the concordats themselves had not yet been definitely accepted, but it would seem that they had been substantially agreed to. The diffi- culties in the way of their publication lay rather in the fact that the nations could not agree in themselves than that the Curia raised any objections. The German and French con- cordats were signed on April 15, the English not till July 12. It is remarkable that, while England and Grermany made con- cordats each for themselves, dealing with special points in their relations towards the Roman Church, the three Romance peoples held together ; and what is known as the French concordat represents the alliance which the last days of the Council had brought about, and which was the cause of the triumph of the Curia.^ The Spanish and Italian nations had asked for reforms • ' Decernimus et declaramus, sacro approbante concilio, per decreta, statuta et ordinata, tam lecta in prajsenti sessione, quam concordata cum singulis nationibus ejusdem concilii . . . huic sacro concilio super articulis contentis in decreto super fienda reformatione die Sabbati, 30 mensis Octobris proxime prasteriti promulgate, fuisse et esse jam satisfactum.' — Yonder Hardt, iv. 1540. The ' placet' of the Council was given in the following form : ' De mandate nationum respondeo quod placent nationibus decreta recitata. Et cuilibet nationi placet concordia cum ipsa per Dominum nostrum facta. Et per pnumissa fatentur decreto etiam jam esse satisfactum. Non intendentes propterea quod concordata cum una natione in aliquo alteri nationi affcrant pricjudiciura.' — Von der Hardt, ibid. '^ It was generally assumed that the Spanish and Italian concordats had been lost; but Hiibler, Die Constanzer licforinatiun mid die Concordate voii 1418, p. 47, calls attention to the fact that the phraseology of the French concordat covers the other nations as well. Thus, on the subject of the ' Annates ' the concordat (Von der Hardt, iv. 1574) runs : ' Qua3 omnia in praisenticapitulo contenta locum habeant pro totaGallica natione;' and still more clearly the clause about provisions recognises all the three nations {Ihid. 1572) ; De abbatiis . . quarum fructus, secundum taxationem decimje, cc librarum Turo- nensium parvorum, in Italia voro ct Hisixmia Ix librarum Turonensium parvorum valorem annuum non exccdant, tiant coutirmatiouos aut provisioues canonicai per illos ad quos alias pcrtiuet.' THE CONCORDATS OF ItlS. 407 which did not materially affect the Papal primacy ; by answering chap. their requests in common with those of the French, the special ^ ^'y_- grant of certain remissions of annates to the French nation only would be regarded as a more signal mark of favour. The questions dealt with in the concordats were not of Contents of much importance. They consisted chiefly of such points of cordata." the reform programme of jNIartin V. as each nation thought to be necessary or desirable for its own good. The English concordat was very short, and provided only for the proper organisation of the Cardinal College, the due admission of Englishmen to office in the Curia, the check of Papal indulgences, of unions of benefices and dispensations from canonical disabilities, and the somewhat curious revocation of permissions granted to bishops of wearing any part of the pontifical attire. It is clear that on all essential points the English preferred to rest on their own national laws rather than entrust themselves to grants and privileges given by the Pope. The English concordat is en- tirely trivial, but is in the form of a perpetual grant or charter. The other two were only a temporary compromise, restricted in their operation to five years. The payment of annates was reluctantly submitted to, with some restrictions, by the Germans and the French as a necessary means, under existing circum- stances, of supplying the Pope with revenues. But in a few years' time, when he was established in Home and had won back the possessions of the Koman Church, he might fairl}^ be required to live of his own. They bargained that in five years the question of annates should be again considered ; and the Pope, being obliged to give way, did so on condition that the grants which he was making on other points should be similarly limited in time. As several of these grants concerned questions of organic reform, such as the reorganisation of the Cardinal College, a limitation of time was absurd in their case. Still more absurd was it that the articles about the Cardinals were established in perpetuity by the English concordat, and only for five years by the French and German concordats. That such conditions should have been admitted as satisfactory by the Council is only a sign how entirely its members were overcome by weariness, and how helpless they felt to grapple with the practical questions raised by the cry for reform. In fact, everyone wanted to get away from Constance, and 408 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK the most sanguine hoped that, after a few years of rest, the ^ ^1" ^ next General Council would find greater unanimity among the nations. As soon as the decree of JNIarch 21 had been passed the reforming work of the Council of Constance was virtually at an end ; but before it separated a trivial matter was brought forward which involved principles more important for future reform than any contained in the concordats. A complaint was made to the Pope of the irregular institution within the Church of a new ideal of Christian life, rpjjg ' A spirit of refined pietism had for some time prevailed in Brethren the Netherlands, till it received a definite organisation from Life. the fervour of Gerhard Groot, a mission preacher whose elo- quence produced great results in the province of Utrecht. But Gerhard Groot was not merely a preacher ; he was also a theo- logical student, and a man whose beautiful character attracted a number of young men to follow him. Some were his friends, some his scholars, and others were employed by him to copy manuscripts, which he was fond of collecting and disseminating. From these various elements a small society gradually sprang up around him, which took an organised shape under the name of the Brotherhood of Common Life. The Brethren lived in common, devoted to good works, and especially to the cause of popular education. Gerhard Groot died at Deventer, which was the centre of his labours, in 1384; but his system lived under the guidance of Florentius Eadewins, and the spirit which inspired the Brotherhood is still vocal to Christendom in the pages of Thomas a Kempis. Position of It was, however, only natural that the old monastic orders Grabow^ sl^o^ld look with suspicion on the rise of a rival. The Brethren of the Common Life were fiercely attacked by the Friars, and at last the question of the legality of their position was brought before the decision of assembled Christendom, Matthias Grabow, a Dominican of Groningen, wrote a book against the Brother- hood, and when reproved by the Bishop of Utrecht, appealed to the Pope. His position was that worldly possessions are in- separable from a life in the world, and that those only who enter an established religious order can meritoriously practise the three ascetic duties of poverty, chastity, and obedience. The monastic life claimed for itself, not only an unquestioned superiority, but also the exclusive right of practising its THE BRETHREN OF COMMON LIFE. 409 fundamental virtues. The recognised monastic orders would chap. allow no extension of their principles, and would admit of no . _^'\'^" . middle term between themselves and the ordinary life of man.' INIartin V. submitted the question to a commission of Grabow theologians. D'Ailly and Gerson had a last opportunity of V)y°D'Aiiiy showing that their reforming views still had a meaning. D'Ailly ""*^ ^T^' ■. o > e> & ^ gon. April attacked the phrase ' veroe religiones,' and declared it to be 1418. heresy to assert that there was no true religion save amongst monks. Gerson, on April 3, 1418, presented an examination of Grabow's propositions. He laid down that Ihere was one religion only, the religion of Christ, which can be practised without vows and needs nothing to add to its perfection. The monastic orders are wrongly called ' states of perfection ; ' they are only assemblies of those striving towards perfection. The opinions of Grabow would exclude from true religion popes and prelates, who had not taken monastic vows — nay, e\en / Christ himself. The obligations undertaken by monks were many of them equally adapted for laymen also, and ought to be brought home to them. He pronounced the opinions of Grabow to be erroneous, even heretical and worthy of con- demnation. His opinion was followed, and Grabow retracted. The Brethren of the Common Life were thenceforth unmolested, and enjoyed Papal recognition. The medioeval notion of the perfection of monastic life received a severe blow ; and though the reformers of Constance could not agree to sweep away the abuses of the existing system of the Church, they resisted an attempt to check the free development of Christian zeal. Nothing now remained for the Council except formally to Dissolution sepai-ate. Martin V. celebrated with great ecclesiastical pomp p^||^^^jj ^^ the festivities of Easter, while the Council prepared for its dis- Constance. solution. On April 19 Martin V. fixed Pavia as the seat of the xlll. ""' next Council, which was to be held in seven years' time. On April 22 was held the last general session of the Council ; but it did not part in peace, as the ambassadors of Poland rose and de- manded from Pope and Council the condemnation of the writ- ings of Falkenberg, otherwise they would appeal to the future Council. There was some confusion, and ^Martin V. answered • ' Nullus potest meritoiie et secundum Deum obedientiae, paupertatis, et castitatis consilia extra veras et approbatas religiones manendo adimplere,' was one of Grabow's conclusions, in Gersm, Op. i. 471. 410 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK, that all the decrees passed by the Council in matters of faith V ,: — . he would ratify, but nothing more.' The Polish envoy would have proceeded to read his protest and appeal, but Martin for- bad him. The Bishop of Catania preached a farewell sermon on the text, ' Now ye have sorrow, but I shall see you again and your heart shall rejoice.' The decree of the dissolution of the Council was read, and indulgences were granted to those who had been present at it. Then rose Doctor Ardecin of Novara, and in the name of Sigismund declared the trouble and expense which the Council had given him, which, however, he did not regret, seeing that it had wrought the unity of the Church ; if anything had been done amiss it had not been by his fault.^ He thanked all the members of the Council for their presence, and declared himself ready to support the Church until death. Martin v. The Council was now over ; but Sigismund was anxious to stance. keep Martin V. in Germany. It was not entirely beyond his 1418.^*^' hopes that the Papacy might now for a time be in the hands of Germany, as before it had been in the hands of France. He besought Martin to remain at least till the next Easter, and offered him Basel, Strasburg, or Mainz as his place of resi- dence ; ^ but Martin answered that the miserable condition of the States of the Church needed a ruler's hand, and that his place was in Eome. Sigismund had already had reason to dis- cover that Martin V. was not likely to be a tool in his hands.'* He reluctantly saw Martin's preparations for departure, and at last, on May 16, escorted him to Gottlieben, where Martin Y. took ship to Schaffhausen, whence he journeyed to Geneva. Sigismund did not find it so easy to leave Constance. The ' Von der Hardt, iv. 1551: ' Papa dixit, respondendo ad prajdicta, quod omnia et singula dcterminata et conclusa et decreta in materiis fidei per pncsens sacrum concilium conciliariter tenere et inviolabiliter observare volebat et nunquam contravenire quoquomodo. Ipsaque sic conciliariter facta a^iprobat et ratificat, et non alitor nee alio modo.' ^ Von der Hardt, iv. 1653 : ' Excusans se, si per eum aliqua non fuerint bene facta, non culpa sui ilia commissa fore.' ^ Windeck, in Mencken, i. 1110. * Martin V. told the Florentine ambassador, ' che collo Imperadore non aveva stretta amicizia ; ma si mantellava, mentre che era nel luogodi Costanzia, colla sua SerenitA. con apparent e amicizia al buon fine e piu paciiico statu di " santa Chiesa.' — Commissioni di llinuldo dcyli Albizzi, i. 293. DEPARTURE OF MARTIN V. AND SIGISMUND FROil CONSTANCE. 41 1 attendants of the needy monarch received scanty pay from chap. their master, and were most of them deeply indebted to the >_Zl,[ll_^ burghers of Constance, who were not willing to let them go till iJifTi'Miiiies they had paid their debts. In vain Sigismund tried to nego- nuiniTs tiate through the city magistrates for an extension of credit. *^l"*''*"''*^- He was forced as a last resource to call a meeting of creditors in the Exchange of the city and trust to his own eloquence. He spoke at length of his good offices to the citizens of Constance in summoning the Council to their city and main- taining it there so long ; he dwelt upon the profit'they had made thereby, and the glory they had gained throughout the world ; then he turned to pleasing flattery and praised them for the way in which they had more than justified by their behaviour all his anticipations. ' With such words,' says Reichenthal, ' he caused the poor folk to think that all he said was true, and rested on good grounds.' When he saw that he had gained the people's hearts, he proposed to leave in pledge for the debt his gold and silver plate. The creditors relented and accepted his ofifer. Then Sigismund thanked them warmly for their confidence, and went on to say that it would be a great dis- grace to him if he robbed his table of its plate ; he begged them instead to take his fine linen and hangings, which he could more easily dispense with for a time. The luckless creditors could not avoid consenting. The linen was handed over, and no pains were spared in entering the various debts in ledgers. Then, on May 21, Sigismund and his needy followers rode away ; but the pledges were never redeemed, and when the creditors came to examine them they found them to be unsaleable, as they were all embroidered with Sigismund's arms. Many of the citizens of Constance were reduced to poverty through their trust in Sigismund's words ; and the plausible and shifty king left behind him a mixed legacy of misery and grandeur as the record of his long sojourn in the walls of Constance.' The members of the Council quickly dispersed to their homes. Fortunes of During the long period of the session many eminent men had j,„j * ^ died in Constance. IManuel Chrysoloras, a learned Greek who (ifson. by his teaching had done much to further the knowledge of ' This account is given by Reichenthal with a plain truthfulness that sometimes rises to humour. 412 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. 1/ Ke$ult<; of the refor- mation of Constance. Greek letters in Italy, died in April 1415, to the grief of all his learned friends. That such a man as John XXIII. should have brought a Greek scholar in his train is a curious testimony of the advance of the new learning to political importance. The death of Eobert Hallam, Bishop of Salisbury, in September 1417, was followed by that of Cardinal Zabarella, and the Council lost thereby two of its most distinguished members. With the dissolution of the Council the other men who had been eminent at its beginning sank into insignificance. Peter d'Ailly went back to France as Papal legate, and died in 1420. Gerson's attitude in the affair of Jean Petit had raised him such determined enemies in France that he dared not return, but found shelter first in Bavaria and afterwards at Vienna. After the murder of the Duke of Burgundy in September 1419, he went back to Lyons, where in the monastery of S. Paul he ended his days in works of piety and devotion, and died in 1429. We can best picture the disastrous results of the Council of Constance when we see how entirely it destroyed the great reforming party of the University of Paris, and condemned its learned and eloquent leader to end his days in banishment and obscurity. Those who returned home from the Council could not, with any feelings of satisfaction, contrast the results which they brought home with the anticipations with which they had set out for Constance. It is true that they had restored the unity of the Church by the election of a Pope, and that they had purged the Church of heresy by their dealings with Hus ; but the state of affairs in Bohemia was not such as to assure them that their high-handed procedure had been entirely successful. Many must have been inclined to admit with Gerson ^ that there had been a strange contrast between the determined con- demnation of Hus and the indifference shown to the more pernicious doctrines of Jean Petit and Falkenberg. They must have admitted that the Bohemians had some grounds ' Dialogus Ajxilogcticus, Op. ii. 367 : ' Primitus Bohemi delunc Anglici cletulerant errorcs Wicliff . . . pro quorum reprobatioue zelavit publico adveiia et quantum alter aliorum. Videat autem prudentia tua, si non cxistimare justum erat nee temerarium, non minori diligentia, zclo vel constantia procedi dcbere ad damnationem doctrinjc magis in moribus et rcipublicaj pestifcras et hoc omui tergivcrsatione vel personarum acce^jtioue I'ejcctis 1 ' THE REFOEMS OF CONSTANCE. 413 for dissatisfaction, some reason for complaining of respect of persons. As regards the reformation of the Church, the most determined optimists could not say more than that the question remained open, and that they looked to a future Council to carry on the work which they had begun. The representatives of the various nations could not flatter themselves that the concordats which they took back with them were of much importance. In France the Government determined not to recognise the concordat ; they thought it better to curb the Papal exactions by the use of the royal powtrr, and uphold the legislation which the pressure of the Schism had called forth in 1406, forbidding the prelates to observe Papal reserva- tions and the clergy to pay undue exactions to the Pope. Before the concordat reached France, at the end of ]March 1418, royal decrees again established the old liberties of the Cxallican Church against Papal reservations and exactions. France prefeiTcd to follow the example of England, and assert the liberties of its Church on the basis of the royal sovereignty rather than on the ecclesiastical basis of a Papal grant.' When the concordat was presented, on June 10, 1418, to the Parlement of Paris, to be registered among the laws of the land, it was rejected as being contrary to the laws just enacted by the royal authority. It is true that a few months later the Duke of Burgimdy became supreme in Paris, abolished the decrees of March, and recognised the concordat ; but a new convention was made with jMartin V. by the Duke of Bedford as regent of France in 1425, and this took the place of the agreement made at Constance. In England no notice was taken of the concordat, which indeed was sufficiently insig- nificant. In Germany it was not laid before the Diet, nor was any attempt made to secure for it legislative authority ; it re- mained as a compact between the Pope and the ecclesiastical authorities, and seems to have been fairly well observed during the five years for which it was originally granted. Before leaving the Council of Constance it is worth while to take a general view of the actual points for reform which were there brought forward. The original desire of the re- forming party for a general reorganisation of the ecclesiastical ' The documents on this point are to be found in Prcurct des Liberies d-e VEijUse GaUicanc, ch.. xxii. CHAP. VIII. Kcforms mooted at Constance. 414 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. BOOK II. Revival of synods. Reorgan- isation of the Collefce of Cardinals. system rapidly faded away before the difficulties of the task, and the practical proposals that were made represent the actual grievances felt by the bishops and clergy in consequence of Papal aggression. The aspirations of the Council did not ultimately go farther than the defence of the power of the Oi^dinary against Papal interference. The proposals of the Council afford an opportunity for noting the extent to which the Papal headship had broken down the machinery of the Church, had destroyed its political independence, and had introduced abuses into its system. The first point to which naturally the Council attached great importance was the revival of the synodal system of the Church, which was a primitive institution suppressed by the Papal absolutism, but which the pressiu-e of the Schism had again brought into prominence. The authority of a General Council to decide in cases of a disputed election to the Papacy was asserted as the means of avoiding the possibility of another schism, and the periodical recurrence of General Councils was to be the future panacea for all ills which the present was powerless to cure.^ An attempt was made to limit the pleni- tude of the Papal absolutism, by converting the profession of faith made by the Pope on his election into an oath to main- tain the established constitutions of the Church ; ^ but the attempt was unavailing, and the formula drawn up by Boni- face VIII. remained unaltered. The reorganisation of the College of Cardinals was regarded as necessary both for the stability of the Papacy and the relief of the Church. It was agreed that Cardinals ought to be chosen from every nation, so as to prevent the Papacy from falling into the hands of any one Power, to the risk of another schism. The number of the College was fixed at eighteen, or twenty-four at the outside, so as to lighten the burden of main- taining Cardinals out of the revenues of the Church ; amongst them was to be a good proportion of doctors of theology, so as to deal satisfactorily with theological questions. These points of detail were accepted by JNIartin V. in the concordats, which rapidly became a dead letter. But the desire on the part of ' The arguments on this point are summed up very clearly in the Canoncs. Eeformationis Eeclesice, Von der Hardt, i. 410, cfcc. * Proposals of the first reform commission, "Von der Hardt, i. 58G. ation. GEIEVANCES DISCUSSED AT CONSTANCE. 415 many to conveit the College of Cardinals into a Council, without cii A P. whose advice and consent the Pope was not to act,' found no , ^^^'- , expression in any of the acts of the Council. The great practical questions, however, concerned the heavy Pnpni tax- taxation which the Papacy had gradually imj^osed on the Church. The political enterprises of the Papacy in the thir- teenth century, and ifs loss of territorial revenues during the Avignonese captivity, had grievously embarrassed Papal finance. The Popes set themselves to raise money by extending their old privilege of providing for their own agents smd officials by presenting them to rich benefices. For this purpose they issued Bulls, reserving for their own appointment certain bene- fices, and setting aside the rights of the Ordinary as patron. Round this custom grew up every kind of financial extortion. Duesw^ere exacted from the Papal nominees, which soon rose to the amount of the revenues of the fii'st year on all benefices conferred in the Consistory, and under Boniface IX. to a half of the revenues of the first year on all other benefices to which the Pope presented. To obtain these annates, which were the chief source of Papal revenue, the power of reservation and provision was pushed to its utmost extent, and John XXIII. exacted the payment of these dues before issuing letters of institution. The patronage of all important posts was taken away from the bishops ; the Papal nominees, being heavily taxed themselves, were driven to raise money by every means from their benefices ; churches and ecclesiastical buildings were allowed to fall into decay .^ Moreover, the Popes exercised most unscrupulously this power of reservation and collation to all benefices. Bishops and clergy found themselves translated against their will from one post to another, which they were compelled to accept, and pay fresh dues for their collation. This point touched all the higher clergy so closely that the Council's decree of October 9, 1417, provided that bishops should not be translated against their will, save for a grave reason to be approved by a majority of the Cardinals. An extension of the power of reservation was ' Peter d'Ailly, Dc Eccledastica Potestate, published at Constance in Oct. 1416. Hardt, vi. 51 : ' Cardinales qui cum Papa et sub eo ecclesiam regcrent et usum plenitndinis potestatis temperarent.' ■^ Sec Niem (not D'Aillv), Dc Necessitate licformationiti, Ilardt, I. pt. vii. 282 &c. 416 THE COUNCIL OF COXSTANX'E. BOOK II. Papal law courts. Papal grants. that of making grants in expectancy — that is, of the next pre- sentation to a benefice already occupied. John XXIII. exacted the payment of dues on installation before issuing his grants in expectancy, and would grant the same benefice to several candi- dates at once ; each would be induced to pay, though only one could obtain the prize. Although the abuses of such a system are manifest enough, yet the Eeform Commission could not agree how to deal with them, and the matter dropped out of the deli- berations of the Council. The whole question of Papal reser- vations was so complicated by the jealousy of the Universities against the Ordinaries that nothing was done to affect the Pope's power in this matter, though the French and German concordats prescribed certain limitations. The reform of the Papal law courts was another point on which much was said but little was decided. The extension of the jurisdiction of ecclesiastical courts in civil matters was felt to be an increasing grievance, and a desire was expressed at Constance to see the limits of the two jurisdictions more clearly established.^ The ease with which appeals even on trivial matters were received by the Eoman courts was destruc- tive of the power of the ordinary courts, afforded a screen to wealthy and powerful wrongdoers, and was an intolerable hardship to poor suitors. Closely connected with this were the exemptions from episcopal or metropolitan jurisdiction which were largely granted to monasteries and chapters. The poor man, when wronged by one who enjoyed such an exemption, had practically no redress, for he could not carry his complaint before the Pope.^ Martin V,, by the decrees of March 21, 1418, cancelled all exemptions granted during the Schism, and under- took that for the future they should only be made on good reasons. Other points were given up by JNIartin V., such as the in- corporation of benefices with monasteries, and the reservation to the Pope of the revenues of benefices dm'ing the time of ' The views of the Reform Commission (Hardt, i. 685) show us how wide a power was given to ecclesiastical courts, which may take cognisance even of ' causiB civiles, in quibus in seculari judicio justitia fuisset denegata vel ad terminum sex mensium prorogata.' 2 Nicolas de Clomangcs, Dc Jitiina Ecclcsia, Hardt, I. pt. iii. 31. ' Fraudes ct rapinas cum fecerint non est qui eos puniat. Ad papam enim, qucni solum judiccra plericjuc coram se habere jactant, quis circumvento pauperi accessiis est V PAPAL TAXATION. 417 vacancy. This last had been a right of the bishops which the chai'. Popes during the fourteenth century had wrested from them, . ^ V^"_- and which Martin V. was willing to resign to save the more important privilege of annates. The custom also of granting offices in commendam to one who drew their revenues without discharging their duties weighed heavily on many monasteries, and was provided against in the French and German Con- cordats. The freedom of the clergy from taxation had been broken through by the crusading movement, and dming the Schism Popes had used the right of exacting t^i'iths of eccle- siastical revenues, partly to recruit their own finances, partly to grant them as bribes to princes whom they wished to win over to their obedience. The decrees of March 21, 1418, enacted that for the future tenths should only be imposed in case of special necessity, with the consent of the cardinals and of the prelates of e\'ery land on which they were imposed. Before the passing of this decree JMartin V. had granted to Sigismund a tenth of the ecclesiastical revenues of Germany, to which the Germans offered a determined resistance,' and which was probably the cause of the Council's persistence on this point. Other abuses of the Papal power were those of dispensations Papai dis- and indulgences. Dispensations were readily given by the P«'"^'«^i""=*- Popes in matrimonial cases, as well as in cases of ecclesiastical disability. An outcry was early raised against them on the grounds of their interference with social relationships, the injury which they did to the Chm-ch by allowing unfit persons to hold office, and the handle which they gave to simony.- The Coun- cil, however, went no farther than to enact that papal dispensa- tions should not be given to persons who were unfit to dis- charge the duties of benefices of which they enjoyed the reve- nues. On the question of indulgences the Council did nothing, and even the Concordats did not aim at doing more than giving the bishops a suspensory power in gross cases.' Simony had ' A protest on their behalf was presented by a Florentine doctor, Domcnico de Germignano, Hardt, ii. 608. ■^ Ullerston, Petitioncs quoad reformatianemecclesice, Hardt, i. 1151. • Esset notabilis extinctio symonia;, quas sub fuco dispensationis ingravescit,' =• Tlius the English Concordat, ch. ii. The German Concordat provides, ch. X.: ' Cavebit doininus noster papa in futunmi nimiain indulgontiarum effusionem, ne vilescant.' The French Concordat, ch. v., e Schismate, I. ch. ii.), who was in Rome as an official of the Curia, and Tommaso of Acerno, Bishop of Lucera (Muratori, iii. pt. ii. 716), who was in Eome as representative of the Queen of Naples, and whose testimony was taken in favour of Urban VI. (2.) The full statement of the CWdinals, dated August 2, 1 378, sent to the King of France, is given in Bul^eus, Historia Universi- tatis Parisiensis, iv. 468, and pai-tly in Raynaldus, Annates Ecclesi- astici, 1378, § 63, &c. (3.) The statement of Urban's case, submitted to the King of Castile, in Raynaldus, 1378, No. 73, &c. (4.) The most important amongst the opinions of legists were those of the celebrated Bolognese jurist, Giovanni da Lignano, of which portions are given in Raynaldus, 1378, § 30, &c., and of Jacques de S^ve, a Proven^xl advocate in the Cm-ia, who sent a memoir to the University of Paris, Bul^us, iv. 485, which is espe- cially valuable as taking a broad survey of the determining elements of the election within the Conclave. Bul/EUS, iv. 514, gives a letter of Pileo da Prata, Archbishop of Ravenna, who was after- wards made a Cardinal by Urban, written to Lewis, Count of Flanders. Raynaldus, 1378, § 38, &c., gives also the opinion of Baldo of Perugia, a famous lawyer, which was, however, afterwards withdrawn by its author, who joined the side of Clement VII. (5.) The assertions of several of the Cardinals, made on their deathbeds, are to be found in Martene and Durand, Thesaurus ii., in Pulsus, iv. and in Raynaldus. On the whole matter Raynaldus gives a selection from the Vatican documents in favour of Urban, while Baluze gives the Avignonese testimony on the side of the Cardinals. K we bring all this evidence together we find that there is a tolerable agreement on the main facts, that the Cardinals were re- quested by the Romans to elect a Roman Pope, that there was much excitement in the city, wheie the crowd, through long disuse, had forgotten the decorum due to a Papal election, and that the distui'b- ance in the city hastened the deliberations of the Conclave. "VVliile the Urbanists emphasise the orderly proceedings within the Conclave, the Clementines emphasise the disorderly proceedings outside. How far the disorder affected the decision of the Conclave is the question DIETRICH OF NIEM. 425 in dispute. In judging this we have to remember (1) the divi- app. sion of parties within the Conclave, which, under oi-dinary circum- ' ' stances, would have led to a long vacancy in the Papacy. (2) The condition of popular feeling in Rome, which was well known to the Cardinals before they entered the Conclave, must have convinced them that a long vacancy was impossible. (3) The knowledge of this led them to contemplate before the Conclave the compromise which they ultimately accepted. (4) The disorder outside probably precipitated the acceptance of this compromise and curtailed the intrigues which might otherwise have been carried on for some time. Noticeable are the words of Pileo da Prata in Bul^us, iv. 515 : ' Sed immensa Christi bonitas, qute volebat virtuti et non sanguini de ipsius vicai'iatu disponere, eos in tanta et tali dissensione passa non est diutius perdurare, ita ut meretricis illius more quilibet ipsorum diceret JVec mihi nee tihi sed de illo cujus sit in conclavi sorti^mur.' (5) The election of Urban YI. was accepted as valid by the Cardinals until he became intolera])le to them, and they wished to rid themselves of an unexpected master. The matter has been fully and judiciously discussed by Lindner in SyheVs Historische Zeitschrift, bd. xxviii. p. 101. 2. Dietrich of Niera. The chief authority for the history of the Schism is Dietrich of Niem, a German, * clericus Paderbornensis dioecesis,' as he is called in a Bull of Gregory XII. He was educated in his native place, and joined the Curia at Avignon about the year 1372, being then pro- bably about the age of twenty. He obtained a place as Ahbreviator lAtercmua Apostollcarum, i.e. became one of the seventy-two clerks whose duty it was to di'aw up the Papal Bulls and briefs. In the Curia he became acquainted with Bartolommeo Prignano, who was the chap- lain of the Cardinal of Pampeluna. He accompanied the Cuiia to Rome in 1377, and rose to the highest order of the A bbreviatores. He was employed in weighty matters by Urban VI., and enjoyed several benefices by way of provision ; but he never gained any important preferment, and seems to have regarded himself as ill- requited for thirty-five years' service in the Curia. There is little to be known about his life, save the mentions in his own writings. A supposition that Boniface IX. confen-ed on him the Bishopric of Verden is doubtful ; at all events the office was never really enjoyed, and he says of himself {^Nemus Unionis, vi. 29), * Ego jam lustris septem et parumper sequendo Curiam Romanam.' He was in the service of Urban VI., Boniface IX., Innocent VII., and Gregory XII., seeing with increasing dissiitisfaction the results of the Schism, and trusting that Giegory XII. would fulfil his promise to end it. He 426 DIETRICH OF NII-3I. Arr. left Rome with Gregory XII. in 1407 ; but when the Cardinals fled *" ' ' from Gregory at Lucca, and Gregory himself was driven to take refuge in Aquileia, Niem stayed at Lucca, assuming an attitude of neutrality. There is a letter of his to Rupert, dated May 1, 1408, in GoLDAST, Monarchia, ii. 1381 his, giving an account of the capture of Rome by Ladislas. He withdrew before the end of 1408 to Koln, where he seems to have had some influence with the Arclibishop. He recognised Alexander V., and after his election at Pisa returned to the Curia, and went back to Rome with John XXIII., whom he accompanied on his journey to Constance. Whether he remained at the Council till the election of Martin V. cannot be said with certainty, nor do we know when he died ; but he made his will on March 15, 1418, being then Canon at Mastricht, and though he may not have met with a due recognition of his desei-ts, he certainly died in fairly good circumstances. Tlie undovibted works of Niem are — (1.) Nemus Unionis, written between the beginning of 1407 and the middle of 1408, and presented by Niem to the Archbishop of Koln. It is a collection of documents, dealing chiefly with the attempts at union made between 1406 and 1408, arranged in the form of six tractates. It consists of documents, which must have come under Niem's hands oflficially, of pamphlets, of letters to and from Niem himself, of pieces of history, and reflections and comments of his own. No doubt it was an attempt to justify the writer's desertion of Gregory XII., to pave the way for his adhesion to the Council of Pisa, and to induce Germany to follow in the same line. It is the work of a theologian, a jurist and a diplomat rather than of a historian. It would seem that Niem had not yet adopted any views which he dared express boldly. (2.) His next work, Lihri III. de Schismate, was finished, as he tells us at the end, on May 25, 1410, the day of the coronation of John XXIII. In this woik Niem has had his object clearly be- foi-e him, an exhibition of the miseries produced by the Schism. His delineation is clear, and his hand is firm ; his description of cha- i^acter is vivid, and his details are picturesque. From him we have an undying picture of Urban VI., whom he knew well and saw in- timately. He was with him during all his pontifictite, except during the siege of Nocera and the flight to Genoa, where we have the testimony of another eye-witness. Gobelin Person. About Bonifece IX. and Innocent VII. Niem is not so detailed as about Urban VI. Probably he was not in their favour as he was in that of Urban VI.; moreover, a sense that he himself was being slighted, and that the Chui'ch was being mismanaged, seems to be growing upon him. Boni- face IX. was especially repugnant to Niem's official mind, as he was neglectful of ordinary forms of business, and was too masterful to please his suboi-dinates. Niem saw only the gi'eed of Boniface, not the ^ DIETRICH OF NIEM. 427 statesmanlike use which he made of liis money. On tlie accession of a PP. Gregory XII., Niem had conceived strong liopes of a union of the ^ • — " Church, and his vivid pictuie of Gregoi-y's pontificate is one con- tinuous record of disappointed hopes. Even so, he is not ill- natured or bitter, and though he calls the Pope ' Errorius,' he seems to have had no personal dislike to him. Tlie De Schismate, written when hope was strong after the election of Alexander V., shows a gi'eater kindness to the previous popes than had the Nemus Unionis ; but the last chapters of the book breathe a disillusion- ment. Alexander V. had not fulfilled Niem's hopes, and the Schism still continued ; the election of John XXIII. is told abruptly, and the book ends with a sense of sadness and disappointment. (3.) Historia de Vita ac Gestis Johannis Paj)ce XX III. ttsgue ad fugam et carcerem ejns, was written at Constiince, 141.5-16, and is a continuation of the De Schismate, when hope of juiion again rose higher. Niem now feels that he has the whole Coinicil on his side, and writes with zest and vigour. His picture of John XXIII. has won its way to acceptance through the vividness of its touches and the characteristic anecdotes with which it is interspersed. Yet we cannot but feel that the colouring is too high, and that Niem has given John XXIII. scant justice. In his account of Urban VI., Niem carries profound conviction of the truth. We feel that he him- self stood by stupefied and helpless as the headstrong Pope pursued his wild career. Niem is only giving us impressions which had been graven, against his will, upon his mind. But in tiie case of John XXIII., we feel that Niem is writing for an audience only too eager to listen, and that he turns upon his subject the fiercest light of criticism. In its form, the Vita Johannis XXIII. ia at the com- mencement a history, up to the time of John's flight from Constance ; after that it changes to a diary, and records the proceedings of the Council with the Pope as they occurred. Prolxibly the first part was written with a view to dissemination in the Comicil, while the last part was a chronicle which the writer did not fully revise or digest. Besides these acknowledged works of Niem are others attributed to him with more or less probability. The Invectiva in diffugientem Concilio Johannem XXIII. is closely connected in substance with the Vita, but is more abusive, and more polemical. It Avas printed by Von der Hardt, Magnum, Concilium Constantien.se, t. ii. pt. xiv. 29G, &c., from a MS. at Helmstadt which has no author's name. It cannot with certainty be ascribed to Niem, but his authorship seems very probable. Other tracts written at Constance have been ascribed to Niem ; these are De necessitate Reformationis, De diffi- cultate Beformationis, and De modis uniendi et reformandi ecclesiam — all in Von der Hardt. See Appendix No. 19. Tlie general attitude of Niem towards ecclesiastical questions is that of an oflScial of the Cuiia, convinced by experience of the evils 428 GOBELIN PEKSON. A PP. of the Schism and strongly desiious of union. He does not, however, •' advance to any general principles, and expects that all necessary re- formation in the Church will follow when the union is completed and the Schism is abolished. He is neither a profound theologian nor a philosopher, but is a tolerably educated and a particularly observant man. His vivid descriptions rather than his political insight make his woiks valviable. The De Sckismate was first printed at Niirnberg, 1532 ; then with the JVermis, Basel, 1560 (ed. Sim. Schard). Basel, 1566, Nurnberg, 1592, Strassburg, 1609, and 1629. The Vita Johannis ^XIII. is in Meibomius, Scriptores Rerum Germanicamm, i. p. 5-52, and in Von der Hardt, ii. part xv. For a life of Niem see Sauerland, Das Lehen cles Dietrich von Nieheim, Gottingen, 1875. 3. Gobelin Person. It is, at first sight, remarkable that the second writer of import- ance about the period of the Schism should also be a German of Paderborn. Gobelin Person was born in 1358 of a burgher family, and seems to have followed his elder compatriot, Niem, to the Cui-ia to seek his fortunes. The two writers make no mention of one another, nor are their works alike. We know also little about Per- son's private life, and can only trace him fi'om the tenor of his own narrative, from which we learn that he was with the Curia during the siege of Nocera, and accompanied Urban in his flight to Genoa {Defamilia Cavierm Ajyostolicce tunc extiti. Cosmo, vi. ch. 78). In this i-espect he supplements Niem's narrative of the fortunes of Urban VI. More lucky, however, than Niem, he returned to his native place on Urban's death, and in 1389 was rector of Trinity Chapel at Padeiborn, and afterwards of the Market Church. Tliis office he resigned in 1405, but soon afterwards was made Oflicial by Bishop William, and also Dean of the Collegiate Church of Bielfeld, which oflice he held in 1421, as is shown by his will. The year of his death is vmknown. By his departure from the Cui'ia and his undertaking definite clerical woik, Gobelin gained a practical knowledge of ecclesiastical afftiiis which is wanting in Niem. As Official of Bishop William, Gobelin was actively engaged in an attempt to reform the Church by means of the episcopal authority. He visited monasteries, corrected abuses, overthrew exemptions, and generally asserted the power of the bishop. If Niem was a Curial who saw with alarm the dis- organisation of the central authority of the Chm^ch, Gobelin was an asseiter of the episcopal jurisdiction as a practical means of reforming the abuses of the Church. His ideas are larger than those of Niem, GOBELIN PERSON. 4-29 and he takes a wider view of the general tendency of events. But ^^pp his zeal for refoi^m was damped by the results of the Council of Con- ■ " stance; he saw with sorrow that the Bisho^is were incapable of holding their own against the Papacy, and that with the election of Martin V., a reaction in favour of the Papacy set in, the episcopacy was left in the power of the Pope, and the Church was still unre- formed. The work of Gobelin Person is a Universal History, to which he gave the barbarous name Cosmodromion, the course of the woi-ld. His philosophy of history is given by himself : ' Legant igitur prsesen- tem librum quibus placet, ut attento una mecum illo Davidico — Homo vanitati similis factus est, dies ejus sicut umbra praeter- eunt — declinando vitia, virtutes sectando, ponant in Deo spom suam, et non obliviscantur operum Dei.' The Cosmodromion is divided into six ages, of which the sixth begins with Jesus Chpist, and only with chapter 69 of ^tas VI. do we reach the period on which Gobelin claims to have anything to tell us on his own authority. ' Ea quae hucusque conscripsi,' he says, ' fere omnia ex libris famosis ; paucii de scripturis privatis ; pauciora ex relatu ; paucissima propria imagi- natione coUegi. Ea vero quse sequiuitur, paucis de scriptis authenticis interpositis, fide dignorum relatu aiit visus experientia depreheniU,' Gobelin treats at considei-able length of the Pontificate of Urban YI. ; if he is less pictor-ial than Niem he has greater political insight. He deals with Boniface IX. as one interested in ecclesias- tical affliirs, and gives a vigorous and scathing picture of the mischief of his exactions and of the results of the general ovei-throw of eccle- siastical discipline. His history of the Papacy is mixed with that of Germany, and especially of the bishopric of Paderborn. But the three points which he chiefly illustrates are the pontificate of Urban VI., of which he was an eye-witness ; the extortion of Boni- face IX., which he fully exposes ; and the Council of Constance, from which he looked for reform of the abuses of the ecclesiastical svstem. The last three chapters of the Cosmodromion give an account of the Council which shows complete clearness of pei-ception of the points at issue, a clearness not attained by any other contemporary wiiter. Gobelin saw what was needed, and saw the futility of what was done : he ends his book in the strain of a prophet : ' Ego quidem jam aiuiis multis statum pertractans ecclesiae, per quern modum ad univer- salis ecclesise reformationem, scandalis sublatis omnibus, perveniri posset, curiosix mente revolvi. Quem quidem modum Dominus for- tasse ostendet, cum in spiritu vehementi conteret naves Tharsis.' The Cosmodromion was begun under Boniface IX., in 1390, and was finished, as Gobelin tells us, on June 1, 1418. It is printed bv Meihomius, Rerum Germanicarum Scriptores, i. Gl-346. For fiuther information about Gobelin, see Bayer, Gohelinus Persona (Leipzig. 1872), and Hagemann, Ueher die Quellen Gohelinus Persona (Halle). 430 HISTORIANS OF NAPLES. ^PP_ 4. History of Naples. For the history of Naples during this stormy period Niem and Gobelin are our chief authorities, as being the only eye-witnesses of the events which they recount. From the Neapolitan side we have only works written or compiled in the next century. (1.) GiORNALi Napolitani, in MuRATORi, Rer. Ital. Scriptores, xxi. p. 1031-1138), is a chronicle of events between 1266 and 1478. The MS. from which it was printed was copied from one in the possession of Ettore Pignatelli, Duke of Monteleone, who was Viceroy of Sicily under Charles V., and died in 1535. The chronicle is written in rude Italian with many intermixtures of Neapolitan dialect, and is probably a compilation from various sources. It gives simply a chronicle of events under different years with no attempt at narra- tive. The chronology of the early part is frequently inaccurate, but the information, however scrappy, is always valuable, and the works of subsequent writers are practically founded on the Giornali as their basis. The hvM Annali de' Raimi given by Muratori, xxiii. 221, adds nothing to the Giornali for the earlier history. (2.) Tristan Caraccioli was sprung from the younger branch of a famous Neapolitan family, and was born about 1438. He took to literature late in life, and wrote several historical and other works, of which the most important are given by Muratori, vol. xxii. Wlien Caraccioli died is uncertain, but he was alive in 1517. He wrote Vita Joannoi I. Iteginm Neapolis, and also Vita Sergiani Caraccioli Magni Scnescloalli Neapolis, which, however, are not of much his- torical value. The life of Giovanna I. is a laboui-ed defence of the Queen, for which purpose, however, the author tells us that he had no materials : ' Verum quoniam nulli de Regin^e gestis Commentarii, unde eligi historia3 series posset, exstant, ideo quse narravimus saltu- atim et quasi per saltus gradientes scripsimus.' He was instructed only by the testimonies that he heard from those who could remember Giovanna l.'s reign ; but their testimony can have had little freshness, as Giovanna died more than sixty years before Caraccioli was born, and her reign would then be looked upon as the golden age before the Neapolitan troubles began. We cannot attach much importance to his estimate of Giovanna's reign, which is written as a rhetorical exercise on the part of a Renaissance scholar. (3.) The history of Naples, however, soon began to attract atten- tion, and Pandolfo Collennuccio of Pesaro wrote a general history of Neapolitan affairs from the earliest times to his own days, and dedicated it to Ercole I., Duke of Ferrara, who had been brought up in the Court of Alfonso of Naples. Collennuccio was a scholar and a diplomat, who served the Duke of Ferrara; he ultimately was involved in a plot to betray Pesaro to Cesare Borgia, and was put to death by Giovanni Sforza in 1504. Collenuuccio wrote without any HISTOKIANS OF NAPLES. 431 special knowledge, using such information as was current, and his APP. chief merit was that he put it into literary shape. ' ■ ^ (4.) Angelo di Costanzo was born of a noble family in Naples in 1.507 ; he was well educated, was a considerable poet, and lived the life of a man of letters. He tells us that in 1527, he, in company with Sannazzaro and Francesco Poderigo, had quitted Naples on account of a plague. In conversation with his fxiends they joined in regretting the want of any trustworthy history of Naples, and lamented the inaccuracy of Collennuccio. The older men suggested to Costanzo that he should undertake the task and promised their assistance ; but within three years both were dead, and Costanzo had to puisue his task unaided. He tells us in his preface of the difficulty which he experienced in finding a sure starting point, which, how- ever, he obtained at last in the Giornali Napolitani. ' Comprovati quelli Diuinali con le scritture autentiche pubbliehe e private del Regno, e trovateli verissimi, in volermi ponere a sci-ivere mi vennero in mano gli annotamenti di Matteo di Giovenazzo, che sciisse del tempo suo dalla morte di Federico II. fin a' tempi di Carlo II., e quelli di Pietio degl' Umili di Gaeta, che scrive a pienissimo delle cose di Ke Lanzilao.' For the reason that he now felt himself upon sure ground, he began with the death of Frederick II. and continued his history till 1486, the beginning of the barons' war against Ferrante. Costanzo's work was the labour of hLs lifetime ; he published a first instalment in 1572, but the final edition only appeared in 1581. Costanzo's narrative remains as the best accoiint of Neapolitan history for the period of which he treats. It is written with care and insight, and is the woi'k of a scholar and of a patriot. For the period of Neapolitan history from 1385 to 1410, Pieho MiNERBETTi's Chronicle in Tartini, lierum Ital. ScriptoreSy vol. ii., gives a toleiably full and accurate account. 5. The French Popes during the Schism. The histoi y of Clement VII. and Benedict XIII. is derived from : — (1.) The lives in Baluze, Vitce Paparum Avenionensiurn, with the documents quoted by Baluze in his notes. These lives are written by Galileans, and though they defend the Schism and the technicjil legitimacy of the Avignonese Popes, yet we see cl airly enough the feeling of discomfort and helplessness. The second life of Clement VII., which is only a fragment, is by Peter, Prior of Floresse, near Numur, who gives a brief summary of the state of things which he saw in 138G : ' Quidam qui adhajrebant prius Url)ano facti sunt Clementini ; et de praelatis qui fuerunt Clementini facti sunt neutrales.' 432 THE MONK OF S. DENYS. APP. (2-) The numerous important documents in BuL^us, Historia " ' ' Universitatis Parisiensis, vol. iv. (3.) The Latin Chronicle, generally quoted as Chronique du Religieux de Saint- Denis, published by Bellaguet in the Docu- ments Inedits relatifs d, VUistoire de France. 1839-43. This anony- mous work is partly a chronicle, partly a collection of documents dealing with the reign of Charles VI. It is a compilation of materials for the great national history, which was contemplated by the fathers of the monastery of S. Denis, and the writer held the official position of historiographer. He was himself an eye-witness of many of the things which he relates, and evidently had access to trustworthy sources of information. In his accovmt of the disastrous civil wars of France he shows great impartifdity. But for our pur- pose it is enough to notice that he was a prominent member of the University of Paris, and was ardently identified with its policy. For this reason, and for the ability which the book displays, Le Laboureur, Histoire de Charles VI., points out that we should not be far wrong in assigning the authorship either to Guillaume Bar- rault or Benoit Gentien, who were distinguished membei'S of the University. But the chronicler tells of the death of Gentien, whom he mourns as a friend, while he brands Barrault as a traitor. The writer speaks of himself as often employed in public matters, and he received papers from others who were similarly engaged. He speaks of himself in 1419 as being seventy years old. Ecclesiastical afiairs occupy a large space in his chronicle, which, for the dealings of the University and the Court with Benedict XIII., is the chief authority, and incorporates many of the documents which passed to and fro during the tedious negotiations. This chronicle is the most considerable historical work of its age. The writer has a thorough- ness, a modei'ation, and a breadth of interest that are rarely met with in a contemporary chronicler. It is noticeable how much more severely Benedict XIII. is judged than Clement VII., though without doubt he was a much worthier man. As soon as the policy of the University was definitely formed, it seems to have taken possession of men's minds to the exclusion of all other considerations, and was pursued with a dogmatic fimaticism which gave Benedict XIII. reasonable grounds for demurring to accept it at once. (4.) Histoire de Charles VI., by Jean Juvenal desUrsins, in Mi- CHAUD ET Poujoulat's Collection de Memoires jnnir servird. Vllistoirede France, vol. ii., also published by Godefroy (Paris, 1G53). Jean Juvenel was sprung from a distinguished family in France, his fathei' being provost of the merchants in Paris and I'oyal councillor. Jean Juvenel, or Juvenal, added to his name des Urains because he claimed to be descended from the noble fixmily of the Orsini at Rome. He was boru in Paris in loJS!?, and died at Eheims in 1473. He was succes- JEAN JOUVENEL DES URSINS. 433 sively Bishop of Beauvais, Bishop of Laon, and Archbishop of Rheims. a PP. Both himself and his father had ample opportunities of obtaining " ' trustwoithy information, and Jouvenel's chronicle is written with great impartiality and a desire for truth. In politics he inclines to the Orleanist side. In ecclesListical matters he gives a full account of the negotiations between Benedict XIII. and the Court, and also describes fully the siege of Benedict in Avignon. He takes an im- partial view of the condition of the French Church during the with- drawal of obedience from Benedict, and gives an account of the exactions to which the clergy were exposed by the loyal authority. His book is written^^in French, in a simple and sti-aightforwaid manner, which gives us the idea that the writer was a man of sound, practical judgment, who took little real interest in the theories which were prevalent, but judged of matters by their results. (5.) There are numeious documents bearing »«i this subject in D'AcHERY, Spicilegium, tom. i. 763-862, ' Acta vaiia ad Concilium Pisanum pertinentia ; ' Mart£;ne and Durand, Amplissima Collectio, vol. vii. ; Makt^ne and Durand, Thesaurus iVovw.? Anecdotorum, vol. ii. ; Mansi, Concilia, vol. xxvi. ; Bourgeois de Chastenet, Nouvelle Histoire du Concile de Constance, Preuves. (6.) Of modern wTiters who have dealt with this period may be mentioned the prefiice to Mart^ne and Durand, Amf. Coll., vol. vii., which gives a resume oi i\\e documents which follow, published 1733 ; L'Enfant, Histoire du Concile de Pise, 1731 ; Schwab, Johannes Gerson (1858), a thorough and scholaily work, the fruits of great erudition ; Hefele's C onciliengeschichte, vol. vi. 6. Benedict XIII. The historical facts relating to Benedict XIII. are fully given in the above authorities ; for his personal character the most impoitant witness is Nicolas de Clemanges, who, after being a distinguished member of the University of Paris, consented in 1395 to become the secretary of Benedict XIII., with whom he remained till the open breach with the French king in 1407. He was suspected by the University of being the writer of the offensive Bull of excommunica- tion issued by Benedict, and in spite of his attemptsto justify himself dared not return to Paris. He hid himself in the Cai'thusian monas- tery of Valprofonds, and afterwards lived in seclusion at Fontaine- du-Bosc, where he died somewhere between 1425 and 1440. Clemanges is an instiince of a man who ruined his reputation by identifying himself with the unsuccessful party. He went to Benedict XIII., attracted by the prospect of literary quiet, and believing that at Avignon he could serve the cause of union. As the breach between Benedict and the Univeisity widened, Clemanges found himself VCL. I. F F 434 NICOLAS DE CLEMAXGES. APP. regarded against his will as a partisan, and attached to the party which " ■ ' failed. The letters of Cl^manges (ed. Lydius, Leyden, 1613) repre- sent Benedict XIII. in a vei-y favourable light. As a friend he was- affectionate and gentle ; he was a man of learning and cultiu-e, a great collector of books ; he was a man of high character and knew how to I'egulate his court and household. Cl^manges (Ep. 15) con- trasts the Papal Com-t very favourably with that of the French king. He says {Ep. 104), ' Ipsum profecto Papam, licet giaviter accusatum, magnum ac laudabilem, imo sanctum virum fuisse crediderim, nee scio an laudabiliorem unquam ullum viderim.' In the case of one whom partisan hatred had such an interest in blackening as Benedict XIII., the testimony of a man like Clemanges, a scholar, a student, and an ecclesiastical statesman, is peculiarly valuable. See Muntz, Nicolas de Clemanges, Paris, 1846. A partisan statement of the case in favour of Benedict XIII. is to be found in the * Tractatus pro Defensione Benedicti XIII.,' by Boniface Ferrer, in MartIine, Thesaurus, ii. 1435. Bonifece Ferrer was a Carthusian fiiar, brother of the famous St. Vincent Ferrer. He went as legate of Benedict to the Council of Pisa, and wrote this pamphlet after his return. MuRATORi (iii. pt. ii. 777) prints a journal of the doings of Benedict XIII. in 1406-9, written by some member of the Ciu-ia. It is entirely concerned with ecclesiastical ceremonies and gives an account of the beginning of the Council of Pei'pignan. 7. Boniface IX. The importance of Boniface IX. as an Italian statesman, above all as an administrator of the States of the Church, which he suc- ceeded in welding together, was overlooked by Niem, though Gobelin perceived it and says [Cosmochotnion, vi. ch. 84), * Capitolium et palatium suum fortius munivit, nee fuit ante eum quisquam Roma- norum pontificum qui talem potestatem temporalem Romae et in patri- monio S. Petri exercuisse legitiu*.' The evidence of this is largely supplied in Theiner, Codex Diplomaticus Doininii Tempo7-alis Sanctce Sedis (1862, vols. ii. and iii.) The Life of Boniface IX., in Muratori, iii. pt. ii. 830, from a Vatican MS., is a brief chronicle, but gives a decided impression of his political greatness : * Finaliter Romam et Campaniam sub dominio suo subjugavit, et tota Italia eum timebat.' The history of the dealings of Boniface IX. with Bologna are to be found in the Memoriale Ilistoricum of Matteo de' Griffoni, in Muratori, xviii. 101, &c. He was a man of good family, himself versed in affau-s, and went as ambassador to Boniface IX. at Perugia in 1393. More full is the Cronica di Bologna, which Muratori (xviii. 237, &c.) has put together from two different MSS., them- LEON^IRDO BRUNI. 43o selves the work of various authors ; in this way we have a chronicle app of Bologna from 1104 to 1471, made by a number of different hands. '"^ ' From both these sources we have the same opinions regardin;^ Boni- face IX. ' Fuit optimus Pastor, et Civitas Bononise habuit ab eo omnia qujB petivit,' says the statesman (p. 214) ; 'Fu un buon uomo, e i Bolognesi ebbero sempre da lui buona grazia,' s;iys the chronicler (p. 587). Both are drawing from the same souice — the expression of popular ojHnion on the Pope's death. For a general sketch of Italian politics during the time of Boni- face IX. the Cronica of Piero Mixerbetti, in Tartixi, Rerum Itnlicarum sa-iptore^ ii., affords valuable material. Minerbetti was a Florentine, and was a member of the Signory in 1452, 1461, and 1474. He went as ambassador to Sixtus IV. in 1471. Little else is known of him. His history extends from 1385 to 1410. He tells us that he was interested in past events, and learffed about them all that he could. Finding that his memory began to fail, he resolved to put in writing the most important things that he had learned. His chronicle is wi^itten from the Florentine point of view; but it is the work of a man who was himself versed in affairs, and gives a true estimate of the general movement of events, though it lacks the vividness of personal knowledge. It seems to have been largely compiled from Florentine state papers. Among modern writers Gregorovius, Geschichte der Stadt Rom, deals thoroughly with the political aspect of Boniface IX. 8. Leonardo Brunt of Arezzo. Leonardo Bruni, one of the most famous scholars of the Early Renaissance, was born at Arezzo, of poor parents, in 1370. He early applied himself to the study of Latin literature, instigated thereto by the contemplation of a portrait of Petrarch, which hung in a prison, to which the poUticiil vicissitudes of Arezzo brought him while yet a boy. He removed to Florence, where he attracted the notice of Coluccio Salutati, the Florentine chancellor, who took him under his protection and superintended his education. Leonardo studied civil law, and when JNIanuel Chrysoloras came to Florence, he hastened to learn from him the rudiments of Greek. He made many fi'iends in Florence, chief amongst whom was Poggio Bracciolini. When Poggio in 1403 went to Rome to seek his fortunes in the Cmia, he urged Leonardo to follow his example. In ]\Iarch 1405 Leonardo went to Rome, and was strongly recommended to Innocent VIL by Coluccio Salutati. He remained in the service of Innocent VIL and of Gregory XII. till 1409, when he was not sorry to be recalled by the Florentines. He attended the Council of Pisa, and again took service imder Alexander V. and John XXIII. In 1410, however, the Florentines offered him the post of chancellor, which he seems to have held for a P F 2 436 LKONARDO r.RUNI. XVF. short time and then I'esigned. He was with John XXIII. in 1413, ' and accompanied him to Constance, but finally left him and returned to Florence in March 1415. From that time to his death in 144 t his name is associated with the literary movement of Florence. Yet he was useful to the republic in its dealings with Martin V. and Eugenius IV., and, by his diplomatic skill as well as by his oratory and his writings, held a high position. For the pontificates of Innocent VII. and Gregory XII. Leonardo Bruni is a most valuable authority, and enables us to correct the j adgments of ISTiem, which become more and moi'e embittei'ed againvSt the Popes, Niem represents the attitude of the pure official, while Leonardo takes the view of a diplomat and of an interested spectator. The important works of Leonardo are :— (1.) Epistol^, ed. Mehus, Florentise, 1741. In his letters to Coluccio Salutati (lib. i. 4 & 5) we have a vivid picture of the state of Rome under Innocent VII. and of the Pope's flight. He tells us also of Innocent's return, and the election of Gregory XII. ; he gives us, what is most valuable, his passing impressions of Gregory's in- tentions, and finally (book ii. 21) draws a vivid picture of the scene which led to the final ruptm-e between Gregory XII. and his cardinals. His opinion is valuable, as he was of no party and had no interest to serve. He is genuinely attached to Gregory XII., but believed him to be the tool of his relatives. I have had no hesitation in taking Leonardo's judgment as the true key to the character of Gregory XII. (2.) The letters give us the passing impressions of Leonardo; his deliberate judgment of the events which he saw is to be found in his Commentarius Berum suo Tempore Gestarum, in Muratori, xix, 914. This work is written with Tacitean brevity and terseness, and might almost take its place by the side of Tacitus and Thucydides as a model foi' contemporary history. The spirit which animated him in wiiting is finely expressed in the preface : — ' Hoc enim tem- poribus debere videor meis, ut eorum, qualiacunque tandem fuerint, per me in posteros ti-adatiu" notitia. Quod utinam fecissent homines superiorum setatum, qui aliquam scribendi peritiam habuere ; uon in tantis profecto tenebris ignorantise versaremur. Mihi quidem Ciceronis, Demosthenisque tempera multo magisnota videntur, quam ilia quae fuei-unt jam annis sexaginta.' Accordingly he begins with the reminiscences of his boyhood, the outbreak of the Schism in 1378, and continues till the year 1440. Much of his letters is embodied in the Commentarius, in which he gives us a vivid picture of Roman politics, of the intrigues of Ladislas, and of the schemes of the i-ela- tives of Gregory XII. Jolm XXIII. talked to him familiarly about his designs in going to Constance, and we can only regi-et that Leonardo's caution has prevented him from giving us his opinion about the character of John. With Martin V. he was on familiar LEONARDO BKUNI. 437 terms during his residence at Florence, and succeeded in pacifying a PP. him for the slights offered him by the populace during Braccio's ' ' ' presence in the city. About Martin he says, ' Vir antea nequaquam sagax existimatus sed benignus. In Pontificatu tameu ita opinionem de se prius habitam redarguit, ut sagacitas quidem in eo summa, benignitas vero non superflua neque nimia reperiretiu-.' About Eugenius IV. and the Council of Basel Leonardo tells us nothing : he grows cautious in expressing his opinion about persons still alive, and only wonders that Felix V. should trouble himself to become a claimant for the Papacy. ' Id admii'abile cunctis videbatm- tanti fastigii Principem dvijpio papatu se onerare voluisse, quum etiam certus Papatus magna servitus sit existimanda.' The Commentary of Leonardo is brief, but all his remarks are pregnant, and he tells us nothing that did not come under his personal observation. He possessed keen insight 4nto character, a true knowledge of politicid motive, and a philosophic impartiality founded on a conception of the permanent importance of great events. He is entirely indifferent to ecclesiastical afiaii-s as such, which renders his testimony peculiarly valuable for a time when everyone was a partisan. 9. Innocent VII. mid Gregory XII. The two Lives of Innocent VII. in Muratori, iii. pt. i. 832, are scanty and colourless. The Life of Gregory XIL, from a Vatican MS. (ib. 837), is strongly against the Pope, and was clearly written in defence of the Cardinals and the Council of Pisa. A few pages of the Diary of Gentilis Delpiiini (ib. 841) gives a few details of the troubled state of Rome duiing the pontiiictite of Innocent VII. The Diary of Infessura (ib. 1117) tells a little more. The chief authority for Roman affaii-s is the Diarium Antonii Petri, in Muratori, xxiv. 974. All that we know of Antonius Petri is that he was priest of S. Peter's, and kept a diary of events that happened in Rome between the years 1404 and 1417. He has no knowledge of politics generally, and his record is merely of events as they passed before his eyes. He narrates ecclesiastical ceremonies and civic revolutions at equal length. His work, however, gives a startling picture of the disturbed condition of Rome, and is all the more valuable on account of the entire want of perspective and absence of motive in -the writer's mind. Another writer who gives valuable notices of Roman affairs is SozoMEN of PisToiA, in Muratori, xvi. 1064. Sozomen tells us that he was born in 1 387, that he was present at Perugia on his way to Rome in 1403, and saw the reception accorded to the brother of Boni- face IX. ; he saw, also, the withdrawal of obedience by Florence from 438 GERMANY AND ENGLAND. APP. Gregory XII. in 1409. He wrote a universal history up to the "~ ■ ■ year 1410, of which Muratori has printed the later part, beginning at 1362, He has borrowed a good deal from Leonardo Bruni, but has much of his own to tell. He is said to have been a canon of Pistoia, where he died about 1455. Tliere is a good paper by Sauerland in Historische Zeitschrift, xxxiv. (1875), p. 74, setting forth the political difficulties which beset Gregory XII, 10. German Affairs during the Schism. It is scarcely necessary for me to discuss contemporary historians of German affau-s under Wenzel and Rupert. The Acta Depositionis of Wenzel are given in Mart^ne and Durand, Amj). Coll. iv. 1-140, and much additional information may be gathered fi-om Janssen's Frankfurts Reichstags-C orresjjondem, vol. i. Modern writers have carefully brought together what informa- tion is to be gained ; chief of whom are Pelzel, Wenceslas I. ; AscHBACH, Kaiser Sigismund ; Hofler, Ruprecht von der Ffalz; Droyssen, Geschichte der Freussischen Folitik ; Lindner, Geschichte des Deutschen Reichs unter Konig Wenzel ; Palacky, Geschichte von Bohmen. The authorities are fully discussed by Lorenz, Deutsch- land's Geschichtsquelle7i im Mittelatter. 1 1 . Wyclif and England. I need scarcely mention to English readers the authorities for the history of Wyclif. They are Walsingham, Historia Anglicana, edited by Riley, in the Rolls series ; Knighton, De Eventihus Anglice, in TwYSDEN, Sc7-ipto7-es Hist. Anglican., ii., and Fascicidi Zizaniorum Mag. Joh. Wyclif ciwi Tritico, edited by Shirley, in the Rolls series. This last work is a collection of polemical documents of Wyclif and his opponents, with historical notices interspersed, attributed to Thomas Netter, of Walden, provincial of the Carmelites in England and confessor of Henry V. Shirley's preface contains the results of his large study of the literature concerning Wyclif. Wyclif's own works are very voluminous; information about them is to be found in Shirley's Catalogue of the Original Works of John >^2/c?^7( 1865). Since then have been published Wyclif s treatise, Trialogus, edited by Lechler, 1869 ; Select English Works of John Wicklif edited by Arnold, 1871 ; an attack on the Papacy, De Christo et suo Adversario Antichrisfo, edited by Buddeusieg, 1880 ; and Un- printed Works of Wyclif, edited by Matthews for the Earli/ English Text Society, 1881. The modern books treating of Wyclif contain many important documents. Chief may be mentioned Lewis, History of the Life and THE COUNCIL OF FISA. 439 Sufferings of John Widiffe, London, 1720; Vaughan, Life and app. Ojnnions of John de WycUffe, London, 1828 ; Lechler, Johann von '~- — • ' Wiclif und die Vorgeschichte der Reformation, Leipzig, 1873. This last is an exhaustive monograph bi-inging together all that is at pre- sent to be known about Wyclif and the results of his teaching. The portion that especially deals with Wyclif s life has been tiunslated by Professor Lorimer (London, 1878), illustrated with additional notes. Wyclif is a character- of gi^eat interest to the student of Univer- sity history and of English literatui-e, the more so beciiuse many points of antiquarian interest centre round his life, and the consequent controversy has procured details on many points which would otherwise have been left unnoticed. The student of Re- formation theology is strongly drawn to Wyclif, because his logical mind did not shiink from giving an orderly expression to his conclu- sions. The historian, however, has to consider not the logic of the closet, nor the meaning that can be i-ead into opinions in the light of after times, but the motive power of the opinions themselves at the time that they were uttered. In endeavouring to estimate the his- torical position of Wyclif in reference to my subject, I have been gi-eatly helped by Pi'ofessor Stubbs's Constitutional History of Eng- land, vol. iii. 12. Council of Pisa. The Acts of the Council of Pisa are to be found in Mansi, vols, xxvi. and xxvii., who has incorporated the collections given in Harduin, vol. viii. ; D'Achery, Spicilegiuni, vol. i. ; Von der Hardt, Magnum Concilitim Constantiense, vol. ii. ; and Mart£;ne, Amp. Coll. vol. vii. The writer of the chronicle of S. Denys was at Pisa, and gives us the impressions of an eye-witness. Mod'ei'n woi-ks are Lenfant, Histoire du Concile de Pise, 1712; Wessenberg, Die grossen Kirchenversammhcngen des XVtenund XVIten Jahrhunderts, 1840 ; Hefele, C oiiciliengeschichte. Alexander Y.'s Bull about the Mendicants' quarrel with the University of Paiis is given with various sermons and ti-actates, ex- pressing the view of the University, in Gerson, Opera, vol. ii. 431, (tc. See also Bul^us, vol. iv. A noticeable passage occurs in De Modis uniendi et reformandi Ecclesiam, Von der Hardt, 1. pt. iv. 114, where the wTiter, though maintaining the validity of the Council of Pisji, says, ' Secundum opinionem multorum, omnia fuerunt quasi priuiis motibus facta et agitata, spiritu vehementi, et non matura deliberatione, ut etiam concilium decebat, ordinata nee completa.' For an exposition of the piinciples that pi-evailed at Pisa see Gerson, De Auferibilitate Pajxe, Op. ii. 209. 440 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. - ^^^'_ - ^•^* ^^^ Council of Constance. (1.) The Acts of the Council of Constance were for a time a sub- ject of mnch dispute. They were first published at Hagenau in 1500, from a MS. used at Basel during the Council, and this soui-ce was followed in many subsequent editions. John of Segovia, in his History of the Council of Basel, tells us that the acts of the Council of Constance wei'e rare at Rome, as they had never been entered in the Vatican archives {Mon, Goncil. ii. 76) ; but one MS. that had belonged to the Cardinal of S. Mark's was brought to Basel. The first collection of the Acts was made by Hermann von der Hardt, professor at Helmstadt, who collated the MSS. at Vienna, Wol- fenbiittel, Brunswick, Gotha, and Leipzig, and produced a collection of documents of every kind bearing on the Council, Magnum CEcumeni- cum Concilium Constantiense, ex inyenti antiquissimorumi manu- scriptoruTTi mole diligentissime erutum (Frankfort and Leipzig, 1697- 1700). Von der Hardt has been followed by Harduin and Mansi in their collections, but they have added little of importance to Von der Hardt's labours. His work consists of six volumes. Vol. i. con- tains writings dealing with the reformation of the Church ; vol. ii. deals with the reunion of the Church ; vol. iii. matters of fiiith ; vol. iv. the Acts of the Council ; vol. v. the outer oi-ganisation of the Council ; vol. vi. the coneiliar claims. (2.) Copious as is Von der Hardt's collection, it is supplemented by the letters of several ambassador's. The letters of the representa- tives of the University of Koln are given in Mart^ne and Durand, Thesaurus, vol. ii. 1609; those of the representatives of the Univer- sity of Paris in Bul^us, Hist. Univ. Paris, vol. iv., in Bourgeois DU Chastenet, Nouvelle Histoire du Concile de Constance, Preuves ; those of the English ambassador, in Rymer's Foedera, vol. ix. ; and those of Petei' de Pulka, ambassador of the University of Vienna, in Ardtiv fiir (Esterreicldsche Gesclnclttsquellen, vol. xv. ; the letters of the represeirtatives of the city of Frankfort in Aschbach's Geschichte Kaiser Sigismunds, vol. ii., Anhang. All these are most valuable as givirrg from day to day the impressions of bystanders on the pro- ceedings of the Council. They errable us to correct in marry im- portant jroints mistakes which Von der Hardt has admitted. (3.) For the description of the outward appearance of the Council, we have the interesting chrorricle of Ulrich von Reichental, a burgher of Constance of some repute, who had much to do with making the rrecessary ari-angements to adapt his native city to be the place for this august assembly. Reichental seems to have lived till somewhere about 1440, and to have devoted his last years to compose a memorial of the greatest event in his city's history. His chronicle bears the title Coslnitzer Concilium, sogehalten worden im Jahr 1413. It was published at Augsburg, 1483, and again in 1538, THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. 441 also at Frankfort 1575. There are three MSS. of this chronicle — APP. one in the archives of Count von Kbnigsegg-Aulendorf, which was "" made under Reichental's own eye ; another belongs to the city of Constance, and seems to be a copy of the former ; a third is at Vienna, and was made later by Grebhard Dacher, who was himself present at the Council, and wrote a diaiy of his own, founded on Reichental, the chief points of which aie incorporated by Von der Hardt, vol. iv., thovigh it has never been published in extenso. The important featm^e of Reichental's diary is the fact that it is copiously illusti-ated with coats of arms of those present at the Council, and many interesting pictures of processions, church ceremonies, and other events, amongst which are the executions of Hus and Jerome of Piag and the election of Maitin V. It contains no fewer than 160 illuminated pages to 140 of print. The published editions of this remarkable diary are taken from the Viennese MS., which is full of errors. Lately a photographic reproduction of the Constance MS. has been made by a photographer in Constance. The diary of Reichental gives an account of the anival of eminent strangers, the arrangements for the Council made in Constance, the ceremonies, and the chief events. He has little notion of politics, nor can his chronology be trusted ; but he gives a true picture of the general state of things in the city, and of the burghers' indifference to the meaning of gi-eat events. The chief passages of importance in Reichental are to be found accurately edited by Marmor, Das Concil zu Constance (Constance, 1858). There are few periods of the world's history of which we can so easily reproduce the surioiindings as that of the Council of Constance. The town has very little out- grown its old dimensions, and the site of the old walls is clearly traced. It is true that the cathedral and the bishop's palace weie destroyed, and the former in some degree lebuilt. Otherwise the chief buildings are still standing, and Constance has always retained a lively lecollection of the Council's gi^eatness. Its museum has many inteiesting historical relics, and its archaeology has been ad- mirably worked out — first by Eiselein, GeschicJite der Stadt Kon- stanz (1851); and since then still more fully and accurately by Marmor, Geschichtliche Topoyi-ap/iie der Stadt Konstanz (1860). (4.) There are numerous incidental mentions of affairs at Con- stance in the chronicles of the time. Most valuable are Keligieux de St. Denys, Jean Jouvenel des Ursins, and Monstrelet among the French writers. Justinger's Berner Chronik (ed. Steierlein and Wyss, Bei-n, 1819) tells us about the dealings of Sigismund with the Swiss, and their influence on the overthrow of the plans of John XXIII. Of German writers the chief are Hermann Corner, a Dominican of Liibeck, who wrote a chronicle extending to the year 1435 ; it is to be found in Eccard, Corjnis Ilistoricitm, ii. 2203, &c. 442 THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. APP. (5.) The fii'st of modern writers who dealt with the history of the " '^ "^ Council was Jacques Lenfant, Ilistoire du Concile de Coiistance (Amsterdam, 1714). Lenfant was the son of a Huguenot minister who emigrated into Germany : he was minister at Berlin, and was the first who made use of Von der Hardt's collection. His book is written with gi-eat impai-tiality, but is natui-ally defective in poli- tical knowledge, and has too much the form of a chronicle. A few years afterwards was pviblished Bourgeois du Chastenet, NouvelU Ilistoire du Concile de Constance (Paris, 1718). Boiu-geois du Chastenet was a French advocate, a staunch upholder of the liberties of the Galilean Church. His book is rather a supplement to Len- fant, dealing chiefly with the part taken by the French in extinguish- ing the Schism and in pleading for refoi-m at Constance. The Preuves which accompany it contain many important documents relating to the extinction of the Schism, and the activity of the French nation in the matter of the abolition of annates. Aschbach, Geschichte Kaiser Sigismtinds (Hamburg, 1838), devotes the second volume to the history of the Council, especially with reference to Sigismund's activity in its behalf. Aschbach first raised the question to its due importance in the general political history of the time. Schwab, Johannes Gerson (Wiirzburg, 1854), has given an exhaustive criti- cism of the authorities for the growth of the conciliar movement and the proceedings at Constance, to which Tschackert, Peter von Aim (Gotha, 1877), has found little to add. On the Roman side TosTi's Storia del Concilio di Constanza adds nothing to our know- ledge, while Hefele's Conciliengeschichte gives a careful and accurate summary of the ecclesiastical aspects of the Council. Wessenberg, Die grossen Kirchenversanimlungen des \bten und \^ten Jahrhun- derts (1840), is a work by a liberal-minded Roman Catholic, pro- foundly convinced of the need of reform in the Church ; but its historical accuracy is not always to be trusted. 14. John XXI I I. Tlie authority generally followed for John XXIII. is Niera, in the works already mentioned, which are confii'med by the statements in the depositions against John contained in the Acts of the Council, Von der Hardt, iv. 193, &c. There are also two Lives in Muratori, iv. pt. ii. 846. Tlie first, from a Vatican MS., is concerned only witli giving a decorous account of the ending of the Schism ; the second is in tone friendly to John XXIII., and opposed to the Council. More friendly still is the opinion of the Florentine LucA della Robbia in his Life of Bartolommeo Valori, in Archivio Storico Italiano, vol. iv. part i. first seiies (1843). Luca della Robbia was the fiither of the famous artist of the same name, and held a high position amongst the scholars and statesmen of Florence. He was born in 1484, and JOHN XXIII. 443 died in 1519, so that he only represents the current feehng in Flor- a?P. ence in his own day. But the wiU of Baldassjire Cossa, and the ^~ — ■ ' documents relating to his release from prison, published in the same vohime of the Archivio, testify that Delia Robbia's opinion represented that of contemporaries. It is clear that Florence did not accept the opinion of Constance, and I incline to think that the opinion of Florence was less pi'ejudiced, i 15. The Decree of the Fourth Session of the Council of ^ Constance. The decree of the fourth session of the Council of Constance has been the subject of much controversy. It gives expression to the refining idea of the University of Paiis, the superiority of a General Council over the Pope in all matters. We have seen the growth of this idea, and the way in which it was practiftxlly accepted by the Council of Pisa ; still its express assertion was a novelty in the law of the Church, and was so regarded by Gerson, who says {Op. n. 240), * Posuerunt isti papalem auctoritatem supra concilium aut saltern non imparem. Est autem ceitum apud eos quod par in parem et minor in superiorem non habet imperium. Benedictus autem Deus, qui per hoc sacrosanctum Constantiense concilium illustratum diviuje legis lumine, dante ad hoc ipsum vexatione pra^sentis schis- matis intellectum, liberavit Ecclesiam suam ab hoc pestifera perni- ciosissimaque doctrina.' It is not surprising that canonists have wished to impugn the validity of this assertion of revolutionary principles. The text of the decree (Von der Hardt, iv. 88) runs, ' Htec Siincta synodus in Spiritu S. legitime congregata, generate concilium faciens, Ecclesiam catholiftim militantem reprtesentans, potestatem a Christo immediate habet ; cui quilibet cujuscunque strecedin<,' the Council of Constance. As this literature was polemical and ephemeral in its object, it is difficult in all cases to identify the writer. This is not a matter of great consequence, if we wish only to appreciate the pro- found need for reform*.of which the most orthodox were conscious j but it is of historical importance to discover, if possible, the particular som'ces from which such opinions come. (1.) One of the most famous of these works is De Corruj)to Statu Ecclesice, or De liuina Ecclesice. It was published' under the fii-st title in 1519, and was assigned to Nicolas Cl^manges; and Tritheim, in his Catalogus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum (li'^i), put it amongst the works of Clcmanges. Von der Hardt, vol. i. part iii., pulilished it anew, under the title De liuina Bcclesioi, from two Helmstiidt MSS., at the end of which occur the ambiguous words, ' Sub quadiim meditatione per magistrum Joh. Gerson super statu Eccle- siarum,' which may mean that Gerson wrote the preface, or that the MS. was copied from another in which a treatise of Gerson stood first. MuNTZ, in Nicolas de Clcmanges (Strasburg, 1846), fii'st called in question the authoi'ship of Clcmnnges, on the grounds of difierence of style from his other works, difference of opinions, and incompatibility with Clemanges's j^osition as seci-etaiy to Bene- dict XIII. Schwab, Johannes Gerson (493), has i^ointed out that these reasons are not convincing. Clcmanges refers in his letters to writings which he has not yet published ; and though he might hold his tongue from pei'sonal motives wliile he was in the service of Benedict XIII., he might profoundly feel the evils that beset the Cluu-ch, though loyalty to Benedict made him endure as long as there was hope. After 1409 there was no reason to keep silence, and the very rhetorical character of this work, De Ruina Ecclesioi, may be due to the reticence so long observed. Schwab points out vei'bal similarities with the work of Clemanges, De Fra'sulihus Simoniacis. The De liuina Ecclesice was wiitten during the with- drawal of obedience from Benedict XIII. in 1401 and 1402, though it was probably not published till 1411. It was clearly wiitten by a Frenchman, who was a member of the University of Paris, and who IkuI ofiicial information, Miintz has not made out a stroner enoucrh case to overthrow the authority of Ti-itlieim. (2.) Three tracts are given by Von der Hardt in vol. i. parts v. vi. and vii. They are De Modis uniendi etreformandi Ecclesiaiii in Con- cilio Universali, which is assigned to Gerson; De Difficultate Refor- VOL. I. a V, 450 TRACTATES ABOUT EEFORMATION. .A pp mationis, and Monita de Necessitate Reformationis Ecclesioi in Capite ■ . ' et Memhris, which are assigned to D'Ailly. Schwab, Johannes Ger- son, 481, &c., pointed out that neither in ecclesiastical nor moral opin- ions, nor in its historical aspect, does the first of these treatises fit in with Gerson's autlioi'ship ; nor do the others agi^ee with D'Ailly. They ai'e written from an imperialist, not from a French point of -siew, and are widely diffei'ent fi'om the opinions of the French theologians. Von der Hardt himself suggested that the thuxl treatise ovight to be ascribed to Dietrich of Niem, and Schwab confii-med his conjec- ture. He also assigned the second one to the same author. The fii'st and most impoitant of these treatises Schwab assigned to the Benedictine abbot and Bolognese professor Andi-eas of Randuf, on the ground of similarities of expression found in a document of Andreas in Niem's Nemus Unionis. This hypothesis of Schwab is combated by Lenz, Drei Tractate aus dem Schriftencyclus des Con- stanzer Concils (Marburg, 1876), who claims the Be Modis uniendi as a work also of Niem. The De Modis and De Difficidtate were written in 1410, after the close of the Council of Pisa, with a view of determining the procedure on the next occasion. The Monita de Necessitate was written shortly before the assembling of the Council of Constance, probably in 1414. We are justified in regarding the De Modis uniendi et reformandi Ecclesiam as containing the fullest statement of the opinions and aspu'ations of the German reforming party. The ideas prevalent in England were of a strictly practical kind, and are expressed in the Petitiones quoad Reformationem Ecclesice Militantis of Richard Ullerston, in Von der Haedt, i. pt. xxvii. Ullei'ston was a professor of theology at Oxford, a friend of Bishop Hallam of Salisbury ; his work was wiitten in 1408, in view of the Council of Pisa, and draws up sixteen points for consideration, not in the interest, as he is careful to explain, of the English Church only, but of the Universal Church. The opinions of French theologians are to be found expressed by Gerson and D'Ailly in Gerson's Opera, vol. ii. Other writings of this period are De Squalorihus Curiw Romano;, published in Walch, Monumenta Medii jEvi, i. pt. i. 1, &c., and in appendix to Fasciculus Rerum, 584, &c. This work seems to have been wiitten by Mathias of Cracow, who lectured at Prag, Paris, and Heidelbei'g, was made Bishop of Worms in 1405, and died in 1410. There is a little doubt about the authorship, as some passages in the work speak of the schism as still existing ; others mention John XXIII. and Maitin V. Most probably the work was current at Basel during the Council, and was then interpolated. The question is discussed by Walch in his preliice. Specuh(,m Auretcm, an exposition of the way in which the Papal monarchy favoured and created simony, in Walch, Munumenta, ii. TEACTATES ABOUT REFORMATION. 451 part i. 67, tfec, also in Goldast, Monarchia, 1528, and in the appen- dix to Fasciculus Rcrtun, 63. This work, which was written in 1404, is attributed by Goldast to Faulus Awjlicus ; Walch in his preface shows that it was written by Albert Engelstat, a Bavarian, doctor of theology at Prag. Numerous sermons and pamphlets wei^e produced at Constance, but they are less important, as they only put into rhetorical language the passing phases of opinion in the Council. Many are given in Yon der Hardt, in Walch, Monumenta, in Goldast, Monarchia, and in Brown's Fasciculus Renmi. 20. The Question of Annates. This complicated and interesting question shows much of the actual working of the system of Papal taxation, and the literature on the subject gives us many details which are generally overlooked. The oflBcial account of the proceedings in the French nation from October 15, 1415, to March 19, 1416, is given m Bourgeois du Chastenet, Nouvelle Histoire du Concile de Constance (Paris, 1718), pp. 409-478, headed ' Collatio Cleri Gallicani Constanci?e ad Con- cilium congregati super abusus quibus Ecclesia Gallicjina opprime- batur.' The official answer of the French nation to the appeal of the Procuiator Fiscal is to be found in Preuves des Liberies de I'Eylise Gallicane, eh. xxii. ; also in Fasciculus Rerum, i. 377, and in VoN DER Hardt, i. 761. The answer on the part of the Cardinals is to be found in Peter d'Ailly, De Potestate Ecclesiastica, in Von der Hardt, vi. p. 51. On the general question of annates, Phillips's Kirchenrecht, v. 567, &c., has thrown much light by tracing the different forms assumed by this exaction and the history of e^ch. 21. The Election of Martin V. The accounts given of the proceedings within the Conclave which elected Martin V. are very contradictory They are the following : — (1,) Dacher, Von der Hardt, iv. 1481, on the authority of the protonotary of the Archbishop of Gnesen, who was present with his master, represents a large number of candidates put forth on national gi'ounds, each receiving a small number of votes — 12, 9, 6, 4, and so on. When it was clear that this method of proceduie was futile, the Germans resolved to withdraw their national candidate, if they could prevail on the other nations to do likewise. Fu"st the Italians and then the English joined them ; but the French and Spaniards refused to do so till the other nations tlu-eatened to denounce them thi-oughout Christendom for preventing union. At last, on the morning of G o 2 APP. 452 THE ELECTION OF IMAETIN V. A PP. November 11, reflection and prayer brought unanimity ; at ten o'clock " ■ ' the sounds of the hymn outside induced the electors to agi'ee to act in concert ; at eleven Oddo Colonna was elected. (2.) ZuRlTA, in Anales de Aragon, quoted by Bzovius (Von der Hardt, iv. 1482), says that the first scrutiny showed the votes divided among six candidates, the Cardinals of Ostia, Saluzzo, Venice, and Oddo Colonna, and the Bishops of Geneva and Chicliester. At the next voting the Cardinal of Venice and the Bishop of Chichester dropjoed out. Then by a sudden movement the votes were unanimously given for Oddo Colonna. (3.) Walsingham (ed. Riley), ii. 320, says that votes were first given for the Bishops of Winchester and London, and ' Cardinalis Francise,' who is clearly Peter d'Ailly. Next day the Bishop of Lon- don accedes to Oddo Colonna, and his example influences all the other electors to do likewise. (4.) An account given by a priest present at Constance at the time is printed from a MS. in the Konigsberg Archives in Scrii^tores Berum Prussicartim, Band iii. (Leipzig, 1866), p. 373, Anmerkung 4. The writer calls Oddo Colonna ' dominum meum,' which might indi- cate that he was one of Cardinal Colonna's household, and so perhaps an Italian. He simply says that no election could be made in the first scru.tinies, but on November 11 the electors, touched by the hymn outside, proceeded more unanimously to woi-k. / Cardinal Colonna had twenty -three votes. ' Surrexit igitiu' quidam de dominis Cardinalibus exhortans totum coetum dominorum electorum sub hiis verbis vel eorum similibus : Reverendissimi fratres ! Hie reveren- dissimus pater, qui omnes alios electos in multis excedit vocibus, qviantus sit nacione, quia princeps Romanus, quantusve vita, scientia et moi'ibus, omnibus vobis adeo notum est quod ulteriori non egeat declaracione, nee videtur quod sibi similis sit in toto cetu hujus sacri concilii valeat reperu-i. Si ergo placet omnes in ipsius electionem aspiremus.' After this addi-ess Cardinal Colonna was unanimously elected, (5.) Thei'e is in Palacky, DomimentaMag. Joh. Eus Illustrantia, p. 665, a Relatio de Papce Martini V. Electione atque Coronatione, from a collection of documents made by a Bohemian monk whose labo\irs ended in 1419 (p. xi.). The document itself is a contem- porary account wiitten from Constance soon after Martin V.'s coro- nation on November 21 ; it is in the form of a diary, and contains a detailed accoimt of the ecclesiastical ceremonies observed. It is this document which I have followed, agi-eeing with Lenz, Eonig Sigismund. Of these documents the last two only are contemporary, and do not contradict one another, though the last is very much more de- tailed. The discrepancies in the other accounts probably arise from the confusion of the proceedings within each nation with the pro- THE ELECTION OF MAKTIN V. 453 ceedings of the Conclave as a whole. Dacher's report recognises apP. nothing but nations, and makes no mention of the Cardinals as a " ' ' party. The confusion in these different statements probably arose from the fact that the national deputies were not so reticent as the Car- dinals, and were naturally anxious after the event to vindicate their national honour. They mentioned the names of all who might have been proposed or who were discussed by the deputies of the sevei-al nations ; those who heard them were misled to attach undue import- ance to these suggestions. END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. LOSDOK : rnixTED nv 8POTTISW0ODE ASD CO., SEW-STREET SQUAKH ASD PAttLIAMEST STUEET HISTORICAL WORKS. 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English Literature 6 Poetry and Prose ... 6 Arnott's Elements of Physics 9 Atelier (The) du Lys 18 Atherstone Priory 18 Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson ... 7 .<4_)'r«;' J Treasury of Bible Knowledge 20 Bacon's Essays, by Whately 5 Life and Letters, by Spcdding ... 5 Works S Bagehot' s Biographical Studies 4 Economic Studies 21 Literary Studies 6 Bailey sYqs\.ws, a Poem 18 5a/«'j' James Mill and J. S. Mill \ Mental and Moral Science 5 on the Senses and Intellect 5 22 V/ORKS published by LONGMANS CO. Baifi's Emotions and Will 5 Baker s Two Works on Ceylon 17 5a//'j Alpine Guides 17 ^(7//'j Elements of Astronomy 10 Barry on Railway Appliances 10 & Draimacll o\\ Railways, &c 13 Bauermaii syi\\\fix-?\ogY 10 Beacon sjield's (Lord) Novels and Talcs 17 & i3 Speeches i Wit and Wisdom 6 Becker's Charicles and Gallus 7 Beeslys Gracchi, Marias, and Sulla 3 Bingham's Bonaparte Marriages 4 ^/«cX''j Treatise on Brewing 20 Blacklcy's German-English Dictionary 7 Bloxam's Metals 10 Bolland and Lang's Aristotle's Politics 5 Boultbee on 39 Articles 15 -s History of the English Church... 14 Bourne's Works on the Steam Engine 14 Bowdler's Family Shakespeare 19 Braiournc' s Fairy-Land 18 Higgledy-piggledy 18 Braniley-Moore s Six Sisters of the Valleys . 18 Brande's Diet, of Science, Literature, & Art 11 Brasscy's British Navy 13 Sunshine and Storm in the East . 17 Voyage in the 'Sunbeam' 17 5;'i?y J- Elements of Morality 16 Browne's Exposition of the 39 Articles 15 ^row?^//7_§•'5 ^Iodern England 3 Buckle's History of Civilisation 2 Buckton's Food and Home Cookery 21 • — Health in the House 12&21 Bulls Hints to Mothers 21 — — Maternal Management of Children. 21 Burgomaster's Family (The) 18 Cabinet Lawyer 20 Calvert's Wife's Manual i5 Capes' s Age of the Antonines 3 ' Early Roman Empire 3 Carlyle s Reminiscences 4 Cates's Biographical Dictionary 4 CiTj/^y^ Iliad of Homer 19 Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths ... 7 C/?«;/^yj Waterloo Campaign 2 Christ our Ideal 16 Church's Beginning of the Middle Ages ... 3 Colenso's Pentateuch and Book of Joshua . 16 Commonplace Philosopher 7 Comic's Positive Polity 4 Condcr s Handbook to the Bible 15 Coningion's Translation of Virgil's ^neid 19 Prose Translation of Virgil's Poems 1 3 Contanscau's Two French Dictionaries ... 7 Conybcare and Howson's St. Paul 15 Cot la on Rocks, by Lazurcncc 11 Counsel and Comfort from a City Pulpit... 7 Cox s (G. W.) Athenian Empire 3 • Crusades 3 ■> Greeks and Persians 3 Creighton's hgz of Elizabeth 3 England a Continental Power 3 Papacy during the Reformation 14 Shilling History of England ... 3 • Tudors and the Reformation 3 Cresy's Encyclopn;dia of Civil Engineering 14 Critical Essays of a Country Parson 7 Culleys Handbook of Telegraphy 13 Curteis's Macedonian Empire 3 Z^./t'/i/jfl^'j New Testament 14 Dead Shot (The) 19 De Caisne and Le A/aout's Botany 11 De Tocqucville's Democracy in America... 4 Dewes's Life and Letters of St. Paul 15 Dixon's Rural Bird Life , H&19 ZPw^'j American Farming and Food 21 Irish Land Tenure 21 Eastlake's Hints on Household Taste 13 Edmonds's Elementary Botany 11 Ellicott's Scripture Commentaries 15 Lectures on Life of Christ 15 Elsa and her Vulture 18 Epochs of Ancient History 3 English History , 3 Modem History ,... 3 Ewahfs History of Israel 15 Antiquities of Israel 15 Fi2iri5rf//'«'j Applications of Iron 13 Information for Engineers 13 Mills and Millwork 13 Farrar's Language and Languages 7 Fitzioygrani on Horses 19 Francis's Fishing Book 19 Freeman's Historical Geography 2 Fronde's Ctesar 4 English in Ireland i History of England i Short Studies 6 Thomas Carlyle 4 Gairdner's Houses of Lancaster and York 3 Ganot's Elementary Physics 9 ■ Natural Philosophy 9 Gardiner's Buckingham and Charles I. ... 2 Personal Government of Charles I. 2 Fall of ditto 2 Outline of English History ... 2 Puritan Resolution 3 -— Thirty Years' W^ar '. 3 (Mrs.) French Revolution 3 Struggle against Absolute Monarchy 3 Goethe's Faust, by Birds 18 by Selss 18 ^ by Webb 18 Goodevc's Mechanics 10 Mechanism 13 Gore's Electro-Metallurgy 10 Gospel (The) for the Nineteenth Century . 16 Grant's Ethics of Aristotle 5 Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson 7 Gr^t'///^'^ Journal i Griffin's Algebra and Trigonometry 10 Grove on Correlation of Physical Forces... 9 Gwilt's Encyclopcedia of Architecture 13 Hale's Fall of the Stuarts 3 Hallixuell-Phillipps's Outlines of Shake- speare's Life 4 WORKS published by LONGMANS d- CO. 23 iLirtwigs Works on Natural History, "ice lO&II Hassall's Climate of San Remo 17 Haughion s Physical Geography 10 /fi2yw(zri»ts of Banking 21 Elements of Economics 21 ■ 1 heory and Practice of Banking 21 Macnamara's Himalayan Districts 17 Mademoiselle Mori 18 Mahaffy's Classical Greek Literature 3 J//z/'j Telegraphy Present-Day Thoughts Proctor s Astronomical \VorI:s 8 . Public Schools Atlases 13 /?