ESI ".U58 V.80 LIBRARY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY PRINCETON. N. J. , Presented by Division.... ESJ 4 Section . u.U.OO v/ .80 r * > ' r .4 I u.s* SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOG^^y BULLETIN 80 FEB is 1924 MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC BY FRANCES DENSMORE WASHINGTON government printing office ADDITIONAL COPIES OF THIS PUBLICATION MAY BE PROCURED FROM THE SUPERINTENDENT OF DOCUMENTS GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON, D. C, AT 60 CENTS PER COPY PURCHASER AGREES NOT TO RESELL OR DISTRIBUTE THIS COPY FOR PROFIT. — PUB. RES. 57, APPROVED MAY 11, 1922 LETTEK OF TRANSMITTAL Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, ashing ton ^ D. December 15^ 1918. Sir: I have the honor to submit herewith the accompanying manuscript, entitled “ Mandan and Hidatsa Music,” by Frances Dens- more, and to recommend its publication as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Very respectfully, J. Walter Fewkes, Chief. Dr. Charles D. Walcott, Secretofry of the Smithsonian Institution. Ill Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2019 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library https://archive.org/details/mandanhidatsamusOOdens FOEEWORD A phase of Indian life hitherto untouched by the present writer is shown in this work. The Mandan and Hidatsa lived in houses which were grouped in permanent villages, their environment differ¬ ing essentially from that of the Chippewa and Sioux in their camps or the Ute in the fastnesses of the mountains. The music of the latter tribes has been analyzed in previous works, ^ and a comparative statement of results is presented in this volume. The songs of the Mandan and Hidatsa were recorded on the Fort Berthold Reservation in North Dakota during the summers of 1912 and 1915, an additional trip being made in 1918 to complete the material. This research was suggested by Dr. O. J. Libby, secre¬ tary of the State Historical Society of North Dakota, and the first season’s work was under the auspices of that society. The subsequent work was under the auspices of the Bureau of American Ethnology. The writer desires to acknowledge the valued assistance of her two principal interpreters, Mr. James Holding Eagle, a member of the Mandan tribe, who interpreted and translated that language, and Mr. Fred Huber, who interpreted and translated the Hidatsa. Mr. Holding Eagle was born in 1884, received his early education at the Fort Berthold Mission of the Congregational Church, and graduated from the Santee Normal Training School at Santee, Nebr. He is now engaged in missionary work among his people on the Fort Berthold Reservation. Mr. Huber went to Fort Berthold as a musician with the United States Army, and for more than 30 years spent the majority of his time among the Hidatsa. He died before the completion of the present work. Grateful acknowledgment is made of the assistance rendered by officials of the North Dakota Historical Society, also of the courtesy extended by Dr. C. L. Hall, who for more than 40 years has been a missionary of the Congregational Church on the reservation. The writer desires also to express her appreciation of the assistance cordially given by members of the staff of the Bureau of American Ethnology and the United States National Museum in their re¬ spective fields of research. Frances Densmorel ^ Chippewa Music, Bull. 45 ; Chippewa Music II, Bull. 53 ; Teton Sioux Music, Bull. 61 ; and Northern Ute Music, Bull. 75, Bur, Amer. Ethn. •>. ■- ». - A- ■- SB A 4 X g* i . ‘' Vt- ■■ '-■ ;7;i.,:. I , ^ . r a c. . ‘ " j i ’ itJ;| ;; )•;, ■ 7 7 ‘tit • ' ■ ' . vvvir'v -». . ' V. i » • i; •J ■ T*. ' - • ‘ HtO.- :n- y •' .1 ■?. J • : c . » » • ' It 4f/ ; > • ‘ ** . A ■ ,- .' ■". ^ ■''^isjvy V ; “ a’- Sue C rri • » • « ^ 4 ' ^!-'? 1 -■■•• ■ ii; f, * k « .^4 if. '- y. • Hi; ■ U. i • L ' y J ' A '% y: ' 'JJU. X.h : iJu' * / • i''W''-.*: ' f- i ■».' 1 ' iryf -’4^. . -I h .* / •;' I • £ i' ’ ■ ■ ' ( » . i-'i. . ‘ > ^ • •» . . # . £• •• V . ‘ ■ » V •/ '?■ 'M'i V. •1 f ; y :k t * ^ - -•**•»*!» M • I hv*'.'-' '.1 ^ • ■ • - •' V'if j •-* ■-• b>i=i •■j/vj:."*; ,-,1/ . c: 'Tn'Iii* V - ' ' • ' ? M -■•> i : ;';if 0 • I** It' .JTjriiv,; ii r,; jt. L .a: - ^M. f ; fat 1) '• POj/- -;•:*• 7 Kfi' A . . * V -Vi j'*.}'.! ) ^ ■ ''.'^i/J.; T j. . ; :; h > f ., ’{vj T/' Ljv' j' ».it : • ■ ■ V H-J?- !■ '.■ '1 “ ;a/ ■ J \ •■ ■: '■■»■-■:; y4 r.‘ '1 'i ' H , . ■ ,*'' ;_' J -- ■ . -ff iO: • » Vo if' "r ^ :5'.-, '■ fr* -'^N • i . ’ M ^ > riifj // ; r- '■ ' .A* vd t' ;•• ‘ ■ '.•!' A/LJ ^ ' f • ► . • ^•*. -T • ■ • i v-'M.o -n ^ V y t i :-ur ■ e- ’ • t , ■ '^4 aI V'* IxiJ .IVa-ffO • '■'4 •. ' . N,’ ^•; )■ •;■»•' -' yi’j'i'-'do ,• V' Vf ' ) ' ." * ’ • '• V * / ^ * -. ** » ' ,, ' '/' ' / CJ *■ ; 1 ^ * • j « T • t‘ » w< ' v V‘*i 4*i - ■ a* ’ ^ r - • -* ' ^ ■ * '' ' 4. * ’ t ■ ■ \ • . ' • *'•. , •■ ’'V' ,' |i»/:/ . ^K< h-. ^ iu- : -w: .‘‘ t.l'll’y f V • •,*/ '•* ’ • V • ' -V ^ *■ ’■ *-4 ^ , '* *■ , ! ,.. Ir-C 9¥ T l4. _ _ _ t . *1 ^ * ( \ I •] . .. .- . - :i'.. ,‘’' '^Vi’- f •'» 1'.; .'='3 4*4 . • ■ . ■: v . fiit ■■ ' , , - I' 71 '- .■Ji'/.i .> 4^**' .tA,i > II *. ■ !•►; . t. ■ '< ' ' ' ‘ -. . -4 '_ 'i ■ ^ i • V -4,1 V. .■ ^ > '■ »• • v- ■\ -f'* yl)' CONTENTS Page. List of songs by serial numbers - xi List of songs by catalogue numbers - xiv Special signs used in transcription of songs - xvi Phonetic key - xvii Names of singers - xvii Informants who did not record songs - xviii Proper names and other native terms - xix Characterization of singers - 1 Mandan _ 1 Hidatsa _ 2 Mandan and Hidatsa Indians - 3 Name _ 3 History and characteristics - 3 Dwellings and villages - 4 Pottery - 5 Burial customs _ 6 Language - 6 Mythology - — - 6 Music _ 7 Musical instruments _ 8 Drums _ 8 Rattles _ 8 War whistles _ 9 Courting whistles _ 9 Flageolets _ 10 Dealings with the United States Government _ 11 Mandan and Hidatsa music _ 12 Introduction _ 12 Tabulated analyses of 820 Chippewa, Sioux, Ute, Mandan, and Hidatsa songs _ 16 Analysis of Chippewa, Sioux, Ute, Mandan, and Hidatsa songs _ 26 Comparative group analyses of Mandan and Hidatsa songs^ _ 32 Graphic representation or “ plots ” _ 34 Section 1. Mandan Good Fur Robe _ 35 The office of Corn Priest _ 36 The instructions of Good Fur Robe _ 38 VII VIII CONTENTS Page. Societies organized by Good Fur Robe - 39 The Goose Women Society _ 39 Ceremony and meeting of the Goose Women Society - 40 The Black Mouth Society _ _ _ 47 Meeting of the Black Mouth Society _ 48 Customs _ 52 Singing in the gardens - 52 Eagle catching _ 60 Origin of the custom of eagle catching _ 64 Legends _ 80 Origin of the flageolet _ 80 Origin of the Buffalo Dance Society _ 84 The moon and the dancers _ 86 The black-tailed deer _ 87 Folk tales _ 89 The turtle who went to war _ 89 The man who married the birds _ 90 The coyote and the skunk _ 92 Section 2. Mandan and Hidatsa Mandan women’s societies _ 94 Skunk Society _ 94 Enemy Society _ 95 Little River Women Society _ 97 Origin of the Little River Women Society _ 97 Ceremony of the Little River Women Society _ 99 Mandan and Hidatsa men’s societies _ 108 Drums, rattles, and whistles used in the societies _ 112 Songs of the societies _ 112 Stone Hammer Society of the Hidatsa _ 113 Stone Hammer Society wand _ 115 Stone Hammer Society songs _ 116 Fox Society songs _ _ — 121 Young Dog Society song _ 129 Foolish (or Crazy) Dog Society songs _ 129 Dog Society songs _ 133 Buffalo Society songs _ 138 Horse Society songs _ 143 War songs _ 144 Miscellaneous songs _ 170 Melodic and rhythmic analysis of songs by serial numbers _ 178 Authorities cited _ 185 Index _ 187 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES Page. 1. Old Dog _ 2 2. a, James Holding Eagle. &, Scattered Corn _ 2 3. a, Crow’s Heart’s earth lodge. &, Old Dog’s log lodge _ 2 4. a, Entrance to earth lodge. &, Entrance to earth lodge, showing scaf¬ fold for drying corn _ 2 5. a, Frame of sweat lodge, h, Corn-drying scaffold _ 2 6. a, Missouri River at Crow's Heart’s landing, h, Missouri River, looking west - ^ - 2 7. Dried squash _ ^ _ 6 8. a, Camp on Fort Berthold Reservation. &, Scaffold burial on Fort Berthold Reservation _ 6 9. Hand drum, a, obverse; &, reverse, c. Foolish Dog Society rattle. d, “ Mushroom ” rattle _ 10 10. a, Pan playing on whistle. &, Whistle and Dog Society rattle _ 10 11. Plots of Mandan and Hidatsa songs _ 34 12. Plots of Mandan and Hidatsa songs _ 34 13. a, Goose Women Society drum. 1), Drumming stick used with Goose Women Society drum _ 40 14. a, Otter Woman, h, Bear-on-the-flat. c, Pan _ 40 15. a, Yellow Hair. &, Sitting Rabbit, c. Butterfly _ 62 16. a, Bone used for fastening bait in eagle catching, b, g, “ Kick-ball ” 62 17. a, Eagle trap (fllled-by vegetation in foreground), b, View from eagle trap _ 62 18. a, Sitting Crow, b, Holding Eagle _ 62 19. a, Headdress worn in Buffalo Society. &, Stone Hammer Society wand and Foolish Dog Society rattle, c, Head of Stone Hammer Society wand _ ♦ _ 112 TEXT FIGUEES 1. Whistle melody _ 10 2. Plots of Sioux songs compared with Mandan and Hidatsa songs _ 34 3. Diagram showing movements of men in ceremony of Black Mouth Society _ 48 4. Flageolet melody _ 83 5. Plot of song No. 72 _ 141 6. Plot of song No. 92 _ 161 IX 4^' • , ; *-'4 V^v >. /. > 1. ■ ■ < ^ ' r ■ •V \ ‘ ‘-^S. k:.;:-<: '. ■•■ ' »r.# ’ ■0 • . -> ? \‘, •*A ■ . ''V ,'- <5/'.''n .'.irTv-'j.ivi't :*: *Vj» . -rJK y ••?. ■— . I I -■»>,• ••(■"-7 • T f • •M . ^ .V *•: ■y ■ :^‘i .) . X:...-% f* ’ : ^ 1. 1 -f’l - i'. ' .. f -/, .?J ...i- iTii • '• ■ ‘*'’*^i^ • I V - ' ' 1 '•' S*’ **K.'^. /‘.Iti:-' '/f O'iftlS.i 'h-' rii rV. ■* >»• .' . . < ..^ » . iJf '■f'f. -. >*: 1 - .'. ’'!i» I f!l:';r '• ' - -' \\ vJiJ /i ' •'V.,'?- ».< f'-. r V.. , .• ; fv- , '1 V''^ j- ■ ■•/•'■* ^ '"*» ■' y. . ■ li -:' . ■ '■ •« ■ . .n . . » < ^ i; n: •(>{ rr: I ■' ■ . - • ♦ t , ' > -* - • ^ V WT/ ‘ • i .« ^ - / . ' . «v • t ••' I " • 2a .. .. ;: V '-'H; • ' • . *f '• J’Ujt 4- ; ■ ri . 1 ’ , ' ' /t *■ ~ ^ H ' ':■)■• ' -Ui X' U'-^ ;-*,» -■;’ . . (* ' ' ' /t ’'•>- . ^ ... .i-, :-;/;;vr;r;i7. f ••.in, r,;5f I'--,. .■ '-■ •‘' K*i^' . . ' . . -.• - > “ '. ;.; i‘: ,■ ■: ^■. . <-i V Vv'.t'- is*'- viiiV’ ’L.'l • :.*>H f '•:•? ’ * .N > V • Vo L*J{ '»'•'* *■ -* •'*’• -'I* ■- ' ^ ^ . *' ^‘ ' ' ' . -. ■ S’Xtf't'hti ')■■•.• L . V ■ :.r:!:‘ i. ' A'- -7 1 ^ J i'll V ’''. :i - Jii^; ::i-'t:7/ V ^^-:v‘-f. • ’ ' f . ' ',•*' : • ■' 'J. ..’■ * . .. . .; i.^...7-.„t’;; ;■/.• '. ;•■ . • .'- A ■' '.' < >r '' f 2* . V ‘ ■.. , ■ •’.l'}«4^. ol'>;:i«l Iv '.•'..iUupjt", •{♦■; > • — I • \ « - ^ . •T . ' •Ak ml r ^ ?: •’ ;■: 1 1 , - ■ J ■ . ■ 4 T •• • • »a >< » t * •. »^r***-*» •* i* •!> U/v • '*' • •'. . , , ^ ^ i I* ax ’ * " ^ ‘ 1'*^/ *' , * *•.*■'. ' . . .'■ •. . '. ':T ^ty'r 'i‘* )‘A‘ > • ; . • ^ -• if, V Vfy % , . \:. ■ .•/ 'li-- r n-2 • . 1 1-- ''* 'Si >.• .‘I *»' % • s I.:. ■ . i.-?- • • -,• >r*^ • LIST OF SONGS 1. Arranged in Order or Serial Numbers Songs of the Goose Women Society Serial No. Catalogue No. Page. 1. The Captive song _ 808 42 2. Song of the Goose Women Society (a) _ 809 43 3. “ My daughter ” _ 810 44 4. Song of the Corn Priest _ 812 45 5. Song of the Goose Women Society (b) _ 811 46 Songs of the Black Mouth Society 6. Song to the raven - 861 49 7. “ Earth always endures ” _ 859 50 8. “ Enemies are many ” _ 860 50 9. Going to dance _ 903 51 10. Black Mouth Society song _ 869 52 Garden Songs 11. “Kill the blackbirds” _ 877 54 12. “ The corn is my pleasure ” _ 813 54 13. “I am alone ” - 814 55 14. “ My lover is dead ” _ 875 56 15. “ My heart aches every day ” _ 878 57 16. “ This is her village ” - 874 58 17. Song to the corn _ 876 59 18. “ The first wife laughs ” _ 906 60 Songs Connected With Eagle Catching 19. Song of the buffalo _ 821 70 20. Song of the black eagle _ 822 71 21. Song of the coyote (a) _ : - 823 72 22. Song of the snake _ : _ 824 73 23. Song when making the brush shelter _ 825 74 24. Song when making the sweat lodge _ 826 75 25. Song when making the eagle trap - 827 76 26. Song when preparing the bait - 828 77 27. Song of the little wolverine - 829 77 28. Song of the goose - 830 78 29. Song of the swan _ 831 79 30. Song concerning the twine - 832 80 XI XII LIST OF SONGS Songs Connected With Legends and Folk-Tales Serial No. Catalogue No. Page. 31. Song of the leader of the herd _ 838 86 32. Song of the moon _ 842 87 33. Song of the deer _ 837 88 34. Song of the turtle who went to war - 893 90 35. Song of the man who married the birds _ 894 92 36. Dancing song of the skunk _ 820 93 Songs of AVomen’s Societies (Mandan) 37. “ He never will return ” _ 807 95 38. “ He stared at me ” _ 819 96 39. Song of the spirit women _ 800 101 40. “ The Missouri women ” _ 801 103 4L Song of the bear - 802 104 Song of the shell _ 803 105 Song of the coyote (b) _ 804 106 Dancing song of the Little River Women Society _ 805 106 Song of the Little River Women Society (a) _ 872 107 Song of the Little River Women Society (b) _ 873 107 Songs of the Stone Hammer Society (Hidatsa) ^47. “ I desire to take you with me ” _ 884 117 4’8. “ Let us go” _ 885 118 49. “ Run away ” _ 886 119 '>G Id Songs or Men’s Societies (Mandan and Hidatsa) 2d fox society 50. “ I want to live ” _ ‘ _ 887 120 51. “Need I be afraid?” _ 899 121 52. Fox Society war song (a) _ 895 122 53. Fox Society funeral song _ 890 123 54. Fox Society war song (b) _ 850 124 55. Fox Society serenade _ 871 125 56. Fox Society song _ ; _ 867 126 57. Fox Society love song _ 868 126 00 YOUNG DOG SOCIETY 58. “Wake up” _ 835 127 59. “Why did you sleep?” _ 836 128 i^O. Young Dog Society serenade _ 870 129 IT 2T FOOLISH DOG SOCIETY Qi. “You did it” _ 843 130 62. Foolish Dog Society serenade _ 844 130 68. “ I cannot sleep ” _ 905 131 64. “ It is my own fault ” _ 909 132 i ) 77 DOG SOCIETY 6.5. “If I go ” _ 852 134 66. Dog Society serenade (a) _ 853 135 67. Dog Society serenade (b) _ 857 136 68. “ The enemy are like women ” _ 863 137 LIST OF SONGS xlii BUFFALO SOCIETY Serial No. Catalogue No. Page. 69. Buffalo Society song (a) _ 854 . 138 70. Buffalo Society song (b) - 855 Ipi) 71. Buffalo Society song (c) _ 856 140 72. Buffalo Society dancing song - 849 141 73. Buffalo Society serenade (a) - 845 142 74. Buffalo Society serenade (b) - 904 1^2 HORSE SOCIETY 75. Horse Society song (a) _ 833 143 76. Horse Society song (b) - 834 1^ -j WAR SONGS 77. Song when organizing a war party _ 78. “Young wolves', do your best” _ 79. Old war song _ 80. War medicine song _ 81. “ I will bring the wind ” _ 82. “ Take me to the Sioux ” _ 83. “I will go” _ 84. “ Comrades, sleep on ” _ 85. “ She walks alone ” _ 86. Song to renew a warrior’s strength _ 87. Woman’s scalp dance song _ ! 88. Butterfly’s war song _ 89. Song in praise of generosity _ 90. Victory song _ 91. Song of triumph _ 92. “ He holds a knife in his hand ” _ 93. “ The enemy came as a wolf ” _ 94. “ I killed three ” _ 95. “ Disguised as a buffalo ” _ 96. “ I will pursue him ” _ 97. “ The hated enemy ” _ : _ 98. “ The Sioux come ” _ 99. “What was it you struck?” _ 100. “ I do not fear ” _ _ _ _ 101. “ You are foolish ” _ 102. War song _ I Miscellaneous Songs 888 146 865 147 896 148 891 149 846 IpO 848 151 907 152 880 864 154 858 155 902 155 897 156 881 157 806 158 815 159 816 150 817 161 818 163 847 164 851 165 866 166 882 167 862 168 879 168 908 169 889 170 103. “ Whose track is it? ” _ 104. Song to a little child _ 105. Song of an elk dream _ 106. “ We made fire ” _ 107. Song of derision _ , _ 108. “ The kettle is burning ” _ 109. “ The youngest wife of the chief ” 110. Song on the roof of the lodge - 982 171 901 172 883 173 898 174 839 1,75 840 176 841 177 900 178 ^aia- ogue No. 800 801 802 803 804 805 806 807 808 809 810 811 812 813 814 815 816 817 818 819 820 821 822 823 824 825 826 827 828 829 830 831 832 833 834 835 836 837 838 101 103 104 105 106 106 158 95 42 43 44 46 45 54 55 159 160 161 163 96 93 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 77 78 79 80 143 144 127 128 88 86 LIST OF SONGS 2. Arranged in Order of Catalogue Numbers Title of song Song of the spirit women . Song of the deer . Song of the leader of the herd . “The Missouri women” . . do . Song of the bear . . do . Song of the shell . . do . Song of the coyote (b) . . do . Dancing song of the Little River Women Society. Victory song . . do . . do . “ He never will return” . . do . The captive song . . do . Song of the Goose Women Society (a) . . do . “My daughter” . . do . Song of the Goose Women Society (b) . . do . Song of the Corn Priest . . do . “The corn is my pleasure” . . do . “ I am alone” . . do . Song of triumph . . do . “ He holds a knife in his hand ” . . do . “The enemy came as a wolf” . . do . “I killed three” . . do . “He stared at me” . . do . Dancing song of the skunk . . do . Song of the buffalo . Ben Benson . Song of the black eagle . . do . Song of the coyote (a) . . do . Song of the snake . . do . Song when making the brush shelter . . do . Song when making the sweat lodge . . do . Song when making the eagle trap . . do . Song when preparing the bait . . do . Song of the little wolverine . . do . Song of the goose . . do . Song of the swan . . do . Song concerning the twine . . do . Horse Society song (a) . . do . Horse Society song (b) . . do . “Wake up” . “Why did you sleep?” . . do . Name of singer Scattered Corn. Bear-on-the-flat . - do . aia- )gue SJo. 839 840 841 842 843 844 845 846 847 848 849 850 851 852 853 854 855 856 857 858 859 860 861 862 863 864 865 866 867 868 869 870 871 872 873 874 875 876 877 878 879 880 ige 175 176 177 87 130 130 142 150 164 151 141 124 165 134 135 138 139 140 136 155 50 50 49 168 137 154 147 166 126 126 52 129 125 107 107 58 56 59 54 57 LIST OF SONGS Title of song Name of singer Song of derision . Bear-on-the-flat . . . . do . “The kettle is burning” . “The youngest wife of the chief” . . do . Song of the moon . . do . “You did it” . . do . Foolish Dog Society serenade . . do . Buffalo Society serenade (a) . . do . “ I will brinff the wind ” . . do . “Disguised as a buffalo” . . do . “Take me to the Sioux” . . do . Buffalo Society dancing song . . do . Fox Society war song (b) . Holding Eagle . “I will pursue him” . . do . “If I go” . . do . Dog Society serenade (a) . . do . Buffalo Society song (a) . . do . Buffalo Society song (b) . . do . Buffalo Society song (c) . . do . Dog Society serenade (b) . . . do . Song to renew a warrior’s strength . . do . “ Earth always endures” . W ounded Face .... . do . “ Enemies are many” . Song to the raven . . do . “ What was it you struck?” . Crow’s Heart . “The enemy are like women” . Wounded Face. . . . . do . “ She walks alone” . “Young wolves, do your best” . . do . “The hated enemy” . . do . Fox Society song . Sitting Rabbit. . . . . do . Fox Society love song . Black Mouth Society song . . do . Young Dog Society serenade . . do . Fox Society serenade . . do . Song of the Little River Women Society (a) . . do . Song of the Little River Women Society (b). . do . “ This is her village” . Otter Woman . “ My lover is dead ” . . do . Song to the corn . . do . “Kill the blackbirds” . . do . “My heart aches every day” . . do . “ I do not fear” . Crow’s Heart . “Comrades, sleep on” . . do . XVI LIST OF SONGS Cata¬ logue No. at l881 ov;882 VT1883 V8 884 081885 0<: ^886 S41887 05 '888 ^0^889 ^"4890 I ^{891 1.S;!892 501893 ir. ;894 58 895 88]896 08:897 0j[i <898 08*899 55:900 05 901 05 902 0^ 903 80004 V8i905 151 906 00 907 02 908 OS 909 25 - Title of song Name of singer Song in praise of generosity . Crow’s Heart . ‘^The Sioux come” . . do . Song of an elk dream . . do . ‘‘ I desire to take you with me” . Pan . Let us go” . . do . “ Run away” . . do . want to live” . . do . Song when organizing a war party . Old Dog . War song . . do . Fox Society funeral song . . do . War medicine song . . do . Whose track is it? ” . Wolf Head . Song of the turtle who went to war . . do . Song of the man who married the birds . . . . do . Fox Society war song (a) . . do . Old war song . Butterfly . Butterfly’s war song . . do . “We made fire” . . do . “Need I be afraid?” . Good Bear . Song on the roof of the lodge . . do . Song to a little child . Leading One . Woman’s scalp dance song . . do . Going to dance . Little Crow . Buffalo Society serenade (b) . . do . “I can not sleep” . Little Crow and wife. Yellow Hair . “The first wife laughs” . “ I will go” . Wolf Ghost . “You are foolish” . Harry Eaton . “ It is mv own fault” . James Driver . Serial No. Page 89 157 98 167 105 173 47 117 48 118 49 119 50 120 77 146 102 170 53 123 80 149 103 171 34 90 35 92 52 122 79 148 88 156 106 174 51 121 110 178 104 172 87 155 9 51 74 142 63 131 18 60 83 152 101 169 64 132 SPECIAL SIGNS USED IN TRANSCKIPTIONS OF SONGS 5sr VOlThese signs are intended simply as aids to the student in becom¬ ing acquainted with the songs. They should be understood as supple¬ mentary to the descriptive analysis rather than a part of the musical igotation. 05 + placed above a note shows that the tone was sung slightly higher than the indicated pitch. In many instances the tones designated by this and the following sign were “ unfocused tones, ” or were tones whose intonation varied in the several renditions of the sons:. O NAMES OF SINGERS XVII The intonation of these tones was not such as to suggest the inten¬ tional use of fractional intervals ” by the sin'ger. — placed above a note shows that the tone was sung slightly lower than the indicated pitch. ( placed above a note shows that the tone was prolonged slightly beyond the indicated time. This and the following sign are used only when the deviation from strict time is less than half the time unit of the song and appears to be unimportant. In many instances the duration of the tones thus marked is variable in the several renditions of the song. ) placed above a note shows that the tone was given slightly less than the indicated time. I I placed above a series of notes indicates that these tones constitute a rhythmic unit. (See footnote to Table 19.) PHONETIC KEY Vowels have the Continental pronunciation — a as in father i as in marine i as in writ e as in they e as in net o as in note u as in rule u as in but Consonants have the usual sounds except — s is pronounced sh h represents a strong guttural resembling the Arabic ghain. g represents a deep sonant guttural resembling the Arabic kha. NAMES OF SINGERS It should be understood, in connection with the following lists, that Mandan is practically an unwritten language and that Hidatsa varies as spoken by different individuals; words belonging to one tribe are also used by the other tribe to some extent. The Mandan words and terms herewith presented were written by James Holding Eagle (pi. 2, a) , the son of one of the few remaining full-blood Man- dans. He is the only Mandan who can write his own language to any extent and probably speaks it more correctly than anyone else who can understand English. It was the language of his home when he was a child and he learned at that time what is known as the “ old Mandan.” The spelling of the Hidatsa words is that given by Mr. Fred Huber, the writer’s principal Hidatsa interpreter. Work 2118°— 23 - 2 XVIII INFORMANTS WHO DID NOT RECORD SONGS by interpreters employed in 1912 was revised by Mr. Huber in 1915 in order to secure uniformity, especially in the use of the letters r, Z, and n. Mr. Huber died March 13, 1918, and a limited number of words were supplied by other interpreters in the summer of that year. MANDAN Common name Mandan name Translation Num¬ ber of songs Mrs. Holding Eagle . Wo^pite . Scattered Corn . 21 Ben Benson . Maro'^hpa . Buffalo Bull Head . 16 Flat Bear . Ob^Mta^mato . Bear on the Flat . 13 Wounded Face^ . Paii^ . Wounded Face . 7 Mrs. Little Crow ^* . Be^htake . Otter Woman . 5 Crow’s Heart . Ke^kanaYka . Crow’s Heart . 6 Sitting Rabbit . Ma^htikikana^ka . Sitting Rabbit . 7 Little Crow ^ . Ke^kaha^mahe . Little Crow . 2 Wolf Head ^ . HaYetu^pa . Wolf Head . 4 Wolf Ghost . Ha''retunu''liige . Wolf Ghost . 1 HIDATSA Holding Eagle ^ . Ma^isuiak Yis . Holding Eagle . 9 Old Dog . Ma'^sukati'^as . Old Dog . 4 Butterfly ® . Apaii'^gus . White Clay Nose . 3 Pan ^ . Matsi^ wirus . Pine Wood . 4 Good Bear ® . N ahpi^tsitsakis . Good Bear . 2 Yellow Hair . AYatsiYis . Yellow Hair . 2 Mrs. Crow’s Heart . A^koatas . Leading One . 2 Harry Eaton . Is 'tanuweYsas . One Eye . 1 James Driver . Na^kiiis . Driver . 1 1 Died January 29, 1921. 2 Died October 15, 1921. 3 Died June 10, 1913. Recorded one additional song with his wife. Otter Woman. < Died January 1, 1922. 6 Died March 9, 1918. ® Died January 27, 1916. 7 Died August 11, 1918. 8 Died July 15, 1918. 9 Died January 3, 1917. INFORMANTS WHO DID NOT RECORD SONGS MANDAN Common name Mandan name Translation Sitting Crow . Ke^kamaakanu'^ka . Sitting Crow. Water Chief. Water Chief ^ . Mi^nakinuma^ksi . 1 Died July 20, 1917. PROPER NAMES AND OTHER NATIVE TERMS XIX HIDATSA Buffalo Paunch ^ . . Ki^dapi^his . Dancing Bull ^ . Ki^'dapPmadi^sis Joseph Packineau . > Died November 8, 1918. * Died January 29, 1918. PEOPEK NAMES AND OTHER NATIVE TERMS Mandan MPhisP Pago^sinanda Waru^paha^guske Ka^ohe IheMami Mista^wadu^sa Ma^htipte^he Ha'retasi Hidatsa One Buffalo . Wedok^mahana Elk Woman . Ma^rokawPa Mandan and Hidatsa Equivalents (not Appearing in the Text) MANDAN SOCIETIES AMONG THE WOMEN Society . O'hate Goose Women Society . MPha o^hate Skunk Society . Sun^hte o^hate Enemy Society . WPdami o^hate Little River Women Society.. . -Pasa'mi o^hate MANDAN SOCIETIES AMONG THE MEN White Society . So^hta o^hate Fox Society . . . O^ha o^hate (also given as I^hokaPke o^hate) Young Dog Society . Mi^nisinik o^hate Foolish Dog Society . MPniso^hka o^hate Dog Society . MPnis o^hate Black Mouth Society . Fapsifade o^hate Buffalo Society . Pasa^sa oTiate Coarse Hair Society . HIDATSA SOCIETIES AMONG THE MEN Society (general term) . Bu^dawanPdi Notched Stick Society . (?) Stone Hammer Society . MPi maii^paki Fox Society . I^hohga (also given as Fhukisi) Lump wood Society . MPdahPsi Crazy Dog Society . Mu^sugawana^he Dog Society . MWsugaPhka (intended, or wanted, to be a dog) Good Fur Robe. Head Rattle . Rawhide Loop.. Swinging Corn.. Moves Slowly.. . Iron Eyes . Running Rabbit Black Wolf . Buffalo Bull Paunch. Dancing Buffalo Bull. XX PROPER NAMES AND OTHER NATIVE TERMS Blackmouth . ITsipPhe (Pi, mouth, sipPhe, black) Buffalo Society . KPdapi Half cut Society . Tsu''ta (half) giragu^ga (shaved, or cut) Bad Ear Society . Ako^hanitsi Names of Musical Instruments Mandan Drum . Da^mamPhe Large drum . Da^mamPhe Small drum . Da'mamPhe Rattle . I^na . “Mushroom rattle”. . . .HnupsPka... Whistle . Ti^koska - Flageolet . I^wuku . Hidatsa Mada^haliki Mada^haliki iktPa Mada^haliki karis^ta Ha^bowa .(not used by Hidatsa) Mi^daia^kosi MPdaia'kotse (“singing whistle”) MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC By Frances Densmore CHAEACTEEIZATION OF SINGEES Mandan The group of Mandan singers and informants comprised prac¬ tically all the full-blood Mandans living on the reservation when the material was collected. They were persons of strong individuality and upright character. None were less than 50 years of age and a majority were probably more than 65 years old at the time. Little Crow and Water Chief died before the field work was completed. The only one of the number who spoke enough English to carry on a meager conversation was Ben Benson, and he required an inter¬ preter when giving his information concerning tribal customs. What may be regarded as the oldest and most valuable material was given by Scattered Corn (pi. 2, &), daughter of Moves Slowly, the last corn priest of the Mandan, who died in 1904. He is said to have been “ the last of a line of 34 priests whose names are kept in a pictographic record, with their ages, which average between 60 and TO years.” ^ This gave authority to her statements con¬ nected with the corn customs. Little Crow, who recorded songSi in 1912 and died the follow¬ ing year, was an aged and highly honored member of the tribe. Wounded Face is a fine type of the old Indian in his character and bearing. He appears to have acted as an informant to all who have studied the customs of his tribe. Ben Benson is a much younger man who has filled with credit the office of Indian police¬ man and taken other responsibilities in connection with his people. Crow’s Heart is prominent in the life of the reservation and repre¬ sents an entirely different type from the other singers. That he might be termed “ a man of affairs ” is shown by the following incidents. The Mandan and Hidatsa village at Fort Berthold was abandoned in 1887 and the Indians subsequently were given allot¬ ments, the Mandans being located on the western side of the Mis- 1 Will and Hyde. Corn among the Indians of the Upper Missouri, p. 268. 1 2 BUKEAU OF AMERICAFT ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 souri Kiver and most of the Hidatsa on the eastern side, where the agency is located. Crow’s Heart’s land was on the shore of the Missouri River, making it accessible both by water and land. There he built an earth lodge of the old type (pi. 3, <2), having no win¬ dows and with a corn-drying scaffold over the door (pi. 4).^ He built a comfortable log house for himself and later a two-story house for his son, who is a successful cattle raiser. Near his group of buildings he erected a “ cedar post ” with a paling around it, similar to that in the Mandan section of the Fort Berthold vil¬ lage (see p. 5). There is an excellent camping ground at this point, and “ Crow’s Heart’s place ” became a kind of communal center for the Mandans. Many feasts and gatherings were held in his earth lodge, one of which was attended by the writer, who was afterwards taken across the river by Crow’s Heart in hisi “bull boat,” or round hide boat of the old type. Many travelers, as well as the Indians, have been taken across in this manner, so that the location is known as “ Crow’s. Heart’s Landing,” or “ Crow’s Heart’s Ferry,” and from this business he has acquired a considerable income. The site is shown in Plate 6, a. Hidatsa This group of singers comprised a wider range of ages than the group of Mandans. Butterfly was probably the oldest Hidatsa singer; Good Bear was highly respected and for many years was judge in the agency court of Indian offenses ; and Holding Eagle was a prominent member of the tribe. These three died before the pres¬ ent work was completed. Pan has adapted himself to the white man’s ways and is an industrious farmer. Old Dog (pi. 1) has a log “council house” (pi. 3, &) near his dwelling, which serves as a communal center for the Hidatsa of the vicinity, much as Crow’s Heart’s does for the Mandans, though the two tribes mingle freely in these gatherings. Old Dog’s house is on the eastern side of the Missouri River and only a few miles from the agency. The group consists of several dwellings and a sweat lodge (pi. 5, a). In con¬ struction it differs from Crow’s Heart’s and resembles the dance houses of the Sioux and Chippewa, being built of logs laid in hori¬ zontal rows and plastered with mud ; it also has two or three -small windows with glass panes. James Driver was the youngest Hidatsa whose songs were recorded. He is representative of the present generation of Indians who sing a type of song different from the old melodies of the tribe. * The woman seated on the ground is softening a hide by drawing it back and forth across a dull scythe fastened to the post. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 1 OLD DOG BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 2 a. James Holding Eagle b. Scattered Corn BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 3 a. Crow’s Heart’s earth lodge 6. Old Dog’s log lodge BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 4 a. Entrance to earth lodge h. Entrance to earth lodge, showing seal! old for drying corn BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 5 a. Frame of sweat lodge b. Com-drying scaffold BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE Missouri River, looking west bfeNSMORE] mandan and hidatsa music 3 MANDAN AND HIDATSA INDIANS Name Mandan. — The origin of this name is not fully established, though many hold the opinion that it is a corruption of the Dakota word “ Miwatani,” which, it is said, was applied to these people by the Sioux. Matthews states that “ Previous to 1837, they called them¬ selves simply NumakaH, People^ Men. They sometimes spoke of themselves and the Minnetarees together as Nuweta, Ourselves. A large band of their tribe was called Siposka-numakaki, Prairie- hen People^ or Grouse Men.^'‘^ La Verendrye in his journal (1738- 39), speaks of “the Mandans, who were formerly called Ouachi- pouanne.” ^ Hidatsa. — “ The name Hidatsa, by which they now call them¬ selves, has been said, with doubtful authority, to mean ‘ willows,’ and is stated by Matthews to have been originally the name only of a principal village of the tribe in their old home on Knife r. . . . By the Mandans they are known as Minitari, signifying ‘they crossed the water,’ traditionally said to refer to their having crossed the Missouri r. from the E. . . . The Crows call them Amashi, ‘ earth lodges.’ ” ® History and Characteristics Mandan. — This Siouan tribe occupied an important strategic posi¬ tion on the northern Missouri Kiver (pi. 6, Z>). They were visited by Sieur de la Verendrye in 1738 and later by Maximilian, Lewis and Clark, Catlin, and other explorers, who recorded their impressions of the tribes and its customs. While related to the tribes immedi¬ ately to the south and west (the Dakota and Crow) in language, the Mandan differed from them in habits and type of dwelling. Traditions concerning the history of these people are scanty, but “the fact that when first encountered by the whites they relied to some extent on agriculture as a means of subsistence would seem to justify the opinion that they were, at some time past, in a region where agriculture was practiced.” ® According to Catlin, the Mandan were “ very interesting and pleasing people in their personal appearance and manners.” He states further that “ They are handsome, straight, and elegant in their forms — not tall, but quick and graceful; easy . and polite in their manners, neat in their persons, and beautifully ^ Matthews, Ethnography of the Hidatsa. * La Verendrye’s Journal, in Report on Canadian Archives, 1889, p. 5. ® Handbook Amer. Inds., pt. 1, p. 547. ® Handbook Amer. Inds., pt. 1, art. Mandan, p. 797. 4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull.. 80 clad.”^ Early writers are agreed as to their friendliness and hos¬ pitality. Hidatsa. — “According to their own tradition the Hidatsa came from the neighborhood of a lake N.E. of their later home, and identi¬ fied by some of their traditionists with Mini-wakan or Devils lake, N. Dak. . . . Removing from there, perhaps in consequence of at¬ tacks by the Sioux, they moved S. W. and allied themselves with the Mandan, who then lived on the W. side of the Missouri, about the mouth of Heart r. The three tribes, Hidatsa, Mandan, and Ankara, were all living in this vicinity about 1765. . . . Some time before 1796 these two tribes [Mandan and Hidatsa] moved up the river to the vicinity of Knife r., where they were found by Lewis and Clark in 1804. . . . There was no change in the location of the villages until after the terrible smallpox epidemic of .1837, which so greatly reduced the Indian population of the upper Missouri. ... In 1845 they and the remnant of the Mandan also, about the same time, moved up the river and established themselves in a new village close to the trading post of Ft. Berthold, on the N. bank of the Missouri and some distance below the entrance of the Little Missouri, in North Dakota. ... In home life, religious beliefs and customs, house build¬ ing, agriculture, the use of the skin boat, and general arts, they closely resembled the Mandan with whom they were associated.” ® Under the name of the Minatarees they are mentioned by early writers as having essentially the same agreeable characteristics as the Mandans. “And they are now officially known as Gros Ventres . . . , a name applied also to the Atsina, a detached tribe of the Arap- aho.” ® Both Mandan and Hidatsa are agricultural people, among their methods of preserving food being the drying of corn on scaffolds and the cutting of squash in thin slices that are strung on ropes of grass and dried (pi. 7). Some corn scaffolds have high poles at the sides, on which are hung strings of corn with the husks braided to¬ gether. A corn scaffold with only the floor on which the sheaves of corn are laid is shown in plate 5, h. Such a scaffold was usually over a sort of “ porch ” that formed an entrance to the earth lodge, as in plate 4, Z>. Dwellings and Villages ’ Mandan. — The typical dwelling of the Mandan was the round earth-covered lodge with a scaffold over the entrance (pi. 4, a). In 1804 Catlin visited a Mandan village which consisted of such dwell- ’ Catlin, Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians, vol. 1, pp. 93, 96. 8 Handbook Amer. Inds., pt. 1, art. Hidatsa, p. 548. » Handbook Amer. Inds., pt. 1, art. Hidatsa, pp. 547-548. densmore] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 5 ings and was located on a high bank or promontory overlooking the Missouri River. Two sides of the village were protected by the river, which at this point turned at a sharp angle. The third side was protected by a strong piquet, and a ditch inside of it, of 3 or 4 feet in depth.” Back of the village, on the level prairie, were the scaffolds used in disposing of the dead, and at a longer distance were the tribal gardens. The earth lodges were close together ex¬ cept for a “ ceremonial space ” in the center of the village. In this was a primitive structure, called by various writers an “ ark ” or a “ big canoe.” To the writer it was described as a paling of slabs about 6 feet high, within which was a cedar post said to represent “One Man, brother of First Man.”^^ Wlien the village in which the Mandan and Hidatsa dwelt at F ort Berthold was abandoned, this structure was moved to Crow’s Heart’s allotment, as described on page 2. The tops of the lodges were used for various purposes. They served as a place for storing large articles, such as sledges and hide boats (“bull boats”), as well as pottery. Buffalo skulls were usu¬ ally to be seen there, and on pleasant days the scalps of the enemy were displayed that the entire village might see them. It was not unusual for men to play games, warriors to relate their exploits, and women to make garments on the tops of the lodges. In the evening the entire family gathered there and sang, the custom of singing on the lodge tops being a pleasant phase of village life. (See songs 57 and 110.) Hidatsa. — After taking up their abode with the Mandan it ap¬ pears that the Hidatsa used the same type of house as that tribe. The form of their dwellings before that time must be somewhat a matter of conjecture, but we note that the communal house, or “council house,” of Old Dog, an Hidatsa, was a log structure similar to that of the Sioux and Chippewa, while the Mandan retained the earth lodge for their gathering place. Pottery Mandan. — The excellent quality of Mandan pottery is the more interesting as this tribe lived on the northwestern limit of the pottery area. The ware was thin and well made, with characteristic forms and decoration. In color it was usually black, though sometimes a dull orange or red from firing. The decorations were of two types, the incised and the cord-marked patterns.^^ Catlin, op. cit., vol. 1, pp, 81—82, Cf. also Maximilian, Travels, Pt. II, pp. 266-269. ^ See analysis of song No. 21. “ Will and Spinden, The Mandans, Papers Peabody Mus. Amer. Archaeol. and Ethn., Vol. Ill, no. 4, pp. 173-179. 6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 Burial Customs Mandan. — In his account of the Mandan village Catlin states that “the dead are on scaffolds just back of the village, on the level prairie, some hundreds of bodies being there. . . . When the scaf¬ folds fall the skulls are placed in circles on the prairie, each skull on a bunch of wild sage, renewed from time to time.”^^ The people of the village were said to betake themselves often to these circles of skulls, sitting for hours at a time and talking to or caress¬ ing the skull of a deceased relative. Scaffolds for the dead were used on the Fort Berthold Beservation until comparatively recent time, the accompanying illustration being a scene well remembered by Dr. C. L. Hall, who sup^Dlied the photograph. (PI. 8, h.) Hidatsa. — Lowie states that “two modes of burial were in vogue, and the one preferred by the dying man was followed. One method was that of actual interment, the director digging a pit into which the body was lowered. . . . The second way was scaffold burial.^^. Language Mandan. — This is unquestionably of Siouan stock. There are only two small publications in the Mandan language. One is the Ten Commandments, translated by Dr. C. L. Hall, missionary of the Con¬ gregational Church on the Fort Berthold Beservation, and the other is a hymn book and translation of the Lord’s Prayer prepared by his son, Mr. B. D. Hall. A vocabulary of the Mandan was compiled by Maximilian,^^ and a comparative table of the Mandan and other languages was prepared by Catlin.^® The only modern study of the language and grammar is that by Will and Spinden, which contains an English-Mandan vocabulary.^^ Hidatsa. — Like the Mandan, this is of Siouan stock. At the present time it is much more widely spoken than the Mandan, which is fast dying out. A vocabulary of the Hidatsa was compiled by Maxi¬ milian,^® but a comprehensive consideration is given the subject by Matthews, including a grammar and Hidatsa-English and English- Hidatsa vocabularies.^® Mythology The Mandan relate a story concerning the origin of the first man, and also a story concerning the appearance of the tribe on the earth. Catlin, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 89-90. Lowie, Notes on the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Indians, pp. 51-52. Maximilian, Travels, pt. HI, pp. 234-261. Catlin, op. cit., vol. 2, Appendix B. Will and Spinden, The Mandans, Papers Peabody Mus. Amer. Archaeol. and Ethn., vol. HI, no. 4. Maximilian, op. cit., pp. 261-276. Matthews, Ethnography of the Hidatsa, pp. 89-239, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 7 DRIED SQUASH BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 8 a. (’’amp on Fort Berthold Reservation b. Scallold burial on Fort Berthold Reservation dbnsmore] mandan and hidatsa music 7 These stories have nothing in common and are related by the same individual with no attempt at correlation. Thus Scattered Corn said that her father (Moves Slowly) was the last man who could relate in its entirety the “long story about First Man”; she said that she knew it somewhat imperfectly, but related in detail the story of the tribe’s ascent through a hole in the ground. Both were recorded by Maximilian, details were added by Catlin and by Lewis and Clark, and versions differing in slight degrees have appeared in recent times. The longer story is a creation myth, summarized as fol¬ lows: Lord of Life created First Man, who in turn created the earth from mud brought by a duck from the bottom of the sea. A, dispute arose between Lord of Life and First Man as to which should address the other as father, and they made what might be termed a test of immortality. In some versions Lord of Life was victorious, while in a version given in connection with song No. 21 of the pres¬ ent work the result of the contest was indeterminate. The con¬ testants in this form of the legend were Old Man Coyote and Cedar Post. From this point the story concerns the shaping of the land and its populating with man and animals. The shorter story states that the Mandan lived beneath the earth. The roots of a grape¬ vine grew down to their abode and admitted the light. With the help of various animals this hole was enlarged and the people climbed up the grapevine to this earth. About half the people had ascended, when a very corpulent woman broke the vine. Thus a portion of the tribe remained below. It is said this happened “ near a lake, to the east.” Good Fur Robe was their chief when they came upon this * earth, and he taught them how to live in their new surroundings. Besides these stories there are a number of unrelated legends, such as the legends concerning Old Woman Who Never Dies and the origin of the tribal societies. Music The music of the Mandan and Hidatsa is fully considered in this paper; the following comments by early travelers are, however, of interest in this connection. John Bradbury, of England, who went to Fort Berthold in the early part of the nineteenth century, wrote as follows concerning the singing of the “Aricaras, Mandans, and Minetarees, or Gros Ventres”: “I observed that their voices were in perfect unison, and although, according to pur ideas of music, there was neither harmony nor melody, yet the effect was pleasing, as there evidently was system, all the changes of tone being as exactly conformable in point of time as if only one voice had been heard. Catlin, who visited them about 25 years later, made this Bradbury, Travels in the Interior of America, p. 116. 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY . [bull. 80 observation : “ There is evidently a set song and sentiment for every dance, for the songs are perfectly measured, and sung in exact time with the beat of the drum, and always with an uniform and in¬ variable set of sounds and expressions . . . which are expressed by the voice, though sometimes not given in any known lan¬ guage whatever. They have other dances and songs which are not so mystified, but which are sung and understood by every person in the tribe, being sung in their own language, with much poetry in them, and perfectly metered, but without rhyme.” Musical Instruments Drums. — The Mandan appear 'to have used only the hand drum of the type common to many tribes and shown in plate 9, a, h. This was of various sizes, the smallest, perhaps, being that used in the Goose Women Society (pi. 13, a). This drum was decorated with drawings of goose tracks, but no mention was made of decora¬ tions on other drums. Sitting Crow said that some of the drums used in the men’s societies were “ as large as he could reach around with his two arms.” The average size was about 18 inches in diameter. The drumming stick illustrated in plate 9, is similar to that shown by Catlin in pictures of the Buffalo Society and other dances. A different kind of stick was used with the Goose Women Society drum, as shown in plate 13, h. The writer’s informants remembered drums made of hide stretched over turtle shells. These may have been common to both tribes, as Pepper and Wilson state that “ in the Buffalo dance the Turtle gods were represented by drums.” Rattles. — The principal types of rattles used by both Mandan and Hidatsa were, (1) a receptacle containing small stones or shot and fastened to a handle, and (2) a decorated stick to which pieces of deer hoof were loosely attached. The first type was used in the Black Mouth and Foolish Dog Societies (see pp. 48, 137). Two specimens of a Foolish Dog rattle are illustrated, one being made for the w^riter (pi. 9, c) and the other (pi. 19, h) being in the collection of the North Dakota Historical Society. A photograph of the latter specimen was taken to the reservation and shown to the old men, who identified it as a rattle of this society.^^ It consists of a rawhide receptacle con¬ taining shot or small pebbles and surrounded by short sections of tail feathers with stiff quills. Long feathers of the eagle were hung from this receptacle. The specimen is 18 inches long (exclusive of the loop 21 Catlin, Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians, vol. 1, p. 126. 22 An Hidatsa shrine, footnote, p. 299. 23 The writer acknowledges the courtesy of Dr. Melvin R. Gilmore, curator of the North Dakota Historical Society, in loaning this specimen for photography. Other spicimens thus loaned were the “Mushroom” rattle (pi. 9, d) , the Goose Women Society drum (pi. 13, a), and the headdress worn in the Buffalo Society (pi. 19, a). DENS more] MANDAN and HIDATSA MUSIC 9 for hanging it) , the eagle feathers constituting about half this length. The rawhide head is about 3^ inches thick. Hawk feathers were used on these rattles if eagle feathers were not available. A ‘‘ mushroom- shaped rattle” (pi. 9, d) of somewhat similar construction was used in the ceremony that followed the eagle catching (pp. 62, 63). The Dog Society rattle (pi. 10, b) was supplied by Wounded Face, who said it had been in his possession for many years. Song No. 68 was recorded with the accompaniment of this rattle. Wounded Face said that a dancer held the rattle in his right hand, which hung at his side, the rattle being shaken in that position. War whistles. — Each society had its form of war whistle, or, ac¬ cording to Maximilian, its “war pipe,” made of a wing bone of a bird. Among the war pipes enumerated by Maximilian is a double whistle made of the wing bone of the goose. Wounded Face de¬ scribed a similar whistle made of quills, saying that the quills were those of very large birds, that they were cut 4 or 5 inches in length, fastened together side by side, and blown by directing the breath 'across the upper open ends of the quills. This whistle was said to produce two tones of different pitch. Maximilian states that the various sorts of war pipes are “ among the badges of the unions, which divide the men into six classes, according to their age.” He says “The first band or union is com¬ posed of the ‘foolish dogs.’ . . . They are young people from ten to fifteen years of age, and wear a pipe made of the wing bone of the wild goose which is but small. . . . The second class or band is that of the crows or ravens; it consists of young men from twenty to twenty-five years of age.” Theirs is “ a double war-pipe consisting of two wing bones of a goose joined together. . . . The third class or band is that of the soldiers,” who “ paint the upper part of the face red, and the lower part black. Their war pipe is large, and made of the wing bone of a crane. . . . The fourth band, that of the dogs . . . have a large war pipe of the wing bone of a swan. The fifth band is that of the buffaloes. . . . This band alone has a wooden war pipe.” Courting whistles. — Two types of courting whistles were in use among the Mandan and Hidatsa. The first type had the open end carved to represent the head of a bird, resembling in this respect the grass dance whistle of the Sioux and other tribes. (Cf. Bull. 61, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 471.) The second type was said to be like this except that the end was not carved. This was called an “elk whistle ” and was said to have “ originated through a man who had a dream.” In his dream he saw an elk which gave him one of these whistles and told him to use it in courting. It was said further ^ Maximilian, op. cit., pt. Ii, pp. 291-295. 10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 that the length of this whistle varied according to the stature of the man who made it, the usual measurement being from the tips of the fingers of the right hand, along the right arm, across the chest, and to the shoulder joint of the left arm. Great stress was laid upon the tone of the instrument. It does not appear that the first type of whistle was so long as this, the specimen illustrated (pi. 10, h) being only 22f inches below the mouth. In construction it is an open pipe, with the usual whistle or flageolet mouthpiece. The following part of the long harmonic series could be produced on this instrument, the tones being named in ascending order: A flat (second space treble staff), D flat, F, A flat, C flat, D flat, E flat, F. Pan played on this whistle (pis. 10, «, 14, c) before transferring it to J r 63 Sva the writer, and a record was made of a portion of his performance, this being transcribed as figure 1. The instrument was also played by Mr. E. H. Hawley, curator of musical instruments. United States National Museum. It seems possible that the Indians using such a whistle obtained a perception of overtones from the instrument. Flageolet (commonly called a flute).— No specimen of this instru¬ ment was available. It was called a “singing whistle” by the Hidatsa because melodies could be played on it. The traditional origin of this instrument, together with a characteristic melody, is given on pages 80-84 of this work. Sitting Crow said that he once BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 9 a. Obverse b. Reverse HAND DRUM BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 10 a. Pan playing on whistle b. AVhistle and Dog Socict}^ rattle densmoee] mandan and hidatsa music 11 took lessons on the instrument, but did not progress far enough to be a proficient player. The flutes were made of box elder wood about 1 inch in diameter, not split, but having the pith scooped out. A notched flint was used for this purpose, the work being done first from one end, then from the other end of the stick. The length was from the inside of a man’s elbow to the end of his middle finger.” The instrument had seven holes that were “ placed a convenient dis¬ tance apart.” A somewhat similar instrument used by the Utes is described and illustrated in Bull. 75, Bur. Amer. Ethn., page 28. Dealings with the United States Government The Mandan have always been friendly toward the white race, but in 1825 a treaty of peace was made because of “ acts of hostility committed by some restless men of the Mandan Tribe.” The chiefs and warriors gave satisfactory explanations of these acts and the treaty was consummated on July 30 of that year.^® The Mandan participated with other tribes in the treaty of Fort Laramie in 1851, one paragraph of this' treaty defining the boundaries of the “ Gros Ventre, Mandan, and Arrickaras Nations.” By an Executive order of April 12, 1870, a reservation was set aside for these tribes, which included more land than had been given them by the Fort Laramie treaty, the reservation including parts of North Dakota and Mon- tana.2^ A portion of this, however, was ceded to the Government in 1880 and additional land given them.^® The boundaries of the Fort Berthold Reservation were finally established by an act of Con¬ gress of March 3, 1891, the reservation being entirely within the present State of North Dakota. This act provided for the allotment of lands in severalty to these tribes.^® In 1864 P. J. De Smet, S. J., visited Fort Berthold on behalf of the Government and held councils with the “ Ricarees, the Mandans, and Idatzas, or Gros Ventres,” all of whom he reported to be “ in the best of dispositions toward the whites.” It appears that Mahlon Wilkinson was placed in charge soon after De Smet’s visit, for in 1868 Mr. Wilkinson made his fourth annual report as United States agent for the Fort Berthold Indians. In this report he commends their loyalty in resisting “ all overtures from the hostile Sioux looking to a confederation.”^^ For several years the development of agriculture was difficult, as war parties of Sioux and of Canadian Kappler, Laws and Treaties, vol. ii, p. 171. =^8Ibid., p. 441. ^ Royce, Indian Land Cessions in the United States, p. 852. 28 Ibid., p. 900. 2" Ibid., p. 942. Ex. Doc. No. 1, 38th Congress, 2d session, p. 422, Washington ; 1864. 81 Report Secretary of the Interior for 1867, pt. ii, Ind. Afifs., p. 236. 12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 Chippewa made it dangerous for the Indians to go far from their villages unless they were heavily armed. Nevertheless, 1,000 acres were under cultivation in 1872.^^ Peace treaties were made between the Fort Berthold Indians and the Sioux in 1875 through the ef¬ forts of Gen. G. A. Custer and General Carlin,®^ and conditions gradually became stabilized. At the present time these Indians are actively engaged in farming and cattle raising on their allot¬ ments. In 1804 the number of Mandans was estimated as about 1,250, increasing later to 1,600, but being reduced to 150 by the smallpox in 1837. The number in 1918 was said to be 274.^^ MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC Introduction ■ The life of the Mandan and Hidatsa has been blended for many years, but each tribe has, to a surprising degree, preserved its own songs. There are many songs which the tribes appear to have in common and which are usually associated with their societies, but there are other songs which are said to be distinctly Mandan or Hidatsa. These are the songs connected with ceremonies, legends, or tribal warriors. A majority of the songs herewith presented are Mandan songs, as they were the principal subject of the re¬ search; others are Hidatsa or appear to belong to the two tribes in common. The Mandan are able to speak the Hidatsa language and frequently use it in their songs, as it is easier to sing. In such instances they stated that the melody was Mandan and that they could sing the words in either language, but used the Hidatsa by preference. Mandan words are transcribed with 30 songs and Hidatsa with 20 songs; Mandan words are translated but not tran¬ scribed with 4 songs and Hidatsa with 12 songs. At the beginning of the work a special inquiry was directed toward the songs of the Little River Women Society and son^s connected with the corn customs. Beyond this the singers were encouraged to suggest the songs which they regarded as valuable for preservation. It is interesting to note the prominence of songs said to have been received from supernatural beings, as the spirit women,” the black eagle, the coyote, and the bear. Even the moon gave them a song, teaching it to the young girls as they danced. Inquiry failed to pro¬ duce any information concerning the use of music in the treatment of the sick, which formed an important phase of the music of Chip¬ pewa, Sioux, and Ute. The available information concerning medi- Report of Secretary of the Interior for 1872, vol. 1, p. 647. Report of Secretary of the Interior ifor 1875, vol. 1, p. 744. ^ Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1918, p. 92. densmorb] mandai^ akd hidatsa music 13 cine practices was meager and of little value. About 40 years before the present research was conducted E. H. Alden, Indian agent at Fort Berthold, reported that “the confidence in their medicine men is slowly disappearing.”^® In 1918 Wounded Face said, “Everyone knows that wild mint crushed and mixed with water will reduce a fever; no conjuring is required in the use of it.” This indicates that the native illusions have passed away. Inquiry also failed to discover any existent ethical teachings corresponding to those of the Chippewa Mide or the leaders in the Sioux sun dance. As already indicated, it is the custom of the writer to follow rather than force the trend of Indian thought. This often leads to unfore¬ seen and interesting results. For instance, Ben Benson, a reliable in¬ formant, asked if anything had been “ written down ” concerning the custom of eagle catching and offered to record the M'andan songs, which he alone has the hereditary right to sing. He was allowed to select the place where he wished to record them, and designated a place where he thought he would be safe from interruption. He brought with him a prominent Mandan chief to act as witness, according to the native custom. At intervals during his narration he consulted this witness, who had the right to offer corrections if he considered them to be necessary. (See p. 61.) The poetry and dignity of the Mandan character is shown in the words of the songs. Aside from the songs and information relative to the Stone Hammer Society, the Hidatsa are less clearly repre¬ sented than the Mandan in the present work. They are, however, a somewhat less distinctive tribe and are better preserved for future study. The Mandan have almost disappeared, and when a small group of old men and women pass away there will no longer be an opportunity to study that tribe. It is to be regretted that more has not been written concerning these people, who were among the first to till the fertile northern plains. The songs herewith presented were recorded at two points on the reservation — the agency at Elbowoods and a place on the western side of the Missouri known as “ Crow’s Heart’s Landing ” (pi. 6, <2), near which the writer camped for a time. By living among the people in this manner it was possible to secure material which they would have been reluctant to discuss at the agency. Field work, as already stated, was begun in 1912 under the auspices of the State Historical Society of North Dakota and continued in 1915 and 1918 under the Bureau of American Ethnology. The Mandan and Hidatsa are different in temperament from their neighbors, the Sioux, and also from the Chippewa and Ute. Each Report of Secretary of the Interior for 1877, vol. i, p. 455. 2118°— 23 - 3 14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull,, go tribe has its personal characteristics as well as its distinct traditions and customs. The principal subject under investigation was the music of the Mandan, and it is believed that the songs credited to that tribe are old Mandan melodies. A similar number believed to be purely Hidatsa was not collected ; therefore a detailed comparison of the music of the two tribes is not undertaken in this work. It is possible, however, to make a tentative comparison of the Mandan with the mixed material through the comparative group analyses on pages 10-26. The first 46 songs are believed to be Mandan, and the remainder are designated as “ Mandan and Hidatsa,” the tribal origin of each song, when known, being included in the description of the song. In the following consideration tlie music of the two tribes is regarded as a unit. The Mandan and Hidatsa songs show in abundance certain char- * acteristics which were noted with less frequency in the songs previ¬ ously analyzed. Chief among these is the rest which appears in 19 per cent of these songs. A rest appeared very rarely in the Chip¬ pewa songs, in 10 (less than one-half of 1 per cent) of the Sioux songs, and in 13 (more than 11 per cent) of the Ute songs. A rest in Indian music is different from a rest in the music of civilization. The tribes of Indians thus far studied by the writer, when singing, appear to take breath only when they require it, not at stated inter¬ vals, and the taking of breath is almost imperceptible. Rests, when they occur, are intentional and part of the song.^® In many in¬ stances it appears that a rest is introduced to give variety to the melody, though there are occasional instances in which a rest occurs at the end of a phrase. Syncopations {nota legato) occurred in 5 of the 340 Chippewa, songs, in 3 of the 240 Sioux songs, and in 4 of 110 Ute songs, but appear in 12 (11 per cent) of the present series. A glissando, or sliding from one tone to another, was prominent in Ute singing, but not used in any marked degree by the Chippewa or Sioux. A downward glissando appeared in the Ute songs of the bear dance and was said to imitate the sound made by a, bear, and an upward glissando was used by them in songs connected with the hand game. (See Bull. 75, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 58 and 175.) In the present series a glissando appears* only in the Mandan songs (see analysis of No. 1), and appears chiefly at the end of a phrase, the final tone of these songs being followed by a sliding downward of the voice, the degree varying from a whole tone to a fourth and being the same in all renditions of the song. This glissando, as well as 38 same peculiarity has been noted in the music of India. “ Rests are seldom written (except in order to break up the meter intentionally in a dramatic way) in any of their songs, at any rate not, as we should, on account of the words : . . . They appear to take breath when they want to take it, not at the end of words.” Fox Strangways, Music of Hindostan, pp. 192-193. dbnsmorb] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 15 the pitch on which it ends, is not sufficiently definite for musical transcription. A peculiarity not observed in the songs of other tribes is the ending on an unaccented part of the measure, the tone not being prolonged into the following measure. This appears in 24 per cent of these songs. A duplication of songs by different singers was more frequent than among other tribes, suggesting that only a limited number of the old songs remain at the present time. The duplication of words was also more frequent, the same words being used with different melodies (see analysis of No. 58). The “ special signs ” used in the transcriptions are the same as in previous works, and the custom of writing the final measure as a complete measure is continued, except in songs which begin with an incomplete measure and have no break in the time between the renditions. The analysis of the songs according to their key has been discon¬ tinued.^^ The chief purpose of this analysis was to test the range of the singers’ voices. From the 720 songs’ analyzed in this manner it was found that A was the tone most frequently used as keynote, next in frequency being G and F. Other tables discontinued are those treating of the tempo of voice and drum.^® From the analysis of 710 songs it appears that the largest proportions of voice tempo were J = 72 to J = 96, and that the largest proportions of drum tempo were slightly faster, being J=92 to J=120. The tempo of the voice is slower than that of the drum in 32 per cent and faster than that of the drum in 16 per cent of these songs. The form of graphic representation of melody by means of a “ plot ” on coordinate vertical and horizontal lines is used in this volume only briefly for the purpose of comparison.^^ Two slightly different forms have been devised and are here introduced, the first omitting all coordinates and showing the path of the accented melody tones (pis. 11, 12), and the second using the horizontal coordinates and showing the progressions of unaccented as well as accented tones.^^ In order to simplify the presentation of analyses the serial num¬ bers of the songs in their several classifications are placed at the conclusion of the text (pp. 178-184) instead of at the end of each group of songs. See analytical table No. 14 in Bulls. 53, 61, and 75, Bur. Amer. Ethn. In these works the term “ key ” was “ used in its broad sense, as applicable to nonharmonic mu¬ sic, inclusive of modes.” Bull. 75, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 42, 43. S'* See analytical tables 20, 21, and 22, Bulls. 53, 61, and 75, Bur. Amer. Ethn. ; also Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 11. ^oBull. 75, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 48-51. See Bull. 61, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 53. ^ See p. 34. See analyses of songs 72 and 92. 16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 Tabulated Analysis of 820 Chippewa, Sioux, Ute, Mandan, and Hidatsa Songs ^ MELODIC analysis Table 1.— TONALITY Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total • Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Major tonality ^ . 195 57 11 65 93 39 78 71 65 69 442 64 44 1 Minor tonality ^ . 142 9 45 145 60 24 22 43 39 363 Third lacking . 8 7 2 2 10 Beginning major, ending minor . 2 1 2 Beginning minor, ending major . 1 1 Irregular . 2 1 2 Total . 340 20 240 110 110 820 1 The serial numbers of the songs as grouped in these tables are shown on pp. 178-184. *Songs are thus classified if the third is a major third and the sixth a major sixth above the keynote. *Songs are thus classified if the third is a minor third and the sixth a minor sixth above the keynote. Table 2.— FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Beginning on the — Fourteenth . 1 1 Thirteenth . 4 1 .. 4 Twelfth . 105 31 2 10 28 12 4 3 4 3 143 17 Eleventh . 3 1 1 5 7 3 1 1 2 2 14 1 Tenth . 24 7 2 10 23 10 2 2 2 2 54 7 Ninth . 16 5 9 4 3 3 28 3 Octave . 61 18 6 30 56 23 31 28 34 31 188 23 Seventh . 6 2 1 5 1 1 1 4 3 13 1 Sixth . 10 3 3 1 3 3 3 3 19 2 Fifth . 72 21 3 15 69 29 34 31 24 22 201 24 Fourth . 7 2 3 1 2 2 2 2 14 1 Third . 10 3 2 10 18 8 17 15 19 17 66 8 Second . 9 3 3 1 3 3 2 2 17 2 Keynote . 13 4 3 15 17 7 9 8 14 12 56 7 Irregular . 2 1 2 Total . 340 20 240 110 no 820 densmorb] mandan and hidatsa music 17 MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued Table 3 —LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Ending on the — Sixth . 1 1 1 Fifth . 75 22 6 20 74 31 47 43 51 47 253 30 Third . 36 11 1 5 35 16 8 7 17 16 97 12 Keynote . 229 67 13 65 129 54 55 50 41 27 467 57 Irregular . 2 1 2 Total . 340 20 240 no • no 820 Table 4.— LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Songs in which final tone is— Lowest tone in song. . . . Highest tone in song _ Immediately preceded by— Fifth below . 307 1 90 18 90 212 88 77 70 101 92 715 1 87 1 1 Fomth below . 9 3 3 3 1 1 13 1 Major third below. . Minor third below. . 2 1 1 1 4 7 2 2 1 5 4 14 1 Whole tone below.. 5 2 7 3 5 4 17 2 Semitone below .... 3 1 2 2 2 2 7 Whole tone below, with sixth below in a previous measure . 1 1 Whole tone below, with fourth be¬ low in a previous measure . 1 Whole tone below. 6 5 7 with minor third below in a previ- Oils measure _ 1 1 1 Songs containing a fourth below the final tone . 3 1 4 2 1 1 1 1 9 1 18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued Table 4.— LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG— Continued Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Songs containing a major third below the final tone. 4 2 2 2 2 2 8 Songs containing a minor third below the final tone. 3 1 2 10 5 2 4 It 14 t Songs containing a whole t one below the final tone. . 2 2 1 1 3 Songs containing a semi¬ tone below the final tone. . 1 1 1 1 2 Songs containing a fourth below the final tone, with fourth below in a previous measure . 1 1 1 Irregular . 2 1 2 Total . 340 20 240 110 110 820 Table 5— NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISED IN COMPASS OF SONG Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total. Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Compass of — Seventeen tones . 3 1 3 Fifteen tones . 1 1 1 Fourteen tones . 9 3 5 2 1 1 15 2 Thirteen tones . 29 8 17 7 2 2 6 5 54 6 Twelve tones . 103 30 3 15 41 17 10 9 12 11 169 21 Eleven tones . 31 9 5 25 9 10 9 23 21 78 9 Ten tones . 38 11 4 20 39 16 10 9 14 12 105 13 Nine tones . 18 6 5 25 28 12 18 16 7 6 76 9 Eight tones . 71 21 2 10 83 35 34 31 27 25 217 26 Seven tones . 16 5 4 2 7 6 6 6 33 A Six tones . 10 3 1 5 8 3 12 11 5 4 36 4 Five tones . 13 A 1 3 3 9 8 26 3 Four tones . 2 2 1 1 1 5 Three tones . 2 2 2 Total . 340 20 240 no 110 820 DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 19 MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued Table 6. — TONE MATERIAL Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total. Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent First five-toned scale . 1 1 2 Second five-toned scale . 40 12 3 15 31 13 7 6 5 4 86 10 Fourth five-toned scale . 88 26 6 30 43 18 20 18 20 18 177 22 Fifth five-toned scale . 2 2 Major triad . 4 1 1 5 5 3 3 13 1 Major triad and seventh. . . . Major triad and sixth . 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 42 12 4 2 5 5 4 3 55 7 Major triad and fourth . 2 3 3 3 3 8 Major triad and second . 3 1 8 3 17 15 10 9 38 5 Minor triad . 1 2 1 1 1 4 Minor triad and seventh. . . . 3 1 1 2 2 8 7 14 1 Minor triad and sixth . 6 2 1 1 7 Minor triad and fourth . 18 6 1 5 30 12 4 4 6 5 59 7 Minor triad and second . 1 1 4 3 6 Octave complete . 19 6 2 10 14 6 7 6 9 8 51 6 Octave complete except seventh . 32 9 2 10 20 8 12 . 11 9 8 75 5 Octave complete except seventh and sixth . 6 2 16 /V 5 5 27 3 Octave complete except seventh, sixth, and fourth . 1 1 Octave complete except seventh, fifth, and second. Octave complete except 1 1 seventh, third, and sec¬ ond . 1 1 1 Octave complete except seventh and fourth i . 4 1 5 2 1 1 10 1 Octave complete except seventh and third . 1 1 1 1 3 Octave complete except seventh and second . 11 S 1 5 9 4 3 3 2 2 26 3 Octave complete except sixth- . 15 A 2 10 12 5 4 3 33 A Octave complete except sixth and fifth . 1 5 1 Octave complete except sixth and fourth . 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 5 Octave complete except fiiirt.h and third . 1 1 Octave complete except jsixt.h and fjficond . 1 4 2 3 3 8 Octave complete except sixth, fifth, and second. . . 1 5 1 2 1 These songs are minor in tonaUty, the mediant being a minor third and the submediant being a minor sixth above the keynote. It will be noted that the seventh and fourth are the omitted scale degrees in the fourth five-toned scale, but in that scale the third and sixth above the keynote are major intervals. 20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued Table 6. — TONE MATERIAL — Continued Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Octave complete except » fifth and second . 1 1 Octave complete except ■ fourth . 5 2 10 4 3 3 6 s 24 3 Octave complete except fourth, and third . 1 1 Octave complete except fourth and second . 1 3 1 3 3 7 Octave complete except third . 1 1 1 2 Octave complete except third and second . 1 1 Octave complete except second . 10 8 11 5 1 1 4 3 26 . 3 Minor third and seventh _ 1 1 1 Minor third and fourth . 3 1 1 1 1 5 Minor third, seventh, and fourth . 2 2 2 First, fourth , and fifth tones. 1 1 1 2 First, second, and fifth tones . 1 1 1 2 First, second, fourth, and fifth tones . 1 2 2 3 First, second, fifth, and sixth tones . 6 2 4 4 10 1 First, second, third, and sixth tones . 9 3 1 5 2 1 1 1 13 1 340 20 240 110 110 820 Table 7.— ACCIDENTALS Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Songs containing — No accidentals . 288 85 18 90 196 82 106 96 89 88 697 86 Seventh raised a semi¬ tone . 4 1 1 5 10 4 1 1 6 5 22 5 bfiNsMORE] MANDAN AND HIDAtSA MUSIC 21 MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued Table 7. — ACCIDENTALS — Continued Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Songs containing— Contd. Sixth raised a sPiTnitnnfi 9 3 1 5 3 1 1 1 14 1 Fourth raised a semi¬ tone . 2 1 6 2 3 3 5 A 16 1 Third raised a semitone. 1 1 1 2 Second raised a semi¬ tone . 3 1 3 1 2 2 8 Seventh lowered a semitone . 1 3 1 3 3 7 Sixth lowered a semi¬ tone . 16 5 5 2 1 1 22 2 Fifth lowered a semi¬ tone . 1 1 Fourth lowered a semi¬ tone . 2 3 1 5 Third lowered a semi¬ tone . 3 1 3 1 6 Second lowered a semi¬ tone . 6 2 2 1 8 Seventh and fourth raised a semitone . 1 1 2 2 4 Sixth and third raised a semitone . 1 1 1 Fourth raised a semi¬ tone and second low¬ ered a semitone . 1 Second raised a semi¬ tone and sixth and second lowered a semitone . 1 1 1 Fourth raised a semi¬ tone and third and second lowered a semitone . 1 Seventh and fourth lowered a semitone. . . 1 1 Second, third, and sixth lowered a semi¬ tone . 1 1 2 Irregular . 2 1 Total . 340 20 240 no no 820 22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued Table 8.— STRUCTURE Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Melodic 1 . 222 65 17 85 158 66 54 49 31 28 482 59 Melodic with harmonic framework 2 . 35 10 3 15 47 20 32 29 44 40 161 19 Harmonic * . 83 24 33 H 24 22 35 SO 175 21 Irregular . . . . 2 2 Total . 340 20 240 no no 820 1 Songs are thus classified if contiguous accented tones do not bear a simple chord relation to each other. 2 Songs are thus classified if only a portion of the contiguous accented tones bear a simple chord relation to each other. 3 Songs are thus classified if all the contiguous accented tones bear a simple chord relation to each other. Table 9.— FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Downward . 238 70 12 60 165 69 76 69 56 51 547 67 Upward . 102 30 8 40 75 31 34 31 54 49 273 33 Total . 340 20 240 no no 820 . Table 10.— TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD i Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Downward . 5,422 65 346 64 4,651 63 1,887 61 1,733 63 14,039 64 Upward . 2, 864 35 198 36 2,674 37 1,226 39 1,038 37 8,000 36 Total . 8,286 544 7,325 3,113 2, 771 22,039 1 In a group of Slovak songs analyzed according to this method it was found that the minor third occurred one-fourth to one-half as frequently as in Indian songs, while the minor second occurred from three to four times as frequently. (Bull. 75, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 55.) In the music of the Hindusit has been found that “ The augmented Fourth and diminished Fifth, which we avoid, are common with them. . . . No less surprising than the presence of intervals which seem to us unvocal is the comparative absence of what we should call vocal intervals— the Thirds, Perfect Fourth and Fifth, and the Sixths. . . . A Third, in fact, is habitually taken as a changing note: . . . or a grace-note: . . . or, especially in ascent, nia sort of tentative way: . . . indeed, in any way but as a harmonic interval.” Fox Strangways, Music of Hindostan, pp. 324-325. DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 23 MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued Table 11.— INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Intervals of a — TweHth . 1 1 Ninth . 1 1 Octave . 2 2 Seventh . 2 2 Major sixth . 12 1 13 Minor sixth . 6 9 5 20 Fifth . 59 1 3 26 1 30 2 10 128 Fourth . 421 8 22 6 525 11 281 13 239 14 1,488 10 Major third . 628 Ih 4 1 343 7 243 15 206 14 1,424 10 Minor third . 1,824 34 114 S3 1,396 30 446 24 567 33 4,347 31 Augmented second . 1 5 2 8 Major second . 2,472 42 198 57 2,085 45 824 44 612 34 6, 191 44 Minor second . 4 1 264 6 54 3 92 5 414 3 Total . 5,422 346 4, 651 1,887 1,733 14,039 Table 12.— INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Intervals of a — Fomteenth . 1 1 Twelfth . 17 17 Eleventh . 3 1 4 Tenth . 4 1 6 3 14 Ninth . 2 2 1 6 4 14 Octave . 43 1 2 1 63 2 12 1 14 1 134 1 Seventh . 9 13 4 2 28 Major sixth . 47 2 1 16 12 1 14 1 90 1 Minor sixth . 3 1 30 1 22 2 20 2 75 Fifth . 196 7 11 6 151 6 89 7 50 5 497 6 Fourth . 388 14 31 16 422 16 198 16 233 23 1,272 16 Major third . 345 12 9 4 271 10 171 14 123 12 919 11 Minor third . 800 29 51 26 710 27 246 20 281 27 2, 088 26 Major second . 1,009 35 85 43 818 31 439 36 256 25 2,607 33 Minor second . 2 1 167 6 29 2 42 4 240 3 Total . 2,864 198 2,674 1,226 1,038 8,000 24 BUREAU OF AMERICAIT ETHNOLOGY [bull.. 80 MELODIC ANALYSIS — Continued Table 13.— AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Old Sioux songs Compar¬ atively modern Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Number of songs . 340 20 147 93 110 no 820 Number of intervals . 8,286 544 4,445 2,880 3,113 2,771 22, 039 Number of semitones . Average number of semitones in 25,791 1,592 12,864 8,558 9,777 9,080 67, 662 an interval . 3.1 2.93 2.89 2.97 3.14 3.27 3.07 RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS Table 14.— PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Beginning on unaccented part of measure . 109 S7 12 60 96 40 60 25 23 47 43 57 289 87 Beginning on accented part of measure . 189 63 8 iO lU 85 76 63 489 63 Transcribed in outline . 42 42 Total . 340 20 240 no no 820 Table 15.— RHYTHM (METER) OF FIRST MEASURE * Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent First measure in — 2-4 time. . . 149 50 9 43 142 59 68 62 61 55 429 55 3-4 time . 120 40 6 30 94 39 39 35 47 43 305 39 4-4 time . 9 3 9 1 5-4 time . 9 3 4 20 13 1 64: time . . . 1 1 74 time . 2 2 3-8 time . 4 2 4 4-8 time . 3 1 2 2 5 5-8 time . 2 1 5 1 i 1 1 1 1 6 7-8 time. . 1 1 1 2-2 time . 2 2 Transcribed in outline i . 42 42 340 20 240 no no 820 1 Excluded in computing percentage. DENS more] MAHDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 25 RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS — Continued Table 16.— CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE-LENGTHS) Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs ' Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent • Songs containing no change of time . 69 1 5 18 8 12 11 20 18 120 15 Songs containing a change of time . 229 77 19 95 222 92 98 89 90 82 658 85 Transcribed in outline ’ . 42 42 Total . 340 20 240 110 110 820 1 Excluded in computing percentage. Table 17.— RHYTHMIC UNITi Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Niun- ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Songs containing — No rhythmic unit . 107 36 7 35 71 29 27 25 33 30 245 SO One rhythmic unit . 186 62 10 50 139 57 60 55 66 60 461 56 Two rhythmic imits _ 4 1 3 15 25 10 20 18 9 8 61 8 Three rhythmic units . . 1 3 1 3 3 2 2 9 1 Four rhythmic rmits . . . 1 1 Five rhythmic units . . . 1 1 Transcribed in outUne * . 42 42 Total . 340 20 240 110 110 820 1 For the purpose of this analysis a rhythmic unit is defined as ''a group of tones of various lengths, usually comprising more than one cormt of a measure, occurring two or more times in a song and having an evident influence on the rhythm of the entire song.” * Excluded in computing percentage. Table 18.— RHYTHM OF DRUM, MORACHE, OR RATTLE Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and ■ ■ Hidatsa songs Total Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Sixteenth notes imaccented ’ 1 / 1 2 1 2 3 Eighth notes accented in groups of two 2 . 10 4 11 9 2 4 23 5 Eighth notes unaccented 89 40 12 60 42 34 23 35 13 30 179 38 Quarter notes unaccented *. j 12 5 44 36 30 46 19 61 105 22 ’See No. 2. * See No. 31. ^seeNo. 32. « See No, 37, 26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS — Continued Table 18.— RHYTHM OF DRUM, MORACHE, OR RATTLE— Continued Chippewa songs Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa Sioux songs Ute songs Mandan and Hidatsa songs Total • Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Num¬ ber Per cent Half notes imaccented ^ . 1 2 10 2 3 1 2 6 1 Each accented beat pre- ceded by an unaccented beat which corresponds approximately to the third count of a triplet ®. . 96 43 6 30 22 18 5 8 7 9 136 29 Each accented beat followed by an unaccented beat which corresponds ap¬ proximately to the second coimt of a triplet ^ . 2 1 2 3 4 t Each accented beat pre- ceded by an imaccented beat which corresponds to the fourth member of a group of four sixteenth notes 8 . 14 6 14 S Tremolo drum beat in open- ing measures, followed by drum beat in quarter- note values ® . 4 5 4 Two drum beats in each / measure, the voice being in triple time lo . 1 2 1 Drum not recorded n . 116 118 45 66 345 Total . 340 20 240 no no 820 5 See No. 5. 9 See Bull. 75, Bur. Amer. Ethn., No. 72. 6 See No. 50. lo See No. 3. 7 See Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., No. 11. n Excluded in computing percentage. 8 See Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., No. 125. Analysis of Chippewa, Sioux, Ute, Mandan, and Hidatsa Songs The purpose of this chapter is to present in descriptive form the more important data contained in the tabulated analyses immediately Attention is directed to the impossibility of presenting in a graphic manner the exact pitch or tone lengths of all Indian singing. (Cf. tone photographs of Indian singing in Bull. 75, Bur. Amer. Ethn.) Ordinary musical notation is here used, with a few special signs, because it is approximately correct in a large majority of songs, and is readily intelligible to students of this subject. The same notation is used by Fox Strangways in his work upon the music of Hindostan with this explanation : “ It is but little, in any case, of language, whether spoken or chanted, that symbols can recreate for us. . . . One caution with regard to these tunes. It would be a mistake to play them on a keyed instrument ; they should be played on the violin, or sung, or whistled, or merely thought. Not only because there is then a hope of their being rendered in natural intonation and of getting the sharp edges of the tones rounded by some sort of portamento, but also because the temperament of a keyed instrument in Europe the piano, in India the har¬ monium, has a unique power of making an unharmonized melody sound invincibly com¬ monplace.” Fox Strangways, op. cit., p. 18. densmore] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 27 preceding and also to present comparisons between the several classes of Mandan and Hidatsa songs, these' comparisons not being shown in tabulated form. Table 1. — Tonality. — On comparing the tonality of Mandan and Hidatsa songs with that of songs previously analyzed we note that the proportion of major songs is 20 per cent larger than among the Sioux and 12 per cent smaller than among the Ute, while it is about the same as among the Chippewa. A comparison of the several groups of Mandan and Hidatsa songs shows that the major tonality predominates in the garden songs, in the songs of women’s societies, and in those of the Stone Hammer, Buffalo, and Horse Societies. Major and minor are almost equal in songs of the Dog and Fox Societies. Tables 2 and 3. — Beginning and ending of songs. — Forty-seven per cent of the Mandan and Hidatsa songs end on the fifth, con¬ trasted with 26 per cent of the combined Chippewa and Sioux, and 31 per cent of the Ute songs. Thirty-one per cent begin on the octave and 12 per cent on the keynote, contrasted with 21 per cent and 5 per cent in the combined Chippewa and Sioux songs, and with 28 and 8 per cent in the Ute songs. This suggests a stronger feeling for a fundamental tone and its principal upper partials in the Man¬ dan and Hidatsa songs than in those previously analyzed. The ending on the fifth is especially marked in Mandan and Hi¬ datsa songs of the Stone Hammer and Fox Societies. Table 4. — Last note of song — its relation to compass of song. — The principal interest of this table is in the proportion of songs in which the final tone is the lowest tone. In this peculiarity the Man¬ dan and Hidatsa songs show a larger proportion than any previously analyzed. This is a further indication of the feeling for a funda¬ mental tone, mentioned in connection with the table next preceding. Table 5. — Number of tones comprising compass of song. — The Mandan and Hidatsa songs contain neither the extended compass found in certain Sioux songs (15 and 17 tones), nor the very small compass of certain Ute songs (three and four tones). They differ from the preceding songs chiefly in their large proportion of songs with a compass of five tones. Comparing the several groups of Mandan and Hidatsa songs, we note a large compass (an octave or more) in the songs of societies, in the garden songs, and in songs of war. An average compass (about an octave) occurs in songs of the Buffalo and Horse Socie¬ ties, and a small compass (less than an octave) is found in the songs connected with eagle catching. I 28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULU 80 Table 6. — Tone material. — The five-toned scales mentioned in this table and in the descriptive analyses are the five pentatonic scales according to Helmholtz, described by him as follows: “ 1. The First Scale without Third or Seventh. . . . “ 2. To the Second Scale ^ without Second or Sixth, belong most Scotch airs which have a minor character. . . . “3. The Third Scale., without Third and Sixth. . . . “4. To the Fourth Scale., without Fourth or Seventh, belong most Scotch airs which have the character of a major mode. 5. The Fifth Scale., without Second and Fifth.” The proportion of Mandan and Hidatsa songs containing five tones (scale degrees) is smaller than that in Chippewa and Sioux songs and larger than in the Ute songs. The proportion of these songs con¬ taining less than five tones is 10 per cent larger than in the Chippewa and Sioux songs, and about the same as in the Ute. As the Chippewa and Sioux have been in contact with the music of the white race longer than the other tribes under consideration, we might infer that paucity of melodic material is a characteristic of the older native songs. This inference, however, is not upheld by the following com¬ parison between the groups of Mandan and Hidatsa songs. Seventy per cent of the Mandan and Hidatsa war songs and 39 per cent of the society songs are five-toned melodies, but the latter are not songs of the societies said to haA^e been organized by Good Fur Robe, which are presumably the older songs. In this group only 20 per cent are five-toned melodies. Seven of the 12 eagle-catching songs contain either three or four scale degrees. Every group except the last (Nos. 103-110) contains one song having all the tones of the octave. It is interesting to note, in this connection, that 37 per cent of the Ute songs contain only four scale degrees. Table 7. — Accidentals. ^ — In the proportion of songs containing no accidentals the Mandan and Hidatsa are lower than any preceding series, differing, however, only 1 per cent from the Sioux. These accidentals do not, in any instance, suggest a change of keynote, or “ key,” but appear to be in the nature of embellishments. The largest proportion of accidentals in the Mandan and Hidatsa songs is found in the songs of Good Fur Robe’s societies, about one- third of which contain tones chromatically altered. Next in propor¬ tion are the songs of other societies (Nos. 58-76), less than one- fourth of which contain accidentals. Table 8. — Structure. — The percentage of harmonic and also of purely melodic songs is smaller in the Mandan and Hidatsa than in previous groups, a large increase being shown in the “ mixed group,” whose structure is classified as “ melodic with harmonic framework.” Helmholtz, The Sensations of Tone, pp. 260, 261. dbnsmore] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 29 The percentage of such songs is four times that of the Chippewa and double that of the Sioux. In the Mandan and Hidatsa songs a harmonic structure predomi¬ nates in songs of the Dog and Fox Societies, and in the songs connected with eagle catching. All the songs of the Buffalo and Horse Societies are melodic in structure, while the garden songs and war songs are chiefly melodic. Tables 9 and 10. — First 'progression, and total number of progres¬ sions, — The proportion of songs beginning with a downward interval is much smaller in the Mandan and Hidatsa than in songs previously analyzed, the proportion in this series being 51 per cent and in pre¬ vious series from 60 to 70 per cent, but the proportion of descending progressions in the total number of intervals is about the same, being precisely that of the Sioux and within 2 per cent of that of the Chippewa and Ute. This indicates that, although more of the Man¬ dan and Hidatsa songs begin with an ascending interval, they have, in their entirety, the same descending trend that characterizes the music of the other tribes. Tables 11 and 12. — Intervals in up'ward and down'ward progres¬ sion, — Intervals larger than a tenth are used only by the Chippewa, and intervals larger than a major sixth are used more frequently by the Chippewa than by the other tribes under consideration. The interval of a semitone, which seldom occurs in the Chippewa songs, appears most frequently in the Sioux songs. The proportion of descending fourths is much larger in Mandan and Hidatsa songs than in those of the other tribes, while the proportion of ascending fourths is much larger than in the Ute, but about the same as in the Chippewa and Sioux songs. The fifth occurs oftener in ascending and less frequently in descending progression in the Mandan and Hidatsa than in the preceding series, while the ascending octave occurs with about the same frequency in all the songs under analysis. This indi¬ cates there is no important difference in the intervals used by these tribes. Table 13. — Average number of semitones in an interval. — The aver¬ age interval in Mandan and Hidatsa songs does not show an im¬ portant variation from that of the other songs under analysis. The average interval in the entire series is approximately a minor third. Tables 14 and 15. — Part of measure on 'which song begins., and rh'ythm of first measure. — The Mandan and Hidatsa songs do not show the directness of attack which characterized the Ute songs, but the proportion beginning on the accented part of the- measure does not vary materially from the Chippewa and Sioux. The preference for a beginning in 3-4 time is greater in the Mandan and Hidatsa than in the other songs under analysis, 2118°— 23 - 1 30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 Table 16. — Change of time (measure lengths). — The proportion of Mandan and Hidatsa songs containing no change of time is the same as in the Sioux, smaller than in the Chippewa, and larger than in the XJte. Comparing the several classes of Mandan and Hidatsa songs, we note a persistent change of time in songs connected with eagle catch¬ ing, songs of the societies, and miscellaneous songs, while the war songs contain more than the usual proportion in which there is no change of time. Table 17. — Rhythmic unit. — The term ‘‘rhythmic unit” should be understood as somewhat flexible in its application.^ In a song with definite thematic development the term is applicable in its full meaning. There are, however, many songs in which a repeti¬ tion of the opening phrase is designated as a rhythmic unit, and in such instances a reason will be found in the influence which the phrase has upon the rhythm of the entire song, certain of its count divisions being separately repeated, slightly changed, and variously combined. In a few instances it will be noted that a short phrase occurring twice is not designated as a rhythmic unit, the reason being that the phrase is characterless, and evidently has had no influence on the rest of the song. One-third of the Mandan and Hidatsa songs contain no rhythmic unit. This proportion is lower than in the Chippewa and Sioux and higher than in the Ute songs. Fifty-seven per cent of the Mandan and Hidatsa songs contain one rhythmic unit, which is the same as the Sioux and less than the Chippewa and Ute. The tribal groups show a wide difference in songs containing two rhythmic units, this difference ranging from 1 per cent in the Chippewa to 18 per cent in the Ute. It is important to note that the Chippewa may be considered the tribe that is farthest advanced toward civi¬ lization, while the Ute is lowest in that scale of attainment. Few of the Mandan and Hidatsa garden songs contain a rhythmic unit, but in the songs of eagle catching and in all the songs of societies a rhythmic unit appears with frequency. Half of the Mandan and Hidatsa war songs contain a rhythmic unit. This is in contrast to the Chippewa war songs, TO per cent of which con¬ tain a rhythmic unit, and the Sioux war songs, 64 per cent of which show such a unit. Table 18. — Rhythm of drum. — Among the Mandan and Hidatsa the drum appears to be used chiefly to mark the time of the song. It is usually synchronous with the voice. There is a lack of the elaboration which was shown by the special drumbeat for each sort ^ Terminology, throughout the present study of Indian music, is intended chiefly as a guide to tlie student and a means of calling attention to certain peculiarities which seem of interest and importance in the study of Indian music. DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 31 of Ute dance song and by the several distinct drumbeats of the Chippewa or the “ fancy drumming ” noted among the Sioux. In 87 per cent of the Mandan and Hidatsa songs the drumbeat is with¬ out division into accented groups. The time unit is a quarter note (one drum beat with each melody count) more frequently than it is an eighth note (two drumbeats with each melody count). In one song, which is in triple time, we find two drumbeats in each meas¬ ure, the voice and drum being synchronous on the first count of the measure. Summary. — In observing this material as a whole we note that the accented tones in 41 per cent of the songs suggest a fundamental tone and the simplest of its upper partials — namely, the. octave, twelfth, second octave, and the major third in that octave. These tones, if placed in the compass of one octave, constitute the major triad. From this fact it appears that these Indians are semicon- sciously aware of certain tones which, in various intensities, are naturally present in other tones and that they find pleasure in these tones, amplifying them by other tones according to their liking. The minor third is the interval of most frequent occurrence except the major second and is approximately the average interval in the songs under consideration. This interval appears to be especially pleasing to uncultured peoples and has been noted by explorers as well as by students of primitive music. It seems reasonable to conclude, in view of these observations, that a semiconscious conformity to natu¬ ral law and a certain form of estheticism are governing factors in the music of these Indians. Resemblances between the songs of the Chippewa, Sioux, Mandan, and Hidatsa occur more frequently than between these tribes and the mountain-dwelling Utes, but these resemblances are not suffi¬ cient, either in number or importance, to justify an opinion that the physical environment of these tribes has had an effect on the form of their songs. On the contrary, the differences between the classes of Bongs within a tribe may be regarded as an indication that the mental concept which prompts a song has a distinct influence on the melody and rhythm of the song. Points of difference in these songs are noted as follows: The Mandan and Hidatsa songs differ from those of the other tribes under analysis in a more frequent use of rests and syncopations (nota legato^ and in a downward glissando at the close of a phrase or of the entire song. The five tribes under analysis differ among themselves chiefly in the use of the drum. Certain ordinary drum¬ beats are used by all the tribes, but in addition to these each tribe has certain peculiarities of drumming which are more or less pronounced. The differences between the songs of these tribes are no greater. 32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, go and even may be said to be less, than the differences between some of the classes of songs within the tribes. Comparative Group Analyses of Mandan and Hidatsa Songs The several groups of these songs are found to differ among them¬ selves in melodic and rhythmic peculiarities. These differences may not, in every instance, be evident to the unaccustomed ear, but they appear in the analyses and the graphic plots of the songs. Their presence is an evidence of the correctness of the Indian in asserting that he ‘‘ can tell the kind of song when he hears it.” No explana¬ tion of these differences is offered, nor does it seem necessary at this time to attribute them to any definite causes. The first 10 songs are those of the societies said to have been or¬ ganized by Good Fur Kobe, and they may therefore be considered among the oldest songs of the series. Seven of these songs have a range of more than an octave, 7 have a rhythmic unit, and 18 per cent of the entire number of intervals are fourths. In other respects the songs vary, showing no group characteristic. The songs in major and minor tonality are equal in number. Following these are eight songs that were sung in the gardens. These are a distinct type, and we note that seven are major, none have a compass of less than an octave, and they are chiefly melodic in structure. They are not rhythmic in character like the preceding group, as only two of the eight songs contain a rhythmic unit; neither do they resemble the former songs in their progressions, as 84 per cent of the entire number of intervals contain two, three^ or four semitones, being intervals of a major second, a minor third, or a major third. Following this group are the songs connected with eagle catching, all of which were said to have been received from animals and to have what may be termed “ supernatural power.” These songs have a small compass and large progressions, contrasted with the group next preceding, in which the compass was large and the progres¬ sions small. Only two of these songs have a range of more than an octave, while 78 per cent of the intervals contain other than two, three, or four semitones. All are characterized by a wide variety of progressions. They are rhythmic in character, all but two having a rhythmic unit, and they are strongly harmonic in feeling, only two of the 12 songs being purely melodic in structure. The next 16 songs (Nos. 31-46) show a remarkable evenness. This section includes songs of legends, folk tales, and Mandan women’s societies. The only point of interest is that all but three of these songs contain a rhythmic unit. DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 33 With the next songs we enter the Hidatsa material and that in which the two tribes are more or less mingled. The 11 songs of the Stone Hammer and Fox Societies follow, and are combined for convenience of observation. We note that 43 per cent of the intervals are whole tones (major seconds), an un¬ usually large proportion of this interval. All but two contain rhythmic units, are major in tonality, and begin with a downward progression. The next 11 songs are those of the Dog Society in its various divisions and show striking peculiarities of their own. Major and minor are about equally divided. The range is large, only one song having a compass as small as an octave, while one has a range of 14 tones. They are strongly harmonic in feeling,, only one song having a purely melodic structure. Attention is directed to the feeling for the dominant in these songs, five of which begin and eight end on the dominant. Every song except one has a rhythmic unit and contains a change of measure lengths. The next eight songs (Nos. 69-76) are in some respects the opposite of the preceding group. These are songs of the Buffalo and Horse Societies, all of which are melodic in structure. All but two are major in tonality and all except one begin on the accented portion of the measure, which is an unusually large proportion. Like the other songs of societies, they are rhythmic in character and all but two contain a rh3d:hmic unit. The war songs (Nos. 77-102) are not rhythmic in character, only half the number containing a rhythmic unit. In six of these songs there is no change of measure length, which indicates an unusually steady time. Fourteen begin with an upward progression, which is a proportion larger than the average. In these, as in the songs of the Buffalo and Horse Societies, there is a strong feeling for the dominant, five beginning and 14 ending on that tone. Twelve of these songs are purely melodic in structure. The remaining eight songs are of various classes, grouped as ‘‘ mis¬ cellaneous,” and, like the songs connected with legends and folk tales (Nos. 31 to 36), they are quite evenly divided in all their character¬ istics. Three of the eight contain no rhythmic unit, which is smaller than the average percentage indicated in Table 17, page 25. Summary. — The general conclusion from the foregoing analysis is that many of the groups of songs have individual characteristics. It is interesting to note that the songs of the Dog Society are chiefly harmonic in structure, while all the songs of the Buffalo and Horse Societies are melodic. The contrast between these groups is further shown in their graphic outlines (pis. 11, 12). Attention is directed to the lack of rhythmic unit in the war songs, combined with an unusu¬ ally large proportion of songs containing no change of measure 34 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull.. 80 lengths. In all these groups we note that songs with a large compass frequently have a predominance of small intervals (one, two, three, or four semitones), while songs with a small compass contain an unusu¬ ally large number of larger intervals (five or more semitones). Graphic Representation or “ Plots ” Five classes, or “ prevailing types,” were noted in the plots of the Sioux songs. The first two are general throughout the songs and do not appear to be connected with any particular idea. These two classes or types appear also in the present series, and for comparison the Sioux songs selected as represen¬ tative of these classes are here re¬ printed together with similar songs of the Mandan and Hidatsa (fig. 2). The present series contains no songs of sadness, which constituted Class E of the Sioux songs. Classes C and D comprised songs expressing positiveness or self-confidence, and songs connected wfith animals, each class showing a peculiarity of out¬ line. Songs of similar nature in the present series show somewhat simi¬ lar characteristics. It is not the in¬ tention, however, to attribute undue importance to a connection be¬ tween the idea of a song and a certain outline. In order to present this subject in a form which is more con¬ venient for observation the coordinate lines, shown in figure 2, are omitted and the plots are reduced in. size (pis. 11, 12). A descending A form of graphic representation, or “ plotting,” of melodies was devised by the writer in order that the trend of Indian melodies might be more apparent to the eye than in the musical transcriptions. The general method employed is similar to that used in showing graphically the course of a moving object. The loci of the object at given periods of time are determined and recorded, the several positions being connected by straight lines. In any use of this method the interest centers in the several points at which the object is located, it being understood that the lines connecting these points are used merely as an aid to observation. In the present adaptation of this method the pitch oif the accented tones in a melody is indicated by dots placed at the intersections of coordinate lines, the horizontal coordinates representing scale degrees and the vertical coordinates representing measure lengths. These dots are connected by straight lines, though the course of the melody between the accented tones would, in many instances, vary widely from these lines if it were accurately plotted. The use of accented tones exclusively in analyzing these songs has already been employed, the structure of the melodies being determined by the pitch of contiguous accented tones (see Table 8, foot¬ note). Since the sole purpose of these plots is to show the trend of the melodies, it seems permissible to omit from the representation not only the unaccented tones, but also a distinction between whole tones and semitones in progressions and a distinction between double and triple time in measure lengths. - •r' — : : . -j- Bull. 61, NO'. 68. Bull. 80, No. 20. Fig. 2. — Plots of Sioux songs compared with Mandan and Hidatsa songs. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 11 Songs of Goose Women and Black Mouth Societies Songs connected with Eagle Catching 'W ~v 24 , 25 26 Songs connected with Legends 34 35 PLOTS OF MANDAN AND H I DATSA SONGS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 12 Songs of Women’s Societies Songs of Men’s Societies War Songs 84 Miscellaneous Songs 107 109 110 PLOTS OF MANDAN AND H I DATSA SONGS DENSMOUEJ MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 35 trend is evident in all the classes of songs, but the plots selected for illustration are those most typical of each class. Another form of plotting, which shows all the progressions in the melody, is used with Nos. 72 and 92, and is given in connection with the analyses of those songs. GOOD FUR ROBE>^ Throughout the study of the Mandan and Hidatsa there runs an interesting comparison between the beliefs which were held by these tribes in the past and those of the present time. An instance of this is afforded by the beliefs concerning Good Fur Robe and the story with which his name is associated. According to this story (p. 7) the Mandans once lived beneath the earth. Good Fur Robe is said to have been their chief at that time, and to have established certain organizations and customs for the good of the tribe. There may be persons on the Fort Berthold Reservation who still believe the story of the grapevine, but all the writer’s informants stated that it is said'’'’ the tribe came to the earth in this manner, declining to ex¬ press a personal opinion in the matter. However, when asked whether they believed that Good Fur Robe was a tradition or a man, they replied without hesitation that he was a living chief, like the other chiefs, but much wiser than they. It is interesting to note that the beneficent character of this traditional chief, or culture hero, has made him a living personality in the minds of those who, from con¬ tact with the white man, have lost faith in the old legends. He is still to them a human leader, kindly, far-sighted, and wonderful in his power. Good Fur Robe always strove for the highest good of the people. He wanted them to have plenty of corn and vegetables, so he “ puri¬ fied ” the seed, making it fruitful ; he wanted the children to be healthy and the young men to succeed in war, so he organized the Goose Women Society, which, in addition to its other functions, had power to benefit the people (see pp. 39^7) ; and he wanted the village to be secure, so he organized the Black Mouth Society for its defence. Associated with Good Fur Robe were two chiefs and their “sister.” The chief next in power was Head Rattle, the third was Rawhide Loop, and their sister’s name was Swinging Corn. f The Mandan equivalent of this word was given by James Holding Eagle as Mi'hisi, meaning “ robe with heavy, handsome fur on it.” Dr. Gilbert L. Wilson, in personal conversation with the writer, stated that the full form of the word is Mi’-he-hi’-si, from mV-he, robe, M’, fur, and si, good, and that ” when the syllable he follows a vowel it is often omitted, or nearly so, if pronounced rapidly.” The name was given the chief because of a particularly fine fur robe which he wore. Dr. Gilbert states that this was the hide of a 2-year-old buffalo cow, and that the chief wore it with the hair outside. 36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 The Office of Corn Priest The corn and the buffalo were the chief subsistence of the Plains tribes, and the extent to which the procuring of these entered into their worship is an interesting study. The Omaha appear to have had the most highly developed rituals and beliefs relating to the corn and its cultivation.^® There are corn origin myths among many Indian tribes and a wealth of corn legends in the southwest, while the Pueblos have many clans named for varieties of corn. Among the Mandan and Hidatsa the Corn Priest and the rites associated with him constituted the agency for securing an abundant supply of corn; and buffalo dances were held by the people as a means of ob¬ taining these animals for food. Such dances were distinct from dances of the Buffalo Society (p. 138) and formed part of a cere¬ mony known as the Okeepa. The Buffalo dance is described by Maxi¬ milian^^ and by Catlin^® in connection with the Okeepa. Boiler mentions a similar ceremony called the Bull Medicine,” having for its object the securing of buffalo and also success in war and in the capture of horses.®^ The origin of the Dance Society is given on pages 84 and 85. Since the food supply was a constant source of anxiety to primi¬ tive people, it is not strange that a man who claimed to control that supply was regarded as a man of supernatural power. It is impos¬ sible to translate into English the religious concepts of an alien race without using words which are associated with the religion of the white race. In preceding works it is explained that the Sioux word wakay' and the Chippewa manido' are purely native terms and that their significance must be largely inferred from the connection in which they are used. (See Bull. 61, Bur. Amer. Ethn., footnotes, pp. 85, 88.) The Mandan word of this character is Jio'pinis, which is somewhat imperfectly expressed by the English word ‘‘ holy.” Instances of its use in the present work are as follows : He who was qualified to perform certain rites and to fructify the seed of corn or vegetables was called koJio pinikus, freely translated “priest;” the mysterious beings who brought the Little Kiver Women Society and its songs to the Mandan were called mako' pinimij translated “ spirit women ” ; the old man who made a wand for a novitiate of the Stone Hammer Society offered a petition to ma'liopalkti' a, literally “ great medicine,” the word Jio'pa meaning “charm or spell.” The word malic' pinide, occurring in song No. 4, is translated “ I am holy.” When the Corn Priest purified the seed, he was called ko'kayte (corn) haha'naka (purifier), the latter word meaning literally “to See Fletcher and La Flesche, The Omaha Tribe, pp. 261—269. Similar rites among the Osage have been intensively studied by Mr. La Flesche. * Maximilian, Travels, pt. ii, pp. 324-333, Catlin, “ 0-kee-pa,” pp. 16—25. Boiler, Among the Indians, pp, 100-111. densmore] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 37 wipe off impurities.” This term was applied to the Corn Priest ■ in only one of his ceremonial activities. The duties of Corn Priest were twofold in character and comprised the distribution of seed which he had in his possession, and the fructifying, or “ purifying ” of seed which was brought to him for that purpose. The first was performed every year in the spring, but the second did not always occur. Concerning the distribution of seed, it was said that the Corn Priest kept a supply of every variety of corn and knew what variety each family usually planted, for he noticed the scaffolds in the fall with their braids of drying corn. If by any chance he forgot the variety, he asked the woman who made the request and was informed whether her family raised white, yellow, red, “ pink,” or other corn. No one knew where the Corn Priest obtained his seed corn, but he always had an abundance. The request for seed was always accompanied by a gift, and he gave each woman a few kernels which she mixed with her own com, thus rendering it productive. The ceremony of purifying the corn was performed in accord¬ ance with the instructions of Good Fur Robe. A ‘‘map of the earth,” drawn on buckskin, and a ceremonial pipe, to be described in a subsequent paragraph, were used at this time. The com or other seed was spread on the ground, and the buckskin map was hung between the seed and the Corn Priest in such a position that its lower edge rested on the ground. The Corn Priest sprinkled the seed with water and sang certain songs, but these died with Moves Slowly, the last man who had the right to sing them. It is said that neither drum nor rattle was used with these songs. According to Will and Hyde the Com Priest “ then takes brushes of mint and performs the actual cleansing by brushing over all of the seed, and all of the people as well.”®^ After performing this ceremony the Corn Purifier was “ holy ” until the harvest. He painted himself and stayed in his lodge, eating only dried vegetables and corn of the previous year. It was believed that if he ate so much as one kernel of fresh corn a frost would come that night and destroy the entire crop. A Corn Priest who for some reason had not performed the ceremony of purifying the seed was under no restrictions and could eat whatever he liked. Among the regulations pertaining to the season was a rule that no one should use a knife on a cornstalk at the time of the purifying of the corn. If an extended drought en¬ dangered the crop, it was customary for a group of men, or one of the men’s societies, to gather a large quantity of gifts and take them to the Corn Priest with a request that he secure rain. If he were unable to do this, the gifts were taken to the medicine men, each of ^2 Corn among the Indians of the Upper Missouri, p. 263. Subsequent duties of the Com Ihirifler are enumerated on pages 264-268 of this work. 38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 whom in turn tried to bring rain.®^ Otter Woman said that her father, Black Tongue, was often called upon and that the people ' “ poured a great deal of water on his head, and he secured rain for the corn.” Two of Black Tongue’s songs are included in this series as Nos. 16 and 17. In the summer evenings, after it was dark, the Goose Women some¬ times went to the lodge of the Corn Priest and sang with him. The Com Priest was closely associated with this organization and had a part in its ceremonies (see p. 45). The Instructions of Good Fur Pobe IITien Good Fur Pobe, the first Corn Priest, grew to old age and realized that he had liot long to live, he selected a man as his suc¬ cessor and instructed him in the duties of the office. He also in¬ structed certain of his descendants so they could act as Corn Priests and gave them a special commission that, when he and the other male chiefs died, they should keep the three skulls, saying that as long as they did this the people would have good crops of com.®'^ His instructions were obeyed and it is said that the skulls are now in the possession of the only descendant of the three chiefs. Good Fur Pobe told his successors to keep a “map of the earth,” which he drew on buckskin, and the ceremonial pipe which was smoked only by the Corn Priest. The map and pipe were de¬ stroyed by fire when Moves Slowly’s lodge was burned and were never replaced. This fire took place prior to 1884, but the exact date could not be ascertained. A tradition concerning the origin of the ceremonial pipe is remembered by a few of the old people. They say that Good Fur Pobe wanted to make such a pipe and that his brother sought for suitable material. He found the quarry of red pipestone located in what is now the State of South Dakota and called it to the attention of Good Fur Pobe, who refused to use it for a ceremonial pipe because the red color symbolized blood. The red pipestone was therefore used only for common pipes and the ceremonial pipe was made of wood.®® MTien Good Fur Pobe had finished making this pipe, he said, “This pipe represents the earth. It is one pipe, yet it can be taken apart, the stem from the bowl. The land on the north of the Missouri Piver can be represented by Informants differed on this point, some saying that the request was made first Oif the medicine men, and that if they failed, it was taken to the Corn Priest. ^ It is the custom of some tribes of the southern plains to place the skull of a chief in their shrine. Pepper and Wilson state that the “ Hidatsa eagle-man ” said in his old age, “ My skull and my friend’s skull shall be the medicines of my band . . . And so long as my skull is thus kept in honor, my spirit will remain with it to help the people and be their guide.” (An Ilidasta shrine and the beliefs respecting it, p. 293.) A wooden pipe was among the articles in the Hidatsa shrine. See Pepper and Wilson, An Hidatsa shrine, p. 285, densmorb] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 39 one part of the pipe and that on the south by the other part, but they are joined together as one.” SOCIETIES OEGANIZED BY GOOD FUR ROBE The Goose Women Society Good Fur Robe organized this society and it is said to have been “holy,” because Good Fur Robe was at the head of it and he was a “holy man” (priest). He selected certain women as the first mem¬ bers of the society and divided them into two companies, telling one company to paint their mouths black and the other to paint their mouths blue. He also gave them certain songs and told them how to conduct their ceremony. He said this society would “ look after the corn,’’ and that if there were an early frost the Goose Women must bring presents to him so that he could prevent damage to the crop. Good Fur Robe told the man whom he trained as his succes¬ sor that he must sing with the Goose Women when they danced and select two others to sing with him. In later years four men sometimes sang at the dances of the Goose Women. In addition to their duties in connection with the corn and the holding of a cere¬ mony in the spring, the Goose Women were believed to have special powers for good. Thus, if a child were ailing, its parents took presents to the Goose Women, and it is said that after a time the child grew straight and sturdy as the young corn. If a young man were going on the warpath he might betake himself to the Goose Women and ask them to give him success. The exact nature of their help was not ascertained except that they “sang hymns which were prayers.” From the time of Good Fur Robe until the old customs were lost in the life of civilization this gentle sisterhood was perpetuated, being an honored and important part of the tribal organization. Young girls of suitable temperament were selected and trained for membership, the Goose Women watching constantly for those adapted to a place among them. The character and traditional origin of the society is thus empha¬ sized in order, so far as possible, to vivify the early life of the Mandan. The writer’s informants did not indicate the Goose Women as an age society in the usual acceptance of the term. Lowie states that “ it is evident that the Goose Society is of a distinctly more religious character than either the Skunk or the Enemy So¬ ciety,®® and presents a detailed study of the organization.®^ Maxi¬ milian lists it only as an Hidatsa organization, describing it as a medicine feast under, the name of “ the corn dance feast of the Lowie, Societies of the Hidatsa and Mandan Indians, p, 338. BTIbid., pp. 323, 330-338. 40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 86 women.” His account has many resemblances to that herewith pre- sented.®® Curtis describes an Hidatsa ceremony in honor of the mythical Old-Avoman-who-never-dies, for the purpose of securing abundant crops of corn.®^ Ci:remony and Meeting of the Goose Women Society When the geese went away in the fall a woman might say, “ I promise, O geese, to give a feast for the Goose Women when you return in the spring.” Such a woman began her preparations for the feast before the coming of the geese and several of her friends helped her. Together they made a rack of poles with sticks laid across the poles, and on this rack they hung slices of beef or other meat and of fat. This feast was held in connection with the cere¬ mony of the Goose Women Society which took place in the spring of the year.®® The ceremony of the Goose Women took place during the day, and its meeting, with dancing, was held that evening. The cere¬ mony was held in the open air, near the rack of poles on which was hung the meat. Coming from one of the lodges, the Goose Women appeared carrying large sheaves of fresh sage in their arms. Four songs were sung during the ceremony, exclusive of that sung by the Corn Priest alone. During the first and second songs (Nos. 1 and 2) the Goose Women swayed to and fro like the corn in the field. The third and fourth songs of the group (Nos. 3 and 5) were connected with a trance which formed part of the ceremony. All these were “ sacred songs.” In all the songs of the Goose Women Society it was customary for three or four men to sing with the women, this being one of the regulations imposed by Good Fur Robe when he organized the so¬ ciety. Each of these men beat upon a hand drum similar to those used in the men’s societies, but much smaller and decorated all around the rawhide head with goose tracks placed close together near the edge of the drum. The specimen illustrated (pi. 13, a) is very old and is in the possession of the North Dakota Historical Society. The rawhide is so discolored with age that only one goose track is discernible. This track is inches in length and about the same in width. The drum is warped by the strain of the rawhide, and ^ Maximilian, Travels, pt. ii, pp. 334—336. Curtis, The North American Indian, vol. iv, pp. 148—152. Maximilian mentions an autumn feast of the Goose Women, and Will and Hyde state that the autumn ceremony was considered more important than that held in the spring. “ Meat racks were set up and the women danced four dances, just as in the spring corn dance ; but the ifall dance was primarily a buffalo ceremony, intended to insure a good fall hunt.” (Corn among the Indians of the Upper Missouri, p. 275.) A connection between corn and the buffalo as important articles of food has already been mentioned in this paper (p. 36). BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 13 c. Goose Women Society drum b. Drumming stick used with Goose Women Society drum BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 14 Otter Woman b. Bear-on-the-liat c. Pan DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 41 measures 15^ inches at its largest and 13| inches at its smallest diameter. The thickness of the drum varies from 3 to 3f inches. The rawhide is fastened across the back of the drum with strips of hide that cross in the middle, forming a handhold (see also pi. 9, 5). The drumming stick was made for the writer by Ben Ben¬ son, who is familiar with the usage of the society. The stick is new, but the bulfalo-hide covering of the end is very old and ap¬ parently has been used on a similar drumming stick. On remov¬ ing this covering it was found that the wood at the end of the stick had been scraped and turned downward, the inner bark being left in narrow strips, betAveen which were 12 spaces. This form suggests a 12-row ear of corn with the silk turned downward, but as the writer had left the reservation it was impossible to secure information concerning the complete symbolism of the stick. Eagle feathers were placed around the end of the drumming stick, and the bulfalo-hide covering was held in place by a strip of the same material (pi. 13, &). A drum decorated with goose tracks is noted on page 91. Wounded Face, who contributed a portion of the information con¬ cerning this society, was a singer at its last meetings. The first song is of unusual interest. Wounded Face said it is called the captive song because of the following legend : Many years ago a Goose woman was captured by an enemy and taken far away, but she managed to escape and started toward home. As she traveled wearily a flock of geese flew above her. They flew low and sang this song, which she learned from them. The words of the song appear to be connected with Old-woman-who-never-dies, a mythical charac¬ ter associated with many of the agricultural beliefs and practices of the Mandan and Hidatsa. She resembles the Mother Corn and the Spider Woman of certain tribes farther south, though differing from . them in many respects. Maximilian states that “ The old Avoman who never dies sends, in the spring, the waterfowl, swans, geese, and ducks as symbols of the kinds of grain cultivated by the Indians. The wild goose signifies maize ; the swan, the gourd ; and the duck, beans. It is the old woman who causes these plants to grow, and, therefore, she sends these birds as her signs and representatives.” The Old-woman-who-never-dies was called Mother, and as the birds Avere her representatiA^es, the geese and the Goose Women might, as in this instance, address one another as mother and daughter. The ceremonial use of this and the four songs next following has already been noted. Maximilian, Travels, pt. ii, p. 335. Cf. also Will and Spinden, The Mandans, p. 141, 42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 80 No. 1. The Captive Song* (Catalogue No. 808) Recorded by Scatteked Corn Voice so Drum not recorded Vr-iv-H - h - Pi ' 'r Q :: : n IJ J i A 7^ n 1 « _ _ Lx 1 Fa ^ m m 31. ? - -4._ 1 _ m. _ Lat Pdi - hai)-ka WORDS (MANDAN) pdi^hagka - , - my youngest daughter hido'namido'tede _ here you are hug - yes na'e - mother hido'mamitede _ I am here Analysis. — This song contains several peculiarities which occur in other songs of the present series. Most interesting of these is a downward glissando, which followed the tone in the eighth measure and the final tone of the song. It is a trailing of the voice which can not be indicated by notation. Among other songs containing a similar glissando, either during the melody or at the close, are Nos. 19, 2'3, and 29. In this song the compass of the glissando was approximately a whole tone. The song comprises two periods of eight measures each. This gives an effect of rhythmic regularity, but the sequence of measure lengths is different in the two periods. A rest occurs at the close of the first period. Other songs contain¬ ing rests are Nos. 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 16, 19, 21, 34, 38, 57, 65, 74, 92, 93, 103, and 104. Syncopations, or nota legato^ occur also in Nos. 47, 50, 52, 53, 73, 81, 85, 89, 96, 98, and 110. A comparison of these three peculiarities in songs previously analyzed is noted on page 31. DfiNSMOREj MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 43 No. 2. Song of the Goose Women Society (a) (Catalogue No. 809) Recorded by Scattered Corn Voice J = 80 .Drum J r so See drum-rhythm below I - j -V~0— 4- - 1 1 hi 1 *1 — f J — ^ n .J .J in to m i fi^ ' _ J _ 1 _ lL_2 _ K _ K _ _ 1 r. m • ^ - Lat _ • _ *_I Drum - rhythm nn nr: Analysis. — Three renditions of this song were recorded and in them all the tones were given with reasonable accuracy, but the pro¬ gression from one tone to another was by a glissando which can not be transcribed. The melodic interest of the song lies in the fifth and sixth measures, which contain the descending triads C-A-F and F-D-B flat. The rhythmic interest lies in the variation of the rhythmic unit which appears in the seventh and eighth measures, the second count of the unit being prolonged to twice its length. The following song is among those considered sacred.” In the old days the women became unconscious during the singing of this song, and it is said that corn often came from their mouths. Some¬ times little ducks, or even singing birds, came from the mouths of the Goose Women while they were in this trance. 44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 3. “My Daughter” (Catalogue No. 810) Recorded by Scattered Corn Voice J- = so Drum J- = so See drum-rhythm below - 1 1 1 — !• — m - b ^4 JJ ^ * njT r 1 n 1 i 1 — 771 V v' "y h m ^ • ^ a : Cr W Gr —& - He - hai) - ka ko-Kai) - te - haijk e o-wa - ka-to - he mi-ko • te II 3 t— 1 I n J. - ^ J. II Drum - rhythm J. J. J. J. WORDS (MANDAN) he'haqka _ my daughter ko^hagtehagk _ this corn owa'katohe miko'te _ that L can never use up Analysis. — This melody has a compass of 10 tones, yet with one exception the intervals are small, containing two, three, or four semi- dJinsMorb] mandak akd hidatsa music 45 tones. The largest interval is an ascending minor sixth. The small intervals comprise 7 major thirds, 17 minor thirds, and 19 major seconds. It is interesting, though not unusual, to note the fre¬ quency of the minor third in a song of major tonality. The rhythmic unit is short and repeated throughout the song. In this instance the entire measure length is indicated as the metric unit, the voice dividing this period of time into three and the drum into two parts. Drum and voice were synchronous on the first count of each measure. The following song was sung by the Corn Priest alone, while the women were in a trance and the water birds were coming from their mouths. This is one of the “ sacred songs ” of the society, and in it the “ power that is in the Goose Women ” is speaking. No. 4. Song* of the Corn Priest (Catalogue No. 812) Recorded by Scattered Corn Voice J = los Drum not recordea — *1 — — ^ - F"! - 1 - 1 ^ w ^ ^ ^ W 1 F r ^ J _ F _ _ L _ JJZ _ _ J _ LJ igl ml mi'hena _ malio'pinide- e'hes _ mi'mao'dote- 2118®— 23 - 5 WORDS (M AND AN) _ a woman _ “ I am holy ” —1. _ said _ I am the one 46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bulu so Analysis. — This song is harmonic in structure and contains all the tones of the octave except the second. The framework of the melody consists of the descending fourth B flat-F, followed by the descend¬ ing triad F-D-B flat and the descending fourth B fiat^F in the lower octave. About one-third of the intervals are fourths. Several ren¬ ditions of the song were recorded and show no material differences. This song was sung after the Goose Women had recovered from their trance and been “ cleansed.” No. 5. Song* of the Goose Women Society (b) (Catalogue No. 811) Kecorded by Scattered Corn Voice J z so Drum J r so Analysis. — The tempo of this song is similar to that of No. 3, this tempo being steadily maintained with drum and voice synchronous on the first of each measure. Six complete and one partial rendition were recorded. The pitch was gradually raised during these rendi¬ tions, but the entire variation is less than a semitone (see No. 13). The principal intervals are the fourth and the major second. At the conclusion of the ceremony it was customary for certain young girls to take home with them for safe-keeping the sage bundles carried by the Goose Women. These bundles were regarded as ‘‘sacred,” and the young girls entrusted with them were probably girls who, at a later time, became members of the society. In the evening they took the bundles to the lodge where the Goose Women DBNSMORE] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 47 were assembled, and joined in the dancing. From time to time a Goose Woman would ask one of these girls to leave the dance and go to her home. There she spread a robe on the ground and gave the girl a feast. The girl ate all she could and her parents were permitted to take what was left except a little which the girl herself was required to take to the singers in the lodge. After all the young girls had thus been entertained by the Goose Women and had re¬ turned to the lodge the singers sang a “ cleansing song,” and the young girls “ cleansed ” themselves with sprigs of fresh sage. Mean¬ time the sheaves of sage were placed upright against one of the posts of the lodge. At the close of the meeting the Goose Women carried the bundles of sage to their own homes. As they left the lodge a buffalo robe was spread for them to walk upon, and they stepped on it as they went from the lodge, carrying the sheaves of sage in their arms. The Black Mouth Society After Good Fur Kobe had organized the Goose Women Society he selected the bravest men of the tribe and organized a society of warriors. According to Bear-on-the-fiat the name that Good Fur Kobe gave the society meant ‘‘ Brave Warriors.” It was the duty of members of this society to defend the village and also to keep order within it. Their commands were arbitrary and obeyed by all. Good Fur Kobe instructed them to blacken the lower part of their faces in the same manner as one branch of the Goose Women Society. This custom gave the society its present name. The insignia of the society consisted of two rods about the length of a spear,” to which raven skins were attached. Wounded Face said that the head of the bird was fastened tightly near the top of the rod and the body of the bird hung loosely. These rods were carried in war and a member of the society, having placed one of the rods upright in the ground, was not allowed to retreat from the place. However, if he were seen to be in mortal danger, a comrade could release him by snatching the rod and carrying it away. (Cf. Fox Society, p. 109.) The following tradition concerning the origin of this society was related to Doctor Lowie by Wounded Face: “Long ago Good Fur Kobe assembled the middle-aged men. To the leader he gave one cornstalk and to the rear man another. ‘ When the enemy chase you,’ he instructed them, ‘ plant these in the ground and do not run away.’ Sometimes a cornstalk has five branches at the top. Later a stick with a spearhead was made to represent the cornstalks ; owl wing feathers were tied to its side, as well as crow or raven wing feathers and a raven head. , . . They painted their faces black. This is noted also among the age societies on p. 108, 4 48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bulu so The Goose Women used the same paint, because their society was founded by the same man.” Meeting of the Black Mouth Society ^Yhen the Black Mouth Society held a meeting the members were seated in an open cuiwe, the raven-rod bearers being at the ends of the curve (fig. 3). Next them were two men with rattles, which were described as “ little boxes with pebbles in them.” At the back of the curve were stationed four singers with large hand drums, and at some distance in front of them were two men holding pipes that were said to be “ calu¬ mets” and used in negotiations of of Dancers peace. These pipes were complete, with bowl and stem.® It was said that the pipe bearers held the pipes in front of them, chest high, using both hands and holding the mouthpiece of the pipe away from them as though offer¬ ing it to someone. They stood with heads bowed, took no notice of persons around them, and kept time to the music by slightly bending their knees. They did not dance nor move from the place where they stood. The raven-rod bearers walked back and forth across the entrance to the circle during the dancing, and a song was not begun until the raven-rod bearers had left their places. The men withThe rattles started the songs, which were at once taken up by the singers with the drums. The rattle bearers moved around the circle, passing between the singers and the men who held the pipes. The dancers o o + Lance bearer. Man with rattle. Pipe bearer. Drums. Part of row of dancers. Fig. S'. — Diagram showing movements of men in ceremony of Black Mouth, Society. Lowie, Societies of the Hidatsa and Mandan Indians, pp. 313—314. This contains also an account of a meeting of the society. Cf. “ Calumet,” Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Handbook of American Indians, pp. 191- 195. 4 DENS more] MANDAN AND HiDATSA MUSIC 49 followed them. It appears that the dancers did not cross the entrance, blit turned on reaching the end of the curve. The meetings of this society are said to have been dignified and impressive, the men being sometimes seated, but frequently “ standing like soldiers ” around the circle when they were not dancing. Wounded Face related a tradition concerning the following song. He said that on one occasion the Black Mouth Society was holding a meeting and one of the ravens on the raven rods was heard to utter its characteristic cry. Everyone wondered which raven it was. They listened to hear if the sound were repeated. It came again, and then they knew that it came from the raven carried by a man named Skunk. The cry was considered a warning of disaster and Skunk sang this song. No. 6. Son^ to the Raven (Catalogue No. 861) Recorded by Wounded Face Voice J z so Drum not recorded wf^j^friiiifrUnr mr'fe 3 y«it Cj»u- 1^1*' r r f r r I f I* r r 1^1 m Ke-ka mi-o-wa-te-dos ki-ka-de-tu T I WORDS (MANDAN) ke'ka _ raven mi'owate'dos _ I am going to die kika'detd _ fly away Analysis. — It is interesting to note that only one of the five Black Mouth Society songs contains a rhythmic unit and that only one (No. 10) contains more than five scale degrees. A descending trend characterizes this melody, which is harmonic in structure. The compass is 12 tones and about four-fifths of the intervals are minor thirds and major seconds. The tone material comprises only the minor triad and fourth. 50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 7. “Earth Always Endures.” (Catalogue No. 859) Recorded by Wounded Face Voice J = ss Drum not recorded L_ a . 0 - 1 — A A • ^ ’ ■ — fl 1/. » _ /V _ A _ ^ ^ ^ _ u 7 '1 * r" r" r n r 1 =L. K ■ -1 — L -1 — *- WOEDS (MANDAN) ma'ake - earth te'hai) - always makes' - endures Analysis. — This song, like No. 6, contains only 5 tones, or scale degrees, which in this instance are those of the major triad and second. Like No. 6, this song is harmonic in structure and has an extended compass. Two-thirds of the intervals are descending pro¬ gressions, this being a frequent proportion of descending intervals in the Indian songs analyzed by the writer. No. 8. “Enemies Are Many” (Catalogue No. 860) Recorded by Wounded Face Voice J = 69 Drum not recorded .1 - ff (!• # . ~r%x Ti 1 1 I I ■ 41 1 1 1 ^ ^ ■ ' ■ ' ■ J.- l 88 f f -^V ..*1 ■ -J--. I M 1 1 i - 1 tl L X 1 1 1 I I L ^ u V. ■ t r. \ \ y ^ I -9fc I ^ We-nu-ka- T ni-te wi-da-ta-ni- te ^ hu-mi - kas ■ O 1 ~l 1 TXl 1 - — 1 — n - #• ' ^ ^•| 1 ^ _J_J 1 /u 1 1 w ' r > _ m‘*4 y 1 r. F 1 _ _ 1 / a _ 1 U a « if — ..rg 1^. l.;Hb ^ II DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 51 WORDS (MANDAN) wenu'kanite' - my comrades wi'data'nite' - - - enemies (all unfriendly tribes) hu'mikas - are many Analysis. — In structure this song resembles Nos. 6 and T, the range being extended and the progression being chiefly by intervals containing two or three semitones. The tone material is that of the fourth five-toned scale, and the sixth is, in one instance, lowered a semitone. No. 9. Going to Dance (Catalogue No. 903) Recorded by Little Crow WORDS (HIDATSA) madi'si - to dance mare'wits _ I am going Analysis. — The tone material of this song is that of the fourth five-toned scale, and it has a compass of 14 tones. More than half the progressions are minor thirds. 52 BUREAU or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 10. Black Mouth Society Song (Catalogue No. 869) Recorded by Sitting Rabbit Voice J r 63 Drum not recorded r 4 m- IS' r 1 “¥F - mn - ^ - •- .A • ' a ^ L 1 *■ 1 K - ■— i- . 1.^. Analysis. — This is the only Black Mouth Society song containing a rhythmic unit. This unit occurs three times in double measures and a similar count division occurs in the seventh measure, which is in triple time. The song is minor in tonality, melodic in structure, and has a compass of 13 tones. CUSTOMS Singing in the Gardens As the women were given a prominent place by Good Fur Kobe in the tribal organizations, so, also, they had an important part in the economic life of the tribe. Upon the women rested the responsi¬ bility for the cultivation of the gardens, that were located a mile or more from the village. There they worked in the fields of corn, beans, squashes, and pumpkins, breaking new ground, if necessary, and carrying on their agricultural pursuits in a systematic manner. From the little children to the old women there was work for all, adapted to their strength and ability. Very picturesque were the gardens, with corn and beans planted at equal distances in alternate rows, so arranged that the stalks of corn were opposite the spaces between the hills of beans. A pleasure in the beauty of the gardens is evident in any mention of them by the Mandan. DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 53 When the com was almost ripe, it was closely guarded by the women of the tribe. Scaffolds or platforms were erected for this purpose. These were not so strong as the corn-di’ying scaffolds in the village and were usually placed near a tree, or provided with artificial shade. There the women sat, often busying themselves with some handiwork, and around these guarding platforms there centered much of the inner life of the village. This is evidenced in the character of many of the garden songs which were sung by the watchers and are said to have been sung also by the women when cultivating the young plants. They are social songs, it being ex¬ pressly stated that the songs were not “ intended to make the com grow.” Many phases of village life found expression amid the sweet surroundings of the garden, or in the gentle dawn when the women went early to their work. Many of the garden songs were the posses¬ sion of certain individuals who, it appears, sometimes put new words to old melodies, as in Nos. 12 to IT. Other songs may have been indi¬ vidual compositions. One woman, bowed with years, said that “ the garden songs were always lonesome songs,” and we find in some of them a sadness that was undoubtedly repressed in the village. Others are evidently the songs of young girls, and in tliem we find the word i'mupa^ which is translated “my best friend,” but is more accurately expressed by the word “chum,” as it contains the idea of the first excluding affection of a young girl by which she chooses one particular girl of her own age as her constant companion. This word occurs also in a song of the Little River Women Society (No. 39). It was not unusual for two young girls to' watch adjacent cornfields from the same guarding platform. Such girls might have sung No. 12. A suggestion of the difficulties connected with gardening is pre¬ served in the following song, which is said to have been taught to very young girls. The words are freely translated thus: “It is hard work to care for a garden. The blackbirds come and eat it up. Come, my brother, and kill them.” The gardens of the Mandan probably differed little from those of the Hidatsa. Cf. Wilson, Agriculture of the Hidatsa Indians, pp. 22—34. Concerning the varieties of corn, see Will and Hyde, Corn among the Indians of the Upper Missouri, pp. 284—317. 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 11. “Kill the Blackbirds” (Catalogue No. 877) Recorded by Otter Woman Voice J = se Drum not recorded - 4 i • _ a - J - U • Analysis. — In rhythmic structure this song comprises three pe¬ riods, each ending with a half-note. The rhythm of the first period is slightly different from that of the second and third. The ac¬ cented tones, with one exception, are those of the major triad,, yet 9 of the 15 intervals are minor thirds. It was customary for a woman to have certain garden songs of her own, as the men had their personal war songs. The two songs next following are the personal songs of Scattered Corn. No. 12. “ Tli'e Corn is My Pleasure ” (Catalogue No. 813) Recorded by Scattered Corn Voice J r eo Drum not recorded WORDS (MANDAN, NOT TRANSCRIBED) i'mupa - my best friend wa'tewedni'tasika'iia _ what do you like? e'teka'na— - you said mita'tamiha'otake _ the corn (an old term) a'te _ _ is ptaha'pana'sote' _ my pleasure Analysis. — The intonation in the four renditions of this song was somewhat wavering, yet a difference between the tone transcribed as dbnsmoee] MANDAN AI^D HIDATSA MUSIC 55 E sharp (third measure) and that transcribed as E natural (fourth measure) is always apparent. The song contains only the tones of the minor triad and seventh. Other songs with this tone material are Nos. 20, 28, 32, 34, 40, 65, and 79, constituting 8 per cent of the entire number of songs. This tone material occurred in three Chip¬ pewa songs, one Sioux song, and two songs of the Northern Utes. In material previously analyzed it is a very rare occurrence that a song ends on an unaccented part of the measure. If the final tone occurs on that portion of a measure it is prolonged into the next measure, but in the present series 26 songs (24 per cent) end on an unaccented count and the tone is terminated before the begin¬ ning of the next measure. Songs with this peculiarity are Nos. 12, 17, 21, 25, 26, 29, 36, 38, 44, 49, 50, 53, 55, 57, 58, 71, 77, 86, 87, 92, 95, 101, 102, 103, 104, and 105. This song is strongly rhythmic in char¬ acter but contains no rhythmic unit. The principal interval of pro¬ gression is the minor thjrd which constitutes 42 per cent of the entire number of intervals. No. 13. “ I am Alone ” Recorded by Scatteeed Corn (Catalogue No. 814) Voice J = ee Drum not recorded r-i ^ 1 1?. nL'' ;•] [ l I 1 i« I aiT rw — : - : - ri — t ^ 1 1 U' L 4* n — — TT 1 •! 1 k. II <0 1 1 r ■ /.. y. 1 t j-a — I — “ftrx H y 1 1 J J j.. 1 f ^ m ' 1 ^ -W-t A., ^ 1 1 TT ^ 1 I- - 1 1 R rw V - . 1 1 ! 1 [ ri WA ^ ■ •» r» V- ^ 1 w L J mt.. ) ' ^ M tli 1 1 It r. ^ ^ ^ r ^ ^ > 1 ^ ^ • II ^ T T'- . numak'daheki' - that man wa'niwapa'ka na'sona _ you refused numa'kenus _ that man o'niku e'oska _ is it he? liawas - he is lost 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 mi'lia _ liampe' _ walia' _ (le'ba _ wa'hake'nikiik' e'oska _ wahe'ki _ - I am alone . tlie day - to see, . for a long time - I will be alone, . him - I cannot see Analysis. — A slight rising in pitch is noted in the four renditions of this song, as in No. 5. The tone material is that of the fourth five- toned scale. The melody progresses chiefly by whole tones, the inter¬ val of a major second constituting 53 per cent of the entire number of intervals. The preceding song, while expressing loneliness, is still the song of a young girl. The two songs next following are those of a widow. In 1912 Otter Woman (pi. 14, a) and Little Crow, her husband, re¬ corded No. 63. Little Crow died soon afterwards, and when the writer returned in 1915 Otter Woman recorded these two songs, saying she had put her own words to old melodies and sung them ever since her husband died. She was so overcome with emotion that the songs were transcribed with difficulty. The melodies are those of old-time garden songs. The words of No. 14 are freely translated as follows: “ The man who was my lover is dead and gone. I wonder where he is gone. I am lonely every day. If I could go to him as I am I would go, no matter how far away.” No. 14. “My Lover is Dead ” (Catalogne No. 875) Recorded by Otter Woman Voice J r so Drum not recorded Analysis. — The tempo of this song is particularly slow. The sub¬ dominant is prominent,' a peculiarity that was noted in songs of sad¬ ness among the Chippewa. More than half the progressions are minor thirds, and the song has a compass of 12 tones. dbnsmore] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 57 The words of this song are freely translated as follows: “A Dog Society man went north to war and was killed there. I am sad every day because I did not see him coming back. My sweetheart, if I could go to you just as I am, I would go.” No. 15. “ My Heart Aches Every Day ” (Catalogue No. 878) Recorded by Otter Woman Voice J 56 Drum not recorded -■i .n iistj j II Analysis. — This song contains all the tones of the octave except the sixth and seventh, but the only accented tones are those of the major triad. The range is from the dominant above the tonic to the dominant in the lower octave. The song progresses by intervals con¬ taining two, three, or four semitones, the only interval other than these being the descending fourth at the close of the song. Otter Woman said that she learned the next two songs from Black Tongue, her father. It was said that her father sang No. 16 in the garden, and that “ it was sung even before his time.” It is interest¬ ing to note that the intervals are larger in these two songs than in the preceding garden songs (Nos. 11-15), which were composed and sung by women. 58 BtJREAtr OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, bo No. 16. “This is Her Tillage” (Catalogue No. 874) Recorded by Otter Woman Voice J = 96 Drum not recorded itr •J.'.hirj !■- I f— — — — a 1 Jf =2^ . V? n ■ Ft [=u. Suk-mi-he - « - nus ta-mi - ti XT wa - lie wa-hus hi- do te - o - to te i WORDS ( MANDAN ) sukmi'henus _ the maiden tami'ti _ her village wahe' _ to see wahus' _ I came hi'do te'tote _ this it is (Free translation; “The maiden I came to see, this is her village.”) Analysis. — Fifty intervals occur in this song, 19 of which are fourths and 22 are major seconds. The song shows a descent of 11 tones in the first 10 measures, this descending trend being repeated in the second portion of the song. The interval of a fourth was clearly given, though the intonation on other intervals was wavering in the three renditions. The song contains all the tones of the octave except the second and seventh. dbnsmore] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 59 Black Tongue, said to have been the owner of this and the pre¬ ceding song, is remembered as one of the principal medicine men among the Mandan. Otter Woman was 74 years old when she recorded her father’s songs and said that he died when she was about 30 years old. She said that when the people wanted rain so the corn would grow they brought water and poured it on her father’s head, and it always rained. In the following song he ‘‘ spoke to the corn,” and said, “ You have all come back.” No. 17. Song to the Corn .(Catalogue No. 876) Recorded by Otter Woman Voice J = ss Drum not recorded Analysis. — The interval of a major third does not occur in this song, wdiich is major in tonality. The interval of a fourth comprises almost 25 per cent of the intervals and the minor third occurs with about the same frequency. Like the other garden songs, it is not rhythmic, though a short unit of rhythm appears twice. The tone material is the fourth five-toned scale, and the song has a compass of 12 tones. An echo of another side of the village life appears in the following song, which was recorded by Yellow Hair (pi. 15, a)^ wife of Butter¬ fly (pi. 15, c). The songs of Butterfly are Nos. 79, 88, and 106 in this series. The words of this song were not recorded, but were said to mean “The first (or present) wife laughs when the next wife is brought to the lodge.” 60 bureau of AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 18. “The First Wife Laughs” (Catalogue No. 906) Recorded by Yellow Hair Voice J r 48 Drum not recorded Analysis. — This song contains four rhythmic periods, the second containing two measures and the others containing three measures. A taunting effect is given by the count divisions in the middle por- tion of the song. Other songs expressing derision are Nos. 93 and 107. Other songs containing syncopations are noted in the analysis of No. 1. With the exception of an ascending major sixth, the melody progresses entirely by intervals containing two, three, or four semitones. Eagle Catching Early travelers in the Northwest mention the custom of eagle catching, but Matthews states that his is the first complete descrip¬ tion of it.®® This differs from the accounts given the present writer in that, according to him, the birds were allowed their liberty after their tail feathers had been removed. The writer’s Mandan and Hidatsa informants agreed that the eagles were killed, and the Hidatsa informants stated that they were buried with some cere¬ mony. The custom appears to have been common to both tribes and widely practiced in that region. The principal information, with the songs herewith presented, is from the Mandan, but certain notes are given from the Hidatsa. Matthews, Ethnography of the Hidatsa, pp. 58—60. Cf. also Pepper and Wilson. An Hidatsa shrine, pp. 310—314. In this account a black bear instructed a man in the art of eagle catching, and the stuffed skin of a young black bear was the eagle catcher’s fetish. The writer’s interpreter stated that the animal referred to in the tradition was “ something like a bear,” but that ” as near as he could make out it must have been a wolverine.” Because of his uncertainty, he used the term ‘‘ little animal ” in his inter¬ preting, but, with this explanation, the word “ wolverine ” is used in this material. The catching of eagles by means of pits was practiced by the Blackfeet, Sioux, Cheyenne, and Arapaho, and presumably by all the Plains tribes. The custom among the Black- feet, with a mention of ” eagle songs,” is recorded by George Bird Grinnell in Blackfoot Lodge Tales, pp. 236-240. DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 61 The Mandan material comprised in this section was supplied' by Ben Benson, the last Mandan who has the hereditary right to sing the eagle-catching songs. He has in his possession the eagle catcher’s fetish, consisting of the skin of a wolverine, which he inherited from Iron Eyes, his father. He also has two “ mushroom rattles ” (see pp. 62-63) which were used in certain ceremonies of the eagle camp. Iron Eyes gave four horses in exchange for the skin of the wolverine, though it was his by inheritance, and so great is the respect shown this fetish in the camp that it is seldom, if ever, taken from the lodge of its owner. In accordance with native custom, Ben Benson brought a witness with him for this important con¬ ference, selecting Water Chief, a leading member of the tribe, who occasionally made suggestions or was consulted by Benson. The interpreter was Mr. Fred Huber, an Hidatsa, as a Mandan inter¬ preter was not available and Benson spoke the two languages with equal fluency. Benson’s information is as follows : The man in charge of the eagle camp was called Old Wolverine, referring to the legend of the origin of the custom (pp. 64-69), and the office was hereditary, as already indicated. The duties of Old Wolverine included the selection of the place for the camp and the direction of all its arrangements. The eagle-catching camp was made in the autumn, soon after the corn harvest, and the people remained in it “ until the ice was along the edge of the rivers and little pools.” The eagle traps were located out of sight of the camp and about a mile and a half distant from it. While in the eagle camp the men did not sleep at home, but in a large lodge, where they lay with their heads on one long log. An eagle trap consisted of a hollow in the ground covered with a matting. The foundation of this matting was of brush and it is said that grass and weeds were so cleverly interwoven with the brush and were placed above it in such a manner that a casual observer would not notice any difference between the trap and the hillside on which it was placed. The traps were usually located on the slope of a knoll or butte, about one-third the distance below the summit. It is said this location was chosen because the eagles were frequently seen to sweep to the ground just after flying over a knoll. Beside the woven matting, at the side next the summit of the knoll, the bait was fastened to the ground. This was usually a rabbit from which the skin had been removed, but a fox was sometimes used for the purpose. The eagle catcher seated himself in the hollow con¬ cealed by the brush matting, and when an eagle alighted on the mat¬ ting he secured it by reaching upward and grasping its feet. Traps were placed in locations where eagles were often seen, and much care 2118^—23 - 6 62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 was bestowed on the selection of suitable places, but this in itself was not considered sufficient to insure success. Benson stated that ‘‘ it was a very solemn thing to go out to catch eagles, and if a man were not serious he would not succeed.” The eagle-catching songs recorded by Benson are Nos. 19 to 30. The writer visited an eagle trap, which had been in disuse for about 75 years. It was near the house of Running Babbit, at the edge of the “ bad lands,” and was considered a particularly well- located trap in the old days. Running Rabbit’s father had used it so many times that when the land on the reservation was divided among the Indians he asked that the knoll on which it was located be made part of his allotment. His wish was granted, and the land is now in the possession of his son. The trap is situated on the western slope of a butte, which is one of a long series, all being somewhat similar in contour. From the eagle trap there is a wide view toward the north and northwest (pi. 17, a, h). The spot selected for the trap was a small bench, or bit of comparatively level land, not much larger than the trap itself. Weeds and brush had filled the hollow, but these were easily cut away and the writer descended into it. The holloAV was found to be 3 feet deep and less than 4 feet in width. It was intended that the proportions of the trap should be such that when a man was seated in it his head would be only a little below the brush matting, thus enabling him to reach up and grasp the feet of the eagle. A bone was found sticking upright in the ground close to the trap on the side toward the summit of the knoll. This bone (pi. 16, a) had apparently been used for fastening the bait. It was identified as an upright vertebra of the buffalo, is about 14 inches in length, and on it there remains a trace of red paint.®® The writer also visited the location of the eagle catcher’s camp, about a mile distant from this trap. Benson stated that at the close of the eagle-catching camp there occurred a period of fasting, which continued four days. During this time certain ceremonial rattles were used by Old Wolverine. The rattles are known as ‘‘mushroom rattles” because of their shape; two used in the old times, as already indicated, are in the possession of Ben Benson. Old Wolverine held a rattle in each hand and struck them together, either the edges or the flat tops, after which he shook them in the usual manner of using a rattle. The specimen illustrated (pi. 9, d) belonged to Moves Slowly and is in the possession of the North Dakota Historical Society, having A buffalo skull showing traces of red paint was (found by the writer on the site of a Sioux sun dance held in 1882. It is interesting, to note the persistence of the native vermilion, though exposed to the severity of the weather in that region. (Bull. 61, Bur. Amer, Ethn., p. 93.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 15 a. Yellow Hair c. ButterUy b. Sitting Rabbit BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 16 a. Bone used for fastening bait in eagle catching, b, c. “ Kick-ball” BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 17 a. Eagle trap (filled by vegetation in foreground) b. View from eagle trap ensmoeeJ MAKDAN AND HlDATSA MUSIC 63 been photographed for this work through the courtesy of Dr. Melvin . 1. Gilmore. It is made of rawhide sewn over a small wooden hoop at one end. The rattle is 5f inches in total length, the handle is inches long, and the top is inches in diameter. The handle is decorated with wild sage and the entire rattle is painted with native vermilion. So much time was required for recording the eagle-catching jngs, with the information concerning them, that it was impossible I secure further details concerning the camp. Accordingly, the fore- oing narrative was translated to Buffalo Paunch and Dancing Bull, members of the Hidatsa tribe, and an inquiry was made from them on the subject. They stated that the custom of their tribe was substantially the same that Benson had related concerning the Man- dan and added the following information as supplementary to his. They said that eagle catching among the Hidatsa was called a'masi ^dre'ri^ meaning “cache going into,” and referring to the position of the eagle catcher when at his work.®’^ Although many men "mped together, each had his own eagle trap, which he never itered unless the wind was in the west. The remainder of the ae was spent in the camp or in securing food. Those who were most “serious in mind” were accustomed to make a great effort secure success. There was a sweat lodge in the camp, and some .:.en tortured themselves in the sweat lodge, crying aloud as they prayed to the spirits for success in securing eagles. It was not unusual for a man to ask that cuts be inflicted in his breast or back similar to those sometimes inflicted during the sun dance. These were not made by Old Wolverine, but by the man’s “ clan fathers,” or “ clan brothers.” A man who, after prolonged effort, was un¬ able to secure any eagles sometimes tortured himself severely in his effort to secure assistance from the spirits. A frequent cus¬ tom, in such instances, was to bend down a sapling so that when a man was suspended from it by the flesh of his breast or back his toes would touch the ground. Usually a man enduring this tor¬ ture was released at midnight by Old Wolverine, but if the man had expressed a desire to remain in that position during the entire night Old Wolverine did not go to his relief until daybreak. This was a severe ordeal, as the nights at that season of the year were frosty and the man suffered from cold as well as from the pain of sus¬ pension. It was said that, in the old days, this torture was repeated from 10 to 30 times if it did not sooner bring success in catching eagles. Matthews states that the covered hole or trap is called “ amasi'.” Op. cit., p, 58. 64 :BUREAU of AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 Those who were less serious in temperament spent much time in the diversions of the camp. One of the principal diversions was the telling of stories. In ordinary times a man who desired to hear some of the old stories might send for a story-teller, cook a feast, give him a few gifts, and ask him to tell his stories, but at an eagle camp the story-telling was more expensive, and a man might even give his wife to the story-teller in return for his services. When a man seated in an eagle trap secured an eagle, he strangled it with twine made of tough wood fiber (see p. 60). He then pulled out the tail feathers and took the body of the eagle to Old Wolverine, who cut off the wings and returned them to him. Old Wolverine then asked some one to dig a grave for the eagle and “ there was a little ceremony when the eagle was buried.” Before going to the eagle camp the people provided pieces of cloth about a yard in length. No special color was preferred, but the cloth must be new. When an eagle was buried it was customary to “ offer ” these pieces of cloth to him, with native tobacco,®® these articles being placed in the grave. When this was finished, the successful eagle catcher gave a feast to his friends, and also offered food to the spirit of the eagle. In the latter action they tied the feathers and wings of the eagle to a pole in front of the lodge, so located that the sun would strike it, and the food was eaten within the lodge. ORIGIN OF THE CUSTOM OF EAGLE CATCHING ( The following narrative w^as given by Ben Benson, with Water Chief present for consultation. The authority of Ben Benson on this matter has been established in the preceding section. Benson said: “ Down near Painted Woods Creek there was once a Mandan village called the Brown Earth village. The man considered leader of that village was named Sun. He and his wife had several daughters, but only one son, of whom they were very proud. The boy’s name was Black Wolf. They loved the bo}^ so much that they would not let him work and indulged him in everything. But when the crier went through the camp, calling for young men to go out and look for game, this boy’s name was never called. One night the crier came near the place where this boy was courting a girl, and the boy said, ‘ Call my name.’ He did this in order to impress the girl, but the crier called his name with those of five others. They were required to start at daybreak the next morning, and the crier sent them toward the north. It was autumn, and about tha month of October, when they started. A specimen of this plant was collected and identified as Cuhelium concolor (Forst) Raf. by Mr. Paul C. Standley, assistant curator, Division of Plants, United States National Museum, Washington, D. C. dbnsmore] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 65 “ Black Wolf supposed that his companions were friendly to him, but this was not true. They were all jealous of him because they were afraid he had been courting their wives, so they decided to lose him. They knew that they could do this easily because he had not been in the habit of going far from the camp. So as soon as they started out one after another ran away from him, dashing ahead as fast as possible. They did this to tease him and wear him out. As he did not know the country he was always left behind. At day¬ light they said that they would stop for a little while and rest. Black Wolf, never having been on such an expedition nor treated so roughly, was tired out and soon fell asleep. The others lay down also, but wakened very soon and ran away, while Black Wolf slept long and soundly. When at last he awoke he found himself alone in a strange place. Rising quickly, he began to walk back and forth and to call the names of his companions. He did this for a long time, and then he realized that he was lost. He carried a large bow lance, but had no weapon, not even a knife. He was well, clothed, but had no means of getting food. Then he took from his bow the decorations of eagle feathers and otter fur and ‘ prayed to the buffalo skull,’ giv¬ ing to this object of his supplication all the decorations from his bow and all his clothing until at last he had nothing left except the bare bow. Several days passed and the weather grew cold. He could .get no food and was sitting in a patch of buckbrush thinking that his end was near when he looked up and saw an eagle. It was the time when the eagles flew south, and looking at it the boy re¬ membered his father. He saw the eagle fly over a knoll and down the sheltered side of the knoll ; there he saw it flutter and disappear. He went to the place and there he found a hole covered with brush, and in the hole there was a little animal called I' sina goni' ga. This animal was a little like a bear (supposed to be a wolverine). It had caught the eagle and seemed to have drawn it down into the hole by the feet. I^Tien the animal saw Black Wolf it said, ‘ You have arrived, my brother,’ and Black Wolf replied ‘ Yes, where is your lodge?’ The little wolverine said, ‘ There is my trail, you can see it. My father told me to catch only one eagle to-day.’ Black Wolf asked ^How did you catch the eagle?’ The little wolverine replied, ‘ I spit on my left hand and held it up through the brush, and when the eagle came I caught it w ith my right hand.’ “ Black Wolf and the little wolverine followed the trail and came to a lodge made of bark and grass,^° into which they entered. The The presence of a buffalo skull in an Hidatsa shrine and of offerings to “ the spirit of the buffalo skull ” are mentioned by Pepper and Wilson, An Hidatsa shrine, pp, 297-298, also p. 314. ■^^A lodge similar to this is used by men in the camp, all the customs of the eagle catchers being derived from this legend. 66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 inside of the lodge was lined with the tail feathers of the eagle. There were many people there and they ate nothing but eagles, but the little wolverine had to get all the food. When they entered the lodge, the little wolverine said, ‘ I have brought my little brother,’ and his father said, ‘ Good, bring him in.’ So Black Wolf was taken into the lodge and warmed and fed. Some of the family had that day obtained fresh buffalo meat, and they gave him some of it with water. They were very kind to him in every way. “After a time Black Wolf said to the little wolverine: ‘Let us go together to catch an eagle.’ They consulted the people in the lodge, who gave their permission; then they started together for the eagle trap. They had been there only a short time when an eagle came and was caught. Black Wolf said ‘Fine ! Let me catch the next one all alone.’ Soon there came a black eagle and Black Wolf said, ‘ Let us get him,’ but the little wolverine said, ‘ No ; my father says that black eagles are very quick and must be let alone.’ But Black Wolf finally persuaded the little wolverine to help him try to catch the black eagle. As they were trying to hold the eagle it bit the hand of the little wolverine and it was hard work to get the talons out of the flesh. The little animal cried with pain and started home. Black Wolf was sad to think he had brought trouble to those who had been kind to him, so he began to cry in sympathy and the two went home in tears. When they reached the lodge, the old people asked Black Wolf what had hap¬ pened and he replied, ‘ I asked him to help me catch a black eagle.’ The little wolverine cried still harder. Then the old people said, ‘ We told him not to catch a black eagle. Now you have gotten your little brother into trouble.’ They felt very badly and showed it so plainly that Black Wolf was greatly embarrassed. He went out to search for roots which might be medicinal, and he found a root called the ‘black medicine.’ Taking it into the lodge he said, ‘Lit¬ tle brother, come here and I will doctor your hand.’ The little wolverine went to him and Black Wolf chewed the root and spit upon his hand and the pain stopped at once. The old people wanted him to get more of the root so that the man could include it among his medicinal herbs, so Black Wolf found some more of the herb and the man put it with his medicines. “ Black Wolf continued to live in the lodge, but after a time he grew lonely. One day he and the little wolverine were sitting on a hill, when the little wolverine asked ‘What is the matter?’ Black Wolf replied ‘ I am lonesome.’ His companion said, ‘ I will go and tell my father.’ So he ran to the lodge and soon came back saying, ‘Father says you may go back to your own people, and you had dbnsmokb] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 67 better go right away. When you go back to the lodge and they ask when you are going you had better say “ Now,” for if you say “ To¬ morrow ” they will make you stay a year, and if you say “ In two days ” they will make you wait two years, and so on.’ “ So they started back to the lodge, and when they reached there the old man said ‘ I understand that you want to go home. Your home is not far away. When do you want to start?’ Black Wolf replied ‘Now.’ The old man said ‘All right,’ and told the little wolverine to select some nice eagle tails for Black Wolf to take home with him, as his people valued them. The little animal spread the eagle tails on the ground and made a big heavy bundle of them for Black Wolf. “ The old man said, ‘ There is a certain chief in your village who has two daughters. They will offer you these two girls for your wives.^ I want them for my daughters-in-law and you must be sure to get them. I will help you prepare the medicine necessary to secure them.’ “ When Black Wolf was ready to start the next morning, the old man took white sage and tied it in four bundles, which he gave to Black Wolf, saying that two were to be used as ‘ stepping bundles’ and the other two were to be carried in his arms. He told Black Wolf to lay one bundle on the ground and step on it, then lay down the other, step on it, and pick up the one which lay behind him, say¬ ing that when he had performed this action four times he would be at the top of the village. He said, ‘ And when you come back you are to give the other two bundles to my daughter-in-law and she must come back in the same way.’ “ The last night that Black Wolf slept with the little wolverine they talked of Black Wolf’s journey and the little wolverine told him what to do. He said, ‘ When you come back be sure to bring with you a corn ball and a pipe. I will get the corn ball and we will always be ' together.’ He also said, ‘ When you see my father, on your return, you must cry and say, “I want madawanusgi mawahets?''’^'^’^ “ Black Wolf started the next morning and did as he had been instructed. After stepping four times from one bundle to another he found himself in his own village. As soon as he entered the vil¬ lage everyone remarked on the fact that he was not starved, that he had good clothing, and had brought home many eagle feathers. ^ Black Wolf was supposed to get two wives, but the narrative later mentions only one. These corn balls w^ere much liked by children of the tribe. The shelled corn was dried in the sun, parched over a fire, and then pounded in a mortar, after which it was mixed with grease and made into rolls about 3 inches long and li inches in diameter. 72 Freely translated, this means “ I want to place the hide of a small animal on a frame for drying.” 68 bureau of AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull*. 80 This came to the ears of the chief whose name had been mentioned by the father of the little wolverine and he sent for Black Wolf. When Black Wolf entered his lodge they talked together and the chief gave him his two daughters for wives and also gave him a white buffalo robe. Black AYolf said ‘ Aha ! I will have a fine robe for my father’ (meaning the father of the little wolverine). He then promised the robe to the father of the little wolverine, who heard him and called back ‘ thank you.’ The chief commended him for this. “ Black Wolf then went to see his natural father, who asked why the chief had sent for him. Black Wolf told him all the particu¬ lars and said that he had promised the white buffalo robe to his adoptive father. Then his natural father said, ‘ Good, we all have plenty of robes ; you had better go right up north and give it to him.’ “ So Black Wolf started back to the home of his adoptive father, having secured the corn ball and the pipe, and he explained to his wife about the sage bundles and the way to step from one to another. When he neared the wolverine camp he began to cry ^Madawanmgi mawahets^ as the little wolverine had told him to do. He went to the lodge of his adoptive father. For quite a long time his father took no notice of him, but at last he said, ‘Well, my son, it may be so. Come in.’ So Black Wolf went into the lodge. When he had entered, he took out the corn ball and pipe and gave them to his father.. After talring them his father told him to go and sit down with his wife, pointing to the place where they were to sit. Black Wolf did as he was told. The place was full of black and brown wolverines who had been invited because he was coming. The old man told the little wolverine to bring food for Black Wolf and his wife. When they had finished eating this food, the crowd was divided into two parts, the black wolver¬ ines going to one side of the lodge and the brown to the other. When this had been done and all were again seated, the old man said, ‘ Comrades, I want you to study about this. Our friend has again used the word Tfiadaivanusgi ma/waKets. See what you can do for him.’ He handed his unlighted pipe to the man next him, who sat a while in silence, studying the problem, then gave it up and passed the pipe to the man next him. So the pipe was passed from one to another until it came to the little wolverine. He let it pass him and it went around the circle and came back to him again. He let it pass unlighted a second time. It returned to his father, who started it around the circle for the third time. densmoee] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 69 When it reached the little wolverine the third time, he paid no attention to the pipe but snatched the corn ball. His father said, ‘Here, what are you doing? Light the pipe.’ The little wolverine thrust the pipe in the fire and puffed it. Then he said, ‘ I did not mean to give you any corn ball but I will.’ So he broke the corn ball in two and gave them part of it. “ Afterwards all the wolverines went to sleep. The next morning the old man said to Black Wolf, ‘ Go out with your brother, tickle him until he dies, then remove his skin carefully, fill it with grass in a nice shape, and bring it to me.’ “ Black Wolf did this and brought the skin to the old man. Tbey set it in the back of the lodge and it looked exactly like a little wolverine, eyes and all. Then the old man said, ‘ This shall be your fetish. Keep it always with you.’ He then told Black Wolf to re¬ turn to his natural father and say, ‘ In four days we will be with you to make medicine.’ He said to Black Wolf, ‘When you get home you must prepare corn balls and all kinds of food and there must be plenty of robes. Tell all your friends to help you. We will be there on the night of the fourth day.’ “After telling the boy to go the old man said to his people, ‘We had better give the boy some food to take with him as they may be all starving in his village.’ The people consented, and it was de¬ cided to have a good buffalo hunt near the village and to give all the meat to the boy. They said, ‘We will begin it at once.’ Just as this was settled an old buffalo came to the old man and said : ‘ Com¬ rade, this is what I always do — give my body to the Indians. I would like to be in this.’ The old man said : ‘ If that is the case you shall be treated the same as I myself. My son has brought this girl to be my daughter-in-law, you shall be the same as I.’ “ The old buffalo said : ‘ Sing my song and whatever you desire will come to you. If you desire the wind, it will come to you, or the buffalo will come, or the eagles will come when you sing this song.’ “The old man said: ‘Friend, that is a good song. You have treated me well and I will do as you say.’ ” All the songs of eagle catching were recorded by Benson. He said that he could sing the words of the songs in either Mandan or Hidatsa, but as no' Mandan interpreter was available he sang them in Hidatsa. It is probable that the words of other songs would have been recorded if a Mandan 'had been interpreting. This is the buffalo’s song. 70 bureau of AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 19. Song of the Buffalo (Catalogue No. 821) Voice J r 69 Drum not recorted ^ - - 1 n V . ■ 1 — :===:r - : - 7 - - 1 ‘"Tr 1 1 — ■ . 1 r“ r4V't"i ■ "1 p ■ p ft " "" " j ^3^ 3^ t!' ^ 1 I 1 1 A 1 1 ^ ^ r •/ / 1 ^ ^ ” WORDS (HIDATSA, NOT TRANSCRIBED) ati' _ _ lodge wu si ets _ we arrived * ati' _ . lodge u si ets _ they arrived Analysis, — The tone used in singing this song was not a clear, musical tone; the transcription, therefore, is not so accurate as in a majority of these songs. The outlining tones (D-B-G-D) were approximately correct in all the renditions and the rhythmic unit was steadily maintained. The interest of the song lies in its har¬ monic structure, descending trend, and peculiar rhythmic unit. The descending progressions, as in several other songs of the eagle catch¬ ing, were sung glissando. Then came a black eagle who said, “ Why, you have a son here and I did not know anything about it. You like my children best of all; you can not do without me ; you must let me be in this. I will teach you my song.” So the black eagle taught him his song. DENS More] MAKDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 71 No. 20. Song* of the Black Eagle (Catalogue No. 822) Voice J = 9a Drum not recorded I - 3 s A - wa-a-ka-ha ma - ni - rits he o a - wa - a -ku-hak ma - ni - rits he o WORDS (HIDATSA) awaa'kaha - - above the earth mani'rits _ I walk awa'kuhak _ on the earth mani'rits _ I walk Analysis. — In this, as in the song next preceding, the intonation was wavering, but the harmonic form and the rhythmic unit are interesting. The song is minor in tonality and contains only the tones of the minor triad and seventh. Four renditions were re¬ corded. The second, third, and fourth renditions are uniform in every respect and from them the transcription was made, the first rendition differing in some unimportant respects. Next came the coyote, who said: “You are forgetting me. I am the one who runs around and sees everything. You can not do with¬ out me and I want you to include my song.” So the coyote taught him this song. 72 BUREAU OF AMERICAK ETHlTOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 21. Song of the Coyote (a) (Catalogue No, 823) Voice J = i44 Drum not recorded mis-ka - re ma - da - hi o mis-ka - re - 1 i - 1 4^. y- P — P — 9 - m - — 0 - 1 (S> - -p - 0 - — -J—9 - L - da - hi 0 —m - s — mis-ka - re ma da - hi 0 "gi* , V • • - - r- — ^ - '•"aT^ — — p... p • ^ • * A 4 II J r 0 0 0 P ^ II . ^ r ^ ' ' f ^ ' mis-ka - re ma - da - hi o nu e WOEDS ( HIDATSA ) mis'kare^^ _ old woman mada'hi _ in the fall of the year hi 'do _ .here mare' _ I go ni'hupai'rusta _ your medicine is strongest This is a term sometimes used by a man in addressing his wife and is translated ** old woman.” Its use in connection with the coyote is said to have had its origin in a mythical contest between Old Man Coyote and Cedar Post. Mr. Fred Huber related the following version of this legend : “ In the center of the old Mandan village there was a cedar post surrounded by a paling of slabs about six feet high. The post represented First Man, who made everything and who had a kindly disposition. Beside him, there was another, known as Coyote Chief, who was always making mischief. In early times dbnsmore] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 73 Analysis. — ^The rhythmic unit is strongly in evidence in this song and was steadily maintained in the three renditions. The tone material is more interesting than in the songs next preceding, as it comprises all the tones of the octave except the seventh, and contains one accidental — the fourth raised a semitone. Thirty-nine progres¬ sions occur in the song, about two-thirds being downward. There is a strong feeling for the tonic chord (B flat-D-F) throughout the melody, yet C frequently appears as an accented tone. The song is therefore classified in structure as melodic with harmonic frame¬ work. Then came the snake, who said, “ I want to be in this, I am fond of downy eagle plumes. Wlien you get one you may offer it to me in my hole if you like."^ I will give you my song.” So the snake taught him this song. No. 22. Song of the Snake (Catalogue No. 824) Voice J = iia Drum not recorded - — ^ T — - nra - - r — v ^ \ ^ - ■ F. 1 1 II 1 1 A. ”7 - - 1 » II-*.}— -4^-1 . i-i- 'LJ . — Analysis. — Five renditions of this song were recorded, the second differing slightly from the others. The song is built upon the tonic triad, descending from the octave to the tonic, with only one accented tone which is not part of that chord. The rhythm is interesting, but contains no unit. Two-thirds of the intervals are descending progressions, the interval of the fourth being especially prominent. they had a dispute as to which should call the other Younger Brother, so they said : ‘ Let us leave our bodies here, near together, and wander around for four years ; then we will return and see which looks the freshest. This will decide.’ So they left their bodies (the cedar post and the coyote body) and went away. The coyote came back first. He found the coyote body all dry — nothing remained but skin and bones, but he breathed on it, rubbed it, and after a while it was a good, living coyote. He looked at the cedar post and it was badly decayed. Soon the other came back and in a short time the cedar post was all right. They looked at each other and saw they were alike, so they said : ‘ Neither of us shall call the other Younger Brother.’ So they addressed each other by a term which a man uses when addressing his wife, the nearest English equivalent being ‘ old woman.' ” Cf. p. 7. In explanation of this it was said that “ the eagle catching is late in the fall and the snakes go into their holes before this takes place, so the snake can not be present at the eagle catching.” 74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull,. 80 Then the old man said, “ You four may come. We will go a little way, and stop and sing the buffalo’s song; then we will go a little farther, and stop and sing the black eagle’s song; then go a little farther, and stop and sing the coyote’s song; when we reach the entrance of the village we will sing the snake’s song ; and when we enter the lodge I will sing my own four songs. ” The old man told Black Wolf how to catch the eagles and said, “Now I Avill teach you my four songs. The first is to be sung when you make the brush shelter under which you are to catch the eagles, the second is to be sung when 'you make the sweat lodge in the eagle- catching camp, the third is the song of the hollow in which you are to sit while watching for the eagles, and the fourth is the song for the bait. ” So he taught Black Wolf the four following songs. No. 23. Song When Making the Brush Shelter (Catalogue No. 825) Voice J r 8o Drum not recorded Analysis, — Two rhythmic units occur in this song, the entire rhyth¬ mic form of which is well developed. It will be noted that in the first rhythmic unit the group of two eighth notes precedes the dotted quarter and eighth, while in the second unit the group follows the dotted quarter and eighth. The change of time occurred in both renditions. (See No. 8.) Twenty-nine progressions occur in the song, 15 of which are descending and 14 ascending intervals. The close of this, as of several other songs, was marked by a glissando. DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 75 No. 24. ^oiig“ When Making the Sweat Lodge (Catalogue No. 826) Voice igs Drum not recorded Analysis. — The rhythm of this song is peculiar but was accu¬ rately given in both renditions. In melodic material the song com¬ prises only five tones and is analyzed as having C as the keynote, this placing the song on the fourth five-toned scale. The structure of the song is melodic with harmonic framework. Twenty-two progres¬ sions occur, 15 of which are descending intervals. 76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull,. 80 No. 25. Song When Making the Eagle Trap (Catalogue No. 827) Voice J r ss (/I r 176) Drum not recorded f a ^44= jpM44- f ^ r — - A- wa - si m * ^ t • t hu - a i i 4 e e e 4=4 444 'JiJ t4 t4^ 1 - -- — n I4V..|7'7 f U4= • - ^-1*- f f - r=r^ \ y b- ft ” LJ— U — U Um 4e= M 1RF {R. ■ — 1 - u f flfjL St: • WORDS (hid ATS A) awa'si - ^ _ the fog hu'a - I summon Analysis. — Two renditions of this song were recorded and show no points of difference. This is interesting in view of the fact that the song comprises a rhythmic unit four times repeated, and that this unit contains a measure in three- four time followed by a meas¬ ure in seven-eight time, this in turn being succeeded by one in triple time. The final measure of the unit is slightly changed in its second and fourth occurrences. The intonation was wavering, yet the intervals of a major triad were unmistakable. From the last three tones there was a downward glissando which cannot be indicated in notation and which did not end on a definite tone. This suggested a trailing of the voice. Only one interval other than a third occurs in the song, this being an ascending fifth midway through the song. Twenty-three progressions occur in the melody, 14 of which are minor thirds, yet the tonality of the song is major, the only tones occurring in it being B flat-D-F. DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC No. 26. Song* When Preparing^ the Bait (Catalogue No. 828) Voice J = leo Drum not recorded ;_jLrL,r..ii^= Lfii?) Lir 'iLr± I rjf— irtniHSr r if.r^ Analysis. — This song is transcribed from the first rendition, the following renditions being interspersed with frequent cries and glissando calls. The melody contains no tones except those of the tonic triad and has only six progressions. After teaching Black Wolf these songs the old man said: “ I have given you my son. Treat him kindly and do not make him angry. If you make him angry he may leave you, but if you are kind to him he may stay with you a long time. If you were bad to him, his spirit would still be faithful and come back to you, but it is much better that he remain with you himself. I will now teach you four more songs — the song of my son, the little wolverine, a goose song, a swan song, and a song of the twine we use in the eagle catching.” The latter was probably twine used in strangling the eagle. No. 27. Song of the Little Wolverine (Catalogue No. 829) Drum not recorded f U Analysis. — This melody comprises five periods, the first three and the last of which contain, exact repetitions of a rhythmic unit, while 2118 <’—23 - 7 78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 the fourth period contains a suggestion of the rhythmic unit in the count divisions. The two renditions of the song do not differ in any respect. The song is harmonic in structure, containing only the tones of the minor triad. The compass is small, comprising only six tones. No. 28. Son^ of the Goose (Catalogue No. 830) Drum not recorded 1 r' I — J — — LJ — 1 - 1 - ^ - - r r t!irj — — f — : 1 r If f II 1 - 1— U -LJ - - \ - 1 WORDS (HIDATSA) nu'wilia _ abreast mi'ra - the geese dance Analysis, — This song is peculiar in that 14 of the 19 intervals are thirds, 6 of which are in ascending and 6 in descending progression. The major and minor thirds are equal in number. , The other in¬ tervals consist of 3 fourths and 2 fifths. The song is strongly harmonic in feeling and contains only the tones of the minor triad and seventh. The first three measures comprise a rhythmic unit which is twice repeated, the only variation being in the final measures. Two renditions were recorded, and they are uniform in every respect. DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 79 No. 29. Song of the Swan Voice J = ss Drum not recorded J - I - - 1 ' ■0‘ (Catalogue No. 831) f if f if f'ff ,r r (2) J r 69 t/rjr if^ 88 a tf m J.- 69 J = Nu-we-tsa gu-ets 88 WORDS (HIDATSA) nu'wetsa _ one gu'ets _ that is Analysis. — The changes of time in this song, though slight, were identical in its three renditions. Two rhythmic units occur, each appearing three times. The singer had difficulty in repeating a tone several times without lowering the pitch, a peculiarity often noted among Indian singers. The tones in this melody are those of the fourth five-toned scale and the song is melodic in structure. Twenty- eight progressions occur, 14 being ascending and 14 descending in¬ tervals. 80 BUREAU OF AMERICAIT ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 30. Song Concerning the Twine (Catalogue No. 832) Analysis. — The rhythmic unit of this song is short and not dis¬ tinctive. All the tones of the octave occur in the song, which is melodic in structure and major in tonality. At the close of the song the voice trailed downward in a glissando which is impossible of transcription. LEGENDS Origin of the Flageolet Related by Ben Benson At a place called the ‘‘ Found Missouri ” Granny had her home. A creek called “True Earth Creek” flowed into the Short Missouri, and around the Short Missouri was a flat on which Granny’s garden patch was located.^^ Old Granny often went to look at her field. Once, just before reaching the mouth of the creek, she saw the print of a little child’s foot in the soft ground, and when she reached the The Old Woman Who Never Dies was sometimes called Grandmother, and her con¬ nection with the corn has already been noted (p. 41). Will and Hyde, summarizing an account by Maximilian, state that “ Her residence was for a long time on the west side of the Missouri, some 10 miles below the Little Missouri River, on the banks of a little slough known as the Short Missouri. A single large house-ring here is pointed out as the site of her home, and the high bottom there is said to have been the Grandmother’s field. According to the traditions, she became impatient at the too frequent visits of the Hidatsas and moved into the west.” (Corn among the Indians of the Upper Mis¬ souri, p. 223.) The location is evidently the same as that given in connection with this legend, identifying ” Granny ” as the Old Woman Who Never Dies. A somewhat different version of this tale is recorded by Kroeber, with the title “ Moon-child.” The boy is the child of the Moon and an earth woman. His mother escapes to the earth and is killed, but he lingers near her body and steals his food from the garden of an old woman. He is discovered by the old woman, who addresses him as “ My grandchild Moon-child.” This version contains no mention of a flageolet. Kroeber, Gros Ventre Myths and Tales, pp. 90—94. densmore] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 81 field she found her squashes crushed and corn broken down. “ That is strange,” said Granny. The next time she came to her field she saw the same things. She thought this was very strange and re¬ solved to find out who did it. So she went home and made a “ kick- ball ” (pi. 16, 6, c), such as is used in a certain woman’s game,^® and also a bow and arrows. All these she took to her garden and left them there. The next time she went to her garden the bow and arrows were gone and the ball and squashes were shot full of arrows. Evidently it was a boy and not a girl who was spoiling her garden. Granny decided to watch for the boy arid soon she saw him coming, shooting his little arrows into the squashes. “ Why do you do that ? ” asked Granny. “ My mother is dead,” said the child. “ She is near here.” “ Let us go and see, ” said Granny. The child was so small that he could not tell how it all hap¬ pened, but Granny saw the dead mother and realized that there was nothing for her to do but to take the child to her house and make a home for him. This she did, and as the child grew older he was sometimes allowed to go hunting alone. Granny said, “ Be careful, something may happen to you. ” Now the boy observed something which he could not at all under¬ stand. He noticed that Granny always put a kettle of “ stir¬ about”^^ in her bed, and that the kettle was empty when she took it out. He investigated and found a big snake. “ So this is what eats Granny’s stir-about,” said the little boy. He thought about it a great deal, saying to himself, ‘‘ That big snake has been eating Granny’s stir-about. ” At last he took his bow and arrows and shot the snake. When Granny came home he told her what he had done. The snake was her husband; but she did not like to tell this to the little boy, so she said, ‘‘Good, I will go and bury him.” So she took the big snake outdoors and talked to him, saying, “ Husband, the boy is foolish. Sometimes I am almost afraid of him myself. He killed you, but I will put you in a good place. ” She took him to the Missouri River, but he didn’t like that, so she took him back to the round lake. He liked that place and said if she would put him there the lake would never be dry. She put him there, and to this day the lake has never been dry. 76 “ Tjjg women are expert at playing with a large leathern ball, which they let fall alternately on their foot and knee, again throwing it up and catching it, and thus keeping it in motion for a length of time without letting it fall to the ground. Prizes are given, and they often play high. The ball is often very neat and curiously covered with dyed porcupine quills.” Maximilian, op. cit., p. 209. The specimen illustrated was made for the writer, and is of buffalo hide, filled with buffalo hair. A kind of pudding or mush made of ground corn and water, which is a favorite article of food amorg these Indians. 82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 Granny again warned the boy that he must be very careful when he was traveling about the country alone. One day the boy started out by himself and came to a place where two men were butchering a buffalo cow with an unborn calf. One of the men was a rough fellow and he followed the boy, carrying the calf and calling out : “ Take this to Granny and tell her to cook it for you. ” The little boy was afraid of the man, and in trying to escape he backed against a leaning tree, then he backed up the tree and along its branches to the farthest end. The men put the calf in the crotch of the tree and they went on butchering the buffalo cow. After this they went away, leaving the boy in the tree. He stayed there a long time. At last the two men came back, and the more sensible of the two said to his companion, “ I told you not to scare that little boy. He is still in the tree. ” He went near and called to him, saying, “ Why do you stay in the tree ? ” The little boy replied, “ I’m afraid of the calf.” The man said, “ If you will take a message to Granny, we will take down the calf and go home. ” The little boy consented to do this, and the man said, “Tell Granny that we want her for our daughter-in-law. ” IVhen the little boy came home. Granny pretended to be much pleased, though she had been hoping that he would never come back. She said, “ I thought surely you were lost.” The little boy told his strange experience and said, “ The only way I could get back was by promising to tell you that these men want you for their daughter- in-law.” Of course this meant that they wanted the gifts, such as robes and meat, which would accompany a daughter-in-law. Granny said, “ You did exactly right. Go back to the men and tell them we have decided to do as they say. We will feed and clothe them well, but in return we ask for one of their bows and arrows.” The boy went back to the men and gave Granny’s message, saying that they were good hunters and he also hunted a good deal, so he would like one of their bows. They gave him one, but as soon as Granny saw it, she said : “ That bow is not good. Their medicine bow is patched with string and hangs opposite the door. Go back again and say you have wounded a deer and that the string on your bow is broken. Say that you want a bow to kill the deer, then snatch the medicine bow and run as fast as you can. They will not stop you, for you have already given part payment for it.” The boy did as Granny told him, and brought back the bow. She said, “ They made you suffer, now we will make them suffer a little.” Granny went into the field and got a large sunflower stalk. She took a long section of this, bored a hole lengthwise through it, and cut seven holes in one side of it. She said the seven holes represented the seven months of winter, and told the boy that when he blew in DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 83 it something would come out of it which would resemble snow. It was her intention to bring the snow to punish the two men for frightening the little boy. So she told the boy to blow in the end of the sunflower stalk and taught him to play the following melody on it. A number of Mandan and Hidatsa said this melody “ sounded right,” though they did not recall hearing the exact succession of tones played on the flageolet. The rhythmic form of the melody is clear and the structure is harmonic (fig. 4). Granny clothed the boy from head to foot in smoked buffalo hide and told him exactly what to do. She told him to travel in four circles, each smaller than the other, and to play his flute all the time. The first circle was to be at the foot of the clouds (horizon) , Fig. 4. — Flageolet melody. the next a little smaller, until the fourth would bring him near the hunters. Granny said, When you come near to your fathers, they will know it.” The boy started out and traveled in a circle at the foot of the clouds, playing on the cornstalk flute which Granny had made for him. The two men were hunting as usual, and when the boy began to play, the snow began to fall. The two men said, “ Something is wrong.” They made a lodge to stay in until the snow should stop falling, but the snow came faster and faster, cov¬ ering the lodge until only the peak was above the snow. Their medi¬ cine bow was gone, and they could kill no game. Then the more sensible of the two men said, Someone is causing this.” And the other said, “ It must be so.” The boy kept circling closer and closer, playing on his flute, and the snow kept falling. The hunters had no food, and they had only 84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, bo melted snow to drink. When the boy came in sight, they said, ‘‘ Son, we are having a very bad time.” The boy replied : “ That is what you gave me when I was up in the tree. Now it is my turn to make you do something for They said that they would, and, after talking it over, they decided to transpose their relationship, so that he would be their father instead of their son. The boy said, “ All right.” He stopped playing on his flute and the snow stopped fall¬ ing. The boy made all the snow disappear. The men were too weak to hunt, so the boy got plenty of game for them and made them comfortable. Then he went home. "When he reached home the old Granny said, “ What have you done ?” The boy told her all about it, and she said : “ That is good. You gave them some of their own treatment.” After that the two men had to get food and gifts of clothing for the boy, because they had agreed that he should be their father. When the two men had secured these gifts they came to the lodge and told Granny and her grandchild that they had everything to satisfy all requirements, and that they would return with the articles in four days. Bear-on-the-flat (pi. 14, &), who related the three legends next following and recorded their songs, is one of the “story-tellers” of the Mandan tribe. He said that autumn is the time for story-telling, which is continued until a time approximately New Year’s, when it ceases. He said that he used to go to a story-teller, offer him gifts, and ask him to tell his stories, but that now he tells stories himself and people come to him with similar requests. He added that those who come to hear him always sleep at his house, as he “talks al¬ most all night.” Wolf Head, who related two “ folk tales ” and recorded their songs, is one of the old Mandans. His material, as well as the folk tale and its song by Scattered Corn, was obtained when the writer was camping among the Indians. Origin of the Buffalo Dance Society Related by Beab-on-the-flat In relating this legend Bear-on-the-flat said that the society had not been in existence during his life, but that he had heard “ the old people ” tell of it. He said they told him that the society orig¬ inated in a dream, or vision, by a man whom they thought must have been a buffalo, though he lived among human beings. They said that perhaps the man had lived among human beings so long he had forgotten that he was a buffalo. At about the time when houses were first built at Heart River this man had a dream and DEN5? More] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 85 saw a spirit approaching him. The old people thought this spirit was a buffalo. It said to the man, “ Start a dance society.” The man replied, “How shall I do it?” The spirit said, “Select men about 60 or 70 years old and tell them that after the society is started whoever dances must give a war bonnet or gift of equal value. There will be no hardships connected with the society and we will dance when the sun turns back ” (meaning during the short days of Avinter). The name of the society was “Pasa'sa,” and there was a great deal about it that was sacred. The headdress worn by members of the society was made of buffalo hide and had no horns. Except for this they wore no special costume. The men offered a pipe to the headdresses which were laid in a row. They offered the pipe to the headdresses and afterwards to the sky, the cardinal points, and the earth. The only exception was that if a man had a personal fetish he offered his pipe to that before offering it to the sky and the cardinal points. Those who could afford to do so brought presents to the headdresses. They also took coals from the fire, put them in a separate place and laid cedar on them, then they held the headdress in the smoke of the cedar and then shook it to bring a snowstorm, as though the snow were being shaken out of the headdress. It was said that this would bring a blinding snow wliich would drive the buffalo from the open prairie to the timber and hills where the Indians could get them. The old people said this usually succeeded and the Indians secured many buffalo in this man¬ ner. In those days there were few horses and the Iiiuians traveled afoot. The young men knew it was good to have the buffalo driven to the timber and hills, and they willingly gave presents so the old men would dance the buffalo dance. Then they would go and get the buffalo. The old men would not dance this dance of their own accord — only when requested to do so with gifts, and the dance must take place at the full moon. They danced four days. They dq^aced until they were exhausted and then slept in the lodge, re¬ suming the dance as soon as they wakened. They had an abundance of food, as this was part of the offering made with the request for the dance. The members always visited the sweat lodge when the dancing was finished. It is said that the society numbered 90 or 100 men, who elected their leader. Women were allowed to witness the dancing but took no part in it. The words of the song were Mandan and are not transcribed. A free translation is as follows : “ The leader of the herd says, ‘ We will walk in that mud.’ ” The buffalo always avoid mud holes when they are traveling, but in this song the leader of the herd assures them that he will take them safely through. 86 BUREAU or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [hull. 80 No. 31. Song of the Leader of the Herd (Catalogue No. 838) Recorded by Bear-on-the-flat Voice J r 76 Drum J r 76 See drum - rhythm below JIJ-J J1 Analysis. — The rhythm of this song is peculiar, but was steadily maintained throughout four renditions ; the intonation, however, was wavering. In rhythmic form the melody resembles many under analysis in that the rhythmic unit appears at the beginning and end, while the third period is in a free rhythm suggesting but not repeating the rhythmic unit. All the tones of the octave occur in the song, which is melodic in structure. More than one-third of the intervals are minor thirds. The Moon and the Dancers Concerning the following song Bear-on-the-flat said: “Below where the city of Bismarck stands there are two buttes, one on each side of the river.’^® Once the dancers of the young girls’ society Two buttes, similarly located, are mentioned in the Origin of the Little River Women Society, p. 97. DEN smoke] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 87 were dancing there and the moon fell in love with them. The moon said, ‘I will give you one of my songs to include in the group of your own songs.’ So the moon sang this song, which was after¬ wards used in the victory dances and also when the young girls danced from house to house in the village.” No. 32. Song’ of the Moon (Catalogue No. 842) Recorded by Bear-on-the-flat Voice J z 69 Drum J = 69 See drum- rhythm below Drum - rhythm Analysis. — This song contains only the tones of the minor triad and seventh. It is harmonic in structure and two-thirds of the intervals are downward progressions. The fourth is prominent, though often broken by a passing tone. More than half of the intervals are minor thirds. The rhythmic unit is long and oc¬ curs three times. It is interesting to note that the 5-8 measures were uniform in all the renditions. The Black-tailed Deer The following legend was related by Bear-on-the flat: In the old days when the people were pressed for food they dug pitfalls. One man had made such a trap and one day, late in the fall, he found a fat black-tailed deer in it. He took his bow and arrow to shoot, but the deer said, “ Don’t send it.” The man hesitated, but the deer said again, Don’t send it.” This happened three times, and the fourth time the deer said, “ I am fat and in good condition. If you kill me you will probably have a good feast, but it will last only a day or 88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULU 80 two, while if you let me go I will consider something good for you which will last a long time.” The man thought that the deer must be a person to talk in this way, so he pulled it out of the pitfall, wiped it off, and told it to go free. Thence the deer started off slowly, stretching itself from being so long in a cramped position. When it was about far enough away so that an arrow could not reach it the deer stopped and stood broadside to the man while it sung the following song: No. 33. Son^ of the Deer (Catalogue No. 837) Recorded by Bear-on-the-flat Voice w = ee Drum not recorded WORDS (HID ATS A) ma'pimata' _ the first snowstorm tsagi'du _ is good ma'pi _ the day a'wagata'rats _ not seeing (Free translation: “At the first snowstorm times are good. I came near never seeing that day again.”) Analysis. — The rhythmic form of this song is interesting, the rhythmic unit appearing at the beginning and end, while the third period consists chiefly of phrases which .resemble the rhythmic unit. The “ working out ” of the rhythm in the third period of a song has been noted among the Chippewa and Sioux, as well as in songs of the present series. Several renditions of this song were recorded, differing only in the length of the tone which follows the third oc¬ currence of the rhythmic unit. The melody contains the tones of the fourth five-toned scale, yet 22 of the 30 intervals are minor thirds. DfiNSMOEB] MANDAlT AND HIDATSA MUSIC 89 FOLK TALES The Turtle Who Went to War Related by Wolf Head There was once a snapping turtle who wanted to go to war. He asked the coyote to go with him and said, “ Run around and let me see how fast you can run. ” The coyote ran very fast and the turtle did not take him because he ran so fast. Next he asked the frog and said, “ Let me see how fast you can go.” The frog went just about as fast as the turtle, so he decided to take the frog with him. Their enemies lived across the river. The turtle said, “ Where shall we kill our enemies? Shall we stay down by the water or go up to their village? ” The frog said, “We are such great men that we ought to go right into their houses and cut off their heads. ” They swam across the river and the turtle went into the enemy’s house first, the frog coming after him. The turtle cut off the head of one of the chiefs of the enemy and took .his scalp. He also killed the wife of the chief. Then the turtle tried to get out of the door but the doorsill was so high that he could not get out. So he w^ent in the hole for the stones in the sw^eat lodge, taking the scalp with him. The turtle hid himself there. The enemy looked around and found the turtle with the scalps. Then the enemy called a neighboring chief to come and kill the turtle. This chief came over and wanted to put the turtle in a corn mortar and smash him. The turtle said, “ The corn mortar is my house.” Then the enemy chief said, “ The fire is my medicine, let us put the turtle in the fire and burn him.” The turtle said, “ That is my house.” Then the enemy chief said, “ The water current is my medicine. If a log comes down the river the water cur¬ rent whirls it around, so I will put the turtle in the water current.” The turtle acted very much afraid when he heard this, so the enemy chief called every one to come to the river. He sang four songs, and as he sang the fourth song he threw the turtle into the river. As the chief threw the turtle into the river the turtle pulled off his scalp. So the turtle was in the water with two scalps. He showed himself in the water and sang the following song : This story was translated to Scattered Corn and to Wounded Face, who made no corrections in it. Ben Benson added the incident of the testing of the coyote. The same story was recorded among the Chippewa in 1908 by the present writer. The Chippewa version included the testing of several animals preliminary to the starting of the expedi¬ tion and the taking of scalps at the close. In the Chippewa version the war party comprised a large turtle and a company of small turtles. This variety of turtle is called by the Mandan puke. It grows to great size and hides in the mud. It is said that one of these turtles has been known to attempt to drag a man into the current of the river. 90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 34. Son^ of the Turtle Who Went to War (Catalogue No. 893) Recorded by Wolf Head Voice J = 7e Drum not recorded _ . (0 ^■^£fafi„t-.-i£rrriCrT ( Free translation of words : “ The turtle is going to war. He kills a man and a woman. Who hits it? (counting coup). The frog hits it. They had a good time dancing with the scalps they took.”) Analysis. — This melody contains only the minor triad and the seventh which is raised a semitone in its only occurrence. The rhythmic form is interesting and clear. Three rhythmic units occur, each containing a count-division of an eighth and two sixteenth notes. The melody progresses chiefly by minor sixths and minor thirds, which is an unusual characteristic. These intervals are almost equal in number in ascending and descending progression, and constitute three- fourths of the entire number of intervals. The Man Who Married the Birds Related by Wolf Head A man lived down in the south and he went toward the west on a journey. This man on his journey came to a large lake in which there were many birds. Every bird that can swim was on that lake. The man said, “ I will make a trap and catch these birds for my living.” Then he said to himself, ‘‘ I had better make a house for myself first and then make the trap.” He went into the woods and met a porcupine woman, whom he married. He said to the porcu¬ pine woman, “ I have found lots of birds that we can catch and eat.” When his house was finished, he went to the lake and caught a goose, but instead of killing the goose he married her. The next day he dbnsmore] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 91 went to the lake to look at his trap and found a white ^oose, whom he married also. The third day he went to the lake to look at his trap and he found a crane, whom he married also. The next day he went again and found another bird, a heron, whom he married. The next day he got a duck and married her, and the day after that he found a diving duck with a white bill, whom he married also. The porcupine woman said, “How is this? You said we would have birds to eat but you marry them all.” The next day the man went over to the lake and caught a little yellow bird, whom he married. The next day he went and got a big bird (Mandan term, rist)^ and married her also. The man said, “ We will all dance.” The wives said, “ How are we going to dance?” He said, “ Wait for me.” This was in the fall of the year. He went out and got a great deal of “ white fox” (a plumed grass) and gave each of his wives as much as they could hold ; he also gave them white and yellow corn. Then he said, “ I have to make a drum before we dance.” He went out and saw a leaf and said, “ This will be a drum, and the cover will be antelope hide, trimmed with a pattern of goose tracks around the side.” Then the leaf turned into a drum covered with antelope hide and with a pattern of goose tracks around the edge. He took another leaf and said, “ This will be my rattle.” So the leaf turned into a rattle. When they started to dance he said to the porcupine woman, “ You must dance last, behind the birds.” The first goose whom he married was the leader. The man said, “ We are going to dance four days and the dance will be called the Goose Dance.” So they went out to dance and they danced four times and then went back to their house. The second day that they danced the man was out also, and one of the geese said to him, “ Winter is coming. Perhaps you will kill us.” This was in the late fall and it was snowing. The man sang every day while they danced and he always shut his eyes. On the third day when the man shut his eyes the same goose said, “If you sing and shut your eyes again we will fly away and save our lives.” They went out to dance on the fourth day and the man shut his eyes again as he sang. Before that day the geese had sung with the man. but on that day, after his eyes had been shut for a while, he noticed that the birds were not singing. Then he opened his eyes and saw them all flying aw^ay. He ran after them and said, “ Do not fly away. I have always loved you.” But the geese and all the birds kept flying away toward the south. After the birds had flown away he went back to his house to find the porcupine woman, but she was gone too, 92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 35. Son^ of the Man Who Married the Birds (Catalogue No. 894) Recorded by Wolf Head Voice J = 104 Drum not recorded 1 li f f f P f f r it g ,1 <1 _ y » — — 1 g— 1 ^ ^ - 't 4. ■ - - . - - - - . f Ti I r L F TI F n if in if 1 1 r 1 1 1 1 II - T - = 1 LLArJ—Ziurfl Analysis. — This song resembles the preceding in its minor tonality- hut differs from it in both melodic and rhythmic form. The preced¬ ing song was characterized by minor sixths and minor thirds; the present song is characterized by fourths, which constitute two-thirds of the intervals. There is more action in this story, and the interval of a fourth has been noted repeatedly in similar songs. This melody has no rhythmic unit and contains all the tones of the octave except the sixth and seventh. The Coyote and the Skunk Relatej) by Scatteeed Corn ^ The coyote and the skunk were both hungry, so the coyote said, “ Let us get up a play (or pretense). We will go over to that prairie dog village and get some food.” Then he went into the lake and cut some hollow rushes. He cut them in sections about a foot long and tied several to each ear of the sluink and also to his tail. He told the skunk to dance, and the hollow reeds rattled. The coyote de¬ cided that the skunk should dance and he would be the drummer, so they went together to the prairie dog village. All the prairie dogs said, “ Come and see this wonderful thing that has come to our village.” The skunk danced and the coyote drummed and all the prairie dogs came to look at them. Slowly the skunk and the coyote moved away from the village. The prairie dogs did not notice this because they were so interested, and they followed the skunk and the coyote, who led them a long way from their village. Then the coyote and the skunk ate all the prairie dogs. This story has been made into a play by the little girls, who walk in a line singing the following song and each holding the dress of the girl in front of her. This folk tale was related also by Wolf Head and Crow’s Heart. The several versions were compared and the one herewith presented was found to he the most complete. pensmore] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 93 No. 36. Dancing^ Song of the Skunk (Catalogue No. 820) 4 Recorded by Scatte^ied Corn Voice s z es Drum not recorded r~ - 1 - 1 ~ f - f f • f f L L L_ 1 *1* 1* *1 We -su - te - Ke - do - lie - do we - su - te - lie - do - lie - do mi- na-ko-AV-Ke - do ^ He - do mi-na-ko-AV-He - do - He- do TV'H' F— H E A -T — r-T-r * — T-f — ir 1 ^1 mis- ta-bus-bus mi-na-he Hka-he mi-na-he Hka-he WORDS (MANDAN) we^'sutelieMolie'do . my tail rattles mUnakoHe^doHe^do . my ears rattle na^taHe^doHe^do . each end rattles a^m.esi^kohka . my whole body rattles mis^tabus'bus . my face is striped mi^'nahe bka^'lie . my back is striped Analysis. — The accented tones of this song present an unusual monotony. The first four measures begin with an accented G, the next five with D, and the last two with E. The descent of an octave in the third measure from the last extends the compass of the song to 13 tones. The low tone is short and was simply touched by the voice, as it was below the singer’s natural range. Forty -nine progressions occur in the song, 28 of which are minor thirds. The song is melodic in structure and contains the tones of the major triad and sixth. 2118°— 23 - 8 94 bureau of americai^ ethnology [bull.. 80 HAND AN WOMEN’S SOCIETIES Songs of three Mandan women’s societies are here presented, these being the Skunk, Enemy, and Little River Women Societies. The Goose Women Society is considered in a previous section (see pp. 39-47). The Skunk and Enemy Societies are said to have been of Hidatsa origin, but organizations appear to have existed independ¬ ently in the two tribes. The Little River Women Society is admit¬ ted to have been Mandan in its origin. Skunk Society This was said to include little girls betwen the ages of 8 and 13. After the return of a successful war party they went at evening and “ serenaded the warriors,” for which they were rewarded with gifts. One singer usually led the society in these serenades. Lowie®® amplifies this information by stating that the faces of the girls were “ painted black with charcoal except for a triangular area tapering from the center of the forehead toward the nose, which was daubed with white clay. An eagle plume was stuck upright in the back of the head. There was a single male singer with a drum.” He states further that the painting of the face was intended to represent the appearance of skunks. Admission into the society was purchased from a “ mother ” by many gifts, and a four nights’ dance followed by a feast signalized the recognition of girls as mem¬ bers of the organization. Four songs of this society v^ere recorded, but only one is tran¬ scribed. Cf. Lowie, Societies of the Hidatsa and Mandan Indians, pp. 323—354. 8® Ibid., p. 325. DENS more] MANDAN A'NT) HIDATSA MUSIC 95 No. 37. “He Never Will Return” (Catalogue No. 807) Recorded by Scattered Corn Voice J r 76 Drum J = 76 See drum- rhythm below Wa - Hi - ke - nu - se Drum- rhythm J J J J WORDS (MANDAN) wa'Hikenuse' _ that bad one ki'tenikuk' _ will never return home sehe'kona _ _ the coyotes nasa'namake _ will prey upon his body Analysis. — This melody progresses chiefly by major seconds, though the fourth and minor third are frequent intervals. The tone material is that of the fourth five-toned scale. In structure the song is harmonic, with a compass of an octave. While rhythmic in general character, it contains no rhythmic unit. Enemy Society Scattered Corn said that she belonged to this society when she was about 10 years old, adding that “ no one ever bought the society from us, so we still keep it.” Concerning this society Lowie says : ‘‘A crier called all the women together. The members marched two abreast. Two long ^ Op. cit., p. 327. 96 bureau of AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. hooked poles were stuck into the ground by a man, and two such sticks were afterwards carried by the two leaders and a similar pair by the two women in the rear of the procession. The poles were wrapped with otter skin and decorated with eagle feathers. All the women wore a headband decorated with crossing eagle feathers and a bunch of feathers dyed red. . . . The dance took place originally as a jubilee over a slain enemy ; in later times it was performed whenever some member, or outsider, provided a feast for the society. In dancing the performers approached the fire¬ place and then moved back again. There was no uniform step; some danced faster, others more slowly. A performance lasted four nights.” Ilairy-coat sang for Dr. Lowie a song with the same words as the song herewith presented. It is unfortunate that the melody is not available for comparison. The words recorded by Dr. Lowie, with their translation, are as follows : “ Makooxpa' na'kirac i'ru mi i'kata'mc hiri'ts Woman friend your husband fixedly ( ?) me he looks at he did it na'cirihito'k ? Will you throw him away ? No. 38. “He Stared At Me” (Catalogue No. 819) Recorded by Scattered Corn Voice J r so Drum not recorded r j — li J 1 r . ^ Ma gu-ali-ba na*ki*das nu - mi i . ka - ta - rus-hi-na- 1 r 1.^ de - tok I 81 WORDS (HIDATSA) maguali'ba _ my dear friend na'kidas _ your husband numi' _ at me ikatarus'hidits _ how he stared ! na'sidetok _ will you throw him away? Op. cit., p. 330. The first syllable of this word was omitted by the singer. DENS more] MANDAN AITD HIDATSA MUSIC 97 Analysis. — Several renditions of this song were recorded, and in them all the intonation and time were somewhat wavering. The rhythmic unit is short and crisp, but, in accordance with a frequent custom, it does not appear in the portion of the song which contains the words. Only one interval larger than a minor third occurs in the song, this being an ascending fourth. All the tones of the octave except the second are used in the song, which is melodic in struc¬ ture and minor in tonality. The song ends on the unaccented portion of the measure. (Cf. No. 12.) The Little River Women Society Young girls 12 to 18 years of age joined this society by purchasing the songs from women who had been members for about 10 years and who thereby retired from participation in the ceremony. A woman who “ sold the songs ” received valuable gifts from the young girl to whom she sold them, such gifts usually including a horse or a buffalo robe. She also made the headdress worn by the girl at the first meeting of the society which she attended. Meetings of the society were always held in the spring and might be repeated in the fall if some one wished to join the society at that time. Scattered Corn, who recorded the ceremonial songs of the society and contrib¬ uted many details to the accompanying description, was a member of the society from her sixteenth to her twenty-seventh year. In de¬ scribing the society she mentioned the names of 37 women who were members of it during the term of her own membership. Wounded Face, who assisted in this narrative, was present when she joined the society and was the only person living (in 1915) who attended that ceremony. Sitting Rabbit (pi. 15, h) also was familiar with the usage of the society, and contributed information concerning it. ORIGIN OF THE LITTLE RIVER WOMEN SOCIETY On the west bank of the Missouri River is a bare peak known as Eagle Nose,®® and on the opposite bank of the river is another peak. In *Eagle Nose Peak, as well as in all the buttes and in the trees, there used to live certain strange beings called “ spirit wmmen.” ^ This subject was first studied in 1912 with Bear-on-the-flat as informant, Mr. C. Hoffman interpreting, the material being translated through the Hidatsa language, as no Mandan interpreter was available. Later it was taken up with Scattered Corn, and a few days later with Sitting Rabbit, James Holding Eagle interpreting the Mandan lan¬ guage. The account given by all was substantially the same, differing only in details. This material was combined and in 1915 was translated into Mandan by James Holding Eagle, and was discussed by Scattered Corn and other of the older Mandan. Some details were added and the principal songs were recorded a second time (see pp. 100- 101). A slightly different origin legend is recorded by Lowie, op. cit., pp. 341-342. The native term is translated Bird Beak by Wilson (Hidatsa Agriculture, p. 7), but Eagle Nose is the common translation among the writer’s informants. The butte is located about 15 miles below the present site of Mandan, N. Dak. 98 bureau of AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 Long ago two Mandan women were taken away by the spirit women. One came back, but the other lived in Eagle Nose Peak, and it was through her help that the Mandan women received the Little River Women Society. All the spirit women who lived in the buttes and the trees once met together and decided to teach a society to the Mandans. Then this woman said she would go as their interpreter, because she understood the language of the spirit women and also that of the Mandan people. The spirit women did not have this society. They planned it in order to give it to the Mandan, and while they were in the bare peak planning the society each woman wore as a headdress one of the bright green snakes that are some¬ times found in the buttes. When all was ready, the spirit women came out of the bare peak, crossed the Missouri River, and started for the Mandan village, still wearing the bright green snakes twined around their heads. After they had gone a little distance they met an eagle, who said, “ Let me go with you, and I will give you one of my feathers to add to your headdress.” The spirit women took one of the feathers and let the eagle come with them. For this reason a feather was always worn in the front of the headdress of this society. Next they met a coyote, who said, “ If I do not belong to your society it will not suc¬ ceed.” The coyote gave them a song which was always sung at the close of the ceremony (No. 43), and asked them to add to their head¬ dress a wreath of plumy grass which resembled his fur. In return for this he was allowed to go with them and share the feast. As they came to a creek they met a bear, who said, “ You may meet trouble on your way, so you must wear claws to protect you from enemies you meet and from those who may follow you.” The bear also gave them a song (No. 41). For this reason the bear was allowed to go with them and share the feast, and when the ceremony was held there were two women who wore necklaces of bear’s claws. The spirit women came to a creek and there they saw an otter and a flat clamshell. Both wanted to join the new society, so the spirit women allowed them to come. For this reason, when the ceremony was held, a woman walked in the middle of the procession wearing the fur of an otter ornamented with a polished clamshell. The song given the women by the shell is fourth in the group of cere¬ monial songs (No. 42). When the spirit women entered the Mandan village they were still wearing the bright green snakes twined around their heads, together with the eagle feather and the wreath of plumy grass. They also wore the bear claws, the otter fur, and the polished shell. Their feet did not touch the ground as they entered the village because they were spirit women. They said, We bring the society because you dbnsmorb] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 99 are the people of the Missouri River,” and they told the young women to bring food for a feast. The young women took food and gifts into their lodge. The spirit women ate but did not talk — they only whispered to each other. After the feast they taught certain songs (Nos. 39-43) to the maidens, and because they were spirit songs they were easy to learn. The maidens learned them all that night. The spirit women also taught them the Little River W omen ceremony in which the songs were to be sung. Around their heads the spirit women still wore the living snakes, but they taught the Mandan maidens to braid grass to resemble snakes and told them to make and wear such headdresses whenever they held a ceremony of the society. Then the spirit women went away, but the Mandan women did everything as they had been instructed by the spirit women. CEREMONY OF THE LITTLE RIVER WOMEN SOCIETY This ceremony, as already stated, took place in the spring of the year, but could be held also in the fall. Four days were required for the ceremony, and during the intervening nights the women slept in the ceremonial lodge. They could go to their homes during the day, and usually worked in the gardens in the mornings. A pro¬ cession was held in the early evening, the crier summoning the women to their lodge to prepare for it. At the time of the procession the men singers, usually five in number, took their places at the drum in the center of the village. The Little River women formed in a line within their lodge. All wore headdresses of braided grass representing snakes and having an eagle feather in the front. The procession was in a regular order. At the head and also at the end of the procession walked a woman wearing a necklace of bear claws and midway the length of the line was a woman wearing an otter skin ornamented with a polished shell.®^ The procession passed around the village circle, moving from east to west, and at the cardinal points the maidens paused and danced for a few moments. When they had completed the circuit of the village they formed a circle outside their lodge and danced, singing the four principal songs that were taught them by the spirit women (Nos. 39-42). Then they danced into the door of the lodge, two by two, singing a dance Scattered Corn said that the spirit women came to the Mandans when they were living in two villages, both of which seem to have had the ceremony at the same time. Some said, however, that “ as the real Mandans lived at Deapolis the spirit women probably went there and the women from Deapolis took the ceremony to the women at the Fort Clark village.” At a later time one of the villages was destroyed and the societies of the two villages combined, so that there were twice as many wearers of bear claws and special ornaments as were indicated by the spirit women. Thus in later years there were ifour women with necklaces of bear claws and two with ornaments of otter skin and polished shell. This narrative, however, gives the original number. Scattered Com was one of the women who wore a bear-claw necklace. 100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 song (No. 44). After entering, they danced around the lodge sing¬ ing the same song, then seated themselves and rested a while. The drum was brought into the lodge, the singers took their places, and many spectators came to watch the dancers. After a short time the singers at the drum started the Bear song (No. 41) and all the Little River Women rose and danced. The two women who wore the bear-claw necklaces danced near together and close to the fire. After the song was finished the dancers remained standing and the women who wore the bear claws gave presents to those from whom they purchased their membership in the society ; they also gave gifts to all their relatives and friends. This was followed by the singing of the Shell song (No. 42), and the woman who wore the polished shell gave gifts as the women with the bear claws had done. Any songs could be sung after these, but the four principal songs taught by the spirit women were sung several times during each evening. At the close it was customary to sing the song of the coyote, which also marked the end of the entire ceremony. All danced and the singing was peculiar in that it began slowly and accelerated in tempo. Each -night a rawhide thong was stretched across the lodge and on it the headdresses were hung. If the women awoke and found that one of their number was missing they at once instituted a search and compelled her to return. As they went about the village seeking for her they sang the following Mandan words to the melody of the first song given by the spirit women (No. 39) : i'mupa _ my companion (gee p. 53) wa'aiii _ hear wahu'na _ - come At the end of the fourth day the women who had taken part in the ceremony were “ cleansed ” by an old man who had “ eagle medi¬ cine.” Their bodies were brushed with a spray of wild peppermint dipped in water, the old man meantime singing his own medicine song. The casting away of the headdresses marked the conclusion of the ceremony, all the headdresses being placed together. It is said that once a member of the society would not believe that the braided grass represented a snake. After a ceremony she did not put her headdress with those of the other women but threw it carelessly aside. Later a friend saw it and placed it with the others. After a time the first woman went to the place where the wreaths had been laid and instead of braided grasses she saw a heap of living snakes. The principal songs of the spirit women (Nos. 39, 40, 41, and 42) were recorded by Scattered Corn in 1912 and again in 1916, the two dbnsmobe] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 101 series being made on phonographs of different manufacture. On comparing the transcriptions we find that the pitch of every song is the same in the record made in 1915 as in the record made in 1912 and that,- with one exception, the tempo is the same in the two series. The exception in tempo in No. 39 which was sung at J=:100 in 1912 and J=108 in 1915, a difference so slight as to be of no importance except that the others duplicated the time exactly. In Nos. 40 and 41 the tone values were precisely the same in the two series (cf. analysis of No. 85). In No. 42 there are slight differences in the tone values of the first four measures, after which the transcriptions of the two records are identical. Both transcriptions of No. 39 are given here¬ with. No. 39. Song^ of the Spirit Women (Catalogue No. 800) Kecorded by Scattered Corn Voice J r los Drum J r los Drum-rhythm similar to No. 37 (1) jp p sfj iig n. p) iiMg'fei (2) - 1 I - - :i. 1 (0 a (2) - ^ f^ll ^ ' mu - pa ma-ta - - so na - hu-w-do {vocables) ma - 102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 WOKDS (MANDAN) i'mupa _ my best friend (a term used by one young girl in addressing another) mata^so _ whence nahu'do _ have you come? ma'himikta _ from a bare peak wehu'dote _ I have come Analysis. — The transcriptions of this song as recorded in 1912 and 1915 are typical examples of a somewhat imperfect and a more exact Duplication of preceding Voice 4 z loo Drum not recorded rendition of an Indian song. This was the first song recorded by Scattered Corn and the strangeness of the process may have dis¬ tracted her attention, or there may have been some circumstance at the time, or some person present who made it difficult for her to con- DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 103 centrate her mind on the singing. The second form of the melody is undoubtedly the correct form, as it has a rhythmic coherence which did not vary in the four repetitions of the song. It will be noted • that the record made in 1912 contains no rhythmic unit, while that made in 1915 contains two rhythmic units. No drum was used when the songs were recorded in 1912 but in the later recording a drum was used, the drum and voice maintaining the same tempo. Attention is directed to the compass of the melody (13 tones), the extreme intervals of which were sung with good intonation, though the lowest tone was sung softly. The song is harmonic in structure and contains only the tones of the major triad and sixth. Two-thirds of the progressions are downward and 71 per cent are major and minor thirds. No. 40. “The Missouri Women” (Catalogue No. 801) Recorded by Scattered Corn Voice J = 152 WORDS (MANDAN) ma'tamiiki _ the Missouri (River) women si'dotMe _ _ are the best Analysis. — In the analysis of this song as recorded in 1912 it was stated that ‘‘the intonation is wavering in the latter portion of the song but the tone transcribed as B natural is always kept in semitone relation to the tones which precede and follow it.” The intonation was good throughout the four renditions of the song recorded in 1915, the singer having a poise and confidence which was lacking on 104 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 the former occasion. The song is harmonic in structure and minor in tonality. Two-thirds of the intervals are downward, as in the • preceding song. The interval of a fourth is prominent in the struc¬ ture of the melody, though it appears only three times as a progres¬ sion. The tones are those of the minor triad and seventh (see No. 12) . No. 41. Song of tife Bear (Catalogue No. 802) Recorded by Scatteeed Coen Voice J = 144 Drum J = 144 Hi-do-wa- liai)-ke - te r-, ^ 1 - n - 1 ==B ^ - J:--i J 5 -J WOEDS (MANDAN) hido^'wahag^kete _ here I am Analysis. — Five renditions of this song were recorded in 1915, the pitch, tempo, tone-values, and words being the same as in the renditions of 1912. The melody is somewhat more elaborate than the two preceding. It contains the tones of the fourth five-toned scale and in structure is melodic with harmonic framework. One-half the l)rogressions are major seconds, the next in frequency being minor thirds. The rhythmic unit is clear and occurs four times with a partial repetition after the third phrase. DENS MORE] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 105 No. 42. Song of the Shell (Catalogue No. 803) Recorded by Scattered Corn Voice J = leo Drum J r leo Drum-rhythm similar to No. 37 1 ** - - • 1 — - 1 1 m . 1 /Li F — F - 1 r.— 1 • r 1 K 1 IZZ 1 r. -F r — 1 NU/ ‘-r 1 - \ - T j \ nsr _i 1 - — I ni • — ~ 1 I f/fK *' ^ k m m m - ^ M • A_ M ^ 1 K. 1 ^ ■ -y-... ^ ^ - - ^ 0 m\ WORDS (MANDAN) wa'tatudo'teete _ Jiere are shells Analysis. — The indicated tempo of this song is that of the measures containing the rhythmic unit, the others being sung somewhat rubato. It is interesting to note that the slight hastening or retarding of the tempo occurred on the same measures in the records made in 1912 and 1915, the indicated tempo being identical. At already stated, there are slight differences in the tone values of the first four measures, after which the transcriptions of the tw^o records are uniform. Seven renditions were recorded in 1912 and about the same number in 1915, the song being short and the singer being allowed to continue until the phonograph cylinder was filled. Almost half the intervals are fourths. The song has a compass of 11 tones and is major in tonality. 108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 43. Song- of the Coyote (b) (Catalogue No. 804) Recorded by Scatteked Corn Voice J 104 Drum J = io4 Drum -rhythm similar to No. 37 m - n U. rJ Analysis. — Eight renditions of this song were recorded, differing only in that the first phrase was omitted in two renditions and that one had a slightly different ending. There was no break in the time between the renditions, which is somewhat unusual in this series. Eepetitions of the rhythmic units comprise the entire song, the second occurrence of each unit beginning with a slightly different count- division than the first. The song is minor in tonality and progresses chiefly by minor thirds, which constitute more than half the entire number of intervals. No. 44. Dancing Song of the Little River Women Society (Catalogue No. 805) Recorded by Scattered Corn Voice i44 Drum i44 Drum- rhythm similar to No. 33 Analysis. — This is a bright, lively melody, major in tonality and containing all the tones of the octave except the seventh. Seven renditions were recorded without a break in the time. The descent of an octave in the second measure is interesting and the movement of the entire melody is broader than in a majority of the present series of songs. DENS More! MANDAN AKD HlDATSA MUSIC 107 No. 45. Song^ of the Little Kiver Women Society (a) (Catalogue No. 872) Recorded by Sitting Rabbit Voice J = i68 Drum not recorded iiitf ITT n^tTT'itiirf-ll Analysis. — This and the next song were recorded by a man who had been one of the ‘‘ singers ” at meetings of the Little River Women Society. This song begins and ends on the same tone, the first inter¬ val carrying the melody up to the highest tone in its compass. The melodic material is scanty, comprising only the minor triad and fourth. The principal interval of progression is a whole tone. No. 46. Song of the Little River Women Society (h) (Catalogue No. 873) Recorded by Sitting Rabbit Voice J = 72 Drum not recorded r r 17^ f" — t'-rA-V 1 l^r 'll Analysis. — This song is entirely different in character from the preceding and contains the tones of the major triad and fourth. The two songs have about the same number of intervals, but No. 46 has a compass of 11 tones and No. 45 of only 5 tones. The present melody progresses chiefly by major thirds. 108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 MANDAN AND HIDATSA MEN’S SOCIETIES It is not the intention of the present paper to offer an extended consideration of Mandan and Hidatsa societies. Maximilian noted these societies,^® and his information corresponds in its most impor¬ tant phases with that secured in 1910 and 1911 by Doctor Lowie.^^ Wounded Face, one of Doctor Lowie’s informants, was consulted by the writer in 1912, 1915, and 1918, resulting in some duplication of material. Certain societies existed in both tribes, while others were limited to one tribe, the most important of the latter being the Stone Hammer Society of the Hidatsa. Songs of this society are here¬ with presented, but it has not seemed expedient to attempt a tribal classification of the songs of other societies. If a song were attribu¬ ted to one tribe, this statement is contained in the description of the song. According to the writer’s informants the sequence of Hidatsa age- societies was as follows Notched Stick, Stone Hammer, Fox, Lumpwood, Black Mouth, Crazy Dog, Intended (or wanted) -to-be- a-dog, Half-shaved-heads, Buffalo, and Bad Ear. The sequence of the Mandan societies was: White, Fox, Dog (including Young Dog and Foolish Dog), Black Mouth, Buffalo, and Horse (Wounded Face said this society did not originate with the Mandan but was bought hy them from the Sioux. He has seen dances of this society). The very old men were said to belong to the Coarse Hair Society. The manner of purchasing admission to a society and of progress¬ ing from one to another has been described by previous writers and need not be repeated. The term “ Stone Hammer ” given as the name of the second Hidatsa society was criticized by the writer’s inform¬ ants, who said the native word referred to the mallet used for pound¬ ing meat or crushing bones, an implement with a stone head, the ends of which were alike. They said the Hidatsa have another word for “ hammer,” an implement in which the two ends of the head are different in shape. The former term is continued, as it is familiar by usage. The native term is stone, maii' literally mallet. The word “ Lumpwood ” was also regarded by those who spoke both languages as an inadequate translation. They said the native term {mi' daJii' si^ mi' da^ wood, hi' si^ red) was almost identical with the word meaning “ basket.” The literal translation is “ red wood,” as indicated, but they said it meant “ round wood,” probably referring to the shape of an insignia of the society which may have been painted red. They said that “two kinds of weapons (insignia) were used in the society, one being flat and the other round. Both were made Maximilian, op. cit., pp. 291-295, 371. Lowie, op. cit., p, 221. ®2 The native names of these societies are on pages xix-xx. dbnsmorb] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 109 of wood. The flat ones were trimmed with raven feathers and some¬ times with white feathers. The round ones had feathers in the mid¬ dle. The round ones were made in one piece, a knot or lump on the wood being worked into a round end and the rest of the wood form¬ ing the handle.” The translation “ Lumpwood,” being commonly used, is continued in the present work. Good Bear said that the Fox Society, which precedes the Lump- wood in the serial order, was named for “ a small animal, not much larger than a cat, with a black tip at the end of its tail.” He said “these foxes were spry and quick, these being qualities greatly de¬ sired by the young men. They watch in ambush and jump on their prey when it is at the right distance.” Societies named for the kit fox are common to many tribes of Indians. A similar society existed among the Mandan, but the principal informants on this subject were Hidatsa, the following singers belonging to the Fox Society: Holding Eagle (pi. 18, &), Old Dog, Good Bear, and Harry Eaton. They said the society was still in existence, as the last members had never sold their membership. Interesting information on this sub¬ ject was also given by Sitting Crow (pi. 18, a). Young men joined the society when about 21 years of age. The headdress worn by mem¬ bers of this society consisted of a row of fox jaws, sometimes painted red, yellow, or green, and the men who had “ coup feathers ” wore them erect at the back of the head. The meetings were held by special appointment, when food was abundant. They did not steal the food for their feast, as the Stone Hammers did. The society was chiefly social in character, and there were no leaders except the men who carried lances. These lances were wrapped with strips of otter fur, placed around the staff of the lance. Pan said that in war a man who placed one of these lances upright in the ground could not retreat from the spot, but if a friend saw that the man would surely be killed he could seize the lance and carry it to a place of safety, the lance owner following without disgrace. Sometimes a lance owner gave his lance to a girl who sang in the scalp songs and made another for himself. If one of the lance bearers were killed in war the society elected another in his place. The lance was used in touching an enemy to “ count coup ” and also in stabbing an enemy. When the society paraded around the village these lance bearers were preceded by a man who was specially distinguished for bravery. The men always “ went on a trot ” and they selected from among the spectators a particularly brave man to go at the end of the proces¬ sion. After completing the circuit of the village they went to the feast in their lodge. An Hidatsa in explaining the meaning of the teem “ crazy dog ” as applied to the society in his tribe, said it meant that the men were 2118°— 23 - 9 110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 like dogs in tlieir determination to accomplish their purpose. It was as though they were, for the time, possessed of the spirit of dogs. The purpose of the “ Crazy Dogs ” was said to be the protection of the women and children in time of war and loyalty of its members to one another when in battle, its members being required to rescue a comrade, though it were at the risk of their own lives. The mark of membership in the “ Half-shaved-heads ” was the cutting of the hair short on both sides of the head, leaving a stiff, erect crest of hair extending from the forehead to the nape of the neck. The first age-society of the Mandan was called So'Kta, meaning White. Wounded Face said that he was at a loss to explain this name, as the native term was used only to designate a color. He belonged to the society when a boy and never sold his membership, the society passing out of existence because of changes in the life of the tribe. The boys were not trained in stealth, as were the boys of the Stone Hammer Society among the Hidatsa. The Fox Society is common to many tribes of the plains, the term usually referring to the kit fox. It was said that the Young Dog, Foolish (or Crazy) Dog, and Dog Societies were “ all the same organization.” The significance and purpose of the society was undoubtedly the same as among the Hidatsa. The origin and character of the Black Mouth Society, as well as a legend concerning the origin of the Buffalo Society, have already been noted (pp. 47, 84-85). The distinction between dances of the Buffalo Society and the ‘‘ Buffalo medicine dance” is mentioned on page 36. Wounded Face said that members of the Coarse Hair Society wore a headdress of buffalo hair, which was twisted together, making long strands that hung down before their faces. Bear-on-the-flat related certain experiences which are of interest in connection with admission to the boy’s societies. He said that when he and a few other boys were too young to join the Fox Society they wanted to hang around ” at the time of the meetings, but the Fox Society would not let them. So they voluntarily carried wood and water for the Young Dog Society whenever they had a meeting. This was appreciated and the little boys were allowed to sit in the dusky edge of the lodge during the meetings of the Young Dog Society. In this manner the boys learned many songs, and as soon as they were old enough they joined the Young Dog Society. He said that a boy, when joining this society, was said to “ purchase the songs ” from an old man of the same clan whom he called his ‘‘ father.” The boy was required to spend a certain number of even¬ ings with the old man, rehearsing the songs which he sang at the first meeting he attended. The songs transmitted in this manner DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 111 were not original compositions, like the “ dream songs ” of the Chip¬ pewa and Sioux medicine men, but were old songs that had been handed down for many generations in the society. The full num¬ ber of rehearsals was 40 or 50, but some could be deducted in return for each valuable present given the old man. It was required that the boy give him food every night that they were singing together. During this time the boy addressed the old man as “ father,” and this continued until the songs were sung at the society. Bear-on-the-flat said that the meetings of the society were held in the afternoon and that the members required the entire morning for preparation. They cut the hair short on one side of the head, tied a black cloth around the head, and stuck a feather upright in this band. Long strings of beads were hung at either side of their faces. The gayest raiment was worn and both men and horses were painted, the latter being decorated according to the owner’s fancy. The men wore a whistle suspended around the neck, blowing on it occasionally, and they usually carried a gun or a bow and arrows. The procession of the society that preceded their meeting was led by two men with rattles and behind them walked two men carrying long staves, one of which was wound with otter fur and one with wolf fur. These were followed by members of the society, either on horseback or walking two by two. The rattles were shaken vigorously and the men “ trot¬ ted ” on their way around the village circle. Sometimes the proces¬ sion paused in front of a lodge and the men danced until gifts were brought out and distributed. These were various articles and not gifts of food, as a feast awaited the members of the society in their lodge. At this meeting the “ fathers ” presented their respective “ sons ” with elaborate garments, often including red cloth for a suit that cost 10 buffalo robes at the trader’s store. If the young men were married, their wives received similar gifts. This was an occasion of much rivalry, the spectators being curious to see which boy had chosen the best father.” The boy also contributed gifts that were distributed at the feast. Many dancing songs were used in the lodge, and after any of them a warrior might rise, go forward, and strike the drum as a signal that he wished to relate one of his deeds of valor. This was said to “ give the singers and drummers a chance to rest.” The rattle and whistle used in this society are noted on pages 8 and 9. See also plate 19, h. Bear-on-the-flat said that if the enemy were believed to be ready to attack the village, so that a battle might be expected on the mor¬ row, it was customary for the Crazy Dogs to go around the village late in the afternoon singing their war songs, while at a distance the old men sat together singing their personal songs to encourage the young warriors. ' 112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 The Black Mouth Society comprised warriors who were in the prime of life, having passed the age of reckless daring but lost none of their vigor (see pp. 47-52). Maximilian calls the fourth age soci¬ ety of the Mandan the “ Soldiers,” but his description of the face painting and other customs identify it as the Black Mouth Society. The Buffalo Society was composed of men 50 to 60 years of age. Little Crow said that the society held its principal meeting in the spring, “when the grass was just starting.” In this dance the men reenacted their exploits on the warpath. Spectatoirs w.ere not allowed to approach the dancers; and if they did so, the warriors “ fired a blank charge at them.” It was said that members of the Buffalo Society went to war, if necessary, but they do not seem to have been part of the active and constant defense of the tribe. Hold¬ ing Eagle said that “two men represented buffalo and wore head¬ dresses with horns. The members of the society wore buffalo-hide decorations, but did not wear a whole headdress of it.” Crowds Heart was one of those who were privileged to wear the headdress representing a buffalo (pi. 19, a). None of the songs of this society were designated as war songs. Drums, Battles, and Whistles Used in the Societies The drums used in the several societies were hand drums and usually were of medium size (pi. 9, <3^, 5) . There were said to be three or four drums in each society, a certain responsibility resting with the head drummer, as he was expected to open his own lodge at any time for meetings of the society. The rattles were of two types (see p. 8). Each society had its own sort of rattle which was used in the dances. Whistles or “ war pipes ” of different sizes were used by the societies (see p. 9). The specimens and descriptions obtained by the present writer differed in no essential respects from those recorded by Maximilian. Songs of the Societies These songs are of three general classes: (1) Dancing songs, (2) war songs, and (3) “ serenades,” the latter being sung by members of the society when going around the village or sitting on top of the lodges. To these may be added the love songs, which differed from the serenades, but weVe sung in a somewhat similar manner. Songs were always referred to a certain society, the title being given as a “ Fox Society war song,” or a “ Dog Society serenade.” Some of the following songs were undoubtedly Mandan and others Hidatsa in origin ; but as the societies, with one exception, were common to both tribes, it is not expedient to attempt a tribal grouping of the songs, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 80 PLATE 19 a. Headdress worn in Buffalo Society c. Head of Stone Hammer Society wand DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 113 beyond the presentation of the Hidatsa Stone Hammer Society in a separate section. This society, as already stated, was not found among the Mandan. In many instances Hidatsa words were sung to an old melody because they were easier to sing and were more generally understood. Thus the language of the words does not always indicate the tribal origin of a song. Stone Hammer Society of the Hidatsa This society consisted of boys between the ages of 10 and 16 years, though one informant stated that he remembered a boy of 7 who belonged to the society, and that boys sometimes remained in it until they were 18 years old. Membership in the society was purchased by a boy from a man of the same clan called his “ clan father.” This man gave the boy his entire equipment, comprising clothing, ornaments, and insignia of the society. The boys gave valuable gifts in return for these and also contributed to a pile of presents that were distributed at his initiation. The Hidatsa word for societies in general is hu^ daw ani' dL As among other tribes this is not included in the name of an organiza¬ tion, which is known simply by its title. Thus the Hidatsa term for the Stone Hammer Society is Mi' i 'irmil' paki stone, maii' pak% mallet), referring to an implement for pounding meat or crushing bones. The chief purpose of the society was to train the boys in stealth and theft, but there were strict regulations concerning the manner in which this was done. Full notification must be given several hours before the Stone Hammers began a raid. If a member of the society committed a theft at any other time .than that appointed and was discovered he was treated as a common thief. His membership in the society was no protection, and the society repudiated the act. He was also given some severe form of punishment. The Stone Hammer raids took place at night, and it was required that before sunset the boys go through the camp announcing that they would steal that night. Everyone was fully notified and pro¬ ceeded to hide their provisions in what they considered the safest places. That evening the boys assembled in their society lodge. They stripped to the breechcloth and daubed the back or chest with moist clay. When this was partly dry, they traced with a finger nail the figure of a mouse or rat, leaving the brown skin within the outline. Other designs in paint could be put on the body, all such decorations being in accordance with instructions given each boy by his clan father. The boy’s hair was all brought upward and to 114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 one side of the front of his head where it was tied in a bunch, and to this were fastened feathers or bags of medicine, as directed by the clan father, all these preparations being as nearly as possible like those of warriors. A Stone Hammer raid was regarded seriously and as tending to develop the qualities which would later be needed on the warpath. The boys took their seats in the lodge according to the place which their clan occupied in the tribal circle, some at the right, others at the left, of the entrance. The door of the lodge was tightly closed and only members were allowed to enter. Every boy in the village belonged to the society if he were within the age limits, but it was recognized that some were more efficient than others. The first act of the society was to select the boys who were to steal. A boy might decline, saying that he did not wish to try it. The selection seems to have been by a general nomination, some one saying, “ Let so-and-so go, he is a smart boy.’^ The boys, when se¬ lected, sat in the middle of the circle. Frequently they were four to eight in number. A boy was then appointed to “ ask the ques¬ tions.” He began with the boy next the door and asked him what his mother had in the house that was good to eat, and where she kept it. The boys in the middle of the lodge listened carefully to these replies. The same questions were asked of every boy in the circle and each was expected to be posted and to reply correctly. The boys in the middle of the lodge were then questioned and at last the boy who had questioned the others was himself questioned as to where his mother, or aunt, or grandmother hid her best food. This being finished, the stealing boys were divided into two groups according to the side of the circle where their band was located, as they were required to steal from the tents on the opposite side of the circle, with which they naturally were less familiar than with their own. They went out in pairs and with each group there were two extra boys who stayed outside the tents and who gave the alarm if necessary by a sharp repeated exhalation of the breath, given without forming any syllable, or by a low whistle. A favorite place for hiding food was under the pillow or under the pallet on which an old woman slept. Mr. Packineau stated that it was not unusual for the Stone Hammer boys to lift the blanket on which an old woman was sleeping, lay the blanket and the old woman gently to one side, and take the dried meat or other food from be¬ neath her bed without waking her. Thus in the morning people often found themselves sleeping in another part of the tent than that in which they had retired, and the food was gone. Occasionally the boys were badly treated. Sometimes the men threw them on the ground, rubbed or punched the stomach in a painful manner, and dbnsmore] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 115 sent them away, or perhaps tied them up and demanded a ransom. Upon such men the Stone Hammer Society took its revenge in its own way. If the boys were badly treated, but obtained the food, they did not give the usual presents to the people from whom the food was stolen. After a successful raid the food was taken to the lodge and the boys had a feast. Blankets and other goods were obtained from their parents, and either that night or the night next following the boys made up packs of gifts equivalent in value to what they had stolen. These they gave to the people whom they had robbed, and it was considered that everything was properly adjusted. STONE HAMMER SOCIETY WAND Every society had its insignia in the form of a wand, staff, lance, or other object which was carried by members in the dance or in war. These were called widawa' he. In designating the insignia of a par¬ ticular society the name of the society preceded this term. Thus the Stone Hammer Society wand was called Mi'i mau' paki.^ stone ham¬ mers, i'ta^ their, %oidaiea' he wand. This was in the form of a mallet comprising a stone head pointed at both ends and pierced through the middle, a handle about 25 inches long being passed through the hole in the stone and securely fastened. The stone head was decorated in various designs. The specimen illustrated (pi. 19, c) was made for the writer by Pan (pi. 14, c) and is of the type commonly carried in the society. A more elaborate wand was “ carried by those who could afford it,” and differed from the form illustrated in that it had three long slender points beyond the stone head, and to these were hung feathers, preferably those of the eagle. The wand was carried in the dances, held at arm’s length and waved above the dancer’s head. The handle must be of cherry or June-berry wood and around the handle was usually a band of otter fur. The hawk was “ the bird of the society,” and the specimen illustrated is deco¬ rated with the entire tail feathers of a white-tailed hawk. Eagle feathers could be used if desired. The stone head was colored ac¬ cording to the taste of its maker, the colors being red, black, white, green, and blue. A black glazed surface on the stone was secured by thoroughly greasing the stone and then wrapping it with grass which was burned off slowly. One side of the specimen illustrated was blackened in this manner, the other side being painted with native vermilion. On the black side of the stone is graven a represen¬ tation of the moon (pi. 19, c) and on the red side is the morning star. Other symbols which were placed on the stones were the north star {Ikaliaga'taj meaning “ star that does not move”), the 116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 Pleiades {ikddho'a)^ the ‘‘hand stars” {skawaro' saki) ^ referring to a group of stars resembling an outspread hand which is seen in the south in winter and which “ moves around the north star.” The wand was made for an initiate by the old man of his clan whom he selected to present him for membership. The selection of the design on the stone head of his wand might be determined in several ways. If the boy had had a dream and seen a dream sym¬ bol, he told it to his “ clan father,” who placed it on the stone. If the boy had not had a vision, the responsibility for the design rested with his “ clan father ” If he did not wish to choose it him¬ self he called together some old men of the same clan and consulted them as to what design would “give the boy a good start in life” by placing him under protection of strong and favorable elements. When a design was chosen by the old men for a boy who had not had a vision, it was expected that the boy would seek a vision imme¬ diately afterwards and would try to obtain a dream of the symbol that had been placed on his wand. The fasting vigil for securing the dream could be of any duration, but one night was sometimes sufficient, and the result was considered as satisfactory as though a longer time were required. An old man did not allow anyone in the lodge when he was making one of these wands. He filled a pipe and presented the stem to the south, west, north, and east, then to the zenith and the earth. Some presented it to the zenith before presenting it to the cardinal points, but it was always offered last to the earth. As the old man per¬ formed each of these acts he made a supplication similar to the following: “ Ma'UopalTc'ti'a (great medicine),®^ smoke this pipe. I want success for this young man. ” After which he mentioned in his petition the respects in which success was especially desired for the candidate. A clan father was rewarded for making the wand by liberal gifts, often including a horse. Henceforth he took great interest in the lad and considered that the young man’s successes were a source of rightful pride to himself, believing he had contributed to the, secur¬ ing of the supernatural help without which the young man could not have succeeded in life. STONE HAMMER SOCIETY SONGS The two songs next following are serenades of the Stone Hammer Society. See p. 36. DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 117 No. 47, “I Desire To Take You With Me” (Catalogue No. 884) Recorded by Pan Voice J = 104 Drum J = 104 Drum- rhythm similar to No. 37 WORDS (HIDATSA) ma'kari'stagade' _ little ones ni _ you mak'mare'wits _ I desire to take with me Analysis. — The melodic material of this song is scanty, comprising only the major triad and second, and the chief interest of the song is in its rhythm. This is given with most clearness in the third rendi¬ tion, from which the transcription is made. Comparison of the three occurrences of the rhythmic unit shows the addition of a triplet in the second occurrence, and a syncopation and an eighth rest in the third occurrence. These are slight changes, but were given with dis¬ tinctness and add to the interest of the song. 118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 48. “Let Us Go” (Catalogue No. 885) Recorded by Pan Voice J z lao Drum J z lao Drum-rhythm similar to No. 37 — m “P — w — "75 - ■P --1 L 1 X u 1 — , - Hi-da mi a nu-si-a a a du-sa -(• - ■ — m - T f M • ft M 1 r • m — _ rr. - r 3 ^ 1 ^ 1 tsi-dok - W - m - - 1 - m — - r — y - n / ,ii J tJ 11 g r r_ r_ 11 hi'da _ mi _ # • • •• nu'sia _ dusa'tsidok WORDS (HIDATSA) (Free translation) >Wliy should you come again? Let us go now Analysis. — In analyzing this song we must consider that it was recorded by a singer whose time and intonation are variable. The several renditions of the song differ more than is usually the case, yet the relative lengths of the tones which compose the rhythmic unit are clearly maintained. All the tones of the octave are present except the sixth and seventh. The fourth is sharped in the seventh and eighth measures, and the first tone of the ninth measure was sung slightly below pitch. Thirty-nine progressions occur, only three of which are larger than a minor third. This song evidently refers to the youth of the organization and their exploits. It is said to have been the last song of the Stone Hammer Society. DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 119 No. 49. “ Run Away ” Recorded by Pan (Cataloj^ue No. 886) Voice J = so Drum J = so Drum-rhythm similar to No. 37 ■# - (• Mi - i ma - u - pa - ki 0 ni - ma - da-wo-hats _ • p. ..... -p .. ni- ma-da-wo-hats ni- ma- da-wo-hats ka-ra-a-da WORDS (HTDATSA) Mi'i maii'paki _ Stone Hammers O _ O ni'madawo'bats _ you are youngsters kara'ada _ run away ni _ you detse'iats _ will be exterminated ni'madawo'bats _ you are youngsters kara'ada _ run away Analysis. — This melody is particularly expressive of the idea con¬ tained in the words. Sixty-five per cent of the intervals are fourths, this interval being prominent in songs concerning motion. There is a taunting effect in the repetitions of the descending fourth as well as in the rhythm of the rhythmic unit (cf. Nos. 93 and 107). Considering B flat as the keynote, we observe that the third is absent from the melody, the only tones being B flat, C, and F. 120 bureau of AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 50. “I Want to Lire’’ (Catalogue No. 887) Recorded by Pan Voice J-es Drum J = es See drum- rhythm below mi-i - di-ma-ruk se - se i si-ets hi - do ma-re-ta Drum-rhythm (approximate) > > WORDS (HIDATSA) I 'lie liga i'lige O _ mi'idima'ruk__ se'se _ isi'ets _ hi 'do _ mare'tawits . Fox band .0 -I want to live that is bad .from here I will not depart AncilAjsis. — As in other records by this singer, the intonation is variable, but the rhythmic unit is given clearly in each of the three In one instance the final syllable of this word was omitted by the singer. DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 121 renditions. The melody contains all the tones of the octave except the sixth. Almost three- fourths of the intervals are whole tones and semitones, the melody progressing by unusually small degrees. \ Fox Society Songs The words of this song express the dignity and valor of the war¬ rior. Another war song of the Fox Society is included among the war songs as No. 96. Good Bear, who recorded this song and song No. 110, was a highly respected member of the Hidatsa tribe and for many years was judge in the agency court of Indian offenses. No. 51. “Need I Be Afraid” (Catalogue No. 8991 Recorded by Good Bear Voice J r se DRUM J r 66 Drum -rhythm similar to No. 3a A — rfhn 1 =t=fl / 4^" j ma - ‘ r ■ la -'hki r 11^ £-u 1 its mi-.i-di- wi Ct WORDS (HIDATSA) i'muruk'sa _ I am simply on the earth maha'llkuts mi'idi'wi _ need I be afraid? Analysis. — The only intervals occurring in this song are minor thirds and major seconds, yet the melody has a compass of 10 tones. Two-thirds of the progressions are downward. In structure the song is melodic and the tempo is unusually slow, a characteristic noted in several of the war songs (cf., among others. Nos. 78, 80, 86. 87. 91, 92, 95. 97, 98). The melody tones are those of the fourth five-toned scale. 122 bureau of AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 52. Fox Society War Son^ (a) (Catalogue No. 895) Recorded by Wolf Head Voice J = 76 Drum not recorded f — W- £• - ■- -^y-rr- B" - ; • - ■ — - -A r ^ L - - - H - - 1 - W • 1 J • 1 - - X.. <» — 1 1 n 1 Analysis. — This song contains only one interval larger than a major third. It is minor in tonality and contains all the tones of the octave except the second. There was no break in the time between the ren¬ ditions. The song is not rhythmic in general character and contains no rhythmic unit. Old Dog said that the following song was sung by members of the Fox Society when one of their number had been killed in battle, also stating that the same song was sung if a man were wounded while on the warpath and died after reaching home. He said they all “ went and looked at him,” then stood in a line and sang the song. They mixed tobacco and “ red willow ” and gave it to the dead man, who Avas arrayed in his finest clothing and headdress. The body was then wrapped and placed on a scaff<^ld. The Avarrior’s lance, on which Avas the fetish given him by his tribal father,” was transferred to another man. Old Dog said that he had seen and taken part in this simple ceremony six times, the last time being in 1880, when a war party of his people went toward the north, probably against the Crees and Chippewa. DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 123 No. 53. Fox Society Funeral Song (Catalogue No. 890) Recorded by Old Dog Voice J = ee Drum not recorded WORDS (HIDATSA, NOT TRANSCRIBED) mu'dakii'a _ my comrade’s (referring to the dead man) ido'pi _ tobacco ma'wits _ to smoke mawa'hets _ I desire Analysis. — This song contains three rhythmic periods, the first comprising two measures, the second and third each comprising three measures, and the song ending with two unimportant measures. The tempo is slow and the song dignified, though the count divisions of the rhythmic unit suggest a more cheerful theme. The melody tones are those of the fourth five-toried scale, but 11 of the 16 pro¬ gressions are minor thirds. Holding Eagle (pi. 18, h) said that he was a member of the Fox Society when he was a young man, and went with them against the Sioux. He said that the war party stopped on the bank of a river and sang this song before attacking the Sioux. The words of this song were identical with the words of No. 96, recorded by the same singer, and said to be also a Fox Society war song. They were sung more distinctly with the later melody and are transcribed as part of that son r r r ppi ^ - - - - mU 1.1 -\ 1 L r 1 ^ }») (■ p im m t 1 - 1 p f -f- - L..J — L J - — ~1 1 - 1 p t # • • 1 1 - — 1 ^ TTI - r r B ^ - r— 1 - n gp; >lr f ^ Analysis. — The words of this song (not transcribed) were the same as those of No. 58. Duplication of words appears much more frequently in this material than in the songs recorded among other tribes. Several renditions of this song were recorded and show no differences. The intonation was good throughout the series. Except for two intervals of a third, all the progressions are major seconds and fourths, the latter constituting almost one-third of the entire number. The final tone is approached by an ascending fourth, which is unusual in the present series. In tonality the song is major, the melody tones being those of the major triad and second. 2118°— 23 - 10 126 bureau of AMERICAl^ ETHUOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 56. Fox Society Son^ (Catalogue No. 867) Recorded by Sitting Rabbit Voice J = 98 Drum not recorded Analysis. — Major and minor thirds constitute four-fifths of the intervals in this song, which is harmonic in structure. Six rendi¬ tions were recorded and show some points of difference. The first rendition was wavering in intonation. The transcription is from the second, which was identical with the fourth rendition. Sitting Eabbit stated that the following song was “sung on top of a lodge or sometimes down on the edge of the timber.” He said that one man might sing a love song alone, or three or four might sing it together. No words were recorded. (See pi. 19, h.) No. 57. Fox Society Love Song (Catalogue No. 868) Recorded by Sitting Rabbit ^VOICE J r 50 Drum not recorded (1) ~r%» , - n 7 11 M M -II w w w w (!) (a) densmore] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 127 Analysis. — This song contains two rhythmic units, the second being a partial repetition of the first. It is interesting to note the pro¬ longed tone at the opening of the fourth measure, a variation which gives character to the rhythm of the entire song. Only two of the intervals are larger than a major third. Almost one-third of the progressions are semitones, which is unusual in the Indian songs analyzed according to the present method. No. 58. “Wake Up” (Catalogue No. 835) Recorded by Benson Voice J = 88 Drum J = 88 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 50 WORDS (MANDAN) waki'tani - wake up wahu'na _ come on Analysis. — The words of this song were used also in a Fox Society serenade (No. 55), but were not transcribed in that instance. It will be noted that the two melodies have no resemblance to each other. A dotted eighth and a triplet of eighth notes characterize the ryhthm of this song, occurring in various combinations. The song is short and has a compass of 10 tones, yet the progressions, with three exceptions, are major and minor thirds. In structure the song is harmonic; the tone material comprises the major triad and second. 128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 59. “Why Did You Sleep?” (Catalogue No. 836) Recorded by Benson VOICE J =: 80 Drum J r 89 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 50 (WORDS HIDATSA, NOT TRANSCRIBED) (Free translation) malia'kuwanesi' - no one expects to live long ni'liawidok - are you asleep? maro'hawak - 1 am tired out Analysis. — This song has a compass of 14 tones and was sung with great vibrato. In structure it is harmonic, and in tone material it lacks the second and fourth tones of the octave. It is major in tonality but more than one-third of the intervals are minor thirds. The ascending minor sixth with which the song begins is unusual and is repeated in the lower octave. Like No. 58, the drum-rhythm is in a triple division, wdth an unaccented beat on (approximately) the third part of the triplet. DENS more] AND HIDATSA MUSIC 129 Young Dog Society Song No. 60. Young Dog Society Serenade (Catalogue No. 870) Recorded by Sitting Rabbit Voice J = ee Drum J = ee Drum-rhythni-similar to No. 60 Analysis, — More than two-thirds of the intervals in this song are descending progressions, the song containing only 10 measures and having a compass of 13 tones. The minor triad is prominent in the descending, and thfe fourth in the ascending intervals. The song is major in tonality and contains all the tones of the octave except the seventh. Foolish (or Crazy) Dog Society Songs The four songs next following were said to belong to the Foolish Dog Society. All these are of the class known as “ serenades.” It is interesting to note that no war songs are in this group. 130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BUI-Ia 80 No. 61. “You Did It” (Catalogue No. 843) Recorded by Bear-on -the-flat Voice J =: 73 Drum not recorded Ni-wa gu-a - sa-da sa - wa ni - wi - a - na hets WORDS (HIDATSA) ni'wa _ you gu'asada _ did it he'sawa _ therefore ni'wiit wallets' _ you wept Analysis. — This song contains only the tones of the major triad, except that the seventh appears near the close. The interval of a fourth characterizes the song both in ascending and in descending progression. In structure the song is harmonic, with a compass of 11 tones. No. 62. Foolish Dog Society Serenade (Catalogue No. 844) Recorded by Bear-on-the-flat Voice J r 73 Drum not recorded The first syllable of this word was omitted by the singer. DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 181 Analysis. — More than half the progressions in this song are whole tones. A major third occurs only once, though the song is based upon the fourth five-toned scale, which is major in tonality. In rhythmic structure the song contains two periods of about equal length, each beginning with the same rhythm and each having a descending trend. The keynote is midway the compass of the song, v/hich begins on the dominant above and ends on the dominant below the keynote. The following song was recorded in 1912 by Little Crow and his wife. Otter Woman. In each rendition he began the song and she joined after two or three measures, her voice being an octave above his. Two similar renditions by a Sioux and his wife are transcribed in full (Bull. 61, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 478,480). Little Crow died in 1913, and when the writer returned in 1915 his wife recorded the songs of sadness, Nos. 14 and 15 of this series. The words of this song express the feelings of those who were obliged to listen to the evening serenades of the young men. No. 63. “I Cannot Sleep” (Catalogue No. 905) Recorded by Little Crow and Wife Voice J - ^4 Drum not recorded a_ A_ L ® A* A - f > - . ^ Ur T T _ _ d — ■ _ 1 ^ ^ 1 J-] j wt i^rij 11'^^ WORDS (HIDATSA, NOT TRANSCRIBED) no _ O hi'dawika _ to sleep maki'ruk _ to lie madiets'irus _ I think if miha'witaits _ but I can not sleep (Free translation: “I think if I only could lie down and sleep, but I cannot sleep.”) Analysis. — This song is on the second five-toned scale, which ap¬ pears only five times in the present series (see p. 19). In rhythmic structure the song comprises three periods, the first and second con¬ taining two measures each and the third containing three measures. The change to triple time in the fourth measure adds to the interest of the melody. The principal interval of progression is a whole tone. 132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 64. “It is My Own Fault (Catalogue No. 909) Recorded by James Driver Voice J = 104 Drum not recorded (t) (2) Mi ma« tse wa- tu i KJ si - a - ka - dits {vocables) mi-wa gu-a- sa- da WORDS (HIDATSA) mi _ I matse' - a man (have), watu'wa - as it is, isi'aka'dits - who is bad (or unkind) mi'wa - 1 myself gu'asada - did it ^ The last syllable of this word was omitted by the singer. DEN smoke] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 133 Analysis. — Two rhythmic units occur in this song, which is un¬ usually interesting in rhythmic form. The first period of the melody comprises six counts divided into three measures ; the second period comprises five counts divided into two measures; the third period comprises three measures, the second of which is in triple time ; and the fourth period contains four measures, ending the first portion of the song. The opening measure of the second portion contains an exact reversal of the count divisions of the second rhythmic unit, which is followed by the second unit in its original form. This por¬ tion of the song comprises three periods containing, respectively, two, three, and three measures. Forty-five progressions occur in the song, a majority of which contain three or four semitones, being* major seconds or minor thirds. The song is minor in tonality, has a compass of 11 tones, and contains all the tones of the octave except the sixth. Dog Societt Songs This group comprises four songs, Nos. 65 and 68 being war songs and Nos. 66 and 67 being serenades. No. 100 is also a war song of this society. No songs of the Young Dog or Foolish Dog Society were said to be used in war, and a comparison of the songs of these three societies indicates the differences in the age and character of their members. Holding Eagle, who recorded Nos. 65, 66, and 67, said that he learned these songs from his father, who bought them from an older man. As Holding Eagle was a reliable informant and died at the age of about 65 years, the songs evidently are very old. The words of No. 66 refer to the following incident: A young woman was thrown from her horse in battle and called for assistance. A man went to her rescue, defended her at the risk of his life, and found that she was his daughter-in-law. 134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 65. “If I go” (Catalogue No. 852) Recorded by Holding Eagle Voice J = 76 Drum J = 76 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 33 _ M. _ _ ! _ _ Li _ _ - - n ■ 1 1 m m m ^ ^ ^ 1 ^ r ^ tl 1 1 1 T. , -T .T. ~ Ma-re-A^-ruk ko wi its WORDS (HIDATSA) mare'ruk _ _ if I go kowi'its _ -.that is the end (or “ I am no more”) Analysis. — This song has the same words as No. 71, a song of the Buffalo Society. A similar duplication of words is noted in the anal¬ ysis of No. 58. The interval of a fourth comprises almost half the progressions in the present song, occurring an equal number of times in ascending and descending progression. The song is harmonic in structure and the melody tones are those of the minor triad and sev¬ enth. Three renditions were recorded, showing slight and unim¬ portant differences. The transcription is from the second rendi¬ tion. DBNSMORE] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 135 No. 66. Dog Society Serenade (a) (Catalogue No. 853) Recorded by Holding Eagle Voice J r 66 Drum J = 66 Drum- rhythm similar to No. 3a Analysis. — The tone material of this song is peculiar, the second and sixth tones of the octave being lacking and the fourth and sev¬ enth repeatedly sharped. The differences of pitch were clearly given in all the renditions, though in instances of this kind it should not be understood that the sharped tones were sung exactly on piano pitch.” A lesser difference in pitch is indicated by the sign + placed above a note. Only seven complete measures occur in this song, but the entire range of 10 tones is included in six measures. The song contains 24 intervals, only two of which are larger than a major third. Qne-fourth of the intervals are semitones, which is an unusually large percentage of these intervals, not only in the present series, but in the music of other tribes analyzed according to this method. 136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bDIX. 80 No. 67. Do^ Society Serenade (b) (Catalogue No. 857) Recorded by Holding Eagle Voice J r 88 Ma - do -ha -wits se - ra WORDS ma'doha'wits _ I have about given up, sera' mara'ta _ my dear heart Analysis. — In this song, as in No. 66, the fourth and seventh are repeatedly sharped. Both songs are minor in tonality. The ascent of a semitone to the final tone is somewhat unusual. The rhythmic structure of this song comprises four periods, the second and fourth of which are longer than the others. The rhythmic units overlap in the fourth measure, but these irregularities give character and interest to the rhythm of the song as a whole. Twenty-five per cent of the intervals are fourths, an unusually large proportion in a song of this character. Six renditions were recorded, some of which were consecutive and others separated by shrill yells or spoken words. Such interpolations often occur between the renditions of songs which may be characterized as a “ free expression.” Observation of these transcriptions will show that in many instances the repetitions Avere Avithout a break in the time. In other instances the repetitions were separated by a short pause. A prolonging of the final tone was less frequent among these tribes than among others studied by the writer. The definiteness of the final tone is indicated by the large number of songs in which the final tone occurs on the unaccented portion of the measure. (See analysis of No. 12.) Sera' is a term of endearment which has no exact English equivalent. DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 137 Wounded Face, the old warrior who recorded the following song, stated that it was properly sung with the accompaniment of a rattle, not a drum. Accordingly he recorded it in that manner, using his own Dog Society rattle (pi. 10, &), which he afterwards transferred to the writer. It is recalled that war parties of other tribes often used a rattle, one man shaking it as they went on foot toward the enemy. No. 68. “The Enemy are Like Women” (Catalogue No. 863) ms Recorded by Wounded Face Voice J = iis Battle J z 112 Bhythm of rattle similar to Drum -rhythm of No. 37 ^f' til ifff ££f (3) (2) Wi-da-tai) - de ^a-o-ka-da> (3) mr r IT r if L/itr'r/ I ho - sa mi - hes - kas WORDS (MANDAN) w^datagMe - the enemy wa'okadoho'sa - I do not fear mi'heskas - (they are) like women Analysis. — This song progresses chiefly by whole tones, more than half the intervals being major seconds. Three short phrases occur, which are designated as rhythmic units. The first and second of these 138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [dull. 80 have the same division of the second count, and the second and third have the same division of the first count. This count-division (a sixteenth note followed by a dotted eighth) appears also in other parts of the song. This shows a thematic development in the song and also indicates that it was clearly remembered by the singer. The intonation was good throughout the several renditions. Buffalo Society Songs Little Crow stated that the members of the Buffalo Society were the older warriors of the tribe and included men between 50 and 60 years of age. Their principal meeting was held in the spring of the year, “ when the grass was starting.” Holding Eagle said that at these meetings “two men represented buffalo and wore headdresses with horns. The 30 or 40 members of the society wore buffalo-hide decorations, but did not wear a whole headdress of it.” (See pi. 19, a.) None of the songs of this society were designated as war songs. This appears to be different from the society whose origin is described on pages 84 and 85, that organization having for its object the obtaining of buffalo for food. No. 69. Buffalo Society Song* (a) (Catalogue No. 854) Recorded by Holding Eagle Voice J = loo Drum J r loo Drum-rhythm similar to No» 37 Analysis. — A wide variety of intervals distinguishes this melody from a majority of those under analysis. Eight ascending inter- DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 139 vals occur in the song, and these are of six kinds, ranging from a semi¬ tone to a fifth. The descending intervals are of the same degrees, except that there is no descending minor third. The ascending fifth as the opening interval gives a spirited character to the beginning of the song, especially as the melody returns to the initial tone after the sharped fourth. The highest tone of these opening measures does not appear again in the melody. The second and third measures are designated as a rhythmic unit, though the division of one count is changed in the repetition. Except for the fourth and fifth measures the melody is based on the major triad B flat-D-F. No. 70. Buffalo Society Song (b) (Catalogue No. 855) Recorded by Holding Eagle Voice j = iie Drum J = lie Drum- rhythm similar to No. 37 ' t-f J f-^-f (2) (2) 1 I - r- - 1 I - - 1 — ° If o # — 0' ^ im |P - 0* 0 nn 0 - 0* 0 i 0 rrc- 1, 0 - 0^ rwT rtr- 0 - n® — n — IIM ilBU ] rzr' - — • I ^ / M Tk I J • fjK : Wk I — id — 9 1 ^ . ■■■— I**- — ^ 1 Analysis. — This song contains 12 measures and two rhythmic units, but only 10 progressions. The last tone in the second measure was sung sharply staccato. This song, like Nos. 69 and 71, is major in tonality and omits the sixth and seventh tones above the keynote. It is interesting to observe the contrasts between these three songs (Nos. 69, 70, and 71). This melody has a compass of only five tones and begins and ends on the same tone. 140 BUREAU OF AMERICA^T ETHNOLOGY [bull, 80 No. 71. Buffalo Society Song* (c) (Catalogue No. 856) Recorded by Holding Eagle Voice J = loo Drum J = eo Drum-rhytliin similar to No. 81 (0 (2) (0 m LJ- itj’ (3) irrriTt;^ Ma - re - ruk ko-wi - its T I Analysis. — ^The words of this song are the same as song No. 65, Fifteen of the 36 intervals in this song are fourths, an interval prominent in songs concerning the buffalo as recorded among the Chippewa and Sioux (cf. No. 95) . Divisions of a triple measure com¬ prising quarter and eighth notes occur in three different forms, desig¬ nated as three rhythmic units. These show an interesting use of the¬ matic material. Five renditions were recorded, the tempo, in both voice and drum, being especially steady, except in the triplets, which, as frequently is the case, were slightly retarded in time. As already indicated, none of the Buffalo Society songs were designated as war songs. It was said that certain songs, slower in tempo than the others, were sung while the men were seated, and others while they were dancing. DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 141 No. 72. Buffalo Society Dancing Song (Catalogue No. 849) Recorded by Be]ak-on-the-flat Voice J - 84 Drum not recorded f m.fr ,£f m m I Analysis. — This song comprises four periods, the first, second, and fourth being repetitions of the rhythmic unit, though slightly changed in the sixth measure. More than half the progressions are fourths (cf. No. 95). In this, as in the two songs next preceding, the sixth and seventh tones of the octave are omitted, but this song is minor and the other songs are major in tonality. The progressions in this song, without reference to the time values of the tones, are shown in figure 5, the horizontal lines indicating scale degrees. A similar diagram is shown with analysis of song No. 92. 2118°— 23 - 11 Fig. 5. — Plot of song No. 72. 142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, so No. 73. Buffalo Society Serenade (a) (Catalogue No. 845) Recorded by BEAK-oN-THErFLAT Voice J = 84 Drum not recorded ’4Y it — ^ — n~r f- f- f f ff- * Ir W L 1 ^ - 1 ^ ■ ^ .y-Ht-C; r. Ma-tsema-re - wits ma - di-ats du - ma - i wi - ats rtm I WORDS (HIDATSA) matse' _ man mare'wits _ I will go madi'ats _ 1 think dumai'wiats _ someone is crying Analysis. — The first two periods of this song comprise three measures each and are in double time, the third period comprises two measures in triple time, and the fourth period comprises one triple and three double measures. The minor third and major sec¬ ond are the principal intervals of progression, constituting about two-thirds of the entire number of intervals. In structure the song is classified as melodic with harmonic framework. It is based on the fourth five-toned scale and has a compass of 10 tones. No. 74. Buffalo Society Serenade (b) J. Recorded by Litteb Crow (Catalogue No. 904) Voice 4 z 154 Drum not recorded gnt/^r r I r Uj f qtj(.f.fx.||jr_r:j iy Drum not recorded Analysis. — This song is strongly harmonic in character, has a com¬ pass of an octave, and contains only the tones of the minor triad and fourth. The rhythmic unit is short and occurs in both double and triple measures. Progression is chiefly by the minor third, which constitutes more than half the entire number of intervals. The words of the following song indicate that it was sung by a leader of warriors to stimulate the younger members of the party. The melody is dignified, almost stately, reflecting fhe spirit of the words. KENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 147 No. 78. “Youn^ Wolves, Do Your Best” (Catalogue No. 865) Recorded by Wounded Face Voice J = 73 ni- i - nu - ma - ki-ni-tos lia'date' iii'kanite' _ young wolves si'hada'nista _ do your best ui'inuma'kinitos' _ you are men Analysis. — The tempo of this song is slow and the change to triple time gives variety to the rhythm. In harmonic form it is unusually regular. Seven major and seven minor thirds occur and are divided almost equally between ascending and descending progressions. The melody follows the tones of the tonic and dominant chords and contains all the tones of the octave except the fourth. The man who recorded the following song was commonly known as Butterfly (pi. 15, c), a name Avhich Avas due to a misinterpretation of his Hidatsa name. In the Hidatsa he was called Apaii'gus, mean¬ ing “ white clay nose,” but the word for “ butterfly ” is so nearly like this word that white people gave him the name, by which he was known throughout his life. Butterfly died January 27, 1918. His other songs are Nos. 88 and 106. Butterfly said that the following song was his great-grandfather’s Avar song and was of the sort sung before the departure of a war party. 148 BUREAU OF AMERICAIT ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 79. Old War Son^ (Catalogue No. 896) Recorded by Butteefly Voice J = so Drum J r so WOKDS (HIDATSA. NOT TBANSCRIBED) the first time (he went) he brought it (an expression of sarcasm meaning that he returned empty-handed) the next time he brings it Analysis, — A wide variety of intervals is used in this song, the largest being a major sixth and the smallest a semitone. The melodic tones are those of the minor triad and the seventh, which is sharped in the fourth measure. On listening to the phonograph record there is a feeling that D instead of F was desired as the final tone, but that it was below the range of the singer’s voice. The intonation was wavering throughout all the renditions, due in large part to the advanced age of the singer. The two songs next following are those of the medicine men whose power was supposed to be essential to the success of a war party. It was not unusual for the leader of a war party to be a man who had dreamed a dream and believed in its help. Old Dog said that the following song belonged to his uncle, One Buffalo, who received it in a dream. He saw a wolf in his vision, and the wolf sang this song to him. One Buffalo lived to old age and died more than 60 years ago. When acting as leader of a war party he said, “ This ne'mata'ruk aku'hirits__. iku'liparuk- aku'warets— densmore] MANDAK AND HIDATSA MUSIC 149 is a medicine song. I want all our party to return in safety and I want you all to sing this song with me.” Then the warriors all sang the song. Before making the phonograph record Old Bog spoke a rapid sentence which was caught by the recorder and later translated. He said “ Grandfather, I am going to sing your song. Do not be offended.” Similar sentences were spoken by Sioux singers before recording important songs and are noted in Bulletin 61, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 95 and 163. The Sioux also had a war song given by a wolf in a vision (Bull. 61, Bur. Amer. Ethn., No. 53). No. 80. War Medicine Song (Catalogue No. 891) Recorded by Old Dog Voice J-. = 66 Drum not recorded (t) r~ r r r r-r n (2) (2) • ^ - 1 4V 1* P Pa* W - - - y - — •k Tl *l*-j _ r_ _ r I • * ™ I ^ T II _ ^ U _ _ _ L _ _ m ' m m ' - Yi - IvwaA - : _ U Analysis. — This melody is marked by strength and vigor. It con¬ tains 12 measures and only 14 progressions. It is rhythmic and con¬ tains two somewhat similar phrases, one in triple and one in double time, these being designated as the rhjdhmic units of the song. Only three ascending intervals occur; the song has a compass of 11 tones, descending steadily from the highest to the lowest tone of the compass. It is said that the leader of a war party usually desired a rain in which to attack the enemy’s village (see Bull. 61, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 348). The story of the next song is lost, and we do not know by what mysterious power the medicine-man could command the wind nor what advantage he gained by it. We are only told that it is the “ medicine song ” of Old Dog, a prominent chief of the old days, and that he sang it before a battle. 150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 80 No. 81. “I will Bring the Wind” (Catalogue No. 846) Recorded by Bear-on-the-flat Voice J r so Drum not recorded WORDS (HIDATSA) bu'tsi _ a wind hiTie _ to bring mawa'hets _ I desire Analysis. — An augmented second in descending progression occurs twice in this song and is found in no other song of the present series. It was not noted among the Chippewa, but occurs in one of the Sioux songs recorded by Chippewa (Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., No. 75) and in three Sioux songs (Bull. 61, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 220). Other songs containing syncopations are noted in the analysis of No. 1. This song is peculiar in its progressions, more than one-third of the intervals containing only one or two semitones. About one-third of the intervals are major thirds and the song is strongly major in tonality. The melody tones are those of the fourth five-toned scale. The two songs next following express the eagerness of the warriors to reach the enemy. No. 82 is said to be the song of Elying Eagle, a man of great stature, who did not fear to charge the enemy alone, riding boldly among them. DENS more] MANDAIT AND HIDATSA MUSIC 151 No. 82. “Take Me to the Sioux” (Catalogue No. 848) Recorded by Bear-on-the-flat Voice J r 84 Drum not recorded 41* L ^ -f C f n p¥-, "P” - ^ L-J J ■ Nl t J J X' » A ' 1 A 1 - ■ ~i 1 ' — at - mAl — - J I - 1 wr r i[r‘r ir r ' f- ^ — =A — 1 A ^ — * — * — 1 Sa-o-ni - te iSr^ { { I--I wa-o-kag-da- 4%* L « — “5 — A • A "* - - ^ - n ^ A J w r r P r w " -w - P II y I_ I L-U— f - H - “ hog - te te hu a -ma-he-nis - ta hog - te te hu a -ma-he-nis - ta WORDS (MANDAN) Sa'oni'te _ The Himkpapa Sioux wa^okapdahopTe _ are to be feared a'mahenis'ta _ take me to them Analysis. — ^^This song contains six sorts of ascending and three of descending intervals, giving a wide- variety of progressions. An in¬ telligent use of rhythm is evident throughout the song. It is inter¬ esting to compare the rhythmic unit with the remainder of the song, which contains many measures similar to the unit but not repeating it with exactness. In general character the song is forceful and posi¬ tive. It has a range of nine tones, beginning on the sixth above and ending on the dominant below the keynote. 152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 No. 83. “I Will Go” (Catalogue No. 907) Recorded by Wolf Ghost Voice J = 84 Drum J r 84 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 33 a_ r~ 1 bJ. r r- r -iu-4 Analysis. — This melody is major in tonality, yet more than half the intervals are minor thirds. In some renditions the words occur in the third appearance of the rhythmic unit, slightly changing the note values. The only melody tones are those of the major triad and second. Voice and drum have the same metric unit, the beat of the drum being in unaccented quarter-note values. One of the pleasing customs of village life was the singing on the roofs of the lodges. This usually took place in the evening when many persons were sitting on the roofs. Good Bear, who recorded the following song, died in 1918, before the collecting of the present material was completed. 178 [bull. 80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY No. 110. Song* on the Roof of the Lodge (Catalogue No. 900) Recorded by Good Bej Voice J z 56 Drum not recorded f 'p lR - 1 + -t * 41* 1 K 1 1 1 1 M J -T M» . ■* ^ _ ■ 1 • >• J _ r Ei 1 ^ ^ • L_ 1_ 1 I 1 1 1 - L 1 P - T 1 ^ 1 ^ t 7. zz:,, .: zz: r ^ ^ ■ Analysis. — This song is melodic in structure and has a compass of 12 tones. Almost half the progressions are whole tones, although five progressions of a semitone occur in the melody. The rhythmic unit is short and its characteristic count-divisions appear in other parts of the song. The tones marked + were slightly sharped in all the renditions. Other songs containing syncopations are noted in the analysis of No. 1. The following lists comprise the serial numbers of songs, according to their classifications in the tables on pages 16-26. Melodic Analysis Table 1. — TONALITY Serial numbers of songs Num¬ ber Per cent Major tonality . 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 24, 25, 26, 29, 30, 33, 36, 37. 39, 41, 42, 44, 46, 47, 48, 50, 51, 53, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 75, 76, 80, 81, 83, 84, 89, 90, 93, 94, 95, 96, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 105, 107. 4, 6, 9, 10, 12, 20, 22, 23, 27, 28, 31, 32, 34, 35, 38, 40, 43,45, 52,54, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 72, 74, 77, 78, 79, 82, 85, 86, 87, 88, 91, 97, 98, 104, 106, 108, 109, no. 49, 92 . . 65 59 Minor tonality . 43 39 Third laolrinjT 2 2 Tnt.al no DENS more] MANDAK AND HIDATSA MUSIC 179 Melodic Analysis — Continued Table 2— FIRST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE Serial numbers of songs Num¬ ber Per cent Beginning on the — Twelfth . 6, 14, 39, 105 . 4 5 Eleventh . 46,97 . ; . 2 2 Tenth . 7, 73 . ' . 2 2 Octave . 4, 5, 8, 9, 10, 11, 16, 20, 22, 28, 35, 36, 41, 42, 44, 47, 50, 55, 57, 58, 64, 65, 71, 78, 80, 81, 83, 84, 86, 88, 94, 100, 108, 110. 2, 18, 31, 54 . 34 21 Seventh . 4 3 Sixth . 33, 82, 99 . 3 2 Fifth . 13,15, 17, 19, 25, 26, 32, 40, 43, 60, 61, 62, 63, 67, 72, 74, 77, 79, 87, 93, 96, 103, 106, 109. 91, 98 . 24 22 Fourth _ 2 2 Third _ 1, 3, 21, 27, 34, 37, 48, 51, 52, 53, 59, 66, 68, 75, 76, 89, 95, 102, 107. . 24, 30 . 19 17 Second . 2 2 Kevnot.e _ 12, 23, 29, 38, 45, 49, 56, 69, 70, 85, 90, 92, 101, 104 . 14 12 Total _ 110 Tables— LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE Serial numbers of songs Num¬ ber Per cent Ending on the — Sixth . 34 . 1 1 Fifth . 4, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 15, 17, 19, 20, 24, 27, 29, 30, 32, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 51 J^7 43, 49, 54, 57, 60, 61, 62, 63, 67, 69, 72, 74, 77, 80,82,84,85, 86, 88, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 98, 101, 104, 106, 107, 109, 110. Third . 3, 21, 33, 36, 51, 53, 56, 59, 66, 68, 75, 76, 79, 89, 90, 102, 103 . 17 15 Keynote . 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 11, 14, 16, 18, 22, 23, 25, 26, 28, 31, 35, 39, 44, 45, 46, 47, 41 27 48, 50, 52, 55, 58, 64, 65, 70, 71, 73, 78, 81, 83, 87, 94, 97, 99, 100, 105, 108. Total . no Table!.— LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG Serial numbers of songs Num¬ ber Per cent Songs in which final tone is — Lowest tone in song .... 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 101 92 Immediately preceded by— Fourth below . 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 35, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110. 34 . 1 1 Semitone below . 30, 67 . ■ . 2 2 Fourth below with 55 . . . 1 1 fourth below in previous measure. 180 BUEEAU OF AMEEICAK ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 Melodic Analysis — Continued Table 4.— LAST NOTE OF SONG— ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG— Continued Serial numbers of songs Num¬ ber Per cent Songs containing — Fourth below the final 83 . 1 1 tone. Major third below the final tone. Whole tone below the 36, 103 . 2 2 92 . 1 1 final tone. Semitone below the 1 . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1 final tone. Total . 110 Table 5.— NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG Serial numbers of songs Num¬ ber Per cent Fourteen tones . 59 . 1 1 Thirteen tones . 9, 10, 36, 39, 60, 101 . 6 5 Twelve tones . 6, 14, 17, 41, 52, 55, 57, 67, 84, 97, 105, 110 . 12 11 Eleven tones . 4, 8, 20, 32, 33, 40, 42, 46, 54, 61, 63, 64, 65, 74, 76, 80, 86, 88, 89, 95, 23 21 96, 106, 109. Ten tones . 3, 7, 21, 44, 51, 53, 58, 66, 73, 78, 79, 81, 83, 94 . 14 12 Nine tones . 1 . 13, 50, 62, 71, 82, 91, 108 . 7 6 Eight tones . 5, 11, 15, 16, 19, 22, 23, 28, 29, 30, 35, 37, 43, 47, 56, 68, 69, 72, 75, 77, 27 26 90, 93, 98, 99, 100, 102, 107. Seven tones . 2, 12, 18, 31, 34, 38 . 6 5 Six tones . 1, 27, 85, 103, 104 . 5 A Five tones . 24, 25, 26, 45, 48, 49, 70, 87, 92 . 9 8 Total . 110 Table 6.— TONE MATERIAL Serial numbers of songs Num ber - Per cent Second five-toned scale . 9, 63, 67, 106, 109 . 5 4 18 Fourth five-toned scale . 8, 13, 17, 24, 29, 33, 37, 41, 51, 53, 62, 68, 73, 76, 81, 83, 89, 94, 102, 20 Major triad . 105. 19, 25, 26 . 3 3 Major triad and seventh .... Major triad and sixth . 61 . . 1 1 11,36, 39, 103 . 4 3 Major triad and fourth . 45, 46,96 . 3 3 Major triad and second . 7, 42, 47, 55, 56, 58, 80, 93, 100, 107 . : . 10 9 Minor triad . 27 . . . 1 1 Minor triad and seventh _ 12, 20, 28, 32, 34, 40, 65, 79 . 8 7 Minor triad and sixth . 43 . 1 1 Minor triad and fourth . 6, 23,77,85,86,87 . 6 5 Octave complete . 1, 30, 31, 54 . 4 3 Octave complete except 5, 21, 35, 44, 60, 75, 95, 98, 99 . 9 8 seventh. DENS more] MANDAK AInTD HIDATSA MUSIC 181 Melodic Analysis — Continued Table 6. — TONE MATERIAL — Continued Serial numbers of songs Num¬ ber Per cent Octave complete except seventh and sixth. Octave complete except seventh and fourth. Octave complete except seventh, third, and second. Octave complete except seventh and second. Octave complete except sixth. Octave complete except sixth and fourth. Octave complete except sixth and second. Octave complete except fourth. Octave complete except fourth and second. Octave complete except second. First, second, and fifthtones. 15, 22, 48, 69, 70, 71, 72, 84, 108 . 9 8 88 . 1 1 92 . 1 1 16, 91 . 2 2 10, 14, 50, 64 . 4 S 104 . 1 1 66, 74, 101 . 3 S 2, 3, 57, 78, 90, no . 6 5 18, 59, 82 . 3 S 4, 38, 52, 97 . 4 s 49 . 1 1 Total . no Table 7.— ACCIDENTALS Serial numbers of songs Num¬ ber Per cent Songs containing — No accidentals . 2, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 89 88 28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110. Seventh raised a semi- 12, 34, 40, 65, 79, 80 . 6 6 tone. Sixth raised a semitone . 4 . 1 1 Fourth raised a semi- 21, 30, 48, 64, 69 . 5 4 tone. Third raised a semitone . 86 . 1 1 Second raised a semi- 81, 82 . 2 2 tone. Seventh and fourth 66, 67 . 2 2 raised a semitone. Seventh lowered a semi- 1, 3, 50 . 3 S tone. Sixth lowered a semi- 8 . 1 i tone. Total . no 182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 Melodic Analysis — Continued Table 8.— STRUCTURE Serial numbers of songs Num¬ ber Per cent Mplodif* _ 1, 10, 18, 29, 30, 31, 35, 36, 38, 45, 46, 51, 55, 57, 68, 72, 75, 82, 84, 85, 88, 89, 92, 93, 96, 97, 98, 99, 102, 104, 110. 31 28 Melodic with harmonic 2, 3, 5, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 16, 17, 21, 22, 23, 24, 28, 33, 41, 42, 43, 44, 47, 44 40 framework. 48, 49, 50, 54, 62, 64, 66, 69, 70, 71, 73, 74, 76, 79, 80, 83, 86, 90, 94, 103, 105, 107, 108. Harmonic . 4, 6, 7, 14, 15, 19, 20, 25, 26, 27, 32, 34, 37, 39, 40, 52, 53, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 65, 67, 77, 78, 81, 87, 91, 95, 100, 101, 106, 109. 35 S2 Total _ 110 Table 9.— FIRST PROGRESSION— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD Serial numbers of songs Num¬ ber Per cent Downward . 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 22, 24, 25, 26, 27,28, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 39, 42, 43, 46, 47, 48, 60, 64, 65, 66, 68, 72, 73, 75, 77, 79, 80, 82, 86, 87, 88, 92, 93, 100, 101, 102, 103, 107, 108. 9, 10, 12, 17, 21, 23, 29, 30, 32, 37, 38, 40, 41, 44, 45, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53,54, 55,56,57,58,59,61,62,63,67,69,70,71, 74,76, 78, 81, 83, 84, 85, 89, 90, 91, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 104, 105, 106, 109, 110. 56 51 Upward . 54 49 Total . no Table 10.— TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS— DOWNWARD AND UPWARD Downward. Upward . . . . Total Table 11.— INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION 1,733 1,038 2,771 Intervals of a — Intervals of a — Minor sixth . 5 Augmented second . Fifth . 10 Major second . j . Fourth . 239 Minor second . Major third . 206 Minor third . 567 Total . Table 12.— INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION Intervals of a — Intervals of a — Tenth . 3 Major third . 123 Octave . 14 Minor third . 281 Seventh . 2 Major second . 256 Major sixth . 14 Minor second . 42 Afi'nnr Qixth 20 Fifth . 50 Total . 1,038 Fom'th . 233 DENS more] MANDAN AND HIDATSA MUSIC 183 Melodic Analysis — Continued Table 13.— AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL 2,771 9,080 3 Total number of intervals . Total number of semitones . Average number of semitones in an interval Rhythmic Analysis Table 14.— PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS Serial numbers of songs Num¬ ber Per cent Beginning on unaccented 5, 9, 12, 15, 16, 17, 23, 24, 27, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 44, 46, 47 part of measure. 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 54, 55, 60, 61, 65, 66, 67, 68, 75, 77, 81, 83, 84, 87, 88, 90, 94, 95, 96, 104, 106, 108. Beginning on accented part 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 13, 14, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 63 57 of measure. 39, 41, 42, 43, 45, 47, 51, 56, 57, 58, 59, 62, 63, 64, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73 , 74, 76, 78, 79, 80, 82, 85, 86, 89, 91, 92, 93, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 105, 107, 109, 110. Total . 110 Table 15.— RHYTHM (METER) OF FIRST MEASURE Serial numbers of songs Num¬ ber Per cent First measure in — 2-4 time . 2, 5, 7, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21, 22, 30, 31, 34, 35, 38, 40, 41, 61 56 45, 46, 48, 49, 51, 52, 55, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 68, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 78, 81, 82, 83 , 85, 86, 87, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 107, 109. 3-4 time . 1, 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 13, 19, 20, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 32, 33, 36, 37, 39, 42, 43, 47, 50, 53, 54, 56, 57, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 75, 79, 80, 84, 47 45 88, 89, 94, 97, 102, 105, 106, 108, 110. 5-8 time . 44 . I 1 7-8 time . 24 . 1 1 Total . 110 Table 16.— CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE-LENGTHS) Serial numbers of songs Num¬ ber Per cent Songs containing no change 3, 5, 11, 17, 35, 36, 41, 44, 49, 50, 57, 62, 87, 88, 95, 98, 99, 101, 20 18 of time. 104, 106. Songs containing a change 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16,18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 90 82 of time. 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 37, 38, 39, 40, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69 , 70, 71, 72, 73 , 74, 75, 76, 77 , 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83 , 84, 85, 86, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 97, 100, 102, 103, 105, 107, 108, 109, 110. Total . no 184 BUEEAtr OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 Khythmic Analysis — Continued Table 17.— RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG Serial numbers of songs Num¬ ber Per cent Songs containing — No rhythmic unit . 4, 6, 8, 12, 14, 15, 16, 18, 22, 34, 35, 37, 51, 52, 59, 74, 78, 79, 81, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 89, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100, 103, 104, 105. 33 SO One rhythmic unit . 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 17, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 66 60 32, 33, 36, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 60, 61, 62,63, 65, 66, 67,69,72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 80, 82, 86, 91, 92, 93, 94, 97, 101, 102, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110. Two rhythmic units .... Three rhythmic units.. . 23, 29, 39, 43, 46, 57, 64, 70, 90 . 9 8 68, 71 . 2 2 Total . 110 Table 18.— RHYTHM OF DRUM Serial numbers of songs Num¬ ber Per cent Sixteenth notes unaccented. 2 . 1 1 Eighth notes unaccented .... Quarter notes unaccented. . . Half notes unaccented . 32, 44, 51, 65, 66, 67, 79, 83, 86, 88, 91, 102, 106 . 13 11 37, 39,40,41,42, 43, 47,48, 49,55, 68,69,70,75,92,93, 107,108,109. 5 . 19 1 17 1 Eighth notes accented in groups of two. Each beat preceded by an unaccented beat corre¬ sponding to the third count of triplet. Two drumbeats in triple measure. Drum not recorded . 31, 71 . . 2 2 50, 58, 59, 60, 76, 90, 101 . 7 e 3 . 1 t 1, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 66 60 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 45, 46, 52, 53 , 54, 56,57,61, 62, 63 , 64, 72, 73 , 74, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 84,85,87, 89, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 103, 104, 105, 110. Total . 110 AUTHORITIES CITED Boller, Henry A. Among the Indians. Eight years in the Far West: 1858- 1866. Phila., 1868. Bradbury, John. Travels in the interior of America. Thwaites, Early West¬ ern Travels, vol. v. Cleveland, 1904. Catlin, George C. Manners, customs, and condition of the North American Indians. Vols. i-ii. London, 1841. - 0-kee-pa ; a religious ceremony. London, 1867. Curtis, Edward S. The North American Indian. Vol. iv. Cambridge, 1909. Densmore, Frances. Chippewa music. Bur. Amer. Ethn., Bull. 45. Wash¬ ington, 1910. - Chippewa music — II. Ibid., Bull. 53, 1913. - Teton Sioux music. Ibid., Bull. 61, 1918. - Northern Ute music. Ibid., Bull. 75, 1922. Fletcher, Alice C., and La Flesche, Francis. The Omaha tribe. Twenty- seventh Ann. Kept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1911. Fox Strangways, A. H; The music of Hindostan. Oxford, 1914. Grinnell, George Bird. Blackfoot lodge tales. New York, 1892. Helmholtz, Hermann L. F. On the sensations of tone as a physiological basis for the theory of music. 2d English ed. Trans, by Alexander J. Ellis. London, 1885. Kappler, Charles J., ed. Indian Affairs. Laws and Treaties. Vol. i (Laws). Vol. II (Treaties). Washington, 1903. Kroeber, a. L. Gros Ventre myths and tales. Anthrop. Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. i, pt. 3. New York, 1908. La Verendrye [Gaultier Varennes]. Journal of La Verendrye, 1738-39. (Re¬ port on Canadian Archives, 1889, pp. 3-29, Ottawa, 1890. ) Lowie, Robert H. Societies of the Hidatsa and Mandan Indians. Anthrop. Papers Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. xi, pt. 3, pp. 219-358. New York, 1916. - Notes on the social organization and customs of the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Indians. Ibid., vol. xxi, pt. 1, pp. 1-99. New York, 1917. Matthews, Washington. Ethnography and philology of the Hidatsa Indians. U. S. Geol. and Geog. Surv., Misc. Pubs., no. 7. Washington, 1877. Maximilian [Alexander Philip]. Prince of Wied. Travels in the interior of North America. Parts i-iii. Thwaites, Early Western Travels, vols. xxii, XXIII, XXIV. Cleveland, 1906. Pepper, George H., and Wilson, Gilbert L. An Hidatsa shrine and the beliefs respecting it. Mem. Am. Anthrop. Asso., vol. ii, pt. 4, pp. 275-328. Lan¬ caster, Pa., 1908. Royce, Charles C. Indian land cessions in the United States. Introduction by Cyrus Thomas. Eighteenth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2. Wash¬ ington, 1899. U. S. Department of the Interior. Report of the Secretary of the Interior. Washington, 1864. (H. R. Ex. Docs. no. 1, 38th Cong., 2d sess., 1864-65. Washington, 1865.) 185 186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 80 U. S. Department of the Interior. Report of the Secretary of the Interior. Part II, Indian Affairs. Washington, 1867. (H. R. Ex. Docs., vol. iii, no. 1, 40th Cong., 2d sess., 1867-68. Washington, 1868.) - Report of the Secretary of the Interior. Vol., i. Washington, 1872. (H. R. Ex. Docs., no. 1, pt. 5, 42d Cong., 3d sess., 1872-73. Washington, 1873.) - Report of the Secretary of the Interior. Vol. i. Washington, 1875. (H. R. Ex. Docs., no. 1, pt. 5, 44th Cong., 1st sess., 1874-75. Washington, 1875.) - Report of the Secretary of the Interior. Vol. i. Washington, 1877. (H. R. Ex. Docs., no. 1, pt. 5, 45th Cong., 2d sess., 1877-78. Washington, 1878.) - Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1917-18. Washington, 1918. Will, George F., and Hyde, George E. Corn among the Indians of the Upper Missouri. St. Louis, 1917. Will, G. P., and Spinden, H. J. The Mandans. A study of their culture, archaeology, and language. Papers Peabody Mus., vol. iii, no. 4. Cambridge, 1906. Wilson, Gilrert L. Agriculture of the Hidatsa Indians. Univ. Minn., Studies in Soc. Sci., no. 9. Minneapolis, 1917. INDEX Page. Accidentals, table showing . 20-21, 28, 181 Agkiculture . 3, 4, 11-12, 13, 52, 53 See Corn. Alden, E. H., report by . 13 Amashi, Crow name for the Hidatsa . 2 Analyses, summary of . 31,33 Analysis of songs . 15 tabulated . 16-26 Animals, songs received from . 32, 41, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 86, 88, 89, 90, 98 ARICARA. )SeeARIKARA. Arikara — early home of. . 4 singing of . 7 “Ark” OFTHE Mandan . 5 Bad Ear, an Hidatsa society . 108 Bait, song when preparing . 77 Ball, game of, played by women . 81 Bear, song of . 104 Bear-on-the-flat — an informant . 97, 110-111 legends related by . 84 songs recorded by . 130, 141, 142, 150, 151, 164, 175, 176, 177 Benson, Ben— a singer . 1 information furnished by . 61 legend related by . 80 narrative given by . 64 songs recorded by . 13, 127, 128, 143, 144 Blackbirds, song connected with . 54 Black Mouth Society— a Mandan society . 108 age of m em bers of . 112 an Hidatsa society. . 108 duty of . 47 functions of . 35 insigna of . 47 meeting of . 48-49 origin of name . 47 rattle used by . 8 society of warriors . 47 songs of . 49-52 Black Tongue, a medicine man . . . . 38, 59 songs learned from . 57 Black Wolf, story of . 64-69 Boy’s societies, admission to . 110 Brush shelter, song when making . 74 Buffalo, song of . 70 Buffalo dances, ceremonial purpose of . . . . 36 Buffalo Paunch, an Hidatsa Indian . 63 Buffalo skull, offerings to the spirit of . . . . 65 Page. Buffalo Society — a Mandan age society . 108 age of m embers of . 112 an Hidatsa society . 108 headdress of . 8, 112 legend of origin of . 84 meetings of . 112 number of members of . 85 purpose of . 112 songs of . 33,138-142 war pipe of . 9 Bull boats, place for storing . 5 Bull Medicine, a ceremony . 36 Burial customs . 5, 6, 122 Butterfly — an Hidatsa singer . 2 death of . 147 origin pf name of . 147 songs recorded by . 59, 148, 156, 174 war song of . 156 Calumets, used in peace negotiations . 48 Captive, song of . 42 Carlin, Gen., treaty due to efforts of . 12 Ceremonies — of Buffalo dance . 36 of Bull Medicine . 36 of Little River Women Society . 99-107 of purifying the corn . 37 of the Goose Women . 40 Children — game played by . 171 songs to . 170-172 Chippewa, story recorded among . 89 Chippewa songs, analysis of . 16-26 Chum, Mandan word for . 53, 100 Clan brother, torture inflicted by . 63 Clan father — part taken by, in Young Dog Society... 110, 111, 113, 114, 116, 122 torture inflicted by . 63 Coarse Hair Society — headdress of . 110 last of Mandan societies . 108 Communal house . 2, 5 Compass of song — number of tones comprising . 18, 27, 80 relation of last note to . 17, 27, 179-180 Corn — arrangement in growing . 52 ceremony of purifying . 37 guarded by the women . 53 importance of . 36 187 188 INDEX Corn— Continued. Page. means of securing a crop . 38, 40 mention of . 80, 81, 91, 176 scaffold for drying . 2, 4 song concerning . 54 song to . 59 Corn ball's, method of making . 67 Corn customs, songs connected with . , . 12 Corn Priest — duties of . 37 office of . 36-38 record of . 1 song of. . 45 Council house of Old Dog . 2 Coup, custom of counting . 145, 167 Courting whistles, types of . 9 Coyote, song of . 72, 160 Coyote and skunk, story of . 92 Crazy Dog — an Hidatsa society . 108 meaning of the term . 109 purpose of the society . . . 110 See Foolish Dog. Crow or Raven Society, age of members. . 9 Crow’s He ART- home of, a communal center . 2 prominence of . 1 songs recorded by . 153, 157, 167, 168, 173 story related by . 92 Crow’s Heart’s Ferry, origin of the name 2 Crow’s Heart’s Landing, songs recorded at 13 Custer, Gen. G. A., treaty due to efforts of. . 12 Customs — eagle catching . 60 singing in the gardens . 52 singing on the roof . 177 songs connected with . 12, 52-80 Dances — buffalo, object of . 36 of the Little River Women . 100 song concerning . 51 Dancing Bull, an Hidatsa Indian . 63 Dancing SONG . 106 of Buffalo Society . 141 Deapolis, a Mandan village . 99 Deer, song of . 88 Derision, expressed in songs . 60, 161-162, 175 De Smet, P. J., visit of, to Fort Berthold. . . 11 Dog Society— rattle of . 9 songs of . 33, 133-138 war pipe of . 9 See Foolish Dog; Young Dog. Double whistle or war pipe . 9 Dreams, belief in . 148 Driver, James — an Hidatsa singer . 2 song recorded by . 132 Drumbeat, variations of, among tribes . 31 Drumming STICK, described . 41 Drums . 8 of Goose Women Society . 40 rhythm of . 30 used in societies . 112 Dwellings. See Communal house; Earth lodge; Lodges. Eagle— Page. black, song of . 71 burial of body of . 60, 64 offerings to spirit of . 64 Eagle catching — oamp for . 61 description of . 60 songs concerning . 13,32 story of origin of . 64-69 tribes practicing . 60 Eagle Nose Peak, myth concerning . 97 Eagle trap — description of . 62 making of . 61 song when making . 76 Earth, song concerning . 50 Earth lodge — of old type . 2 of the Mandan . 4-5 Eaton, Harry— member of Fox Society . 109 song recorded by . 169 Elbowoods, songs recorded at . 13 Elk dream, song of . 173 Elk whistle — length of . 10 origin of . 9 Elk Woman, story of . 175-176 Enemies, song concerning . 50 Enemy Society . 95-96 song of . 96 Environment, songs not affected by . 31 Ethical teachings, absent from present work . 13 Feast, for the Goose Women . 40 Fetish, eagle catcher’s . 61 First Man, post representing . 72 Five-toned scales . 28 Flageolet— called ‘ ' singing whistle , ’ ’ descri bed . 11 legend concerning . 80-84 Flying Eagle, song of . 150, 151 Foolish Dog — a Mandan society . 108 age of members of . 9 rattle used by . 8 songs of . 129-132 See Crazy Dog. Foolish Soldier, personal song of . 162-163 Fort Berthold, village at . 1, 4, 5, 72, 158 Fort Berthold Reservation — boundaries of . 11 songs recorded on . v Fort Clark, Mandan village at . 99 Fox Society— a Mandan society . 108 an Hidatsa society . 108 derivation of the name . 109 headdress of . 109 songs of . 33, 121-128, 165 war song of . 165 Funeral song. Fox Society . 123 Games . 81,171 Garden songs, a distinct type . 32 Gardens — care of . 53 reference to . 5 singing in . 32,52 INDEX 189 Page. Gifts to Young Dog Society . Ill Gilmore, Melvin R., acknowledgment to.. 8,63 Glaze on stone, method of securing . 115 Glissando, use of . 14, 31, 80 Good Bear — an Hidatsa singer . 2 death of . 177 information furnished by . 109 member of the Fox Society . 109 songs recorded by . 121, 178 Good Fur Robe — a mythical chief . 7, 35 instructions of . 37,38 origin of the name . 35 societies organized by . 38, 39, 47 Goose, song of . 78 Goose Women Society— autumn feast of . 40 ceremony and meeting of . 40-47 drum used by . 8 functions of . 35, 39 men singing with . 40 origin of . 39 singing of, with Corn Priest . 38 Government, U. S., dealings of, with Man- dan and Hidatsa . 11 Gros Ventres, name for the Hidatsa . 4, 7, 11 Grouse Men, a Mandan band . 3 Habitations. See Dwellings. Half-shaved-heads, an Hidatsa society _ 108 mark of membership in . 110 Hall, Dr. C. L. — acknowledgment to . v Mandan translation by . 6 Hall, R. D., Mandan translation by . 6 Hawley, E. H., whistle played by . 10 Head Rattle, a mythic chief . 35 Headdress — of Buffalo Society . 85, 112 of Coarse Hair Society . 110 of Enemy Society . 96 of Little River Women Society . 98, 99, 100 of Stone Hammer Society... . 114 Heart River, Mandan on . 4 Hidatsa tribe— dweUings of . 5 history of . 4 less distinctive than Mandan . 13 origin of name of . 3 Hindostan, reference to music of . . . 14, 26 Hoffman, C., an interpreter . 97 Holding Eagle, James— acknowledgment to . v an Hidatsa singer . 2 an interpreter . 97 information furnished by . 123, 133 member of Fox Society . 109 songs recorded by . 124, 134, 135, 136, 138, 139, 140, 155, 165 “ Holy,” analysis of Mandan equivalent for. . 36 Horse Society — a Mandan age society . 108 songs of . 33, 143-144 Huber, Fred — acknowledgment to . v death of . xvni 2118°— 23 - 14 Page. Huber, Fred— Continued interpreter . xvii, 61 legend related by . 72-73 Hunkpapa Sioux, as enemy . 151 India, pecuharity in music of . 14 Informants . xviii-xix Intended-to-be-a-dog, an Hidatsa society. . 108 Intervals— in downward progression, tables show¬ ing . 23,29,182 in upward progression, tables show¬ ing . : . 23,29,182 Iron Eyes, fetish inherited from . 61 Keynote— relation of first note to . 16, 179 relation of last note to . 17, 179 Knife River, tribes on . . . 4, 158 Kroeber, a. L., legend recorded by . 80 Lances, of the Fox Society . 109 Language, Hidatsa— preferred for songs . 12 pubhcations in . 6 reference to . 61,97 Language, Mandan — in songs . 12,67 material collected in . 97 name for themselves . 3 practically unwritten . x vii present use of . 1 pubhcations in . 6 references to . 61,98 Leading One, songs recorded by . 158, 159, 160, 161, 163 Legend— of captive song . 41 of contest between Old Man Coyote and Cedar Post . 72 of origin of Buffalo Society . 84 of origin of flageolet . 80-84 of the black-tailed deer . 87-88 of the Mandan . 7 of the moon and the dancers . 86-87 Libby, Dr. O. J., suggestion by . v Little Crow — a singer . 1 death of . 1,56 mention of . 112, 138 songs recorded by . 51,131,142 Little River Women Society— age of members . 97 ceremony of . 99-100 origin of . 97 songs of . 12, 101-107 Lodges— of head drummer . 112 use of tops of . 5, 126, 177 used by men in eagle camp . 65 See Earth lodge. Loneliness, songs expressing . 53, 55, 56, 57 Love song. Fox Society . 126 LowiE, R. H. — song recorded by . 96 tradition related to . 47 Lumpwood Society — an Hidatsa age society . 108 derivation of the name . 108 190 INDEX Page. Man who married the birds, story of . 90-91 Hand AN — almost extinct . 13 appearance of . 3 liistory of . 3 origin of name . 3 village of, described . 4-5 Mandan, N. Dak., mention of . 97 Map of the earth, ceremonial . 37 destruction of . 38 Measure— first, rhythm of . 24, 29, 183 part of, on which song begins . 24,29, 183 unaccented part of, as ending of song .... 5 Medicine men, as rain-makers . 37-38 Medicine songs . 149,150,173 Melody, ''plots” showing trend of . 34 Men’s societies . 108-144 purpose of . 47,110,112,113,114 war pipes of . 9 Minatarees, early name of the Hidatsa . 4,7 Minitari, Mandan name for the Hidatsa . 2 Mint, medicinal use of . 13 Missouri Women, song of . 103 Moon — song of . 87 symbol in decoration . 115 Mortuary customs. See Burials. Mother Corn, mention of . 41 Moves Slowly— burrung of lodge of . 38 Corn Priest of the Mandan . 1 father of Scattered Corn . 1 rattle owned by . 62 right of, to certain songs . 37 story related by . 7 Mushroom rattles— ceremonial use of . 9,62 loaned by North Dakota Historical So¬ ciety . 8 owned by Ben Benson . 61 Music — early comments on . 7-8 not used in treatment of sick . 12 of India, peculiarity of . 14 Musical instruments . xx,8-ll See Drum; Flageolet; Mushroom rat¬ tles; Rattles; Whistles. Mythology of the Mandan . 6-7 Names, proper . xix Necklace of bear claws, ceremonial use of . 99,100 North Dakota Historical Society— acknowledgment to . v drum owned by . 40 rattle owned by . 8,62-63 work under auspices of . 13 Notation . xvi, 26 Notched Stick Society . 108 Okeepa, mention of . 36 Old Dog — an Hidatsa singer . 2 home of, described . 2 member of the Fox Society . 109 songs recorded by . 123, 146, 149, 170 Old Wolverine— in charge of eagle camp . 61 rattles used by . 62 Page. " Old woman,” origin of the term . 72 Old-woman-who-never-dies — ceremony in honor of . 40 legends concerning . 7 site of home of . 80 song connected with . 41 One Buffalo, song belonging to . 148 Origin myth . 6-7,35,72-73 Otter Woman — reference to . 38 songs recorded by . 54, 56, 57, 58, 59, 131 OuAcmpouANNE, former name of the Man¬ dan . 3 Packine AU, Mr., information furnished by . . 114 Paint, Indian, enduring quality of . 62 Pan — an Hidatsa singer . 2 melody played by . 10 songs recorded by . 117-120 wand made by . 115 Peppermint, wild, ceremonial cleansing with . , _ 100 Phonetic key . xvn Pipe, ceremonial— destruction of . 38 made of wood . 38 mention of . 37 origin of . 38-39 used in peace negotiations . 48 Pipestone, red, use of . 38 "Plots” of songs . 34-35, 141, 159 used for comparison only . 15 Population of the Mandan . 12 Pottery of the Mandan . 5 Prairie-hen People, a Mandan band . 3 "Praise” SONGS . 156-157 Priest. See Corn Priest. Progression, first, tables showing . 22, 29, 182 Progressions, table showing total number of . 22,29,182 Rain, securing . 37, 38, 59, 149 Rat, outline of, as body decoration . 113 Rattles — of the societies . 48, 112 types of . 8-9 Raven— skin of, as insignia . 47 song to the . 49 Raven Society. See Crow Society. Rawhide Loop., a mythical chief . 35 Rest— in Mandan music . 14 use of, among the tribes . 31 Rhythm (meter) — of drum and rattle . 25-26, 30, 184 of first measure, tables showing . 24, 29, 183 Rhythmic unit — defined . 25,30 in analysis . 32,33 tables showing . 25, 30, 184 Running Rabbit, mention of . 62 Sacred songs of the Goose Women . 44, 45 Sage, ceremonial use of . 6, 40, 46, 47, 67 Scaffold burial . •. 5, 6, 122 Scalp dance song, woman’s . 155 1 Scalping, customs concerning . 145 INDEX 191 Scalps— Page. carried in victory dances . 159 displayed on lodges . 5 SCATTEBED COEN — material furnished by . 1 member of Little River W omen Society . 97 songs recorded by . 44-46, 42, 55, 93, 95, 96, 100-106, 158-161, 163 story related by . 7, 92 Scout songs . 152-154 Seed, distribution of, by Corn Priest . 37 Semitones, tables showing average number of, in an interval . 24, 29, 183 Serenades — of Buffalo Society . 142 of Dog Society . 135, 136 of Foolish Dog Society . 129-132 of Fox Society..*. . 125 of Stone Hammer Society . 116, 117, 118 of Y oung Dog Society . 129 singing of . 112 Shell, polished— ceremonial use of . 99, 100 song of . 100,105 Sick, music not used in treatment of . 12 Signs used . xvi Singers— age of . 1 characterization of . 1-2 Hidatsa . 2 Mandan . 1-2 names of . xvn-xvm Singing, on the house tops . 5 Sioux— kilUngof . 158,163-164 treaty with . 12 See Hunkpapa Sioux; Teton Sioux. Sioux songs, analysis of . 16-26 Sitting Crow — flageolet discussed by . 10-11 information furnished by . 109 Sitting Rabbit— information furnished by . 97 songs recorded by . 52, 107, 125, 126, 129 Skulls of chiefs, beneficent influence of . . . 38 Skunk, song of the . 93 Skunk SociETY- age of members of . 94 song of . 95 Slovak songs, reference to . 22 Snake, song of . 73 Societies— boy’s admission to . 110 Hidatsa, list of . xix-xx Mandan, list of . xix men’s . 108-144 women’s . 94-10? Soldier Society— facial painting of . 9 war pipe of . 9 Songs— as personal possessions . 53, 54 beginning and ending of . 27 characteristics of . 14,32,33 connected with eagle catching . 32, 70-80 from supernatural beings . l2 of Buffalo Society . 33 Songs — Continued. Page. of Dog Society . 33 of Fox Society . 33 of Goose Women Society . 42-46 of Horse Society . 143-144 of legends and folk tales . 32 of Mandan women’s societies . 32 of societies organized by Good Fur Robe. 32 of Spirit Women . 100-105 of Stone Hammer Society . 33 of the gardens . 32 purchase of . no society, classes of . 112 Spider Woman, mention of . 41 Spirit Women — songs of . : . 100-105 story of. . 97-99 Squash, drying of . 4 Standley, Paul C., acknowledgment to _ 64 Stars, used in decoration . 115-116 Stealing Raids of Stone Hammer Society. 109, 113-115 Stone Hammer Society— age of members . 113 an Hidatsa age society . 108 derivation of the name . 108 food stolen by . 109,110 Hidatsa name for . 113 not found among Mandan . 113 purchase of membership in . 113 purpose of . 113 raid of. . 113-115 songs of . 116-121 wand of . 115-116 Story-telling — payment for . 64 time for . 84 Structure of songs, tables showing .. . 22,28,182 Summary of analyses . 31,33 Supernatural beings, songs received from. 12 Supernatural power, words denoting . 36 Swan, song of . 79 Sweat lodge — of Old Dog . 2 song when making . 75 Swinging Corn, a mythical woman . 35 Syncopations, use of . 14,31,42 Terminology, purpose of . . . 30 Teton Sioux, as enemy . 167 Time, tables showing change of . 25, 30, 183 Tonality, tables showing . 16, 27, 178 Tone material, table showing . . 19-20,28,180-181 Torture, self-inflicted, for success in eagle catching . 63 Traditions of Black Mouth Society . 47,49 Trance of the Goose Women . 43,45 Translations, erroneous . 108, 109, 147 Treaties of the Mandan . 11,12 Turtle shell, drums of . 8 Turtle, snapping, Mandan name for . 89 Turtle who went to war — song of . 90 story of . 89 Twine, song concerning . 80 United States, dealings of, with Mandan and Hidatsa . 11 Ute songs, analysis of . 16-26 192 INDEX Page. Village, Mandan, described . 4-5 Vocabularies, Mandan . 6 Wand of Stone Hammer SoaETY . 115-116 War party— organization of . 144 song when organizing . 146 War pipes . 9 See Whistles. War songs . 144-170 characteristics of . 33 of Fox Society . 122, 124 Water Chief — a leading Mandan . 61, 64 death of . 1 Waterfowl, as symbols of grain . 41 Whistles . 9-10,112 White Society, a Mandan society . 108 Widow, songs of . 56,57 Wilkinson, Mahlon, report of, on Fort Berthold Indians . 11 Wilson, Dr. Gilbert L., information fur¬ nished by . 35 Wolf, song given by . 148, 149 Page. Wolf Ghost, song recorded by . 152 Wolf Head — songs recorded by . 90, 92, 158, 170, 171 tales related by . 84, 89, 90-91, 92 Wolverine, use of word, by author . 60 Wolverine, Little, song of . 77 Women — f game played by . 81 Mandan, societies of . 94-107 work of . 52 Wounded Face— a Mandan singer . 1 legend related by . 41 mention of . 13, 47, 49 rattle owned by . 9 songs recorded by . . . 49, 50, 137, 154, 166 Yellow Hair, the wife of Butterfly . 59 song recorded by . 60 Young Dog, a Mandan society . 108 ceremony of . Ill gifts to . Ill song of . 129 See Dog Society. O f '** ■'" ^ 'V . ^ i V >< - ' 1^.' 'C - V m. .1 ^ aHMAMr : * /n a fJi'. .,1'? t*' l^» V- ‘ TiEl^’t kW* »>. I1 -j^‘ m ^’ll '■■f- t ,i', . V’W..I • X' \ ii I 1. I' ' t i '•T r \ J ♦ r.'.' • f r J •% I 4 V • I 4,