mt pRlNdETON, N. j THE HISTOET OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND IN THE COLONIES AND EOREIGN DEPENDENCIES OE THE BRITISH EMPIRE. BY THE REV. JAMES S. M. ANDERSON, M.A. CHAPLAIN IN ORDINARY TO THE QUEEN, PREACHER OF LINCOLN'S INN, RECTOR OF TORMARTOX, AN'D HONORARY CANON OF BRISTOL CATHEDRAL. VOL. III. Sbtcotttr Application of the grant once promised to him . . . 3G8 His donations to Yale College 361) And in other charters 370 His Sermon before the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. His description therein of its Missionaries 372 And the seminaries of New England 374 His compassion for the Indians and Negroes .... 375 His remark on the importance of Colonial Episcopacy. Con- secrated Bishop of Cloyne 377 His death 3/8 CHAPTER XXIX. THE EEYIYAL OE REVERENCE AND AFFECTION IN MANY OF THE PEOPLE OE MW ENGLAND TOWARDS THE CHURCH WHICH THEIR FATHERS HAD FOR- SAKEN. A.D. 1714—1776. Hostility of the New England settlers to the Church of Eng- land A College in Connecticut Established first at Saybrook, afterwards at Newhaven ; and called Yale College from its chief benefactor Defective state of Education in the Colleges of New England . Evil results thereof Illustrated in the case of Samuel Johnson .... The steps which led him to communion with the Church of England Cutler, Johnson, Brown, and Wetmore avow their change of sentiments ; and resign their offices. The three first embark for England 380 381 382 384 385 386 388 391 xvi CONTENTS. PAGE Their reception by Dean Stanhope at Canterbury. Admitted into the Orders of the Church of England .... 393 Brown dies 394 Degrees conferred upon Cutler and Johnson, at Oxford and Cambridge. Wetmore joins them from America. Cutler returns to Boston, and Johnson to Stratford . . . 395 The proceedings of Johnson 390 Receives the degree of Doctor of Divinity from the University of Oxford 397 Extension of the Church in Connecticut under his ministry. Effects of Whitefield's preaching 398 Johnson declines the headship of the College at Philadelphia . 399 Accepts that of the College at New York. Its Charter . . 400 Its early progress under Johnson 401 The domestic sorrows of Johnson ...... 402 He resigns his Presidentship ...... 403 And resumes his duties at Stratford 404 His death. Cutler's ministry at Boston .... 405 His notice of Whitefield's proceedings, confirmed by the his- torian of Harvard University 406 King's Chapel, Boston. Roger Price 407 Trinity Church. Christ Church, the scene of Cutler's ministry. Failure of his claim to a share in the government of Har- vard College 408 Religious state of New England. Kindly feelings displayed towards Harvard College by the Church of England . .410 Fierce opposition of the Church of England in the New Eng- land Colonies V"" 411 Controversy between May hew and Apthorp . . . .412 Archbishop Seeker takes part in it 414 The services of Henry Caner at Fairfield, and King's Chapel, Boston . .416 His conduct at the Revolution 418 His closing years. Notice of the subsequent condition of King's Chapel 419 Services of John Beach 421 His conduct at the Revolution 424 The Rev. Samuel Seabury 426 Services of other Missionaries, who had formerly been Noncon- formists. Learning 427 CONTENTS. Xvii PAGE Mansfield 428 Diblee . . .429 The benefit of these services greatly obstructed by proceedings in England 430 Causes thereof. Further shown in the Letters of Sherlock and Seeker 431 The great value of Seeker's counsels 435 Conduct of some of our Statesmen 436 Sir Robert Walpole 437 Duke of Newcastle 438 His careless administration of the British Colonies . . . 439 Their great importance an aggravation of his misconduct . 440 The Earl of Halifax 443 CHAPTER XXX. REMAINING- NOTICES OF THE CHUKCH OE ENGLAND IN RHODE ISLAND, NEW YORK, THE CAROLINAS, GEORGIA, AND THE WEST INDIES. A.D. 1700—1776. Rhode Island. Services of Honyman 446 Benefactions of Mr. Kay 448 The successors of Honyman 449 Providence. Pigott and his successors ..... 450 Brown, Checkley, and Graves 451 St. Michael's, Bristol 453 Services of Rev. John Usher and his son .... 454 Narragansett. Rev. Christopher Bridge. Rev. Mr. Guy . 457 Rev. Mr. Fayerweather 458 New York. Services of Vesey. Barclay .... 460 Auchrauty . 461 Ogilvie 462 Charles Inglis 463 His difficulties during the Revolutionary War . . . 465 His firmness under them ....... 466 Afterwards consecrated the first Bishop of Nova Scotia . . 468 Chandler chosen in the first instance to the office, but de- clines it 469 YOL. III. a xviii CONTENTS. PAGE John Bowden. Samuel Provoost, afterwards Bishop of New- York 470 Benjamin Moore, afterwards Bishop of New York . . . 472 The Carolinas 473 The services of Dr. Le Jeau at Goosecreek .... 474 Richard Ludlam ........ 475 His successors 476 Parishes formed in the province. Offensive legislation of the Colony in Church matters . . . . . . 477 Edward Marston 478 The province divided into North and South Carolina . .479 The Bishop of London's Commissaries, Johnstone and Garden 480 Garden's controversy with Whitefield ..... 482 The Rev. Robert Smith, afterwards the first Bishop of the Church in S. Carolina 483 Governor Nicholson 485 Missionaries from Newfoundland. Rev. John Fordyce . . 486 The Rev. W. Peasely 487 Benefactions to the Church in S. Carolina .... 488 Missionaries in N. Carolina. Rev. John Blair. Their diffi- culties 489 Rev. John Boyd. Rev. Clement Hall 491 His extensive services 492 The Tuscarora Indians 493 Georgia 494 Causes of its settlement. General Oglethorpe . . . 495 Parliamentary Grant 496 Early progress of the Colony 498 Tenure of lands. The introduction of slaves, and the im- portation of rum forbidden. Discontents in the Colony . 499 Causton, Oglethorpe's agent ....... 500 The Rev. S. Quincy, a Missionary of S. P. G. The Rev. John Wesley, his successor 501 His brother Charles accompanies him ..... 505 Whose ministry at Frederica is brief and unsuccessful . . 508 The ministry of John Wesley at Savannah equally unsuccess- ful . . . 508 His quarrel with Causton . . . . . . . 509 His ardour and unremitting zeal 511 His visits to Carolina 512 CONTENTS. Xk PAGE Assistance from Dr. Bray's Associates. Subsequent connexion of Wesley with America . . . . . . .513 He takes upon himself to appoint Superintendents, or Bishops 514 His reasons for that act 515 The conduct of Wesley in this matter traceable to the absence of Bishops in the Colonies. 517 Whiteheld goes out to Georgia in 1738 518 His diligent ministry. His approval by the Trustees, on re- turning to England 519 The effect of his preaching at Kingswood and other places . 520 His return to America 521 His conduct there 522 His defence of slavery. Difficulties encountered by Oglethorpe 524 The death of Whitefield 525 More Missionaries appointed in Georgia. Gross misconduct of Bosom worth 52G The Rev. Jonathan Copp at Augusta. Georgia divided into eight Parishes. The services of Frinck and Ellington . 527 The West Indies 529 Codrington College in Barbados 530 Its design. Entrusted to the care of the Society for the Pro- pagation of the Gospel 531 Its Grammar School. Its slow progress. Subsecpient career 532 Its difficulties. Valuable services of John Brathwaite. In- crease of the Grammar School 533 The Rev. J. H. Pinder, Principal of the College. The Ne- groes and others on the Codrington Trust Estates always cared for 534 Valuable services of Mr. Pinder abroad and at home . . 535 Antigua 53G Influences adverse to the Church. Governor Parke . . 537 Discreditable character of some of the Clergy of Antigua . 538 The high character of Rowland Williams. Church at St. John's 539 The services of some of the Clergy in Antigua. Field, Knox, and Byam 540 High character of some of the Governors of Antigua . . G41 Introduction of Methodism. First settlement of the Mora- vians. Jamaica 542 XX CONTENTS. PAGE Increase of Parishes. Channels through which spiritual help was derived from the Church of England .... 543 Bray's Associates. Major Charles Selwyn .... 544 Difficulties created hy Colonial Legislation .... 545 Opinion of Sir William Scott 547 The consecration of Colonial Bishops the only true remedy for the evils which existed 548 APPENDIX. No. I. Substance of the Memorials of Governors Dudley, Morris, and Heathcote, in Humphrey's Historical Account of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, pp. 41—43 553 No. II. Address of the General Convention, held at Christ Church, Philadelphia, Oct. 5, 1785, to the Most Reverend and Right Reverend the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, and the Bishops of the Church of England . . 554 No. III. Directions to the Catechists for instructing Indians, Negroes, &c. [Quoted by Dalcho, pp. 47 — 50] . . 561 No. IV. Table of Colonial Dioceses 564 No. V. Table showing the number of Clergymen in each Diocese when the See was erected, and in 1855 (June) . 566 No. VI. Progress of the Episcopate in the Colonies. Western Hemisphere . . . . . . . ib. No. VII. Progress of the Episcopate in the Colonies. Eastern Hemisphere . . . . . . . ib. No. VIII. Charter of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts 567 No. IX. An Account of the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts 575 ERRATUM. Page 170, line 14, for Convocation read Convention. H I S T 0 R Y,1 Sfc. CHAPTER XXI. THE EARLIEST ASSISTANCE OF THE SOCIETY FOE PROMOTING CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE TO THE DANISH MISSIONS IN INDIA. A.D. 1709—1749. The department of Christian enterprise ziegenbaig which witnessed, more signally than any scho^he" other, the sympathy and co-operation of MiSsS£!n"lsh the Church of England with the Protestant aries- congregations of Europe, was that portion of India in which Ziegenbaig and Plutscho founded the first Danish Mission. The first of these devoted men was born in Upper Lusatia, J une 14, 1683 ; and, losing both parents in infancy, was indebted to the pious care of an elder sister ibr the training of his early years. He was, in due time, transferred to the University of Halle, where, with his fellow-student Plutscho, he be- came the pupil of Professor Erancke. By the advice of Erancke, to whom he had opened his whole heart, VOL. III. 2 DANISH MISSIONS IN INDIA. [CH. Ziegenbalg resolved to embrace the offer made to him by Frederic IV. of Denmark to go forth and preach the Gospel to the heathen of Tranquebar, a settlement upon the Coromandel coast, which the Danes bad pur- chased, in 1618, from the Rajah of Tanjore. Plutscho rejoiced to be the associate of Ziegenbalg in this work. They were ordained by Bornman, Bishop of Zealand, (the Island on which Copenhagen stands,) and em- barked for their destination in November, 1705. The chief opposition, which they were at first called upon to encounter, was that of the Danish officers in the settlement; but, by patience and perseverance, they overcame it, and were soon enabled to show good proof that their work was not in vain. In addition to a Church built, and opened by them for the use of the Mission, Ziegenbalg acquired a knowledge of the Tamul language, sufficient to enable him to complete a version of the New Testament in that tongue, and to carry on a successful ministry among the natives. Grundier ^n latter duty, he was greatly and others assisted by Ernest Grundier, who, with follow. J , . . two other Missionaries, joined him in 1709. And although, soon after their arrival, fresh difficulties beset the Mission, the weight of them was greatly lightened by the cheering intelligence, at the same time announced, that the Church of England was putting forth her strength to help them. Anxious, therefore, to discover fresh openings, through which the heart of the native population might be more effectually reached, Ziegenbalg left Tranquebar, for a time, in charge of his brother Missionaries, and pro- ceeded, in 1718, by way of Cuddalore, and Eort St. David, to Madras. He there met with a most friendly welcome from Mr. Lewis, the English Chaplain at the XXI.] a.d. 1709—1749. 3 factory, who confirmed the happy tidings that England was ready to assist him in the prosecution of his work ; and informed him that The Society for Promoting Chris- tian Knowledge had already opened a communication with him upon the subject. Ziegenbalg found, at the same time, another letter awaiting his arrival in Madras, from Boehm, Chaplain to Prince George of Denmark, which assured him that help from the same quarter was at hand. Boehm, a man of sincere piety and great Boehm learning:, was already a member of the So- chaplain to &' J Prince ciety, when the first reports reached Eng- George of i X • *. i . r ° Denmark, land, m 1708-9, oi the commencement ot translates the good work at Tranquebar. He imme- Indian? ° diately translated and brought them under ceedines- the notice of its other members, and thereby enlisted their best sympathies in the same cause. The story of these faithful Danes thus became known in many a distant corner of the land, and stirred the hearts of some who thus, for the first time, were made acquainted with their names. A remarkable instance of the interest thereby excited is found in the notices SsSnce*?? which have come down to us of "Wesley, SSSSbjjt then Eector of Epworth, in Lincolnshire, j^of Ep- and father of the founder of Methodism, wo/th. Lin- colnshire. He appears to have been in active commu- nication with The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge from an early period, and to have esta- blished a similar association in his own parish. The following entry, for instance, occurs in the Minutes : 7th May, 1702. Ordered, that Mr. Wesley's account of the Re- ligious Society at Epworth be again read at next meeting. B 2 4 DANISH MISSIONS IN INDIA. [CH. Again : 14th May, 1702. Mr. Wesley's account of the Religious So- ciety at Ep worth was again read, according to order. Ordered, that Mr. Wesley be desired to attend at next meeting, about the charity school mentioned in his said account. "Wesley, being thus brought into direct and close relation with the Society, became known to its mem- bers, and took a personal interest in its proceedings. "We learn also, from another quarter, that he was dili- gent in his attendance as a member of the Lower House of Convocation ; and that, in his absence from home, Mrs. Wesley began and continued the practice of praying with, and reading a sermon to, her own family, and about thirty or forty of the parishioners, who assembled for that purpose on Sunday evenings in an apartment of the Eectory. One of the causes which strengthened within her the desire to be thus zealous and active, was an account of the Danish Mis- sionaries, which she happened to find in her husband's study, and by the perusal of which she was much im- pressed1. This, doubtless, was the account which Eoehm had translated, and which Wesley, having be- come acquainted with it through his connexion with the Society, had brought down with him from the metropolis to his country parsonage. Is it not also more than probable, that, whilst the perusal of the heroic devotion of Ziegenbalg, and Plutscho, and Grundler, in the distant regions of the East, stimu- lated the ardour of his wife's earnest piety, she may, by reciting and dwelling upon them before her children, have helped to awaken a kindred spirit of enthusiasm 1 Southey's Life of Wesley, i. 15. xxt.] a. d. 1709—1749. 5 in the breast of that young boy, who had been, but a short time before, snatched so miraculously from the burning flames ; whose spirit she was then imbuing with the first lessons of Christian truth ; and whose followers have since carried forth his name to the furthest confines of the earth ? The admiration of the Danish Missiona- , . . Assistance ries was followed bv a resolution to help to the * ■ Danish Mis- them. As soon as it was found that Den- from The Societv mark was not able to send out all the sup- for re- plies needful for the Mission, the Society, Chri>tian with one heart and mind, undertook, in Knov!'led&e- 1709-10, to support and enlarge it. Such an enter- prise might, at first sight, have been considered as one which ought more properly to have been undertaken by The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. But the attention of that Society was then directed chiefly to our Xorth American and West Indian Colonies, a field of duty already more than large enough for the labourers who could be sent into it. Tenison, therefore, judged it the wiser course not to distract its attention, or weaken its resources, by summoning it to fresh duties in another hemisphere. And, since the relations which had already sprung up between the present Society and the leading Pro- testants of Europe were of the most intimate and friendly character, it seemed but a natural and legiti- mate mode of strengthening those relations, to pursue the path which was now begun to be traversed by the choicest disciples of its foreign Corresponding mem- bers2. Accordingly, proposals were forthwith issued 2 The charge of the East Indian Missions, thus delegated to The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, continued in its hands 6 DANISH MISSIONS IN INDIA. [CH. by the present Society for facilitating the translation of the Scriptures into the languages of the East, and for establishing schools for the education of the native children. A separate Committee was formed to carry the design into effect, and to extend them from Tran- quebar to Madras, Cuddalore, Trichinopoly, Tanjore. and even northward to Calcutta. A letter, breathing the most faithful and loving spirit, was dispatched from Newman, Secretary of the Committee, to Ziegenbalg, informing him of these plans ; declaring him and his fellow-labourers members of the Society ; inviting them to the unreserved interchange of friendly offices ; avow- ing freely the bonds of union which held all believers together as members of one mystical body of which Christ is the Head ; and expressing the earnest sym- pathy which the Church of England cherished towards the agents of the Danish Mission. At its conclusion, intimation was given that the Society had, for the better attainment of its objects, established a corre- spondence with Mr. Lewis, Chaplain at Madras ; Mr. Anderson, Chaplain in Bengal; and Mr. "Watson, Chaplain in Bombay. Soon after the receipt of this letter,— which was followed by many others of a like spirit, still extant in the histories of the Danish Mis- sions,— a printing-press and types were sent out by the Society from England, under the charge of a skil- ful German printer, who had been for a long time established in London, of the name of Eink. The vessel in which these were embarked was surprised and captured by the Erench, while she lay in the har- bour of Rio Janeiro, and plundered of all her cargo until 1824, when the chief hurden of it was transferred to The So- ciety for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, with whose members it still rests. xxi.] a.d. 1709—1749. 7 with the exception of the printing materials, which had been stowed away in the hold, and thus escaped the search of the enemy. The English Governor of Madras, who was a passenger on board the vessel, succeeded in repurchasing her ; and she proceeded on her voyage. But, before she reached the Cape of Good Hope, Fink died of fever ; an event, which would have defeated, or greatly retarded, the whole plan, had it not been for the arrival of three more printers, who came out a few months afterwards. The work of translating portions of the Scriptures, the Book of Common Prayer, and other books, into the Tamul, Hindustani, and Portu- guese languages, was then fairly set on foot ; and, from this time forward, the brethren of Tranquebar and their successors were the chief instruments employed by our Society in this most important branch of Mis- sionary enterprise. Plutscho, indeed, was compelled, through pintscho»s infirm health, to withdraw, at the end of visit t0 Ens- ' land, 1712. five years, from these and kindred labours. And the Missionaries availed themselves of his return homeward to entrust to him the duty of obtaining for them from the Danish King a removal of those ob- stacles which still hindered their progress. Plutscho afterwards repaired to Eugland, that he might see, face to nice, the members of the English Church, who were rendering snch valuable aid to the Tranquebar Mis- sion. And, having attended a meeting of our Society , Xov. 13, 1712, received the best proofs of its good will in a present offering of money, and, what was more valuable, the sincere assurances of its determi- nation to uphold the good work3. 3 La Croze states in his Histoire du Christianisme des Indes, 8 DANISH MISSIONS IN INDIA. [CH. ziegenbaig's Ziegenbalg, not long afterwards, fol- visit to Eng- lowed, for a brief season, the steps of land, 1715. 7 . £ Plutscho homeward ; having first left the affairs of the Mission under the charge of Grundler. He reached Copenhagen in 1715, where he remained long enough to complete for the press his Dictionary of the Malabar language, and then proceeded to Halle, to take fresh counsel with his friend, Professor Francke, under whose care the Dictionary was pub- lished in the following year. During Ziegenbaig's visit at Halle, he married a lady to whom he had been long attached, and returned to England, with the cheering expectation that many true-hearted members of her Church were there ready to welcome him. He was not disappointed. Our Society received him at a General Meeting of its members, Dec. 29, 1715, with gratitude and reverence ; and expressed to him, in a Latin Address, their deep sense of the fidelity and zeal with which he had done, and was seeking again to do, the work of an evangelist in the East. He answered their address, as it is described in the Minutes, in ' a Malabaric speech, the interpretation of which, in Latin, was afterwards read by the Secretary,' declaring, with affectionate and simple eloquence, his joy in meeting them, and praying that the grace of God might strengthen their hands and his. He was afterwards presented to George L, who had lately succeeded to the English throne, and received from him the strongest assurances of sympathy and sup- port. These assurances were renewed, unto him and Grundler, two years afterwards, in a letter which that p. 556, that Plutscho was alive at the date of its publication, 1723-4. a.d. 1709—1749. Monarch addressed to them under his sign manual*. Tenison, who had been Primate for twenty-one years, died in the very month in which Ziegenbalg had his interview with the Society ; and, before his successor, Archbishop Wake, could do more than express, with the Bishop of London, in general terms, his desire to promote the work, Ziegenbalg had set sail once more for Madras 5. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts requested the East India Company to grant Ziegenbalg a free passage; a re- quest readily complied with in that instance, and, I believe, in every other which occurred in later years. Upon arriving at Madras, where he SteVenson was received with liveliest demonstrations chaplain, at Madras. of joy by the natives who crowded to receive him, Zie£enbal£ obtained the most valuable aid from William Stevenson, Chaplain at that Presi- dency. The name of this excellent Clergyman is pro- bably known to few, if any, of my readers, who are ready to fall in with the prevalent belief that nothing was done, or even attempted, by the Church of Eng- land in India, during the present time. It is an act, therefore, of simple justice to say, that, whilst the memorials of the zeal and faithfulness of Stevenson have been suffered to perish from among ourselves, they have been carefully and gratefully treasured up by the historians of the Danish Missions. And from them we learn that he not only gave the most con- 4 A copy of it is given in Buchanan's Christian Researches in Asia, p. 60. The Latin original of that and other letters, here re- ferred to, are given in Niecamp's History. 5 A print of Ziegenbalg, with the dates of some of the chief events of his life printed at the bottom of it, still hangs up in the Board-room of The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. 10 DANISH MISSIONS IN INDIA. [CH. stant and liberal support, from his own resources, to the native schools at Tranquebar, but established schools at Madras, for the children of natives and of English residents. He stirred up the hearts of many, both there and in England, to assist in the same work. He seems never to have known what it was to be weary or faint-hearted. "Whilst Ziegen- balg was absent, it was his courage that emboldened, his love that soothed, the brethren who remained behind ; and, when Ziegenbalg returned, his arms were the first to embrace him, his house the first to shelter him. His frequent visits to the schools esta- blished at Tranquebar, Cuddalore, and Fort St. David ; Testimony the zeal, with which he applied the re- andcoZn-al su^s °f tne information thus acquired stancy. ^Q foe benefit of his own schools at Madras ; the confidence, which he excited in the breasts of the Danish Missionaries towards him, by the warmth of his brotherly-kindness and the wisdom of his counsels ; the respect and support, which he received from all classes of his countrymen in India, and the minute and constant correspondence, which he carried on with the agents of our Society at home, — portions of which may still be traced in the Keports of that date, — all combine to prove that it is no over- strained eulogium which the annalists of the Danish Missions pronounced on Stevenson, when they de- clared him to be a man ' truly unwearied in spreading Christianity among the nations6.' Two of the Go- vernors of Madras, about the same period, Harrison and Collet, were men of kindred spirit with himself, 0 In Christianisimo inter gentes propagando plane indefessus. Grischovius's edition of Niecamp's History, p. 199. XXI.l a.d. 1709—1749. 11 and worthy successors of the former Governor, Streyn- sham Master, under whom, the reader has already been informed, the first English Church was erected at Madras7. Of Collet especially, who came out just before Stevenson's return, he speaks in most grateful terms, in a letter addressed to Newman, August 25, 1716. Stevenson states therein, that he expected soon to be forced to return to England, and had written to the Court of Directors to say that he should do so, as soon as they had sent out his successor, of whom he expresses his earnest hope that he might give his heart to the Mission. Stevenson returned to England in the following year ; but not until he had sent home other letters, which it is impossible here to quote, but which amply demonstrate the ardour and success with which he discharged his duties to the last. Among the many assurances of help Archbishop which the Danish Mission continued to Wake- receive from the Church of England, none was given more heartily than that which came to them from its Primate. In common with all members of the So- ciety over which he presided, Wake had long watched with admiration and interest the labours of Ziegen- balg and Grundler. The largeness of heart which prompted him afterwards to renew, in the case of the Gallican and English Churches, efforts towards a closer union, of a kindred character with those which Sharp had already made in respect to the chief Protestant congregations of Europe, could not but lead him to wish God speed to these intrepid Missionaries of the East. And the following extract of a letter written 7 Vol. ii. p. 277, and note. 12 DANISH MISSIONS IN INDIA. [CH. from Lambeth, January 7, 17|f , will show how strong was his sympathy with them. TO BARTHOLOMEW ZIEGENBALG AND JOHN ERNEST GRUNDLER, PREACHERS OF THE CHRISTIAN FAITH ON THE COAST OF COROMANDEL. His letter to As °ften &S 1 bebold your letters. Reverend Ziegenbalg Brethren, addressed to the Venerable Society insti- and Grund- tuted for the promotion of the Gospel whose chief honour and ornament ye are, and as often as I con- template the light of the Gospel, either now first rising on the Indian nations, or after the intermission of some ages revived, and, as it were, restored to its original inheritance, I am constrained to magnify that singular goodness of God in visiting nations so re- mote, and to account you, my Brethren, highly honoured, whose ministry it hath pleased Him to employ in this pious work, to the glory of His name, and the salvation of so many millions of souls. Let others indulge in a ministry, if not idle, certainly less labo- rious, among Christians at home. Let them enjoy, in the bosom of the Church, titles and honours obtained without labour and without danger. Your praise it will be (a praise of endless dura- tion on earth, and followed by a just recompense in heaven) to have laboured in the vineyard which you yourselves have planted ; to have declared the name of Christ, where it was not known be- fore ; and through much peril and difficulty to have converted to the faith those a'mong whom ye afterwards fulfilled your ministry. Your province, therefore, Brethren, your office, I place before all dignities in the Church. Let others be pontiffs, patriarchs, or popes ; let them glitter in purple, in scarlet, or in gold , let them seek the admiration of the wondering multitude, and receive obeisance on the bended knee. Ye have acquired a better name than they, and a more sacred fame. And when that day shall arrive, when the Chief Shepherd shall give to every man according to his work, a greater reward shall be adjudged to you. Admitted into the glo- rious society of the Prophets, Evangelists, and Apostles, ye, with them, shall shine, like the sun among the lesser stars, in the king- dom of your Father, for ever. Their death Prayer ^or length of days to which the Archbishop gives expression in the a.d. 1700—1749. 13 sequel of his letter, was not granted to Ziegenbalg and Grundler. The first finished his course at the early age of thirty-six, a few weeks after the date of the above letter ; and his companion, who received his last breath, followed him to the grave in little more than a year afterwards. They both lie buried, one on each side of the communion-table, in the church at Tranquebar, which their hands had helped to erect. Claudius Buchanan, who visited it in August, 1806, and there heard, for the first time, from the pulpit in which Ziegenbalg had stood, the Gospel preached to a congregation of Hindu Christians in their own tongue, reports that over the graves of him and of his fellow- missionary were then still to be seen plates of brass on which were engraven their epitaphs in Latin. He states also, that, upon visiting the house which had been the residence of Ziegenbalg, and examining the registers of the Church, which were still kept in the lower apartment of it, he found the name of the first heathen whom Ziegenbalg had baptised, recorded in his own handwriting, in the year 1707 s. But, although it Was the will of the The arrival great Head of the Church to remove ofSchuize. thus early from the scene of their arduous trials these his servants, He soon sent other labourers therein to protect and cultivate the seed which they had sown. Schulze, the most distinguished of their immediate successors, reached Tranquebar, accompanied by Dahl and Kistenmacher, a few months before Grundler breathed his last ; and sustained, with undiminished faith and vigour, the work now bequeathed to him. The constant superintendence of the The duties 8 Buchanan's Christian Researches, p. 65. 14 DANISH MISSIONS EH INDIA. [CH. of the Mis- Schools already established, and the in- stitution of more, — the daily catechising of candidates for Holy Baptism, — the leading onward their baptised converts to further knowledge of the Divine Law, — the conferences, held in places of public resort or in their own houses, with the natives who still clung to their idolatry, — the visits paid to the adjacent towns and villages, and the attendance given at the various Hindu festivals, that the Mission- aries might learn to conquer the subtle foe whom they had undertaken to combat, — the conduct of the public devotions of their own people in their House of Prayer, — the ceaseless study of the native languages which all these occupations demanded, — and, lastly, the management of the printing department, With its complex apparatus for the engraving and casting of types, and the distribution of the books provided from that source and from their friends in England,— these had been the duties begun, and successfully carried on, by the founders of the Tranquebar Mission ; and, from the continued prosecution of these Schulze and his fellow-labourers did not shrink. He even en- larged their field of operation, by embracing a greater number of the native villages within the circuit of his visitation ; and so well and ably did he maintain that and every other portion of his arduous work, that, within six years from the death of Ziegenbalg, 150 converts were added to the Church at Tranquebar, and the translation of the whole Scriptures into the Tarn ill language, which Ziegenbalg had begun, and to a great extent carried on, was completed. Schulze and his companions were, like their predecessors, mainly indebted to England for encouragement and support. Our Society had greeted them on their way XXI.] a.d. 1709—1719. 15 out ; and, having bestowed the same marks of gene- rous favour upon them which had cheered the hearts of Plutscho and of Ziegenbalg, had secured for them a free passage in one of the ships belonging to the East India Company. And, when tidings came back to England that the leaders of the Tranquebar Mission had fallen, none received them with deeper sorrow, or strove more earnestly to strengthen the hands of the survivors, than did the President and members of our Society. Indeed, there are few facts more remark- able connected with this part of our history than the repeated and anxious entreaties of AVake to Francke for further assistance. Thus he writes wake's from Lambeth, June 21, 1721 : Fralf/ke.0 . . . Our Lord, whose counsels are unsearchable, hath called away each of thein [Ziegenbalg and Grundler] from the midst of their course to receive the heavenly crown. Nevertheless, we ought to pour out our thanks unto God, that, before their depar- ture, other labourers have been sent by thy help into that harvest ; who, upon the foundations laid down most skilfuUy by those wise architects, might build a temple unto the Lord, daily propagate the doctrine of the Gospel, and both make our own countrymen who have fixed then- habitations on those coasts better men, and instruct unbelievers in the way of truth. May the Chief Shepherd and Bishop of the Church bless their labours ! But do thou select from thy numerous disciples others who may bring help to them, &c. Again, in June, 1722, he writes: ... A second time, I entreat and exhort thee, by the mercy of God and the bowels of our Lord Jesus Christ, that thou wouldest quickly provide for a succession of pastors in that region, and not suffer the light of the Gospel to be there extinguished, where so many souls long since enlightened have consecrated themselves to the worship of our Saviour, and more are about to come every day to the profession of the true faith. The harvest there is about to be great. Let us not bring it to pass that, through our careless- 16 DANISH MISSIONS IN INDIA. [CH. ness, labourers should be wanting to gather in the fruits to Christ, &c. Once more, in a letter, dated July 22, 1723, after referring again to the loss of the first founders of the Mission, and the extraordinary difficulties in which Schulze was thereby placed, he adds, . . . Thou art sensible of the end to which this my lamentation, which I pour into thy bosom, tends. Thou now perceivest that I am seeking from thee pious and prudent young men, fit for the execution of this office, whom we may send, by our next Indian fleet, to relieve Schulze, and associate with him in the same duty of preaching the Gospel. Yea, I seek it urgently from thee, I seek this really necessary aid. And that Venerable Society seeketh it with me, over which I unworthily preside, and which has been in- stituted for the purpose of propagating the faith to the extremities of the globe. They also seek this same aid, the few remaining Apostles of the Indians, who labour incessantly in this same work. The new catechumens who have been added to the Church through their help, seek it too. Last of all, our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ doth not so much seek it of thee, as ask, require, demand it by his own authority. Nor will He bear repulse in this matter. Do thou therefore lose no time in choosing and sending to England men prepared to undertake this office. It will be our part to pro- vide that they be carried onwards to those coasts. Three more These letters were publicly read by the Missies Professor in the TJiiiversity of Halle, and 1724- helped to confirm the resolutions of several whose prayers and studies had for some time been directed to the same object. In the December of the year following, Bosse, Pressier, and Walther, who had been ordained to the Tranquebar Mission, arrive in this country, and are received by the Primate, the Bishop of London, and a large body of the members of the Society, with the most affectionate joy. All ranks of the Church of England vie with each other in tes- tifying their admiration and respect. Greorge I. ad- XXI.] a.d. 1709—1749. 17 mits them to an audience, and, making minute en- quiry into the various duties of the Mission, dismisses them with handsome presents. Offerings of consider- able amount from other quarters are also placed at their disposal ; and, in a few weeks afterwards, they embark at Deal, on board the Marlborough, bearing with them a letter from Wake to Schulze, expressing the most ardent gratitude and hope. Their voyage is performed in safety ; and, instantly applying them- selves to their work, the Missionaries amply justify by their conduct the wisdom of the pious Professor who had chosen them for this service. Early Xhe death of in 1727, they hear from Europe, with deep- Francke- est sorrow, the tidings of his death ; but the memory of his holy benevolence, his affectionate and sagacious counsels, still animates and leads them onward. Before the announcement of that event, Schulze had been permitted to see the number of the native Schools under his superintendence increase from 5 to 21, and 575 children gathered within them for instruc- tion. He had, for a short period, left Tranquebar, and repaired to Madras, where he had been received with great kindness by Mr. Leek, the English Chaplain, and was accompanied by him in several of the Mis- sionary visits which he made in its neighbourhood. Schulze re-established at the same time, with the assistance of Governor Macrae, the native School in Madras, which, since Stevenson's departure, had been suffered to fall into decay. An opening soon afterwards presented itself for the extension of its labours and those of his brethren into the city and fertile territory of Tanjore : and the success with which he conducted them in that and other quarters, speedily drew down upon him the bitter wrath and tol. in. c 18 DANISH MISSIONS IN INDIA. opposition of the Eomish Missionaries. But Schulze continued stedfast. A most important addition was made tabiiuhed at to his means of usefulness in 1728, by the derdschuize formation of a separate Mission which our The7society Society established at Madras, and en- motTng trusted, with the consent of the Danish Knowledge authorities, to his charge. A house in Black Town was bought for the use of the Mission, where Schools were established, and pub- lic meetings held for the instruction and superintend- ence of the elder converts. The same care was mani- fested by Schulze, which had always been exercised by his predecessors and companions, not to swell the number of nominal converts by the indiscriminate ad- mission of all who might profess the desire for it, but to put their sincerity to the proof by strict and im- partial examination. Notwithstanding this process, and the time required for its completion, he baptized in the first year one hundred and forty. His public ministrations during the week were conducted some- times in the Portuguese, at others in the Tamul and Teloogoo languages ; and all the time which he could spare from these and other labours was devoted to translating the Scriptures and other books into the Teloogoo and Hindustani. He received, in every de- partment of his important duties, the strenuous sup- port of Governor Macrae ; and Pitt, the next successor of Macrae, extended to him always the same valuable aid. sartorius ^ greater accession of strength was addecuo it secured to him by the arrival of three more Missionaries in 1730, two of whom, Eeich- steig and Worm, proceeded to Tranquebar, whilst the XXI.] a.d. 1709—1749. 19 third, Sartorius, remained in the employment of our Society, as the assistant of Schulze in the Madras Mission. Like all their predecessors, these men had visited England in their way from Denmark, been cheered by the paternal counsels of her Primate, assisted by the generous offerings of himself and the Society over which he presided, and speeded on their voyage in the vessels of the East India Company. Sartorius proved himself a most efficient coadjutor in the arduous work ; and the hopes of his future useful- ness expressed by Wake, in a letter to Schulze, were amply realised. In this letter, which conveyed the welcome intelligence that our Society had, by a pecu- niary grant, relieved the Mission from debt, the Arch- bishop makes a touching allusion to his own declining years. Yet his spirit, stronger than his bodily energies, abates nothing of its ardent longing that the light of the everlasting Gospel might be seen and felt in the dark places of the East. No effort was wanting on the part of our The Mission Society, to give effect to the wishes of its Jtrengtnen- President. Geisler was added to the Madras ed m 1 732- Mission in 1732 ; and with him was sent out a second physician, for the benefit of that and the other stations on the Coromandel coast. The officer who had been before appointed to undertake that duty, had early fallen a victim to the diseases for which he had sought to provide a remedy. The year of their arrival in India was rendered memorable by the addition to the ranks of the Missionaries of Aaron, a native catechist, who had been baptised by Ziegenbalg, and had laboured ever since diligently and faithfully as a teacher. A district in Tanjore was set apart as his field of duty, and his labours there were successful from the outset, c 2 20 DANISH MISSIONS IN INDIA. [CH. _ . . . . Meanwhile, the exertions of the Madras Extended to Fort st. Missionaries were making themselves felt David. . c • t m many quarters. Sartorms was directed by our Society to form a Mission in the neighbourhood of Fort St. David. In consequence, also, of his repre- sentations of the difficulties experienced by Schulze, Geisler, and himself, in the want of sufficient accom- modation for their people in Black Town, permis- sion was obtained from the Court of Directors to build _ . . a Church and two Schools, to be placed Church and ' * schools or- under the ioiut superintendence of the dered to be * ' x built in Ma- Governor of Madras and our Society, and instructions were sent out by the latter to commence the buildings immediately. Assistance was offered, at the same time, towards the work by several individuals in England, among whom the name of Isaac Hollis is the most conspicuous. These signs of life and energy were not without their influence in awakening a kindred action in the hearts of others. Applications from Calcutta soon reached the Missionaries, expressing the strongest de- sire of many persons in that Presidency, that they should extend their ministrations to that quarter. The application was cheerfully received by them and by their friends in England ; and, doubtless, would have been soon followed by substantial services, had it not been for the unexpected death of Worm and Reichsteig at Tranquebar. They breathed their last, within three weeks of each other, in 1731, after a ministry of five years, which had been sustained throughout in the spirit of a constant and simple faith. ... . Nor was this the only chasm made in Mission » former at the ranks of these intrepid soldiers of the Cuddalore. 1 Cross. Three years afterwards, Sartonus XXI.] a.d. 1709—1749. 21 followed them to the grave, having lived long enough to establish a Mission at Cuddalore, in con- sartorius nexion with those already under the charge dies' 1737, of Schulze, Geisler, and himself, and in the support of which he had been such a distinguished instrument. Pressier died also at Tranquebar, after twelve years of most useful service. Successors to the men who had thus „ . Fresh Mis- fallen speedily offered themselves. The sionaries 1 , * sent out, first were Wiedebruck, Obuch, and Kolhoff ; and fresh and these were, in a short time, followed by books1 an? Kiernander, Fabricius, and Zegler, the first money- of whom was appointed to the oflice which Sartorius had filled at Madras and Cuddalore, whilst the others were stationed at Tranquebar. All of them had visited England in their outward voyage, and thence been speeded on their course with the same proofs of the Society's generous sympathy which had cheered the hearts of their brethren. The supplies of books and money which, almost in every year, were remitted to India showed the earnest desire of the Society to meet the demands made on them for increased help. In 1736, it remitted the sum of £1500 sterling ; in the next year £1700; and, in 1739, the vessel in which the last-named Missionaries sailed took out a freight of books and paper and printing materials, &c, valued at £1500. The assistance received also from differ- Generous ent places in Germany, Denmark, and Profess"? g. Sweden, was very valuable, and none more Francke. valuable than that forwarded from Halle by Grotthilf Francke, now the Professor of theology in that Uni- versity, and the inheritor, with his father's name, of his father's virtues. He had long been a Correspond- 22 DANISH MISSIONS IN INDIA. [cn. ing member of our Society; and, in 1742 and two or three following years, when he found it apprehensive lest it should be unable to bear the whole burden of the Missions established by it at Madras and Cudda- lore, had forwarded donations for their support, varying in amount from £200 to £300 ; and, at the same time, sent out, at his own charge, two more Missionaries, Breithaupt and Klein, to Tranquebar. Mission In 1742, an important change was made Mad?LaL- in the aspect of the Madras Mission, by thTrench, the retirement of Sehulze, through ill m 1746. health, from the post which he had occu- pied so long and faithfully, and by the appointment of Fabricius as his successor. "Within four years after- wards, during the war which broke out with France, it was made to pass through yet greater changes and adversities. The Fort of St. G-eorge was compelled to surrender to the overwhelming forces of a French fleet, and the house and Church belonging to the Mission in Black Town were destroyed, or rendered useless, to serve the purposes of the French commander Bourdon- nais. Fabricius and the teachers and children of his native School, found a temporary refuge in the neigh- bouring Dutch settlement of Pulicat, where he still continued his labours, and extended them, as far as he could, to the surrounding villages ; and, upon the re- its re-esta- establishment of peace, in 1748, they re- biishment turned thence to Madras, and received, for at Vepery. the future use of the Mission, the Church at Vepery, with its house and gardens, which had formerly been assigned to the Roman Catholics. The takiag away this property from the latter by the English authorities, who had originally committed it to their trust, was caused by the traitorous correspond- XXI.] a.d. 1709—1749. 23 ence which they had carried on with the Trench ; and, for the same reason, the Church which the Eoman Catholics had been permitted to hold at Cuddalore, was taken from them, and granted to Kiernander, for the benefit of the Mission which our Society had esta- blished in that place, a few years before, by the hands of Sartorius. Thus the work of those Missions, in The return which The Society for Promoting Christian to Europe, Knowledge was chiefly interested, went on melns'ot in spite of external difficulties, and of the J0aknn0whim serious loss which had been incurred by andcom\ wno ° -it* were mem- help to the present, which thev had given bersofThe ■ _ * , - mm c, Society for so heartily and promptly to the elder, bo- Promoting ciety, — I will not say more in this place, Knowledge, than that they were herein witnesses to a great and eternal truth, that it is impossible for the spirit of Christian love, if only earnest and sincere, to confine itself within any limited sphere of action ; and that they who are most conspicuous for the zeal and energy with which they discharge their duties as mem- bers of the Church at home, have been, in former days, as they are in the present, those who feel most deeply, and strive most diligently to supply, the wants of the Church abroad. "With respect to Nelson, indeed, it may be added, that he was among the earliest members of the present Society, having been elected Nov. 21, 1701, a day distinguished by the formal enrolment of the Archbishop of Canterbury and ten other Bishops among its members. As an evidence of the active part which he took in its proceedings, we find him, soon after his election, appointed a member of a Committee to examine into and report upon the charges of Dr. Bray's Missions to the Plantations ; and the full and satisfactory Report, drawn up in consequence, bears his signature and that of Archdeacon Stanley. A yet more remarkable evidence of the earnest Notice of desire of Nelson to promote the work of D^NeTsorfin 44 HOME PEOCEEDINGS, &C. OE S. P. GL [CH. his Com- the Society is the especial Collect which he the Festi-r drew up in its behalf in his well-known vais, &c. Companion for the Festivals and Pasts of the Church of England, praying that its members might be diligent and zealous in the discharge of their duties ; and receive wisdom to discern, and courage and resolution to pursue, the proper means of promoting the good work assigned to them 13. Governor The day of Nelson's admission into the Nicholson. Society was made further memorable by the admission of Nicholson, Governor of Virginia, whose zeal and energy had already won for him the reverence and honour of the elder Society 14. An evi- dence of a like feeling on the part of the present Society was proved by its adoption of the following resolution a few months afterwards : That the thanks of this Society be given to Colonel Francis Nicholson, Governor of Virginia, for the great service he has done towards the propagation of the Christian Religion and the esta- blishment of the Church of England in the Plantations, and parti- cularly for his having contributed so largely towards the foundation of many churches along the continent of North America. The name of Evelyn also, ever to be Evelyn. . . held in honour by English gentlemen and English Churchmen, occupies a conspicuous rank among the Laymen of whom I now write. He had long felt a deep interest in the welfare of our Colo- nies ; and the rapid extension of English colonisation and commerce in his day, and the obligations conse- quent upon it, would, under any circumstances, have 13 See the third Collect for the Propagation of Christian Know- ledge, to be used on the Feast of the Epiphany. 14 Vol. ii. 572. XXII.] A..D. 1701—1715. 45 attracted the notice of his enquiring and candid mind. But his appointment to the office of a Commissioner of Trade and Plantations, early in the year 1670-1, necessarily led him to look more closely into their affairs ; and his unaffected piety prompted him to em- brace eagerly the opportunity of securing for them the ministrations of the Church of England. The Council of Trade, originally established by Charles II., had not lasted more than eight years ; and, at the end of that period, the Board of Trade and Plantations, of which Evelyn became a Commissioner, was appointed by Par- liament. He describes in his Diary, May 26, 1671, the meeting of the Commissioners in the house pro- vided for them, belonging to the Earl of Bristol, in Queen Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields ; the rich and royal hangings with which the house was furnished, its long gallery and gardens, the supply of atlases, charts, and globes for the council-chamber, the administration of the oaths of office, the members of the Privy Council who were present, the new patent and instructions under which they were to act, and the business which occupied them that same day respecting New England and Jamaica. Further notices of the proceedings of the Council, held for a time in the same house, and afterwards at Whitehall, frequently occur in the sequel of his Diary ; all proving the readiness and diligence with which Evelyn discharged the duties of his office. The Minutes of the present Society show that he was elected a member on the 15th of May, 1702 ; and, in the list of subscriptions, reported at its next meeting on the 19th of June, two sums are affixed to his name ■ — a guinea for the home charges of the Society, and £10 annual for its general purposes. Upon turning to his Diary, between the 3rd of May and the 22nd of 46 HOME PROCEEDINGS, &C. OE S. P. G. [CH. June, the following confirmation of the Minutes is given by Evelyn himself: Being elected a member of the Society lately incorporated for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, I subscrib'd 10/. per ann. toward the carrying it on. We agreed that every mis- sioner, besides the 20/. to set him forth, shod have 50/. per ann. out of the Stock of the Corporation, till his settlement was worth to him 100/. per ann. We sent a young divine to New York. Between two and three years after the date of this record, Evelyn, full of years and honour, and breathing to the very last the spirit of prayer and thankfulness, entered into his rest ; leaving the important work, of which he had thus witnessed the beginning, to be car- ried on by other hands. Sir John There is one more, among the Society's chardm. Lay-inembers, whose name I shall here mention, whose calling, indeed, was widely different from that of Evelyn, but who, in the discharge of its duties, exhibited a singleness of mind and sincerity of religious faith, not inferior to his. I mean Sir John Chardin ; whose original profession as a jeweller has been forgotten in his reputation as a traveller; and whose researches as a traveller were successfully directed to the elucidation of those manners and cus- toms of the East which are related in Holy Scripture. He received the honour of knighthood from Charles IL, in whose court he found a safer place of settle- ment, after he returned from his travels, than he could have hoped to find, by reason of his religious profes- sion as a Protestant, in Prance, the land of his birth. His wife, also, was the daughter of Protestant refugees from Eouen, who had found protection and a home in the English capital. Chardin repaid the kindnesses enjoyed in the land of his adoption by diligent and XXII.] a. d. 1701—1715. -17 cheerful efforts to advance her interests. The earlier annals of the Boyal Society show that he was the friend and fellow-labourer of her men of science ; and the zeal with which he exercised the office of Agent to the East India Company in London, bears witness to his ability to extend her commerce. His life was ex- tended to the closing years of Queen Anne's reign; and thus opportunities were afforded to him of co- operating, for the first ten years of its existence, with the present Society, in whose Charter his name is en- rolled. He was never slow to avail himself to the uttermost of such opportunities ; and it is this fact which has led me here to notice his name with grati- tude. The traveller and the scholar, who emulate his feats of enterprise, and read with delight and interest the relation written of them by himself, may, as they look upon the inscription affixed to his mouument in Westminster Abbey, acknowledge the truth of the line which it bears, 1 Somen sibi fecit eundon '.' But the faithful member of the Church of England, as he calls that same fact to mind, and peruses, with not less profit and satisfaction than others have done, the history of Chardin's travels, will feel that another claim to hold his name in honour has now been sup- plied, in the pious reverence with which he devoted the latter years of an active and useful life to the work of propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts. He gave also to the Society, just before his death, the sum of £1000, as appears from the Office List of Donations, &c., now published in its Annual Eeports. Among the Clerical members of the So- cSSf " Although the monument of Sir John Chardin is in West- minster Abbey, his grave is at Chiswick, where he died, in 1713. Biographie Universelle. 48 HOME PROCEEDINGS, &C. OF S. P. G. [CH. members. ciety, the foremost place must ever be assigned to Dr. Bray. I have already described his early and successful labours as a minister of the Church in his native land ; the clearness and vigour with which he set forth her doctrines in his published works ; the skill and perseverance with which he planned the institution of Parochial and Lending Libraries at home and abroad ; the stimulus thereby given to him to organise and set in motion the more extensive schemes which led to the formation of the two great Societies whose early history is now before us ; the exertions which he made repeatedly towards that end, with an alacrity which failure could never weaken ; the accomplishment of his purposes at last ; his preparations carried on all this time for the dis- charge of the duties which he had undertaken, as Com- missary of the Bishop of London in Maryland; his self-denial, his zeal, his constancy, his successful pro- gress, during his brief stay in that province ; his cor- respondence with its Clergy, after he returned home, upon the subjects which had occupied their attention in his visitation at Annapolis ; his efforts to obtain for them the appointment of a Bishop; his scheme for improving the miserable state which then characterised the slave population of our Colonies, — a scheme, still recognised and kept in operation by the ' Associates,' who, to this day, are designated by his honoured name. "We have seen him also present and active in all the chief transactions which engaged the attention of the two Societies, and especially prominent in the good work of visiting the poor prisoners in the City of London, and devising measures for their relief. His conduct in these respects was only a specimen of the spirit which animated him in every hour of his daily XXII.] a.d. 1701—1715. 49 walk. In 1706, lie was appointed to the Donative of St. Botolph-without-Aldgate, a preferment which, in conjunction with the Sub-Almonership, he had refused to accept before he went to Maryland ; but upon the duties of which he was now willing to enter, when the prospect of his return to that province had ceased to exist. Among the many services which he rendered to the inhabitants of that Parish and neighbourhood, by the exemplary manner in which he discharged his obligations as its pastor, we may note especially the instructions which he gave, at stated times, in his Church to young men who had expressed to him a de- sire, and who appeared to him fitted, to enter upon the missionary work. It was supplying a need of which the greatness was then deeply felt, and for which there existed no other remedy. No man could have supplied it more efficiently than Bray ; and the hearty readiness with which he gave it enhanced unspeakably its value. Simultaneously with these labours, he re- sumed others which, in the outset of his life, had ac- quired for him so high a reputation as an author; applying himself chiefly to the collection of materials for a complete history of the Papal usurpation. One volume of the history he published in his lifetime ; and the materials for the remainder he bequeathed to Sion College. Other works appeared written at the same time by his hand ; among which his 4 Direct orium Mis- sionarium,' and his ' Primordia Billiothecaria,' were the most important. The success with which he con- tinued to carry on, amid all these distracting duties, his works of benevolence, gained for him a reputation second to none of those,— and they were not few, — who, in that day, thus manifested their Christian zeal. He died in 1730. VOL. III. E 50 HOME PROCEEDINGS, &C. OE S. P. O. [CH. Bishop Of others, who were associated with Bevendge. Bray in the sacred functions of the ministry, and in the application of them to promote the cause of the present Society, one has been already mentioned, as among its earliest and generous benefactors, who deserves much more than merely a transient notice — I mean, Bishop Beveridge. The diligent and successful study of Eastern literature, which distinguished his «arly years, was brought to the reader's attention, when I spoke of the piety and zeal of the English Chaplains in the Levant, and of Pocock, the most dis- tinguished of them ; of Castell, his learned coadjutor ; and of the assistance which the latter confesses to have received from Beveridge 16. Of the still greater success which attended his unwearied labours in later years, the whole Church is witness, in the guidance and instruction which successive generations of her children have received from his varied writings, and in the reverence and eagerness with which they are still read. Beveridge was one of the few who passed un- scathed amid the fires of political trial that burnt so fiercely in his day. Kindly and affectionate in regard- ing the consciences of others, he was resolute to main- tain the dictates of his own. He would not have refused to receive consecration as a Bishop of the Church of England, after the Eevolution, had the vacancy of a See been, in his judgment, actually made, But, when the Diocese which it was proposed that he should superintend, was that which the heavenly- minded Ken had governed ; from which Ken believed that he was not, and could not be, lawfully thrust out ; and within the borders of which Ken still continued to 16 Vol. ii. 128. XXII.] a.d. 170 L— 1715. 51 live; — into such a Diocese, and under such circum- stances, come what might, Beveridge refused to enter, as its Bishop. He still continued, therefore, for more than twelve years afterwards, not in the highest order of the English Clergy, although confessedly among the most eminent of their body, and occupying posts of distinction and importance. He was elevated to that order, indeed, not long after he had become enrolled among the benefactors of the present Society ; and, within two years more (1706-7), he preached, as Bishop of St. Asaph, its fifth Anniversary Sermon. The Ser- mon still exists, to show how perfectly the ardour of fervent zeal may, and ought to be, tempered by maturest faith and wisdom. Before the end of another year, Beveridge was numbered with the dead. Another of the masters of our Israel, DeaT1 Pri. Dean Prideaux, has been referred to in deaux- connexion with our Society, who has far higher claims upon our gratitude than that of being one of its earliest members and benefactors. The nature of those claims has been seen, in the treasures of learning which he amassed, and in the order in which he disposed them for the benefit and edification of the Church to the end of all time. It has been seen also in the efforts already detailed, which he made in his early life in conjunction with Boyle, to secure for the dependencies of the English empire in the East, the benefit of the full ministrations of the Gospel, towards the close of the 17th century ; in the public appeals which he made upon this subject, first, to Tenison, and then to his successor, Wake ; in the wisdom with which he never failed to deal with the difficulties that lay before him ; in his desire to make one of the three chief English settlements in India the residence of an English e 2 52 HOME PROCEEDINGS, &C. OF S. P. Or. [CH. Bishop; in the partial success which followed his earnest representations, and, in the fact thereby esta- blished, that, let the sinful neglect of others concerned in the rule of our Anglo-Indian possessions have been what it may, it was a neglect to which the Church of England, as far as she could speak in the persons of her Primate and most favoured sons, was no party. The proofs of all this have been set forth in a former part of this work17. To see Prideaux, therefore, who had thus written and thus acted, joining with eager and hopeful interest the earlier meetings of the Society ; to mark the instant readiness, with which he recog- nised it as the instrument best fitted to speed on the work to which he had so long and earnestly devoted his best strength ; and the consistent resolution with which, amid pain and weakness and declining years, he strove to the very last to maintain it ; is only to find another evidence of the righteous spirit which, in spite of sore discouragements and difficulties, ceased not to animate the Church of England. Bishop Bishop Kennett, to whom our attention Kennett. 'g next £q be directed, was neither regarded in his day, nor is he likely to be regarded in our own, with the same unmingled feelings of respect and love which are awakened within us when we think of such men as Prideaux, and Beveridge, and Bray. The pro- minent part which he took in many of the political and religious controversies of his day, and his deter- mined, and, in some instances, over-zealous advocacy of what he believed to be the principles of true liberty, involved in the Bevolution of 1688, brought upon bim the unmitigated wrath of many who viewed the dis- J7 Vol. ii. 474—484. XXII.] a.d. 1701—1715. 53 puted questions through a different medium. It is possible that many of the same questions, touching the relations of Church and State, which are revived in our own day, may lead some who are opposed to Kennett's views, even now, to adopt too hastily the censures cast upon him by his contemporaries. But the remembrance of the profane and shameful inde- cencies into which his personal enemies were some- times betrayed 18, must show how perilous it is to in- dulge the excited vehemence of party feeling. Men who are conscious of this peril, and seek earnestly to refrain from cherishing the spirit which leads to it, will see, oftentimes, reason to imitate and admire those from whom diversity of judgment on other points might have utterly estranged them. It is so with Kennett. Let the estimate of his opinions be what it may, it cannot be denied that, from the institution of the pre- sent Society to the latest hour of his life, he gave to it 18 Whilst Kennett was Dean of Peterborough, he was exposed to insults of every kind, such as coarse libels and lampoons, hang- ing in effigy, &c. But all these were surpassed by one so mon- strous and revolting as almost to defy belief. The Incumbent of Whitechapel, who brought discredit afterwards upon the Non- jurors by joining them, actually caused an altar-piece, representing the Last Supper, to be put up in his church, in which the figure of Judas Iscariot was represented in a kind of clerical dress, with a countenance strongly resembling that of Kennett. And, lest there should be any mistake as to the object intended, a patch was introduced on the forehead of the figure ; the fact being that Kennett had been from early life obliged to wear a similar patch, in consequence of a severe fracture of his skull, caused by the bursting of a gun. Upon hearing of this outrage and the scan- dal which it necessarily raised, the Bishop of London ordered the picture to be removed. Would that the record of the disgrace itself could have been as easily obliterated ! Life of Kennett, p. 140. 54 HOME PROCEEDINGS, &C. OE S. P. G. [CH. the most valuable aid, and that, to this day, the evi- dences exist of his zeal in its behalf. * His services The name of Kennett is enrolled in the thebSodetyf Charter of the Society as one of its ear- liest members; and he was present, we have seen at their first meeting. He watched its pro- ceedings, with the most constant and careful interest. In 1706, he published an account of what had been done, and of the prospects which presented themselves of further progress. Within four years afterwards, he drew up a further account of the proceedings ; and accompanied it with a relation of what had been done by the Congregatio de Propaganda Fide, constituted at Eome, by Pope Gregory XV., in 1622, and by Ee- formed Churches of the Continent. This work, his biographer states19, was not then published on ac- count of the probable expense ; and I regret to add that I have not been able to discover any traces of the manuscript. His Library In 1713, he brought to a successful for its use. iSSUe a work in which, with great labour and difficulty, and expense of time and money, he had been occupied during the interval ; namely, a collec- tion of every book, map, chart, pamphlet, or writing, which could be met with, upon the general subject of discoveries and colonisation of foreign lands, and the attempts which had been made to propagate among them the Gospel of Christ. The collection was, in its original form, of the greatest value ; con- sisting of hundreds of works, in different languages, illustrating, from the earliest period, the work designed by him, and especially that part of it which related to 19 Life of Kennett, p. 21. XXII.] a.d. 1701—1715. 55 the English possessions in America, the East Indies, and Africa. The want of such a Library Kennett had observed and felt, from the first institution of the Society ; and had never ceased to do what in him lay towards the supply of it. He met with generous assistance from many friends; and, when he had gathered all the rare and precious materials together, and had made them yet more valuable by the addition of an explanatory catalogue, prepared by the Rev. Eobert "Watts, he presented the whole collection, un- der the title of Bibliotliecce Americans Primordia, to the Society, and, as it is stated in the title-page of the catalogue, For the Perpetual Use and Benefit of their Members, their Mis- sionaries, Friends, Correspondents, and Others concern 'd in the Good Design of Planting and Promoting Christianity within her Majesty's [Queen Anne's] Colonies and Plantations in the West Indies. Kennett avows, in his preface, that he had emulated the noble efforts of Hakluyt and Purchas, in the effort here made to rescue from oblivion the records of brave and faithful deeds. His desire was to raise up and leave to the Society, and to the Church and nation of England, 'a Literary Bank,' which might enrich all; and he gladly paid in, what he modestly called his ' little stock, to begin with.' He indulged the hope, that others might carry on and complete the work which he had founded; that Royal bounty, or some other noble beneficence, might provide a con- venient site and structure for the Library ; that pious gifts and legacies might daily increase its ' store of literary merchandise ;' and that thus there might be secured, not only for those who encouraged and planned at home high schemes of enterprise, but also 56 HOME PROCEEDINGS, &C. OF S. P. G. [CH. for the Missionary who went abroad to execute them under their guidance, the amplest and most authentic sources of information upon subjects in which the knowledge and experience of Englishmen, at that time, were necessarily most limited. It was a noble design, nobly begun by its projector. "With deepest shame, therefore, and regret, must it be confessed that its benefits have been almost entirely frustrated by those who followed him. His precious Volumes have been, until of late years, unnoticed and uncared for, separated and thrown about in garrets and in cellars, defaced and mutilated, and some irre- trievably lost. This unpardonable neglect may per- haps, to some degree, be accounted for by the fact, that, for the greater part of its existence, the Society did not possess a house which could be called its own ; and, as long as it was only the occasional occupant of Tenison's Library, or the tenant of apartments in a house open to other tenants, it was difficult to pre- serve unimpaired a collection of so miscellaneous a character, containing Volumes of the smallest size, and its most valuable papers comprised, sometimes, in a few loose sheets. The difficulty, no doubt, was great ; but it might and ought to have been surmounted. I will not, however, dwell longer upon an evil which seems to be beyond all hope of remedy20; but express sincerely my gratitude for having derived, in spite of 20 If this sentence should meet the eye of any collector of curi- ous and rare books, who has ever met with pamphlets, bound up chiefly in quarto, and bearing upon the title-page, in pale ink, the letters ' Wh. Kennett,' let me remind him that this mark invari- ably distinguishes the books which formed the above Library, and, if he wishes to restore them to the original owner, he can do so by forwarding them at once to the office of the Society. XXII.] a. d. 1701—1715. 57 many disappointments and failures, so much assistance from the Volumes which yet remain, which I have been permitted to consult 21. In 1712, whilst Kennett was Dean of Pe- His sermon terborough, he was appointed by Tenison to m 1712, preach the Anniversary Sermon before the Society. Its title is 1 The Letts and Impediments in plantiug the Gospel of Christ.' I could have wished that it had ap- peared with some others which have been lately published in a separate Yolume ; for, besides filling up, in some degree, the long interval which is there allowed to take place between the Sermon of Bishop Beveridge in 1707, and that of Bishop Butler in 1731, it might have been useful in exhibiting, what is, perhaps, not welcome, but yet most needful to consider, the real hindrances which impeded the progress of the Society. The number and weight of these hin- His letter to drances were evidently the facts to which man^?6" the attention of Kennett was frequently Boston- drawn. Not that his habit was to take a discou- raging view of all subjects, but because the examina- tion which he had made of the present forced him to regard closely the difficulties connected with it. The following passage, in a letter written by him to Mr. Coleman in Boston, in 1716, supplies a remarkable proof of this fact, and deserves attention on account of the clearness with which Kennett proposes the only remedy for the evils complained of. The imine- 21 In most of the United States, Historical Societies have been formed, whose object is to republish every original document which can throw light upon the rise and progress of each Colony. Copies of all of these were originally in Kennett's collection, and some still remain in it which have not yet found their way across the Atlantic. 58 HOME PEOCEEDES'03, &C. OF S. P. G. [CH. diate occasion of writing the letter was to thank Coleman for the books which he had sent to his Library ; and, after speaking in terms of the highest commendation of Archbishop Tenison, he thus pro- ceeds : The two great difficulties that still he hard upon our Society for Propagation of the Gospel, are, L the want of sober and religious Missionaries ; few offering themselves to that service for the glory of God and the good of souls ; but chiefly to find a refuge from poverty and scandal. 2. Such men, when they come to the places allotted to them, forget their mission ; and, instead of propagating Christianity, are only contending for rites and ceremonies, or for powers and privileges, and are disputing with the Vestries of every Parish, and even with the civil government of every Province. The two mischiefs can hardly be redress'd, but by fixing Schools and Universities in those parts, and settling, we hope, two Bishops, one for the Continent, another for the Islands, with advice and assistance of Presbyters to ordain fit persons, especially natives, and to take care of all the Churches 22. The last ten years of Kennett's life, from 1718 to 1728, were passed by him as Bishop of Peterborough ; happily more free from agitating strife, and therefore enabling him more readily to watch over and promote the growing interests of the Society. character of ^t *s rio^1 to ac^> ^h reference to the the society's difficulty described by Kennett, in his Mission- " . " aries. The Sermon above quoted, — that of guarding of Dean against the introduction of unfit men into stanhope. ^ ^ Society's Missionaries, — that the most scrupulous care was taken by the Com- mittee to prevent any such mischief. The testimony of Dean Stanhope, in his Sermon preached in 1714, is most explicit upon this point : It is not in the power of human wisdom to take greater precau- 22 Life of Kennett, p. 123. XXII.] a.d. 1701—1715. •59 tions than they have done, not to be deceived in the character of the labourers sent forth into this harvest. And they feel the un- speakable satisfaction of knowing, by happy experience, that they have seldom (very seldom in comparison, and all circumstances considered) mistaken their men. Lord Cornbury, Governor of X ew York, 0f Lonl had given like testimony in a letter dated Coraburr. Nor. 22, 1705 : For those places where Ministers are settled, as New York, Ja- maica [a town so called in Long Island], Hampstead, West Chester, and Rye, I must do the gentlemen who are settled there the justice to say, that they have behaved themselves with great zeal, exemplary piety, and unwearied diligence, in discharge of their duty in their several Parishes, in which, I hope, the Church will, by their diligence, be increased more and more every day. Colonel Heatheote also, in another letter from the same Colony, of nearly the same date, writes, I must do all the gentlemen that justice, whom you have sent to this province, as to declare that a better Clergy were never in any place, there being not one amongst them that has the least stain or blemish as to his life or conversation25. The notice here taken of the Anniversary Anniversary Sermons, preached before the Society by Be- SaSJt veridge and Kennett, may reasonably con- clet-v- nect itself with that of others, which, from its institu- tion to the present time, have been without any inter- mission delivered at the same Annual Meeting, and, with few exceptions, chiefly of recent date, published in the Society's Eeports. It is impossible, of course, to give in this place any thing like a review of even the most important of them. The Volume to which I have just referred, contains, among the most distin- 23 MS. letters, quoted in Hawkins' Historical Notices, &c, p. 46. The same are quoted in Kennett's Account, &c, ut ugh, pp. 22, 23. 60 HOME PKOCEEDINGS, &C. OE S. P. G. [CH. guished of those delivered within the period through which we are at present passing, Sermons by Willis, Dean of Lincoln, the Society's first Preacher; by Bishop Williams, of Chichester ; by Bishop Beveridge, of St. Asaph ; by Berkeley, Dean of Londonderry, whose Sermon will be referred to hereafter ; and by Bishop Seeker, of Oxford, in 1741. Besides these, the reader who glances over the list of Preachers, given every year in the Society's Reports, will find many other distinguished names, such as Bishops Hough, Burnet, Chandler, Pearce, and Herring ; and Deans Stanhope and Sherlock. In these early Sermons, one of the chief points of interest frequently adverted to, and about which much ignorance commonly prevails, is the differ- ence between the Missions conducted by the Church of Borne and our own. The remarks upon this point, in Dean Willis's and Bishop Williams's Sermons, are especially worthy of notice, as describing impartially and forcibly the sources from which the strength of the Bomish missions were drawn, and the evils by wThich they were debased. Passage Another evidence of the interest felt onTheBSse and avowed by the English Clergy in the racies. work of Missions, at the beginning of the last century, i3 to be found in some of their writings still extant ; and is more valuable, perhaps, than even that which is supplied in the Anniversary Sermons, because less designed and formal. It is obviously im- possible to prove this by a long induction of parti- cular instances. But, as a sample of several which I have marked, in writers of this period, I subjoin the following from a treatise by Bragge on the Miracles of Christ. Its author, who was Vicar of Hitchin, in 1702, published this and a similar work on the Para- XXII.] a.d. 1701—1715. Gl bles : and both are still deservedly held in estimation. In the visit of our Lord to Gadara, where He healed the demoniac, the writer sees an example to teach us, Likewise with a more public zeal and diffusive charity to encou- rage and promote the spreading of the glorious light of the Gospel in the remotest dark corners of the "World, and the driving out of Satan from those miserable places where he hath had the longest and most entire possession. Fair opportunities [he goes on to say] have of late been offered, for those whose circumstances will admit of it, personally to engage in so excellent a work in our Plantations abroad ; under the direc- tion and encouragement of such, as through God's blessing (which cannot be wanting to so charitable and Christian a design) both have already, and still will make a great and happy progress in it. And every one of us may be assisting, though not in person, yet with our substance, by contributing towards the necessary charges of it, and supplying those clergymen who shall be employed in the evangelical service, with such helps as may enable them to perform it with success. And no doubt but 'twill be highly pleasing to God and our Saviour so to do, and shall not lose its reward : for this is a pursuance of the great work of converting a sinful world to God through Christ ; that the most barbarous and ignorant, whose souls are equally precious with ours, may be brought to the knowledge of our only Saviour, and rescued from the clutches of the great destroyer. This is an undertaking truly Apostolical, and the more discou- ragements may attend it, upon account of the great distance from a man's native country, his nearest relations and old friends ; the great difficulty and danger of the work by reason of the barbarity and untractableness of the people, the strangeness of their lan- guage, the treachery and cruelty of their disposition ; and many other uncomfortable circumstances that might be thought of, and no doubt are, by those that are entering upon it : the more ready should we be, who, in ease and security and plenty, sit at home, and enjoy what they are leaving with a heavy heart, to keep up their spirits and fortifie their pious resolutions, and to render all things as easy to them as is possible by a liberal contribution of what may make them cheerfully imitate the charity of our great 62 HOME PKOCEEDINGS, &C. OF S. P. G. [CH. Master, when He made a compassionate visit to the wretched Gadarenes 24 . Thesode- ^ne organisation of its Foreign Mis- satSio°ngoafni" s*ons tne Society, the next subject Foreign Mis- which claims our attention, was com- menced from the very outset. The fol- lowing resolution, passed at a general meeting, Feb- ruary 15, 1702, will show the spirit in which this por- tion of the work was begun : Channels That all the Bishops of the realm, who are mem- through bers of this Society, shd be earnestly desired to re- which the . , . . _ . , , . . names of commend it to their Archdeacons and their Officials, Mission- that public notice may be eriven in their next Archi- anes were to r t . ' ° be commu- diaconal Visitations, that such Clergymen as have a mcated. mind to be empi0yerj jn this Apostolical Work, and can bring sufficient testimonies that they are duly qualified for it, may give in their names to their respective Bishops, to be commu- nicated by them to the Society, in order to sending them to such places as have most need, and where they may, therefore, by God's blessing and assistance, do most good. And, if any shall be sent to places where there is not a sufficient maintenance already settled, the Society will take care, that they may have not only a competent subsistence, but all the encouragement that is due to those who devote themselves to the service of Almighty God and our Saviour, by propagating and promoting his Gospel in the truth and purity of it, according to the doctrine, discipline, and worship established in the Church of England 25. Their quaii- The utmost publicity was given to the ncations. terms of the above resolution, as well as to those which described the qualifications required by the Society in its Missionaries. Testimony was de- manded in every case with respect to the following particulars : 1. The age of the person. 2. His condition in life, whether 21 Bragge, ut sup., i. 61 — 63. 25 Account of the Society, p. 30. XXII.] a.d. 1701—1715. G3 single or married. 3. His temper. 4. His prudence. 5. His learning. 6. His sober and pious conversation. 7- His zeal for the Christian religion, and diligence in his holy calling. 8. His affection to the present government. 9. His conformity to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England. And the So- ciety request all persons concerned that they recommend no man out of favour or affection, or any other worldly consideration, but with a sincere regard to the honour of Almighty God and our blessed Saviour ; as they tender the interest of the Christian re- ligion, and the good of men's souls. But if any person shall appear abroad in the character of a clergyman of the Church of England, and disgrace their profession by improper behaviour, the Society desire their friends to examine, if they can, into his letters of Orders, and to inspect the List of the Missionaries annually published by the Society ; by which, if it shall be found that he came thither with their knowledge, they will, upon due information, put away from them that wicked person26. Next, the following Instructions were Their in- drawn up and promulgated. They em- structions. brace every particular which could possibly be re- quired for the guidance of the Missionaries, and de- scribe each with a faithful simplicity, and affectionate and prudent care, which it is impossible to surpass. I do not attempt any abridgment of them ; because I believe, that, upon a subject so important, the exact and full expression of the original statement will be most acceptable to the reader, and will amply repay the time he gives to its examination. INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE MISSIONARIES. Upon their admission by the Society. I. That, from the time of their admission, they On their ad- lodge not in any Public-house ; but at some Book- mission ; seller's, or in other private and reputable families, till they shall be otherwise accommodated by the Society. 20 lb. pp. 21, &c. ; Humphrey's Historical Account, c. iv. 64 HOME PROCEEDINGS, &C. OF S. P. G. [CH. II. That, till they can have a convenient passage, they employ their time usefully ; in Reading Prayers, and Preaching, as they have opportunity ; in hearing others read and preach ; or in such studies as may tend to fit them for their employment. III. That they constantly attend the Standing Committee of this Society, at the Secretary's, and observe their directions. IV. That, before their departure, they wait upon his Grace the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, their Metropolitan, and upon the Lord Bishop of London, their Diocesan, to receive their paternal benediction and instructions. Upon their going on board the Ship designed for their Passage. On board L That they demean themselves not only inof- shiP! fensively and prudently, but so as to become re- markable examples of piety and virtue to the Ship's company. II. That whether they be Chaplains in the ships, or only pas- sengers, they endeavour to prevail with the Captain or Com- mander to have Morning and Evening Prayer said daily ; as also Preaching and Catechizing every Lord's Day. III. That, throughout their passage, they instruct, exhort, ad- monish, and reprove, as they have occasion and opportunity, with such seriousness and prudence, as may gain them reputation and authority. Upon their arrival in the Country whither they shall be sent. First, with respect to themselves. In foreign !• That they always keep in their view the great with reject design of their undertaking, viz., to promote the to them- glory of Almighty God, and the salvation of men, by selves; propagating the Gospel of our Lord and Saviour. II. That they often consider the qualifications requisite for those who would effectually promote this design, viz., A sound know- ledge and hearty belief of the Christian Religion ; an apostolical zeal, tempered with prudence, humility, meekness, and patience ; a fervent charity towards the souls of men ; and, finally, that temper- ance, fortitude, and constancy, which become good soldiers of Jesus Christ. III. That, in order to the obtaining and preserving the said qualifications, they do very frequently in their retirement offer up fervent prayers to Almighty God for his direction and assistance ; converse much with the Holy Scriptures ; seriously reflect upon XXII.] a.d. 1701—1715. 65 their Ordination Vows ; and consider 'he account which they are to render to the great Shepherd and Bishop of our Souls at the last day. IV. That they acquaint themselves thoroughly with the Doc- trine of the Church of England, as contained in the Articles and Homilies ; its worship and discipline, and Rules for Behaviour of the Clergy, as contained in the Liturgy and Canons ; and that they approve themselves accordingly, as genuine Missionaries from this Church. V. That they endeavour to make themselves masters in those controversies which are necessary to be understood, in order to the preserving their Flock from the attempts of such gainsayers as are mixed among them. VI. That, in their outward behaviour, they be circumspect and unblameable, giving no offence either in word or deed ; that their ordinary discourse be grave and edifying ; their apparel decent, and proper for Clergymen ; and that, in their whole conversation, they be instances and patterns of the Christian Life. VII. That they do not board in or frequent Public-houses, or lodge in families of evil fame ; that they wholly abstain from gaming, and all vain pastimes ; and converse not familiarly with lewd or prophane persons, otherwise than in order to reprove, ad- monish, and reclaim them. VIII. That in whatsoever family they shall lodge, they persuade them to join with them in Daily Prayer, morning and evening. IX. That they be not nice about meats or drinks, nor immode- rately careful about their entertainment in the places where they shall sojourn ; but contented with what health requires, and the place easily affords. X. That, as they be frugal in opposition to luxury, so they avoid all appearance of covetousness, and recommend themselves according to their abilities, by the prudent exercise of liberality and charity. XL That they take especial care to give no offence to the Civil Government, by intermeddling in affairs not relating to their own calling and function. XII. That, avoiding all names of distinction, they endeavour to preserve a Christian Agreement and Union one with another, as a body of Brethren of one and the same Church, united under the Superior Episcopal Order, and all engaged in the same great de- sign of Propagating the Gospel; and to this end, keeping up a VOL. III. F 66 HOME PBOCEEDLNGS, &C. OF S. P. G-. [cH. brotherly correspondence, by meeting together at certain times, as shall be most convenient, for mutual advice and assistance. Secondly, with respect to their Parochial cure. I. That they conscientiously observe the rules of With re- spec: to their our Liturgy, in the performance of all the Offices of Parochial their Ministry. II. That, besides the stated Service appointed for Sundays and Holidays, they do, as far as they shall find it practi- cable, publickly read the Daily Morning and Evening Service, and decline no fair opportunity of Preaching to such as may be oc- casionally met together from remote and distant parts. III. That they perform every part of Divine Service with that seriousness and decency, that may recommend their ministrations to their Flock, and excite a spirit of devotion in them. IV. That the chief subjects of their Sermons be the great fun- damental principles of Christianity ; and the duties of a sober, and godly life, as resulting from these principles. V. That they particularly preach against those vices which they shall observe to be most predominant in the places of their resi- dence. VI. That they carefully instruct the people concerning the nature and use of the Sacraments of Baptism and the Lord's Supper, as the peculiar institutions of Christ, pledges of Communion with Him, and means of deriving grace from Him. VII. That they duly consider the qualifications of those adult persons to whom they administer Baptism, and of those likewise whom they admit to the Lord's Supper ; according to the directions of the Rubricks in our Liturgy. VIII. That they take special care to lay a good foundation for all their other ministrations, by catechizing those under their care, whether children or other ignorant persons ; explaining the Cate- chism to them in the most easy and familiar manner. IX. That, in the instructing Heathens and Infidels, they begin with the principles of Natural Religion, appealing to their reason and conscience ; and thence proceed to show them the necessity of Revelation, and the certainty of that contained in Holy Scriptures, by the plainest and most obvious arguments. X. That they frequently visit their respective Parishioners ; those of our own communion, to keep them steady in the profession and practice of Religion, as taught in the Church of England ; those XXII.] a.d. 1701—1715. G7 that oppose us, or dissent from us, to convince and reclaim them with a spirit of meekness and gentleness. XI. That those, whose parishes shall be of large extent, shall, as they have opportunity and convenience, officiate in the several parts thereof ; so that all the inhabitants may by turns partake of their ministrations ; and that such as shall be appointed to officiate in several places, shall reside sometimes at one, sometimes at another, of those places, as the necessities of the people shall require. XII. That they shall, to the best of their judgments, distribute those small Tracts given by the Society for that purpose, amongst such of their Parishioners as shall want them most, and appear likely to make the best use of them ; and that such useful books, of which they have not a sufficient number to give, they be ready to lend to those who will be most careful in reading and restoring them. XIII. That they encourage the setting up of schools for the teaching of children; and particularly by the Widows of such Clergymen as shall die in those Countries, if they be found capable of that employment. XIV. That each of them keep a Register of his Parishioners' Names, Professions of Religion, Baptism, &c, according to the Scheme annexed, No. I. for his own satisfaction, and the benefit of the people. Thirdly, With respect to the Society. I. That each of them keep a constant and regular With rg correspondence with the Society, by their Secretary. spect to the II. That they send every six months an account Society- of the state of their respective Parishes, according to the Scheme annexed, No. II. III. That they communicate what shall be done at the meetings of the Clergy, when settled, and whatsoever else may concern the Society. 3? 2 [No. I. 68 HOME PROCEEDINGS, &C. OE S. P. G. [CH. No. I. Notitia Parochialis ; to be made by each Minister soon after his acquaintance with his People, and kept by him for his own ease and comfort, as well as the benefit of bis Parishioners. I. Names of Parish- ioners. II. Profes- sion of Religion. III. Which of them Baptized. IV. When Baptized. V. Which of them Commu- nicants. VI. When they first Commu- nicated. VII. What ob- structions they meet with in their mi- nistra- tion. No. II. Notitia Parochialis ; or an Account to be sent Home every six months to the Society by each Minister, concerning the Spi- ritual state of their respective Parishes. I. Number of inhabitants. II. No. of tbe baptized. III. No. of Adult Persons baptized this Half-Year. IV. No. of actual Communicants of the Church of England. V. No. of those who profess themselves of the Church of England VI. No. of Dissenters of all Sorts, particu- larly Papists. VII. No. of Heathens and Infidels. VIII. No. of Converts from a prophane, dis- orderly, and unchristian course, to a Life of Christian Purity, Meekness, and Charity. a.d. 1701—1715. GO Then follow instructions for the Schoolmasters. I. That they well consider the end for which they instructions are employed by the Society, viz. The instructing for School- and disposing Children to believe and live as Chris- masters. tians. II. In order to this end, that they teach them to read truly and distinctly, that they may be capable of reading the Holy Scriptures, and other pious and useful books, for informing their understand- ings and regulating their manners. III. That they instruct them thoroughly in the Church Cate- chism ; teach them first to read it distinctly and exactly, then to learn it perfectly by heart ; endeavouring to make them understand the sense and meaning of it, by the help of such exposition as the Society shall send over. IV. That they teach them to write a plain and legible hand, in order to the fitting them for useful employments ; with as much Arithmetic as shall be necessary for the same purpose. V. That they be industrious, and give constant attendance at proper school-hours. VI. That they daily use, morning and evening, the Prayers com- posed for their use, with then- scholars in the school ; and teach them the Prayers and Graces composed for their use at home. VII. That they oblige their Scholars to be constant at Church on the Lord's Day, morning and afternoon, and at all other times of Public Worship ; that they cause them to carry their Bibles and Prayer Books with them, instructing them how to use them there, and how to demean themselves in the several parts of Worship ; that they be there present with them, taking care of their reverent and decent behaviour, and examine them afterwards as to what they have heard and learned. VIII. That when any of their Scholars are fit for it, they recom- mend them to the Minister of the Parish, to be publicly catechized in the Church. IX. That they take especial care of their manners, both in their schools and out of them ; warning them seriously of those vices to which children are most liable ; teaching them to abhor lying and falsehood, to avoid all sorts of evil-speaking ; to love truth and honesty; to be modest, gentle, well-behaved, just and atfable, and courteous to all their companions ; respectful to their Superiors, particularly towards all that minister in holy things, and especially 70 HOME PROCEEDINGS, &C. OF S. P. G. [CH. to the Minister of their Parish ; and all this from a sense and fear of Almighty God ; endeavouring to bring them in their tender years to that sense of Religion, which may render it the constant prin- ciple of their lives and actions. X. That they use all kind and gentle methods in the governing of their Scholars, that they may be loved as well as feared by them : and that when correction is necessary, they make the children to understand, that it is given them out of kindness, for their good ; bringing them to a sense of their fault, as well as of their punish- ment. XI. That they frequently consult with the Minister of the Parish in which they dwell, about the methods of managing their Schools ; and be ready to be advised by him. XII. That they do in their whole conversation show themselves examples of piety and virtue to their Scholars, and to all with whom they shall converse. XIII. That they be ready, as they have opportunity, to teach and instruct the Indians and Negroes, and their Children. XIV. That they send to the Secretary of the Society, once in every six Months, an account of the state of their respective Schools, and the number of their Scholars, with the methods and success of their teaching 27 . Thus did the Church of England organise the means at her command towards the fulfilment of her divine mission at home and abroad. Some, indeed, may have desiderated a system more free from the im- perfections which they deem to be inherent in all self- constituted Societies ; and others may have looked for a more successful issue to the present enterprise than that which we shall have to relate. But, if the ad- verse influences, then acting upon and within the Church, be carefully borne in mind, it must, I think, be seen and acknowledged that it was impracticable for her to have framed any other theory, or to have Efforts of exercised any other agency. She did Shorne'to what she could, with the instruments 27 See Appendix to Account, &c, ut sup. xxii.] a.d. 1701—1715. 71 within her reach ; and strove to impart to mean bl- them all possible strength and efficiency. tbe The provisions to which I have called the churches, reader's attention, of the Charter granted to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, prove the anxiety and care of the Church to secure the guidance of her authorised spiritual rulers, in every step of her Missionary course28. "We have seen, also, that the earliest proceedings of the Society were directed with the purpose of securing the like guidance for her members in distant Colonies. It was this, which formed the earliest subject of consideration, among the members of the University of Oxford, who joined the Society in the second year of its existence29. It was this which, thirteen years afterwards, still formed the subject of correspondence between Dean Kennett and Mr. Coleman of Boston30. And when Kennett, in this correspondence, urged the appoint- ment of two Bishops, one for the continent of North America, and another for the adjacent Islands, it is clear that he must have herein echoed literally the words of the chief spiritual rulers of the Church. For Archbishop Tenison, who died in De- Archbishop cember, 1715, the year before the date of "^SSX Kennett's letter, bequeathed to the So- 1715- ciety the sum of £1000 'towards the settlement of two Bishops, one for the continent, the other for the isles of America31.' We have noticed the efforts made towards Expression the same end by the Church in Virginia jjjjj !'nkjhe and Maryland ; and the evils to which her co.onies, 28 P. 27, ante. ^ P. 36, ante. 30 P. 57, ante. 31 Office List of Legacies and Donations. 72 HOME PROCEEDINGS, &C. OF S. P. G. [cH. earnest6 Clergy and Lay-members, in each pro- time; vince, were exposed by the failure of them 32. The century now under review supplies abund- ant testimony to the same effect. One of the earliest Missionaries of the Society, the Bev. John Talbot, writes from New York, in 1702, a letter upon this Publicly subject, which the Society evidently be- byC thTsS lieved to be a just expression of the truth ; ciety. for one 0f emphatic sentences is trans- ferred, with hardly any alteration, to a prominent position in its first Report : There are earnest Addresses from divers parts of the Continent, and Islands adjacent, for a Suffragan to visit the several Churches ; ordain some, confirm others, and bless all. The same Mr. Talbot, writing in 1704, Representa- ' ° 7 tions to the to his fellow-labourer, George Keith, who same effect, ' ° ' from the had gone back to England, speaks of Mr. and Colo- John LilHngston, as about to follow him, mal Clergy. ^ese £ermg . He seems to be the fittest person that America affords for the office of a Suffragan ; and several persons, both of the laity and clergy, have wished he were the man ; and if my Lord of London thought fit to authorise him, several of the clergy, both of this province and of Maryland, have said they would pay their tenths unto him, as my Lord of London's vicegerent, whereby the Bishop of America might have as honourable provision as some in Europe. Mr. Thoroughgood Moor also thus writes in the same year : Excuse me to the Society, if I am earnest with them for a Suf- fragan, and that they would have a particular regard to the unani- mous request of the clergy in all parts of America upon this account. The truth of Moor's representations was confirmed 32 Vol. ii. c. xvii. in loc. XXII.] a.d. 1701—1715. 73 by the receipt of a Memorial, in 1705, from the Clergy assembled at Burlington, in New Jersey, praying for the presence and assistance of a Suffragan Bishop, and pointing out, not only the disadvantages under which they and other ministers of the Church laboured from the want of it, but also the hindrances thereby cast in the way of many who had formerly been Presbyterian or Independent ministers, and who were now anxious to enter into communion with the Church of England. Upon this, the Society presented a Me- The Society morial to Queen Anne, in 1709, embody- memoriai- ^ 7 . ises Queen ing the substance of the several communica- Anne upon . ii •! ii tne subject. tions which they had received, and draw- ing the contrast which appeared between the imperfect organisation of the British Churches in North Ame- rica, and the completeness of authority enjoyed and exercised by the French Canadian Churches 33. Arch- bishop Sharp, also, whose unwearied dili- . . . r # t ' ' _ Archbishop gence in like matters has been described sharp's scheme before 34, directed his efforts, for a time, to the same subject ; and, in conjunction with Bishop Eobinson (of Bristol), Bisse (of St. David's), Smal- ridge, Stanhope, and Atterbury, then Prolocutor of the Lower House of Convocation, began the forma- tion of a scheme, which he designed to submit to the consideration of that assembly, ' concerning Bishops being provided for the Plantations 3V On account of the absence of the Bishop of London, whose cog- nizance and approval of the matter, by virtue of his relation at that time towards all Colonial Churches, 33 MSS. Letters, &c, quoted in Hawkins's Historical Notices, pp. 377, 378. 34 Vol. ii. 540—549. 35 Archbishop Sharp's Life, i. 352. 74 HOME PBOCEEDINGS, &C. OE S. P. G. [CH. Queen Anne's fa- vourable an- swer to the second Me- morial of the Society, in 1713, made void by her death was indispensable, the scheme was not prosecuted further. But the subject was still pressed in other ways upon the attention of the rulers of England. A second Memorial respecting it was presented by the Society to the Queen, in 1713, and received an answer so favourably that its members might reasonably have hoped to see the speedy commencement of the work which they had at heart. But the death of Anne again frustrated the design. The Society renewed its application to her successor, George I., in a Memorial, dated June 3, 1715; and, after reciting the events described above, submitted to the consideration of the King a scheme for the erection of four Bishoprics, two for the Islands, and two for the Conti- nent. Of the former, it was proposed that one See should be ' settled at Barba- dos, for itself and the Leeward Islands ; the other at Jamaica, for itself with the Bahama and Bermuda Islands.' Of the latter, one was proposed to be at Burlington in New Jersey, and to comprise the whole British dominions from the east side of Delaware Biver, to the furthest point eastward, including New- foundland ; the other at Williamsburg, in Virginia, to extend from the west side of Delaware Eiver to the furthest limit westward. The income of each of the former was reckoned at £1500 a year, and of the latter £1000. For the Bishop of Burlington, it was said that the Society had already laid out more than £600 in the purchase of a house and land. Memorial to Georpe I. in 1715, pro- posing the establish- ment of Four Bi- shoprics, at Barbados, Jamaica, Burlington, and Wil- liamsburg. XXII.] a.d. 1701—1715. 75 The sources, from which the income of the pro- posed Bishoprics in the Islands was to be derived, were further pointed out in the same scheme, namely, 1 the best rectory in the capital seat of each Bishop,' with 1 the tenth part of all future grants and escheats to the Crown,' which the King might be pleased to grant, ' and such local revenues as shall be thought fit to be made by their respective assemblies.' The Bishop of Barbados, it was also suggested, should have, towards the completion of his income, the Pre- sidentship of Codrington College, about to be erected in that Island. And, for the Bishop of Jamaica, it was proposed that a like provision might be made out of the Church lands of St. Kitt's, formerly belonging to the Jesuits and Carmelites, and others of the Trench Clergy. If these and other resources were not sufficient, the Memorial further prayed, that a Pre- bend in the gift of the Crown, the Mastership of the Savoy, or that of St. Catherine's Hospital, might be annexed. Some of the above proposals were doubtless objec- tionable ; and others would have been found imprac- ticable. The removal, or modification, of Failure of every objection would have been no very the scheme- difficult task, had the way been open to a full and im- partial consideration of the whole scheme. But the political influences, working at that time with an effect so adverse to the Church, and, in the year of the presentation of this Memorial, aggravated by the outbreak of open rebellion, presented obstacles not to be surmounted. And so the scheme, which it had taken so much time and deliberation to prepare, was laid aside once more. But the work, towards which the accomplishment 76 HOME PROCEEDINGS, &C. OE 8. P. G. of this, or any other like scheme, was subordinate, was never intermitted. The Church of England still pursued the course which she had marked out; un- noticed, indeed, and uncared-for, oftentimes ; but never abandoning her trust, never casting off the pro- mises of Him, to Whom " there is no restraint to save by many or by few." (1 Sam. xiv. 6.) CHAPTEE XXIII. THE ENGLISH FACTOEIES IX EUEOPE. — XEWEOUXD- LAXD. A.D. 1701-1750. I peopose to confine this chapter to a review of what was done, or attempted to be done, by the Chnrch of England, at the beginning of the 18th century, in two most opposite quarters of the world, namely, in the Factories of English merchants amid different countries of Europe, and in the first settlement acquired by English navigators in the western hemisphere, New- foundland. These places are both comprised within the limits of the field of operation traversed by the Society, of whose institution and early proceedings at home I have given an account in the foregoing chapter. And although they have little in common with each other, yet the notice which I am here about to take of them will enable me to pursue, with less interruption, the sequel of the narrative. We have seen that the English Eacto- The Engiish ries in Eussia and Holland and on the Atones, shores of the Mediterranean, were coeval v\ith the earliest extension of English commerce, in the reigns of Edward VI. and his immediate successors ; aud that, 78 THE ENGLISH EACTOEIES IN ETJKOPE. [CH. in every instance, the effort was made to secure to the English merchant abroad, and to his family and de- pendents, the ministrations of that Church which had been their inheritance at home. There is not any more conspicuous or important fact, to which I have more frequently invited attention, than the uniform regularity with which the ordinances of the Reformed Church of England went, hand in hand, with the ex- tension of the earliest commerce of England1. Two Factories of English merchants had Moscow. been established under the Russia Com- pany, one at Archangel, and the other at Moscow; being the first-fruits of the otherwise abortive effort, made by the fleet of Edward VI. to discover the rich territories of Cathay, through the ice-bound waters of the north-east of Europe. The merchants resided, in different portions of the year, at each Factory. The services of the Church were at first conducted by their Chaplain, in a private dwelling belonging to them at each place ; but, afterwards, the Czar granted them a piece of ground at Moscow for the building of a Church 'with other conveniences for the Minister.' These last facts are recorded in the first Eeport of the Society ; and it is added, that The Minister uses the Liturgy of the Church of England, and is desired to insert the Czar's name and his sons in the Litany and Prayers for the Royal Family. The following grant, also, to the Chaplain of the Factory, mentioned in the same Eeport, proves that the Society was anxious to assist the Russians, with whom the English merchants were brought into con- tact, not less than their own people : 1 Vol. i. 18. 25. 3f). 48. 81. 1G2. 165. 267, &c. XXIII.] a.d. 1701—1750. 79 To Mr. Urmston, a benefaction of Greek Liturgies and Testa- ments for the courtiers ; of vulgar Greek Testaments for the com- mon Muscovites ; and of English practical books for the youth and servants of the factory, &c. I have already referred, by anticipation, to this grant, in my description of the first commercial rela- tions established between England and Kussia 2 ; and call attention to it again in this place, where it recnrs in its proper order of chronology. It is not a solitary instance. The chief o Amsterdam. channels, through which the energy ot commercial enterprise, originating with the Lombards, had been communicated to England, were the cities of the Hanseatic League, and those of Elanders and the Dutch Netherlands. Hence the privileges, enjoyed by the Steelyard or Hanseatic Merchants of London, ever since the time of Edward IT., and restricted by the legislative enactments of Edward YI. 3 Factories of English merchants were, from the same cause, settled at an early period in Hamburg, the chief of the Hanse Towus, and in Amsterdam, and other places of trade, in the north-west countries of Europe. That the ministrations of the Church were enjoyed in most, if not all, of these places, is implied in the express juris- diction, given under the Order of Council, to Laud, whilst he was Bishop of London, over the English Factories and congregations upon the Continent. And it is quite clear that the services which his authority was designed to regulate, were not then, for the first time, established. The terms of Laud's letter to the Merchants at Delph, in 1634, commending to them a Chaplain, who had been chosen by joint consent of their Company, and requiring them to allow him ' the 2 lb. 33. 3 lb. 30. 80 THE ENGLISH EACTOEIES IN EUKOPE. [CH. usual ancient stipend' received by his predecessors, prove, beyond all question, that the services of a Chap- lain had been long recognised among them4. The same state of things continued to prevail, from that time forward. Hence the following notice of Am- sterdam in the first Eeport of the Society : For the interest of the English nation, the honour of its es- tablish'd Church, and comfort of its members residing here in peace and war, as gentlemen, merchants, soldiers, seamen, &c. The Burgomasters have given a piece of ground for building an English Church : till that can be compass'd a private Chapel is made use of, where there is a pretty good Church of England congregation. The following grant also from the Society to Am- sterdam is added : To Dr. Cockburn, £50 per annum for two years. The Eeport states further, that, at Hamburg, Lisbon, Smyrna, Aleppo, and Constantinople, the ordinances of the Church were well supplied by the Merchants who traded or lived there ; a sufficient reason why the Society should not feel it necessary to comprehend them, at that time, within its field of operation. The Levant ln fact> Smyrna, Aleppo, and Constanti- company. nople, were within the limits assigned to the Levant Company; and abundant testimony has been adduced to show how wisely and faithfully the rulers of that Company at home discharged their duties, and with what unvarying diligence, constancy, and suc- cess, the Chaplains, serving under them abroad, fulfilled their ministry, throughout the whole of the 17th cen- tury 5. The same description will apply, I believe, to their successors, in the century which we are now re- viewing. 4 lb. 410. 5 Vol. ii. 117, &c 271—274. XXIII.] a.d. 1701—1750. SI In Lisbon also, as we shall see presently. , * * Lisbon. there had been a continued succession oi Chaplains, throughout the reign of Charles II. ; and. passing on from that to the present period.— through- out the whole of which interval, the same system was continued, — we find that one of the most eminent scholars and divines of the day, Dr. John Colbatch, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, who bore so pro- minent a part afterwards in the disputes with Bentley 6, was, for nearly seven years, Chaplain to the Factory in that City. Other Chaplains of like character succeeded Colbatch ; and traces of some of their faithful ministra- tions still remain. "When Dr. Doddridge, for example, in the autumn of 1751, repaired to Lisbon in his last illness, his biographer tells us that ' Mr. Williamson, then Chaplain to the British Factory there, often visited him, with the temper and behaviour of the gentleman, the Christian, and the Minister.' Although separated through life from outward communion with our Church, that eminent servant of G-od was thus, at its close, sustained and comforted by the services of one of her appointed ministers in a foreign laud ; and, when life departed, his body was interred in the burial- ground of the British Factory 7. In connexion with this part of the subject, I must observe, that, although no other English Factories, ex- cept those just mentioned, are described in the earliest Reports of the Society as objects of its attention, some of its prominent members were most active in their exertions to extend the like benefits to other places in Europe, in which their countrymen were gathered 6 Bp. Monk's Life of Bentley, i. 384. 7 Orton's Life of Doddridge, p. 199, &c. TOL. in. Cr 82 THE ENGLISH EACTOBIES IN EUROPE. [CH. Leghorn together. Thus, in 1706, the English mer- chants at Leghorn, encouraged by the suc- cess which had every where attended the counsels of the English Cabinet, requested Dean Kennett, at that time Eector of St. Mary, Aldermary, to submit to Archbishop Tenison the desire which they had long cherished, that a Chaplain of the Church of England might be permitted to reside in that city ; a privilege which, up to that time, the jealous tyranny of the Difficulties Church of Eome had always prohibited, in the way The English Consul at Leghorn, and the of appoint- & o » jng atl^haP- English Envoy at the Court of Florence, had done what they could to remove the prohibition ; but the utmost assurance which they could obtain, was that the Grand Duke of Tuscany would connive at the presence of a Chaplain, should one be appointed. An express licence, or protection, was refused ; and it was distinctly said that no exemp- tion from the cognizance and supreme authority of the Inquisition at Eome could be allowed. In the face of these difficulties, Kennett took up the matter. His residence in a city Parish led him probably to know more of the wants and wishes of those whose business led them into foreign countries, and to sympathise with them more earnestly. The Archbishop co-ope- rated with him with the utmost readiness ; and directed him to write again to Newton, the Envoy at Florence, upon the subject. He failed to obtain a more explicit assurance of protection from the Tuscan authorities than had been given before ; but, believing no attempt would be made to molest a Chaplain, the Archbishop directed Kennett to look out for a fit man for the ap- pointment. Basil Ken- It was proposed to several who declined XXIII.] a. d. 1701—1750. S3 it. At length, Kennett's younger brother, nettappoint- Basil, — at that time Fellow, and afterwards ed- President, of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, and author of the well-known treatise on Bom an Antiqui- ties,— consented to encounter the dangers which might fairly be expected to attend the office. He was ap- proved of by the Archbishop ; and a Commission, authorising him to perform Divine Service in Leghorn, ' after the usage and manner of the Church of Eng- land,' was granted by the Queen in Council, Sept. 8, 1 706. A Koyal letter of protection to his person was also granted ; and, not without cause, as the sequel will prove. Addison, at that time Under-Secretary of State, and a warm friend of Basil Kennett, rendered great service by carrying the business quickly through all its official stages; and the first English Chaplain soon reached Leghorn. The anger of the Church of Eome in- The dangers stantly burst forth. The public teacher of threatened heresy, she declared, was not to be tolerated fh™church within the confines of the Holy See. The of Rome. English Envoy at Elorence might, if he pleased, with- draw him to his own house, and retain him as his domestic Chaplain ; but, beyond that limit, there could be no concession. The Court of Inquisition was supe- rior to all civil powers ; and, if the Envoy allowed Kennett to remain any longer at Leghorn, it must be at his own peril. The Envoy immediately sent home to England for instructions ; but, before the answer could be received, he urged Kennett most strongly to repair to his house at Elorence as the only place of safety. He knew that orders had been given for the seizure and imprisonment of Kennett; and, if once immured within the dungeons of the Inquisition, who g 2 84 THE ENGLISH EACTORIES IN EUROPE. [CH. The courage could answer for his life ? But the Consul they were*1 an^ merchants at Leghorn were vigilant met- and bold; and so was Kennett. He re- fused to forsake his people ; and his brother, with whom he was in constant correspondence at home, ad- vised him to persist in his refusal. To this determi- nation, he and his friends adhered ; taking, at the same time, every precaution to baffle the agents of the In- quisition. The door of Kennett's chamber, in which he passed most of his time, was kept secure ; an armed sentinel was stationed at the foot of the stairs ; and, in the evening, when he sometimes walked out, he was attended by two English merchants, one on each side of him, with drawn swords, ready to defend him to the death. T . _ In the midst of these difficulties, a de- Lord Sun- ' deriand's spatch arrives from the Earl of Sunderland, Letter. r . ' one of the Queen's principal Secretaries of State, bidding the English Envoy assure the Grand Duke, that, if any evil befel Her Majesty's Chaplain at Leghorn, she would regard it as an affront done to herself and her country, and a breach of the law of nations ; that she would, by her fleets and armies, forthwith demand and take satisfaction for the wrong ; that the subjects of the Grand Duke in England, and those who then frequented, without impediment, the place of worship to which they resorted in London, would be placed in jeopardy ; and that, if any more were said of the Pope, or Court of Borne, the Envoy was to ' cut that matter short by telling them,' that the Queen of England had nothing to do with that Court, but would treat with the Grand Duke, as with other independent Princes and States. There could be no mistake as to the meaning of this XXIII.] a.d. 1701—1750. 85 letter ; and the signal victories recently gained by Eng- land upon the Continent, were no insignificant w itnesses to convince the Court of Tuscany, that it was not safe to be any longer the instrument of Inquisitorial tyranny. All acts and threats of opposition, there- The admira- fore, ceased for a time ; and Kennett con- cha?ge of his tinued, for several years afterwards, officiat- BasiiKen- ing publicly in a large room in the Consul's nett- house at Leghorn; and commending, yet more per- suasively, by the consistency of his daily walk and con- versation, the power of those truths which, by his learning and eloquence, he enforced8. The Eoman Catholics of that city might well have been ashamed of their hostility against him, — if for no other reason, — for the singular agreement, with which a majority of the people were, in the end, won over to his side. Berkeley, afterwards Bishop of Cloyne, reports, that, when he visited Leghorn, in 1714, he was assured by the merchants that the Roman Catholics regarded Kennett as a Saint9. The strongest testimony also 8 A Volume of Sermons, preached by Kennett at Leghorn, is still extant. 9 See Bp. Berkeley's Letter to Sir John James, in 1741 (p. 16, 2nd ed.), on the Roman Catholic controversy, which I have re- cently edited from some of the Bishop's unpublished MSS. A curious story is told, in the Life of Berkeley prefixed to his Works, p. iv., of an adventure which he met with during his visit at Leghorn. Basil Kennett had asked him to preach for him one Sunday ; and ' the day following, as Berkeley was sitting in his chamber, a procession of priests in surplices, and with all other formalities, entered the room, and, without taking the least notice of the wondering inhabitant, marched quite round it, muttering certain prayers. His fears immediately suggested to him, that this could be no other than a visit from the Inquisition, who had heard 86 THE ENGLISH FACTORIES IN EUROPE. [CH. was borne to his prudence and wisdom and kindly nature by the English Envoy at Florence. And the biographer of his brother, from whose work I have de- rived the information here set before the reader, cites further evidence to the same effect. Kennett's was ^e favourable impression, in- kling deed, made by Kennett upon the minds of the people at Leghorn, which stimulated his friends, in that city and in England, to take steps for securing the permanent continuance of his office. As long as he retained it, all was safe ; but his failing health made it advisable that an arrangement should be made with respect to his successor, before the actual vacancy took place. Many vexatious and formidable difficulties sprang up to retard the settlement of the question. Kennett was content patiently to abide the issue ; declaring that, as long as life remained, he would not leave his post until he saw a successor ready to Difficulties relieve him. Mr. Taubman, who had been intheap- a Chaplain on board the English fleet in poiniment L of his sue- the Mediterranean, was recommended to fill the office, and approved by the Arch- bishop ; and the Queen was pleased to give orders for the execution of his commission. But, just at that time, Sept. 1710, the accession of Dartmouth and Bolingbroke to office changed the aspect of affairs ; and the agents of the Duke of Tuscany, instantly of his officiating before heretics without licence, the day before. As soon as they were gone, he ventured, with much caution, to enquire into the cause of this extraordinary appearance, and was happy to be informed that this was the season appointed by the Romish Calendar for solemnly blessing the houses of all good Ca- tholics from rats and other vermin ; a piece of intelligence which changed his terror into mirth.' xxiii.] a.d. 1701—1750. 87 availing themselves of it, obstructed, by every possible device, the further progress of the matter. They found a bold and indefatigable antagonist in Dean Kennett ; who put himself into immediate communication with the chief merchants trading to Leghorn ; entreated Harley to take up their cause ; attended with them before a Committee of the Privy Council ; and drew up a Memorial in their behalf, which set forth the broad principles of justice upon which his brother's appointment had been made and maintained ; and the recognition of those principles in the existence of similar appointments, not only in the Factories of the Levant Company, but also in Popish Countries, as at Lisbon and Oporto. A Petition was founded upon this Memorial, praying that Taubman might petition be forthwith sent out, with a Commission thereon- and letters of protection, like those which had been granted to Kennett ; urging the consideration of the fact that the free exercise of their religion was granted at Leghorn to the Mahometans and Jews who resorted thither ; and that the members of the Church of Eng- land, who now sought the same liberty, were not in- tending to cast any burden upon the government, but willing to defray from their own resources all charges incurred by it. To a Petition so jusfc and reasonable, it Attempts to seemed impossible that any objection should defeat lL be raised. But objections there were, many, and obsti- nately maintained. Pirst, it was alleged that no Eng- lish Chaplain had ever been allowed to officiate at Oporto ; an allegation, at once refuted, by citing the names of Mr. Stephens, Dr. Barton, and Mr. Hinde, who, in the reign of Charles II., had been successively resident in that city, as Chaplains to the English 88 THE ENGLISH FACTOEIES IN ET7BOPE. [CH. .Factory10. Next, it was asserted that the English merchants at Leghorn did not wish to have any suc- cessor to Kennett ; which was in like manner answered by a fresh Memorial upon their part, addressed to the Archbishop, expressing, in the strongest terms, their continued desire that another Chaplain might be sent out. Driven from these pretexts, the opponents of the measure argued that Kennett' s licence to officiate had only been granted on the ground of his being Chaplain to the English Envoy ; and that his officiating at Leghorn had never been but by connivance ; an argument, plainly overthrown by the terms of the Commission itself, which declared that he 'went over as the Queen's Chaplain, to administer to her subjects residing at Leghorn.' True, the English Envoy at Florence had given him a concurrent title, as his own Chaplain. But this had not superseded the authority of the Royal Commission ; and, if the agents of the Grand Duke desired that a like concurrent title should be granted in the present instance, it would be given. In urging these pleas, Kennett and the Leghorn mer- chants had the hearty co-operation of Archbishops Tenison and Sharp, of Bishops Compton and Moore, the latter of whom had succeeded Patrick in the Diocese of Ely, and last, though not least, of Harley, who, during the prolongation of the dispute, had been created Earl of Oxford. Notwithstanding all this Taubman powerful influence, and the inherent justice at length 0f the case, no favorable decision could be appointed , ' successor to obtained until October, 1711, when an Order in Council was signed, declaring that Mr. Taubman, ' or such other Chaplain as the 10 See also, p. 81, ante. XXIII.] a.d. 1701—1750. 89 Bishop of London shall recommend to Her Majesty, be forthwith sent to Leghorn, in such manner, and with such circumstances, as the Eev. W. Basil Kennett was sent.' The contest, which redounded so little to the credit of the Queen's Ministers, thus ended ; and, upon the termination of Taubman's period of service, which, like that of Basil Kennett, was for five years, no further opposition was offered to the appointment of a third Chaplain, Mr. Crowe. The vindication, therefore, of the great principles of truth and freedom, for which Kennett and his brother and friends contended, was hereby made complete ; and let the praise which is their due be gratefully awarded to them. Of Basil Kennett, indeed, it is only left to say, that the joy of those who welcomed his return to England in 1714, and witnessed his elevation to the high office of Pre- sident of his College, was clouded by the fears of his approaching departure, which the feebleness of his health excited. His death, the next year, showed that their fears were but too well founded 11 . Let not the narrative, which has here important been given at some length, be regarded as thSe "rans- having turned aside, for too long a time, actions, the attention of the reader from the main body of the work. For the same bonds of duty and affection, which bind the Church Domestic to the Church Colonial, bind her likewise to every spot of the wide earth, in which her children are gathered together for purposes which the nation accounts lawful, and by which the nation is enriched. The greater are the difficulties cast in the way of her children thus scattered abroad, the more 11 The authorities for the above narrative of matters concerning Leghorn, will be found in Bishop Kennett's Life, pp. 49 — 160. 90 THE ENGLISH FACTOEIE3 IN" ETJEOPE. [CH. carefully ought she to furnish theui with the means of spiritual strength and comfort ; and where, as in the instance just related, her children were debarred, or threatened to be debarred, from that free exercise of religious worship which was their birthright, she was the more solemnly bound to gain it for them unim- paired. It was the consciousness of this obligation which led the Society, whose history we are now tracing, avowedly to include within the limit of its operation, some of the most ancient English Factories in Europe; and an account, therefore, of the efforts made by its individual members to extend the like benefit to other assemblies of their brethren placed in the like position, is strictly in accordance with that proposed object. The persons connected with the pre- sent transaction, it is true, were few in number; and the external interests which it involved insignificant, when compared with the vast work to which the So- ciety was applying itself in other parts of the world. But nothing is really insignificant, which leads to the vindication of great and eternal principles of truth. And, howsoever limited may have been the interests of a small body of English merchants, at stake in the present instance, the difficulties which they expe- rienced in obtaining what they sought for, may serve as a sample of those which operated upon a larger scale elsewhere. If it needed the exercise of bold energy, of untiring perseverance, of the combined in- fluence of many who stood in high places, to secure to our countrymen dwelling in an Italian city, not until after many delays and disappointments, the continued celebration of holy services to which, not as a matter of favour but of right, they were entitled ; we need not wonder that, in the case of cities and countries of XXIII.] a.d. 1701—1750. 91 far greater importance, and bound to England by the ties of a closer brotherhood, — but yet in behalf of which the like earnest importunity to obtain the same right was not always manifested,— such services should either have been entirely withheld, or only partially and feebly given. One fact too there is, connected with Theintoie- the history of these transactions, which it SmrchVf e is impossible not to remark and condemn ; St^there- the cruel jealousy and intolerance of the in- Church of Eome. It was only the consciousness of an overwhelming physical force, and the avowed reso- lution on the part of the English government to exer- cise it, which saved from the horrors of the Inquisi- tion an English Clergyman, whose sole offence was that he discharged in simple faithfulness the duties of his sacred calling. And when it was found impossible to withhold by violence from an English community resident in the same city, the free exercise of their religious worship, the arts of Court intrigue and the subtle pleadings of the Council Chamber were resorted to, for the purpose of compassing the same end. This spiritual tyranny was intolerable ; and the whole civi- lised world, not under the bondage of Rome, has since declared it to be so. Nevertheless, it continued to exhibit the same hateful character, as long and exten- sively as it could; and the assumption of that su- preme, infallible authority, which pretends to justify any and every act of the oppressor, has never been withdrawn. At the period, and in the countries of which I now write, and in every other country of Eu- rope in which the Papal supremacy was acknowledged, the lordly intolerance of Rome relaxed none of its pretensions. Witness the indignant terms in which 92 THE ENGLISH EACTORIES EN^ETJBOPE. [CH. one of our greatest poets in the last century has given utterance to his thoughts, when grief for the death of his suffering Narcissa was made yet more bitter by the refusal of the Church at Lyons to grant her the rights of burial. The Spirit nurs'd In blind infallibility's embrace, Denied the charity of dust to spread O'er dust ! a charity their dogs enjoy ! What could I do ? What succour ? what resource ? With pious sacrilege a grave I stole ; With impious piety that grave I wrong'd : Short in my duty, coward in my grief, More like her murderer than friend, I crept With soft suspended step, and muffled deep In midnight darkness, whisper'd my last sigh 12. The refinement of cruelty towards members of our communion, of which Young here complains, we can- not doubt, would have been renewed, in any and in every place subject to the same rule, had it not been for the resistance like that made by the Church of England, in the case just described of Leghorn. She remonstrated, in clear and firm accents of truth, against the intended tyranny ; and insisted upon right being done to the members of her National Church. She gained it for them. At Lisbon and Oporto her children already enjoyed it. And now the Dukes of Tuscany were taught, that they could no longer withhold it 13. 12 Young's Night Thoughts. Night III. 13 The shameful persecution of the Madiai, which provoked just and indignant remonstrances from so many quarters, when the first edition of this Volume passed through the press, exhibits once more a Duke of Tuscany the instrument of Rome, still un- changed in her intolerance. XXIII.] a. d. 1701—1750. 93 Turn we now to the opposite quarter xe^found- of the globe, and trace the course of pro- land- ceedings in Newfoundland, with its lawless bands of fishermen and sailors, and poor persecuted Indians, as wild as its own dreary shore. Its discovery and first acquisition by England, and the long and cruel neg- lect which it received from her, have been fully de- tailed in the chapters of my first Volume. Suffice it here to remind the reader, that this large For a ]ong and important Island was regarded for n_,e- i J? i • elected- many years merely as a huge fishing ves- sel, moored upon the sand-banks of the Atlantic ; up and down the sides of which, for a certain season of the year, crews of rugged seamen were seen to clamber, and carry on their dangerous and toilsome craft ; and which they again abandoned, as soon as they had prepared their cargoes of fish and oil and seal-skins, to enrich the merchant who had sent them forth. No provision was ever thought of for the stragglers whom these yearly visits necessarily brought to the Island ; and many of them remained behind, spreading and multiplying their wretched settlements along the coast, long after their busy comrades had returned home. Neither was any compassion felt for the Eed, or for the Micmac, Indians, whose hunting and fishing stations the rude Englishman thus in- vaded, and whose lives he often sacrificed to gratify his wanton and brutal appetite. The haven of St. John's, in which the brave Sir Humphrey Gilbert had set up, under the authority of Elizabeth, the formal tokens of English sovereignty, was still the chief Eng- lish station in the Island. And yet, although in that and six other bays of the indented coast, over which England claimed jurisdiction at that time, 7000 of her 94 H E WFOUNDLAND . [CH. people, and in summer 17,000, were gathered together, no minister of religion had ever visited them; no offices of religion had ever been performed among Now cared them. The knowledge of these facts, we for- have seen, had been communicated by Dr. Bray to The Society for Promoting Christian Know- ledge in the second year of its existence, whilst it still retained the spiritual charge of our Plantations. Its members instantly applied themselves to repair the grievous wrong. A minister, Mr. Jackson, was ap- pointed ; books needful for him and his people were supplied; St. John's was fixed upon as the chief place of his ministry; and authority was given to him to visit the six other English settlements, and to appoint a reader for the celebration of Divine Service in each 14 . A;d extend ^e Society for the Propagation of the ed to it by Gospel was bound to carry forward the the Society. r . ^ work or those whom it had offered to suc- ceed ; and the support, therefore, of Jackson was one of the earliest duties undertaken by it. He had gone out, in the first instance, upon the encouragement of a private subscription of £50 a year for three years ; and that term having ended, and the people of St. John's being too poor to contribute to his mainten- ance, the Society presented him with a benefaction of £30, and agreed to provide the annual stipend of £50 for a further term of three years. Upon the expira- tion of this second term, Dr. Humphreys, Secretary of the Society, informs us, in his Historical Account, p. 41, that the stipend, in addition to other gratuities, was continued for several years to Jackson. But a 14 Vol. ii. 573. xxiii.] a.d. 1701—1750. 95 closer examination of the Journals of the The Rey Society, — from which, and from its first Mr- Jackson Jf at St. John's. Eeport, are derived our present materials of information, — it appears that Jackson was soon re- called from his post by the Bishop of London ; and Mr. Jacob Eice appointed in his room. The recall of Jackson was not the consequence of any misconduct, but the inability, with his family of eight children, to subsist upon so small a stipend. This appears evi- dent from a Memorial, addressed in 1705, to the So- ciety by Mr. Brown and other merchants trading to Newfoundland, praying that a second minister might be sent to St. John's, and that Jackson might be one of them. It appears further evident, from the Eeport of a Committee appointed to make full enquiry into his case, and to communicate with the Bishop of London, and the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations respecting him. Upon the consideration of their Eeport, it was resolved, Jan. 17, 1706-7 : That the said Mr. Jackson is an object of the Society's favour and compassion ; and that he, having been in her Majesty's ser- vice, as well by sea as in the Plantations, and having thereon suf- fered many unreasonable hardships, and being a man of good desert, he is worthy to be recommended to the favour of the Lord Keeper. It is stated, upon the authority of A church Humphreys, in the before-cited passage, °ulltthere. that a handsome Church was built, at the commence- ment of the Mission, but doomed to stand only for a short time; for the French, in one of their many efforts to take Newfoundland, landed at St. John's in 1705, and burnt both the town and the Church. As soon as the enemy was driven out, a smaller Church was raised, with houses for the inhabitants round the 96 XEWFOTJNDLAND. fort for greater security ; but at whose charge these Churches were built I have not yet been able to dis- cover. The Memorial, indeed, of the Newfoundland merchants to which reference has just been made, ac- companied its prayer for a second Missionary at St. John's, with the promise that a contribution would be given to the support of both. And this promise makes it, in my opinion, probable that the chief, if not the entire, expense of erecting, within so short a time, two Churches at St. John's, was undertaken by the latter body. If I am right in this conjecture, it may serve to show that the Christian kindness and liberality of the Newfoundland merchant, which, in the present day, we have seen exhibited in many ways, have not been now for the first time called into action, but are a precious inheritance bequeathed to him by those who, more than a century before, pursued the same path of adventurous enterprise. The Rev. At Bonavista, a name given to the bay atBona-68 an(i caPe nortn of Avalon, the Rev. Mr. vista. Jones was settled, about the year 1722, by the liberality, as I think, of the Newfoundland merchants ; for, although the Journals of the Society, in 1726, show that he was then in correspondence with the Bishop of London and its Committee, and received, at different times, gratuities of books and money, I do not find that any regular allowance was made to him, as it always was in the case of those who were upon the list of the Society's Missionaries. His Church too was soon built, from resources wholly independent of any which the Society supplied. He writes in 1730, reporting that it was nearly finished, and that a gentleman of London had given ' a set of vessels for the Communion and a handsome stone XXIII.] a.d. 1701—1750. 97 font.' His ministrations were faithfully carried on, and gratefully received, amid an affectionate and will- ing people ; and these evidences of his usefulness led the Society, in 1741, gladly to appoint him its Mis- sionary in the more important settlement at Trinity Bay, as successor to one who had already begun a good work there. The proximity, however, of Trinity Bay to Bonavista enabled him still to keep up some intercourse with his former congregation, until the services of a regular minister could be obtained for them ; and these were soon afterwards secured, for a short time, by the arrival of Mr. Peaseley, a graduate of Trinity College, Dublin. Trinity Bay is one of the deepest of The Rev. those which indent the shores of New- JSck^Jiw- foundland, and constitutes, with Placentia Dity Bay- Bay, — from which it is only separated by an isthmus three miles broad, — the peninsula of Avalon. It had been made a Mission station of the Society, in conse- quence of an application to that effect from its inha- bitants, in 1729, accompanied by a promise upon their part to build a Church, and to contribute £30 a year towards the maintenance of the Missionary, Mr. Kil- patrick. The discouragements which he encountered at first induced him to request that he might be trans- ferred to a settlement in New York. His request was granted ; but, finding greater difficulties there than in Trinity Bay, he applied for, and obtained, leave to return. His course thither brought him to Placentia, where he was detained three months, and did what in him lay to repair the evils, which he de- scribes prevailing in that settlement from the absence of all religious ordinances. The joy with which his return to Trinity Bay in 1734 was welcomed by the VOL. III. H 98 NEWFOUNDLAND. [CH. people proves that he had judged too hastily with re- spect to their supposed lack of sympathy and good will ; and the testimonies received afterwards in Eng- land on his behalf from the Churchwardens and inha- bitants, and also from Commodore Temple West then in command on that station, afford evidence not less clear of the stedfastness and success with which he continued to discharge his duties unto the end. succeeded The work tnus Degun b7 Kilpatrick by Mr. wen sustained bv Jones his successor Jones. . . - . . for six years ; at the expiration of which term, having endured, for twenty-five years, at Bona- vista and Trinity Bay, the inclement rigour of the Newfoundland winters, he withdrew, with the So- ciety's permission, to the tropical shores of the Mos- quito country 15 ; and there, as long as life lasted, con- tinued his work. The Rev Whilst such was the provision made, or PeaSseiey and attempted to be made, for the spiritual Landman at superintendence of the other settlements of Newfoundland, the ministrations of the Church were carried on in St. John's, its capital, not ... without occasional interruption. These Difficulties r encountered were sometimes caused by difficulties arising among the inhabitants themselves ; at other times, by the losses which they suffered from French invaders. A specimen of the former kind is to be found in the fact, that, when Peaseley, who suc- ceeded Jones at Bonavista, was soon afterwards trans- 15 This country, larger in size than Portugal, and of which Poyais is the capital, had put itself under the protection of England, when the Duke of Albemarle was Governor of Jamaica, in 1687, and con- tinued in that relation until 1786, when it ceased, in consequence of a convention with Spain. XXIII.] a.d. 1701—1750. 99 ferred to St. John's, — upon the assurance given him by the inhabitants, that a house and annual stipend of £40 should be provided for him, — he found the peo- ple so little able or willing to realise this assurance, that he was forced to abandon his post. This lack of support on their part is not attributable to any fault on his. The Church at St. John's was scarcely able to contain the increased congregation which, after his arrival, assembled within its walls ; and the wants of those, who lived in the adjacent settlement of Petty Harbour, were also supplied, as far as possible, by the periodical visits which he paid to them. But the em- barrassments into which Peaseley was frequently thrown, by the non-fulfilment of the conditions upon which he depended for a bare subsistence, compelled him to seek another sphere of labour; and the Society appointed him, in 1750, its Missionary in South Carolina. Mr. Langman, of Balliol College, Oxford, who had already been favourably known to the people of St. John's by a former residence among them, was ap- pointed by the Society to succeed Peaseley. His ministry proceeded for some years without any serious impediment ; and was not only marked by the great diligence with which, especially in the catechising of children, he conducted it at St. John's, but extended itself to the different stations of Ferryland, on the eastern shore of Avalon, and even to the distant set- tlement of Placentia, on the west. But, in the tenth year of his labours, the town and garrison of St. John's fell a prey to the French ; and all that he had was plundered. The losses, sustained in common with Langman by the rest of the inhabitants, now ren- dered it more difficult for them to do all that they had H2 100 NEWFOUNDLAND. [cn. promised towards his maintenance. Still, much that might have been done on his behalf was left undone. The house, promised to him as to his predecessor, was never provided. And, to eke out the bare pittance needful for the subsistence of himself and his family, the only sure provision upon which he could reckon was the yearly stipend of £50 granted by the Society. The offerings from the inhabitants were most preca- rious and scanty. He had, as he writes, ' to go and beg, as a poor man would for an alms.' Notwith- standing these heavy drawbacks, Langman persevered in discharging the duties of his appointed office, until his death in 1783. Roman The Journals and Letters from which Newfound-11 tne above notices have been derived16, land. frequently refer to the large number of Roman Catholic settlers in the Islands. In St. John's, Langman states that there were, in 1752, 40 families of the communion of the Church of Eng- land, and 52 Eoman Catholic. In Ferryland, a short time afterwards, he reports 64 Protestants and 86 Eoman Catholics ; at Eeneuse, 9 Protestant families, and 16 Eoman Catholic ; and, at Fermeuse, nearly all belonged to the latter communion. This was caused by the attempt, already described, of Calvert to colo- nise Avalon, after he became a Eoman Catholic ; and Irish Eoman Catholic emigrants continued to find their way to that same quarter of the Island, in after years, notwithstanding the failure of his original design. Protestant The number of Protestant Dissenters in Dissenters. Newfoundland, at this time, was small. 16 I have examined most of these ; and some I have thankfully taken as they are quoted by Mr. Hawkins in his Historical No- tices, pp. 348—353. ran.] a.d. 1701—1750. 101 Only eight families at St. John's are classed by Lang- man under this head, being little more than a twelfth of the whole number of families then resident in the town ; and he adds that many members of these joined habitually in the public worship, and were communicants of our Church. The especial claims which the Church Present in Newfoundland has upon the sympathy BTshop°ofthe and support of the Church of England, SfflEt were recounted in the seventh chapter of brador- my first Volume. And I revert to them here for the purpose of showing, that, strong as they must then have been admitted to be, their strength has become an hundred-fold greater since, by reason of the noble efforts which Bishop Eeild has made, and is still making, on the coast of Labrador, — a part of his Dio- cese of Newfoundland in which the offices of the Church of England have never before been wit- nessed17,— and by the devotion with which the Clergy, acting under him, have obeyed his call. To enume- rate, in this place, their acts of self-denying zeal and constancy, would be as impossible, as it is to pass them over altogether in silence. I must ask the reader, therefore, as he looks abroad upon the wide region of Christian duty, carefully and lovingly to consider those who are labouring in this arduous quarter of it. And, if the fire of Grospel truth, which now burns strongly in their hearts, spread, as it must, its light and warmth through lands whose spiritual desolation has been as cheerless as the fogs and ice and snow that cover them, let us, who now watch its pro- gress, remember gratefully that the first few sparks of 17 For particulars of these, see The Colonial Church Chronicle. 102 NEWFOTTNPLAKD. the same pure fire which, more than a century ago, shed their light in the neighbourhood of that region, were those kindled by the hands and breath of Mis- sionaries of the Church of England. *** Since the first edition of this work was published, I have been favoured with the perusal of a MS. by the Rev. W. T. Bul- lock, Assistant Secretary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, from which it is evident, that, nearly five centuries before the discovery of America by Columbus, Newfoundland was visited by European Christians from Norway, Iceland, and Greenland, in whose conversion our Anglo-Saxon forefathers had a share ; that it was perhaps the seat of a Christian Colony ; and possibly the scene of the labours of a Christian Bishop. It does not fall within the limits of my design to enter into the same path of enquiry, or to examine the authorities referred to by Mr. Bullock (Rafn's Antiquitates Americana, and others). But I thankfully acknowledge the satisfaction which I have derived from reading this early notice of Newfoundland, and hope that its publication may follow at an early day. CHAPTEE XXIV. the church of england in virginia, from the beginning of the eighteenth century, to the declaration of independence. a.d. 1700—1776. The extensive possessions of England in The English North America, at the beginning of the KEf" last century, presented every possible America, variety of character, springing from causes of which the reader has already been informed. The territory furthest to the north, which now forms the Diocese of Rupert's Land, and offers many a token of hopeful interest to all who watch attentively the proceed- ings of our National Church in its inclement region, was not then in like manner favoured. The Governors of the Hudson's Bay Company, indeed, to whose pious munificence and watchful care it is so largely indebted for the means of grace which it en- joys *, have, at all times, I believe, been anxious to 1 A portion of the salary of the Bishop of Rupert's Land arises from the interest of a legacy by the late James Leith, Esq. The remainder is an allowance made to him as Chaplain of the Hudson's Bay Company. They also provide the Bishop with a house. See Return to the House of Commons, June 11, 1852, quoted in The 104 YIEGINIA. [CH. extend them, and have extended them, in such mea- sure as they could, to all whom they employ. But, during the earlier years of their operations, the diffi- culties which they had to encounter in the country itself, and the necessity which constantly arose of resisting the attacks of French invaders upon their forts and hunting-stations, exhausted their strength. It need not excite, therefore, our wonder, to learn that the history of Bupert's Land, at the period now under review, supplies not any materials towards this work. Rupert's ^nd yet I would not, therefore, omit Land. a\\ notice of it. I avail myself rather of this opportunity to anticipate some of the chief points of interest which its later history presents, believing that they teach a lesson of encouragement and hope. _ . - • The earliest agricultural settlement in the Brief notice ° of its later territory was formed in 1811 by the Earl history. of Selkirk, on the banks of the Bed Biver, to the south of Lake Winnipeg; and, in 1820, the Bev. J. West was sent out by the Hudson's Bay Company as its Chaplain. Two years afterwards, the Church Missionary Society, in compliance with the wish of the Company, undertook to found a Mission there; and, in 1823, the Bev. Mr. Jones entered upon it. He found a Church already built in the settlement through the exertions of Mr. West. A second Church was added in 1825 ; and, in the same year, another Missionary, Mr. Cockran, was sent out by the same Society ; — the Hudson's Bay Company still extending unto all the most efficient aid. The services of these and other faithful labourers, who Col. Ch. Chron. ii. 400. For the circumstances which led to the formation of this Company, see Vol. ii. 459. XXIY.] a.d. 1700—1776. 105 have joined them in later years, have been marked by a display of the noblest qualities, which, in any age or country, can characterise the Christian Missionary ; and the successful issue of them has been witnessed, in the grateful willingness with which the Indians of the Red River settlement have received the Gospel message, and in their readiness to learn and practise the arts of civilized life. The preacher of righteous- ness taught them, as Eliot had taught the Indians of Noonanetum 2, to plough, to sow, to reap ; and, when the harvest was gathered in, to erect the mill, and to grind the corn. He persuaded them also to abandon their miserable wigwams, and showed them how to build for themselves healthier and warmer dwellings. In 1844, the present Bishop of Quebec — who has now presided for twenty years over his extensive" Diocese, with an energy, and zeal, and love, not inferior to that displayed by its first Bishop, his honoured father, or by his immediate predecessor, the not less honoured Bishop Stewart — undertook a journey and voyage of 2000 miles to visit the Red River settlement. Its population at that time exceeded 5000, nearly half of whom were members of our National Church. They possessed four Churches, erected at short intervals from each other, along a strip of fifty miles, bounding each side of the river. The largest congregation assembled during the Bishop's visit, which lasted for seventeen days, amounted to 500, and the smallest was not less than 200. The number of those whom he confirmed was 846 3. In 1849, the Diocese of 2 See Vol. ii. 198. 3 See Reports of the Church Missionary Society in loc, espe- cially that which contains the account of the Bishop of Quebec'3 visit in 1844 ; also the Col. Ch. Chron. ii. 369, 370. 400. 106 VIEGINIA. [CH. Rupert's Land was constituted, extending from the western boundary of Canada to the Pacific, and from the northern frontier of the United States to the furthest limits of discovery northward. Its superficial area is computed to be 370,000 square miles, and the total population 103,000. Dr. David Anderson, formerly Vice-Principal of St. Bees' Col- lege, having been consecrated its first Bishop, pro- ceeded immediately to the scene of his labours ; and in a letter to The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, November 27, 1849, writes that he was about to consecrate the new Church of St. Andrew on the 19th of the following month, and to hold his first Ordination. He describes the Church as a large com- modious building, capable of holding a thousand per- sons, and erected at a cost of twelve hundred pounds ; which sum had been raised by local exertions, assisted by a donation of £100 from the Hudson's Bay Com- pany. All the people had done what they could towards the accomplishment of the work. Some had supplied money ; others had brought timber for the roof and interior fittings ; others had quarried stone from the bed of the river ; and others had given their labour in other ways. One man had furnished fine oak for the pulpit and reading desk ; and another was busily engaged in framing and fashioning them. Al- though no professional architect nor any regularly- trained masons and carpenters had been employed, the Bishop represents the building as well-con- structed in all its parts, and furnishing a fit model for all future Churches throughout the Diocese. The re- ports which continue to be received in this country from the Church of Rupert's Land confirm the good hope which has been cherished from the outset, that, XXIT.] a.d. 1700-1776. 107 although among the youngest daughters of the Church of England, she will not be the last to make full and triumphant proof of the ministry entrusted to her keeping 4. The province nearest to Eupert's Land provinces to towards the south, subject to English rule of at the beginning of the last century, was Land- a part of Canada, north of Lake Ontario, inhabited by the Iroquois Indians, with whom in 1684 a treaty of peace was made by the English Governors of New York and Virginia 5. To the east and south-east of these were the Colonies of New England, which be- came the home of the exiled Puritan, and stronghold of the enemies of the Church of England ; — namely, Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, New Haven, and Rhode Island. To the south and south-west of New England, were New York, New Jersey, and Delaware, Colouies at first settled by successive emigrations from Holland, Ein- land, and Sweden ; but which, at an early period of the reign of Charles IL, had surrendered to the English arms. Westward again of these, was the extensive tract of country granted by the same King to Penn, whose name it retains to this day. Adjoin- ing Pennsylvania^ on the south, and Delaware, on the west, lay the province of Maryland ; further still to the south, Virginia ; and, beyond all, the Carolinas 6. In some of these provinces, the position of the Church of England, and the character of her proceed- 4 Col. Ch. Chron. iii. 438 ; and Bp. Anderson's Tracts. 5 Vol. ii. 437. 6 For the previous history of New York, New Jersey, Delaware, Pennsylvania, and Carolina, see Vol. ii. c. xviii. ; and for that of Virginia and Maryland, see Vol. i. in loc, and ii. c. xvii. 108 VIRGINIA. [CH. ings were so much the same, that the description of them in one may apply in substance to all. But in others, and those among the most ancient Colonies, Virginia and Maryland, the distinctive circumstances which attended their first settlement, and the dis- astrous consequences of which we have traced through the eventful years of the 17th century, gave to the Church in each of them a position altogether different from that by which she was known in any other ter- ritory of North America. The same characteristic differences continued to distinguish her in the same provinces, throughout the next century, as long as they remained subject to British rule. It will be necessary, therefore, to pursue, in each instance, a distinct and separate narrative. Virginia. Our last notice of the efforts of Virginia an^Mary Churchmen to mitigate the evils created College. an(j aggravated by the enactments of her legislature, and to prepare efficient instruments for the Christian training of her people, embraced the establishment of William and Mary College7. It only remains to state here, that the objects pro- posed by its establishment are expressly declared in the same document to be these : That the Church of Virginia may be furnished with a Seminary of the Ministers of the Gospel, and that the youth may be piously educated in good letters and manners, and that the Christian Faith may be propagated among the western Indians, to the glory of Almighty God 8. _4 _ . . The first public ' Commencement ' of the Its first pub- t lie 'Com- College — borrowing: a term from the Uni- meiicement.' , ° , ° . versity 01 Cambridge, — was celebrated in 1700, amid a large concourse of people, whose in- 7 Vol. ii. 385. 8 Trott's Laws, p. 149. XXIY.J a.d. 1700—1776. 109 terest in behalf of the Institution had been power- fully excited by Blair. Many of the Planters tra- velled to Williamsburg, sorae in coaches, and some in sloops, from New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, to witness the scene 9. Even the Indian tribes Indians pre- nocked in, and gazed with wondering curio- sent thereat- sity upon it. Their presence upon this occasion was in remarkable harmony with the main objects set forth in the College Charter, and with the wishes expressed by some of its chief promoters. In addition to the five Professorships of Greek and Latin, Mathematics, Moral Philosophy, and two of Divinity, provided for by the Charter, a sixth, distinguished by the name of Brafferton, — so called from an estate which secured the endowment,— had been annexed by provision the celebrated Robert Boyle, for the in- ™?rein°_r struction of the Indians, and their conver- struction. sion to Christianity 10. It may be ranked among the last acts of that great and good man 11 ; and was a 9 Oldmixon, quoted in Campbell's Virginia, ut sup. 10 Jefferson relates, in his Notes on the State of Virginia, p. 250, that, after the Revolution the Visitors of William and Mary Col- lege, finding that they had no power to destroy its constitution under the Charter, applied the five first Professorships to Law, Anatomy and Medicine, Natural Philosophy and Mathematics, Moral Philosophy, &c. ; and the Brafierton Professorship to Mo- dern Languages. He suggests also that the ' purposes of this last Professorship would be better answered by maintaining a perpetual mission among the Indian tribes ; the object of which, besides in- structing them in the principles of Christianity, as the founder requires, would be to collect rheir traditions, laws, customs, lan- guages, and other circumstances which might lead to a discovery of their relations with one another, or descent from other nations.' 11 Boyle died in 1691, and the Charter was signed in the follow- ing year. Blair was, a long time before, engaged in preparing it ; 110 YIEGLNTA. [CH. fitting sequel to the exertions which we have found him maintaining, through many previous years, in be- half of the Indians of New England. Governor The aid which might have been ex- rNenCaa0ed°in tended to the College, in its infancy, by 1705- the Governors of Virginia, was greatly hindered by their frequent changes. Nicholson, in- deed, who, since 1692, had been Governor for the second time, was recalled in 1705, upon the complaint of Blair, ai}d six other members of the Provisional Council : a significant proof of the wide diversity of opinion which, I have said, prevailed between him and them in the administration of their respective offices 12. The reason for his recall, as described by Grahame 13 and other historians of the United States, was the zeal with which he urged upon the Virginians the necessity of contributing to the erection of forts upon the frontier of the province of New York, as a de- fence against the French forces in Canada and their Indian allies. This measure, favoured by King Wil- liam, was regarded with great suspicion by the Vir- ginians; and the reiterated earnestness with which Nicholson pressed it upon their acceptance, forfeited all their confidence in him. Some, indeed, have as- cribed his conduct upon this occasion to motives only of personal ambition, charging him with a desire to be himself the single Viceroy, in whose dominion the authorities of every Provincial Assembly were to be merged ; and that the arguments whereby he sought and Boyle's instructions, therefore, must have been communicated to him at the close of his valuable life. 12 Campbell's Virginia, p. 103. See also Vol. ii. 393, of this work. 13 Grahame, iii. 13—16; Beverley, 90—97- XXIY.] a.d. 1700— 177G. Ill to gain their consent to the measure in question were merely a cloak to cover his designs of self-aggrandize- ment. The accusers of Nicholson have failed, I think, to make good their . charge, with respect to the sup- posed motives of his conduct. But the unpopularity, which he incurred in consequence, cannot be doubted. And it is only left for us to lament that one, who had received so many recent marks of especial confidence and honour from the members of the Church at home'4; who had justified them, by the zeal and energy with which he then promoted her interests abroad15; and who, in his subsequent government of Carolina, gave further proofs of the same, should, at this juncture, have retarded her progress in Virginia. For the next five years, from 1705 to S[)0tsw.ood 1710, followed in rapid succession three Lieutenant- t • tvt t governor. Lieutenant-governors, is ott, Jennings, and Hunter 16, each of whom derived his authority from the chief Governor, George, Earl of Orkney, who con- tinued, for a period of forty years, to enjoy the emo- luments, whilst his residence in England exempted him from the cares, of that important post. In 1710, another Lieutenant-governor came out, Colonel Alex- ander Spotswood, an officer who had served with dis- tinction under Marlborough, and whose administra- tion of Virginia is still remembered with gratitude. 14 See Vol. ii. 572, and p. 44, ante. 15 The Rev. John Talbot, for instance, in a letter from New York, Nov. 24, 1 702, states, that the meeting of Clergy then held in that city had been ' at the instance and charge of Nicholson.' Hawkins, p. 34. 10 Hunter never entered upon the duties of his office, for he was captured on his voyage to Virginia by the French. He afterwards became Governor of New York and the Jerseys. Campbell's Vir- ginia, p. 10G. 112 T1EGINIA. [CH. For many years, he exerted himself with equal vigour and success in reforming abuses which had crept into several departmeuts of public business, in enacting salutary fiscal regulations, in securing the administra- tion of justice, in repressing the assaults of pirates, and in establishing friendly intercourse with the In- dian tribes. It is stated of Spots wood, by Hugh Jones, a contemporary historian, that Virginia was ' far more advanced and improved in all respects, since the beginning of his lieutenancy, than in the whole cen- tury before ,7. It was .his adventurous energy which, exploring the fountain-heads of the York and Rapa- ms passage hannock Rivers, first opened a passage across the across the Blue Ridsre of mountains to Blue Ridge . 55 ofMoun- the fertile valleys of the west18; his fatherly kindness, which, in an outlying fort, constructed for the defence of the Colony, re- ceived and sheltered the children of Indian natives ; his munificence, which bore all the charges of their maintenance ; his wise and pious and discerning spirit, which provided for them an instructor, who won their affections whilst he informed their minds. We learn, His Indian from the testimony of the writer just re- Schooi. ferred to, who had formerly been Mathe- 17 Jones's Present State of Virginia. Lond. 1724. Preface, p. iii. 18 The party whom Spotswood led upon this expedition, were obliged to provide horse-shoes, which are seldom required in the east of Virginia, where there are no stones ; and, to commemorate the feat, he presented his companions with a golden horse-shoe, with the inscription ' Sic juvat transcendere moiites.' Anyone was entitled to bear this badge, who could prove that he had drank the King's health on Mount George, the highest rock upon the ridge, on which Spotswood had cut the King's name, and which he had so called in memory of the King in whose reign he made the expe- dition. Campbell's Virginia, p. 107. XXIV.] a. d. 1700—1776. 113 matical Professor at "William and Mary College, and was afterwards Chaplain to the Assembly, and minis- ter of James Town, that he had seen seventy-three Indian children together at school in that fort (Chris- tiana), under the care of a Mr. Griffin, who had taught them the rudiments of Christian faith, and to read and pray in the name of Christ. The Indians so loved their teacher, that they would lift him up in their arms, and, if they could, would have made him king of the Saponey nation. He adds, that this school having been afterwards broken up, 'through opposition of pride and interest,' Griffin was ap- pointed to the Brafferton Professorship in William and Mary College 19. The pious intentions, therefore, of Boyle were, in this instance, eminently promoted by the choice which Spots wood had made of one who proved to be their most efficient instrument. In 1718, during the administration of e . , ' & t Scholarships Spotswood, and probably through his in- for native 1 on i youths esta- nuence, a grant of £1000 was made by Wished in the Governors and Visitors of William and Mary Col- Mary College for its benefit, under the fol- lege' lowing wise and equitable regulations : To be laid out by them to tbe best advantage for ' maintaining and educating such and so many ingenious scholars as to them shall seem fit and expedient ; having regard in their elections prin- cipally to the learning, vertue, and streightened circumstances of the said children or youths; and that all natives of this colony, and they only, be freely admitted to the benefit of the said scholar- ships, according to their qualifications as aforesaid 20.' The influence of the same Governor was again ac- knowledged, in 1720, by the application of the name Jones's Virginia, p. 15. VOL. m. 23 Trott's Laws, No. 42. I 114 YIBGINIA. [CH. Spotsyi- of Spotsylvania, in honour of him, to a vama. tract of country in the neighbourhood of the Falls, and extending for many miles along the head waters of the Eapahannock, which was then formed into a new county by the Virginia House of st. George's Burgesses. The whole county was made Parish. hy the game Act 0Be parishj called gfc George. A Church had already been built at Matta- pony, for the use of the inhabitants of the frontier, before this tract of country was constituted a Parish ; on which account, although two more were added within a few years, — one at Germanna, and another near the present site of Fredericksburg, — and although it was itself rebuilt within the same period, — it still retained the name of 'Mother Church21.' Spotswood fixed his own residence, and also the seat of justice, at a village which he had founded above the Falls of the Eapahannock, and within sight of the Blue Ridge of Germanna. mountains, and which he called Germanna, Germ!inand from certain German emigrants, who were Si? ie- sent over from England in the early part ceived. 0f Anne's reign, and met in Virginia with the same generous reception which had been extended, in a former day, to the Huguenot refugees. Intelli- gence of this kindly treatment had already encouraged several parties of Huguenots to seek a resting-place in the same province. Many of them were settled, in 1690, below the Falls on James Eiver; and, in 1699, 600 more, with Philippe de Eichebourg, their minister, were settled above the Falls, in the country formerly 21 History of St. George's Parish, by the Rev. Philip Slaughter, late Rector of Bristol Parish, Virginia, pp. 7 — 12. I gladly ac- knowledge the kindness of Mr. Slaughter, in placing in my hands the above and other materials of information respecting Virginia. XXIY.] a.d. 1700-1776. 115 belonging to the Monacan Indians. The rigorous spirit of exclusion, which has been traced through former Acts of the Virginia Legislature, in matters ecclesiastical, was relaxed in favour of these Trench and German emigrants ; and the full enjoyment of their own manner of religious worship secured. In the case of the former, an Act was passed, constituting their land a distinct Parish, to be called King AVilliam Parish, in the county of Henrico ; exempting them from the payment of all ether levies ; and giving them full ' liberty to agree with and pay their minister as their circumstances would admit.' And, in the case of the latter, it was expressly stated in another Act, Because foreign Protectants may not understand English readily, if any such shall entertain a minister of their own, they and their tythables shall be free for ten years 22 . The Church at Germanna for the Eng- churches at lish inhabitants was built under Spots- Germanna, wood's superintendence ; and, although the inhabitants of the Parish were freed from public levies, and an appropriation of £500 was made towards a Church in their behalf, there is little doubt that Spotswood him- self bore the chief burden of the work which he was so forward to promote 23. The Church at Fredericksburg was built And Frede- anew, and that at Mattapony rebuilt, in ricksbur&- 1732 ; the contract price for each being 75,000 lbs. of tobacco. The terms of the contract are still extant ; and, in an age like ours, which has witnessed so much that has been done, and is still doing, towards the 22 Hening, iii. 201. 478, 479; Trott's Laws, Nos. 38, 39. 23 Jones's Virginia, p. 21. i2 116 VIRGINIA. [CH. Their mate- erection and restoration of Churches, it nais, &c. may n0^. |je without interest to see what were the materials and forms of Churches raised, more than a century ago, by our brethren on the other side of the Atlantic : Each Church is to be underpinned with a brick or stone wall, two feet above the surface of the earth, and eighteen inches thick, to be fourteen feet pitch from the upper part of the sills to the plate ; each Church is to have ten windows, seven feet by three, each pane of good crown glass from London, and eighteen panes in each sash ; to be well shingled with good cypress shingles ; the floors to be well laid with good pine plank without any sap, an inch and a half thick at least ; the roof to be overjetted twelve inches, with a handsome modillion cornice ; the rafters to be five inches by four ; the studs nine by four ; the posts nine by twelve ; the braces nine square ; the plates twelve by nine ; the sills twelve square ; the sleepers nine by six ; the summers and girders of the under floor to be supported by brick or stone ; the pews to be wains- coated, and the walls also as high as the pews ; the doors, windows, and cornice to be three times well painted and laid with white lead ; all the rest of the outside to be well tarred ; each Church to be well plastered and whitewashed with lime ; the whole to be well, sufficiently, and completely done and finished in a workmanlike manner, with the best materials. Twenty- five years later (1756) an addition was made to these Churches, the full width of each Church, and thirty-two feet in length, so as to give them the form of aT24. orders of These Churches were supplied by their Meeting6" respective Vestries with the articles re- them, quired for the due celebration of public worship, as appears from the following instruction given, in June, 1729, to Mr. Taliaferro to send to England, as soon as possible, for three surplices for the three churches in this parish. 24 Slaughter's History of St. George's Parish, pp. 15, 1G. a.d. 1700— 1776. 117 Again : 1733, October. Col. Waller was desired to send to England for pulpit-cloths and cushions for each church in the parish, to be of crimson velvet with gold tassels ; each cloth having a cypher, with the initials St. G. P. He was also directed to send for two silver chalices 25 . The Vestries were further careful to pro- And their ride for their respective ministers the sup- respective L Ministers. port required by the laws of the Colony. The Minutes declare, There being no glebe in the parish at this time (1729), the minister, the Rev. Mr. Kenner, resided at Germanna, and was allowed, in addition to his regular salary, the sum of 4500 lbs. of tobacco for his board, instead of a glebe, to which he was entitled by law. Again, before the expiration of the same Year, The churchwardens purchased a glebe, for which they gave 22,500 lbs. of tobacco, and erected upon it a parsonage, 24 by 48 feet, for the further sum of 4506 lbs. of tobacco. In the deed con- veying this property to the vestry, which is on record in the county court of Spotsylvania, it is described as lying on the south side of the river Po, about a mile above the falls of the same. It thus appears that tobacco continued Tobacco the to be, as before, the medium of all pay- ™f™0{ ments in Virginia. The following table, ments- contained in another part of the same Vestry book, supplies a curious example of the practice : Dr. St. George's Parish. T^ac0cf0- To Rev. James Marye, his salary per year . . . 16,000 To George Carter, Reader at Mattapony . . . 1,000 To R. Stuart, Reader at Rapahannock .... 1,000 To Readers at Germanna and the Chapel . . . 2,000 To Zachary Lewis, for prosecuting all suits for parish, per annum 500 15 lb. 14. 18. 118 YIEGINIA. [CH. Dr. St. George's Parish Tobacco. To Mary Day, a poor woman ..... 350 To Mrs. Livingston, for salivating a poor woman, and pro- mising to cure her again if she should be sick in twelve months 1,000 To James Atkins, a poor man 550 To M. Bolton, for keeping a bastard child a year . . 800 To Sheriff, for Quit-rents of Glebe-land .... 350 To John Taliaferro, for three surplices .... 5,000 To Wm. Philips, Reader at the Mountain ... 325 To John Gordon, Sexton at Germanna .... 5,000 To John Taliaferro, for keeping a poor girl six months . 1,000 To Edmund Herndon, for maintaining Thomas Moor . 500 Cr. St. George's Parish. 1 ,500 tythables, at 22 lbs. of tobacco per poll . . 33,300 175 tythables employed in Spotswood's iron works, exempted by law from paying tythes 26. Bristol Pa- Another curious instance of the same is nsh- found in the earliest records of the Vestry of Bristol Parish, Oct. 30, 1720 ; Bristol Parish, Dr. to Mr. Henry Tatem, for setting the Psalms, 500 pounds of tobacco. The above Vestry was held at the c Ferry Chapel,' so called from its vicinity to the ferry over the Appo- mattuck River. It was built in the district afterwards called Bristol Parish ; another place of worship, called the Mother Church, having been before erected in the same quarter, near Bermuda Hundred. All traces of their sites have long since ceased to exist. The in- habitants of the Parish seem from the first to have been careful to provide for its spiritual wants. Thus, 26 lb. p. 19. The item relating to surplices in the above table must be erroneously given, for their amount is put at five times the salary of a lay-reader, and nearly a third of that of the minister. XXIV.] a.d. 1700—1776. 119 in 1720, an Act was passed by the House of Bur- gesses for building a Chapel within its borders. Again, in 1725, as the population spread towards the west, and settled upon Namoseen and Sapponey Creeks, the Yestry gave instructions for the building Its of two Chapels for the use of the < frontier Churches- inhabitants,' adding the like particulars with regard to the materials and dimensions of each which have been already noticed with respect to the Churches in St. George's Parish. In 1750, these Chapels were en- larged, and a third ordered to be built in a still re- moter quarter. Two years afterwards, a fourth was built for the benefit of the inhabitants in the upper part of the Parish. Only one Clergyman was placed in charge of the Mother Church and the various Chapels ; and Lay-readers were provided in every con- gregation to conduct, as far as they were able, the services of the Church in his absence 27 . As years pass on, the Yestry Books of Its 8ubdivi. Bristol Parish, and those of Ralegh and sions- Dale, which were formed in 1736 from portions of that and adjoining Parishes, supply continued evidence of new Churches built or enlarged. The origin of the old brick Church on Blandford Hill, — the ruins of which are still standing, — and those of Chapels built at Hatcher's Bun and Hole's Creek, and other places, are given in these simple yet faithful records ; and many an instance of honest and persevering zeal may be traced in the prosecution of these and kindred works 28. Pacts of a less pleasing character are also established 27 Slaughter's History of Bristol Parish, pp. 18—21. 28 lb. 21—24. 120 YIBGIXIA. [CH. Punishment ^y ^ne same records ; and prove that the lor spirit offences. tor spiritual pernicious practice of punishing spiritual offences by temporal penalties still pre- vailed. Witness the following entry in the Vestry Minutes of St. George's Parish : 1724. Information brought by Thomas Cheed, Churchwarden, against Jno. Digg, for absenting himself from the place of divine worship: he is fined 10 shillings, or 100 lbs. of tobacco, or must receive corporal punishment in lieu thereof, as the law directs. Again, upon information of the same Churchwarden, in 1722, Thomas Mosley and John Shelton, having been committed for taking upon themselves to baptize the child of one Ann Alsop, were required to give bond and security for their good behaviour; and, in default of appearing to answer at the next court, were ordered to be committed to jail, and receive thirty-one lashes on their bare backs, sixteen in the evening and fifteen in the morning. Thirteen presentments were also made at the same court by the Grand Jury, of absentees from public worship. It is right to add that only one of these cases was prosecuted to execution ; and Mr. Slaughter, to whose examination of the Vestry Books I am indebted for the above particulars 29, justly thinks that this mitigation of the law's rigour was owing to the progress which public opinion was then making towards that end. I am further disposed to think that one cause, which gave this wholesome im- pulse to public opinion, was the equity and vigilance of Spotswood's administration. Defects of was imP0SSible f°r any Governor, the church however iust or active, by the exercise of in Virginia. * • secular authority alone, to breathe into the 2J History of St. George's Parish, pp. 8, 9. XXIV.] a.d. 1700-177G. 121 framework of a Church establishment the breath of life, or make the energy of that life a blessing. If the ordinances of that Church were only partially admi- nistered, and those spiritual rulers, from whom was derived, by her ministers, their commission to teach and to serve, were not at hand to enforce and regulate its duties, it was impossible that abuses should not creep in and abound. Endowments provided by the Colonial Legislature in such a case only magnified the evil. They bribed to indolence ministers already set- tled in the province ; attracted from the mother country others who had long been a reproach to it ; and created discontent among the people, who found themselves charged with payments for duties which were not efficiently performed. In Virginia, especially, a tempting op- Power of portunity always existed for manifesting JiertE this discontent, in consequence of the con- Clersy- troul which the Vestry of every Parish had in the appointment or removal of the minister 30. They exer- cised this sometimes with extreme rigour. In 1739, upon the death of Mr. George Eobertson, who had been the incumbent of Bristol Parish for more than twenty years, Mr. Eichard Heartswell was elected ; but a misunderstanding having arisen between him and the Vestry, touching the terms of their contract, he was discharged on the following day, and a resolu- tion was passed, That Mr. Heartswell should not he the Minister of the Parish on the original te?'ms of the contract, nor on any other terms whatsoever 3U Vol. ii. 350—352. 31 Slaughter's History of Bristol Parish, 25. Mr. S. states that the Clergyman appointed to fill the vacancy for a time, was Mr. 122 VIRGINIA. [CH. Again, the Vestry Minutes of St. George's Parish, in January 1732-3, exhibit a notice to the Eev. Mr. Kenner, That he need not give himself any further trouble to come and preach in that parish. And, in 1734, when a Mr. Smith had arrived with a letter of commendation from the then Governor, Sir William G-ooch, the Vestry, after hearing two of his sermons, appointed a Committee to inform the Governor, That Mr. Smith's preaching was so generally disliked in the parish, that they could not receive him as their Minister i2. The ground of their dislike to Mr. Smith is not set forth ; neither is any reason given for the dismissal of Mr. Kenner. Mr. Slaughter, indeed, cites the testi- mony of Col. Byrd, author of a work, entitled ' Pro- gress to the Mines,' from which it might be inferred that Kenner was addicted to rash and foolish jesting. But no definite or tangible charge appears any where ; and such undoubtedly there ought to have been, to have justified these proceedings of the Vestry. It is _ ., true that there remained a power of ap- Evil conse- r . ± quences peal to the Governor and Council; and thereof. tip r> • that the formal act of removing ministers rested with the Grand Assembly. But, as I have shown elsewhere, no security was thereby given against the infliction of injustice upon the individual minister or the Church whom he served33. He was liable, for alleged spiritual offences, to be tried by judges purely Stith, formerly of William and Mary College, who was then staying at Varina, and engaged in writing his History of Virginia. 32 Slaughter's History of St. George's Parish, 17-19. 33 Vol. i. 470-472. XXIY.] A. d. 1700—1776. 123 secular ; and no other ruler was near him who might protect him from wrong, and lead him on to right. The evils against which Godwyn had formerly remon- strated, were probably aggravated by the lapse of time ; and if, in his day, Vestries could use their ministers and lay-readers ' how they pleased, pay them what they listed, and discard them whensoever they had a mind to it34,' we can readily understand to what a precari- ous condition the main body of the Virginia Clergy must, by the continuance of such a system, have been reduced. The testimony of Jones upon this point Jones>s tes. is most distinct. Distressing contests, he timonyupon ° this subject. says, frequently sprang up between the Governor and Vestries of Parishes as to the right of presentation to livings. Each party claimed the right, and insisted upon the exclusive exercise of it. To the Governor alone, as Ordinary, was authority given to institute and induct. But, in Jones's time, three or four Eectors were thus formally inducted, in conse- quence of the power which the Vestries possessed of shutting the church doors against the Clergyman, and stopping his supplies at any moment. They considered themselves, to use their own language, ' as masters of the parson,' agreeing with him only from year to year, with authority to turn him off from their service when- ever they would. ' Some few,' he adds, ' would be con- tent rather never to appoint a minister, than ever to pay his salary.' To restrain these evils by such con- troul as could be exercised by the Ecclesiastical Com- missary was hopeless. Visitations had been attempted in vain. The abuses and rigour of the Ecclesiastical 34 Vol. ii. 350. 124 TIEGINIA. [cn. Courts, the same writer informs us, had so terrified the people, that they hated their very name ; and any mode, howsoever arbitrary, of settling their differences, was preferred to that of yielding to so intolerable a yoke. irreguiari- Irregularities of every kind quickly fol- ensuedich lowed. To alter the Liturgy according to the will of the individual minister, or some- times at the dictation of those among whom he offici- ated ; to discard the use of the surplice ; to sit during the celebration of the Holy Communion; to adminis- ter Baptism, and solemnize marriage in private houses, without any regard to the time of day, or the season of the year; and to bury the dead in gardens or orchards, within temporary enclosures, were practices which commonly prevailed. Every minister is de- scribed by Jones as being ' a kind of Independent in his own parish.' The practice, indeed, of burying the dead in gardens, was, in that sultry climate, absolutely necessary, by reason of the enormous size of Parishes, some of them 60 miles long. Hence arose another practice of having funeral sermons preached in private houses, for which a fee of forty shillings was paid to the minister. 1 Most of the middle people,' adds Jones, * will have them.' In case of the Clergyman's death or absence, the clerk frequently performed all the offices of the Church. Exceptions Notwithstanding these irregularities and thereto. discouragements, not a few of the Clergy remained stedfast; and are described by Jones as 'worthy, prudent, and pious, meeting with the love, reputation, respect, and encouragement that such good men may deserve to expect.' Decline of But these, it must be confessed, were xxiv.] a.d. 1700—1776. 125 exceptions to their general character. The JHSjf"* spiritual condition of the CoIodv was evi- lege, dently on the decline. The zeal and energy which marked the first operations of William and Mary Col- lege, and the munificence of her first endowments, were utterly lost in the feebleness and indolence which ensued. Its Charter had named Bishop Compton as its first Chancellor, for a period of seven years ; and, at the time at which Jones published the work to which I have referred above, Archbishop Wake filled that office35. All the sanction and encouragement, there- fore, which lofty names and dignities could give to it were continued. Yet, Jones describes it as having been for a long time ' a college without a chapel, with- out a scholarship, without a statute ; having a library without books, a President without a fixed salary, a Burgess without certainty of electors.' The And of the department for the instruction of Indian department * . for the m- children had suffered along with the rest. Btroction of The change of diet and mode of life had caused many of them to fall sick and die ; and others had become impatient and suspicious, and had gone back again to their native haunts unimproved. But the writer who thus, without con- The hope of cealment or reserve, relates the facts of these vafi- which he was an eye-witness, was still hope- entertained ful and vigilant. He saw that there was a b> Jones- remedy for the evils which he deplored, and did what he could to apply it. The practical suggestions which he gives for the more efficient conduct of William and Mary College are most valuable ; and the knowledge of them awakens a deeper feeling of regret that they 3i Trott's Laws, p. 155 ; Preface to Jones's Virginia, p. v. 126 YTBGINTA. [CH. did not meet with immediate attention. In other mat- ters, also, which needed correction, he pointed out the means which were at hand for ensuring it ; and seeing the great advancement in matters temporal which Vir- ginia had made under the administration of Spotswood, he felt assured that, ' in spiritual concernments it might also abound, were the attempts made for the due regulation of the Church, as well as State, brought to maturity 3V His earnest The proposals made by Jones towards prelenc^of6 this end appear in different portions of his a Bishop. work. But that which he again and again dwells upon, and without which he foresaw every other remedy would be abortive, was the presence of a faith- ful, wise, and loving Bishop. Remembering the former unsuccessful attempt to secure a Bishop for Virginia, he was content, until the full appointment could be made, to gain, if possible, the services of some Eccle- siastical officer, with authority superior to that hitherto exercised by the Bishop of London's Commissary, who might be called Dean of Virginia. The appointment of an officer invested with powers so limited, would obviously not have been a sufficient remedy for all the evils complained of. But the mere fact that such a design should have been entertained and promulgated at this time, proves the greatness of the wrong then inflicted upon the Virginian Church, and the eagerness with which her children were ready to welcome even the faintest hope of redress, incorrect- According to some accounts, it might be storjAhat6 supposed that a plan for constituting Vir- 36 Preface to Jones's Virginia, p. hi. The rest of the infor- mation which I have gathered from his book is to be found pp. Go— 104. XXIV.] a.d. 1700—1776. 127 mnia a separate Diocese bad been formed, Dean Swift , /iii -u .Li was designed in tbe early part oi tbe last century, by the to be Bishop autborities at borne, and tbat Dean Swift ° irglnia- was even once designed to preside over it as its first Bishop. The testimony of Walter Scott, in bis Life of Swift, prefixed to bis edition of Swift's works 37 , is cited in proof of tbe correctness of tbe story. But I tbink it has been received too hastily, and that there is no just ground for believing that sucb a design was ever cherished; or, tbat, if it were, Swift was con- cerned with it. It is true, indeed, that Scott speaks, in tbe passage referred to, of Swift having been de- signed to be Bishop of Virginia, and adds that it was a plan probably suggested by Hunter, Governor of Virginia. But the fact is, that Hunter, although once nominated Lieutenant-governor of Virginia, never reached that province, having been captured by the Frencb on his voyage thither 38. It is true, that, whilst Hunter was still a prisoner in Paris, Swift writes to bim, Jan. 12, 1708-9, and says, Vouz savez que— Monsieur Addison, notre bon ami, est fait se- cretaire d'etat d'Irlande ; and unless you make baste over and get my Virginia bishoprick, he will persuade me to go with him, for the Vienna project is off, which is a great disappointment to the design I had of displaying my politics at the Emperor's Court. Again, two months later, be writes also to Hunter, I shall go from Ireland sometime in summer, being not able to make my friends in the ministry consider my merits, or their pro- mises, enough to keep me here ; so that all my hopes now termi- nate in my bishoprick of Virginia 39. 37 Vol. i. p. 98, quoted by Hawkins, in his Historical Notices, &c , p. 378. 38 See p. Ill, ante, note. *» Swift's Works (Scott's ed.) xv, 295. 308. 128 VTKGINIA. [CH. In like manner, four years afterwards, wlien Hunter was Governor of New York, he writes to Swift saying, I have purchased a seat for a Bishop, and by orders from the Society have given directions to prepare it for his reception. You once upon a day gave me hopes of seeing you there. It would be no small relief to have so good a friend to complain to *°. But these passages fail to prove that there was ever any serious intention, on the part of our temporal or spiritual rulers, to nominate Swift to the Bishopric of Virginia. They show, indeed, that when the prospect of such an event had been opened to Swift by the ap- pointment of his friend Hunter to the governorship of Virginia, and afterwards of New York, his restless and scheming spirit strove in both instances eagerly, — and I am thankful to add ineffectually, — to realise it. But there the matter ends. The only fact of interest, established by the correspondence in question, is one to which our attention has been already directed, and to which it will be again called hereafter, — the zealous efforts of The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts to secure the presence of a Bishop in one portion or another of the Colonial Church. Letter of appears, indeed, from a Letter to the Element Society, in 1748, from one of its most de- voted and laborious Missionaries, Clement Hall, that a report was then prevalent, that a Bishop (who, to use his own words, was ' much wanted, and by all good men earnestly desired ') was about to be sent over and settled in Virginia41. And he anxiously asks to be informed whether the report were true. But the absence of any definite answer upon the sub- 40 lb. xvi. 48, 41 Hawkins, p. 81. XXIV.] a.d. 1700—1776. 129 ject proves, that, if ground for the rumour had ever existed, it was soon removed ; and that there still con- tinued to prevail a perilous indifference to her spiritual wants, on the part of those who could alone supply them at home. It would have been some mitigation of The vir the evils which Virginia suffered at this ginjansua- ° willing to time, had her citizens been able to secure send their • children to in England that education tor their chil- England for dren, which could only be imperfectly given to them in their native province. But they were deterred from sending their children across the At- lantic for that purpose, through fear of the small-pox 42. The comparative freedom from that scourge, which we experience in the present age, may possibly make it difficult for us to apprehend the reasonableness of such a fear. But its destroying power then defied and baffled every healing art, affected not only the general relations between England and her American Colonies, but sometimes rendered abortive the most earnest efforts which faithful men in both countries sought to make for the extension of their common faith. The system of Slavery in Virginia, of g]aves which I have already traced the origin and Their Bap- progress, had now become fixed and per- manent ; and continual importations from Africa caused it to spread through every quarter. Not fewer than 10,000 Africans were brought into Virginia in the reign of G-eorge I. alone. At the beginning of his reign, out of the 95,000 persons who formed the po- pulation of the Colony, 23,000 were Negroes 43 ; and, 42 Jones's Virginia, p. 45. 43 Campbell's Virginia, pp. 108 and 125. VOL. III. K 130 VIRGINIA. [CH. in 1756, when the population had reached 293,000, the Negroes amounted to 120,000. But in that, as in a former day, the Church of Virginia was careful to extend among the slave population the blessings of Christianity, "With reference to her discharge of this duty in the preceding century, the Legislature had expressly asserted, that a participation in the spiritual privileges thereby conferred upon the slave, did not change in any respect his outward condition. The like proviso we find renewed in the same century ; and an Act was passed, in October, 1705, which de- clared, ' That baptism of slaves doth not exempt them from bondage 4V It were needless to repeat in this place the remarks already made upon the first passing of such a law 45. I would only point out the evidence supplied by the repetition of it to show, that, although she had no power to strike off his fetters from the slave, the Church of Virginia continued to do what she could to lighten their weight and rigour. servants and In addition to their slaves, three dif- convicts. ferent kinds of white servants were em- ployed by the Virginian Planters ; some of whom were hired in the ordinary way ; others, called ' kids,' were bound by indenture to serve four or five years ; and the third class consisted of transported convicts, whose wild and violent conduct inflicted frequently upon their masters greater loss than their labour could yield them profit 46 ; thus realising the evils which were to be looked for as the result of this system of punishment, when it was first introduced into the Co- lony 47, and the consequences of which have ever since 44 Hening, iii. 460. 45 Vol. ii. 344. 46 Jones's Virginia, p. 49. 17 Vol. i. 262. XXIV.] a.d. 1700—1776. 131 received such melancholy illustration from the history of our penal settlements. The year 1740 is celebrated in the an- whitefieid's nals of Virginia for a visit paid to it by jSt?,7* Whitefield. The aged Commissary Blair 174°- was still alive, and received him with unaffected kind- ness. The cords of union which, at his ordination, had bound Whitefield to our National Church were already loosening ; and even the line of separation be- tween him and Wesley was daily becoming more dis- tinct and broad. But these circumstances, if Blair were cognizant of them, were not regarded by him as sufficient reasons for withholding from Whitefield the right hand of fellowship. Blair looked upon him still as a servant of the Church of England, and thankfully enlisted his unwearied energy and zeal in behalf of England's most ancient Colony. At his request, Whitefield preached in Williamsburg and other towns of the province48; and manifested there the same wonderful power over the hearts and consciences of his hearers, which had marked so signally the course of his ministry in England. No small stir was made, about the same _ . . ' Presbyte- time, in Virginia, by the movements of ^aentmove" other parties, whose success arose from causes which favoured the like work in the Mother- country ; namely, the lukewarmness of many whose duty it was to discharge, without partiality or weari- ness, the obligations incumbent upon the National Church ; the burning zeal of others who endeavoured, sometimes with good will, and at other times in the 48 Davies's State of Religion, &c, quoted in Hawks's Narrative of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Virginia, p. 100. K2 132 YIBGENTA. [CH. spirit of envy and strife, to supply their deficiencies ; and the rigour of the prohibitory statutes of the Legis- lature, which served but to make fiercer the opposition which it provoked. Samuel IQ some of the eastern outlying districts Moms. 0£ yirginiaj considerable numbers of Scotch and Irish Presbyterians had been for some time gra- dually brought together without exciting any atten- tion. Between the years 1740 and 1743, many of the most zealous among them were accustomed to meet in the house of Samuel Morris, a man of singularly earnest and devoted spirit, that they might hear him read passages from his favourite books; such as Luther's Commentary on the Epistle to the Gala- tians, the Pilgrim's Progress, and Whitefield's Ser- mons. The number of his disciples soon increased, and the simple energy with which Morris strove to convey to their minds the impressions made upon his own, quickened their love towards him. A larger place of meeting was built, to which was given the name of ' Morris's Eeading Eoom ;' and other build- ings were soon erected in different parts of the country, in which he or his deputies taught and exhorted the people by reading on Sundays, and sometimes on week-days, different passages from the same works. It does not appear that they observed any formal mode of public worship at first ; for none thought them- selves qualified to offer up what is called extempore prayer, and our own Prayer Book was not likely to find acceptance with them. In 1743, Robinson was sent by the Presbytery of Newcastle, in Delaware, to visit these assemblies of the followers of Morris; and, in conjunction with Roan and others, formally introduced among them the Confessions of Faith and XXIY.] a.d. 1700—1776. 133 modes of worship recognised by the Pres- Samuel byterian body. But the man most dis- Dis- tinguished for the ability and zeal and eloquence, •with which he organised and extended the operations of these assemblies, was Samuel Davies, who settled, in 1748, at a spot in Hanover County, about twelve miles from the Falls of James Eiver; and, in spite of every opposition by the authorities of Virginia, pleaded in his own person the cause of his brethren, at the bar of the General Court, against Peyton Eandolph the Attorney- General, and won for them the liberty of celebrating, without molestation, their religious services. The Governor, Sir William Gooch, had pointed out, in an address to the Grand Jury of the General Court, the danger which he appre- hended from the spread of their opinions ; and since it was held that the Toleration Act (1 W. & M.) did not extend to Virginia, the Statutes of her House of Assembly appeared amply sufficient to restrain the public profession of them. But Davies contended, that, if the Toleration Act did not apply to Virginia, neither did the Act of Uniformity, — a conclusion, which obviously would prove too much for his oppo- nents. But there was no necessity for insisting upon this conclusion, for the provisions of the Toleration Act had been expressly recoguised and adopted, in 1699, by the Virginian Assembly 49. Standing, there- fore, upon this strong ground of right, it was not difficult for the young champion of religious liberty, — for he was but twenty-four years old, — to achieve a signal triumph for his brethren ; and he had the satis- faction of finding, when he afterwards visited England, 45 Hening, iii. 171. 134 VIBGINIA. [CH. that Sir Dudley Kyder, then Attorney- G-eneral, con- firmed by his opinion the verdict of the Court at "Williamsburg. It is gratifying to be enabled to add, that the conflict of opinion created by these proceed- ings was not embittered by personal animosity be- tween the respective leaders. Davies himself admits the candour of Gooch's character ; and from Dawson (who succeeded Blair in the offices of President of "William and Mary College and of Commissary), as also from James Blair, a nephew of the latter, and a member of the General Court, Davies received great kindness, which he repaid with sincere affection. Davies became afterwards famous for the powerful eloquence with which he stirred up the hearts of the Virginians in the war against the French and Indians, when they were panic-stricken by the defeat and death of General Braddoek, on the banks of the Monanga- hela, in 1755. This was the battle in which the cele- brated George Washington gained the high renown which was the presage of his future career; and Davies, in a note to one of his sermons preached be- fore the soldiers, speaks of him, in language singularly prophetic, as 'an heroic youth whom Providence hath preserved in so signal a manner for some important service to his country.' Davies died in 1761, at the early age of thirty-six, as President of Princeton Col- lege in New Jersey30. „, . . "Whilst, in the eastern districts of Vir- Tne labours Morgan!" &mia> a raCe °f men tnUS grew Up, of re- father and solute will and untiring energy, who looked with aversion upon the rites and ordinances 50 Campbell's Virginia, 114—117; 123, 124, note; Hawks's Virginia, 101 — 110; Allen's American Biog. Diet, (Art. Davies.) XXIV.] a.d. 1700—1776. 135 of her Church, and would gladly have effected her overthrow, there appeared, at the same time, on the other side of the mountains which separated its dis- tricts on the west, two men, father and son, who la- boured in her service for many years with a diligence and success that have never been surpassed. A native of Wales, as his name Morgan Morgan testified, the father had originally settled in Pennsylvania ; and thence, in 1726, removed to the south of the Potomac in Virginia, between the Blue Eidge and the North Mountain. In conjunction with Dr. Briscoe and Mr. Hite, he built, in 1740, the first Church in that ex- tensive valley, which is said to be still standing, and known by the name of Mill Creek Church, in the Parish of Winchester. He lived to an advanced age, pursuing to the last a course of ardent and active piety which made him a light and a blessing to all within his influence. Under the direction also of the Clergyman, whether present or absent, Morgan ful- filled the duties of Lay-reader, which enabled him the more intimately to know their wants and cares, and to direct them, amid them all, along the path of duty. In the exercise of these duties, he was succeeded by a son, who prosecuted them with the same affectionate, diligent, and humble spirit. As the prospects of the Church in Virginia became more dark, her enemies more clamorous, her means of defence and progress more feeble, Morgan plied all the more strenuously every engine of usefulness placed at his command, and was still stedfast, still vigilant, still full of love and hope. Never intruding into offices not his own, he showed, that, in the Book of Common Prayer, the Church supplied her children with a guide that would never fail, because, from the cradle to the grave, its 136 VIRGINIA. [CH. own means of guidance were uniformly and faithfully drawn from the unerring Word of Grod. Thus regu- lating his own daily walk, and that of all classes of his brethren, — for, among the rich and poor he was alike acceptable, — by the light of that Word, he was, in a day of trouble and rebuke, a strength and com- fort unto many ; and the record of his name and work will long be gratefully remembered in the Valley of Virginia 51. Our attention must now be directed to pute°be-dls a dispute which sprang up between the clergy and Clergy of Virginia and the Law Courts, courtt7on on tne SUDject of stipend, and which ended the subject [n the utter discomfiture of the former. of stipend. The annual salary of every Clergyman re- ceived into any Parish by the Vestry, had been fixed, as far back as the year 1696, — the same having been re-enacted with amendments down to 1748, — at 16,000 lbs. of tobacco, together with the cask in which it was packed. The Clergy had a right to demand, and usually received, their payment in tobacco, unless they chose to commute it at the market price, which at the ordinary rate of 2d. a pound, or 16*. 8d. a hundred, amounted to £133 a year. In 1755, in con- sequence of a failure of the tobacco crop, an Act was passed, enabling all persons, from whom any tobacco was due, to pay the amount, either in kind or in money, at the above rate of 2d. a pound. The Act, — which, in consequence of the price thus fixed, soon acquired the name of the Twopenny Act,— was not to continue in force longer than ten months, and was passed with- out the usual clause requiring the Royal assent before 51 Episc. Recorder, Vol. i. No. 5, quoted in Hawks's Virg., Ill —113. XXIV.] a.d. 1700—1776. 137 it came into operation. Meanwhile, the price of to- bacco, in consequence of its scarceness, varied from fifty to sixty shillings a hundred. The effect, there- fore, of the Act, was to give to the rich Planters all the benefit of the extraordinary profit, whilst it al- lowed them to pay their debts, due for that article, at the old price, that is, twro-thirds less than it was then worth. The Clergy, however, offered no resistance to the Act ; but some of them petitioned the Legislature (apparently without any effect), in the same year, for an increase of stipend ; urging the insufficiency of the amount hitherto received, their inability to increase it by following any secular employment, and the great discouragement thereby given to all who were anxious to give efficiency to the services of the Colonial Church. In 1758, came the fear of another failure of the tobacco crop ; and, with it, the passing of a second relief Act, which differed from the former in respect only of the amount at which the value of the article was to be fixed, namely, 18s. instead of 16s. Sd. a hundred. The dreaded scarcity arrived ; prices rose with it ; and the Clergy could no longer be restrained from giving expression to their sense of the wrong done to them through the operation of the Act. The Eector of York Hampton Parish, Mr. John Camm, published an indignant pamphlet upon the subject. Eeplies and rejoinders followed ; and the popular clamour, waxing strong against the Clergy, became so formidable, that Camm was compelled to resort to Maryland, to find a publisher for his writings. Finding no redress in the province, the Clergy appealed, through their Commis- sary, Mr. Eobinson, to the Bishop of London and the Board of Trade at home, and afterwards, with the con- currence and support of that prelate, to the King and 138 YIEGINIA. [CH. Council. Their appeal was successful. The Act of 1758 was declared to be an usurpation of the authority of the Crown, and utterly null and void. With this decision to support them, the Clergy resolved to bring the question to an issue in the Provincial Courts ; and Suit insti- the Rev- Jaines Maury, in the County of Rev? James Hanover, instituted a suit for the recovery Maury. 0f }jjs stipend in tobacco, under the old Act of 1748, against the collector of that district and his sureties. The case was argued in November Term, 1763 ; and the Court gave judgment in favour of Maury; thereby overthrowing the authority of the Act of 1758, so obnoxious to the Clergy, and con- firming the decision of the King and Council at home. It was a judgment, however, most unwelcome to the mass of the inhabitants of the Colony ; and the Court is entitled to no little credit for the firmness with which, in obedience to the law, it opposed the stream of popular displeasure. The only point which now remained for a jury to determine was the amount of damages sustained by the plaintiff ; and, after what had taken place, a verdict, regulating the amount ac- cording to the Act of 1748, seemed inevitable. Lewis, the counsel for the defendants, accordingly refrained from any further pleading. But the defendants would not give up their case. They sought out another ad- vocate, Patrick Henry, who undertook to argue it in the ensuing Term. The whole aspect of affairs was immediately changed, and an impulse given to the course of public opinion, of which the effects may be distinctly traced through every stage of the subsequent Revolutionary struggle. Patrick Previ°us hfe °f Patrick Henry had Henry, been wayward and unpromising. His XXIY.] a.d. 1700—1776. 139 father, who was connected with the family the deflnd1- of Eobertson the historian, had emigrated ants- to Virginia, from Scotland, at the beginning of the 18th century; and Patrick, the second of nine chil- dren, was born at Studley, in Hanover County, in 1736. He had been placed, whilst a boy, in a mer- chant's store ; but his indolence and carelessness, and love of music and of sports, wholly incapacitated him for its duties, and forced him, within a short time, to retire from it with a loss. He then married, at the age of eighteen, and tried to gain a livelihood by the cultivation of a small farm, digging the ground with his own hands. But the life of a farmer quickly proved as distasteful to him as had been that of a merchant ; and, bankrupt in fortune and prospects, he resolved to make trial of the law. With great difficulty he ob- tained, when he was twenty-four years old, the required licence to practise as an advocate ; and, for three years afterwards, remained without a brief, suffering the severest privations and cares of poverty. But his re- putation for courage and wit and eloquence had won for him, among his countrymen, an influence so great, that he was chosen, at the present crisis, to defend the important cause which an experienced counsel had given up as hopeless. Multitudes of eager listeners came from all parts of Virginia, crowding the yard and court-house in which the trial was held ; and others, unable to gain admission, clambered up to the windows, that they might see or hear what they could of the conflict which stirred all hearts. Twenty Clergymen occupied the bench; and the presiding magistrate was the father of Henry himself. Upon rising to reply to the plaintiff's counsel, his manner was hesitating and embarrassed ; and, had the Court 140 YIBGimA. [CH. insisted upon his confining his address to the only question then before it, he would, probably, not have been able to escape from the difficulties of his po- sition. But he speedily forgot them all, in the wider field of argument and invective which he was allowed to traverse ; touching upon every topic, howsoever irre- levant, which was calculated to excite and inflame the passions of the jury ; asserting the power of the Pro- vincial Legislature to act as it thought best for the safety of the Colony; denouncing as intolerable the prohibitory decision of the Council at home : and de- claring the King, by whose authority such a decision was proclaimed and enforced, to be, not the father, but the tyrant, of his people. In vain the plaintiff's counsel interposed, asserting that such language was treason. The intrepid orator went onward, gathering fresh strength at every step of his impetuous course. The jury and the whole audience seemed spell-bound by his magic power. His father sat weeping for joy Defeat of an(^ wonder as he listened to him. The the clergy. Clergy, indignant and amazed, withdrew in confusion from the bench, and the verdict of a penny damages quickly proclaimed the greatness of their defeat. Their counsel, indeed, still remembered his duty, and sought leave for a new trial ; but the Court, sharing for a moment the enthusiasm of all around, unanimously refused it. The people shouted for joy, as they heard the refusal ; and lifting up Henry in their arms, in spite of his resistance, and calls of order from the Court, carried him in triumph to re- ceive the renewed plaudits of the eager and exulting multitudes without 52 . 52 Wirt's Life of Henry, pp. 37 — 47; Hawks's Virginia, 117 — 124 ; Campbell's Virginia, 129—131. XXIY.] a.d. 1700—1776. 141 It is not easy to estimate too highly Conse the amount of adverse influences excited quences . thereof. against the Clergy, and, m their persons, against the whole Church of Virginia, by these pro- ceedings. The essential justice of their cause, indeed, few persons now deny. Dr. Hawks, himself a mi- nister and prelate of the Church, of which he is the well-known chronicler, describes the verdict obtained by Henry's pleading as ' the triumph of wrong over right.' The like admission is made by others, who cannot be suspected of sympathy with the Virginia Clergy. The biographer and eulogist of Patrick Henry, speaking of the war of pamphlets which pre- ceded the trial at law, says ' it is impossible to deny, at this day, that the Clergy had much the best of the argument.' He describes also the judgment of the Court in favour of Maury, confirming the decision of the King and Council, and overthrowing the autho- rity of the Act of 1758, as one which reflected honour upon its members. Grahame likewise awards the superiority of argument in this controversy to the Clergy ; and Campbell admits, that, whatsoever justi- fication for the passing of that Act might, in the first instance, have been derived from the plea of necessity, yet its subsequent abolition by the decision of the King and Council made it impossible for the claim of the Clergy to be defeated by any other means than 'by a sort of revolutionary recurrence to fundamental principles, by an abnegation of the regal authority, and an exertion of popular sovereignty 53.' Nothing less, in fact, than this, was in- a Revoiu- 83 Hawks's Virginia, p. 125; Wirt's Life of Henry, p. 41; Grahame's United States, iv. 96; Campbell's Virginia, p. 131. 142 TTEG1NIA. [CH. tionary spirit volved in the issue of the present trial. It antedated the American Bevolution. Howsoever different the disputes which, in a few years afterwards, brought about that event, there can be no doubt that the spirit, which carried the Ameri- can Colonies triumphantly through them all, was the spirit evoked by Patrick Henry in the court-house of Hanover County. To himself, the immediate effect was that of teaching him to look upon every act of England with feelings of jealousy, whilst he directed all his energies to defend the Colony of which he had denounced her the oppressor. He found, in the hearts of his countrymen, a willing and partial audi- ence. Their plaudits, which had celebrated his first great victory in their behalf, stimulated him to fresh conflicts. He became emphatically the man of the people, their oracle, their guide, their idol. Their suffrages speedily gained for him a place in the Legis- Poiiticai in lative Assembly of Virginia ; and not less Henry6 °f speedily did he stand forth as the distin- guished champion of its liberties, The obnoxious policy of Great Britain, — which first en- forced restrictions upon the trade of America, and, then, under the administration of George Grenville, introduced into her provinces the Stamp Act, — found, in the resolutions of the Yirginia Assembly, and, in Patrick Henry their mover, its earliest and most de- termined opponents. The Act declared all documents used in the business of the Colony to be null and void, unless executed upon paper or parchment bear- ing a stamp, with duty charged upon it, imposed and regulated by the British Parliament. The right was herein directly assumed by the Mother-country to tax her Colonies, whether they consented or not. This XXIV.] a.d. 1700—1776. 143 right, Henry's resolutions explicitly denied; and de- clared it to be solely and exclusively vested in the General Assembly of the Province, and the repre- sentatives of the Crown who were associated with them in its government. His speech upon that occa- sion, May 29th, 1765, within two years from the date of his first triumph as an advocate, is memorable for its boldness and dexterity. 1 Caesar,' he exclaimed, 'had his Brutus, Charles the First his Cromwell, and George the Third ' — ' Treason,' cried out the Speaker, 'Treason,' was the echoing shout repeated in every quarter of the house ; but Henry, standing unmoved, and with voice unfaltering, ended the sentence with these emphatic words, — ' may profit by their example. If this be treason, make the most of it 5V Leaving to the general historian the task of relat- ing the further effects of Henry's influence over the minds of his countrymen in the struggle that was at hand, — influence, which Byron has described, in his Age of Bronze, as that of the forest-born Demosthenes, Whose thunder shook the Philip of the seas, — I seek only to trace the consequences which befell the Church of Virginia through the victory gained by him over her Clergy. The absence of any authentic re- port of his speech in Maury's case, prevents us from ascertaining whether it contained arguments against the doctrines or discipline of the Church of which Maury was an ordained minister. The opportunity of employing such arguments must frequently have re- curred to Patrick Henry, amid the many exciting 54 Allen's Amer. Biog. Diet., and Wirt's Life of Henry, in loc. ; Campbell's Virginia, p. 135; Grahame's United States, iv. 203. 144 VIRGINIA. [CH. topics embraced in his address ; the unpopularity of the Clergy, then prevalent, would have made them welcome to the mass of his audience ; and his love for Presbyterian teaching, would have imparted to them strength and spirit. The father of Henry, indeed, was a zealous member of the Church ; and his uncle Patrick was, for a short time, Rector of St. George's Parish, in the County of Spotsylvania, and afterwards of St. Paul's Church in Hanover County 55. But all the accounts which have reached us respecting himself state, that, when he was a boy, he used to drive his mother to the different places where it was known that the celebrated Presbyterian, Samuel Davies, was to preach ; and that, for many years afterwards, he was accustomed to attend his ministry, expressing always the highest ad- miration of his eloquence, and ascribing whatsoever success waited upon his own efforts, to the example and influence of that extraordinary man 56. The traces Diminished °^ suc^ innuence could hardly fail to have tne'aeJgy0f appeared upon an occasion so likely to elicit them as that which first brought Patrick Henry into notice. Whatsoever may have been his arguments, it is certain that the Clergy, as a body, never recovered the blow which his victory in- flicted upon them. The zeal and piety of individual men might still have retained, in certain districts, respect and affection for the Church whose teaching they illustrated so well ; but contempt, reproach, and ridicule, were the burden which most of them had henceforth to bear. Their name became a by-word throughout the Colony. ' The Parsons' Cause,' as it 55 Slaughter's History of St. George's Parish, pp. 17—19; Campbell's Virginia, p. 132. 56 See p. 133, ante; Campbell's Virginia, p. 133. XXIV.] a.j). 1700—1776. 145 was called, was regarded as a glorious epoch in its history ; and, as often as any successful display was made of eloquence, the people could bestow upon the speaker no higher praise than to say, 'He is almost equal to Patrick, when he pleaded against the Parsons.' No attempt was made by the Clergy to appeal against the verdict in Maury's case, or to counteract its effect by bringing any other case to trial. The Assembly entered into an engagement to defend all suits which might be so prosecuted ; and, with the public treasury arrayed against them, the Clergy justly accounted all further resistance to be vain 57. Other influences were now also felt in Low state of i the Colony, springing, indeed, from differ- Virginia1 ent sources, but alike testifying the past negligence of the Church, and hindering the course of her future ministrations. The laxity of opinion and I of practice, prevalent in the Mother-country, was re- I produced, in forms (if possible) more revolting in Vir- I ginia, her first-born offspring. Her wealthy planters I became notorious for their indulgence of dissolute and I idle habits, and passed most of their time in drinking I and card-playing, at horse-races and cock-fights. Their I slaves and servants, and other classes of the popula- ] tion, were not slow to copy the example thus daily I placed before their eyes ; and the spirit of a brutal 1 debauchery spread like a plague among them 58. These excesses were followed, in due increase of I time, by their corresponding reaction. As Dlssent- I Methodism at home gathered life and strength from fl7 Hawks's Virginia, p. 125. 58 Davies's Sermons, quoted in Campbell's Virginia, p. 125 ; and I )avies's State of Religion among Dissenters, &c, quoted in Hawks's I Irginia, p. 101. VOL. III. L 146 VIRGINIA. [CH. the evils which had before been suffered to abound, so, on the other side of the Atlantic, the like process, quickened by the erroneous policy and partial legis- lation of many years, which I have so frequently noticed, gave birth to like divisions and discomfiture in the Church which had been there planted. Hence, the successful energy imparted to the Presbyte- rian movement in Virginia under Davies. Hence, The Bap- the intrusion and rapid increase of the tists. Baptists, whose teaching, however weak- ened by divisions in their own body, was there dis- tinguished, as it had been in the Mother-country, by the bitterness of its hostility towards the Church. The attempts of the Virginia Legislature to restrain the progress of the Baptists by fine, and scourging, and imprisonment, served but to make this bitterness, at the present crisis, more intense ; and the disastrous issue of the Parsons' Cause, occurring at the same time, depressed the spirit of the vanquished party, and gave fresh hope and courage to their uncompromising assailants 59. Other Separatists soon joined the Bap- tists in their attacks ; and so numerous were they, that one of the most celebrated of the Virginia Clergy acknowledges, in a Sermon preached by him at St. Mary's Church, in Caroline County, in 1771, that he ■ might almost as well pretend to count the gnats that buzz around us in a summer's evening60.' Policy of Meanwhile, the measures of the British tanTtowards Government were fast weakening the can Colo-1" affection, and arousing the animosity, of nies- the American Colonies. Virginia, we 59 Semple's History of Virginia Baptists, quoted in Hawks's Virginia, p. 121. 60 Boucher's Discourses, p. 100. xxiv.] a.d. 1700-1776. 147 have seen, was the first to assume an attitude of resistance ; and the temporal institutions of her Church were the first to be swept away in the tempest of strife that burst forth. Time had been, when Vir- ginia was conspicuous for her attachment to the Church and Throne of England, and for the courage with which she avowed that attachment, in the mo- ment of their overthrow. The strong grasp of Crom- well had, indeed, been laid upon her ; but his mastery never was complete. Through all the days of the Commonwealth rule, she was still the stronghold of the Royalists. The majority of her people, in spite of threatening and condemning ordinances, still retained the teaching of the Church. And, long before the Restoration was effected, she had anticipated, and was prepared to welcome, that event 61. Again, in 1746, when the safety of the Church and Throne of England were once more endangered by the rebellion of the preceding year, her Clergy were convened by Dawson, the Commissary, and forwarded through Gibson, then Bishop of London, a loyal and affectionate address to the King. The Governor, at the same time, issued his proclamation against certain Romish Priests from Maryland, who, it was reported, 'were labouring to turn away the people of Virginia from their allegiance to King George62.' But a change was now fast spreading Altered feei- in the minds both of the Laity and Clergy gSto^" of Virginia. The Stamp Act called forth J^JJJf1 not merely the startling words of Patrick (Juence Henry, but feelings of disaffection and deeds of vio- lence, in every quarter. The stamps were burned. ul Vol. ii. 23—26. 62 Hawks's Virginia, p. 110. L2 148 YIEGLSTA. [CH. The officers charged with the imposition of them were insulted and beaten. The channels of trade between England and her Colonies were stopped up, and a Congress was summoned at New York, to concert measures of defence against her alleged tyranny. For a time she paused. The Stamp Act was nobly re- pealed, under the administration of Buckingham, a few months after its introduction ; and the voices of the first William Pitt, then for the last time, and of Ed- mund Burke, then for the first time, heard in the House of Commons, were lifted up in defence of this healing measure. But fresh provocations followed. In 1767, when the Duke of Grafton was minister, an Act was passed by the British Parliament, levying duties in the American Colonies on tea, paper, painted glass, and other articles. The Colonists would not endure them. At Boston and New York, in 1773, the people broke out in riotous tumult, destroying and casting into the sea hundreds of chests of tea which had arrived there from England ; and, for this, they were visited the next year, under the ministry of Lord North, with a Bill called the Boston Port Bill, by which that port was to be shut up until satisfaction should be made to the E. I. Company for the tea that had been destroyed. And so the miserable work of injustice, irritation, and strife, went forward. Norbome -^e one solitary exception, as far as I Berkeley, can fin0\ which, in the case of Virginia, Baron Bo- _ ' ' & » tetourt, might have held out some hope of a return Governor. ^ _ ., *■ _ _ . . to better reelings, was that afforded m the brief government of Norborne Berkeley. He was pos- sessor of the noble estate of Stoke Grifford in Glou- cestershire ; had represented his native county in Par- liament ; and been long distinguished for his zeal and XXIV.] a.d. 1700—1776. 149 energy as a public servant. His name holds a conspi- cuous place in the records of the county ; and, in the Board Room of the Gloucester Infirmary, it may be yet seen at the head of the founders of that Institu- tion. In 1764, having established his claim to the ancient Barony of Botetourt, which had been in abey- ance ever since the 9th year of Richard II., he re- ceived a writ of summons to the House of Lords. And, in 1768, having succeeded Amherst as Governor- in-Chief, he went out to discharge in person the duties of that office, being the first, since Lord Cul- pepper, who had not entrusted them to a deputy. The pomp and ceremony of his first Hisequit appearance, upon opening the House of abieadmint- Assembly, offended the feelings of the spectators. A handsome building had been erected at Williamsburg, for the meetings of the Assembly, in the time of Nicholson, which he had dignified with the name of the Capitol G3. To this Capitol, Lord Botetourt, sitting in a state coach which George III. had given to him, was drawn by six milk-white horses, sur- rounded with all the dazzling insignia of his high office. The temper of the people, at that moment, could ill brook such a display of vice-regal authority ; and resolutions, passed soon afterwards by the House, reiterating its determination to vindicate certain rights I of the Colony, which the proceedings of the Crown and Parliament then threatened to invade, showed how eager the Virginians were to give instant and strong expression to their irritated feelings. Botetourt forth- I with dissolved the Assembly ; a step which, if it had been taken in a haughty spirit, or followed up by an 63 Holmes's American Annals, ii. 33. 150 yiRGItflA. [cn. intolerant course of government, would have led to still further irritation. But Botetourt was a man of equitable and candid mind. He saw where the real difficulties lay in the controversies which had sprung up between England and her North American Colo- nies, and applied all his energies to the solution of them. He had soon the satisfaction of convening and announcing to the Assembly the assurance which he had received from the Earl of Hillsborough, then Sec- retary of State for the Colonies, that the Government at home would not impose any further taxes upon them, and would repeal the duties on glass and paper and paints, regarding them as indefensible. He added his own conviction of the justice of such a proceeding, ' being content (to use his own words) to be declared infamous, if he did not to the last hour of his life, at all times, in all places, and upon all occasions, exert every power with which he was, or ever should be, legally invested, in order to obtain and maintain for the continent of America that satisfaction which he had been authorised to promise that day by the con- fidential servant of his gracious sovereign.' To this communication an answer was returned by the House, expressing in the strongest terms its loyal gratitude and confidence. And there is little reason to doubt, that, had the spirit then manifested by Botetourt been allowed to prevail in England, the growing discontent and disaffection of her Colonies might even then have His disap been stayed. But an opposite spirit pre- pointment vailed. The conciliatory and righteous and death. J ° policy which Botetourt announced to the Virginians, and which his own strong representations to the Home Government had mainly induced, was soon reversed. He had the mortification of finding XXIV.] a.d. 1700—1776. 151 his hopes deceived, and the promises, which he had held out to that and other Provinces of America, falsi- fied. The blow was greater than he could bear. His bodily strength gave way ; and, after an administration of two eventful years, Botetourt died, amid the lamenta- tions of the people whose rights he had attempted in vain to vindicate. A statue, erected to his memory by the Assembly, still stands in front of William and Mary College, witnessing the love borne to him by the whole Colony, and the support which he always re- joiced to give to that important Institution 64. The hated measures of the British Gro- Refusal of vernment, which Botetourt had been un- some of her 7 Clergy to able to avert, gradually engendered a sus- co-operate picion and mistrust of the persons from biishmentof whose authority they emanated. From can Episco- the persons of the rulers, these feelings pacy' were gradually extended to the offices borne by them. And, since the ecclesiastical and civil insti- tutions of the Mother-country were regarded as one and indivisible, it followed that the office and name of Bishop soon lost favour in the sight of those who were losing reverence and affection for their King. This process was remarkably illustrated in the case of Virginia. It had been the saying of King James, at the Hampton Court Conference, 'No Bishop, no King65.' The citizens of Virginia seem to have had the same proposition present to their minds, in the crisis through which they were now passing; and, 64 Campbell's Virginia, 140. Lord Botetourt died unmarried; and his sister Elizabeth, who inherited the Barony, had married the fourth Duke of Beaufort, to whose descendants the title and pro- perty have now descended. Collins's Peerage, i. 241 ; ix. 436. 05 Fuller's Church History, B. x. p. 12. 152 VIRGINIA. [CH. although the order of its terms was reversed, they evi- dently regarded as unchanged the close relation be- tween them, and had no difficulty in arriving at the conclusion, 'No King, no Bishop.' They forthwith acted upon this conclusion ; and, in 1771, the year after the death of Lord Botetourt, refused to co-ope- rate with the Northern Colonies in their endeavour to obtain the presence of a Bishop in America. The Clergy of New York and New Jersey, who were then very desirous of accomplishing this object which had been so often sought after, sent a deputation to their brethren in the south to secure their help. A meeting of the Virginia Clergy was accordingly summoned at William and Mary College, by Camm, who was now Commissary. But, although there were more than an hundred Churches at that time in Virginia, and most of them supplied with ministers, so few attended, that it was thought desirable to convene another meeting some weeks later. At the second meeting, a still smaller number, not more than twelve, appeared. They hesitated at first to declare themselves a Con- vention of the Virginia Clergy ; but, after some dis- cussion, having resolved that they might do so, they proceeded to consider the proposal, that they should address the King, praying for the appointment of a Bishop in America. This proposal they rejected ; and adopted, in its stead, an address to the Bishop of London, seeking for his counsel and advice. There seems to have been great want of order in their pro- ceedings ; for, before they separated, they reversed their former resolution, and drew up an address to the King. Upon this, two of them, Henly and Gwatkin, who were Professors in the College, entered a formal protest, in which they were afterwards joined by two xxiv.] a.d. 1700—1776. 153 others, Hewitt and Bland ; and, from the terms and result of this protest, may be gathered proof of what I have said above as to the altered feelings of the Colony. Some of the reasons set forth in it relate only to the insufficient number of those who composed the meeting ; the informality of their proceedings ; and the slur which, they alleged, would be cast upon the Bishop of London, by attempting to deprive him of a part of his jurisdiction, without waiting for the advice which they had professed themselves desirous to ob- tain. But other reasons touch upon much graver points ; asserting that the establishment of an Ameri- can Episcopate, at that time, would tend greatly to weaken the connexion between the Mother- country and her Colonies ; continue their present unhappy dis- putes; infuse jealousies and fears into the minds of Protestant dissenters; and give ill-disposed persons occasion to raise such disturbances as might endanger the very existence of the British Empire in America. These reasons were re-echoed by the . J Their con- Lower House of Burgesses, who after- ductap- i t i , i ' , proved of by wards discussed the same matter, and re- the House of solved unanimously that the thanks of the Bur&esses- House should be given To the Rev. Mr. Henly, the Rev. Mr. Gwatkin, the Rev. Mr. Hewitt, and the Rev. Mr. Bland, for the wise and well-timed opposition they have made to the pernicious project of a few mis- taken Clergymen, for introducing an American Bishop ; a measure by which much disturbance, great anxiety, and apprehension would certainly take place among His Majesty's faithful American subjects ; and that Mr. Richard Henry Lee and Mr. Bland do acquaint them therewith. The members of the House which passed this reso- lution, were, with few exceptions, members of the Vir- 154 VIRGINIA. [CF. ginia Church; and one of them, Henry Lee, was fifteen years afterwards, as President of the Congress, instrumental in bringing about the consecration of Bishops "White and Provoost, and the first to declare the perfect consistency of their office with the civil in- stitutions of the United States66. The fact of such consistency, no person will now gainsay. And that it should not only not have been acknowledged, but the expression of it, in the present instance, actually re- sisted, by all the leading Lay-members of the Church, and by some of the most distinguished Clergy, can only be accounted for by the fierceness of political conflict into which they had already plunged, and which disturbed the judgment and inflamed the pas- sions of all classes. Rev Jona- re^"usal °f Virginia to co-operate than Bou- with the Northern Colonies in obtaining: cher. . . ° an American Episcopate, led to a long war of pamphlets, upon both sides, which it were needless to revive. But there was one man, who then avowed his sentiments upon this and other like questions, ably and resolutely, from his pulpit, in Virginia, and after- wards published them in a connected form in this country, whose high character demands a longer notice than I am here able to give. I allude to Jonathan Boucher, who was born in Cumberland in 1738, and brought up at Wigton Grammar School. He went to Virginia, at the age of sixteen, and was nominated by the Vestry of Hanover Parish, in the County of King Greorge, to its Rectory, before he was in orders. 66 Hawks's Virginia, 125 — 130, and the references made therein to the Journals of the United Convention of 1767, 32—35 ; Seabury MSS. ; Burk's Virginia, in. 364; Bp. White's Memoirs &c, 51, 52. XXIT.] a. d. 1700-1776. 155 He returned to England for ordination ; and, after he had re-crossed the Atlantic a second time, entered upon the duties of that Parish, upon the hanks of the Eap- pahanock. He removed soon afterwards to St. Mary's Parish, in Caroline County, upon the same river, where he enjoyed the fullest confidence and love of his people- In the second of two Sermons preached hy him, upon the question of the American Episcopate, in that Parish, and in the year (1771) in which it had been so strongly agitated, he expresses his assurance that he would be 'listened to with candour,' by his pa- rishioners, seeing that he had 1 lived among them more than seven years, as ' their ' minister, in such harmony as to have had no disagreement with any man even for a day.' The terms of this testimony, and the circum- stances under which it was delivered, leave no room to doubt its truthfulness. He was accounted one of the best preachers of his time ; and the vigorous and lucid reasoning of his published Discourses, sustains the justice of that reputation. Erom St. Mary's Parish, Boucher went to Maryland, where he was appointed by Governor Eden to the Eectory of St. Anne's, in Annapolis ; and, afterwards, of Queen Anne's, in Prince George's County. Erom the latter Parish, he was ejected at the Revolution 67 . His Discourses, preached between the His Dis. years 1703 and 1775, were published by courses- him, when he was Yicar of Epsom, in Surrey, in 1797, fifteen years after the formal recognition by England of the Independence of the United States. They con- tain, with an historical preface, his ' View of the causes 67 Boucher's Discourses, Preface, p. xc. and p. 118; Allen's Amer. Biog. Diet. (Art. Boucher.) 156 YIBGINIA. [CH. and consequences of the American Bevolution,' and are dedicated to Washington ; not because of any con- cord of political sentiment between him and the writer, — in this respect they had been, and still were, wide as the poles asunder, — but to express the hope of Boucher, that the offering which he thus made of re- newed respect and affection for that great man, himself a native of Virginia, and ' once his neighbour and his friend,' might be received and regarded as giving some promise of that perfect reconciliation between their two countries, which it was the sincere aim of his pub- His anti- lication to promote. Whilst the language republican 0f this Dedication attests the candour and sentiments. , generosity of Boucher s character, his cou- rage and hatred of every thing that savoured of Ee- publicanism are displayed not less clearly throughout the whole body of his work. The only faults which, in the course of his historical preface, he can detect on the part of England, before and during the war which had deprived her of thirteen Colonies, was the feebleness of her ministers at home and of her generals abroad. The positive injustice of many of her acts seems never present to his mind. The arguments of Burke and Chatham, exposing that injustice, weigh with him as nothing. He asserts that there was no difference whatsoever between the American Bevolu- tion and the Erench; that the condemnation, passed by Burke upon the latter, would have applied with equal force to the former; and that he ought so to have applied them. With such sentiments upon the general question of the disputes between England and her Colonies, and with such bold resolutions in avow- ing them, in spite of their acknowledged unpopularity, we may easily conjecture the course likely to be pur- XXIV.] a.d. 1700—1776. 157 sued by Boucher, with respect to the particular points of dispute related in the foregoing pages. Accordingly, in his Sermons already alluded to on the American Episcopate, he speaks in severe terms of the protest of the four Clergymen, and of the resolution of the House of Burgesses approving it 68 ; and argues that the consequences of such acts would be to prolong the injustice so long suffered by the Colonial Church, and to increase the number and strength of the evils by which she was oppressed 6- believe to be exaggerated reports then circulated of the incomes of the Clergy. The general prevalence of such reports added greatly to the opposition which the Clergy had to encounter ; and it becomes, there- fore, a question of historical interest to learn how far they may be regarded as correct. The only authority for them, as far as I have been able to learn, is a state- ment in Eddis's Letters from Maryland. MtOIahon, for example, says, that There were, at this period, forty-five Parishes in the province, and the value of the benefices in these was continually increasing with the population. The revenues of the benefice in the Parish of vol. in. r 210 MARYLAND. [CH. All Saints, in Frederick county, were then estimated to amount to £1000 sterling per annum; and the endowments of many others were ample, and on the increase. Hawks also admits, that The livings in some of these Parishes were very large. In some instances, they were worth £1000 sterling. From a list now before us, made after the reduction of the livings one-fourth, we find that there were but three under £100, and the residue ranged from that amount up to £500 20. counter Both these writers cite Eddis as their joaSan by sole authority ; and, if his testimony is to Boucher. ^e regarded as conclusive, the objection based upon it is irresistible. It is only right, there- fore, to add, that a very different testimony is given by a witness perhaps not less competent than Eddis. One of the agitators upon this question, alluding, pro- bably, to the Parish spoken of by McMahon, had de- scribed it, in terms evidently designed to insult and vilify all orders in the Church, as an ' object of envy to an English Bishop.' And Boucher, of whose ser- vices in the Virginia Church I have already spoken, having since been appointed to a Parish in Maryland, felt it his duty to animadvert upon these words, and to refute the charge which they were intended to convey. He admits that the endowments of the par- ticular Parish in question were unduly large ; but goes on to say, That one excepted, there is hardly another which produces to the incumbent an income equal to that of an attorney in tolerable practice. And even of that one, it is unfair to judge by the re- ported number of taxables. Between the list of taxables, as set down in the sheriff's books, and what the incumbent actually re- ceives, it is well known there is a wide difference. 20 McMahon, i. 398 ; Hawks, 282, 283. XXT.] a. e. 1700—1776. 211 He then enters upon a wider consideration of the question, and thus expresses his sentiments upon it : However much the revenue of the Church is magnified, a fair statement of her receipts would show you, that the aggregate or sum total of her estate is inadequate to the maintenance of a com- petent number of reputable clergymen- We have but forty-four beneficed clergymen ; and even in this our infant state twice that number would be inadequate to the exigencies of the province. As we increase in population, the number of our Parishes and Churches should also be increased ; for it never can be thought that religious instruction is sufficiently communicated till every man, who is so disposed, may have it in his power, with his family, conveniently to attend Divine Service at the least once in every week. Every Parish is too large as long as there is a parishioner distant more than four or five miles from a Church where there is service every Sunday ; but, at present, most of our Parishes have two Churches, in which duty is alternately performed every other Sunday. In several Parishes there are three Churches ; and, of course, service only once in three weeks. However indisposed, in general, to hasty reforms, I cannot but allow that this is a case which calls loudly for reformation ; and the obvious means to redress the grievance is to divide such Parishes, and, out of one overgrown Parish, to form two or three that are more compact and manage- able. Much has been said of the drudgery which some officiating Curates in England undergo. But what are their labours and their toils compared with those of a conscientious incumbent of Virginia or Maryland ; who, besides occasional duties, which are oftentimes of a kind unknown in England, and lie wide and far from his home, can rarely attend one of his Churches without first riding perhaps ten or twenty miles 21 ? Boucher had not been lonp- in Mary- His part in o - the disputes 21 Boucher's Discourses, 236, 237- In noticing these Dis- courses (p. 155, ante), I have called attention to the candour and generosity which mark the dedication of them by Boucher to Washington. Let me here add, upon the authority of some private letters furnished to Hawks by Mr. Maury (Maryland, p. 274), that this Dedication was acknowledged by Washington in the same spirit. p 2 212 MABYLAND. [CH. of Mary- land, when he found himself thus engaged in its disputes. But he shrank not from the trials which these brought with them, and dis- played the same energy of character which had been so conspicuous in Virginia. He is described, by writers who differ from him the most widely, as having been, ' in intellect a formidable opponent 22 ;' and, al- though his side was that of the unpopular and dis- comfited minority, I find him always spoken of, in the pamphlets of the day, in terms of respectful regard. The character of his opinions may best be learnt from the Discourses published by him upon his return to England. He preached all but the first three whilst he was in Maryland, either at the Church of St. Anne, in Annapolis, to which he was first presented, or at the Lower Church in the Parish of Queen Anne, in Prince George's county, to which he was afterwards removed. They often touch, therefore, as might be expected, upon the topics which I have described in the present chapter as creating or aggravating the trials of the Church in this Colony; and exhibit an intimate and experimental knowledge of the difficulties which beset her. He becomes The perfect freedom from all reserve, the popular at-°f manly candour, and the vigorous eloquence tack. with which, from his pulpit in Virginia and Maryland, he had avowed doctrines which he believed essential to the well-being of the Church of Christ, marked him out, in the progress of the present conflict, as an especial object of attack by its enemies. He thus refers, in the last Sermon ever preached by him in the Colony, to the fierceness of their hostility, 22 McMahon, i. 400. XXV.] a.d. 1700—1776. 213 and to the spirit with which he had endeavoured to meet them : It was my misfortune to be first known to you in these unsettled times. Pains were taken to prejudice you against me, even before you saw me. Many of you must remember, as I for ever shall, how, on my coming to take possession of my living, the doors were shut, and I was, for some time, forcibly kept out of the Church, to which I had every equitable as well as legal claim ; nor can you have forgotten how near I was, on that memorable day, experiencing the fate of St. Stephen. The end aimed at by such violence, which then, at least, could not have been merited, is now obvious. If you listened to my doctrines, you could no longer be the disciples of the Sanballats and Tobiahs, who have at length, step by step, led you to the very brink of rebellion. Insignificant therefore as I am, and am contented to be deemed, at least by such men, it became of some moment to them to discredit me with you. That I wished to be acceptable to you, that I have, by all fair and honour- able means, studied to gain your good will, I appeal to the great Searcher of hearts, who knows that Hie not. That I have missed of my aim, none of you, alas ! is so happy as not to know ; and if it be through my own fault that my preferment among you, instead of being productive of permanent happiness, as I fondly hoped it would be, has become one of the heaviest calamities that ever befel me, even my enemies must be forced to allow that my faults cannot well have been greater than my sufferings have also been 23. "When the question of the Stamp Act ^ r Formation first engaged the attention of the Colonies, of his i iii ii •• r.i opinions. Boucher had shared the opinions of the majority, and was a party to the opposition which had been directed, with such vigour, against its introduc- tion. In the progress of the dispute, his opinions became changed, and with them hi < line of conduct. The terms in which he alludes to this fact, in the same Sermon, are worthy of remark : I have endeavoured to weigh the great and important question Boucher's Discourses, 591. 214 MARYLAND. [CH. now, alas* put to the bloody arbitrament of the sword, with all the diligence, accuracy, and sincerity of which I am capable. I under- took the enquiry with all the usual prepossessions in favour of the opinions which were popular. My interest evidently lay in my continuing to think, as many others (as wise and good as I can pretend to be) with whom I am happy to live in habits of friend- ship are contented to think. Ruin and misery seemed to stare me in the face, if I took a contrary course. Heretofore I had thought but little on such subjects. Contented to swim with the stream, I hastily, and with but little reflection, embraced those doctrines which are most flattering to human pride, and most natural to a youthful mind. Like the Armenian mentioned in Xenophon, ' I thought it a noble thing both to be free myself, and to leave liberty to my children.' And mistaking the impostor Licentiousness, the enemy of law, for that constitutional liberty, the child of law, and her surest defence, I joined a giddy and dangerous multitude in declaiming, as loud as the loudest, in behalf of liberty and against tyranny. With them, though like the confused assemblies at Ephe- sus, the more part of us knew not wherefore we were come to- gether, I too bowed at the altar of Liberty, and sacrificed to this idol of our groves, upon the high mountains, and upon the hills, and under every green tree 2i. His firmness ^e man WD0 C0U^ *nuS sPea^, in the in "them1" ^ace °^ a People> 0I> wnom the greater part were enthusiastic advocates of the prin- ciples which he denounced as false, was, of course, prepared to endure the utmost penalty which their rage and malice could inflict. "We have seen, in the preceding chapter, the cruel severity which frequently accompanied the infliction of this penalty upon those of the Virginian Clergy who provoked it. The in- in spite of furiated people of Maryland were not likely the hostility to exact it with less rigour. In fact, if a of the people. . 0 comparison were to be drawn between the manifestation of hostile feelings expressed in the va- 2i lb. p. 590. a.d. 1700—1776. 215 rious provinces of America, at that day, against the policy of the Mother-country, the acts of the people of Maryland would rank them among her most deter- mined enemies. The tea-burning at Boston is a cele- brated incident in the history of the rising conflict. But, at Annapolis, a few months afterwards, when a vessel arrived there with a cargo of the same ' detest- able weed,' the citizens not only resolved that the cargo should be burnt, and a public apology made by those to whom it was consigned, but that the vessel also should be destroyed in the flames which consumed the cargo, and that the hands of. the owner himself should kindle them. This was accordingly done, in the presence of a vast concourse of spectators 2S. And the spectacle was well fitted to put an end to all further schemes of resistance against the sovereign will of the people. But, let the dangers have been what they might, Boucher would not hold his peace, where duty re- quired him to speak. In the year following this oc- currence,— every hour in the interval having served but to exasperate the popular feeling still more, — a day had been appointed for public fasting and prayer. Boucher had chosen as his text for the Sermon, which he meant to preach upon the occasion, the following passage from Nehemiah, vi. 10, 11 : " Afterward I came unto the house of Shemaiah the son of Delaiah the son of Mehetabeel, who was shut up ; and he said, Let us meet together in the house of God, within the temple, and let us shut the doors of the temple : for they will come to slay thee; yea, in the night will they come to slay thee. And I said, Should such a 25 McMahon's Maryland, i. 409. ♦ 216 MAKYLA2VD. [CH. man as I flee ? and who is there, that, being as I am, would go into the temple to save his life ? I will not Tumult in go m-" The terms of this text, taken in ■[jTrnKM^ connexion with the known opinions of the Da-T- preacher, were regarded by the crowd who, from curiosity, or some worse motive, had been at- tracted to his Church upon that day, as sufficient to justify their instant and violent interruption of his Sermon. They rose in tumultuous uproar, and, with bitterest insults and reproaches, made it impossible for him to proceed. So far his adversaries, upon that day, which was a Thursday, gained a miserable Bouchers triumph 2C. But. upon the following Sun- xh™elx°n da.v> Boucher, nothing daunted by what Sunday. jja(j occurred, ascended his pulpit once more ; recited the same verses from Xehemiah ; and, having: briefly alluded to the unseemly interruption to which he had been exposed, went on to deliver the ex- position of the text which he had prepared for the pre- ceding Thursday. The exposition is marked through- out by the same powers of sagacious criticism, of vigorous reasoning, and of close and cogent applica- tion, which characterise the great body of his Dis- courses. And. having enforced upon his hearers those practical lessons which appeared needful for them to learn from the history of Xehemiah. he adverts to the difficulties which threatened his own person at that moment, and to the course which it was his determi- nation to follow. His deter- In this part of his Sermon occurs a very m%afoTxll striking passage. Information had been King. privately conveyed to him by a friend, 26 Boucher's Discourses, 502. a.d. 1700—1776. 217 whose political opinions were opposite to his own, that, unless he would 1 forbear to pray for the King,' his people were ' to hear' him 1 neither pray nor preach any longer.' Having related this information, which (he adds) had been 'communicated, no doubt, from motives of good will and humanity,' Boucher thus pro- nounces his decision respecting it : No intimation could possibly have been less welcome to me. Distressing, however, as the dilemma confessedly is, it is not one that requires or will admit of a moment's hesitation. Entertaining all due respect for my ordination vows, 1 am firm in my resolution, whilst I pray in public at all, to conform to the unmutilated Li- turgy of my Church ; and reverencing the injunction of an Apostle, I will continue to pray for the King and all that are in authority under him ; and I will do so, not only because I am so commanded, but that, as this Apostle adds, we may continue to lead guiet and peaceable lives in all godli7iess and honesty. Inclination, as well as duty, confirms me in my purpose. As long as I live, therefore, yea, whilst / have my being, will I, with Zadok the priest, and Nathan the prophet, proclaim, God save the King27. It was no ordinarv sacrifice which ^ . • _ Boucher Boucher here avowed his determination compelled, to make ; for, as he reminds his hearers other Loyai- in the same Sermon, although born in tun. to Eng- England, America had been the country land' of his adoption. He had married there ; his con- nexions and friends, and whatsoever property he pos- sessed, were all to be found there ; and, unless com- pelled to flee from it, he had neither the wish nor the intention to do so2s. But the necessity soon came. The organisation of the Council of Safety, and the powers whereby they and the Convention were autho- rised to imprison or banish all persons charged with 7 lb. 588. 28 lb. 593. 218 MARYLAND. [cn. any act which tended ' to disunite the inhabitants of the province in their opposition,' left to Boucher, and all who shared his opinions, no other course save that of an immediate return to England ; and even that was not always to be accomplished without great risk. The personal popularity, indeed, of Governor Eden, saved him at first from the indignities to which officers, acting under the King's authority, were elsewhere subject. But, upon the discovery of a correspondence between him and Lord George Germaine, a member of the English ministry at that time, — although it contained nothing which could excite any reasonable jealousy or alarm, — he was forthwith compelled to embark for England 29 . Under these circumstances, it was quite evident that Maryland was no longer a safe home for any Loyalist. _ . The treatment of the Methodists in Treatment thodfsts16" Maryland, at this juncture, was the same with that which they experienced in Vir- ginia, and arose from the same cause, their supposed sympathy with the Church. In Maryland, this sym- pathy was open and avowed. They refused to take the oath of allegiance to the United States, and were content to pay the penalty of fine and imprisonment rather than forego their conscientious conviction of the illegality of the oath 30 . Of the subsequent fortunes of the Church in Mary- land, I must leave it to others to speak. The pages of Dr. Hawks, to which I have been greatly indebted for the information which I have endeavoured to lay before 29 McMahon's Maryland, i. 434—436, note. It is added, that, at the close of the war, Eden returned to Maryland to seek the res- titution of his property, and there died. 30 Hawks's Maryland, 285. XXV.] a.d. 1700—1776. 219 the reader thus far31, will be found to supply ample materials, down to the end of the period which he pro- fesses to review; and, from that time forward, the Journals of its Convention bear abundant testimony to the progress which it has made. Encumbered by evils the same in kind with those which cast reproach upon the Virginia Church, the Church in Maryland was dragged down with her in the same temporal ruin. But both have been lifted up again from the dust, putting forth the strong energies of that life which has ever been within them, and which not all the perverse and selfish counsels of this world's policy could ex- tinguish 3\ 31 The source from which Dr. Hawks has derived his information of the History of the Church in Maryland, during the period com- prised in the present chapter, is derived almost entirely from the Fulham MSS. and those belonging to the Society for the Propaga- tion of the Gospel. Having carefully examined the same MSS. myself, I can bear testimony to the fidelity of Hawks's references. I have forborne to trouble the reader with constant citations from these MSS. ; and take, therefore, this opportunity of saying, that, except where other references are made, the information which has been here supplied is drawn from the authorities which Hawks has enumerated, pp. 118 — 286. 32 The Bishops of Maryland have been — Dr. Claggett, consecrated, 1792. Dr. Kemp, „ 1814. Dr. Stone, „ 1830. The present Bishop is Dr. Whittingham, consecrated 1840; and the statistics of the Diocese, as given in the Church Almanack for 1853, are,— Clergy, 117; Baptisms,— Adults, 69, Infants, 1044, not specified, 621 = 1734 ; Confirmed, 264 ; Communicants (added 567), 7442; Marriages, 465; Burials, 935; Sunday School Teachers, 3J9 ; Scholars, 2257; Candidates for Orders, 18; Churches consecrated, 4 ; Corner-stones laid, 2 ; Ordinations, — Deacons, 2, Priests, 3; Contributions, 171,412 dollars. CHAPTEE XXVI. PROCEEDINGS IN NORTH AMERICA OF THE SOCIETY EOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL IN FO- REIGN PARTS, FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. a.d. 1700—1776. The reasons which made it necessary for me to give, in the two preceding chapters, a separate history of the Church of England in Virginia and Maryland, during the period now under review, do not apply, as I have said, to the position which she occupied at the same time in any other territory of North America. Her difficulties and her labours in those territories are to be learnt, not as in the two former instances, from an examination of the terms of Colonial Charters, or of the proceedings of Colonial Governors and Assem- blies, and of the hindrances thereby cast in the way of her ministrations ; but from the records which have come down to us of the work of her individual Mis- sionaries. _ .. I have described the nature of that work, Proceedings t 7 of the so- begun and carried on in the face of heaviest ciety for the , ° Propagation discouragement, towards the end of the a.d. 1700—1776. 221 17th century, in Pennsylvania, New York, gos- New England, and Carolina \ In tracing reign Parts, the prosecution of it by them and others, in the same and the adjoining provinces, during the next century, our attention will of necessity be directed chiefly to the operations of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. The first labour of the Society was to obtain accurate information, with re- spect to the various provinces, and the openings pre- sented in each for the introduction of the services of the Church of England. Documents reciting many important particulars upon these points were sent home by Governors Dudley, Morris, and Heathcote ; and the substance of these, as given by Humphreys, an early Secretary of the Society, is supplied in the Appendix to the present Volume 2. I dwell not further, in this place, upon the statistical information thus fur- nished ; because, howsoever numerous and formidable the obstructions which, it shows, existed at that time in the way of the Church of England, such a result is nothing more than the effect of those unceasing adverse influences, whose origin and progress it has been one main business of this work to describe. Our present concern is with the measures adopted by the Society to meet these difficulties. It would have been a vain 1 Vol. ii. 422—465. 2 See Appendix, No. I. The present indefatigable Secretary, Mr. Hawkins, has published, in his Historical Notices, &c, 23 — 25, one of the above documents, the Memorial of Col. Dudley, Governor of N. England. The acknowledgment made therein of the extent to which education had been carried on in Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Connecticut, is worthy of remark, as proving the successful operation of the law for providing school- masters, which those Colonies passed, at an early period of their existence. See Vol. ii. 183. 222 PROCEEDINGS IN S. AMERICA OF S. P. G. [CH. expenditure of zeal and energy, to have attempted to organise plans of operation among a people so unwilling to bear a part in them, unless pains were first taken to disarm their prejudices and conciliate their favour. Travelling ^ne Society resolved, accordingly, to send Mission- forth, in the first instance, Missionaries, axies. who should travel throughout the various Colonies of North America ; and, by the diligent and orderly celebration of her public services, by preaching the Word of God, and administering the Sacraments of Christ's ordinance, vindicate the doctrines and dis- cipline of the Church of England from the reproach which her calumniators in those provinces had cast upon her; and prove, that, in very deed, she was a witness and keeper of saving truth. An intimate knowledge of the prominent points of controversy be- tween her and the crowds of the English Non-con- formist settlers, as well of the places in which, and of the persons among whom, unfavourable representations of her had been circulated, was of course required for the execution of this arduous work. And the posses- sion of this knowledge by George Keith, added to his well-known ability and zeal and energy, led probably to the selection of him by the Society, as one of its first travelling Missionaries. The previous career of George Keith George c ° Keith. His had been a strange and chequered one. A previous , ° ■ . 1 career, as a native ot Aberdeen, and brought up at its the society University, with Gilbert Burnet, — who was of Fnends. ^ ^w years his junior, and attained after- wards so conspicuous a rank among the Clergy of the Church of England, — Keith had been at first a Pres- byterian. He afterwards became a member of the Society of Friends ; and, at a time when they were xxvi.] a.d. 1700—1776. 223 assailed on every side with fiercest persecution, stood forward as their intrepid and successful champion. His writings, in defence of their religious tenets, were marked by acute reasoning and copious learning. As a preacher, also, he was acceptable in all their congre- gations. America had been for many years He settleg in the land of his adoption ; and his first re- New Jersey, sidence was at Monmouth in Xew Jersey. As surveyor- general of that province, he was employed, in 16S7, to draw the boundary line between its eastern and western divisions. Two years afterwards, he re- And af:er- moved to Pennsylvania, having agreed to p^nsy" undertake the charge of the Friends' Pub- vania- lic School, then first established in that city 3. But the differences of opinion touching many important points of doctrine and of practice, which had been for some time growing up between the Friends and himself, be- came so great, as to lead, within little more than a year later, not only to his removal from the office of School- master, but to his public condemnation and rejection by the Society which had appointed him. opposes the Having openly charged them with slack- Quaters. ness of discipline, and with violation of their religious profession by accepting in their own persons the secu- lar office of magistrate, he proceeded further to resist the authority of their tribunals. For this resistance he was brought to trial, and convicted in the penalty of five pounds, which was afterwards remitted \ "Whether this forbearance arose from any feeling on the part of his Judges that their authority was questionable, or from a hope that he might thereby be induced to 3 Proud's History of Pennsylvania, i. 345. 4 Bancroft's History of the United States, iii. 38. 224 PROCEEDINGS IT* K. AMERICA OF S. P. G. [CH. change his course, it is impossible now to determine. Certain it is, that Keith soon proceeded to claim for himself and his adherents, the right to be regarded as the only true Quakers, and charged all who opposed him with apostacy. No other course therefore re- mained for them, but publicly to disavow all connexion with him. They had attempted, at different meetings, to dissuade him by their admonitions, from persevering in his attacks. But Keith answered them by saying that 'he trampled their judgment under his feet as dirt.' He set up a separate meeting in Pennsylvania ; and, being supported by many who are described as ' men of rank, character, and reputation, in these pro- vinces, and divers of them great preachers and much followed3,' spread the greatest alarm and confusion Their ' Tes through the whole body. c A Declaration, timony' 0r Testimony of Denial' was given forth against him. . •* Y against him at a public meeting of the Friends in Philadelphia, April 20, 1692, and confirmed by the General Meeting at Burlington a few months afterwards. Its language of sorrow and condemnation proves the severity of the blow inflicted upon them by his secession, and affords a strange contrast to the con- temptuous and vilifying tone in which they afterwards affected to speak of it. The lamentation of David over Saul and Jonathan is not deemed by the Friends an overstrained description of their own feelings, as they grieve over the ' mighty man ' who had then fallen in their own ranks. As long as he had walked ' in the counsel of God, and was little in his own eyes,' they confess that his ' bow ' had abided ' in strength,' and that his ' sword ' had ' returned not empty from the fat 5 Proud's History of Pennsylvania, i. 369, noie. XXVI.] a.d. 1700— 177G. 225 of the enemies of Grod.' — ' Oh, how lovely (they ex- claim) wert thou, in that day when His beauty was upon thee, and when His comeliness covered thee!" And then, taking up the words of the Apocalyptic message to the Church of Ephesus, they call upon him who had thus 'left his first love,' to remember from whence he was 'fallen, and repent, and do his first works.' In a similar strain, they proceed to set forth the number and enormity of the offences with which they charged him, and end with the solemn decla- ration that he could no longer be owned or received by them, there or elsewhere, until, by a public and hearty acknowledgment of his errors, he should have taken off the reproach which he had cast upon their body. The ' Testimony ' thus given against Keith by the Quakers in America was confirmed, in 1694, by the Yearly Meeting of their brethren in London 6. But he remained unmoved. The grounds of his separation admitted not any change or compromise. He felt them to be impregnable ; and was content, therefore, to bear all the contumely which enemies heaped upon him. He returned to England in the same He retUrns year in which the judgment of the Quakers t0 En=laud> in London was delivered ; and patiently and resolutely betook himself to the task of vindicating the course which he had pursued, and his determination still to adhere to it. The same line of reading and of argu- ment which proved the Quaker doctrine to be erro- neous convinced Keith that the Church of England, in her Eeformation, was a true branch of the Universal Church of Christ. He sought, therefore, And enters 6 lb. 365— 369, note. VOL. III. 226 PEOCEEDiyGS I>~ H". AMEEICA. OF S. P. G. [CH. into Com- to enter into communion with her, and was mumon with ' her Church. received. His exposition of her teaching, as exhibited in his larger and lesser Catechism, we have seen, was deemed so valuable, as to be the first book chosen for circulation by the Society for Pro- moting Christian Knowledge, at one of its earliest meetings, in 169S-9. Other writings of his upon the same subject are still extant ; one of which, published in 1700, and entitled 1 Reasons for renouncing Qua- kerism, and entering into Communion with the Church of England.' deserves especial notice as a specimen of vigorous and lucid reasoning. In the same year, Keith was admitted into Holy Orders ; and his ' Farewell Sermon preached at Turner's Hall, May the 5th, with his two initiating Sermons, on May the 12th, 1700, at St. George's, Butolph's Lane, by Billings-Gate,' give good proof of the faithful spirit in which he was pre- pared to enter upon the duties of the ministry. The favour with which Keith's writings were regarded by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge had doubtless brought him into frequent and friendly rela- tion with Dr. Bray, one of its most distinguished members at that time. The sympathy manifested by Bray with all that concerned the welfare of the Church in America ; his personal ministrations in Maryland ; and the realisation, at this very time, of his long- cherished scheme to give greater effect to the opera- tions of the Church of England in foreign parts, through the agency of a separate Society; must all have contributed to strengthen the relationship thus formed between him and Keith, and have led to the repeated interchange of communications of deepest interest to them both. The result of these was to convince Bray that no fitter man than Keith could be XXYI.] a.d. 1700—1776, 227 found to execute the difficult work upon which the Society was, at that moment, about to enter. With this conviction, Bray commended him to the Society for the Propagation of the travelling Gospel; and the Society showed its just oftheSo? appreciation of both by appointing Keith propagation its first travelling Missionary. Gospel, The Eev. Patrick Gordon was associated ™th, Mr- Gordon, with Keith in the same office ; and, on the 21th of April, 1702, they embarked on board the Centurion for Boston, where they arrived on the 11th of June following. Dudley, Governor of New Eng- land, and Morris, Governor of New Jersey, were pas- sengers in the same ship ; and Keith describes them both as kind and attentive, and animated with a sincere love for the services of the Church of England ; join- ing in their daily celebration with the captain and other officers and seamen ; and expressing the utmost readiness to uphold and extend the same in their re- spective provinces. The Chaplain also of the Centu- rion, J ohn Talbot, expressed so deep an interest in the duties which were about to engage them, that Keith and Gordon wrote home, requesting that he might be summoned with them to the work. His And Mr> instant appointment proved the readiness Talbot- of the Society to comply with their request ; and the zealous performance of his duties amply justified the choice. It was well that an addition should have been made thus early to the Society's first Missionaries ; for Gordon was speedily carried off by illness. The death His career, brief as it was, had been long ^ofGo?' enough to win for him the respect and don- love alike of Churchmen and Dissenters ; and Governor Q2 228 PROCEEDINGS IN N. AMERICA OE S. P. Gr. [CH. Morris, in a letter to Archdeacon Beveridge, gives touching testimony to this effect 7. „, . After the death of Gordon, Keith and J he Mission ' Taibotth and Talbot set out from Boston through New England, and thence proceeded to New York, the Jerseys, Ehode Island, Connecticut, Penn- sylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, a territory embracing the ten district governments which England had at that time in America, and extending in length about eight hundred miles. They were en- gaged, for nearly two years, in travelling twice through most of these provinces, and preaching in them ' oft again and again8.' The people, for the most part, re- ceived them with friendly spirit; crowding to hear their Sermons ; joining with them devoutly, as they read the Liturgy and administered the Sacraments of the Church ; and entreating them to secure to them- selves and to their children, through the medium of the Society which had sent them forth, the continued celebration of the same ordinances. Of the few minis- ters of the Church already settled at Boston, New York, Rhode Island, and Philadelphia 9, they both bear cheering testimony. Nicholson, also, the Governor of Virginia, is noticed by them for his zeal and energy in supporting the operations of the Church 10 ; enabling the Clergy, at his own charge, to meet together at New York, and deliberate with Keith and Talbot upon the best means of discharging the trust committed to them ; and freely extending to them every other aid within his reach for its efficient execution. The few Churches already built in the Colonies north of Mary- 7 Hawkins, 29—31. 8 Keith's Account, &c. 9 See Vol. ii. 436—440. 10 See p. Ill, note, ante. xxvi.] a.d. 1700—1776. 229 land, were readily opened to them; and JjJJU'j® their exhortations quickened the exertions them to 1 Church of the people to build more. Thus Talbot, building, writing from Philadelphia, Sept. 1, 1703, says, We have gathered several hundreds together for the Church of England, and what is more, to build houses for her service. There are four or five going forward now in this province and the next. That at Burlington is almost finished. Mr. Keith preached the first sermon in it before my Lord Cornbury. Churches are going up amain, where there were never any before. They are going to build three at North Carolina ; — and three more in these lower counties about Newcastle, besides those I hope at Chester, Burling- ton, and Amboy n. Their ministrations were not confined to Their mi- persons or places in outward communion Noncon™°ng with the Church of England. As one of formists- their avowed objects was to persuade the Separatist to return to that communion, they availed themselves of every opportunity to plead with him in private ; and, where leave was obtained to enter into his place of worship, renewed like arguments in public. The real grounds of difference, in many instances, proved to be so slight, that no impediment at all was found to the free and friendly interchange of their respective senti- ments. Talbot, for example, in another letter, Nov. 24, 1702, thus writes : We preached in all churches where we came, and in several Dis- senters' meetings, such as owned the Church of England to be their mother Church, and were willing to communicate with her, and submit to her bishops, if they had opportunity. I have bap- tized several persons whom Mr. Keith has brought over from Quakerism ; and, indeed, in all places where we come, we find a great ripeness and inclination among all sorts of people to embrace the Gospel. 11 Hawkins, p. 35. 230 PROCEEDINGS IN N. AMERICA OF S. P. G-. [CH. Keith also, in his * Narrative,' July 1, 1703, gives similar testimony : At the Commencement at Cambridge, I had occasion to see many of the New England Independent Ministers there, and divers of them spoke very kindly to us, and invited us to their houses in our travels ; particularly Mr. Shepherd, minister of Lin, and Mr. John Cotton, minister of Hampton. 10th July, we arrived at Hampton, and lodged at Mr. John Cotton's house, where we were kindly entertained by him several days, and had much free dis- course with him about religious matters, and the Church of Eng- land, to which we found him very favourable, as also we found divers other ministers of New England. At Mr. Cotton's request, both I and Mr. Talbot preached in his pulpit to his parishioners in their meeting-house (which they do not commonly call a church), the one of us in the forenoon, and the other in the afternoon. I again, at Mr. Cotton's request, preached the Wednesday's lecture there ; my text both days was Acts xxvi. 18 ; where was a great auditory both days. 19th. Sunday. I preached at Salisbury meeting-house, in the pulpit of Mr. Cushin, minister of that parish, at his request ; my text was Phil. i. 12, 13; and so did Mr. Talbot, the one of us in the forenoon, the other in the afternoon, where also we had a great auditory, many coming to both places from neighbouring parishes purposely to hear us, and who were civil, and showed great satis- faction, and so did the minister, who kindly treated with us, and with whom we lodged that night, and whom we found in discourse very favourable to the Church of England 12. The treatment which they met with from Disputes < > J with the the Quakers was widely different. The re- Quakers. appearance of Keith in the country which had witnessed, ten years before, his opposition to, and separation from, the body of which he had been a most honoured member, could hardly fail to revive feelings of alarm and anger. Ever since he had ceased to belong to them, he had shown himself the fearless, unwearied, assailant of Quaker doctrines ; and his pub- 's lb. 33. 39, 40. XXVI.] a.d. 1700—1776. 231 lications in England during the interval, especially hU ' Answers to Eobert Barclay,' proved him to be as able as he was zealous. To find such a man once more visiting in person the towns and villages with which he had been long familiar, and addressing their brethren with such success as to lead many of them gladly to receive that holy Baptism which they had once re- jected, was to see the very stronghold of their safety placed in most imminent peril. It can hardly, there- fore, excite surprise, that, when Keith entered into their meetings, and, after their own preachers had finished speaking, stood up to address them, they should have commanded him to be silent ; or, that, when they found it impossible to make him obey the command, they should have hastily dismissed the assembly. Keith, however, was not to be daunted, or deterred from prosecuting what he believed to be the course of duty. If they interrupted his speech, he sat down until he could gain an opportunity of resuming it, and then, in firm yet gentle terms, strove to vindicate his teaching. If the people rose up and left him, he speedily gathered together other hearers, upon whom he urged the like arguments. And so the work went forward, not, indeed, every where with uniform suc- cess, but testifying for the most part the service ren- dered to the cause of truth by the courage and energy of Keith and his fellow-labourer. In the autumn of 1704, Keith returned „ ... ' Keith re- home ; and in the narrative of his 1 Travels, turns to 3 . England, Services, and Successes,' published that and is ap- year, the reader will find abundant evi- Hector of dence of the arduous character of the Edburton- work which he had passed through, and of the faithful spirit which had invariably sustained him in it. His 232 PROCEEDINGS IN N. AMERICA OE S. P. G. [CH. advanced age afforded little prospect of his being able to renew his labours ; and, therefore, when the offer of the Rectory of Edburton in Sussex was made to him, we can readily understand the reasons which led him thankfully to devote to his Master's service, in that comparatively secluded portion of His wide harvest- field, the energies that yet remained to him. He still recognised, indeed, the duty which had so often drawn him into the rugged fields of controversy, and suffered not any opportunity to pass by unimproved. A re- „. c markable instance of this is found in a His Sermon at Lewes, in Sermon preached by him ' at the Lecture in Lewes,' Sept. 4, 1707, upon 'The neces- sity of Faith, and of the Revealed Word of Grod to be the foundation of all divine and saving Faith.' The text is Heb. xi. 6 : and the Sermon, as avowed in the title-page, is ' against the fundamental error of the Quakers ; that the light within them, and within every man, is sufficient to their salvation without any thing else, whereby (as to themselves) they make void and destroy all revealed religion.' It is written with all the acuteness and vigour which distinguish the other writings of Keith ; and exhibits him still animated with the same stedfast spirit which he had so frequently evinced in more conspicuous, though not more useful, scenes of duty. His bodily strength soon His death. . J <• -i i afterwards began to fail ; and, on the 29th of March, 1716, appears the following entry in the Parish register : ' Then the Rev. Mr. Keith, Rector of Edburton, was buried13.' 13 I am indebted for the above information to my friend, the Rev. J. C. F. Tuffnell, the present Rector of Edburton. The pre- cise spot in which Keith was buried cannot now be traced. A stone of Sussex marble, Mr. Tuffnell informs me, is still in the Chancel, XXYI.] a.d. 1700—1776. 233 I have pointed out before the unfair i Bancroft s notice by Bancroft of this remarkable man, unfaii notice of Keith. when he says, that ' the unchanged Quaker, disowned by those who had cherished and advanced him, was soon left without a faction, and, tired of his position, made a true exposition of the strife by accept- ing an episcopal benefice *V I call attention again to this remark, in the present passage, that the reader may see how entirely void of foundation it is. Keith was undoubtedly ' disowned by those who had cherished and advanced him.' But the history which we have been tracing proves, that, howsoever dear to him the friends of his youth and manhood, the truth was dearer still; and, that, in defence of truth, he manfully turned away from the only earthly prospects of advancement open to him. It is not from the long series of his controversial and other valuable writings, during the ten years which intervened between his separation from the Quakers and his ordination in the Church of Eng- land, that we can infer that he was either ' left without a faction ;' or that he was 1 tired of his position.' And, certainly, the toils and dangers which he cheerfully encountered in the midst of his former opponents, whilst he was a Missionary of that Church, cannot be counted for a proof that he was influenced by any sordid or mercenary expectations. Had the distin- guished historian of the United States been cognizant of these facts, I feel sure that he would not have at- tempted to cast the stigma of a dishonest hireling upon one who, in the evening, as in the noonday, of which may perhaps protect his grave. But the inscription is effaced. II See Vol. ii. 434, note. 234 PEOCEEDINGS IN X. AHEBICA OF S. P. G. [CH. his laborious life, approved himself a faithful, intrepid servant of God 15. Sequel of After Keith' s departure from America, Talbot's Talbot continued for a short time to dis- mission. charge, in conjunction with a Mr. Sharpe, the duties of travelling Missionary, with a diligence and success of which his letters furnish abundant He is settled Pr0°f- Iu 1705, the inhabitants of Bur- (aformeriyry's nngton, the capital of West Jersey, peti- st. Anne's), tioned the Society that he might be settled among them, and, with the approval of the Bishop of London, Talbot took up his abode there 16. The Church in which he ministered was that which, I 15 I take this opportunity of warning the reader not to confound the George Keith, of whom I have spoken above, with another Clergyman of the same name, whom Noble, in his continuation of Granger's Biographical Dictionary of England, iii. 144, describes ' as a disgrace to the clerical character,' and excommunicated by the Bp. of London, at May Fair Chapel, for the prominent part which he took in the celebration of clandestine marriages. I have noted this practice as the reproach of the Church and nation, at the beginning of the last century ; and no doubt the George Keith, whom Noble describes was one of its most notorious agents. But, although bearing the same name with the first travelling Missionary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, and, like him, a native of Scotland, and living at the same period, the points of dif- ference are many and clear. The one left Scotland as a Quaker ; the other, Noble says, was ' driven from Scotland for his attach- ment to Episcopacy.' The one passed the greater part of his life in America; the other, in London. The one was distinguished for his burning zeal ; the other for his scandalous profligacy. The one was honoured and beloved by the Church Domestic and the Church Colonial ; the other publicly disgraced and excommunicated by his Bishop. The one died in 1716, in the Parish of which he was Rector, when he was 71 years old ; the other, according to Noble's account, survived till 1735 ; when he had attained his 89th year. >c Hawkins, 142 ; Humphreys, 182. XXYI.] a.d. 1700—1776. 235 have said, was nearly finished when Keith first preached in it before Lord Cornbury. It was called in the first Charter, St. Anne's, after the name of the Queen ; but, afterwards, when a more ample Charter was granted, the name was changed to St. Mary's, in commemora- tion of the day upon which its foundation-stone had been laid, March 25, 1703. Many contri- Contribu. butions were soon transmitted to it from tions to the Church. England ; vessels for the celebration of the holy communion from Queen Anne ; and a legacy of £100 from Frampton, of whom I have before spoken, as having been, in early life, Chaplain at Aleppo, and afterwards Bishop of Gloucester 17 . This last sum was laid out, at the instance of Dame Katherine Boevey, of Flaxley, in Gloucestershire, herself a former bene- factress to this Church, in the purchase of a house and land for its future support. Another legacy also, of 250 acres of land, was given for the same purpose, in 1710, by Mr. Thomas Leicester. The benefit of these bequests is enjoyed to this day 18. The settlement of Talbot in Burlington _. , o His charac- gave him the opportunity again to observe *"o° on*" the generous and self-denying spirit dis- played by Nicholson, whilst he had been Lieutenant- governor, and drew from him the ready testimony that 17 See Vol. ii. 272. Although, as I have said in the foregoing passage, Bp. Frampton was content to suffer in his own perso nthe consequences of being a Non-juror, he had no wish to estrange himself from the Church. He was an habitual attendant at divine service in the Parish in which he lived ; frequently catechizing the children, and expounding the Sermon which had been preached by the Clergyman of the Parish. He died in 1708, at the age of 86, and was buried at Standish, in his former Diocese. — Lathbury's Hist, of the Nonjurors, 203. 18 Humphreys, 183, 184; Bp. Doane's Sermons, 154. 236 PROCEEDINGS IN IS. AMERICA OF S. P. G. [CH. Nicholson was indeed ca true son, or rather nursing- father, of the Church of England in America 19.' _. The progress of Talbot's ministry led His earnest r o j desire for the him to feel more and more deeply the appointment . 1 / of a Bishop necessity 01 having a resident Bishop m the Colonies of North America. That he had always been sensible of this want, and given strong expression to his feeling, is evident from the emphatic sentence to that effect, transferred from one of his earliest private letters to the first public Report of the Society, and from the proposal afterwards made by him respecting the selection of Lillingston for the office of Suffragan. The memorial, also, He visits & . ' ' England for from the Church at Burlington to Queen of promoting Anne, praying for the appointment of a Bishop 20 , was taken to England by Talbot in person, in order that he might the better help to promote its prayer. A Parish in Gloucestershire, of which he had once been incumbent, had been given away to another during his absence ; but, in his allusion to that fact, he betrays not any regret that he should be debarred from resuming his home duties, or any wish that another arrangement might have been made. He expresses only his resolution, that, as God had ' so blest his labours and travels abroad, he would, by His grace, return, the sooner the better and adds his firm belief that he would still be encouraged by the ' famous Society,' in whose service he had laboured thus far, and which had ' done more in four years for America than ever was done before21.' Eeturning in the autumn of 1707, he landed at Marblehead, in Massachusetts, ^ Hawkins, 142. 20 See p. 73, ante. 21 Hawkins, 143. XXVI.] a.d. 1700—1776. 237 and, by his preaching, stirred up the people to extend in various quarters the work of Church building. Thence proceeding to Rhode Island, Long Hjs ]abours Island, and Staten Island, he laboured and difficui- with like success until the winter broke up. He then visited Amboy and Elizabethtown, the excellent Pastor of which places, Mr. Brooke, had lately died; 'an able and diligent inissioner (says Talbot) as ever came over.' In the spring of 1708, he found himself once more in the bosom of his own people ; but the resumption of his duties among them was, to his sorrow and theirs, sorely interrupted by the necessity of visiting other towns and villages in the province. ' I am forced (he says) to turn itinerant again, for the care of all the churches from East to "West Jersey is upon me22.' The chief objects of his care were the Churches at New Bristol, on the oppo- site side of the Delaware, and Hopewell and Maiden- head ; all of which, in spite of frequent sickness, he visited with affectionate and diligent care 23. It was a heavy burden for a man to bear single-handed, yet he drew not back from it. The hope of seeing effectual relief come at last cheered and invigorated him, when he was ready to fail. In a letter, written June 30, 1709, he says, I am glad to find by the President's letter, that the members of the Honourable Society are convinced that a head is necessary to the body, but if he don't make haste, he w ill come too late. — Is it not strange, that so many islands should be inhabited by Protest- ants, so many provinces planted by them, so many hundred thou- sand souls born and bred up here in America ; but of all the kings, princes, and governors, all the bishops and archbishops that have 22 lb. 144. 23 Humphreys, 185, 186; Bp. Doane's Sermons, p. 129, note. 2.33 PROCEEDINGS IN IT. AMERICA OF S. P. G. [CH. been since the Reformation, they never sent any here to propagate the Gospel,— I say to propagate it by imparting some spiritual gifts by ordination or confirmation 24 ? The joy expressed by Talbot in the above passage, as he looked forward to the realisation of his long cherished hope, was speedily dispelled. The anomalous state of things, which he had deemed so strange, and a reproach to the Keformed Church, was again suffered to remain. Still Talbot persevered in his work. He succeeded in building three Churches in West Jersey, before the year 1714, hoping that ministers might be sent out from England, to make them so many centres of sanctifying truth. And bitter disappointment was it for him to find that none came. Nor was this all. Some even of his brethren, who had been appointed to neighbouring cures, were tempted, by reason of the scanty provision which they received, to abandon them for others which held out more inviting prospects. Talbot writes upon this subject, in May, 1718, with a warmth which may well be pardoned. All your Missioners hereabouts are going to Maryland for the sake of themselves, their wives, and their children. For my part, I cannot desert this poor flock that I have gathered, nor will I, if I have neither money, credit, nor tobacco. But, if I had known as much as I do now, that the Society were not able, for their parts, to send neither bishop, priest, nor deacon, lecturer, nor catechist, I would never have put the people in these parts to the charge and trouble of building churches ; nay, now they must be stalls or stables for Quakers' horses, when they come to market or meet- ing25. The repeated disappointments and long-continued toil which Talbot had endured, at length produced their effect. "Worn out with fatigue, he obtained per- 24 Hawkins, 144. 25 lb. 144—146. XXYI.] . d. 1700-1776. 239 mission to return home. He bad asked it He revisits some years before ; but either did not then Ensland. receive it, or, which is more probable, did not avail himself of it until the year 1719-20, w hen he returned to England ; and lived, for a short tirae, upon the interest of Archbishop Tenison's legacy, which, until it could be applied to the object designed by that pre- late, was held by the Society for the relief of its re- tired Missionaries 26 . He soon returned to New Jersey ; but, I regret to say, was not found much longer abiding in the ranks in which he had served so zealously as a good soldier of Jesus Christ. An accusation, indeed, had been preferred against him some years before (1715) by Governor Hunter, of sympathising with the Jacobite enemies of the English government. It was denied in emphatic and indignant terms by Talbot him- self, as well as by his Churchwardens and Yestry at Burlington, who were charged with sharing his senti- ments. And that the denial was then made upon just grounds, there can be no doubt ; for Talbot's character appears fully to merit the eulogy bestowed upon him by Hawks, 1 that the Society never had a more honest, fearless, and laborious missionary 2V But as little can it be doubted, that the political events of that day, and the continued failure, which Talbot wit- His altered nessed, of the efforts of the Church of feelin^s- England to make herself known in her integrity abroad, tempted him afterwards to regard, through a very dif- ferent medium, the position which he believed of right belonged to her. The influence of the Nonjuring schism was gradually brought to bear upon him ; and, 26 See p. 71, ante; Hawkins, 146. 27 lb. 145; Hawks's Maryland, 182. 240 PKOCEEDENGS IN N. AMEEICA OE S. P. G. [CH. weaning his affections from those his spiritual fathers and brethren with whom he had been joined in closest brotherhood, it led him to take for his associate, in their stead, a man whose infuriated party spirit had already betrayed him into the worst excesses. Welton, formerly Rector of AYhitechapel, and now Pastor of a Nonjuring congregation, whose insult of Kennett I have noticed28, became his counsellor; and in 1722, both were consecrated to the Episcopal office by the Nonjurors, in spite of the disapproval of the rest of consecrated that body 29 . Welton returned with Talbot fhe hmE by to America, and went to Philadelphia, whilst jurors, Talbot remained in New Jersey ; from which place authentic reports soon came home to the Society of acts done by him, which, however consistent with the creed of the Nonjuror, could of course not be per- mitted to its Missionaries. A refusal to pray in public for the person and family of George I., and to take the oaths of obedience to his authority, were the offences with which Talbot was charged. And, re- . , ceiving not from him any denial of their And, upon ° j AmericaV0 truth, the Society was constrained at once dismissed by to remove him from his post 30. "Whether theSocietj. ^e performed any Episcopal acts in New Jersey, is very doubtful. He certainly abstained from making any public parade of them31. But, howsoever unobtrusively the functions of the Episcopal office may have been discharged, the assumption of it in such a manner, and at such a time, had it continued, could not 28 See p. 53, note, ante. 29 Perceval's Apology for the Apostolical Succession, 247, 2nd edit. 30 Hawkins, 146; Hawks's Maryland, 184. 31 Fulham MSS., quoted by Hawks, 183, 184. XXYI.] a.d. 1700—1776. 241 have failed to renew in the Church Colonial the same serious evils which were experienced by the Church at home. Her divisions would have been multiplied, and her trials aggravated thereby. A century passed away before the Xoujuring schism died out in England and in Scotland. Its course in America was happily much shorter. "Welton was summoned forthwith to return to England by virtue of the King's writ of Privy Seal, addressed to him through Sir William Keith, Governor of Pennsylvania ; and he so far obeyed the order as to depart from the province for Lisbon. Talbot, it is said, took the oaths and submitted ; but made no at- tempt to resume the duties which he had once dis- charged so well. His death, which oc- Diesin curred in 1727, renewed the feelings of 1727, regret that he should ever have turned aside from them32. Of those who were fellow-labourers at Rev John the same time, and in the same or adjoin- Brooke- ing provinces with Talbot, one has already been noted as the object of his warm and hearty eulogy, the Rev. John Brooke. He went out, by direction of the So- ciety, in 1704, and was appointed by Cornbury to take charge of Elizabethtown, the largest settlement at that time in East Jersey, and some other neigh- bouring stations. The authority to make Instructions such an appointment was derived bv Corn- of colonial m_ m_ , - Governors. bury from his official Instructions, which charged him to ' take especial care that ' the service due to Almighty God should ' be devoutly and duly ' celebrated 1 throughout his government,' by the read- ing of the Book of Common Prayer, and the adminis- 32 Humphreys, 185 ; Perceval's Apology, &c, 24J. vol. nr. k 242 PROCEEDINGS TS N". AMERICA OF S. P. G. [CH. tration of the Sacraments of Christ according to the rites of the Church of England ; * that the churches already built there should be well and orderly kept, and more built,' as the Colony improved; that ca competent maintenance should be assigned,' together with a house and glebe, ' to the minister of each or- thodox Church ;' and also that the ' Parishes be so limited and settled, as ' he should ' find most conveni- ent for the accomplishing this good work33.' To com- ply immediately with the letter of these Instructions, in a country which the Independents, for more than half a century, had regarded as their own, was impos- sible. Without a place of worship for his people, or residence for himself, or any public means of support beyond the scanty stipend allowed by the Society, Brooke was called upon to labour amid a population scattered throughout a territory more than 50 miles long, and a majority of whom were taught to regard with aversion and mistrust the Church of which he Brooke's was an ordained minister. But, strength- successful ened by the spirit " of power, and of love, and of a sound mind," Brooke bore up successfully against every difficulty. He aroused the careless, confirmed the wavering, won over the dis- affected. At first, gathering together his few follow- ers in a room of Colonel Townly's house ; thence repairing with them to a barn, and continuing to wor- ship there, until the cold of an inclement winter drove them out, he found them increase so rapidly in num- bers and in zeal, that they helped him to lay the foundation of a Church in Elizabethtown on St. John Baptist's Day, 1706. It was soon completed ; and 33 Extract from the Instructions to Cornbury, quoted by Hawkins, 423. XX YI.] a.d. 1700—1776. 213 two other Churches were begun at the same time, one at Arnboy, and another at Freehold. At Piscataway also, the inhabitants repaired an old Dissenting meet- ing-house for present use, and collected £100 among themselves towards the erection of a stone Church. In the district assigned to Brooke, there were no less than seven stations, which he constantly visited ; preaching and catechising at each j and organising, with equal zeal and prudence, every means that could be devised to keep his people stedfast in the faith. He applied also a large portion of his own salary to the advancement of the works which he urged others to undertake ; contributing from that apparently in- sufficient source not less than £10 towards the build- ing fund of each of the above-named Churches. Dis- tinguished thus for his abundant labours and un- sparing sacrifice of self, Brooke will for ever occupy a foremost rank among the Missionaries of the Church of England. The speedv termination of his ° n i j. j • , His death. career — lor he died in 1/0/ — was a heavy loss and a great sorrow to his people ; and, many years afterwards, we find them acknowledging, in various ways, the blessing of his example. Though dead, he yet spake to the people lessons which they gratefully cherished ; lessons the more solemn and precious, because the voice which uttered them issued from their Pastor's early grave34. Xone bore more cheerful and constant . Rev. testimonv to the blessings 0f Brooke's Ecward . . * . I aughan. ministry than Edward Yaughan, who next followed him, and for 38 years carried on the same work in the same district, with a success which proved 31 Humphreys, 188—190; Hawkins, 147, 148. B 2 244 PROCEEDINGS IN N. AMERICA OE S. P. G. [CH. liim to be as patient and prudent as he was diligent and zealous. The congregations at Elizabethtown and Woodbridge and the neighbouring settlements, he enlarged and strengthened. Many other persons, whom he still found Dissenters, he won over to com- munion with the Church. The number of communi- cants, of children baptized, and of others under regu- lar teaching, exhibited, from year to year, in every place within the borders of his Mission, a continual increase. From these, more than from any other stations at that time, came repeated applications to the Society at home for Bibles and Prayer Books, and other devotional works; and the hearty expression also by his people of love for their Pastor, and of con- fidence in his judgment, gave additional weight to his own reports of his proceedings. Let the following testimony to the value of Vaughan's labours, eight years after their commencement, be taken as a sample of the many which might be cited : We esteem ourselves happy under his pastoral care, and have a thorough persuasion of mind that the Church of Christ is now planted among us in its purity. Mr. Vaughan hath, to the great comfort and edification of our families, in these dark and distant regions of the world, prosecuted the duties of his holy calling with the utmost application and diligence; adcrned his character with an exemplary life and conversation, and so behaved himself, with all due prudence and fidelity, showing un corruptness, gravity, sincerity, and sound speech, that they who are of the contrary part have no evil thing to say of him. „. . . Great cause for thankfulness had Ed- His long and successful ward Vaughan, as he compared the state of his people, at the end of his long ca- reer, with that which he found upon his arrival among them. And, when that end drew near, it is interest- ing to trace his anxiety still to secure for the work in XXVI.] a.d. 1700—1776. 245 "which he had been employed, such permanency as he could give to it. He bequeathed to the Society his house and nine acres of glebe, 1 for the use of the Church of England minister at Elizabethtown, and his successors, for ever35.' The field of Missionary labour which Rev x B we are now reviewing was favoured be- chandler, yond any other, at that time, in the number of faith- ful and diligent men appointed to work in it. The immediate successor of Vaughan was Thomas Brad- bury Chandler, who long held a foremost place in the ranks of the American Clergy, and whose writings re- main to show the spirit which animated and the prin- ciples which sustained them. I dwell not now upon his early association with Dissenters, and the educa- tion which, by right of inheritance, he received at their hands, or upon the steps by which he was after- wards led to the Church of England 3G. A more fit- ting opportunity to consider these will occur, when we notice the like facts, as they are described by Chandler himself in his biography of Johnson. My present purpose is only to trace the course of his ministry at Elizabethtown and its neighbourhood, to which, upon the recommendation of Johnson and Sea- bury, he was first sent by the Society, in 1747, as 35 Humphreys, 190—194; Hawkins, 148. 36 I regret to observe, in Allen's American Biographical and Historical Dictionary, a work of much merit in other respects, an effort to cast reproach upon the sincerity of Chandler and his com- panions ; as though it were only their desire to 1 become dignitaries in the Church,' which led them to enter into communion with it. Not a particle of evidence is offered in support of such unworthy insinuations; and the authorities quoted at the end of the bio- graphical notices, — I refer especially to those of Chandler and Johnson,— if honestly examined, would prove their falsehood. 216 PBOCEEDiy&s rs" >-. ameeica of s. p. g. [ch. Catechist; and, in 1751, having meanwhile received ordination in England, returned as Missionary. Un- tiring zeal upon his part, and grateful and affectionate sympathy upon the part of his people, were the chief, and for many years the never-failing, characteristics of his work and its results. At Woodbridge, a small Church was built, soon after the commencement of his labours ; and at Amboy, which he could only visit occasionally, and, when he did so, preached day by day in different places of the district, two subscrip- tions were opened ; one for erecting a parsonage- house, and another for providing a stipend of £30 a year for the support of a Clergyman. ' 1 can hardly conceive,' writes Chandler, ' that the poor people are able to pay such a subscription ; yet they assure me they can and will, and some of the ablest of them offer to be sponsors for the rest 3V His refusal As time passed on, the effect of the irith°white-e many adverse influences, which had sprung field. Up elsewhere out of the disputes already described, made itself felt in 2s"ew Jersey ; and Chandler was doomed to see a harvest of miserable confusion gathered in from the seed of discord thus scattered upon it. Whitefield, for example, who, in his second visit to America, had been received with kindness and courtesy by the Colonial Clergy, and preached, at their request, in the Churches of the various provinces through which he travelled, sought to obtain from Chandler the use of his pulpit at Eliza- bethtown, upon the occasion of his sixth visit, twenty- four years afterwards, (1764.) and was refused. The painful conflicts, which had been going on with hardly " Hawkins, 158, 159. XXYI.] a.d. 1700—1776. 247 any intermission, during that interval, and which at length had broken asunder the bonds of union be- tween Whitefield and the Church of which he had once been an honoured minister, amply justified the refusal of Chandler. To have associated himself in the public worship of the Church with one who ceased not to cast contempt upon her ordinances, and to speak evil of her rulers, abroad and at home, would have been an avowed promotion of the self-same work of schism. The fact of the schism, indeed, he con- templated with shame and sorrow ; and, at an earlier stage, would have rejoiced to stay the evil, by words and acts of kindly conciliation. But when, through events beyond his controul, the evil had been done, it was not for Chandler to make it greater by receiving as an ally the man who, in no measured or am- biguous terms, proclaimed himself an enemy. A large number of his people were at first displeased with Chandler's conduct in this matter ; and it argues well for the clearness of his judgment, the firmness of his resolution, and the prudence with which he en- forced both, that he should have convinced them, as he did in the end, that he was right38. The careful examination which Chandler His contro- had made, in a former day, of the grounds versy with of difference between the Church of Eug- and others, land and those who had separated from subject of a her communion, and the clear, unfaltering B^'hophi decision which he had given in her favour, America> led him to be more zealous in her defence than many who, upon the strength only of an hereditary attach- ment, professed to honour her. From an early period 38 Hawkins, 153. 248 PROCEEDINGS IN N. AMERICA OE S. P. Gr. [CH. of his ministry, he had expressed his deep conviction of the hardship inflicted upon the Colonial Church by- being deprived of a resident Bishop. And the grow- ing disaffection between the Colonies and the Mother- country led him to apprehend more keenly the conse- . . , quences of such neglect. The real merits Aggravated ^ _ ° by the poii- 0f the question, he saw, were confounded tical diffi- # "J ' ' cuit^es of with different phases of the political strug- gle which had then begun. The same influences, of which the origin and progress in Virginia have been described, were renewed in every other pro- vince of North America. The angry feelings, excited by the Stamp Act against the King and Parliament of England, gave a sharper sting to the jealousy of the Colonists towards any and every institution which they identified with them. And, since the National Church was deemed the foremost of such institutions, any attempt to extend her ministrations to quarters in which hitherto they had been little known and still less esteemed, or to invest them with greater autho- rity by the personal presence of her Bishops, awakened, at such a crisis, furious opposition. In the northern Colonies, the leaders of this opposition were especially active. They had brought themselves to believe, that the days of the Star Chamber and High Commission Court were about to return ; that the spirit of Laud, when he wielded their most hated powers, was the only spirit which animated his successors ; and that the introduction of a Bishop within their borders would be but the precursor of an intolerable tyranny. The following passage in a pamphlet published in 1767 by Dr. Chauncy of Boston, in answer to a Sermon of the Bishop of Llandaff upon this subject, proves how great was the alarm which then prevailed : xxti.] a.d. 1700—1776. 249 It may be relied on, our people would not be easy, if restrained in the exercise of that liberty, wherewith Christ hath made them free; yea, they would hazard every thing dear to them, their estates, their very lives, rather than suffer their necks to be put under that yoke of bondage, which was so sadly galling to their fathers, and occasioned their retreat into this distant land, that they might enjoy the freedom of men and Christians. Amid such a storm of prejudice, the voice of calm reason could hardly hope to gain a hearing. Chandler, notwithstanding, renewed his prayer to the home authorities that they would give to the Colonial Church a resident Episcopate, and strove to convince the gainsayers who surrounded him, that, in urging this measure, he sought not to make the Church an instrument of coercing others, but simply to secure to her own members the guidance which of right be- longed to them. His * Appeal to the Public in behalf of the Church of England in America ' was answered by Chauncy, Livingston, and Allison, and followed by a protracted controversy, to which the daily increasing animosity of political parties added strength and bit- terness. Chandler disapproved of the „. . , rr His conduct measures of the British government which in reference ij ill- • • ip t0 con- had provoked tms animosity, and foresaw flict between clearly their ruinous consequences to the the Araeri- Mother-country i9. But he disapproved CdD Colomes- yet more of the spirit which animated a large majo- rity of the Colonists in their opposition. And when, in the progress of the conflict, he saw them resolved not only to thwart the operation of certain Acts which had been enforced under the authority of British rule, but to destroy within their borders every vestige of the institutions from which the authority had ema- 39 lb. 154—156. 250 PROCEEDINGS IN N. AMEBICA OP S. P. G. [CH. nated, he hesitated not to stand forward as a cham- pion of the despised and hated minority. Yet, whilst he battled thus manfully in defence of what he felt to be the true principles of English citizenship, he relaxed not, for a single moment, the duties of a „. Christian minister. He believed, and ex- His conti- andddinal pressed his belief, again and again, in his gence as a letters to the Society, and to other friends issionary. j r Chester and the river Delaware, where the people had Newcastle. . r * _ been induced by Evans to build a Church, it stationed, in 1703, Mr. Xicholls as Missionary. His work was carried on with good suc- N icholls, ° Ross, and cess for five years ; at the end of which period, he removed to Maryland. After 50 Humphreys, 147—151. 51 Hawkins, 108—114. 52 Humphreys, 146; Dorr's History of Christ Church, 37. XXVI.] a.d. 1700—1776. 259 his departure, the duty was sustained for a short time by Eoss from Newcastle, the introduction of whose name may serve to illustrate one of the many evils which resulted from the absence of a resident Bishop. Eoss had been appointed by the Society, in 1705, to the Mission at Newcastle, originally a Dutch settle- ment ; and, upon the retirement of Nicholls, removed without any orders to Chester. This proceeding com- pelled the Society to suspend the payment of his stipend until Eoss could explain his conduct ; and Boss was obliged for that purpose to return to Eng- land. It is only justice to him and to the Society to add that his explanation was deemed satisfactory ; that he was restored to his Mission at Newcastle ; and that, having afterwards accompanied Governor Keith on a tour through Kent and Sussex counties, that officer bore the most honourable testimony to his ' ca- pacity, exemplary life, and great industry.' Never- theless, it is evident that all this waste of time and labour might have been prevented had a Bishop been upon the spot to direct his movements i3. The mission at Chester was made over by the Society, with as little delay as possible, to Humphreys, the benefits of whose ministry were so great, that it is impossible not to regret that any necessity should have arisen for re- moving him from a sphere of such extensive useful- ness. Not only did the Church at Chester increase and flourish under him, but at Chichester, four miles distant, and at Concord, another neighbouring town, both of which were regularly visited by him, the in- habitants built Chapels at their own charge, and mani- fested their earnest desire to place the Mission upon " Humphreys, 153. 163— 166. 169—173 ; Hawkins, 118—120. S 2 260 PROCEEDINGS IN N. AMERICA OE S. P. Cr. [CH. a strong and permanent footing. But, with all their exertions, it was impossible for them to accomplish the desired end. The health of Humphreys gave way beneath the fatigue of the long and distant journeys which he was constantly obliged to make. His ex- penses consequently increased. And when, in the midst of these anxieties, an invitation came to him from Maryland, to undertake, in a Parish of that pro- vince, duties less distracting and burdensome, and for the performance of which a more competent provision was secured, he was constrained to accept it. The Society freely permitted him to do so, and bestowed upon him at the same time a gratuity, in addition to the stipend that was due, in token of the hardships he had suffered, and their sense of the services he had rendered. The removal of Evans, Nicholls, and Humphreys to Maryland, we may feel assured, from the character of the men, was amply justified by the circumstances in which they were placed. But there were others, ac- cording to the testimony of Talbot, for whom the like justification could not be pleaded, who, yielding to the temptations held out in Maryland, were turned, through love of gain, from the path of Missionary en- terprise H. Hence, another difficulty was cast in the way of the Society's operations. The valuable The spirit evinced by the people of Ox- Roberf °f ford and Eadnor made it the duty of the Weyman. Society to supply without delay the loss which they had suffered by the death of Clubb and the departure of Evans. Nor could the duty have been better fulfilled than it was by the appointment 54 See p. 238, ante. XXVI.] i.D. 1700—1776. 261 of Robert Weyman, in the rear in which the services of Evans had been withdrawn. The course of Wey- man's ministry for eleven years in these settlements was most gratifying ; being marked by unvarying dili- gence and zeal on his part, and by the continued love and confidence of his increasing flock. At the end of that period, he was removed to the more important sphere of duty at Burlington, where for eight years longer he still approved himself " a good soldier of Jesus Christ." He died, as he had lived, in his hea- venly Master's service, acknowledging with gratitude the help which he had received from those who were united with him in the same work. Iu a letter written to the Society the day before his death, he speaks of the complicated maladies which were fast wearing out his strength ; bids an affectionate farewell to its mem- bers ; thanks them for all their favours and good offices towards him ; and prays unto ' God Almighty to pour His blessings upon them, and to recompense all their works of mercy and charity at the resurrection of the just.' A few hours after his hand traced these words, the spirit of Robert "Weyman was released ; and good Edward Yaughan, — who, in the watchful tenderness with which he cheered the dying hour of his fellow- labourer and friend, supplied another evidence of his own devoted and loving spirit, — sent home the affect- ing record, confirmed by his own ready testimony that AVeyman had been, in very deed, 1 a true and faithful labourer in Grod's vineyard".' The inhabitants of Apoquiminy, not far 4P°Jui" 55 Humphreys, 158, 159; Hawkins. 11G-11S. Weyman left a widow and six children in straitened circumstances ; and a gratuity of £60 was made to them by the Society. 262 PROCEEDINGS IN S. AMERICA OF S. P. G. [CH. Rev. Mr. from Newcastle, shared the spirit of those of Oxford and Eadnor. For, before any- Missionary was permanently settled among them, and whilst they could only be visited, at uncertain inter- vals, by Sewell, a Clergyman from Maryland, and Crawford, the Society's Missionary at Dover, they had, in 1705, built for themselves a Church. In 1708, their prayer to the Society for the constant and regu- lar services of a minister was answered by the appoint- ment of Mr. Jenkins, the success of whose career was most remarkable. But it was abruptly terminated by his early death ; and the most touching assurances of the gratitude of the people for his services, and of their sorrow for his loss, were forwarded to England with the earnest entreaty that another minister might be forthwith appointed. For some time, the Society had not the means of complying with the prayer; during which interval, the spiritual wants of the people were partially supplied by the help of some Swedish Missionaries, and by the occasional visits of Clubb from Eadnor, and Ross from Newcastle. At length, Merry was appointed to Apoquiminy, and after him Campbell; but the departure of both soon followed, the former returning to England, and the latter re- moving to Brookhaven; and it was not until 1729, that the course so well begun by Jenkins more than twenty years before was renewed, with a good hope of its continuance, under Hacket, whom the Society then appointed to this settlement 56. Dover The Mission at Dover, the capital of Rev. Thos. Kent county, was settled by the Society Crawford. * ... ' in 1701. On account of the fertility ot 56 Humphreys, 159—162. XXVI.] a.d. 1700—1776. 263 the soil, the inhabitants lived in scattered dwellings throughout the province ; and, in order to bring his ministrations within reach of all, it was the practice of Crawford, its first Pastor, to preach one Sunday at the upper end of the county, on another at Dover, in the Church which was built three years after his ar- rival, and on the third Sunday at the lower part of the county. He was invited also to extend his ser- vices to the adjoining county of Sussex ; and, availing himself of such accommodation as could be afforded in the house of a Captain Hill, who resided at Lewes, its capital, upon the banks of the Delaware, formed a congregation there, which quickly became the centre of important Missionary work 57 . I have already noticed the visit made by Leweg Ross to this district, when he accompanied Rev- w- ~ . , 1 . Beckett. Governor Keith upon a tour of inspection. Upon a second visit made soon afterwards, he opened at Lewes a Church, which its inhabitants, in spite of great poverty and discouragement, had erected. The character and wants of the people of Lewes induced the Society to appoint, in 1721, William Beckett as its Missionary. The field of his duties was co-extensive with the whole county of Sussex, 50 miles in length, and 20 in breadth ; and the diligence with which he laboured in every quarter was followed by signal suc- cess. The magistrates and gentlemen of the county presented to him their thanks for the reformation of the blasphemer and drunkard, which his ministry had been the instrument to effect ; and the rapid and per- manent increase in every quarter of those who ho- noured, and were sanctified by, the due observance of 57 Humphreys, 166—169; Hawkins, 118. 264 PROCEEDINGS IN N. AMEKICA OF S. P. G. [cH. Church ordinances, gave additional testimony to the value of Beckett's services. It was no mere transient effect which he produced upon the minds of his people. Three years after his arrival, he speaks of three Churches having been built, and not one of them able to contain the throng of worshippers who resorted to them. Some of his people rode, Sunday after Sunday, twenty miles, that they might join in the celebration of Divine Service. At an interval of five years more, he describes a fourth Church, rising up in the midst of the forest. In 1741, when he had been for twenty years engaged in his duties, the influence which he had acquired among his people enabled him to keep them stedfast, amid all the wild enthusiasm which Whitefield had then excited by his preaching in every place to which he came 58 ; and, in the year following, when his own labours were drawing to a close, he de- scribes, in one of the last letters which he wrote to the Society, his four Churches as still being filled on Sundays and holidays ; and that, in summer time, as they were unable to hold their congregations, he was ' often obliged to preach under the green trees for room, for shade, and for fresh air59.' Rev. Hugh In the ranks of the Pennsylvania Mis- NeilL sionaries, as in those of New Jersey, were found men who had been brought up among the Non- conformists. Hugh Neill, once a Presbyterian mi- nister in New Jersey, was one of the most distinguished 58 In a letter describing the return of some who had been for a time Whitefield's followers, Beckett's words are, ' Your missionaries have conquered and convinced them, not so much by opposition as by patience, and by studying to be quiet and to mind their own business.' Hawkins, 122. 39 Humphreys, 173—178; Hawkins, 121—123. XXTI.] a..d. 1700—1776. 265 of them. He had received ordination at the hands of the Bishop of London in 1719. and was appointed by the Society first to the Dover, and afterwards to the Oxford Mission. The course of enquiry which he had pursued, whilst comparing the authority of Episcopal and Presbyterian discipline, led him, as it had led Chandler, to lay more than ordinary stress upon the necessity of securing for the Colonial Church the presence of a resident Bishop. The confusion which "Whitefield and his followers had spread throughout the province impressed the sense of this necessity yet more deeply upon his mind ; and. a few years after- wards, the death of two young Clergymen who were drowned within sight of the American shore, at the end of a voyage from England, constrained him to feel still more acutely the magnitude of the evil which he deplored. One of the sufferers was his own nephew, Mr. "Wilson, whom he had educated and sent to England to be ordained. And the sorrow of Xeill upon that oc- casion brought vividly before him the hardship imposed upon all who sought to be employed in the ministry of the Colonial Church, of being forced to traverse 3000 miles across the Atlantic Ocean, before they could be received as her ministers. He knew, from his own experience, that fear of the danger of the voyage, and the expenditure of time and money which it involved, deterred many from entering into the mi- nistry of the Colonial Church who were anxious to do so ; and that, longing to proclaim to others the word of salvation, they sought among Dissenting commu- nities that sympathy which the Church of England denied them. Why then did she persist in her denial ? The prayer so often urged upon her was in i self so reasonable, that even the Presbyterians allowed it to 266 PROCEEDINGS IN N. AMERICA OE S. P. Gr. [CH. be so. One of the most distinguished members of that body in Philadelphia, Dr. Allison, had confessed to Neill, that, if the office of Bishop could only be separated from that exercise of the civil power which had made its very name hateful in their sight, he would be ' well contented if there was a Bishop of that sort in every province in America 60.' His sym- During the fifteen years of Weill's minis- thehNegroh try, ^s sympathies were especially directed race- to the Negro race, whose love and con- fidence he gained, and for instructing whom in the doc- trines of Christian truth he evinced a singular aptitude. The like difficult path of duty was pursued by Dr. Rev. Dr. Smith, Provost of the College of Phila- Smith. delphia, who, upon the death of Neill in 1766, was placed, at his own request, upon the list of the Society's Missionaries, and appointed to carry on the work at Oxford. Ten years before this time, Smith had proposed to the Society a plan for the edu- cation of Indian children ; and had received the pro- mise of a grant of £100 for that purpose The ap- plication of this grant to the specific purpose for which it had been sought was deferred for reasons which I have not been able to ascertain. But the exertions of Smith to ameliorate the condition of the Indian were then, and for many years afterwards, a conspicuous feature of his ministry. Rev. Thos. The same regard for the same neglected Barton. race was manifested also by Thomas Barton, who, having been for some time engaged as tutor in the Academy of Pennsylvania, was, by the recom- mendation of its professors, admitted into holy orders, 60 Hawkins, 126. 61 lb. 123. 126. XXVI.] a. d. 1700— 177G. 267 and appointed by the Society, in 1755, as travelling Missionary in the counties of York and Cumberland. Their frontier border was frequently visited by Indian traders, who came down the Ohio to dispose of their fur and deer-skins. Barton applied himself to the task of gaining the confidence of these men, that he might become their instructor. Some of them who under- stood English accepted his invitation to come to Church. Their demeanour was reverential Hiseffort8 and attentive. And, upon his visiting them l° instruct the Indians. the next day, they brought all their com- panions to shake hands with him, and, pointing their hands towards heaven, spoke for a long time to each other in their native tongue ; the one party eagerly communicating, and the other not less eagerly receiv- ing, the intelligence that Barton was both able and willing to teach them the will of that great Being whom they ignorantly worshipped. He forthwith planned, and began to execute, a scheme for the pro- tection and education of the children of these Indians, and wrote frequently to the Society respecting it. But his exertions were sorely impeded by the war which then broke out (1 756), and by the defeat of the English forces under General Braddock which gave to it such a painful celebritv62. Nevertheless, the „. . , r »■ ' His conduct zeal and energv of Barton were still con- during the • i war. spicuous. As the perils and miseries of war increased, he organised his people for defence ; and such was the enthusiasm with which his example in- spired them, that they followed him, with instant readi- ness, by day or by night, whithersoever he went ; and Perm, the Proprietor of the province, bore grateful 62 lb. 129. 26S PROCEEDINGS EX IF. AMERICA. OF S. P. G. [CH. testimony to his courageous and unwearied efforts. The young men within his Mission offered to go as a body and join General Forbes's army, if he would only accompany them. He offered, therefore, to act for a time as Chaplain to the troops ; and the offer was thankfully accepted. But he availed himself of the earliest opportunity to return to the more welcome field of Missionary labour. Penn had already acknow- ledged that Barton had not 'done any thing in the military way but what had increased his character for piety, and that of a sincerely religious man and zealous minister.' And the eagerness with which he resumed the duties of his proper calling proved the justice of this testimony. He continued to discharge them with unabated energy for more than sixteen years longer. The circumference of his Mission, which comprised the whole of Lancaster county, and parts of Chester and of Berks, was not less than 200 miles. Of its 40,000 inhabitants, the members of the Church of England were but a small minority. Yet, pursuing with con- stant diligence the course of his faithful ministry, their numbers increased year after year. Churches were built at Lancaster, Carnarvon, Pequea, Xew London, and Whiteclay Creek; and endowments of land and houses were freely and thankfully provided by the people. The German Lutherans and Dutch Calvinists expressed the utmost readiness to be received into communion with the Church of England; and many also of the English Nonconformist settlers joined the congregations, which were continually growing up under Barton's fostering care. Then followed the same painful termination of his ministry which has been described in other instances. Unable to resist the violence of popular fury, and de- xxyi.] a.d. 1700—1776. 269 termined not to violate the duties to which his ordina- tion vow had bound him, Barton was compelled to follow the example of almost all the other Clergy in Pennsylvania, and to shut up and leave the Churches in which the liberty of conducting public worship in accordance with the Book of Common Prayer was no longer permitted. He still continued, however, to dis- charge his duties in private, as long as he was able ; and, in 1778, having refused to take the oath of alle- giance to the Commonwealth, he received permission to sell his property, and remove into the British terri- tory 63. Turn we now to review the chief events Christ affecting the progress of the Church, during pJSSdd- the same period, in Philadelphia itself. Phia- After the retirement of Evans from Christ Church, its duties were conducted by Talbot and others, until the arrival from England, in 1719, of John Rev John Vicary, who brought with him the licence * xcary' of the Bishop of London (Eobinson), appointing him its minister. The feebleness of Vicary' s health and his early death are the only facts recorded of him. Then followed the temporary appointment Rev John of John Urmston, who had been a Mis- Urraston- sionary in North Carolina, but whose conduct at Christ Church was deemed so reprehensible as to lead to his dismissal at the expiration of a year. The matter was formally brought under the notice of the Churchwardens and Vestry by the Clergy of the pro- vince, assembled in Convention at Chichester, Oct. 23, 1723. The authority by which they met was not de- rived through anv formal instructions to that effect 63 lb. 132—140. 270 PROCEEDINGS IS S. AMERICA OF S. P. Gr. [CH. from England, but such only as the necessity of tbe case forced them to create for themselves. The result, however, was decisive; and Urmston, by the unani- mous voice of the Yestry, was dismissed. The Vestry Bishop Gib- los* 110 time in petitioning Bishop Gibson, son- upon his translation to the See of London, to send them ' such a gentleman as might be a credit to tbeir communion, an ornament to his profession, and a true propagator of the Gospel.' To this peti- tion no answer was returned. It is possible, indeed, that the same punctilious caution, which that prelate exhibited in the case of the Maryland Commissaries 6*, might have led him to regard it as a point of duty not to make any appointment to the Church at Philadel- phia, until he had received some more specific authority than that to which he then thought he was entitled. But, if this were his only reason, the Vestry might have been informed of it. At all events, they ought not to have been allowed to infer that the Bishop of London was indifferent to their prayer. _ An immediate and serious evil was the Dr. Welton. _ . . result 01 his apparent neglect m the pre- sent instance ; for Talbot, as we have seen, had brought out Welton as his companion when he returned from England ; and both were invested with episcopal autho- rity, although careful to abstain from the public exer- cise of its duties. A favourable representation of Welton' s character had, of course, been made by Talbot to the Christ Church Vestry ; and a letter was accordingly addressed by them to him, July 27, 1724, in which, having described the destitute condition in which the Church had been left, and the inattention 01 See p. 187, ante. XXVI.] a.d. 1700— 177G. 271 of Bishop Gibson to their prayer that he would supply the vacancy, they asked Welton to undertake its duties. He accepted their invitation, and conducted himself, for a time, to the satisfaction of the people. Then fol- lowed his refusal to acknowledge the authority of King George ; and his forced ejection from the British terri- tories. "Whatsoever may have been the cause of Rev Archi Bishop Gibson's delay to license tire ap- ba.ld Cura- 1 . . mmgs. pointment of a minister to Christ Church, in the first instance, it was now removed ; and, in the #autumn of 1726, Archibald Cummings arrived with authority from him to enter upon its duties. They had been discharged, in the interval, by the neighbour- ing Clergy, chiefly by Weyman, whose valuable services elsewhere have been already noticed, and to whom an offering of £50 was voted by the Vestry ' for his care of the Church during its vacancy.' Cummings held the office for more than 14 years, during which time the fabric of the Church was greatly enlarged, and the number and influence of its congregation increased. The only drawback to the general acceptance which appears to have attended his ministry, was a misunder- standing between him and Eichard Peters, who was appointed, in 1736, Assistant-minister. The resigna- tion of his office by the latter was its immediate con- sequence ; but timely and wise forbearance on the part both of the Clergy and Vestry prevented further evil. Bishop Gibson also appears to have been in this, as in other matters submitted to his decision, a prudent and judicious arbiter. Peters continued to reside in Phila- delphia, actively and generously promoting the interests of the Church ; and, after the death of Dr. Rev. Dr> J enney, the immediate successor of Cum- Jenney- 272 PROCEEDINGS IN N. AMERICA OE S. P. G. [CH. mings, and formerly a valuable Missionary of the So- ciety at New York and Long Island, was himself elected by the Vestry to the Eectorship of the united Appoint- Churches of Christ Church and St. Peter's, ment of a During the incumbency of Jenney, — which, catechetical ° , J J 7 7 lecturer for to the blessing of the Church in Philadel- the Nesrroes ' phia, lasted from 1742 to 1762 05 —the So- ciety made the important appointment of ' a catecheti- cal lecturer in that Church for the instruction of negroes and others,' and agreed to furnish the lecturer with a stipend of £30 a year ; the congregation undertaking to make up the rest which might be required for his Rev. w. maintenance. "William Sturgeon, a student sturgeon. of Tale College, was, after the most careful enquiry, selected for the office, and sent to England to receive ordination. He entered upon his duties in 1747; and, for 19 years afterwards, continued to dis- charge them, until ill health compelled him to resign. His career was one of uninterrupted usefulness. The people, for whose especial benefit his appointment had been made, found him at all times and in all places an affectionate and watchful Pastor ; and the manner in which his services were appreciated by others who wit- nessed them, and best knew their value, may be learnt from the fact, mentioned in a letter from the Church- wardens to the Society, two years after Sturgeon had commenced his work, that (in addition to the stipend received from the Society) Jenney had given him half his surplice dues, and the congregation a free-will offer- ing of £60 ; agreeing to present him every year with the like sum, or more. These feelings of kindly sym- 6:' A remarkable testimony to the excellence of Dr. Jenney's character is contained in the Funeral Sermon preached by Provost Smith. XXYI.] a. d. 1700-1776. 273 patby on the part of Sturgeon's friends had doubtless been awakened by his own generous and self-denying acts ; for finding, at the commencement of his duties, that the cost of repairing and enlarging the Church had not been entirely defrayed, he requested that no gathering might be made on his own account until the end of the year. Six years afterwards, Dr. Eearcroft, Master of the Charter House, forwarded to him, by direction of the Society, of which he was then Secre- tary66, a gratuity of £10 over and above his stipend, as an acknowledgment of his ' great pains and dili- gence in the work of the ministry.' In 1763, a com- plaint of neglect of duty, in not catechizing the Negro children, was brought before the Society against Stur- geon ; but, upon a full investigation of the charge by the Rector and four Vestrymen, its falsehood was clearly ascertained ; and the increase of his stipend from the Society to £50 a year was the best proof of continued confidence in him. Shortly before the death of Jenney, in Rey consequence of his growing infirmities, and Mcciena- the enlarged field of duty then opened in Philadelphia, the services of a second Assistant-minis- ter had become necessary ; and McClenaghan, one of the Society's former Missionaries in New England, was elected to fill the office. But the Bishop of Lon- don (Sherlock) refused to license him ; and the Society declared him to be a man in whom they could no longer repose any confidence. McClenaghan was consequently compelled to withdraw from the post, which he held 00 Dr. Bearcroft succeeded Dr. Humphreys, as Secretary, in 1739, and held the office till his death in 1701. His anniversary Sermon in 1744 may be regarded as a sequel to the Historical Account of the Society drawn up by his predecessor. VOL. III. T 274 PKOCEEDINGS IN K. AMEKICA OF S. P. G. [cil. about a year ; but not until he had created by his mis- conduct great disturbance and division among the people. His example shows, indeed, the care with which, amid many difficulties, the rulers of our Church at home strove to defend the Church Colonial from unworthy ministers. But how much more direct and prompt would the necessary interference have proved, had a Bishop been upon the spot ! The union of the Parishes of Christ PeteVs^re^' Church and St. Peter to which Peters was unhid Pa- elected in 1762, arose out of the necessity Christ °f which had long been felt for a new Church church and at the south end of the citv. The first St. Peter. »• movement m reference to the building, was made by the Vestry of Christ Church, in 1753, and on the 4th of September, 1761, St. Peter's Church was opened with the celebration of public service, and a Sermon preached by Dr. Smith, Provost of the College in Philadelphia. At the conclusion of the service, a plan, agreed upon by the Vestry, for the perpetual union and government of the two Churches was read : and this plan, after receiving further modifications, was ratified, in 1765, by a Charter, granted by Thomas and Eichard Penn, Proprietaries of the Province, which constituted the Rector, Churchwardens, and Vestrymen of Christ Church and St. Peter's, and their successors, 1 a body politick and corporate °7.' The terms of this Charter were made the subject of careful deliberation between the Proprietaries and Peters, who was in Eng- land at the beginning of the year ; and were submitted by both parties to the consideration of Seeker, then 67 In 1807, a new Church, St. James's, was united with Christ Church and St. Peter's; and, in 1832, the two latter were erected into separate corporations. XXTI.] a.d. 1700—1776. 275 Archbishop of Canterbury, who made at first some grave objections to parts of the scheme, but consented, upon the representation of Peters, to withdraw them. The Vestry thankfully received this Charter; and Peters, returning to Philadelphia before the end of the year, was gladly welcomed by his people, among whom he continued to labour until 1775, when age and in- firmities led him to resign his charge. His successor was Jacob Duche, the son _ . . 1 Kev. Jacob of a zealous Lav-member of the Church at Duche, his • , successor. Philadelphia, who, having been sent by his father for education to Clare Hall, Cambridge, and ordained by Bishop Sherlock, had, for 16 years, from 1759 to 1775, been an Assistant-minister in the united Churches. The unanimity with which he was raised from the office of Assistant-minister to that of Eector, demonstrates the high reputation which he had ac- quired in his subordinate position ; and hence arises a feeling of regret, that, although he lived for twenty- three years after his appointment to the higher post, his connexion with its duties terminated within little more than two years. The difficulties of that unhappy day of strife were evidently the cause of the separation. Duche, and a majority of the ministers of the Church at Philadelphia, if they did not sympathise with a maioritv of the Colonists in the conflict ,J J , His senti- with the Mother-countrv, which was then meiusonthe • i n conflict be- begun, certainlv acquiesced at first in the tween Eng- . xf . , , . , , land and the issue. At a \ estry at which he was pre- American sent, July 4, 1776, it was resolved, that, Colomes- as the American Colonies had been declared by Con- gress to be ' free and independent States,' and as the petition in the Liturgy for the King of Great Britain was inconsistent with that declaration, therefore it ap- t 2 276 PROCEEDINGS IN N. AMERICA OE S. P. G. [CH. peared ' necessary, for the peace and well-being of the Churches, to omit the said petition ; and the Eector and Assistant-ministers of the united Churches were requested to omit ' them accordingly. A Sermon also, preached before Congress by Duche, July 7, 1775, en- titled, 4 The duty of standing fast in our temporal and spiritual duties,' had exhibited opinions at variance with those of a majority of the Clergy, at home and abroad, upon the matters that were so hotly disputed in that day. Another Sermon, preached twelve days before that of Duche, by Provost Smith, 1 On the present. situation of American Affairs,' manifested even more strongly the same diversity of judgment, and excited the greatest enthusiasm on both sides of the Atlantic, amongst all who espoused the cause of the Colonists. Tryon, Go- vernor of New York, sent home copies of both these Sermons to the Bishop of London (Terrick) ; and Smith openly avowed his belief that the severest cen- sure of the Bishop would fall upon Duche and himself for having broached such unpalatable doctrines 68. The political crisis then fast approaching would probably have led most men, placed in their position, to have thought lightly of the Bishop's censure, even if he had felt it his duty to express it. But Duche informed the Vestry, that, upon a due consideration of the present state of affairs, and his own situation in particular, he had come to a resolution, with their permission (which was cheer- fully given), of going to England; as he apprehended he could more fully answer any objections the Bishop of London might have to his conduct, and more easily remove the prejudices he had reason to think the 08 Smith's Works, ii. 253. XXVI.] a.d. 1700—1776. 277 Bishop had imbibed against him. The death of Bishop Terrick that same year (1777), frustrated any benefit which Duche might have hoped to obtain from the pro- posed interview ; and it does not appear that he either sought, or was required to give, any further explanation to Bishop Lowth, the next occupant of the See of London. The resumption, therefore, by him of his charge of the united Churches at Philadelphia, might reasonably have been expected. He had expressed a strong hope that he might be allowed to do so ; and the Vestry had echoed the same. But the hope never was fulfilled C9. Duche continued, indeed, to retain an affectionate and lively interest in all that concerned the welfare of the Church at Philadelphia. He lived always in closest friendship with those who had been his fello v-labourers there. He was present when one of them, honoured and esteemed of all men, received consecration, as the first Bishop of Pennsylvania, in the Chapel of Lambeth Palace. He returned to his native land, and rejoiced to witness the continued course of active and earnest piety pursued by that good man. His body rests in the burial ground of one of the Churches of which he was the honoured minister. But, with the history of the forced separation of Eng- land from her Colonies ends that of the connexion of Jacob Duche with the flock which he loved to watch over. 69 In the first edition of this work, I had expressed myself at a loss to assign a reason for this disappointment. But I have since met with a passage in Gait's Life of West, pp. 41—43, from which it appears, that, as the conflict between England and her Colonies went on, Duche's opinions underwent a change ; and that he even sought to induce Washington to give up the command of the army which Congress had entrusted to him. 278 PROCEEDINGS IN N. AMERICA OF S. P. G. [CH. Rev. Thos. His was not the only post which the coombe. same events caused to become vacant in the Churches of Philadelphia. Thomas Coombe and William White, both natives of that city, and distin- guished from their earliest manhood by the respect and love of their fellow-citizens, had been appointed, upon the same day, Nov. 30, 1772, Assistant-minis- ters to Peters. About six months after Duche had embarked for England, the Vestry received from Coombe a letter, in which he informed them, that, after long and careful reflection upon the subject, he had been unable to renounce allegiance to the King of Great Britain, and take the oath of fidelity required of him by the American Eepublic. He describes, in touching terms, the pains which he had taken to arrive at a right decision, and the heavy trials through which he and his family would have to pass, in consequence of the resolution which he had then felt it his duty to adopt. If the Independence which the American States claimed for themselves had been recognised at that time by Great Britain, his difficulties would have vanished ; but, as long as such recognition was withheld, no other course seemed right to him save that which he had obtained permis- sion from the Council to pursue, — to proceed within the British lines at New York, and thence to Eng- land. The Vestry, howsoever they may have regretted, had no power to gainsay, Coombe's decision ; and giving to him, for the information of the Bishop of London, the written testimony of their approval of his conduct during his six years' ministry, were con- strained to see him turn away from them. The Rev. Of the Clergy who had received from white™ the Church of England commission to XXTI.] a.d. 1700—1776. 279 preach the "Word, and minister the Sacra- afterwards ments of Christ, one only now remained of Pennsyl- in Philadelphia, William White, whose vama' name will ever be held in grateful memory on either side of the Atlantic, as the man who, above all others, was distinguished for the zeal and wisdom and love with which he laboured successfully to renew and strengthen those bonds of Christian brotherhood be- tween England and her Colonies, which the War of Independence snapped for a time asunder. Born, as I have said, in Philadelphia, he had been baptized in the first Church which was built in that city for the celebration of our national worship. There also had he been accustomed, through all the years of boyhood and youth, to praise and pray unto God. There, having received ordination at the hands of his spi- ritual fathers in England70, he discharged His senti- for seven years the duties of Assistant- minister; and there, for fifty-seven years longer, he continued to be the beloved and "mggie. honoured Rector. At the commencement, and to the end, of the Revolutionary struggle, his sympathies and judgment were with the Colonists. Without any bitterness, contempt, or anger, towards those who took the opposite side, he scrupled not to avow his belief that the cause of the Colonies was the cause of justice and of truth ; and openly cast in his lot among them. Hence his acceptance of the office of Chaplain to Congress, during the war, and his re-appointment to it by the Senate, under the Federal Constitution, as long as Philadelphia was the seat of government. T0 He was ordained Deacon, Dec. 23, 1770, by the Bp. of Nor- wich (Young), under Letters Dimissory from the Bp. of London (Terrick), and Priest, by Bp. Terrick, April 25, U72. ments and conduct in the Revolu- tionary 280 PROCEEDINGS IN N. AMERICA OF S. P. G. [CH. "Washington, to the day of his death, was his firm friend ; and, whilst he was President, worshipped re- gularly at Christ Church, one of those of which White was Eector. The manner in which White accepted siierTte the Rectorship when it was offered to him, Duchtfor in 1779, by an unanimous vote of Vestry, illustrates very remarkably the delicate and generous consideration which he retained for the opinions of others, and the candour and meekness with which he declared his own. He remembered the instruction and kindly treatment which, from earliest childhood, he had received at the hands of Duche, and the harmony which had subsisted between them in their joint ministry at Philadelphia. And seeing that, for some reason which doubtless appeared to him just, Duche still tarried in England, White refused to take such advantage of his absence as would preclude him for ever from the power of resuming his duties. It might be, and probably was, the fact, that Duche still hesitated as to the course which he ought to pur- sue amid the many and complicated difficulties arising out of the political crisis of the times. And, although from many of these White had extricated himself by his decisive line of action, he still felt for those who, with sincerity equal to his own, viewed the same con- flict through a different medium. He begged, there- fore, that his letter might be put on record by the Vestry, in which, having expressed his grateful accept- ance of their offer, he yet assured them, that, if ever at their desire and that of members of the Churches in general, and with the permission of the civil autho- rity, their former Eector should return, he should esteem it his duty, and it would be his pleasure, to XXVI.] .. d. 1700—1776. 281 resign into his hands the charge which he had now received. The like spirit characterised White's Hisefforts conduct at every step of his long career of J^JJJJJ, pious usefulness. To knit together again members of f ! , o ii i i the Church. into one the members ol that sacred body, which war and faction had divided ; to heal its wounds, to restore its exhausted strength, and to see it, "fitly joined together and compacted," "grow up unto Him in all things, which is the head, even Christ, — unto the edifying itself in love," — this was the great work, for the accomplishment of which he never ceased to watch and to pray. At one time, in- deed, the work seemed hopeless. The flocks which ^had been gathered together were every where scat- tered abroad ; the folds were laid waste ; the shepherds who survived had been driven away; and none were ready to come into their room. The province in which White ministered was above all others desolate. For a part of the war, he has himself informed us, that, through the whole extent of it, there was no resident minister but himself71. Yet he never cast away hope, never relaxed his labours. Before any prospect appeared of the recognition by England of American Independence, he strove to bring together his scattered and discomfited brethren into fellowship with each other. His scheme, indeed, was imperfect ; and he, probably, was the first to rejoice, when tidings of peace with the Mother-country 72 enabled ri Bp. White's Memoirs of the Prot. Episc. Ch. in America, 20. 72 The recognition, by England, of American Independence, was first made in the provisional articles of peace signed at Paris, Nov. 30, 1782. The definitive treaty to that effect was signed at Paris, Sept. 3, 1783, and ratified by Congress, Jan. 4, 1784. 282 PROCEEDINGS IN N. AMERICA OF S. P. Gr. [CH. him to propose, and to see, ere long matured, another and more comprehensive scheme, established upon a sound and enduring basis. A description of this scheme more fitly belongs to a latter portion of this work. I will here only remark that the blessing of "White's example and influence, in all the early meet- ings of the General Convention of Clerical and Lay Deputies of the different States, (which he was the chief instrument to establish,) and the first of which took place Sept. 27, 1785 73, speedily became more ex- tensive and permanent by his unanimous election, Sept. 14, 1786, to the Bishopric of Pennsylvania. He was His conse- consecrated to the office of Bishop, in con- cration to junction with Dr. Provoost of New York, the Bishop- Jm ' ricofPenn- in the Chapel of Lambeth Palace, Feb. 4, 1787, by the Archbishops of Canterbury and York (Moore and Markham), the Bishop of Bath and Wells (Moss), and the Bishop of Peterborough (Hinchcliffe) . Seabury, Bishop of Connecticut, had already, as we have seen, been consecrated by the Bishops of the Church in Scotland. But many points of importance yet remained to be settled, with respect to the extent of Episcopal jurisdiction thereby intro- duced into America, and the future status of the Church which it was intended to controul in that country. A large majority also of the American people entertained a strong jealousy lest the attempt to settle these points, by an implicit and unqualified acceptance of Bishop Seabury's authority, might com- promise their rights and liberties as citizens of the new Eepublic. And, unless some other channels of 73 Preliminary meetings, held indeed for other purposes, but doubtless leading the way to the General Convention, had taken place in Sept. and Oct., 1784.— Bp. White's Memoirs &c. 21, 22. UK. VI.] a.d. 1700—1776. 283 communication had been opened, little hope would have remained of a satisfactory conclusion to the efforts of those who were then, on both sides of the Atlantic, seeking to effect an union. The fact that a resolution was moved in the Convention, June 22, 1786, that it should do no act that should ' imply the validity of ordinations made by Dr. Seabury,' and that, on the following day, a resolution, nearly to the same effect, was unanimously passed n, proves the keen and eager spirit of opposition which was ready to break forth. The known opinions of Seabury, and his character for boldness and energy, — valuable as they proved to be in the sequel, — increased the alarm and jealousy which the difficulties of that trying mo- ment awakened in the hearts of most men 75 . But the wisdom, and calmness, and untiring perseverance of White at length succeeded in allaying fears, removing objections, and reconciling differences. On the 5th of October, 1785, an Address from the General Conven- tion to the Archbishops and Bishops of the Church of England was adopted, requesting them to confer the Episcopal character on such persons as should be chosen and recommended to them for that purpose, from the Conventions of their Church in the respec- tive States. To this, an answer was returned by the Archbishops and Bishops, February 24, 1786, express- ing their strong desire to obtain for their brethren in America the accomplishment of their prayer; and 74 Journals of the General Convention, 21. 75 Bp. Wilberforce has remarked, and, I think, justly, that 1 had it been left to Seabury alone to form the temper and mould the institutions of the Western Church, there would have been but little hope of its ever embracing the whole of the jealous population of that wide republic.'— Hist, of the Amer. Ch. 261. 284 PROCEEDINGS IN TX. AMERICA OE S. P. G-. [CH. their fears lest alterations might be proposed in their intended Prayer Book, which might be an essential deviation from the Church of England. Further cor- respondence removed all difficulties ; and five months after the above Answer to their Address had been received, the Archbishop of Canterbury forwarded a copy of the Act of Parliament which had been passed, enabling him, or the Archbishop of York, to conse- crate to the office of Bishop, ' persons being subjects or citizens of countries out of His Majesty's domi- nions76.' Then followed the consecration of Bishop "White ; and the first public exercise of his authority was seea soon afterwards (May 28, 1787), in Christ Church, Philadelphia, when he ordained Joseph Clark- son to the office of Deacon. But to spare all future candidates for the ministry the necessity of under- taking a voyage of 3000 miles to England and back again, was the least of the benefits thus conferred upon the Church in Philadelphia by the completion of her Episcopal system. A faithful and loving Father in Christ was provided for all her children, who, in the words of remonstrance, urged nearly a century be- fore, was now at last enabled 'to visit the several Churches, ordain some, confirm others, and bless all In the person of Bishop White, these bless- ings were mercifully permitted to have their free course for a period of more than 49 years 7". Having lived, as he acknowledges 79, in days in which such strong prejudices had existed against the name and 70 See Appendix to this Vol., No. II. W See p. 72, ante. 78 He died July 17, 1836, in the 89th year of his age. 79 See the Dedication to her Bishops, prefixed by Bp. White to his Memoirs of the Protest. Episc. Ch. in America. XXVI,] a.d. 1700—1776. 285 office of a Bishop, that it might have been doubted whether any one who bore them would have been tolerated in the American Bepublic, he was yet per- mitted, when he first drew up the Memoirs of that Churc 1 over which he and his brethren presided, to see the power of discharging all their duties freely and fully secured to them. Ten Bishops had, at that time, gone to their rest. The nine who survived had been consecrated to their office by his hands; and so were many more who were added to their number during his long life. To the " burning and shining light" of his example may be ascribed, in great degree, the harmony and success with which they, and those who followed them, continued to carry on their work ; and the memory of it remains as a precious heritage of the same Church wrhich, day by day, is en- larging her borders on every side 80. 80 I am indebted for the information which has enabled me to give the above sketch of the Church in Philadelphia, to the His- torical Account of Christ Church, &c, in that city, by Dr. Dorr ; and, where other references are not given, the reader will under- stand that all my materials have been derived from this source. Dr. Dorr was elected Rector of Christ Church in 1837 ; and lias ever since retained the office. He was also elected, in 183!), by the Convention of Maryland, to the Bishopric of Maryland, but declined accepting it (ib. 272), from a conviction that it was still his duty to remain in Philadelphia. The Author takes this opportunity of recording his grateful re- collection of the intercourse he had with Dr. Dorr, during his last visit to England. CHAPTEE XXVII. THE INDIANS AND NEGRO SLAVES OE NORTH AMERICA. A.D. 1700—1784. Recapitula tiou of for- mer notices of the treat ment of In- dian tribes by English settlers. There is no darker page in the history of the nations of Europe than that which relates their oppression of the aboriginal inhabitants of countries which they have colonised. The tide of native life has been beaten back in well-nigh every quarter into which the stream of her population has poured itself ; and the swarthy savages of the west, of the east, of the south, have alike withered, or are wither- ing away, at the approach of the white man. The treatment of the Indian tribes of North America by the English settlers upon their lands, presents no ex- ception to this humiliating story. A long catalogue of such misdeeds, and of their disastrous consequences, has been set before us in the progress of this work. In "Virginia, the terrible massacre inflicted by the tribes of Powhatan upon those who had reared their first cabins upon the banks of James Eiver, testified their deep resentment of the wrongs which they had suffered, and the eagerness with which they had a.d. 1700—1784. 287 avenged them. True, the young daughter of Powha- tan,— who had saved by her entreaties the life of the brave English leader, — had been taken from the bloody and superstitious rites of her native woods; and, receiving the promises of the Gospel, had exhi- bited, as a Christian wife and mother, evidences of its saving truth. But the history of Pocahuntas is not the history of her race. And the energy with which her kinsman, Opechancanough, renewed at a later period, and in open warfare, his assaults against a governor so powerful as Berkeley, is a proof not to be doubted of the implacable hatred of the Indian against his oppressor, and of the many and shameful cruelties which had provoked it. In Maryland, also, the acts of Calvert and his followers were only calculated to produce the same results. The hatchets and gar- ments which they gave to the simple tribes of the Potomac, in exchange for the thirty miles of territory upon its banks ; and the dazzling spectacle which they exhibited before the wondering eyes of the King of Patuxent and his people, were only so many tricks and stratagems by which they succeeded in alarming and defrauding the poor savages, whose lands they de- signed to occupy And, turning from these to the annals of the New England Colonies, we have found that, with one dis- tinguished exception, they present not any more cheering testimony. The Charter, indeed, of the Massachusetts' emigrants had declared the end of their Plantation to be the winning 1 the natives of the country to the knowledge and obedience of the only true God and Saviour of mankind, and the Christian 1 Vol. i. 238. 273. 486 ; u. 2, 3. 288 INDIANS AND NEGROES OE N. AMERICA. [CH. faith;' and the Seal attached to it symbolised the same truth. The covenant also, which they drew up and subscribed upon their settlement at Salem, con- tained the expression of their solemn promise, not to lay ' a stumbling-block before any, no, not the Indians, whose good ' they professed themselves anxious 'to promote.' And yet we have been com- pelled to show that the acts of the Pilgrim Fathers agreed not with their words ; that, while a regard to their immediate personal interests induced them to cultivate the good-will of Massasoit, the chief of the Pokanokets, among whom their first settlements were planted, no systematic effort was made for many years towards the spiritual improvement of any of the ab- origines ; that, during those years, the Puritan emi- grants were guilty of many acts of cruelty and op- pression towards them ; that, as their people spread out their Colonies to the south, the native population was driven back or destroyed ; that the plantation of Connecticut and Newhaven was simultaneous with the Pequod war, which left not a warrior, or woman, or child, surviving out of all that numerous tribe ; and that, a few years afterwards, Metacom, or King Philip, the son of Massasoit, indignant at the gradual intru- sion of the English upon lands which the red man claimed as his own, commenced a harassing and mur- derous war against them, which ended in his own death, the defeat and dispersion of his people, and the extermination of the Naragansett Indians, his allies. In these and such like acts of mutual hostility be- tween the native tribes of North America and the New England Colonists, the greater part of the 17th century passed away 2. 2 Vol. ii. 193—196. xxvii.] a.d. 1700—1784. 289 The solitary exception, indeed, of Eliot's example, who, throughout a period of more than fifty years, laboured to bring the light of truth and peace to those who were living in the darkness of savage ignorance, and thereby won for himself the honoured title of 'Apostle of the Indians,' is one to which I have already borne willing and grateful testimony a. Others there were, also, — to their ho- Xhe French nour be it freely acknowledged !— who, JESSS; before and during the time of Eliot's mi- Canada, nistry, evinced, in their constant efforts to preach the Gospel of Christ to the Indians of the north and of the west, a zeal and courage and devo- tion which have never been surpassed. They were not, indeed, of our country, or of our communion. Nay, more ; they belonged to an Order of men, in whom neither the Church nor State of England can place any trust, nor with whom they can hold any fel- lowship ; whose very name has become a by-word amongst most of the civilised nations of the earth, to denote whatsoever is crafty, turbulent, insidious. And that these hateful associations have not been without cause attached to the name of Jesuit, is proved by the fact that they who have been brought into closest contact with the Order which it desig- nates, have learnt most to dread and to abhor its doc- trines and its practices. Hence the actual suppres- sion of the Order in those very countries from which issued its chief leaders, and by the edicts of that very Church whose alliance and protection gave to it its first authority4. Notwithstanding these facts, it is impossible to deny to the Erench Jesuit Missionaries 3 Vol. ii. 196—208. * Ranke's History of the Popes, b. viii. in loc. VOL. III. U 290 INDIANS AND NEGROES OF N. AMERICA. [CH. in Canada, throughout the whole of the 17th century, the exercise of an ardent, stedfast, self-denying faith. I have already noticed their first introduction into that country, under the celebrated Erench Governor, Champlain ; and the briefest glance at their proceed- ings afterwards overwhelms the mind with awe and wonder. Theirs were the Churches and Colleges and Hospitals of Quebec ; theirs the glory of penetrating the pathless forest, of traversing lake and river, of en- during hunger and cold and nakedness, of braving even death itself in its most frightful form, if only they might bring the children of the howling wilder- ness to the knowledge and service of Christ Jesus. Prom the waters of Niagara to Lake Superior ; among the Huron tribes, the Mohawks, the Onondagas, the Wyandots, the Sennekas, and the Algonquins of Lake Nipissing ; to the south and south-east, as far as the river Kennebec, and thence to the mouth of the Penobscot ; again, to the far west, through Michigan, Wisconsin, and Illinois, even to the valley and down the river of the Mississippi ; at every season, and in every place, the unwearied French Missionary was seen, winning his way to the red man's home. Some- times lost amidst the trackless snow or forests,— at other times, hurried in his light canoe down some fearful rapid, — he perished, and was never heard of more. Of some, the tidings came home to their brethren, that they had met with death more terrible even than this ; having been tortured by every art of savage cruelty ; compelled to run the gauntlet through lines of mur- derers ; or burnt, or scalped, or starved ; or mutilated in every limb with axe and tomahawk. Yet none quailed or faltered. New men instantly pressed on, with bold and cheerful heart, to fill up the places of XXTTI.] a.d. 1700—1784. 291 the fallen; and, again, the intrepid soldiars of the Cross went forward. Achievements and sufferings such as these make up, for the most part, the history of the Jesuit Missionaries of Canada, whilst that country was under the dominion of the French. And, as we read the pages which record them, and mark the stedfastness of that faith which animated the hearts of Groupil and Jogues and Lallemand and Brebeuf and Daniel in iheir martyrdom, or the strength of that heroic perseverance which sustained Alloiiez and Dablon and Marquette in their perilous wanderings ; we feel that we should violate the truth, and stifle those purest emotions of the heart in which truth rejoices, did we either altogether withhold, or only with niggard and reluctant spirit acknowledge, the praise which is their due5. If it be asked, Why has not the record come down to us of like achievements and why like sufferings, at this time, in the same or the notbe made, adjoining countries, on the part of Mis- Jme^bythe sionaries of the Church of England ? I ^gtnd* answer by referring the reader to the facts which have been so repeatedly pressed upon his atten- tion in the course of the present work. He will have seen that the age in which England first gained a footing in foreign lands, was the age in which first sprang up within her bosom those disturbing influences which, in a few years, laid her strength and honours in the dust, and the effects of which are felt by her people to this very hour. True, the Church of Rome lost, in the same age, the brightest jewel of her 5 Relation de ce qui s'est passe en la Nouvelle France, 1633 — 1675. u2 292 DTDiAjra Aim xegeoes of f. ameeica. [ch. diadem ; for Eogland and some of the greatest nations of Europe no longer remained to be partakers of her corruptions, or slaves of her will. ^Nevertheless, in the ampler Colonial territories of Spain and Portugal and France, she not only had still the power to set up ensigns of her worship, free from the assaults of any enemies who weakened her strength from within, or who clamoured for her destruction from without ; but that very Order of men, to whose wondrous exertions I have referred, arose to help her. It was not so with England. She not only received not any new aid, but the instruments of usefulness already belonging to her were daily diminished and enfeebled. Her calamities were not only coeval with, but, in many instances, the direct proximate causes which led to, the settlement of her Transatlantic Colonies ; and hence, within the narrower limits of those Colonies, when the self-same elements of discord were produced, as they could not fail to be, the shock of collision was more violent, and the result of it more destructive. Meanwhile, the growing number and greatness of the perils which encompassed the Church of England kept pace with the growth of disturbance and disaffection in the kingdom in which she was planted. The tem- poral powers with which she was armed betrayed her into a false position, and turned into aliens those who had been her children. The sharp crisis of the con- flict quickly came, and she fell beneath it. The years in which the French Jesuit was sent forth to the savage tribes of the wilderness were the years which saw the Church of England persecuted, proscribed, plundered, cast down to the ground. Her restoration, indeed, followed with the restoration of the Stuart kings ; but we have seen that in the very hour in which she was xxvil] a.d. 1700—1784. 293 commanded to "arise" and "shake" herself "from the dust," and put on her "beautiful garments," a poisonous atmosphere hung over her, impairing the exercise of her noblest energies 6. The real question, therefore, which claims Her effortg consideration is, not why the Church of to do what .... she could. England, in her humiliation and distress, was unable to compete with the Church of Rome, in her towering strength ; but what evidences did she exhibit, either when her trials were at hand, or when they had actually overtaken her, of a desire to make the plantation of foreign settlements a means of com- municating to the native inhabitants of those countries the light of Christian truth ? An answer to the ques- tion may be derived from the notices which I have already traced of the public recognition of this duty by her rulers, and by the efforts which they, or indi- vidual members of the Church, acting with and under them, have made towards its accomplishment. And, gathering these together into one, we shall find that the Charters of Elizabeth and James I. which led to the settlement of Newfoundland and Virginia, ex- pressly acknowledged the obligation of this duty 7 ; that the same was confessed and obeyed by the men who conducted these enterprises 8 ; that Ralegh, the foremost of them all, was also the first whose name has come down to us as having given a large offering in money for the avowed purpose of propagating the Christian faith in Virginia 9 ; that the command went forth from the throne of the first James to the Arch- bishops and Bishops of our Church, and through them 6 Vol. ii. 263— 2GG. 8 lb. GO. 71. 7 Vol. i. 48. 50. 1G5. 9 lb. 77. 294 INDIANS AND NEGROES OF N. AMEEICA. [cn. was repeated in every Parish in the land, summoning all the people to promote the like work 10 ; that .the word of exhortation, spoken from her pulpits by her leading ministers to those who were about to leave England for foreign parts, or to others who still held rule at home, lent its weightiest power to the enforce- ment of the same duty 11 ; that the institution of Hen- rico College in Virginia was for the express purpose of protecting and educating children of the native In- dians ; that the officers and members of the Virginia Company gave many and noble offerings towards its support, and were encouraged by the sympathy and support of all ranks and classes of the people, both at home and abroad, in the prosecution of the same work 12 ; that the first formal application to an Eng- lish House of Commons to regard the spiritual con- dition of the native tribes of America, was addressed to the Long Parliament, at an early period of its sit- ting, by some whose names are yet held in grateful memory as the foremost masters of our Israel 13 ; that a like faithful and compassionate regard was evinced by others of our countrymen, who then attempted to plant settlements in other parts of the western world14 ; that our Church, as soon as she was permitted, at the Eestoration, to resume her functions, publicly avowed, in the Book of Common Prayer, her desire to be en- gaged in the same work, and pointed to adaitions then introduced into that book, as made for the express purpose of promoting it 15 ; that Morgan G-odwyn, the earliest and boldest and most unwearied advocate of the Negro and the Indian, was one of her ordained 10 lb. 255. 11 lb. 190—199. 270. 12 lb. 256—258. 13 Vol. ii. 10—16. 14 lb. 42. 15 lb. 250—253. xxyii] a.d. 1700—1784. 295 ministers, who, witnessing the wrongs endured by the slaves of Virginia and Barbados, stood up to proclaim to them the promises of Christ's Gospel, and called upon his countrymen at home to help him, in words of which the record still remains to demonstrate his faithfulness and zeal 16 ; that another of her Clergy, Dr. Bray, the first who organised and put in action, at home and abroad, those instruments for promoting the knowledge of Christian truth, and the observance of Christian ordinances, which the Church has ever since employed, gave freely "of" his "penury," and stirred up others to give " of their abundance," that thereby the children of the Negro race might be gathered into Christ's fold ; that the evidences of his love are to be seen in the work which is carried on, even to this hour, in association with his name 17 ; that the exertions, thus directed for the welfare of the heathen in the west, were emulated by those of Pri- deaux and of Boyle, in behalf of the inhabitants of the east 18 ; and that, therefore, not as a mere idle badge, but as a solemn symbol of the high and holy purposes which the Church is bound unceasingly to carry on- ward, the Society, — reared up within her bosom more than a century and a half ago, to effect those pur- poses, and whose history we are now reviewing, — chose for the device of its seal, and affixed the same at the head and front of its first published records, the pic- ture of people gathered upon a distant shore, welcom- ing with eager looks a vessel which draws near, with a minister of the Grospel of peace standing at the prow, and saying to him, in the words of the " man of Mace- 16 Vol. ii. 297, &c 17 lb. 404—420. 18 lb. 474—486. 296 INDIANS AOT) JTEGBOES OP N. AMEBICA, [CH. donia" to St. Paul, in his vision at Troas, "Come over, and help us." Thorough- ^~ ^ur^ner illustration of her desire to good Moor's be engaged in the performance of this duty Mission to . . , , i J the iro- is seen m the tabular statement which ac- companies the first Eeport of the So- ciety 19. In that wide field of enterprise, the first de- partment is assigned to the 'Iroquois, or praying Indians ;' and Thoroughgood Moor and another Mis- sionary are described as receiving, each of them, in addition to other allowances, the stipend of £100 a year for the services which they were directed to carry on among them. The Iroquois, who lived on the fron- tier of New York, embraced the five nations of the Mohawks, Oncydoes, Onondagas, Cayongas, and Sen- nekas 20 , all of whom, together with the Eiver Indians at Shakook, above Albany, are enumerated in the same part of the Eeport, as especial objects of the Society's care, and in whose behalf further help was urgently demanded 21 . The case of the Indians in the neigh- bourhood of Albany had been pressed upon the So- ciety's notice by Livingstone, Secretary for Indian affairs in the province of New York, who described them as anxious to receive instruction, and pointed 19 See Appendix to this Volume. 20 Colden's History of the Five Indian Nations. 21 Jefferson, in his Notes on Virginia, 167 — 173, gives a list of no less than 67 different tribes of Indians within the limits of the United States, and 29 more tribes which lived to the north and west. Many of these tribes, he says, p. 70, spoke languages so radically different as to require the aid of interpreters when they transacted business. Others, again, whose language, in some respects, was the same, diversified it in endless ways by variety of dialects. Hence arose one of the greatest difficulties which every European had to encounter in his intercourse with them. XXVII.] a.d. 1700—1784. 297 out the advantage likely to result from their union with the English Church, in the barrier -which such union would present against the increasing influence of the French Jesuits. Similar political considerations had been urged by Lord Bellamont, Governor of New York, in a Memorial which he addressed, in the year 1700. to the Lords of Trade and Plantations, on behalf of the Five Xations of Indians ; and, in con- sequence of this Memorial, a plan was agreed upon immediately upon Anne's accession, and referred to Archbishop Tenison, by authority of the Queen in Council, for the appointment of two Clergymen to minister among their various tribes. Aware of the peculiar difficulties which a stranger would have to en- counter in fulfilling this Mission, the Society, before whom the matter was laid by the Archbishop, first in- vited Dellius, who had for some years ministered among the Dutch settlers at Albany, — a town situated upon the River Hudson, a hundred miles from Xew York, — and also Freeman, a Calvinist minister at Schenectady, a village twenty miles from Albany, — to undertake its duties. The knowledge which both these men had acquired of the language and habits of the Indians, and which, in the case of Freeman, had enabled him already to translate several portions of Scripture into the Iroquois tongue, obviously gave them great facilities for commencing such a work. But they were unable to enter upon the task. It was consequently entrustt d to Thoroughgood Moor, who arrived at Xew York in 1704, and was received with much apparent kindness by Cornbury. He repaired forthwith to Albany, where he occupied himself with learning the language, and gaining the good will and friendship, of the Indians who resorted to that town 298 ryDLLN's Ayj> xegboes of amebic a. [ch. for trade. As soon as the snow was broken up, he travelled to 'the Mohawks' Castle,' whither one of the Sachems, or petty kings, had invited him to come, and impart to them that instruction which he and his people professed themselves most anxious to receive. A fair opening thus seemed to present itself for Moor's exertions ; but it soon proved to be delusive. The Sachem pleaded the absolute necessity of obtaining the consent of the other four nations before he could answer Moor's proposal to reside among them ; vet always contrived some artful excuse whereby the an- swer might be delayed. The influence of the French, it is said, was actively employed to frustrate any at- tempt of the English to gain the confidence of the Indians ; and this may account, in some degree, for the failure of Moor's attempt. But, had this been the only obstacle, he would have struggled all the more earnestly to remove it; and his patient stedfastness forbids us to believe that the effort would have been unsuccessful. Hi? eii Moor was denied the privilege of putting ToTcTn*7 bis earnestness to the proof, through the burJ • gross misconduct of one who ought to have been the first to support him. After waiting nearly a year at Albany and in its neighbourhood, in the vain hope of being allowed to establish himself among the Indians, he withdrew to New York, where he in- formed the Society of the reasons which had compelled him to desist for a time from his enterprise. He thence proceeded to Burlington, with the view of as- sisting in the duties of the Church at that place ; and his zeal soon drew down upon him the wrath of the Governor. Cornbury, grandson of the celebrated Earl of Clarendon, had been one of the first who quickened XXYII.] a.d. 1700—1784. 299 the success of the Revolution in England by joining the Prince of Orange, whilst he lay at Exeter, and the issue of his expedition was yet doubtful. A man of profligate habits, of mean abilities, and headstrong temper, he became a convenient tool to execute the designs of others ; and the close relationship and known devotion of his family to the throne which was then in peril, gave to his early defection an importance which could scarcely be too highly estimated by the adherents of William M. Some years elapsed before any sub- stantial reward was conferred upon Cornbury for this timely service. And when at length it came, it was in its most hurtful form. Upon the death of Bella- mont, a nobleman deservedly held in the highest esti- mation by the people of New England23, Cornbury was appointed his successor in the government of New York and New Jersey 2i. Although a bankrupt alike in fortune and reputation at home, it was yet deemed right to entrust to his hands the interests of an im- portant Colony abroad. A series of the grossest acts of outrage, committed under his authority, drove him in a few years from his post ; but not until he had made Moor, like many others, the victim of his cruelty25. At one time, he ordered Moor to dis- 22 Macaulay's History of England, ii. 501—504. 536. 23 Grahame's History of the United States, iii. 17—21. 24 The government of Massachusetts and New Hampshire was, at the same time, made over to Joseph Dudley. Ib. 21 —24. 25 The article on Cornbury in Allen's Amer. Biog. Diet, written in the unfair spirit of partisanship which I have already noticed (p. 245, note, ante), would make it appear that he was a tyrant only to Nonconformists ; and that he acted thus out of 1 unequalled zeal for the Church.' No notice at all is taken of the fact, which the above cases of Moor supplies, that, where the opportunity pre- 300 INDIANS AND NEGEOES OF N. AMEBICA. [CH. continue Lis practice of administering the Holy Com- munion once a fortnight, deeming it to be too frequent ; an order, which he could neither legally enforce, nor Moor, with a good conscience, obey. At another time, he used to dress himself as a woman, and walk pub- licly in that disgraceful garb along the ramparts of the town. And, when Moor rebuked him for such scandalous practices, Cornbury cast him into prison. Moor soon afterwards escaped, and embarked for England ; but the vessel in which he sailed is supposed to have been lost at sea, for no tidings were ever heard of her. Thus brief and disas- trous was the career of the first English Missionary to the Iroquois 26. Friendly ^ favourable opportunity, indeed, had feeling of once been presented of gaining the con- towards fidence of the Indians, at a conference which Cornbury held with some of their Sachems at Albany. Talbot, in his account of this conference, reports the gladness of the Sachems at hearing that the sun had shone again in England since King William's death, and their wonder at finding that such a mighty empire should be ruled by ' a squaw Sachem,' namely, a woman king. They hoped, how- sented itself, Cornbury treated with like injustice both Churchman and Dissenter. 26 Humphreys, 283—291 ; Hawkins, 264—266. 271. 281. The departure of Moor and the deposition of Cornbury occurred about the same time, in 1708. The latter was succeeded by Lord Love- lace, and, as soon as he was superseded, was placed by his creditors in the custody of the sheriff of New York. Upon the death of his father, the second Earl of Clarendon in 1709, he was allowed to return to England, where he died, without male issue, in 1723. His titles descended to his cousin, and not long afterwards became extinct. Allen's Biog. Diet, in loc. ; Colhns's Peerage, ix. 402. XXVII.] a.p. 1700—1784. 301 ever, that Queen Anne ' would be a good mother, and send some to teach them religion, and establish traffic amongst them, that they might be able to purchase a coat, and not go to church in bear-skins.' In token of their good will, they sent the Queen a pre- sent, 1 ten beaver-skins to make her fine, and one fur muff* to keep her warm.' And after some further compliments, they then signed a treaty, which, if it were not cast into the sea, they declared 'thunder and lightning should not break on their part27.' Had Cornbury been a man able and willing to profit by such an opportunity, the friendly relations which might have followed would have furnished an excel- lent basis for Missionary work ; but every thing was frustrated for a time by his misconduct. The confidence of the Indians was, in a visit of few years afterwards, secured to the Eng- sachems to lish government by political considera- England, tions, through the influence of Colonels Nicholson and Schuyler. In 1710, four of their Sachems arrived in England, to solicit aid against the Erench in Canada. They were received every where with hearty welcome ; followed with eager curiosity by all classes of the English people ; and introduced into the presence of Queen Anne, to whom they presented their belts of wampum, and addressed a speech, of which Theirspeech the report is still extant 28, assuring Her ^ QLieen . £ ' ° Anne. Majesty that they had come, in the name 27 Hawkins, 33. See also First Report of S. P. G. in the Ap- pendix to this Volume. 28 It is given at length in a curious Tract contained in Kennett's Collection (see pp. 54—56, ante), which has rude engravings of the four Sachems upon the title-page, and ends with the copy of an epilogue delivered in their presence at the theatre, in which their 302 INDIANS AND NEGEOES OF N. AMEEICA. [CH. of all their brethren, from ' the other side of the great waters ;' and, having, 'in token of friendship, hung up the kettle ' of peace, 4 and taken up the hatchet ' of war, were ready to join her and her subjects in their meditated assault upon the French possessions. The speech ended with the following sentence : Since we have been in alliance with our great Queen's children, we have had some knowledge of the Saviour of the world; and have often been importuned by the French, both by the insinuations of their priests, and by presents, to come over to their interest, but have always esteemed them men of falsehood. But if our great Queen will be pleased to send over some persons to instruct us, they shall find a most hearty welcome. its insin- The sincerity of the Indians in employ- ^nty. jng gUCj1 language may well be questioned. At all events, it directly contradicted the speech of one of their Sachems to Bellamont, June 28, 1700, in which he declared that he was ' solely beholden to the Trench of Canada ' for his knowledge of a Saviour ; and, al- though he would be glad to learn that the English were ' at last so piously inclined to take some pains to in- struct their Indians in the Christian religion,' he had never heard ' the least mention made ' of any such attempt 29. Nor is this the only evidence of duplicity upon the part of these Indian ambassadors. In spite of their strong expressions of hostility to the Trench, visit to the English court is compared with that of the Queen of Sheba to the court of Solomon. The sensation caused by the ap- pearance of these Sachems in England may be learnt also from the allusions made to them in the Tatler, No. 171, and Spectator, No. 50. 29 See Report, introduced in the First Report of S. P. G., in the Appendix to this Volume. It is a remarkable proof of the candour of the Society that so emphatic an acknowledgment of the zeal of the French Jesuit Missionaries should have been thus unreservedly made by them. xxvi r.] a.d. 1700—1784. 303 we find the Five Nations were so unwilling to renounce their treaty of neutrality, that Hunter, who succeeded Lovelace, as Governor of New York, felt it impolitic to invoke their aid against the attacks which the Ca- nadian Indians were continually making upon the New York froutier ?0. Their conduct also, with regard to those whom they professed themselves so eager to re- ceive from England as their instructors in Christianity, was marked by like insincerity. Lord Sunderland, then one of the principal Secretaries of State, enclosed, by the Queeu's command, a copy of their speech to the Archbishop of Canterbury, with a request that he would submit the same to the Society, and report their answer without loss of time. The Society ... . •> Mission immediately expressed their readiness to among the J r Mohawks send out two Missionaries to the Mohawk under An- and Oncydas tribes, at a stipend of £150 each, together with an interpreter and Schoolmaster. The Queen, upon her part, commanded that a fort, with a Chapel, and residence for the minister, should be erected near the Mohawks' castle, about 200 miles distant from New York, and be garrisoned with twenty soldiers under the command of an officer. Towards the end of 1712, Andrews arrived at Albany as the Indian Missionary, accompanied by a Schoolmaster, Oliver, and by an interpreter, Clausen, who, during a long imprisonment among the Indians, had acquired an intimate knowledge of their language, and been employed for several years in the capacity of interpreter by the Government of New York. The Sachems, who had visited England, met Andrews and his party at Albany with every demonstration of joy; and the like Grahame's History of the United States, iii. 49. 301 INDIANS AND NEGROES OF N. AMERICA. [CH. feelings of grateful welcome appeared to be shared by all their people, when he arrived at the fort prepared His success f°r n^s reception. They came in numbers at first. YiQ^Y the instruction which Andrews, with the help of Clausen, diligently imparted to them ; and as many as understood English were frequent at- tendants at the Chapel which had been built in the fort, and to which Queen Anne and Archbishop Tenison had given books and other offerings for the due cele- bration of Divine Service. The Indians sent their chil- dren also with apparent readiness to the school which had been quickly opened by Oliver ; and the Mission, at its earliest stage, wore a most hopeful aspect. But jealousies and opposition soon broke out. The parents insisted at the outset that their children should not be taught English, and thereby multiplied, at every step, the difficulties of instruction. Andrews, finding it im- possible to move their stubborn prejudices, gave way. The teacher was thus forced to become the pupil, and to learn, as he best could, a strange and barbarous dialect, before he could communicate any part of that knowledge which, even had he been allowed the use of his own mother tongue, he would have found it no easy task to have conveyed. The attempt was rendered only not hopeless by the timely assistance of Ereeman, whom Bellamont had formerly engaged to preach the Gospel to the Indians, and whose continued services in the same work the Society had tried ineffectually to secure. Ereeman had translated into the Mohawk language the Morning and Evening Prayer of our Liturgy, the whole Gospel of St. Matthew, and several other portions of the Scriptures. He freely gave these translations to Andrews, who soon qualified himself to read them so as to be understood by his Indian hearers. xxvn.] a.d. 1700—1784. 305 The greater part were afterwards printed at New York, by direction and at the charge of the Society, and copies distributed by Andrews among such of the Indians as could profit by them. A marked improve- ment was observed in the conduct of those who were the most diligent in their attendance upon his minis- try, and he baptised many, both men and women. He had the satisfaction also of witnessing the like results among the Oncydas, another of the Five Nations, whom he went to visit, and whose castle was a hun- dred miles distant from that of the Mohawks. Then came the hour of disappointment. Hjs sub_ The men grew wearv of restraints to which, sequent ^ . failure. for a time, they had submitted ; and, taking their children with them, went forth again to the chase and to the battle, committing with greediness the self-same vices which they had pretended to abhor. Drunkenness, and fraud, and violence ; the infliction of cruel torture upon enemies whom they had conquered in fight, or surprised by stratagem ; and a contemptuous disregard of marriage vows in the treatment of their women ;— these had been the reproach of their former savage life; and the renewed indulgence of these by men who had heard, and professed to reverence, the lessons of Christian holiness, served but to make still heavier the guilt and burden of that reproach. Other causes of jealousy and division began also to operate. A story was circulated among the Canadian Indians by Jesuit emissaries, respecting a box of papers which, they said, belonged to the English, and had been found at Quebec, containing papers which showed that the purpose of the English in erecting a fort among the Iroquois was only for the purpose of cutting them all off. Moreover, the Tuscararo Indians, who had been vol. in. X 306 INDIANS ASD XEGBOES OF IT. AMEBICA. [dl. driven by the English from North Carolina, and had settled among the Iroquois, did what they could to make the story appear credible, by detailing the par- ticulars of their own hard usage at the hands of the English. The Mohawks lent a willing hear to these reports ; joined in the taunting reproaches which the propagators of them heaped upon Andrews and his fellow-labourers ; withdrew their children from the school, and themselves from the Chapel, which they had been accustomed to attend ; and threatened the English teachers with violence, and even death, should they venture beyond the walls of the fort. Andrews wrote home, in 1718, an account of the difficulties and dangers which surrounded him ; and, seeing no hope of remedy, requested leave to retire. The Society, although much disheartened, and having no reason to doubt the wisdom and energy of Andrews, yet would not decide so important a matter without further counsel. They referred it therefore to Governor Hun- ter; and, finding that his judgment agreed with that of Andrews, reluctantly gave orders that the work, thus inauspiciously begun among the Iroquois, should for the present cease 3l. Mission of But faithful men in their service were Hen^Bar- still watching with attentive and anxious clay- hearts the condition of the Indian tribes, and did what they could to guide them into the way of peace. The foremost of these was Henry Barclay, who, in 1709, had been appointed Missionary and Catechist at Albany. On account of the frontier position of that important settlement, it had been a frequent ob- ject of attack by the French and their Indian allies, 31 Humphreys, 282— 311 ; Hawkins, 264—269. xxvn.] a.d. 1700—1784. 307 and was protected by a strong fort and garrison of 200 soldiers. Its inhabitants were chiefly Dutch settlers, who carried on an extensive trade with the Indians, and maintained also a large number of Negro slaves. A zealous and affectionate Dutch minister, Dellius, had for some years lived in the confidence of all classes of people at Albany ; and, on the account of his high cha- racter, the Society had desired to employ him among the Iroquois. The necessity of returning to Europe prevented him from undertaking the duty ; but the in- fluence which he had acquired among the Indian traders supplied facilities for further intercourse with them, of which Barclay eagerly availed himself. He was evi- dently a man fitted to gain the respect and love of those with whom he was brought into relation. During the absence of Dellius, the Dutch inhabitants thank- fully attended his ministry at the small Chapel belong- ing to them, where he read the English Liturgy, and preached to them in their own tongue ; and many be- came devoted members of the Church of England. The influence also which he acquired among church at the other inhabitants of Albany, especially Alban> - the garrison, may be learnt from the manner in which, after he had been seven years among them, he suc- ceeded in building a handsome stone Church by the free-will offerings of the people. Of the £600 thus subscribed, the soldiers alone contributed £100. The town of Albany furnished £200, and Governor Hunter supplied materials for the building as well as money. Assistance was given also by other places in the pro- vince, among which the village of Sche- gchenec. nectady, the remotest settlement of the tady- English at that time, was the most conspicuous. All its inhabitants, except one, who was very poor, gave x2 308 INDIANS AND NEGKOES OF N. AMEBICA. [CH. what they could ; and their offerings amounted to £50 currency. They could . scarcely have hoped to profit, in their own persons, by the Church at Albany, for they lived twenty miles distant. But they held in grateful recollection the constant visits which Barclay paid to them. Barclay's There were others, besides the simple rfciahiTthe villagers of Schenectady, whose benefit Indians, Barclay had in view by extending his visits to that place, namely, the Indians who resorted thither for traffic. From the commencement, Barclay had felt the deepest interest on their behalf. He had accom- panied Andrews and his party upon their first going up to the Mohawks' castle 32 ; and had there wit- nessed those hopeful demonstrations of welcome which were so soon followed by" estrangement and failure. Barclay's own ministrations among the Indians, although pursued with unwearied diligence, and the same conciliatory kindness which had made them so successful among others, appeared not at first to bear any fruit. He nevertheless persevered in the discharge of them ; striving to break up the hard ground of the savage heart, and to scatter upon it the seed of im- mortal life ; and praying that He who was the only Lord, both of seed-time and of harvest, might give the And Ne- increase. Among the Negro slaves also of groes. Albany he carried on the like work, and was permitted, in many instances, to see its beneficial results 33. Ministry The followers of Barclay renewed the Mohawks? same diligent ministry among the Indians ; i2 Humphreys, 297- a3 lb. 213—217 ; Hawkins, 282, 283. XXVII.] a.d. 1700—1784. 309 and the larger measure of success which of the Rev. attended them, we can hardly be permitted Joh" Mlln' to doubt, was a consequence of those labours which had appeared to him of little profit. Miln, who was appointed in 1729 to the Mission at Albany 34, paid periodical visits to the Mohawks ; and the reports for- warded to the Society, from 1731 to 1735, by the com- manding officer of the garrison, of the good effects produced among them by his services, were of the most cheering character. In 1735, Miln recommended that Henry And of the Barclay, son of his own predecessor, should BarciayThe be appointed Catechist to the Mohawks at younger. Fort Hunter ; and, upon the removal of Miln to the Mission in Monmouth county, in 1737, Barclay had given such good proof of his ability and zeal, that he was summoned to England for ordination. All classes of people at Albany and its neighbouring stations hailed his return with thankfulness ; and the Indians shed tears of joy as they welcomed him to the fort where he had first made known to them the Word of Life. For more than eight years, Barclay continued to carry on his work with uninterrupted success. The Indians especially gave evidence not to be mistaken of improvement ; receiving carefully his instruction ; at- tending decently in the services of public worship which he conducted ; and ceasing, for the greater part, to in- dulge the vice of drunkenness, which, in former years, had prevailed as a pest among them. In 1743, only two or three out of the whole tribe remained unbaptised. 34 During the last few years of Barclay's life, the support which he received from Albany released the Society from the expenses of the mission. But they were soon obliged again to undertake its charge. Humphreys, 217. 310 INDIANS AND NEGKOES OF N. AMERICA. [CH. Barclay's long residence among the natives gave him the advantages of an intimate acquaintance with their habits and language ; and he availed himself of these to the uttermost. The Mohawks themselves also came forward as his assistants in the work. Two were ap- pointed Schoolmasters, and were most diligent and successful : one of whom, Cornelius, was a Sachem of the tribe 35. Then followed the French war and all its desolating results, making the fair province of Albany a wilder- ness, and breaking asunder the cords of brotherhood which had so long bound together Barclay and his Indian converts. So little prospect, indeed, was there of his being able to carry on with any benefit his ministry among them at that period, that, upon the death of the excellent Eector of Trinity Church, New York, Mr. Vesey30, in 1746, Barclay accepted the in- vitation of the Vestry to be his successor in that im- portant post. And of the -^e Incuan Mission, however, did not ogUvfe°hn ^on£ rema^n vacant- In 1748, Ogilvie, formerly a student at Tale College, and possessing the highest qualifications for the office, was appointed to it ; and continued, for many years, in the patient, and (in spite of many difficulties) successful, discharge of its duties. He felt, indeed, at every step, how greatly they were aggravated by all the horrors of war. Yet he had the satisfaction of knowing that the Mohawks, even in the field, observed still the teaching of good old Abraham, their Catechist, and one of their own Sachems ; and joined regularly in the morning and evening prayers which he read among them. He 35 Hawkins, 283—285. 30 See Vol. ii. 439. XXVII.] a. l>. 1700—1784. 311 was himself also an eye-witness of other cheering evi- dences of a like nature, displayed by the Mohawk war- riors, when he served with the army under General Amherst, — such (he says) as ' would have been a noble subject for the pen of one of the Jesuits of Canada,' — and which he describes with great simplicity and modesty. The undeviating loyalty of the Mohawks to the British Crown, was the legitimate result of principles of truth thus faithfully given and received. Examples of treachery and desertion in others were constantly renewed ; but the Mohawks alone of all the Indian tribes continued stedfast. Wolfe's glorious victory (1759), followed by the capture of Quebec, at length opened to the inhabitants of the northern provinces of America the prospect of tranquillity ; and the last recorded evidence which I have been able to meet with of Ogilvie's feelings whilst he contemplated this change, is the expression of his deep thankfulness that there was 'no more leading into captivity, no more complaining in their streets ;' and his earnest prayer that the re-establishment of a safe and honourable peace throughout the land, might lead to the wider and more rapid spread of the know- ledge of ' the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom He hath sent37.' Of the men who sympathised with Ogilvie Sir wuiiam and strove to promote the accomplishment Johuson- of his prayer, none was more earnest and zealous, or deserves to be held in more grateful remembrance, on either side of the Atlantic, than Sir William Johnson. Born in Ireland about the year 1714, he had been in- vited by his uncle, Sir Peter Warren, to come out to 3' Hawkins, 283—291. 312 INDIANS AND NEGROES OE N. AMERICA. [CH. the Mohawk country, and assist him in taking charge of an extensive territory which he had there purchased. Johnson, then twenty years old, readily undertook the office ; and, from that hour, manifested an affectionate interest in the welfare of the Indian tribes which ceased only with his life. The knowledge of their language and habits, which he soon acquired, was made by his natural gifts of eloquence a powerful instrument to impress their minds with reverence towards him; and the hearty readiness with which he proved himself, upon all occasions, to be their friend, gained for him their entire and grateful confidence. These qualifica- tions— rare in their separate form, but in their combi- nation unequalled, at that time, — marked Johnson as the fittest man to be appointed Superintendent of In- dian Affairs in New York ; and, about the year 1759, that important office was wisely entrusted to his hands by the government. He had already evinced, during the French war, military talents of a very high order ; and, for the services performed by him near Crown Point, George II. conferred on him the title of Baronet, and the House of Commons voted him a grant of £5000. He distinguished himself also, at a later period, in the expedition against Niagara; and, in 1760, when Amherst embarked at Oswego to proceed against Canada, Johnson appeared at the head of a thousand Iroquois Indians, — the largest number which had ever been assembled in alliance with the British forces. „. At the termination of the war, Johnson His con- 7 wt5»*the was S^ conspicuous for his zeal in pro- Rev. John moting the best interests of the Mohawks. The appointment by the Society of the Eev. John Stuart, at Fort Hunter, in 1770, was the XXTII.] a.d. 1700—1784. 313 result of Johnson's recommendation ; and the transla- tion bv Stuart of the Grospel of St. Mark into the Mohawk tongue, with other works drawn up by him iu the same language, explanatory of the Bible and Catechism, was also owing to Johnson's advice and encouragement. Stuart, who has been justly styled by the present Bishop of Toronto, Dr. Strachan, ' the Father of the Church in Upper Canada,' has left behind him many a sigual monument of his unwearied dili- gence and zeal ; and no where are the benefits of his faithful ministrations to be more distinctly traced than in his first field of labour, the Mohawk country 38. Charles Inglis also, one of the most emi- And thg nent Missionaries of the Society at New fneJlisCharles York, and afterwards the first Bishop of Nova Scotia 3~d >'egeoes of n. a:h:ebica. [cn. He left to others the means of continuing it still fur- ther by his translation of the four Gospels into the Lenape, or language of the Delaware, and by other devotional works composed by him in the same lan- guage. His ministry also among the Onondago Indians was marked by like evidences of laborious zeal ; and those who followed him in the same minis- try derived most valuable assistance from the Gram- mar and Dictionary of the Onondago language which he had written 30 . _ _ Of the Indians who dwelt in our The lam- masee in- southern Colonies, the Yammasees of dians. Carolina were the most powerful and im- portant body ; and, in the first Eeport of the Society, Samuel Thomas is named as the Missionary appointed to work among them. But it is added, that his work was to be postponed in consequence of unfavour- able circumstances at the time ; a fact, indicating very strongly the dangers and difficulties which were even then apprehended from that quarter. The reasonable- ness of this apprehension was proved a few years afterwards too clearly by the event. Indeed, the safety and very existence of the Colony was soon placed in most imminent peril by the determined hos- tility of the Yaminasees. They formed their plans with the utmost secrecy and caution ; drew gradually into confederacy with themselves every Indian tribe from Florida to Cape Fear; and, at length, in 1715, burst like a torrent upon the settlements of the northern and southern frontiers of Carolina, swept away all before them, and carried terror and desolation to the neighbourhood of the capital itself. Craven, Heckewelder's Narrative, in loc. xxtii.] a.d. 1700—1784. 321 Governor of the province, had only 1200 men who could bear arms. "With this handful of troops, he succeeded, after several sharp conflicts, in driving back the invaders across the Savannah river, and finallv beyond the borders of the province ; forcing the Yammasees to find refuge within the Spanish ter- ritories in Florida. The Colony, although victorious in the struggle, was well-nigh crushed beneath this terrible outbreak of Indian vengeance. Her outlying Churches, houses, and plantations were all destroyed ; the slaughtered bodies of men, women, and children were lying about in heaps ; and the few panic-stricken survivors were stripped of every thing they possessed. Their sufferings, indeed, awakened the instant sym- pathy and help of England ; and, in no instance were these more freely given than by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel for the relief of her desti- tute Missionaries in Carolina. But the effect of such bloody conflicts was of course to defer to an almost indefinite period the message of Christian truth among the Indians in that quarter of America 5\ But, whatsoever the obstacles and dis- interestof couragements to the work, the Church the church ° ' at home in of England ceased not to recognise and the Mi8»km- ° _ ° ary work confess the obligation which bound her among^indi- to its performance. A signal proof of this gro slaves, fact is to be found in the Anniversary wood's Ser- Serraon, preached before the Society in mon' 1711, by Fleetwood, Bishop of St. Asaph ; the espe- cial purpose of which was to enforce the duty of making the heathen world partaker of the inheritance 51 Holmes's American Annals, ii. 76, 77 ; Dalcho's History of the Church in Carolina, 97 ; Humphreys, 96 — 102 ; Hawkins, 55, 56. VOL. in. X 322 INDIANS AND NEGROES OF N. AMERICA. [CH. of the Church of Christ. The Sermon is a masterly one, setting forth the grounds upon which Holy Scripture establishes this duty ; and urgiug obedience to it by vigorous argument, and earnest, affectionate exhortation. A remarkable testimony to the effect produced by it on the heart of a careless and preju- diced Planter of North Carolina occurs in the letter of one of the Society's Missiouaries, Giles Eainsford, who was stationed in 1712 upon the western shore of the River Chowan in that proviuce. ' By much im- portunity,' he says, ' I prevailed on Mr. Martin to let me baptize three of his negroes. All the arguments I could make use of would scarce effect it, till Bishop Fleetwood's Sermon, preached before the Society, turned the scale 5V So great value, indeed, was attached to this Ser- mon, that, in the year in which it was preached, and again, in 1725, the Society printed large numbers of copies of it for distribution among the Plantations; and mauy striking evidences of the benefit of such an appeal were returned to the Mother-country, encou- raging her faithful sons to persevere in the same righteous course. Bishop Gib- ^ne Bishop of London might naturally son's Letters be expected to have been foremost in the in behalf of ... Negro work of exciting his brethren, abroad and SlctVCS. at home, to the duty of protecting, com- forting, instructing, those in whose territories they had found a home, or by whose labour their profits were increased. Nor was this expectation disap- pointed. Bishop Gibson, who presided over the See of London from 1723 to 1748, might hesitate, indeed, 52 Hawkins, p. 71- XXVII.] a.d. 1700-1784. 323 as we have seen he did, to exercise certain powers, as Ordinary, in our Colonies, for which the law did not appear to him to supply a sufficient warrant 53. But no such hesitation was manifested by him, whereso- ever, by his entreaties or precepts, he could hope to urge forward the work of Christian love in behalf of the Negro slave. He wrote two public letters upon this subject in 1727; the one, exhorting the masters and mistresses of families in our Plantations 1 to en- courage and promote the instruction of their negroes in the Christian faith,' and setting forth the obliga- tions which bound them to ' that pious and necessary work :' the other, directing and urging the Mission- aries who were among them to assist in the prosecu- tion of the same duty in their several parishes. These letters were followed up by 'An Address to serious Christians among ourselves to assist the Society for Propagating the Gospel in carrying on this work.' They were all written in an earnest and affectionate spirit, and in language simple and persuasive 5i. The utmost pains were taken, both in the continent of North America and among our West Indian Islands, to give the widest circulation to them ; and, as in the case of Fleetwood's Sermon, numerous and gratifying testimonies were received to prove that the appeal was not made in vain. One of the most remarkable instances Dean of the extent to which love for the souls of f^SPfor others animated some of our most distin- ^"hfna- guished countrymen at home at this tivesof 53 See p. 187, ante. 54 The Address and Letters are given at length by Humphreys, pp. 200—275. 324 INDIANS A>'D yE GEOES OF $. AMEEICA. [CH. North Ame- period, is supplied in the well-known scheme of Dean Berkeley for evangelizing the native tribes of Xorth America, and in the history of his self-denying efforts to accomplish it. I must here content myself with merely noticing the fact, as contemporaneous with our present narrative, and re- serve to a later chapter the details connected with it. Bishop wii- Bishop Wilson was another of those to"ardsEana> masters of our Israel, who, watching at forlthUeCin-n tnis time a diligence and love that dians.' knew no weariness over his own Diocese, yet looked abroad with eager and compassionate in- terest upon the remotest regions of God's wide harvest- field, and addressed words of wise and affectionats and faithful counsel to the labourers who had been sent into them. Early in the year 1740, he published, in the form of dialogues between an Indian and a Missionary, his 1 Essay towards an Instruction for the Indians.' The first nine dialogues are occupied in giving the instruction preparatory to Christian Bap- tism ; and the remainder in explaining the nature of Baptism and the Supper of the Lord ; the Creed ; the Commandments of the Moral Law ; and the Lord's Prayer. Each dialogue terminates with a short and earnest prayer, bearing upon its specific subject ; and the whole is concluded with a summary of select passages of Holy Scripture, and prayers for the coming of Christ's kingdom ; for the conversion of the heathen world; for faithful prosecution of the missionary's work ; and for the blessing of those whom he instructs. The Essay is characterised throughout by the simple language, and lucid reason- ing, and glowing piety, which mark the other writings of Bishop AYilson : and the fervour and unction of its XXVII.] a.d. 1700—1784. 325 concluding prayers impart to it a value which is be- vond all price. The germ of the work is to be found in a tract, entitled 'The Principles and Duties ot Christianity,' which the Bishop published in 1699, the year after his consecration, for the use of the people of the Isle of Man ; and which was the first book ever printed in the Manx language. His association with Bray in the work of establishing Parochial Libraries throughout his Diocese naturally turned AVilson's thoughts to the wants and duties of that portion of the Colonial Church, in which Bray soon afterwards occupied so important a post. His continued friend- ship with Archdeacon Hewetson 55, who, upon Bray's recommendation, was once nominated by the Bishop of London to the office of Commissary of Maryland56, would tend yet further to increase his interest in what was passing abroad. And, nnder any circum- stances, therefore, some such word of exhortation and instruction as that spoken in this work, might have been expected from him. But the immediate cause which led to the utterance of it in its present form was, as the Bishop states in his preface, the interest which Oglethorpe, the founder of the Colony of Georgia, had excited in his mind in a conversation with him respecting the Indians in that quarter of America. 55 It is stated in Cruttwell's Life of Bp. Wilson, p. 4, that, when the latter first went to reside at Trinity College, Dublin, it was his intention to have studied physic ; but that he was persuaded by Hewetson to devote himself to the work of the ministry. Hewet- son speaks of him at his ordination by the Bishop of Kildare, as his 4 dear friend, Tom Wilson,' and says that they both presented, upon that occasion, a silver paten to the Cathedral of that Diocese. Ib. 9. 58 Vol. ii. 413. 326 INDIANS AND NEGROES OF N. AMERICA. [c*H. Difficulties -^ne no^ce which I have given above of in the way Bishop Gibson's efforts on behalf of the of instruct- L ing the Ne- Negro slaves in our Plantations, naturally connects itself with the work which, from the earliest date of its existence, the Society had sought to carry on for their benefit. Their instruc- tion and conversion had always been set forth as one of the main objects towards which the labours of its Missionaries and Catechists were to be directed. The difficulties of prosecuting this duty were many and formidable. In many instances, Sunday was the only day upon which the Negro was allowed any rest from his master's service ; and if, upon that day, he were disposed to receive instruction, the other duties of the minister made it more difficult for him to impart it. In other instances, Sunday, or the whole or the half of Saturday, was given up to the slave, that he might cultivate a plot of ground upon his own account, and save his master the cost of feeding and clothing him and his family. But, if every hour taken from his master's service were thus to be employed by the slave, little hope could be entertained that he would willingly devote them to any other purpose. Again, the wide distance from each other at which most of the masters lived, made it impracticable for the teacher to visit their slaves often, even if all parties were will- ing that he should do so. Last of all, came the care- less and infidel plea of the Planter ; a plea, echoed in that day too frequently by his countrymen at home, that the Negroes were nothing better than brute beasts, and that to bestow upon them the moral and intellectual culture suited to immortal beings was worse than useless 57 '. 5? Humphreys, 232—235. XXYII.] a.d. 1700-1784. 327 The work, however, was begun and car- School at ried forward in spite of all discourage- 5X35, ments. A School for Xegro slaves was Xeau- opened at New York in 1704, under the charge of the Society's Catechist, Elias Neau, a native of France. He had made in early life public profession of his faith as one of the Protestants of that country, and shared with his brethren the pains and penalties with which they were visited. After a long imprisonment and painful servitude in the galleys, he found an asy- lum in Xew York, and a livelihood from the trade which he was enabled to carry on in that city. His unaffected and earuest piety won for him His charac the respect of all who witnessed the fruits ter and con- r , . duct. of it in his daily walk ; and his knowledge of the degraded condition of the Negro awakened in him the strongest desire to improve it. He was not animated by the eager impulse which ofttimes arises from inexperience, for his personal acquaintance with Eliot had led him to know the disappointments of that devoted man in the evening of his life, with respect to the Indians of New England ; and his own estimate of their character, after 19 years' residence in Ame- rica, was most unfavourable. There was nothing in the position of the slaves of New York, who, when Neau began his labours among them, are computed to have been 1500, which could give him any reason to hope that greater success would follow him than that which had attended Eliot. On the con- m* diffi- trary, the difficulties of holding any in- cu]ties- tercourse at all with the slaves seemed well-nigh insur- mountable. At first, he was only permitted to visit them from house to house, when the toil of the day was over ; and, afterwards, when he obtained leave for 328 INDIANS AND NEGKOES OF N. AMEEICA. [CH. them to gather together in the largest room which he could find on the upper floor of his house, they could still tarry with him only for such brief portions of the evening as their jaded energies would allow. Never- theless, he worked on, in simple unquestioning reli- ance upon the promises of God's help. The prayers of the Church of England had long been his chief stay and solace, having learnt most of them by heart whilst confined in his dungeon in France. He began by giving to his Negro scholars the same help. Upon entering into the room, they all knelt down after his example, and repeated from his lips those prayers of our Liturgy of which he could most easily explain the meaning, and the words of which they could most easily retain in their memory. The task of teaching occupied about two hours ; after which they sang a psalm, and then joined once more in prayer, including therein an especial petition for a blessing upon the work which the Church of England was carrying on in their behalf through her laborious and simple- hearted Catechist. The like instruction and devo- tional exercises were renewed by him, every Sunday, in a room which was fitted up as a study for the Rec- tor on the lowest floor of the steeple of Trinity Church. The scholars were also publicly catechised by the Rector in Church on Sunday afternoons ; and as many as he judged worthy to receive the Sacra- ment of Baptism received it at his hands. In 1708, four years after Neau had begun his la- bours, the ordinary number of Negro catechumens under instruction was more than 200. Of those who were baptized, many had become regu- lar and devout communicants, and were remarkable for their orderly and blameless lives. XXYTI.] A.D. 1700—1784. 329 Before the lapse of four years more, NeCTrocon. heavy and unmerited reproach was cast *pjr2acyia upon the enterprise. Some Negroes of the Carmantee and Pappa tribes had formed a plot for setting fire to New York on a certain night, as soon as the moon was down, and murdering the English in- habitants. Not one of the conspirators divulged his secret, and the work of burning, confusion, and massacre was commenced just as they had wished and planned; but, after a short struggle, the English gained complete mastery over them. Instantly a loud and angry clamour broke out against Elias Neau. The instruction which he had given to the Negro, said his accusers, was the sole cause of the murderous attempt, and, in his School, had all the plans con- nected with it been cherished and matured. In vain he denied the charge. It was obsti- TT . ° t Unjust re- natelv renewed; and so infuriated were proachescast * . i /. i upon Neau. the people against him that for some days he durst hardly venture abroad, through fear of per- sonal violence. The evidence, indeed, brought for- ward at the trial of the conspirators clearly proved that only one of his scholars, and he an unbaptized man, had ever been associated with them ; and that those Negroes were the most deeply engaged in the plot whose masters had been most distinguished for their opposition to every scheme proposed for their spiritual benefit. Nevertheless, jealousies and sus- picions, as cruel as they were groundless, prevailed for a long time. The offence of a portion of the Negroes in New York, was charged upon the whole race ; and Neau, their unwearied benefactor, was compelled to bear the burden of their reproach. The provincial government lent all the weight of its authority to 330 INDIANS AND NEGROES OF N. AMERICA. [CH. make his burden heavier. The Common Council passed an order, forbidding the Negroes to appear in the streets after sunset, without lanthorns or caudles ; and, since none of them could procure lanthorns, or leave their work before sunset, the effect of such an order was to break up the relations which had so long subsisted between Neau and his scholars. It is hard to say what further acts of injustice might not have Governor followed. But, at this crisis, Governor S>bieecon- Hunter stepped forward, and, by his firm duct- and judicious conduct, put to shame the fears of the alarmists, and enabled Neau to resume his pious labours. Hunter visited his School, attended by several officers of rank in the Colony, and by the Society's Missionaries ; and, having seen there fresh proofs of the noble spirit which animated Neau, and connecting them with the acknowledged benefits which had now for eight years been conferred upon the Negro through the same untiring agency, he hesi- tated not to give his full approval to the work ; and in a public proclamation, called upon the Clergy of the province to exhort their congregations from the pulpit to extend it in every quarter. Vesey, the Eector, needed not any such exhortation to stimulate him. He had long watched the labours of Neau, and, shar- ing them in his own person, had proved their benefit. ^ .. In corroboration of this, came the fur- Testimony toNeau's ther evidence of Governor Hunter, the labours. Council, and chief officers of the city, all of whom declared — That Mr. Neau had demeaned himself in all things as a good Christian and subject; that, in his station of Catechist, he had, to the great advancement of religion in general, and the particular be- nefit of the free Indians, Negro slaves, and other heathens in those XXYII.] a.d. 1700—1784. 331 parts, with indefatigable zeal and application, performed that ser- vice three times a week ; and that they did sincerely believe, that as a Catechist, he did, in a very eminent degree, deserve the coun- tenance, favour, and protection of the Society. Xeau successfully discharged the like m i t J . His death. duties until 1722. wheD, amid the unal- fected sorrow of his Negro scholars, and the friends who honoured him for their sake, he was removed by death 58. But his work was not suffered His mmm, to drop. Huddlestone, then Schoolmaster sors in the * work of in- in Xew York, next undertook it ; and to structing the Negroes. him succeeded the Rev. Mr. Wetmore, who, amid the increasing Segro population of the city, gathered increasing numbers of them into the fold of Christ. Upon the removal of the latter to Eye, in 1726, an earnest application was addressed to the Bishop of London and the Society, requesting them to send another minister who might instruct the Negroes and slaves, and assist the Rector, who was declining in years, in the general duties of his office. This request was immediately answered by the ap- pointment of the Rev. Mr. Colgan, who received, a few years afterwards, valuable aid from Thomas jSoxon, a Schoolmaster of exemplary piety ; and cheering evidence is borne to the success of their joint labours. The like testimony waited upon the services of the Rev. R. Charlton, who, having begun the work of instruction of the Xegroes at Xew Wind- sor, was called, in 1732, to continue it in the wider sphere of Xew York ; and there, for fifteen years, per- severed in carrying on effectually this important duty. 58 He was buried in the churchyard of Trinity Church, nearly in a line with its northern porch. Berrian's Hist. Sketch, &c, 36. 332 INDIANS AND NEGROES OF Iff. AMERICA. [CH. Upon his removal to Staten Island, the Rev. Samuel Auchmuty promptly supplied his place ; and, upon the death of good Thomas Noxon, in 1741, a successor of kindred spirit and energy was found in Hildreth, who reports to the Society in 1764, — that ' not a sin- gle black admitted by him to the holy communion had turned out badly, or in any way disgraced his pro- fession.' Both Auchmuty and Hildreth received hearty support from Barclay, who, upon the death of Yesey, in 1746, had been appointed to the Eectory of Trinity Church. The affectionate and watchful spirit which, we have lately seen, had characterised the ministry of Barclay among the Mohawks, and his ex- perience of the Indian character, led him to look upon the training of the Negro slave as one of the most interesting and important duties of his new charge ; and his friendly counsel and co-operation were at all times at the disposal of those who laboured for their benefit. Evidences of In tracing thus the continuous labours, fnfavourof for more than half a century, of Mis- ofes?utgh0es sionaries and Catechists of the Church of Carolina. England in behalf of the Negroes of New York, let not the manifestation of a like spirit in other parts of the British possessions, at this period, be for- gotten : the diligent and earnest care, for instance, which Taylor and Yarnod, Missionaries of the Society in South Carolina, bestowed upon slaves in the Planta- tions over which they had charge ; and the assistance which they both gratefully confess to have received from the masters and mistresses of the slaves ; — an assistance, in their case, rendered the more welcome by reason of the ill will and opposition which any attempt XXYII.] a.d. 1700— 17S4. 333 ameliorate their condition provoked among most of the British Planters of that day 53 . These services are only to be regarded General as samples of what was attempted or Munnu*y- achieved by the Church Colonial, in many places, in that day, for the Indian and the Xegro slave ; — such, for instance, as have been noticed in describing the ministrv of Chandler in New Jersey, and of Xeill, Smith, Barton, and Sturgeon in Pennsylvania60. Others likewise have yet to be described in the next and some of the remaining chapters of this Volume. And even then the evidences will not have been exhausted. A sufficient proof of this may be found in the fact, stated in a Memorial from the Society to George II., in 1741, that some thousands of Indians and Xegroes had then been instructed and baptized by the Missionaries. Be it that some of the pious and benevolent works, connected with these efforts, produced not present fruit. It must not therefore be supposed that there was any defect of principle in their design, or of energy in their execution. The " bread cast upon the waters " might seem, indeed, in some instances, utterly lost ; but, even where the prospect was most discouraging, it was found again, " after many days." And may we not infer, that, in many more instances, — although the records of the result have perished, — a healthful and saving nourishment was given by the same food to the souls that hungered after it ? One memorable testi- mony at least is at hand, which warrants such an in- ference. I mean that of the late excellent Bishop 59 Humphreys, 231-248 ; Hawkins, 263—273 ; Berrian's Hist. Sketch, Sec, 34—91. 60 See pp. 250. 264. 266. 272, ante. 334 INDIANS AND NEGEOES OF N. AMEEICA. [CH. Hobart, of New York, who, when he visited the Oneida Indians in 1818, saw, in the recesses of their forests, an aged Mohawk warrior, who, amid his heathen brethren, had held fast, for half a century, that holy faith in which he had been instructed by Missionaries of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. Hobart acknow- ledges with deepest gratitude the good work which the Church of England, long before the Eevolutionary war, had begun and carried on through their agency. He publicly bears witness to this fact in his Address to the Convention ; regards it as a fitting subject of con- gratulation to the Church, of which he was so distin- guished a Pastor, that she should then be applying herself to resume the same work; and speaks, with especial hopefulness, of the assistance, which the re- ligious instructor, whom he had appointed, two years before, to labour among the Oneidas (himself of Indian extraction), was about to receive from a young Onon- daga chief, a candidate for the Christian ministry among his countrymen61. The conclusion, therefore, is inevitable ; that, in spite of every hostile influence which operated upon the Church of England, from within and from without, abroad and at home, during the 17th and 18th centu- ries, she plainly confessed the obligation resting upon her, to communicate the light of Christian truth to the heathen of all lands in which England then planted her foreign settlements, and did what she could to dis- charge it. If the question be asked, What has she done since, with all the manifold advantages imparted to her in the present century, for the heathen of the British 01 McVicar's Life of Bp. Hobart, 479—481. XXTII.] ±.T). 1700— 1784 335 dominions and for those in other lands ? let the answer be found in the increased and increasing number of her Colonial Dioceses in the East, in the West, and in the South ; in the renewed efficiency of every instru- ment employed therein to the glory of God and the welfare of His people ; and in the quickened zeal and energy which stir the hearts of so many of her faithful children in every quarter. Witness the work which has been done, and is still doing, by that one Society, to whose operations in the Colonies of North America our attention is necessarily confined at present ; her extended exertions in former fields of labour, in Guiana and the West Indies, the Canadas, India, and Austra- lia ; the new and important Missions, established or aided by her, in Ceylon, South Africa, Borneo, Mela- nesia, Eupert's Land, and Labrador °\ Witness also the unfailing sympathy and generous help which the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge has given, and continues to give, towards the same ends. Wit- ness, once more, the labours of the Church Missionary Society, which have gathered in, from the beginning of the present century, many a rich and precious harvest from fields upon which she has scattered the " seed in- corruptible," even "the Word of God;" and made the far-distant islands of savage cannibals the strongholds of truth and peace and holiness. Witness the yet growing interest, in behalf of these and other like enterprises of Christian love, which is felt and ex- 62 It appears from the Report of the Society for 1854 (p. xxix.), that the East Indies and Ceylon received, in the preceding year, more than one-third of the Society's whole income ; and that its total expenditure on Missions to the Heathen was not less than j£23,000. For further particulars respecting these Missions, see the publications enumerated at the end of the Report. 336 INDIANS AND NEGBOES OF N. AMEEICA. pressed, on every side, within our sanctuary at home, and directs the prayers and strivings of our people to the same great and blessed issue, that God's "way may be known upon earth," His " saving health among all nations." CHAPTER XXVIII. the efforts of dea^ berkeley us behalf of the british colonies. a.d. 1724—1752. George Berkeley, whose noble efforts in _. . . . . The early- behalf of the British Colonies now claim life of Berkeley. our attention, was born March 12, 1684, at Kilcrin, near Thomastown, in the county of Kil- kenny. He was first educated at a school at Kilkenny, and afterwards at Trinity College, Dublin, where he was admitted a pensioner at the age of fifteen ; and, eight years later, gained the distinction of a fellowship. His admission into holy orders took place the same year 1 ; but it does not appear that any opportunity was then afforded to him of entering upon the duties of a Parish. All that has come down to us, in con- nexion with his ministry at that time, is the fact, that, in 1712, he preached three Discourses in the College Chapel, on the doctrine of passive obedience ; that the choice of such a subject brought upon him, as was 1 Among the interesting MSS. of Berkeley, referred to p. 85, note, ante, I find a Sermon by him on 1 Tim. ii. 10, at the end of which is written, ' College Chappell, Sunday evening, January 11, 1701.' yol. m. z 340 THE EFFORTS OF DEAN BERKELEY. [CH. Oglethorpe was an officer in Peterborough's suite upon this occasion ; and to the influence of the acquaintance then formed between him and Berkeley may be traced, I think, the formation of many of those generous and benevolent schemes which so eminently distinguished Oglethorpe in later years. Berkeley returned to Eng- land with Peterborough, in 1714 7 ; and having been induced to go abroad a second time, travelled through Europe as the companion of a son of Bishop Ashe. He was absent upon that tour nearly five years ; and, soon afterwards, having been commended to the notice of the Duke of Grafton, returned with that noble- man to Ireland, when he went there as Viceroy, in 1721. . . . In 1724, when Berkeley had entered Appointed ' J j^an^of upon his forty-first year, he was appointed Dean of Derry. And they who measured the value of ecclesiastical dignities in that day, — as some are disposed to measure them in every day, — ■ only by the amount of present temporal advantage, or the prospect of future advancement, which they appear to carry with them, were, of course, wholly un- prepared for the announcement of any design on the part of Berkeley which renounced objects so com- monly sought after. His plan for ^u^' jus^ a^ ^s Peri°^j when he was in extending the prime of his matured manhood and Christianity 1 to our Plan- judgment, and the most encouraging tokens to the kea- of temporal prosperity waited upon him in his native country, he published ' A Pro- posal,' which he had been some years cherishing in ' Whilst Berkeley was abroad, upon this occasion, he visited Leghorn, and became acquainted with Basil Kennett. See p. 85, note, ante. XXYIII.] a.d. 1724—1752. 341 his mind, 1 for the better supplying of Churches in our foreign Plantations, and for converting the savages to Christianity V He avowed, at the same time, his own determination, and that of others, to relinquish all that they had at home, and go forth and do what they could to realise the scheme. The necessity for making some such effort was demonstrated by the evils then existing in the English Colonies. And having pointed out, in the beginning of his pamphlet, some of the most prominent of these, he proposed as a remedy the erection of a College for training American Missiona- ries in the Bermudas. It is worthy of remark that Berkeley was led to form and publish this design from a conviction of the grievous difficulties which the absence of a Bishop had entailed upon our Colonial Churches. He acknow- ledges, indeed, the vigilance and wisdom of Bishop Gibson, who had charge of them. But the wide dis- tance at which they were placed made it impossible, in Berkeley's judgment, that any effectual supervision could be maintained. He looked forward to the time when such difficulties should be removed, by the ap- pointment of a Bishop over each division of the Colo- nial Churches ; and speaks of the American Missiona- ries, to be trained in his proposed College, as receiving ' holy orders in England (till such time as Episcopacy be established in those parts).' It is no ordinary testi- mony to the justice of those principles, which have been so frequently asserted with reference to this sub- ject, to find their authority thus insisted upon by Berkeley in the outset of his plan. A similar institution to that which he was now 8 Berkeley's Works, iii. 213— 230. 340 THE EFFORTS OF DEAtf BERKELEY. [CH. Oglethorpe was an officer in Peterborough's suite upon this occasion ; and to the influence of the acquaintance then formed between him and Berkeley may be traced, I think, the formation of many of those generous and benevolent schemes which so eminently distinguished Oglethorpe in later years. Berkeley returned to Eng- land with Peterborough, in 1714 7 ; and having been induced to go abroad a second time, travelled through Europe as the companion of a son of Bishop Ashe. He was absent upon that tour nearly five years ; and, soon afterwards, having been commended to the notice of the Duke of Grafton, returned with that noble- man to Ireland, when he went there as Viceroy, in 1721. . . . In 1724, when Berkeley had entered Appointed ' J Dean^of upon his forty-first year, he was appointed Dean of Derry. And they who measured the value of ecclesiastical dignities in that day, — as some are disposed to measure them in every day, — ■ only by the amount of present temporal advantage, or the prospect of future advancement, which they appear to carry with them, were, of course, wholly un- prepared for the announcement of any design on the part of Berkeley which renounced objects so com- monly sought after. His plan for ■^u*;' jus^ a^ ^B Peri°^5 when he was in extending the prime of his matured manhood and Christianity . * to our Flan- judgment, and the most encouraging tokens to the kea- of temporal prosperity waited upon him in his native country, he published ' A Pro- posal,' which he had been some years cherishing in 7 Whilst Berkeley was abroad, upon this occasion, he visited Leghorn, and became acquainted with Basil Kennett. See p. 85, note, ante. XXYIII.] a.d. 1724—1752. 341 his mind, ' for the better supplying of Churches in our foreign Plantations, and for converting the savages to Christianity V He avowed, at the same time, his own determination, and that of others, to relinquish all that they had at home, and go forth and do what they could to realise the scheme. The necessity for making some such effort was demonstrated by the evils then existing in the English Colonies. And having pointed out, in the beginning of his pamphlet, some of the most prominent of these, he proposed as a remedy the erection of a College for training American Missiona- ries in the Bermudas. It is worthy of remark that Berkeley was led to form and publish this design from a conviction of the grievous difficulties which the absence of a Bishop had entailed upon our Colonial Churches. He acknow- ledges, indeed, the vigilance and wisdom of Bishop Gibson, who had charge of them. But the wide dis- tance at which they were placed made it impossible, in Berkeley's judgment, that any effectual supervision could be maintained. He looked forward to the time when such difficulties should be removed, by the ap- pointment of a Bishop over each division of the Colo- nial Churches ; and speaks of the American Missiona- ries, to be trained in his proposed College, as receiving ' holy orders in England (till such time as Episcopacy be established in those parts).' It is no ordinary testi- mony to the justice of those principles, which have been so frequently asserted with reference to this sub- ject, to find their authority thus insisted upon by Berkeley in the outset of his plan. A similar institution to that which he was now 8 Berkeley's Works, iii. 213—230. 342 THE EFF0BTS OF DEA^ BEBKELEY. [CH. commending to public attention had been already pro- jected by the zeal and piety of General Codrington in Barbados ; but circumstances which will be hereafter noticed had kept it hitherto in abeyance. Berkeley refers to this project for the purpose of showing, that, neither Barbados, nor any other of the AYest India Islands, nor even the continent of North America, presented so hopeful a field for the design as that sup- plied by the Bermudas. The position of those Islands in the midst of the Atlantic, affording convenient means of intercourse between England and all her Western Colonies, the healthy temperature of their climate, the natural and artificial strength of their defences, the simplicity and kindly feeling of their inhabitants, all conspired, in his judgment, to favour the scheme. ' I am informed,' he says, ' that they are more constant attendants on Divine Service, more kind and respectful to their pastor (when they have one), and show much more humanity to their slaves, and charity to one another, than is observed among the English in the other plantations ; one reason of this may be, that condemned cri- minals, being employed in the manufacture of sugar and tobacco, were never transported thither.' The above passage deserves notice, as confirming my description of the Bermudas, in former parts of this work, and showing the opinion of Berkeley with respect to the evil of converting our Colonies into penal settlements. The living machinery by which Berkeley proposed to work his institution was of course that part of it to which he directed his chief attention ; and he thus describes the qualities to be required of the men who should take part in it : 'Men of prudence, spirit, and zeal, as well as competent learn- ing, who should be led to it by other motives than the necessity of XXVIII.] a.d. 1724—1752. 343 picking up a maintenance. For, upon this view, what man of merit can he supposed to quit his native country, and take up with a poor college subsistence in another part of the world, where there are so many parishes actually void, and so many others ill supplied for want of fitting incumbents ? Is it likely, that fellowships of fifty or sixty pounds a year should tempt abler or worthier men, than be- nefices of many times their value ? And except able and worthy men do first engage in this affair, with a resolution to exert them- selves in forming the manners of youth, and giving them a proper education, it is evident the mission and the college will be but in a very bad way.' Berkeley then describes, in terms of unaffected modesty, the feelings which animated himself and his associates in the undertaking. He says that they were — 4 In all respects very well qualified, and in possession of good preferments, and fair prospects at home, who, having seriously con- sidered the great benefits that may arise to the Church, and to mankind, from such an undertaking, are ready to engage in it, and to dedicate the remainder of their lives to the instructing the youth of America, and prosecuting their own studies upon a very mode- rate subsistence in a retirement so sweet and so secure, and every way so well fitted for a place of education and study, as Bermuda. For himself, he can only say, that as he values no preferment upon earth so much as that of being employed in the execution of his design, so he hopes to make up for other defects by the sincerity of his endeavours.' After touching upon the efforts which had been made by Spanish and French Missionaries of the Clin ch of Rome in South and Xorth America, and upon the opportunity which the realisation of his scheme would give to the Church of England to dis- charge her duty in the same regions, Berkeley proceeds to notice objections which might probably be urged against his proposal. They were substantially the same with many which continue to pass current in the 344 THE EEEOBTS OF DEAN BERKELEY. [CH. present day; and the terms, therefore, in which he disposes of them may well claim our attention. 1 Perhaps it will be said, in opposition to this proposal, that if we thought ourselves capable of gaining converts to the Church we ought to begin with infidels, papists, and dissenters of all denomi- nations at home, and to make proselytes of these before we think of foreigners ; and that therefore our scheme is against duty. And farther, that considering the great opposition, which is found on the part of those who differ from us at home, no success can be ex- pected among savages abroad, and that therefore it is against reason and experience. ' In answer to this I say, that religion like light is imparted without being diminished. That whatever is done abroad can be no hinderance or let to the conversion of infidels or others at home. That those who engage in this affair imagine they will not be missed, where there is no want of schools or clergy ; but that they may be of singular service in countries but thinly supplied with either, or altogether deprived of both : that our Colonies being of the same blood, language, and religion with ourselves, are in effect our countrymen. But that Christian charity, not being limited by those regards, doth extend to all mankind. And this may serve for an answer to the first point, that our design is against duty. ' To the second point I answer, that ignorance is not so incurable as error; that you must pull down as well as build, erase as well as imprint, in order to make proselytes at home, whereas, the savage Americans, if they are in a state purely natural, and unimproved by education, they are also unincumbered with all that rubbish of superstition and prejudice which is the effect of a wrong one. As they are less instructed, they are withal less conceited, and more teachable. And not being violently attached to any false system of their own, are so much the fitter to receive that which is true. Hence it is evident that success abroad ought not to be measured by that which we observe at home, and that the inference which was made from the difficulty of the one to the impossibility of the other is altogether groundless.' Another argument was drawn by Berkeley from the Charter which James I. had granted to the first Vir- ginia Company, which declared that the desire to pro- XKVIII.] a.d. 1724—1752. 345 pagate the Gospel, and to extend the arts of civilised life among the natives of that and the adjoining pro- vinces had been the principal motives of inducement to the English Crown to plant settlements in the West. We have seen the many efforts that were made, at home and abroad, at the time this Charter was issued, to give effect to its declarations. And, as the same, or similar, declarations had been repeated in every subsequent Charter, it seemed impossible that the Sovereign or the people of England could escape from the obligation to which they had bound themselves; the one, in giving, and the other, in receiving privileges to which such sacred duties were annexed. It was not only in the ' Proposal,' of His yerses which I have here given an outline, that on the same 0 subject. the ardent feelings of Berkeley found a channel for their expression. His verses, 1 On the prospect of planting Arts and Learning in America,' manifest, in terms of no ordinary power, the devotion of his whole soul to that work, and the richness and beauty of the visions which rose up before him in the contemplation of it. Their composition has been by some persons assigned to a later date 9 ; but, at what- soever period written, they may well be inserted in this place, as setting forth a train of thought in harmony with his present noble enterprise. The Muse, disgusted at an age and clime, Barren of every glorious theme, In distant lands now waits a better time, Producing subjects worthy fame : 9 In the Rhode Island Histor. Col. iii. 36, it is said that they were written at Newport. 346 THE EFFORTS OF DEAX BERKELEY. [cn. In happy climes, where from the genial sun And virgin earth such scenes ensue, The force of art by nature seems outdone, And fancied beauties by the true : In happy climes the seat of innocence, Where nature guides and virtue rules, Where men shall not impose for truth and sense, The pedantry of courts and schools : There shall be sung another golden age, The rise of empire and of arts, The good and great inspiring epic rage, The wisest heads and noblest hearts. Not such as Europe breeds in her decay ; Such as she bred when fresh and young, When heavenly flame did animate her clay, By future poets shall be sung. Westward the course of empire takes its way 10 ; The four first acts already past, A fifth shall close the drama with the day ; Time's noblest offspring is the last. Estimate of Whilst Berkeley thus pondered upon his project the work before him, and strove by care- by others. •« ful arguments and noble sacrifices of tem- poral ease and fortune to promote it, and to kindle a like spirit of devotion in the hearts of others, he was looked upon by most of his acquaintance only as a brain-sick visionary. The best description perhaps of the estimate which they formed of his project occurs in the letter already referred to from Swift to Lord Carteret. It bears date Sept. 3, 1724, and was written for the 10 The reader will trace a resemblance between this thought and that of George Herbert (see Vol. i. 295). Cotton Mather has copied the same, without acknowledgment, in the opening of the introduction to his Magnalia. XXVIII.] a.d. 1724—1752. 347 purpose of introducing Berkeley to that nobleman, who had been appointed to succeed the Duke of Grafton in the Viceroyalty of Ireland. After mentioning some of the incidents already noticed in Berkeley's previous life, Swift thus proceeds : I I am now to mention his errand. He is an absolute philosopher ; and for three years past hath been struck with a notion of founding a university at Bermuda, by a charter from the crown. He hath seduced several of the hopefullest young clergymen and others here, many of them well provided for, and all of them in the fairest way of preferment : but in England his conquests are greater, and I doubt not will spread very far this winter. He shewed me a little tract which he designs to publish, and there your excellency will see his whole scheme of a life academico-philosophical (I shall make you remember what you were) of a college founded for Indian scholars and missionaries, where he most exorbitantly proposeth a whole hundred pounds a year for himself, forty pounds for a fellow, and ten for a student. His heart will break if his deanery be not taken from him, and left to your excellency's disposal. I dis- courage him by the coldness of courts and ministers, who will in- terpret all this as impossible and a vision ; but nothing will do. And therefore I do humbly entreat your excellency, either to use such persuasions as will keep one of the first men in this kingdom for learning and virtue quiet at home, or assist him by your credit to compass his romantic design, which however is very noble and generous, and directly proper for a great person of your excellent education to encourage n.' Bolingbroke also has left on record, in a letter to Swift, a description of the feelings which were awak- ened in his mind by Berkeley and his scheme : I I would not by any means (he says) lose the opportunity of knowing a man who can espouse in good earnest the opinion of Malebranche, and who is fond of going a missionary into the West 11 Stock's Life of Berkeley, prefixed to his Works, i. viL, note. I may here add that my other notices of Berkeley's Life, Cor- respondence, &c, where they are not otherwise specified, are de- rived from the same source, and from the Biog. Brit. 348 THE EFFORTS OF DEAN BERKELEY. [CH. Indies. My zeal for the propagation of the Gospel will not carry me so far ; but my spleen against Europe has more than once made me think of buying the dominion of Bermudas, and spending the remainder of my days as far as possible from the people with whom I have passed the first and the greatest part of my life 12.' How striking is the contrast here presented between the impressions made by the same outward object upon the minds of men who contemplate it from opposite points of sight ! The one covets it as a field upon which he may reap and gather in a bitter harvest of hate and scorn, which sprang up from the seed of unbelief. The other, that he may find therein the means of exercising the purest sympathies with which the love of Grod can animate man's heart. His deter- ^e ^erSJ whom Swift describes as mination to < well provided for, and in the fairest way prosecute it. * * of preferment,' whom Berkeley had per- suaded to leave these bright prospects, and be content with a fellowship of £40 a year in his projected College, were three junior Fellows of Trinity College, Dublin, "William Thompson, Jonathan Rogers, and Thomas King. But upon Berkeley lay the entire burden of providing the means necessary for the work which engaged their thoughts and his. Other unexpected cares at the same time harassed Berkeley, arising out of the settlement of the affairs of Miss Vanhomrigh, the celebrated "Vanessa. As soon as she had discovered the marriage of Swift with Mrs. Johnson (Stella), she revoked her Will in favour of Swift, and left her property between her executors, Mr. Marshall, subsequently one of the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas in Ireland, and Berkeley. The discharge of this trust proved a very tedious and 12 Quoted by the late Archer Butler. See p. 338, note, ante. XXVIII.] a.d. 1724—1752. 349 troublesome office. Among the many letters written from London, between the years 1724 and 1728, upon this and other subjects, to his friend Thomas Prior of Dublin, Berkeley describes himself as being ' At an end of his patience, and almost of his wits.' 1 You have no notion,' he adds, ' of the misery I have undergone, and do daily- undergo on that account. For God's sake disentangle these mat- ters, that I may once be at ease to mind my other affairs of the college, which are enough to employ ten persons.' The last sentence here quoted shows the eagerness of Berkeley to get rid of every interest which might act as a barrier between him and the one great and noble object to which he had devoted himself, and the ardour with which he pressed forward to its attain- ment. He met with many difficulties and discourage- ments ; but nothing could turn him aside from his purpose; and his brave and cheerful spirit gathered strength where other men would have utterly despaired. Thus, in another letter, Jan. 12, 1726, we find him saying, • I thank God I find, in matters of a more difficult nature, the good effects of activity and resolution. I mean Bermuda, with which my hands are full, and which is in a fair way to flourish in spite of all opposition.' Such was his single-hearted zeal and resolution that he compelled even the friends who treated his design as a chimera to waver sometimes in their opinions, and share the impulses of his own noble spirit. ' The members of the Scriblerus Club,' says the first Lord Bathurst, ' being met at his house at dinner, agreed to rally Berkeley, who was also his guest, on his scheme. Berkeley, having listened to the many lively things they had to say, begged to be heard in his turn, and displayed his plan with such an astonishing and ani- 350 THE EFFORTS OF DEAN BEKEIELET. [CH. mating force of eloquence and enthusiasm, that they were struck dumb, and after some pause, rose all up together, with earnestness exclaiming, Let us set out Encouraged with him immediately 13.' The interest thus by the help created among the friends of Berkeley did of friends, • i i • • i" not cease with the excitement which had awakened it. Some of them helped him with contri- butions which, compared with the value of money in that day, may well put to shame the amount of offer- ings by which so many of our countrymen are now content to limit the measure of their help to similar undertakings. A list given below, incomplete as it is, exhibits a sum exceeding £5000, subscribed in aid of his project 14 ; and this would probably have reached a far higher amount, had not a promise received through 13 Quoted from Warton on Pope, by Mackintosh, ut sup. 14 The list is in Berkeley's handwriting, among the MSS. men- tioned, p. 85, ante. Subscriptions for Bermuda. £ £ Dean of York and his Bro- John Wolfe, Esq. . . . 100 300 Edward Harley, Esq. . . 100 Earl of Oxford . . . . 200 Benjamin Hoare, Esq. . . 100 100 Lady Betty Hastings . . 500 Sir Matthew Decker . . 100 Sir Robert Walpole . . . 200 Lady, who desires to be un- Duke of Chandos . . . 200 500 Thomas Stanhope, Esq. 100 Lord Bateman . . 100 Mrs. Drelincourt .... 100 Archer, Esq., of Soho- Dr. Pelling 100 500 Another Clergyman {added 100 in another hand, Bp. Dr. Grandorge . . . . 100 100 Lord Pembroke . . . . 300 100 Lord Peterborough . . . 105 Lady, who desires to be un- 300 known 100 Lord Percivall . . . . 200 Gentleman, who desires to Archibald Hutcheson, Esq. 200 be unknown .... 160 xxviii.] a.d. 1724—1752. 351 Sir Eobert TValpole, whose name appears among the subscribers, led both Berkeley and others to believe that large assistance would have been furnished by the Crown. The promise upon which they rested And by the was that of the King, his Minister, and Segove^L Parliament. The King had been led to ment- take an interest in the enterprise through the medium of Altieri, a Venetian Abbe, with whom Berkeley, in the course of his travels, had become acquainted, and who was afterwards admitted into the circle of literary foreigners at the English Court. Walpole had become a party to it by securing a Royal Charter for the pro- posed College, and proposing to the House of Commons that certain lands, in St. Kitt's, which by the treaty of Utrecht in 1713, had been ceded by the French to the British Crown, should be purchased and applied to the object described in the Charter. The House ac- cepted the proposal ; and having, on the 11th of May, 1726, voted an Address to the Crown in accordance with it, gave to the measure its full and deliberate sanction. Berkeley thus writes the next day to Prior : ' After six weeks' struggle against an earnest opposition, from different interests and motives, I have yesterday carried my point just as I desired, in the House of Commons, by an extraordinary majority ; none having the confidence to speak against it, and not above two giving their negatives, which was done in so low a voice as if they themselves were ashamed of it. They were both con- siderable men in stocks in trade, and in the city; and, in truth, I have had more opposition from that sort of men, and from the go- vernors and traders to America, than from any otbers. But, God be praised, there is an end of all their narrow and mercantile views and endeavours, as well as of the jealousies and suspicions of others (some whereof were very great men) who apprehended this college 352 THE EFFORTS OE DEAN BERKELEY. [CH. may produce an independency in America, or at least, lessen its dependency upon England.' charter for The Charter authorised the erection of college,15 a College in the Bermudas, to be called Bermuda. tte College of St. Paul, and to be governed by a President aud nine Fellows, who were constituted a body corporate, with all the usual privileges. Berke- ley was named therein as the first President, and the three Fellows of Trinity College already mentioned, the first Fellows ; and permission was expressly granted to them to retain their preferments at home until the expiration of a year and a half after their arrival in the Islands. Six more Fellows were to be elected by them within two years. The surviving members of the body thus constituted had power to elect to all future vacancies ; and, if any were not filled up within a year, the Bishop of London for the time being, who was also Visitor of the College, was empowered to nominate a successor. The purpose of the College was declared to be the instruction of scholars in theology and lite- rature, towards the propagation of the Christian faith and civilisation, not only in parts of xlmerica subject to the English dominions, but among the heathen. The charge for such education (including the cost of clothes, board, and lodging) was limited to £10 a year for each scholar. The power of granting degrees was conferred upon the College ; and the Secretary of State for the Colonies was appointed its Chancellor. The trouble ^n obtaining this Charter, Berkeley had of obtaining to endure many cares and disappoint- ments. A year before the House of Com- mons voted the Address in his favour, he writes to Prior : ' I have obtained reports from the Bishop of London, the Board xxviii.] a.d. 1724—1752. 353 of Trade and Plantations, and the Attorney and Solicitor General, in favour of the Bermuda scheme, and hope to have the warrant signed by His Majesty this week.' A few days afterwards, he informed him that the Charter had passed the Privy Seal, and that the new Chancellor (King) had begun < his office by putting the recipe to it.' At the interval of nine days more, he reports that the Charter had been duly sealed, and was then in his custody ; and adds, * It hath cost me one hundred and thirty pounds dry fees, beside expedition-money to men in office.' A few months later, he writes to the same friend very hopefully of his ultimate success, but states that the King's absence abroad, the late meeting of Parlia- ment, and the critical posture of public affairs, had de- layed the settlement which he had been anxious to make respecting the lands in St. Kitt's. He does not, however, give way to any murmuring or complaint on that account, but urges it upon Prior as a reason why he should leave the arrangement of his own private affairs to him. ' I have now my hands full of that business, and hope to see it soon settled to my wish. In the mean time, my attendance on this business renders it impossible for me to mind my private af- fairs. Your assistance, therefore, in them, will not only be a kind service to me, but also to the public weal of our college, which would very much suffer if I were obliged to leave this kingdom be- fore I saw an endowment settled on it. For this reason I must depend upon you.' At length, the business was brought to that stage which has already been described; and the King's answer, complying with the address of the Commons, having been returned, Berkeley's attention was chiefly occupied, during the summer of 1726, in finding good vol. in. a a 354 THE EFFOETS OF DEAN BEBKELEY. [CH. men to fill the Fellowships in his proposed College, and for which there appeared ' many competitors more than vacancies.' But his difficulties were not yet over. He writes, Dec. 1, 1726, saying, ' Much opposition hath been since raised (and that by very great men) to the design. As for the obstacles thrown in my way by in- terested men, though there hath been much of that, I never re- garded it, no more than the clamours and calumnies of ignorant mistaken people : but, in good truth, it was with much difficulty, and the peculiar blessing of God, that the point was carried maugre the strong opposition in the Cabinet Council ; wherein nevertheless it hath of late been determined to go on with the grant pursuant to the Address of the House of Commons, and to give it all possible dispatch. Accordingly, His Majesty hath ordered the warrant for passing the said grant to be drawn. The persons appointed to con- trive the draught of the warrant are the Solicitor- General, Baron Scroop of the Treasury, and my good friend Mr. Hutcheson. You must know that, in July last, the Lords of the Treasury had named Commissioners for taking an estimate of the value and quantity of the crown lands in St. Christopher's, and for receiving proposals either for selling or farming the same for the benefit of the public. Their report is not yet made ; and the Treasury were of opinion that they could not make a grant to us till such time as the whole were sold or farmed pursuant to such report. But the point I am now labouring at is to have it done without delay. And how this may be done without embarrassing the Treasury in their after dis- posal of the whole lands, was this day the subject of a conference between the Solicitor -General, Mr. Hutcheson, and myself. The method agreed on is, by a rent-charge on the whole crown-lands, redeemable on the crown's paying twenty thousand pounds for the use of the President and Fellows of St. Paul's, and their successors. Sir Robert Walpole hath signified that he hath no objection to this method ; and I doubt not Baron Scroop will agree to it : by which means the grant may be passed before the meeting of Parliament ; after which we may prepare to set out on our voyage before April.' April in the next year arrived, and found Berkeley xxtiii.] a.d. 1724-1752. 355 still in England, and forced to go through all his work again in consequence of the death of George I. Tidings of that event reached London, June 14, 1727 ; and, writing the next day to Prior, Berkeley says, ' This day, King George II. was proclaimed. All the world here are in a hurry, and I as much as any body, our grant being de- feated by the King's dying before the broad seal was annexed to it, in order to which it was passing through the offices. I have la mer a boire again. You shall hear from me when I know more. At present I am at a loss what course to take.' In a few days he is enabled to send intelligence, that the new warrant had been signed by the King, counter- signed by the Lords of the Treasury, and passed the Attorney- General, 'contrary to the expectation of his 'friends, who thought nothing could be expected of that kind in this great hurry of business.' At length the Broad Seal was put to Sailsfor the warrant for his grant. The money which he had given directions to be raised out of his private resources, in furtherance of it, was provided ; and, before the expiration of the following summer, Berkeley had made every arrangement for his departure. He married, August 1, the eldest daughter of Foster, Speaker of the Irish House of Commons ; and, on the 6th of September, they sailed from Graves- end, accompanied by a daughter of Lady Hancock, who was a friend of his wife, and three friends of his owd, Mr. James and Mr. Dalton, gentlemen of independent fortune, and Mr. Smilert, whom Berkeley describes elsewhere as ' a very honest, skilful person, in his pro- fession' of a painter. Rhode Island was fixed upon as their first place of abode, being thought a conve- nient spot from which intercourse could be kept up with the Bermudas, and in which, as well as in the a a 2 356 THE EFFORTS OF DEAN BERKELEY. [CH. adjoining continent, lands might be purchased to yield endowment and provisions for the future Col- lege 15. His proceed- At one time, indeed, after his arrival at iags there. Newport, Berkeley thought that Ehode Island possessed so many more advantages than the Bermudas, that he entertained the thought of trans- ferring the College thither. But, fearing lest this change might throw some difficulty in the way of re- ceiving the promised grant, and for other reasons, he 4udged it best to adhere to the original design16. Ac- 15 It is said in Updike's History of the Church in Naragansett, p. 395 (Memoirs of Trinity Church, Newport), that, according to a tradition still preserved in Rhode Island, Berkeley's arrival there was ' purely accidental ;' that ' the captain of the ship in which he sailed could not find the island of Bermuda, and that having given up the search after it, he steered northward until they discovered land unknown to them, and which they supposed to be inhabited only by savages.' This land, they were informed by two pilots who came on board, was near Newport ; and, Berkeley having sent by the pilots a letter to Honyman, the minister of the Church in that town, the same was read by him from his pulpit to the congrega- tion, who happened to be then engaged in divine worship on one of the festivals. It is reported, further, that Honyman, having dis- missed the congregation with the blessing, repaired immediately, with the wardens, and vestry, and rest of the people, to the ferry wharf, and gave a hospitable welcome to Berkeley and his friends. The pilots had described Berkeley as ' a great dignitary of the Church of England, called " Dean." ' The only part of this story I regard as true, is that which speaks of the kind reception of Berkeley by the inhabitants of Newport. The rest is directly at variance with Berkeley's own Journal, Sept. 5, 1728, in which he says, ' To-morrow, I sail for Rhode Island,' &c. !6 It is said by Chandler, in his Life of Johnson, p. 52, that Berkeley ' wrote to his friends in England, requesting them to get the patent altered for some place on the American continent.' But this is manifestly an error. The statement which I have given xxviii.] a.d. 1724—1752. 357 cordingly, be lost no time in purchasing, at his own cost, land in Ehode Island, and building upon it a farm-house, in which he lived, intending that it should assist in supplying hereafter what was needed for his College. He proceeded also to negotiate the purchase of other lands upon the adjacent continent, His hope3 hoping, as soon as they were paid for out delerred- of the promised grant, to sail with his family to the Bermudas, and complete his long cherished plan. Never was any plan conceived in a firmer, or loftier, or wiser spirit. It was, indeed, to use the words of Mackintosh, 1 a work of heroic, or rather, godlike bene- volence.' The means also of accomplishing it were based upon a security which it was impossible that any man could question. In what promise, it might be asked, could any man ever trust, if Berkeley were deceived in that which had been so solemnly confirmed to him ? And yet the event proved that he was de- ceived. Our hearts are ready to burst with indigna- tion, and our ears tingle for very shame, as we record the fact. He was slow — and what generous spirit would not be slow ? — to believe that so flagrant an act could ever be committed ; and therefore worked on patiently for nearly two years, forming and maturing his designs for the erection of the College. "What- soever misgivings he may have felt with respect to the cause of the delay, he would not suffer them to find vent, lest he might cast undeserved reproach upon the national honour. He still retained a resolute and cheerful spirit. And, when at length he was con- strained to communicate to his friend Prior the painful above is taken from Berkeley's Letters to Prior. Works, i. pp. 38. 40. 358 THE EFFORTS OF DEAN BERKELEY. [CH. reports which had reached him, he did so in language which eminently exhibits the gentleness and composure of his pure spirit. His letter bears date May 7, 1730 ; and he says, ' I want only the payment of the King's grant to transport my- self and my family thither [to Bermuda]. I am now employing the interest of my friends in England for that purpose, and I have wrote in the most pressing manner either to get the money paid, or at least such an authentic answer as I may count upon, and may direct me what course I am to take. Dr. Clayton, indeed, hath wrote me word, that he hath been informed by a very good friend of mine, who had it from a very great man, that it would not be paid. But I cannot think a hearsay at second or third hand to be a proper answer for me to act upon. I have, therefore, suggested to the Doctor, that it might be proper for him to go himself to the Treasury with the Letters Patent containing the grant in his hands, and there make his demand in form. I have also wrote to others to use their interest at court ; though indeed one would have thought all solicitation at an end when once I had obtained a grant under His Majesty's hand and the broad seal of England. As to my own going to London and soliciting in person, I think it reason- able, first, to see what my friends can do ; and the rather because I shall have small hopes that my solicitation will be more regarded than theirs.' He writes again on the 20th of July, and says, • I have not had one line from the persons to whom I had wrote to make the last instances for the £20,000. This I impute to an accident that we hear happened to a man-of-war, as it was coming down the river for Boston, where it was expected some months ago, and is now daily looked for with the new governor.' This wearisome looking after help which, it ap- peared more and more likely, might never come, was not the only trial which Berkeley had to bear. A report had begun to spread in Ireland that he meant, — whatsoever might be the issue of his project, — to remain in America, and retain the income of his Deanery. XXVIII.] a.d. 1724—1752. 359 ' I must desire you,' he writes, ' to discountenance such a report. — Be assured, I long to know the upshot of this matter; and, that upon an explicit refusal, I am determined to return home; and that it is not at all in my thoughts to continue abroad and hold my Deanery. It is well known to many considerable persons in Eng- land, that I might have had a dispensation for holding it in my absence during life, and that I was much pressed to it, but I reso- lutely declined it ; and if our college had taken place as soon as I once hoped it would, I should have resigned before this time. I do assure you bond fide that I have no intention to stay here longer than I can get an authentic answer from the government, which I have all the reason in the world to expect this summer ; for, upon all private accounts, I should like Derry better than New England. As I am here in order to execute a design addressed for by Par- liament, and set on foot by His Majesty's royal charter, I think myself obliged to wait the event, whatever course is taken in Ire- land about my Deanery.' The conduct of Berkeley, therefore, under these harassing delays, was as consistent and just as his motives were pure. But Berkeley has other claims upon our Cond-;tion 0f gratitude for the course he pursued whilst Rhode in Ehode Island. Although chiefly occu- pied with making the preparations for his future en- terprise, he lost no opportunity of present usefulness ; but laboured, every where and at all times, to forward, as he best could, the service of his heavenly Master. The condition of Rhode Island was such as to present no ordinary difficulties in the way of his success. A century was now just about to close, since Boger "Williams and his five companions had first landed, from their small Indian canoe, in Naragansett Bay, and had given the name of Providence to that spot, in token of the overruling providence of God, which had saved him out of all the perils of the persecution pro- 360 THE EITOBTS OF DEAN BEEKELEY. [cn. voked by him at Salem 17 '. The territory purchased by "Williams from the Naragansett Indians on the con- tinent and in the islands of the bay, had soon become peopled with the many English emigrants who sought and found there a place of refuge amid their own dis- tress. But the liberty which Williams thus continued to give to all comers, to indulge without restraint the wildest extravagancies of religious fanaticism, had led to a coDfusion of opinion and character among the in- habitants of Ehode Island, not easily to be effaced. I have already noted the description given of this state of things by Cotton Mather and others who were contemporaries of Williams. And the confirmation which their words derive from the testimony of Berkeley, proves that their hatred of Williams had not tempted them to exaggerate the truth. If Cotton Mather, for instance, could represent Rhode Island as 'a colluvies of Antinomians, Eamilists, Anabaptists, Anti-Sabbatarians, Arminians, Socinians, Quakers, Eanters, and every thing but Boman Catholics and true Christians, — bona terra, mala gens it is a repre- sentation which certainly may be regarded as in some degree borne out by that which Berkeley gave, a few months after his arrival, in a letter to Prior. He reckons the population of JSTewport at that time to be about 6000, and says, ' The inhabitants are of a mixed kind, consisting of many sects, and subdivisions of sects. Here are four sorts of Anabaptists, be- sides Presbyterians, Quakers, Independents, and many of no pro- fession at all. Notwithstanding so many differences, here are fewer quarrels about religion than elsewhere, the people living peaceably « See Vol. ii. 167—169. XXYIII.] a.d. 1724—1752. 361 with their neighbours of whatsoever persuasion. They all agree in one point, that the Church of England is the second best 18.' Berkeley confirms this description, in the more deli- berate account given, a few years afterwards, of the same people, in his Anniversary Sermon, preached be- fore the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, and supplies withal the reason of the cessation, which is mentioned above, of their religious feuds. He says that they consisted ' Chiefly of sectarians of many different denominations, who seem to have worn off part of that prejudice which they inherited from their ancestors against the national Church of this land ; though it must be acknowledged, at the same time, that many of them have worn off a serious sense of all religion. Several, indeed, of the better sort are accustomed to assemble themselves regularly on the Lord's Day for the performance of divine worship. But most of those who are dispersed throughout this colony seem to rival some well-bred people of other countries in a thorough indifference for all that is sacred, being equally careless of outward worship and of inward principles, whether of faith or practice. Of the bulk of them, it may certainly be said that they live without the sacraments, not being so much as baptized ; and, as for their morals, I appre- hend there is nothing to be found in them that should tempt others 18 This universal admission of the Church of England to the second rank, whilst each differing sect claimed for itself the first, may remind the classical reader of the judgment which the allied Greek commanders delivered at Neptune's altar after the defeat of Xerxes, upon the comparative merits of those who had distinguished themselves during the Persian war. After having given their votes for the purpose of determining who should be accounted worthy of receiving the first, and who the second prize, it was found that whilst each commander had voted himself to be alone worthy of the first, a large majority had agreed in awarding the second to Themistocles ; no slight proof, as Herodotus remarks, of their secret conviction that the palm of excellence did, after all, belong properly to him ; and that it was only their own envy which deprived Mm of it. Herod, viii. 123, 124. 362 THE EFFORTS OF DEAN BERKELEY. [CH. to make an experiment of their principles, either in rehgion or in government 19.' In the midst of this confused medley, some few faithful Missionaries of the Society for the Propaga- tion of the Gospel, Honyman, Macsparran, Guy, and Pigot, had already been for some time labouring, and not only at Newport, and other places in Rhode Island, but in several towns upon the adjacent conti- nent, had proved that their labours were not in vain. Berkeley did not intrude officiously into any of the fields of Christian service in which these men were engaged ; but, being welcomed by them as their friend and guide, obeyed readily every invitation of theirs, and rejoiced to strengthen their hands and to bear their burdens. Several manuscript Sermons preached by him, upon these occasions, most of them at New- port, and one in Naragansett county, still remain20. The earliest bears date January 26, 1728-9 ; the latest, first Sunday in August, 1730. They are written in brief notes on one sheet of paper, and exhibit, even in this skeleton form, a faithful enforcement of the Word of God, clear and strong reasoning, and felicitous illustration. His preaching attracted large congrega- tions to Trinity Church. ' All sects,' it is said, ' rushed to hear him ; even the Quakers, with their broad-brimmed hats, came and stood in the aisles21. 19 Bowdler's edition of Anniversary Sermons for S. P. G. p. 60. 20 See p. 85, note, ante. The publication of these MSS. would greatly enrich any future edition of Berkeley's Works. 21 Memoirs of the Rhode Island Bar, in Updike's History, &c. 120. After Berkeley's return to England, he presented an excellent organ to Trinity Church, which still remains there, surmounted by a crown in the centre, and supported by two mitres, one on each side. Updike, ut sup. 396, 397. XXVIII.] a. d. 1724—1752. 363 The arrival of such a man in that coun- His friend_ try could not fail to awaken the liveliest fjp w'*h J Johnson 01 interest and thankfulness in the hearts of Stratford, Connecticut. all who, like himself, were animated by the fire of a holy zeal. And by none were these feelings more truly or largely shared than by John- son, who, as we shall find in the next chapter had been received, a few years before, from the ranks of the Nonconformists into those of the Church of Eng- land, and appointed the Society's Missionary at Strat- ford in Connecticut. Eager to enjoy the privilege of Berkeley's co-operation and counsel, Johnson waited upon him soon after his arrival, and was received with all that hearty and graceful kindness which ever dis- tinguished him. Erom that interview, may be dated the commencement of a friendship which, to the end of Johnson's life, was a source of purest happiness to him. The character of his mind and his course of study resembled, in many respects, those of Berkeley ; and, from this cause, it was natural that their conver- sations in Rhode Island, and their correspondence afterwards, should frequently turn upon a subject which had already engrossed so much of Berkeley's attention, namely, the efforts by which the so-called Freethinkers of that day sought to assail Christianity. Berkeley was led thereby to continue the investiga- tion of arguments which had been urged from that quarter, and with which he had long been familiar; and his freedom from many of the distractions to which his duties in Ireland or in England had ex- posed him, enabled him to prosecute the enquiry with success. His discussions with Johnson ,__ ... • The Mi- served to keep his thoughts more closely in nute Phiio- the same channel ; and at length the way 364 THE EFFORTS OF DEAN BERKELEY. [CH. was opened for him to give expression to them in his immortal work of ' Alciphron, or the Minute Philoso- pher.' This work was for the most part written, if not completed, by Berkeley, in Rhode Island 22 ; and we may even now trace, in the beautiful picture which graces its introduction, a description of his own feel- ings at that time, and the manner in which he nobly strove to overcome the vexations and difficulties that encumbered him. The scenery of the picture, indeed, is purely English ; and the structure of the dialogues that follow required that it should be so. But, as we gaze upon it, the slightest effort of the imagination may carry us back to the shores of Newport 23, and to the time when Berkeley was there seeking, in the pro- secution of his great argument, a relief from the sick- ening cares and disappointments by which he was beset. The beginning of it is as follows : ' I flattered myself, Theages, that before this time, I might have been able to have sent you an agreeable account of the success of the affair which brought me into this remote corner of the country. But instead of this, I should now give you the detail of its mis- carriage, if I did not rather choose to entertain you with some amusing incidents which have helped to make me easy under a cir- cumstance I could neither obviate nor foresee. Events are not in our power; but it always is, to make a good use even of the very worst. And I must needs own, the course and event of this affair gave opportunity for reflections that make me some amends for a 22 Chandler's Life of Johnson, p. 57- 23 Berkeley's house was built in a valley, a little to the south of which was a natural alcove formed among the (so called) hanging rocks, which became his favourite place of study, and in which he had his chair and writing apparatus placed (Updike's History, &c. 396). The chair, in which Berkeley is supposed to have written his ' Minute Philosopher,' is still preserved as a precious relic in the family of Dr. Coit, to whom it has descended ; and an en- graving of it is given at p. 306 of Updike's History. XXYIII.] a.d. 1724-1752. 365 great loss of time, pains, and expense. A life of action, which takes its issue from the counsels, passions, and views of other men, if it doth not draw a man to imitate, will at least teach him to observe. And a mind at liberty to reflect on its own observations, if it pro- duce nothing useful to the world, seldom fails of entertainment to itself. For several months past, I have enjoyed such liberty and leisure in this distant retreat, far beyond the verge of that great whirlpool of business, faction, and pleasure, which is called the world. And a retreat in itself agreeable, after a long scene of trouble and disquiet, was made much more so by the conversation and good qualities of my host, Euphranor, who unites in his own person the philosopher and the farmer, two characters not so in- consistent in nature as by custom they seem to be 2V "Whilst Berkeley was illustrating in his Failure of own person the truth of the sentiments Berkeley's . . hopes. which he thus expressed, and striving ' to make a good use even of the very worst events ' which could befal him ; whilst he was thankfully profiting by his temporary removal from ' the verge of that great whirlpool of business, faction, and pleasure, which is called the world,' and seeking to gather for himself and others materials of thought, which might 1 make some amends for the great loss of time, pains, and ex- pense ' which he had incurred ; whilst he was proving, by his cheerful preparation of stores for his future College, and by his diligent prosecution of severer studies, that he could indeed ' unite in his own person the philosopher and the farmer,' and show thereby that the ' two characters ' were ; not so inconsistent in nature as by custom they seem to be ;' — the tidings at length reached him of the final overthrow of the scheme which he had cherished so long and ardently. Bishop Gibson, after having received many excuses, entreated that he might have an interview with Sir 21 Berkeley's Works, i. 321, &c. 366 THE EFFORTS OF DEAN BERKELEY. [CH. Robert Walpole, and obtain, for Berkeley's sake, a de- finite answer to his application, whether the promised grant were to be paid or not. The interview was acceded to, and Walpole gave this answer : ' If you put this question to me as a minister, I must, and can assure you, that the money shall most undoubtedly be paid as soon as suits with public convenience; but if you ask me as a friend, whether Dean Berkeley should continue in America, expecting the payment of £20,000, I advise him by all means to return home to Europe, and to give up his present expectations.' Compelled -^is answer was of course conclusive, EngUm? t0 anc^ Berkeley was compelled to return to England. To have remained any longer in Rhode Island would have been to linger in a field of duty in which other labourers were already at work ; and to have ventured across to the Bermudas, without further help, would have been fruitless. Reflections Heavy, indeed, was the disappointment to theieon. gn(^ ajj ^ p}ans £hus frustrated, and so many of the most precious years of his life wasted upon a vain project. But, heavier far the disgrace in- flicted upon the government and nation of England, which could allow such a man to return home in such a manner. Regarding the transaction only as one which betrays a reckless disregard of distinct and solemn promises, it is one of which every honest Eng- lishman must feel ashamed. But when we consider what " a great door and effectual " was actually " opened unto " our Church and nation, in the enter- prise to which Berkeley here led the way, and find that it was thus, at the last, and apparently for ever, closed, it is impossible to describe adequately the wickedness of that worldly policy which brought about the result. And, if sin be ever found to bring with it XXVIII.] a.d. 1724—1752. 367 its own punishment, may we not, without presump- tion, believe that the evils which ensued, in the same century, from the neglect of the spiritual interests of our Colonies, — evils, which not all our exertions, in the present day, have been able to efface, — were a direct chastisement upon this kingdom, for having so cruelly blasted the noblest effort of one of the noblest of her sons ? Mackintosh, speaking after the event, seems to have regarded the undertaking to which it had put an end, with feelings not dissimilar to those with which Swift had contemplated it, whilst it was yet future. Both, indeed, are constrained to describe it as ' noble and generous, and heroic' But the one, we have seen, would fain have used his own influence, and that of the nobleman to whom he wrote, to have kept Berkeley from venturing upon it at all. And the other dwells only upon the temporal advantages to Berkeley, which followed his compulsory return. He tells us, that, ' disappointed in his ambition of keeping a school for savage children, at the salary of one hundred pounds by the year, he was received, on his return, with open arms,' by the good and great of England ; that ' the philosophical Queen ' Caroline welcomed him to her presence ; that, in the metaphysical discus- sions which were carried on in her Court, he was the distinguished coadjutor of Sherlock and Smalridge against Clarke and Hoadley ; and that, by virtue of the influence thus lawfully acquired, among those who then stood in high places, — aided as it was by the publication of his celebrated 'Alciphron,' and by his blameless and holy life, — he was soon afterwards, in 1734, consecrated Bishop of Cloyne 25. 25 Mackintosh's Dissertation, ut sup. 368 THE EFFORTS OF DEAN BERKELEY. [CH. That Berkeley, wheresoever he was placed, won golden opinions ; and that, as a Bishop of the Church of Ireland, he continued to exhibit the same faithful and pure and kindly spirit, which had animated and controuled him throughout each stage of earlier life, is most true. But this does not, and cannot, remove the sorrow which must arise, as we contemplate the overthrow of hopes cherished with such an holy zeal, and to the realisation of which a man so pre-eminently gifted had sought to devote all that he had, or hoped for, in this world. Application monies, arising from the sale of of the grant the lands in St. Kitt's, thus unjustly re- once pro- t . raised to leased from the obligation which rested upon a part of them, were soon appro- priated to other purposes. The whole amount was £90,000, of which £80,000 were set apart as the dower of the Princess Boyal on her marriage with the Prince of Orange26. The remainder was after- wards applied, at the instance of General Oglethorpe, to the establishment of his new Colony of Georgia. The latter sum was granted probably with the greater readiness by Parliament to that object, because it may have been deemed of a nature somewhat akin to that to which double that amount, from the same source, had formerly been voted in favour of Berkeley. Ogle- thorpe, indeed, felt so strongly the justice of regard- ing Berkeley's prior claim, that he abstained from moving for any other application of the balance of the monies, until he had first ascertained from Berkeley that there was no intention on his part of renewing his project. This delicate forbearance of Oglethorpe, 20 House of Commons' Journal, May 17, 1733. xxyiii.] a.d. 1724—1752. 369 in a matter which then occupied every hour of his waking thoughts, should here be noted, as a mark of that upright and generous spirit of which we shall have to observe many more evidences, when we come to speak more particularly of him and of his under- taking. Berkeley retired from Ehode Island His dona with an affectionate and grateful rem em- t ions t0 Yale 0 College. brance of those with whom he had there been connected. He distributed, among the Clergy of the province, the valuable books which he had taken out with him. And Johnson, at the same time, preferred to him a request which, not long afterwards, was granted to an extent far beyond his expectations. Remembering how largely he and his brethren had been indebted to the works of some of the best writers of the Church of England, — which, as we shall learn from the next chapter, had unexpectedly found their way among the Congregationalists of Connecti- cut,— he entreated Berkeley to extend the like benefit to other generations by giving like contributions to the library of Tale College. Berkeley had already formed a favourable opinion of the College from his acquaintance with some of its chief managers, and was therefore the more disposed to enter into John- son's views. Upon his return to England, he sent over, with the assistance of his friends, as a present to Tale College, nearly a thousand volumes, of which the value was computed at little less than £500 — ' the finest collection of books, it is said, that ever came, at one time, to America.' He also made over, by a deed of conveyance, to the same institution, for the encou- ragement of classical learning, the farm of 96 acres which he had purchased, and upon which he had lived, VOL. III. B b 370 THE EFFOETS OF DEAN BEEKELET. [CH. in Bhode Island, and which is known to this day by the name of ' The Dean's Farm 2V It is said by Johnson's biographer that some of the Trustees of Tale College were at first perplexed by the gift, and almost afraid to accept it. Knowing to their cost the effects which had already been produced among a por- tion of their scholars by an acquaintance with some of the best guides in the English Church, they hesitated to admit more. They could hardly believe that Berkeley was not meditating some evil against them, under the semblance of this kindness. But good sense and just confidence prevailed. His generous donations were gratefully accepted. And that friendly intercourse between Berkeley and the authorities of the College, — begun duriug his residence in Khode Island, and now strengthened, — was maintained to the latest period of his life. A letter to the Presi- dent of Yale College, from Berkeley, July 25, 1751, a year and a half before his death, is still on record, in which he states the ' pleasure, and ample recompence, for all ' his ' donations,' which he received from the reports made to him 28. And in other The desire of Berkeley to promote the quarters. interests of his fellow-subjects in North America was not manifested in such acts only. The like spirit was evinced by the assistance which he rendered in other quarters. He had lost no time, 27 Clapp's Hist, of Yale College, 37, 38 ; Chandler's Life of Johnson, 58, 59; Jarvis, quoted by Hawkins, 174, note. 28 A picture of Berkeley and his family is now in a room ad- joining the celebrated Trumbull Gallery in Yale College. It was painted by Smilert, the artist who went out with him, and after- wards settled at Boston, and became the master of Copley, father of the present Lord Lyndhurst. Buckingham's America, i. 402. xxvm.] a.d. 1724—1752. 371 upon his return to England, in giving back to his friends the several sums which they had subscribed to his Bermuda scheme ; and, finding, after an interval of fifteen or sixteen years, that a sum of £200 still remained unclaimed, and that no means were left open to him of ascertaining to whom it belonged, he proposed to make over the whole of such balance to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. His letter (endorsed 1747) to the Secretary will best explain his views on the subject. ' Rev. Sir, — Two hundred pounds of the money contributed to- wards the college intended at Bermuda I have left many years lodged in the bank of Messrs. Hoare and Arnold, in Fleet Street, designing to return it (as I had already done by other sums) to the donors when known. But, as these continue still unknown, and there is no likelihood of my ever knowing them, I think the pro- perest use that can be made of that sum is, to place it in the hands of your Society for Propagating the Gospel, to be employed by them in the furtherance of their good work, in such manner as to them shall seem most useful. If the Society tbinks fit, I believe fifty pounds of it might be usefully employed in purchasing the most approved writings of the divines of the Church of England, to which I would have added the Earl of Clarendon's History of the Civil Wars, and the whole sent as a benefaction to Harvard College, at Cambridge, near Boston, New England, as a proper means to inform their judgment, and dispose them to think better of the Church. ' I am, Rev. Sir, 1 Your faithful, humble servant, « G. Cloyne/ The postscript of a second letter upon the same subject is also extant, in which Berkeley sets down, according to a request made to him to that effect, a list of the books which he thought most likely to be useful : ' Hooker, Chillingworth, the Sermons of Jarrow, Tillotson, Sharp, Bb2 372 THE EFFOBTS OF DEAN BEEKELET. [CH. and Clarke, Scott's Christian Life, Pearson on the Creed, Burnet on the Thirty-Nine Articles, Burnet's History of the Reformation, Abp. Spotswood's History of the Church of Scotland, Clarendon's History, Prideaux's Connection, Cave's Historia Literaria Ecclesiae, Hammond's Annotations, Pole's Synopsis Critic, the Patres Apos- tolici, published by Le Clerc, with the Dissertations of Pearson, &c. on the Epistles of Ignatius. These, I guess, will amount to about thirty pounds ; if approved of, the Society will be pleased to add as many more as will make up the fifty pounds, or otherwise they will be pleased to name them all29.' Some years before lie exhibited this before The latter proof of active and judicious kind- fheCPropfaga- ness, Berkeley had conferred a greater GospeHn6 favour upon the Society to whom he made PartsSn tms proposal, in the wise and persuasive reasoning of his Sermon addressed to them at the Anniversary Meeting, in 1732. It was the first occasion upon which the preacher had personally visited those distant fields of duty to which he directed the attention of others ; and this fact, supported by the extraordinary reputation of the man. himself, could not fail to stamp upon his words a deeper impress of authority. The information which it contains of the condition of our "Western Colonies at that time, is, for the most part, confined to that portion of them in which he had lived, and of which, as an eye-witness, he could distinctly speak. His description of the inhabitants of Rhode Island has His de«crip- been already cited. I will here, therefore, ofitsMte™ on^y insert; nis description of the Clergy sionanes, wjj0 ]jeen appointed to minister in that and the adjacent provinces. Speaking of the obligation laid upon the English Planters to set up * Hawkins, 1J3, 174. XXYI1T.] a.d. 1724—1752. 373 before the heathen the example of a godly life, he adds : 1 The missionaries employed by this venerable Society have done, and continue to do, good service in bringing those Planters to a serious sense of religion, which it is hoped will in time extend to others. I speak it knowingly, that the ministers of the Gospel in those provinces which go by the name of New England, sent and supported at the expense of this Society, have, by their sobriety of manners, discreet behaviour, and a competent degree of useful knowledge, shown themselves worthy the choice of those who sent them, and particularly in living on a more friendly footing with their brethren of the separation ; who, on their part, are also very much come off from that narrowness of spirit which formerly kept them at such an unamicable distance from us. And as there is reason to apprehend that part of America could not have been thus distinguished, and provided with such a number of proper persons, if one half of them had not been supplied out of the dissenting seminaries of the country, — who, in proportion as they attain to more liberal improvements of learning, are observed to quit their prejudice towards an Episcopal Church ; so I verily think it might increase the number of such useful men, if provision were made to defray their charges in coming hither to receive holy orders ; pass- ing and repassing the ocean, and tarrying the necessary time in London, requiring an expense that many are not able to bear. It would also be an encouragement to the missionaries in general, and probably produce good effects, if the allowance of certain mission- aries were augmented in proportion to the service they had done, and the time they had spent in their mission. These hints I ven- ture to suggest, as not unuseful in an age wherein all humane en- couragements are found more necessary than at the first propaga- tion of the Gospel.' The above passage is worthy of notice, not merely as recording the testimony of the most competent of witnesses to the high character of the Society's Missionaries in that day and country ; but also as showing the feeling which Berkeley entertained to- wards our ' brethren of the separation,' and the duty which he believed was incumbent upon our Churcb 374 THE EFFOETS OF DEAN BEEKELET. [CH. to observe respecting them. He knew, as well as any man, the causes which had divided the brethren, and made New England the chief habitation of Separatists. The name of ' brethren,' which he gave to them, was a proof that, in his judgment, the offices of brotherly kindness was still their due; and, that only by the simple and faithful discharge of these, could the remembrance of former animosities be obli- terated, and the work of reconciliation made complete. It was a subject, therefore, of real joy to him, to find a way gradually opening to that end. And the se- Berkeley, whilst he gratefully acknow- SnST ledges this change of feeling, could not England. withhold from the Separatists of New England the praise that was their due. He freely ad- mits the benefits of the Schools and Colleges which amid all their difficulties, had been established at an early period among them. And, knowing from the examples of the many distinguished men, of whom the following chapter will speak more fully, that the pre judices, which some of the ablest Alumni of thes Institutions had inherited against the Church of Eng land, had been done away by a more extended know ledge of the real facts of the case, he argued that i was the duty, and would be for the advantage, of tha Church, to open the door more widely to the admissio of such men, and extend to them that aid which justice not less than generous sympathy, required at her hands The sense of this obligation in Berkeley's mind wa no slight and transient thought, but a deep and abidin conviction. It prompted him, at the time that he gave utterance to such sentiments from the pulpit, to secure to Yale College the large donations of books and lands which have been already mentioned. And, 15 years XXVI IT.] a.d. 1724—1752. 375 afterwards, it was again seen animating him, in the suggestion which he urged upon the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, and with which they com- plied, that a like benefaction of books (although on a smaller scale) should be sent to the elder Institution of Harvard College, and for a like purpose, — namely, 1 as a proper means to inform their judgment, and dis- pose them to think better of our Church 3V The interest which Berkeley thus manifested in the Schools and Colleges of New England, ceased not but with his death. This plainly appears from his cor- respondence, already referred to, with the authorities of Yale College, and from his advice to Johnson and others, when another College was about to be esta- blished at New York, of which Johnson was chosen President in 1754. Throughout the whole of the pre- liminary proceedings, Berkeley was consulted, and pro- moted the scheme with all the ardour of his earlier years. In one of his letters upon this subject, dated Cloyne, Aug. 23, 1749, a passage occurs which shows how highly he still thought of the spirit that was then at work in New England. 1 Let them by all means supply themselves out of the seminaries in New England. For I am very apprehensive none can be got in Old England (who are willing to go) worth sending31.' It would not be right to leave this notice His compas- of Berkeley's Anniversary Sermon, without i^lZ Lnd remarking the terms in which he therein Negroes, expresses his compassion for the Indians and Negroes of Ehode Island. The Indians of that Colony, who had formerly been computed to have been many thou- 30 For the early history of Harvard College, see Vol. ii. 181. 31 Chandler's Life of Johnson, Appendix, 161. 370 THE EFFORTS OF DEAN BERKELEY. [CH. sands, were then reduced to one thousand. And this reduction Berkeley ascribes not only to war and sick- ness, but, more than all, to the indulgence of strong drink, which they had first learnt from their English masters, and which, being communicated through them to other Indian tribes, was spreading havoc far and wide. 1 The Negroes,' he proceeds, ' in the government of Rhode Island, are about half as many more than the Indians, and both together scarcely amount to a seventh part of the whole Colony. The re- ligion of these people, as is natural to suppose, takes after their masters. Some few are baptized ; several frecpuent the different assemblies, and far the greater part none at all. An ancient apathy to the Indians, whom it seems our first planters (therein, as in certain other particulars, affecting to imitate Jews rather than Christians) imagined they had a right to tread on the foot of Canaanites or Amalekites 32, — together with an irrational contempt of the blacks, as creatures of another species, who had no right to be instructed or admitted to the sacraments, — have proved a main obstacle to the conversion of these poor people. To this may be added an erroneous notion that the being baptized is inconsistent with a state of slavery. To undeceive them in this particular, which had too much weight, it seemed a proper step, if the opinion of His Majesty's Attorney and Solicitor General could be procured. This opinion they charitably sent over, signed with their own hands, which was accordingly printed in Rhode Island, and dispersed throughout the plantations. I heartily wish it may produce the intended effect.' One more notice of Berkeley's Sermon, and I have done. It is that part of it which acknowledges the care bestowed by the French and Spanish Eoman Catholics upon the Indians and Negroes in their Colo- nies, and the reproach which that fact cast upon 32 That Berkeley did not herein misrepresent the opinions of the first Puritan settlers in the neighbourhood of Rhode Island, see the pleas urged by them, Vol. ii. 177- XXVIII.] a.d. 1721—1752. 377 others who professed a purer faith. He follows up that acknowledgment by the following significant sen- tence : 4 They have also Bishops, and seminaries for their Clergy ; and it is not found that their Colonies are worse subjects, or depend less on their mother-country on that account.' I call attention to this sentence, because His remark it condemns an opinion which had arisen ontheim- r portance of out of the ignorance and selfishness of colonial many of our countrymen in that day, and which our secular politicians were too willing to en- courage, that to appoint Bishops over our Colonial Churches would be to make them, and the Colonies in which they were settled, independent of the salutary controul of the Mother-country. That this was a miserable and short-sighted and cruel policy, which provoked and hastened the very evils which it pro- fessed itself anxious to avoid, was proved too truly by the event. When Berkeley, therefore, pointed out its fallacy, he did but anticipate the truth which has since been so signally confirmed, that, wheresoever the ties which bind a Colony to its parent country have been broken, it is not because the rights of the Colony have been fully and freely granted, but because they have been jealously and obstinately withheld. Upon the sequel of Berkeley's career, consecrated it were superfluous to dwell in this place. Bishop of I would only remark, that, amid the duties of his Diocese, which he administered with equal fidelity and success, he still cherished the liveliest interest for those his countrymen in the West, among whom he was once so anxious to have cast in his lot. He could find time to write to them, and advise them, even whilst he continued to pursue, with undiminished 378 THE EFFORTS OF DEAN BERKELEY. [CH. ardour, his own varied studies. Whether he were en- gaged in exposing the errors of his old antagonists, the Free-thinkers, or seeking to mitigate the evils which then, as now, distracted unhappy Ireland, or soothing the passions of disaffected men, whilst the arms of the Pretender threatened the peace of England, or minis- tering to the relief of bodily ailment and distress amongst the poor around him, — in the prosecution of which service he was led so wonderfully onward from the observation of things visible and temporal to that of things unseen and eternal33, — he could still turn back, in heart and affection, to the friends with whom he had conversed upon the shores of Newport, and help forward the counsels in which they were engaged for the welfare of the American people. The death of such a man was an event His death. , . , which created deepest sorrow on either side of the Atlantic. Towards the end of 1752, his health and strength had begun to fail, and he had expressed an anxiety to be relieved, if it were possible, from the duties of his See. He withdrew, for a time, with his family to Oxford, that he might be near his son, who was then a student of Christ Church. On the evening of a Sunday in the following January, whilst he was reclining on a couch, and his wife was reading to him a Sermon of Sherlock, the spirit of Berkeley passed 33 It is hardly necessary to remind the reader that I here refer to Berkeley's ' Siris ; or, Chain of Philosophical Reflections and In- quiries concerning the Virtues of Tar Water.' At the end of a long letter to one of his friends in America on the projected College at New York, he thus refers to the distractions which that work cost him. ' My correspondence with patients that drink tar water obliges me to be less punctual in corresponding with my friends. But shall always be glad to hear from you.' Chandler's Life of Johnson, Appendix, 162. XXVIII.] a. d. 1724—1752. 379 away from its earthly tabernacle, without a struggle and without a groan 3i. His body rests in the Cathe- dral of Christ Church ; and the visitor may yet read, upon the tablet which marks his grave, lines which the hand of Markham 35 once traced, and the truth of which will find an echo in every faithful heart : Si Christianus fueris, Si amans Patriae, Utroque nomine gaudere potes, Berkleium vixisse. 34 In the Biographia Britannica it is said that he had just been expounding to his family 1 Cor. xv. 35 Afterwards Archbishop of York. CHAPTEK XXIX. THE REVIVAL OF REVERENCE AND AFFECTION IN MANY OF THE PEOPLE OF NEW ENGLAND TOWARDS THE CHURCH WHICH THEIR FATHERS HAD FOR- SAKEN. A.D. 1714—1776. Hostility of "We have now reached that stage in the England history of the 18th century, at which it the church becomes necessary to trace the causes and of England. consequences of an important change of feeling, which arose simultaneously in the minds of many distinguished ministers of New England towards the Church from which they and their fathers had been long separated. The fierce and obstinate struggles which led to this separation, we have seen, were coeval with the settlement of our first Colonies in the West. In many instances, indeed, the one was the avowed and proximate cause of the other. And with such bitter hatred did they who fled from persecution in the land of their birth become persecutors in the land of their adoption, that even to name the Book of Common Prayer, or to observe it with reverence, was deemed an offence only to be expiated by the instant banishment of those guilty of it. The same relentless a.d. 1714— 177G. 381 spirit of hostility continued to animate the successors of the first settlers in Massachusetts, as they spread througli the adjacent provinces. Although born and nurtured in the Church of England, they had been taught to look upon her as the Nazareth out of which it was impossible that any good thing could come; and, denouncing all participation in her ordinances, and all knowledge of the writings of her faithful, sons, they dried up some of the most precious chan- I nels through which wisdom and truth had been so long I permitted to flow forth for the refreshment of a weary world. They had always shown, indeed, their ACo]]ege readiness to provide for the education of inConnecti- their youth. The institution of Harvard College, and the enactment of laws providing for the establishment of Grammar Schools in every township which numbered within it an hundred families, testified to the zeal and energy with which the people of Mas- sachusetts had applied themselves to this work before the first half of the 17th century had passed away. And, before that century expired, the like spirit arose in Connecticut. Some of the most active Congrega- tionalist ministers in the province met together to concert a scheme for the erection of a College, which was to be called ' the School of the Church,' and in which the students were to be instructed ' for publick employments in Church and Civil State,' according to ' a Confession of Faith to be consented to by the Resident Inspectors and Tutors.' After long and fre- quent consultation, a petition followed to the repre- sentatives of the King's government in the Colony for a Charter, which should secure to the intended College the powers required for its effective administration. 382 CHURCH REVIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. The Charter was granted, and the Trustees held their Established first meeting Nov- U, 1701. Saybrook, first^at Say- at the mouth of the Connecticut river, was chosen for the site of the future College ; Abraham Pierson its first Rector ; and the first ' Com- mencement' was held Sept. 13, 1702. A Confession of Faith, the same in substance, and nearly the same in words, with the Westminster and Savoy Confessions, was drawn up and agreed to ' by the united ministry, formerly called Presbyterian and Congregational' in the Colony, and assembled in a general Synod. A plan also of ecclesiastical government, and articles and rules for the administration of Church discipline, were at the same time drawn up. Afterwards ^e framework, therefore, of the Insti- at New- tution was speedily formed ; but several haven ; r ^ . . years passed away, before it received sta- bility and life. Although Saybrook had been marked out for the site, no continuous course of instruction was carried on in that place. The first Eector was allowed to reside at Hillingworth until his death, in 1707. His temporary successor, Andrew, lived at Milford ; and the students were scattered about in private houses in that and other places, as well as at Saybrook. Irregularities and dissatisfaction ensued, and, in 1716, it was resolved, not without much oppo- sition, to remove the College to Newhaven, wThere it has ever since existed. And called Several benefactions of books and money Xge6from its already been presented to the College, chief bene- even in its wandering and imperfect state; the most valuable of which was a library of eight hundred volumes, sent, in 1714, through the hands of Jeremiah Dummer, of Boston, then an agent in XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 383 London, to which some of the most distinguished men in literature and science in England had contributed. But, after the College was fixed at JNewhaven, its bene- factors rapidly increased; of whom the most distin- guished was Elihu Tale, whose father, descended from an ancient family in Wales, had accompanied some of the first settlers to Newhaven, in 1638. Elihu, born a few years afterwards, had been sent as a boy to Eng- land, and thence proceeded to India, where he amassed a large fortune, and rose to the position of Governor of Madras \ His wife, the widow of a former Go- vernor, had borne him three daughters, one of whom was afterwards married to Dudley, Lord Xorth, and another to Lord James Cavendish. The third died unmarried. Upon his return to England, where he occupied a prominent post in the administration of the East India Company, he entered into correspondence with his relatives in Connecticut, with a view of making one of them his heir; and was thereby led to take an interest in the affairs of the Colony. He soon surpassed all others in the number and greatness of his benefactions to the new College ; and, in commemora- tion of these valuable services, the Trustees resolved to call the College after his name. A record to this effect was accordingly drawn up and passed, amid much pomp and ceremony, at the ' Commencement,' held Sept. 12, 1718. A new and favourable career now appeared to be fairly opened ; and, although the peace of the College was, for a brief season, disturbed by some unseemly disputes of students and tutors, at the different places 1 The name of Yale appears among those of the contributors to the building of the first Church in Madras. See Vol. ii. Ap- pendix, 582. 384 CHURCH EEYIYAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. in Connecticut, in which, during the absence of a re- sident Rector, the work of instruction had been at- tempted to be carried on, yet one chief cause of these difficulties was now removed by the appointment of Timothy Cutler to the office of Rector. He had been for ten years a Congregationalist minister of high re- pute at Stratford ; and, having entered upon his new duties with the hearty approval of the Trustees, the strongest hope of a successful issue to his labours was cherished in every quarter 2. Defective But the jealous and narrow-minded spirit, Education which had intruded itself into the first con- legls^f New stitution of the College, could not carry on England. fts work with impunity. The men who were so eager to establish a ' School for the Church,* of which they declared themselves to be the ' united ministers,' had, through their blind hatred of the Church of England, shut out from their institution at its commencement many of the choicest instruments of Christian training. The immortal works of Hooker, Bacon, Cbillingworth, Hall, Usher, Jackson, Taylor, Sanderson, had been, up to this time, carefully con- cealed from the students of the Colleges in New Eng- land ; and tbe only nourishment of the soul and intel- lect offered in their stead proved in its quality as meagre as it was limited in extent. Their teachers deemed it a sufficient training for men who were hereafter to be as scribes "instructed in things new and old," that they should be able to translate some few Orations of Cicero, and books of the iEneid, a portion of the Greek Testament, and a few chapters of the Hebrew Psalter. A very slight acquaintance with arithmetic and survey- 2 Clapp's Hist, of Yale College, 1—31. XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 385 ing was the sum total of mathematical knowledge re- quired of them. Their study of logic led to no further results than an acquaintance with some of the dry forms of scholastic disputation. And, as for those distinctive systems of religious faith and discipline, for which their fathers had been content to do and to suffer so much, the only aid supplied towards their explanation and defence, was the weekly repetition by heart of the Assembly's Catechism in Latin, and Ames's Theological Theses. To these were added, in due time, Ames's Medulla and Cases of Conscience, and Wollebius ; and then, the education of the future minister being judged complete, he was sent forth as the standard-bearer of Independent Orthodoxy throughout the land. So rigid was the rule which bound teacher and pupil to these subjects of study, and to these only, that it was ex- pressly declared by the Trustees of the College at Say brook, at their first meeting, 1 That the Rector should neither by himself, nor by any other person whomsoever, allow the students to be instructed and grounded in any other system or synopsis of Divinity than such as they do order and appoint V Then follows an enumeration of the few Evil resuits books I have named above ; and within this thereof- miserable prison-house of the soul did the ministers of Connecticut believe that fit instruments could be pre- pared for their high and arduous work. The bare thought was mockery. It was impossible that truth, thus systematically outraged, should not arise and vin- dicate itself from its oppressors. The day soon came. The men in whom the governors of Tale College re- posed their fullest confidence, and to whom they looked 3 lb. 10. VOL. III. cc 386 CHTJECH BEYIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. forward as brethren of highest promise, were the first to break loose from the trammels by which it was at- tempted to hold them fast. Light broke in upon the darkened chamber of their toil ; and they sprang forth eagerly to welcome it. They beheld 'a rich store- house ' opened in their path ' for the glory of the Creator, and the relief of man's estate 4 ;' and drew near, instautly and thankfully, that they might receive and dispense its treasures. The books which the Trustees had been content to admit within the College as the nucleus of its future library, were a part of these treasures ; books, written by members of that Church of England, which the Puritan Separatist had been accustomed to view with unmitigated scorn ; and, by the examination of which, he had now, for the first time, an opportunity of judging truly what manner of spirit she was of. The examination was diligently and anxiously made : not, indeed, with any desire or thought of finding the Church of England guiltless of the charges imputed to her ; for of the truth of these the mass of the people of Connecticut entertained no question. They had been taught to receive them as axioms from earliest childhood, and no doubt upon the matter had been suffered for a moment to cross their path in suc- ceeding years. But, with the access of light, came the manifestation of new forms of truth, and the exposure of many a false ground of confidence ; and the change hereby wrought in the minds of some of the foremost men in the province soon made itself felt, illustrated The process of the change may be oflamue? traced with remarkable clearness in the Johnson. history of Samuel Johnson, who has been 4 Bacon's Advancement of Learning. Works, ii. 51. XXIX.] a.d. 1714— 177G. 387 : so frequently mentioned in the last chapter as the friend of Berkeley. He had been one of the earliest I students of the College at Say brook, and was admitted there to the degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1714, being then 18 years old. He became immediately afterwards ' a tutor ; and, upon the settlement of the College at Newhaven, was entrusted with the superintendence of 1 it, in conjunction with his friend and fellow-student Brown. He had purchased from curiosity, whilst yet very young, a copy of Bacon's Advancement of Learn- i ing, — probably the only copy then in the country, — and, having read it with eager attention, had felt him- self, to use his own words, like a person ' suddenly emerging out of the glimmer of twilight into the full sunshine of open day.' The further donations of books, which had been forwarded to the College from England, and which contained, in addition to some of the best works in classical literature and science, the writings of Barrow, Patrick, South, Tillotson, Sharp, John Scott, Whitby, and Sherlock, opened to Johnson fresh sources of information, of which he diligently availed himself. Some of the ministers and students from neighbouring towns rejoiced to profit by the same help ; and, meeting frequently at the new library, main- tained with him and each other an intimate and friendly interchange of thought and feeling upon the most im- portant subjects which can occupy the human mind. Among these men were Brown and "Wetmore, Johnson's class-fellows at College, and Cutler, the minister at Stratford. The immediate result of their proceedings was the introduction by Johnson of the study of some of Locke's writings and Newton's Principia, among the classes confided to his charge. His biographer, indeed, remarks, that such an innovation would pro- c c 2 388 CHURCH REVIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. bably not have been allowed, had not the disputes, at that time existing in the College upon other mat- ters, turned away the attention of the authorities from it 5. The steps In 1720, a year after the appointment Mn^IVcom- of Cutler to the Rectorship, Johnson gave £enchur!hh up his appointment at Tale College for the of England. more congenial work of the ministry, to which he had always looked forward, and the duties of which he commenced at "West Haven, a village four miles distant from the College. The proximity of West Haven to his favourite library, and to his valued friends Brown and Cutler, gave to the place its chief attraction ; and Johnson entered upon his new duties with all his accustomed energy. But the acceptable mode of performing those duties, and the nature of the authority and discipline under which they were to be conducted, were subjects upon which he entertained grave doubts. The practice of praying and preaching extempore (as it is called), he had long observed to be attended with many evils. It embarrassed the timid ; awakened conceit on the part of those who were of ready speech; and tempted even the most gifted minister to fall into inaccuracies and improprieties, both of matter and of manner, which ill became the sacredness and dignity of public worship. He believed also that it excited, on the part of the congregation, feelings of curiosity, and a love of captious criticism, which were at variance with the spirit of true devo- tion. The operation of these evils he had witnessed, again and again, in the only assemblies for private or public prayer at which he had ever been present in 5 Chandler's Life of Johnson, 4 — 15. XXIX.] a,d. 1714-1776. 389 Connecticut. Whilst a sense of their magnitude was becoming deeply impressed upon his mind, he read, in 1715, the arguments of Archbishop King, in his dis- course ' Of the Inventions of Men in the Worship of God,' which appeared to him to demonstrate most powerfully the infinite superiority of sound forms of prayer over extemporaneous utterances. The year following, he met, for the first time, with the Prayer Book of the Church of England ; and, seeing therein how perfectly the wants of all classes of her people were expressed in petitions which, for the most part, echoed the words, and, at all times, breathed the spirit, of Holy Scripture ; how faithfully the praises of saints and martyrs and confessors of old time were renewed in her hymns of thanksgiving ; and with what patient, untiring watchfulness, she waited upon the Christian pilgrim, from the font of Holy Baptism to his grave, and renewed, through every changing scene of life, the needful words of warning or of comfort ; — it is no marvel that he should gradually have found feelings of reverence and admiration for the Church of England take strong possession of his mind. But to recognise the Church of England as 1 a wit- ness and keeper of Holy Writ,' and therein a faithful teacher of righteousness unto the people, was not the only conclusion to which Johnson was now brought. A comparison of her government by Bishops, with that by which the discipline of the Congregationalists was maintained, convinced him that it was not only to be preferred to theirs, on account of the superior ad- i vantages which it conferred upon the governed ; but that it was in conformity with the Apostolic model, and therefore to be received. Long and anxiously did 390 CHTJBCH REVIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. Johnson meditate upon these things, and many an earnest conference did he hold with his friends of Yale College, before he or they ventured to assert a judg- ment respecting them. ]STot a single path was left untrodden, which seemed likely to lead to fresh sources of knowledge ; and not a single source was left unex- plored. The best writers on either side of the contro- versy were carefully consulted, and their arguments deliberately discussed and weighed. As far as temporal ease and prospects were concerned, it would have been a welcome result to these enquirers, had they found the principles of Congregationalist government to agree, in their judgment, with those of the primitive Church of Christ. Such a conclusion would have retained them in the peaceful discharge of their accustomed duties, and have preserved unbroken the cords of love which bound them to their kindred and friends and country. But the enjoyment of present ease would cease to be a blessing, if purchased at the cost of truth ; and, come therefore what might, the dictates of truth were to be obeyed. This obedience, Johnson and his friends were pre- pared to render. They made no secret of their opi- nions, after they were fully formed ; still less did they attempt to reconcile the maintenance of them with the offices to which they had been appointed in Connecticut. Eumours of their altered feelings soon spread. An interview, held at Johnson's request, in the summer of 1722, with Pigott, the Society's Mis- sionary at Stratford, showed plainly the quarter to- wards which their thoughts and affections were tend- ing. The whole province was disturbed and alarmed. The Trustees assembled ; and, as soon as the annual > xxix.] a.d. 1714— 177G. 391 ' Commencement,' in the following September, was ended, they requested the Rector and six other mem- bers of the College, — among whom were Johnson, Brown, and "Wetmore,— to appear before them, and declare their opinions upon Jofanson, . . -r, , Brown, and the various matters at issue, .bach in wetmore turn obeyed the summons ; and, proceed- SangL 5? ing from the youngest to the eldest, ex- JJJ ™t\«V pressed, some of them, grave doubts of iJjJfJJJ?"" the validity of Presbyterian ordination, first embark J J 7 for England. whilst the rest explicitly avowed their be- lief that it was invalid. The Trustees, overwhelmed with astonishment and sorrow, refused to regard this declaration of their opinions as final. They requested a written report of them ; and, upon the receipt of it, sent a paper to their respective authors, entreating them to reconsider the whole question, and expressing a hope that, even yet, they might be led to a ditferent judgment. The General Assembly was to meet in a few weeks ; and, in the interval, Saltonstall, the G-overnor, out of personal regard towards Johnson and his friends, and a desire to avert the threatened rupture, proposed that they and the Trustees should, at a meeting over which he consented to preside, enter into a further and friendly discussion of the several points which had been mooted. A conference took place ; but its only result was to bring out a more distinct declaration by Cutler, Johnson, Brown, and Wetmore of their belief, that the Church of England was a true branch of the Church of Christ, and that it became their duty to enter into communion with her. The formal resignation of their respective offices in Tale College and at West Haven immediately fol- lowed ; and, on the 5th of November, the three first 392 CHTJBCH EEYIYAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [cH. embarked at Boston for England 6. On the 15th of December they landed at Ramsgate, and proceeded the same evening to Canterbury, where they found themselves obliged to wait three days until the stage- coach should start for London. Their first visit the next morning was to the Cathedral, where they joined in the celebration of divine service ; and we may more easily imagine than express the feelings of reverent thankfulness which filled their hearts at finding them- selves in that venerable sanctuary, observing the ordi- nances, and sharing the devotions of a Church which, in spite of the misrepresentations and taunts of her adversaries, they had learnt to vindicate and to honour. 6 A curious illustration of the force of prejudice is related of Johnson's congregation, when he left West Haven. He had offered, if they concurred in his views, to return among them, when he should have received ordination in the Church of England, and continue to serve on their behalf. But, notwithstanding their ac- knowledgment of the benefits of his ministry, they refused to accept his offer. Whereupon, he felt bound to tell them, that his instructions and prayers, upon which they professed to set so high an estimate, ' had all along been taken from the Church of England, and ought to be esteemed as much, after this circumstance was known, as they had been before.' (Chandler's Life of Johnson, 31.) The reader may herein be reminded of the story told of Bishop Bull, who, during the Commonwealth, whilst he was yet a young man, committed to memory the various services in our Prayer Book, and made them the channel of the public devotions of the people, in the Parish of which he was then minister. The conse- quence of which was (says his biographer) 1 that they who were most prejudiced against the Liturgy, did not scruple to commend Mr. Bull as a person that prayed by the Spirit, though at the same time they railed at the Common Prayer as a beggarly element, and as a carnal performance.' Nelson's Life of Bull, Works, i. 333 — 335. XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 393 In the course of the same afternoon Their recep- they called upon the Dean, Dr. Stanhope. ^^eaatn Not having the ordinary passport of a canterbury, letter of introduction, but trusting simply to the cause which they had in hand, they presented them- selves at the Deanery, and begged the servant to carry in word, ' that they were gentlemen from Ame- rica, come over for Holy Orders, who were desirous of paying their respects to the Dean.' The Dean him- self came immediately to the door, and bade them a hearty welcome ; adding, to their surprise, that their names and purpose in coming to England were well known to him ; that their Declaration in Connecticut, in favour of the Church of England, had already been published in the English Journals ; and that some of the Prebendaries, then his guests, were at that mo- ment engaged with him in reading it. Every feeling of hesitation, which might naturally have embarrassed men who had set foot in a strange land, was dispelled by such an assurance as this. Entering under the roof of the good Dean, they felt, in the kindness which he and his friends showed to them, that they were no more strangers, but brothers ; and, with the love and confidence of brothers, they rejoiced in the friendly offices which, from that day forward, as long as they remained in England, and after their return, never ceased to wait upon them. Upon arriving in London, they were Adlnitted received with much kindness by the int0 the 0r- -r>- i t* t i ■. . v i i-r-^ , ders of the .bishop ot London (Robinson), by Wake, church of Archbishop of Canterbury, Sir William England- Dawes, Archbishop of York, and other influential and active members of the Society for the Propagation 394 CHURCH REVIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. of the G-ospel. Of their eminent fitness for the mi- nistry into which they desired to be received, no doubt could be for a moment entertained ; and arrangements were speedily made for their ordination and future duties. It was agreed that Cutjer should be appointed to a new Church about to be opened in Boston ; that Brown should be entrusted with a Mis- sion which had become vacant at Bristol in Rhode Island ; and that Johnson should be stationed at Stratford, in Connecticut, the neighbourhood of his former field of duty ; whilst Pigott, who had hitherto laboured there, should be removed to Providence. The completion of these arrangements was for a time delayed by the illness of Cutler, who had a severe attack of small-pox in the course of the same winter. Upon his recovery, towards the end of March, he and his two friends were ordained Deacons and Priests in St. Martin's Church. The Bishop of London, upon whom, in the ordinary course of duty, the act of their ordination would have devolved, was then sinking into the grave ; and the office was therefore delegated, by Letters Dimissory from him, to the Bishop of Nor- wich (Green), who was, at that time, Vicar of St. Martin's Parish. But scarcely had these Brown dies. .. n ~ devoted men attained the object towards which they had been gradually led, through many stages of anxious and painful thought, before that malady, which had been so long the dread of America and of Europe 7, and which had already smitten, though not unto death, one of their small party, reap- peared with greater malignity, and struck down an- 7 See pp. 129. 164, ante. XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 395 other to the dust. Within a week after their ordina- tion, Brown was seized with small-pox, and died on Easter Eve, amid the tears of those who confessed that they had lost in him a friend and fellow -labourer second to none. The sojourn in England of his surviving Degrees brethren was necessarily brief. But many cutler an evidence of affectionate and respectful and john- son, at Ox- sympathy with them was manifested be- ford and • .1 • i mi i Cambridge. fore their departure. Iney were received at Oxford and Cambridge, with the strongest demon- strations of kindly feeliug. The like public honours were conferred upon them at each University; the degree of Doctor of Divinity being given by diploma to Cutler, and that of Master of Arts to Johnson ; and relations of private friendship were then formed between them and many of the leading Heads of Houses and Eellows, which bound the hearts of zeal- ous Churchmen on both sides of the Atlantic in closest brotherhood. At this time, they were joined by Wet- wetmore more, who had already delivered his testi- JjjjJ mony side by side with them, in the face rica- of the authorities of Connecticut, and now came to be their companion in the ranks of the Church of Eng- land. In a few months afterwards, having received their letters of licence from Bishop Gibson, who had just been translated to the See of London ; and having set before him the urgent wants of the Church in America, they set sail for that country, July 26, 1723. Upon their arrival, they proceeded forthwith to their respective posts, Cutler to Boston, cutler re- and Johnson to Stratford. The services Boston, and of Wetmore we have seen in a former Stratford.10 396 CHXECH REVIVAL US >'EW ESGLA3TD. [CH. chapter, were in due time carried on, first at New York, and afterwards at Eve 8. The pro The duties assigned to Johnson appear, ceedings of {n the first instance, to have been the most Johnson. arduous. He was unable to number among his new flock at Stratford more than 30 fami- lies, who were all poor. About 40 more were scat- tered among the neighbouring towns of Fairfield, Norwalk, Newton, Eipton, and "West Haven, whom he visited at stated periods. He could obtain, there- fore, but little temporal influence and encourage- ment at their hands ; whilst his duties on their behalf were discharged in the face of men whose close and early friendship was turned to bitterest enmity. In spite of the acknowledged disadvantages of his posi- tion, some insinuated that his only motive in seeking it had been a dishonest love of gain. Others publicly branded him with the name of traitor. Many strove, by other insulting and vexatious acts, to drive him from the province. All suspected and feared him. Johnson, nevertheless, retained a patient and cheerful spirit ; and gradually won back again, by the steady, unob- trusive discharge of his duties, the respect and good will of many who had been estranged from him. In 1725, he married a widowed daughter of Col. Floyd; and, for nearly thirty years afterwards, con- tinued at Stratford, exhibiting the character of a faith- ful pastor, a diligent student, a kind neighbour, a be- nevolent citizen. The last chapter has shown the eagerness with which he sought the acquaintance and friendship of Berkeley ; and the assistance which he gave and received from that great and good man, in 8 See p. 331, ante. XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 397 his schemes for the promotion of many a good work. The like spirit was displayed by Johnson in his inter- course with other distinguished men both in America and England. His acquaintance, for example, with Burnet, son of the celebrated Bishop of Salisbury, and then Governor of Xew York, — a man of considerable learning, and fond of metaphysical enquiries, — led Johnson to a careful examination of some of the most important subjects of theological study : and the re- sult enabled him, if he did not always succeed in con- vincing Burnet, to treasure up more distinctly and se- curely in his own mind, "a reason of the hope that" was in him. Meanwhile, the original grounds of controversy, so thoroughly explored by him before he made up his mind to leave his Congregationalist brethren, he was often compelled, by the appearance of fresh antagonists, to re-occupy and defend. The most remarkable of his publications upon this subject was a Tract, entitled ' Plain Reasons for Conforming to the Church,' which he drew up, in 1732, in answer to some violent attacks made by Graham of Wood- bury. His labours attracted the admiration of many persons in England, especially of Seeker, then Bishop of Oxford, Dr. Astry, Treasurer of St. Paul's, and Dr. Hodges, Provost of Oriel College, and Vice- Chancellor of Oxford. In consequence of their repre- Receives the sentations, that University conferred upon degree °{ <* r Doc or of him, in 1713, bv diploma, the degree of Divinity * . ' . *. \. ' , ° fiom the .Doctor m Uivinitv ; thus publicly renew- University ing, with increased distinction, the honour which it had freely bestowed upon him twenty vears before. The hope had been expressed, in the diploma for his Master's degree, that the Church of England would, through his agency, rise up with renewed 398 CHUECH EEYIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. energy in the AVest 9 ; and the evidences, which had appeared during the interval to show that the hope was advancing towards its accomplishment, were again gratefully acknowledged. Extension of These evidences were to be found, not the church 0nlv in the ordination of such men as in Connecti- cut under Caner, Beach, Seabury, and others, to minis ry. wjlose labours our attention will soon be directed, — who, like Johnson, had been brought up in the ranks of the Congregationalists, and now rivalled him in their zeal and stedfastness as ministers of the Church of England, — but also in the spread of like feelings of attachment to the Church in the hearts of many of the intelligent and thoughtful Laymen of Connecticut. In 1736, the number of families in the Colony, in communion with the Church, was computed to be 700. At Stratford, in 1744, a larger and more handsome Church was built, in the place of that which had hitherto been the scene of Johnson's public ministrations ; and, in many of the neighbouring towns, new Churches were built, and new congrega- tions formed. Effects of ^e w^ enthusiasm produced at the whiteheid's same time, by vYhitefield's preaching in preaching. , , the province, tended, not a little, to pro- mote the same end. At first, indeed, his vehement invectives against the Bishops and Clergy of our Xational Church were listened to and encouraged by the Konconformists of Connecticut, as likely to check the growth of feeling in her favour among their own people. But the extravagant demonstrations of reli- 9 ' Sperantes, illius ministerio, aliam et eandem, olim, nasci- iuram Ecclesiam Anglicanam.' Chandler's Life of Johnson, 71« XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 399 gious excitement which ensued, turning their assem- blies into scenes of disgraceful uproar, generating strife in every quarter, and bidding defiance to all the efforts of secular or spiritual authorities to restrain them, soon made them tremble for their own safety. In the midst of such confusion and peril, the minis- trations of the Church of England were continued with unabated zeal and stedfastness ; and many thankfully repaired to it as the ark which could alone cany them in safety over the raging floods. The personal influence of Johnson, still Johnson de- the most distinguished of her ministers in benShtpof Connecticut, was a powerful instrument atPniiadei- in producing this result 10. Nor was his phia; influence confined only to the limits of pastoral duty. His reputation as a man of learning, and prudence, and energy, won for him respect and confidence wheresoever his name was known. When Franklin was about to establish a College at Philadelphia, there was no man whose counsel he sought more eagerly, or whose authority, as its future Provost, he was more anxious to secure, than that of Johnson. The refusal by Johnson of this high distinction was soon fol- 10 For further details of Johnson's ministry at Stratford, see Fulham MSS., in Bp. Wilberforce's History, &c. 103—108; and in Orig. Letters of S. P. G. in Hawkins, pp. 188—197- I subjoin from the latter a passage which shows the anxiety of Johnson to assist the Indian and Negro ; ' 1 have always (he writes) had a Catechetical lecture during the summer months, attended by many Negroes, and some Indians, about 70 or 80 in all, and, as far as I can find, where the Dissenters have baptized one we have baptized two, if not three or four, Negroes or Indians ; and I have four or five communicants.' 11 Afterwards conferred upon Dr. Smith. See p. 266, ante. 400 CHURCH REVIVAL tS NEW ENGLAND. [CH. lowed by the offer of another of a like character, which he felt it his duty to accept. Accepts that The Trustees of a College about to be i0efgehatCNew established at New York, which bore at York. firg|- t|ie name 0f King's, but afterwards Columbia, College, unanimously chose him its Presi- dent 12. Its Charter provided that the President should always be a member of the Church of England, and that the prayers used in the public devotions of its members should be chosen from her Liturgy ; and, as soon as it was passed, in 1754, Johnson took leave of his people at Stratford, with whom he had been united for more than thirty years, and entered upon his new duties in the Vestry-room belonging to the Corpora- tion of Trinity Church, who had given the land upon which the College now stands. In addition to his duties as President, he also undertook the office of Lecturer at the same Church 13. The provisions of the above Charter in Its Charter favour of the Church of England, passed by a majority of the Trustees, who were her members, with the Lieutenant-governor De Lancey at their head, had been warmly opposed by the Nonconformist minority at New York. Not long afterwards, upon the arrival of Governor Hardy, the latter renewed their opposition, and strove to prevent the grant of certain funds which had been raised for the College, by an Act of Assembly, through the medium of lot- teries. The immediate and spontaneous contribution, by Hardy, of £500, showed his strong desire to up- 12 For the correspondence between Johnson and Berkeley upon this subject, see p. 375, ante. 13 Berrian's History, &c. 106. XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 401 hold the purpose of its institution; and the subse- quent surrender by the governors to the public of half the lottery funds, effected something towards the re- storation of peace among the discontented. The rea- sons which induced the Churchmen of New York to adhere strictly to the Charter which they had secured, are thus described in a letter to the Society : The Dissenters have already three Seminaries in the Northern Governments. They hold their Synods, Presbyteries, and Associa- tions, and exercise the whole of their ecclesiastical government to the no small advantage of their cause, whilst the Churches, which are branches of the National Establishment, are deprived, not only of the benefit of a regular Church government, but their children are debarred the privilege of a liberal education, unless they will submit to accept of it on such conditions as Dissenters require, which in Yale College is to submit to a fine as often as they attend Public Worship in the Church of England, communicants only excepted, and then only on Christmas and Sacrament days. This we cannot but look upon as hard measure, especially as we can, with good conscience, declare, that we are so far from bigotry and narrowness of spirit they have of late been pleased to charge us with, that we would not, were it in our power, lay the least restraint on any man's conscience, and should heartily rejoice to continue in brotherly love and charity with all our Protestant Brethren 1 4. Johnson had begged the Trustees of the College not to require his final decision upon their offer, until the question of his successor at Stratford had been determined15. As soon as he had se- .t Its early- CUred for his former people the valuable progress un- i • tier Johnson. services oi Winslow, he sought with equal readiness from Bishop Sherlock and the Society the help that was needed for the support of his new charge. During his six years of office, the Society gave to the College £500. Dr. Bristowe, an active member of the Society, bequeathed to it his library of 14 lb. 103. " Ib> 107. tol. in. d d 402 CHUECH EE VITAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. 1500 volumes ; and Mr. Murray, an eminent lawyer in New York, left to it an estate of the value of about £10,000 currency. By Johnson's advice, Dr. Jay, a physician of New York, repaired to England for the purpose of soliciting contributions towards the Col- lege fund. Dr. Smith was already in England, upon a similar errand in behalf of his College at Philadel- phia ; and in order to avoid any unseemly rivalry be- tween them, the Archbishop proposed that the collec- tions, to be raised throughout the kingdom by virtue of a Brief issued from the Crown, should be applied for the joint benefit of the two Colleges. This was agreed to ; and the net proceeds received thence by King's College amounted to near £6000. George II. added a gift of £400 to King's College, and another of £200 to that of Philadelphia. In August, 1755, the first stone of the building of King's College was laid by the Governor of New York ; and every thing seemed to betoken a successful issue. „, . As far as the exertions of Johnson Ihe domes- tic sorrows of could serve towards such an end, they Johnson. , \» were enough to have justified the hopes of the most sanguine. Yet he made them beneath the pressure of the greatest difficulties. In addition to the weight of declining years, the heavier burden of domestic sorrow was laid upon him. His younger son, "William, who had been at first associated with him in the work of tuition in the infant College, em- barked for England, towards the end of the year 1755, for the purpose of being ordained to the Society's Mission at "West Chester. He was a young man of the highest promise ; honoured and beloved by many, not less for his own than for his father's sake; and, having been admitted into Holy Orders, was about to XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 403 return, in the following summer, to America, when he was seized with the small-pox, and died. The next winter, Johnson was compelled, by the outbreak of the same terrible malady at New York, to withdraw to West Chester, and there strove to discharge duties which he and its inhabitants had vainly hoped might have been performed by the son for whom he mourned. Soon after his return to New York, he lost his wife, with whom he had been happily united for more than thirty-two years. Two other dear friends, and fellow- labourers with him in the College, followed her, within a few months, to the grave ; and the contagious sick- ness, which he so much dreaded, and which had already deprived him of one son, reappeared, from time to time, in the city, with none of its destroying power abated. Johnson had yet to witness, in one more instance, the onset of that destroyer amid his own household. Three years after the death of his first wife, he had formed a second marriage with Mrs. Beach, the widow of one of his former parishioners : and, at the expiration of eighteen months, she too was seized with small-pox, and died. This last blow deprived Johnson of all „ J- He resigns power to discharge any longer the duties SenSfip of President. He had sustained the burden of them with matchless energy and patience ; and, at a moment when others might have thought him overwhelmed with anxiety and grief, he wrote two valuable tracts upon the general duty of Prayer, and the especial value of the Prayer Book, which showed at once the source from which the secret of his own strength was drawn, and the eagerness with which he sought to make others partakers of the same blessing. But, knowing that it was im- Dd2 404 CHTJECH EEVIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. possible for him to retain his post, he had re- quested the help of another Professor, who might soon succeed him as President. Myles Cooper, of Queen's College, Oxford, accordingly came out, recommended by Archbishop Seeker, in the autumn of 1762; and, upon the resignation of Johnson the next spring, was appointed his successor. . . Johnson returned, with his only sur- And resumes J his duties at viving son, to his former abode at Strat- Stratford. ° ford, from which wmslow, at his own request, was about to be removed to Braintree. Upon Winslow's departure, in 1764, Johnson applied for leave to resume, among his well-known flock, the duties upon which he had first entered more than forty years before. The application was readily ac- ceded to by the Society, and joyfully received by the people. They were permitted, for nearly eight years longer, to see their beloved Pastor exer- cising again all the offices of Christian love and watch- fulness on their behalf. His bodily strength, indeed, was broken; and, in 1767, he was constrained to dele- gate part of his duties to an Assistant. But his spirit was still fresh and buoyant. And the variety of his theological studies, the extent of his correspondence with friends on either side of the Atlantic, — upon matters intimately affecting the Church at home and abroad, — the important elementary works which he drew up for the use of his grandsons who lived with him, and his ready vigilance to expose the schemes of adversaries of the Church, — come from what quarter they might,— present an amount of labour cheerfully sustained by him in the evening of his life, such as most men would shrink from undertaking even in their noon-day strength. The interest which he XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 405 manifested in the controversy, created by Dr. May- hew's attacks upon the Church of England, — to which I shall refer more particularly hereafter, — and his wis- dom and energy in vindicating the grounds (im- pugned in that controversy) upon which the right of an American Episcopate was established, present striking evidences of his resolute and persevering spirit. Such a vindication of the truth was in closest harmony with the purposes to which his long and laborious life had been devoted, and gave testimony not to be mistaken to the constancy of his faith and hope. The nearer he approached his end, the stronger did that constancy appear. He lived to i • i* i • i His death. see the morning oi the Epiphany, 17/2, a bright and glorious day, and expressed to his family his conviction that his strength was about to fail, and that he was soon (to use his own words) 'going home.' He called to remembrance, at that moment, his friend, the sainted Berkeley, and the tranquillity of his departure ; and humbly expressed a wish that, if it were possible, his own impending change might be as tranquil. The wish was granted ; and before the sun of that bright day had set, Johnson had drawn his last breath without a struggle 16. The career of Cutler at Boston was „ , Cutler's marked by difficulties and successes the ministry at , . . . Boston. same in kind with those experienced by Johnson. The like jealous opposition of a powerful majority was constantly at work to thwart him. The like temporary interruption was given to their pro- ceedings and his, through the marvellous excitement of "Whitefield's preaching. The like steady and con- sistent adherence to the doctrines and discipline of 10 Chandler's Life of Johnson, 31—124. 406 CHUECH EEYIYAL EN" NEW ENGLAND. [CH. the Church, in whose ranks he served, conciliated in the end the respect and love of many of his most de- termined adversaries. He was permitted also to carry on the work of his ministry, in the same place, through more than 40 years : having been appointed Sector of Christ Church, in 1723, and dying there in 1765. Midway between these two periods, appeared the chief outbreaks of religious enthusiasm consequent upon His notice "Whitefield's visits; and Cutler describes fieid'spro- ^he same damaging results, produced ceedings, thereby among the Nonconformists of Massachusetts, and the same reaction in favour of our National Church, which, we have seen, took place in Connecticut17. Thus he writes, in 1744, respecting "Whitefield : He has brought town and country into trouble. Multitudes flock after him, but without that fervency and fury as heretofore. For some are ashamed of what is past ; others, both of teachers and people, make loud opposition, being sadly hurt by the ani- mosities, divisions, and separations, that have ensued upon it, and the sad intermissions of labour and business ; and observing liber- tine principles and practice advancing on it, and the Church little ruffled by such disorders, but growing in numbers and reputation. Again, in 1746, Should Mr. Whitefield visit us from the southward, his opera- tions would, I believe, be weaker than heretofore. The Church, to be sure, apprehends the less disturbance from him the oftener he visits us. The dissenters who cherished him are now the suf- ferers, and his particular friends the most ; their teachers not con- tenting many of their own people, who separate from them because unregenerate and unconverted. Many dissenters are awakened by these disorders, inclined or repairing to the Church as their only refuge 18. Confirmed A remarkable confirmation of the truth rianof Har°-" of these notices is furnished by Quincy, l' See p. 3.99, ante. 18 Hawkins, 184. XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 407 the historian and President of Harvard vard Univer- University, who not only quotes, without Slty' any qualification, a passage from Seeker's answer to Mayhew, in which he ascribes precisely the same effects to Whitefield's visit to New England, but distinctly admits, in his own narrative of the theological disputes which then prevailed, that ' many individuals, wearied with sectarian controversies, sought a quiet refuge from them in the Episcopal communion 19.' The population of Boston, when Cutler King's cha- first went there, exceeded 20,000 ; of whom p*. Boston, he reckoned not more than a sixth or seventh part as members of the Church 20 . The only building in which its public services had been conducted before that time, was that of King's Chapel, of which, and of its earliest ministers, I have already given an account21. Myles, who was still its Rector when Cutler arrived, died about three years afterwards, greatly beloved by his people 22 . Harris, who had been, and still continued to be, for the brief sequel of his life, Assistant minister, was put forward by some of the congregation to be the successor of Myles. But the appoint- ment was finally vested, in 1729, in Eoger Price, who was strongly recommended by Bishop Gib- son, and to whom he afterwards entrusted the office of Commissary. The Assistant of Price at King's Chapel was, first, Thomas Harward; and, upon his death, Addington Davenport, who had been Missionary in Scituate, and who continued to officiate at King's Chapel, until he was invitedj in 1740, by the con- Quincy's History, &c, ii. 72. Hawkins, 179. Greenwood's History, &c, 86. 21 Vol. ii. 456, 457. 408 CHTJKCH EEVIVAL IN FEW ENGLAND. [CH. Trinity gregation of Trinity Church to become its Church- Kector23. Trinity Church, which had been opened in 1735, Christ was a secon(^ offshoot from King's Chapel, church the Christ Church, the scene of Cutler's miuis- scene of cutler's mi- try, had preceded it by twelve years. Its building had been chiefly promoted by the congregation of King's Chapel, on account of their own increasing numbers. The corner-stone had been laid by Myles, during Cutler's visit to England ; and, a few weeks after his return to Boston, it was opened for divine service24. Three years afterwards, he re- ports that its congregation had increased from four to seven or eight hundred persons25. The influence of Cutler increased daily. His piety, zeal, and diligence, added to all his vast acquirements of learning, which were not surpassed by those of any man in America at that time, made themselves felt in all directions. Failure of There was, however, one body of men, a^hareTn*0 the Board of Overseers of Harvard College, mem°ofeHar- wno distinguished themselves by refusing vard College, a(jmit him to any share in their counsels. Cutler, in conjunction with Myles, had claimed to be admitted among them, upon grounds which he believed to be just. The freedom from all rigorous and exclu- sive tests by which its Charters were distinguished 26, and which its historian dwells upon as worthy of all praise 27? — coupled with the fact that Harris, a former 23 lb. 87—100. 21 lb. 85, 86*. 25 Hawkins, 179. 26 Vol. ii. 183. 27 Speaking of them, he says, 'We expect to find, in these in- struments, some " form of sound words," some " creed," some " catechism," some " medulla theologise," established as the standard of religious faith, to which every one, entering on an office of go- XXIX.] a.d. 1714— 177G. 409 Assistant of Myles, had attended as an Overseer several Meetings of the Board, and that Myles and Cutler had received notice to do the same, — might fairly have warranted the belief that the door to their admission was open. The voice of all the leading members of the Church in Boston, and the opinion of one of the most eminent lawyers of jS"ew England, concurred in testifying the justice of their claim. But it was rejected notwithstanding. And, after many dis- cussions leading to the same result, Cutler desisted, in 1730, from the further prosecution of his claim. It is remarkable that a complaint had been made, only a short time before, that Harvard College ' was under the tutelage of Latitudinarians ;' and this charge was actually urged as a reason for supporting the rival institution in Connecticut28. Whatsoever grounds may have existed for the charge, it would be hard to discover them in the conduct of the Board in the pre- sent instance. The most resolute antagonist of latitu- dinarianism could not have wished for a more signal display of the opposite spirit than was here mani- fested. vernment and instruction, shall be required to subscribe. — Yet, surprising as is the fact, there is not, in any of the Charters which form the Constitution of this College, one expression on which a mere sectarian spirit can seize to wrest it into a shackle for the hu- man soul. The idea seems never to have entered the minds of its early founders, of laying conscience under bonds for good behaviour. It is impossible, even at this day, when the sun of free enquiry is thought to be at its zenith, to desire any terms more unexception- able, or better adapted to ensure the enjoyment of equal privileges to any religious sect or party.' Quincy's History, &c, i. 45, 46. The above remarks are not easily reconciled with others which the same writer makes in his narrative of the rejection of Cutler's claim, i. 306*— 376. 560—574. 28 Appendix to Quincy's History, &c, ii. 462. 410 CHURCH REVIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. Religious ^ne dangers which soon afterwards beset Engeia°ndNew Harvard College were far greater than any which the most extravagant alarmist could have anticipated from the admission of Cutler and his coadjutors to a share in its government. The corrupt- ing influences, then prevalent in the New England Colonies, were felt in all their force within the precincts of the College. The following proclamation for a Fast, issued by the government of Connecticut in 1743, describes them : ' Neglect and contempt of the Gospel and its ministers, a pre- vailing and abounding spirit of error, disorder, unpeaceableness, pride, bitterness, uncharitableness, censoriousness, disobedience, calumniating and reviling of authority, divisions, contentions, sepa- rations and confusions in Churches, injustice, idleness, evil speak- ing, lasciviousness, and all other vices and impieties abounded.' There is not ' any reason to believe,' says the histo- rian of Harvard University, who quotes this passage, ' that the picture was greatly overcharged ;' and he adds, 'circumstances placed the College, as it were, in the centre of the evil passions, which the whirlwind of historical controversy had raised 29.' The example and advice of Cutler, I believe, would have availed much towards the mitigation of these evils. But his aban- donment of their ranks was a sin not to be forgiven by his former associates ; and their remembrance of it made it impossible for him to bridge over the gulf which separated them. Kindiv feel- ^n reviewnlg the painful history of such ings displayed strife, it is some consolation to meet with towards Harvard many evidences of kindly feeling, displayed the Church by the Church of England, towards the of England. c0nege which had dealt thus harshly with 29 lb. ii. 47, 48. XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 411 her ministers. I have already called attention to the donation of books, which Bishop Berkeley proposed to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel should be sent to Harvard College, ' as a proper means to in- form their judgment, and dispose them to think better of the Church30.' This proposal was carried into effect ; and other donatious from Berkeley and the Society, from Bishop Sherlock, Dr. Hales, and Dr. "Wilson, and others, were added to them. Again, when the College library had been destroyed by fire, 1 gene- rous donations ' were received from Archbishop Seeker and Drummond, Archbishop of York ; and, from the two great Societies of our Church at that time, offer- ings were freely given both of books and money31. The historian of Harvard University gratefully acknow- ledges, that, upon this occasion, 'the Episcopalians, unmindful of the jealousies at that moment in active excitement against them in the province, and of the asperities to which they had been exposed, gave honour- able evidence of their Catholicism and charity 3V The admission here made of a fierce Fierce oppo- opposition to the Church of England, sitiontothe . . . , ■ Church of raging against her m America, at the time England in when her most distinguished members were England Co- thus forward in works of charity, is signally lonies- illustrated in a letter to the Society, from Winslow, the successor of Johnson at Stratford, in 1763 33. Never did a malignant spirit of opposition rage with greater vehemence than of late. The most indecent reflections upon the venerable Society, and the general constitution of the Church, the most gross and flagrant misrepresentation of the state of the Church 30 See p. 371, ante. 31 Quincy's History, ii. 481. 492, 493. 32 lb. ii. 115. as Hawkins, 232, 233. 412 CHUKCH EEY1TAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. in these Colonies, and the most false and abusive personal invec- tives against the Clergy, have lately appeared in print among us ; and all this at a time when there has been not the least particular cause to provoke such a temper. On the contrary, wherever the Church has been planted, the conduct of its members and ministers has been so prudent and charitable as, at least, to give no just oc- casion of offence. No cause has, in truth, excited all this virulence, but that the Church has every where grown and increased, and the prospect is continually enlarging of its still further and substantial increase ; and its condition is such in the Colonies as that, since the glorious conclusion of the war and the happy establishment of peace, with such an accession of territory on this continent, the dissenters are from hence jealous the Church may meet with some further encouragement, and perhaps enjoy those essential parts of her worship and discipline which we have hitherto been destitute of ; and they know not how to bear the thoughts of our having the same complete exercise of religion in our way as they have in theirs. They may really thank themselves for no small part of that growth of the Church at which they are now so enraged. Their continual disputes and endless divisions have driven serious and sensible persons to take refuge in our happy constitution. Controversy The ablest and most active assailant of Mayhew and the Church of England, in the northern Apthorp. Colonies of America, Jonathan Mayhew, came forward in the same year. His powers as a con- troversialist had already spread confusion and dismay among many of his Congregationalist brethren in Mas- sachusetts. Uniting, as it has been said of him, ' the fearlessness of a martyr to the zeal of a reformer,' he had not scrupled to denounce, as false and unscriptural, many of those doctrines of Calvin, in the defence of which they were prepared to die ; and which, in their own day and amid their own people, had found a dis- tinguished champion in Jonathan Edwards. The Clergy of Boston all branded Mayhew as a heretic; and tried, in vain, to prevent his ordination. The acrimony of their opposition increased his popularity XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 413 with other classes ; and his learning, courage, wit, and eloquence, strengthened it. Thus, early inured to a life of conflict, the appetite of Mayhew for its excite- ment was strengthened by the food which nourished it, and his natural 'asperity' increased by collisions with which he had become familiar34. He had not far to seek for fresh objects of attack. The growing power of the Church of England in provinces which Noncon- formists for more than a century had looked upon as their own, the introduction of many of their distin- guished members into the ranks of her ministry, the zeal and prudence with which they, and other Mis- sionaries of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, pursued their course, had already awakened within him jealousy and alarm ; and when, to these in- fluences, was added that of feelings which he largely shared, — the disaffection which the temporal policy of the Mother-country was then fast producing in her Colonies, and the belief that the Church was identified with the King and Parliament of England, not only in respect of its outward authority, but as sympathising with and supporting their obnoxious policy, — the jealousy and alarm of Mayhew were followed by quick resentment ; and he hastened at once to the encounter. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, its institution, designs, and operations, formed the primary objects of his attack ; and Apthorp was his chief an- tagonist. Apthorp had been born in JSew England, and, having afterwards graduated at Jesus College, Cambridge, had returned two years before as a Mis- sionary of the Society to his native country. His further review of Mayhew's remarks was the last work 34 Quincy's History, &c, ii. 66—85. 414 CHUECH KEY1VAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. with which the controversy was closed in 1765 35 ; and, throughout the whole of it, Apthorp proved himself to be able as he was zealous36. He received valuable aid from Johnson, Chandler, Beach, and other writers in America ; and, in England, a yet more important co- adjutor appeared in the person of Archbishop Seeker. Archbishop ^e Pamphlefc of that prelate in answer to Seeker takes Mayhew was first published anonymously; but he soon acknowledged himself to be its author ; and it now finds a place in the complete edition of his works. Mayhew himself even spoke in respect- ful terms of the fairness of reasoning and charity of spirit which the pamphlet displayed37; and there can be little doubt that it greatly helped to disabuse the public mind of the errors into which it had been be- trayed respecting the real character of the position of the Church of England in America. Mayhew was possessed with the belief that the So- ciety had been established for no other purpose but that of usurping authority over the various Christian communities already settled in America ; and that to the attainment of this end the exertions of its Mis- sionaries, and the application of its monies, had been uniformly and mainly directed. Starting upon this assumption, it became an easy task to rail at the So- ciety as an instrument which irritated the passions and fomented the divisions of British subjects in the Plan- 35 Mayhew died in 1766. 3 ; Upon Apthorp's return to England, he was appointed Vicar of Croydon, and afterwards Rector of St. Mary-le-Bow. He preached in Lincoln's Inn Chapel, 1782 — 1786, a very valuable course of Warburton Lectures. He became blind in his latter years, and retired to Cambridge, where he died, in 1816, aged 83. 37 Mayhew's Remarks on an Anonymous Tract, &c. pp. 3. 85. XXIX.] a.d. 1714— 1)76. 415 tations, instead of being, what it professed to be, a minister to proclaim " good tidings of great joy " to them, and to the heathen in whose lands they had found a settlement. But the assumption was alto- gether false. The Charter of the Society contained not anv such avowal; and the manner in which its officers had discharged their trust clearly proved, — the foregoing pages supply the proof, — that no such purpose was, or ever had been, intended by them. In some of the Plantations, as Seeker justly observed, the Church of England was confessedly the established Church. Throughout the rest, many congregations were to be found adhering to it ; and their number was likely to increase. And, since all members of every Church were, according to their principles of liberty, entitled to every part of what they conceived to be its benefits, entire and complete, so far as consisted with the civil government, it followed that no blame could justly attach either to the Church of England, or to the Society which was her almoner and agent, fordoing what they could to secure those benefits, in all their integrity, to her people, wheresoever they might be settled. And, as for the charge that she had carefully excluded from the Charter all reference to the instruc- tion of the Indian or other heathen nations, in order that the work of proselytism among British subjects might be carried on without impediment in the Colo- nies, it was alike refuted by the terms of the Charter itself, and by the manner in which the operations under its authority had been conducted. The Charter had distinctly declared the purpose of its institution to be, not only that 'an orthodox clergy' might be settled among the ' loving subjects ' of the British Crown in the Plantations, but also that 'such other provision 416 CHUECH EEYIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. be made, as may be necessary for the G-ospel in those parts.' Now, for what other persons ' in those parts ' could such provision be necessary, but for the Indian or other heathen nations, among whom English Planters were settled 8 ? It was clearly, therefore, the avowed purpose of the Church, and of the Society through which she acted, to proclaim the Gospel to the heathen in or near all her Colonies. The execution of this purpose was the symbol engraved upon the Society's official seal ; its difficulties and requirements had been minutely described in the pages of its first Report; and the enquiry we have pursued has shown that no opportunity of promoting it was ever neglected. The services Jt was needful> wnen tne gainsay er gave of Henry a false colouring to the acts of the So- Caner at , -in Fairfield, _ ciety, that their real form and character chapei1"*5' S should be exhibited to the world ; and this service was faithfully rendered in the pub- lications connected with the Mayhew controversy. An answer yet more triumphant was furnished in the continued progress of its work, and the undeviating and stedfast patience with which, in spite of all attacks, they who defended the Society performed their duties. I have already alluded to one of them, Henry Caner, whose labours deserve a further notice. He was among the first-fruits of Johnson's ministry in Stratford and its neighbourhood. A graduate of Tale College in 1721, he followed soon afterwards the example of the distinguished men whose history has been already given, and entered into communion with the Church of England. He served as a Catechist 3S I am surprised that the historian of Harvard University (i. 360) should have overlooked this point in his remarks upon the institution of the Society. XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 417 and Keader at Fairfield until 1727, when lie went to England for ordination, and returned as Missionary of the Society to the same place 39. He continued there l twenty years, making "full proof of" his " ministry ;" and establishing evidences of its success in every quarter. At the end of that period, when the Rector- ship of King's Chapel, Boston, became vacant by the resignation of Price, Caner was chosen by a large ma- jority to succeed him, and, through a further course of twenty-eight years, amply justified, by his unremitting devotion, the choice which had been made. His ability as a preacher was accompanied by great dili- gence and aptitude for business ; and it was mainly owing to his exertions that the decayed wooden struc- ture of King's Chapel was replaced, in 1753, by a more capacious and durable building of stone 40. Upon the death of Cutler, in 1765, Caner preached his funeral sermon ; and, upon the next anniversary of that event, preached from his own pulpit, in the capa- city of Moderator, to the Clergy of Boston (then four- teen in number) and other members of the Church, at their first public Convention, held by the approval of the Bishop of London41. The benefits which might reasonably have been expected to attend such meet- ings were frustrated in a few years in Boston, as in every other part of America, by the unhappy disputes with England. To Caner himself, the result of such disputes was the rupture of all those ties which had so long bound him to an affectionate people. Having 39 Chandler's Life of Johnson, 60, 61. 40 Greenwood, 109—125. After the Revolution, the name of Stone Chapel was substituted for the former and legal title of King's Chapel, ib. 134. 41 Hawkins, 234. VOL. m. E e 418 CHTJECH REVIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. His conduct ^one n°thing to provoke it, upon his own lutton Rev° part, through intemperate or stubborn zeal, he met the event with calmness. He saw, on every side, the miseries and distress of his brother Clergy. From Marblehead, its minister, Mr. Weeks, had been compelled with his family to fly away. Serjeant had escaped from Cambridge, with his wife and children; his fine Church was turned into barracks by the American soldiers, and its beau- tiful organ broken to pieces. Wishall of Falmouth, had fled from his captors to Boston ; but his family remained in the hands of the enemy. Winslow of Braintree, Thompson of Scituate, and Clark of Ded- ham, had not suffered actual violence, when Caner wrote home this report, June 2, 1775. But the threatenings which assailed them were soon exchanged for stern realities. Boston itself was, at this time, straitly besieged. Its inhabitants, if they tarried in the town, were exposed to famine ; if in the country, to the sword. They fled, therefore, as they best could, to Halifax, Quebec, the "West Indies, or England. Caner was determined to maintain his post as long as possible ; and continued, with unabated zeal, to offici- ate among his few Parishioners that were left. The last burials, recorded by his hand in the register, were those of three soldiers of the 65th regiment. On the 10th of March, 1776, he was suddenly informed that the King's troops would immediately evacuate the town. And, taking with him the vestments and re- gisters and plate belonging to the Church, and so much of his own books and furniture as he could gather amid the confusion and hurry of his departure, he embarked the same day, with his daughter and ser- vant, for Halifax, where he and other refugees re- XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 419 ceived the greatest kindness from the excellent Mis- sionary of the Society, who had been long established there, Dr. Breynton. Caner afterwards ms closing repaired to England, and was affectionately years- received by the Society as the father of the American Clergy. The vacant Mission of Bristol in Rhode Island was offered to him, and accepted ; but his de- clining years made it impossible that he could perse- vere much longer in the discharge of active duties ; and, returning to England in 1785, he died seven years afterwards, at Long Ashton, in Somersetshire, at the age of ninety-two 42. The details of the subsequent history of Notice0fthe King's Chapel come not within the limits subsequent ° r condition of of the present work. But the fact may King's here be recorded, that, from the day of Caner's forced departure, it ceased to be a place of worship for members of the Church of England. In the autumn of 1777, its doors were opened to admit the Congregationalists, who retained possession of it for five years. As soon as they left, a remnant of the former proprietors invited Mr. James Ereeman to officiate as reader for six months, and in April, 1783, chose him for their Pastor. They still called them- selves Episcopalians, and (it is said) ' desired to re- main in connexion, if possible, with the American Episcopal Church 4V But it was a Church and Epis- copacy only of their own contrivance. The doctrines of the Bible, to which the faithful in all ages had borne witness, and which the Church in her Creeds and other public services proclaimed, were thrust 42 Hawkins, 245—247. 371. Greenwood, 132, 133. Allen's Amer. Biog. Dictionary, in loc. 43 Greenwood, 140. E e 2 420 CHURCH EEYIYAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. aside, and those alone received, which Freeman thought fit to approve, and which his congregation, by a majority of twenty votes to seven, ratified44. A denial of the doctrine of the ever-blessed Trinity was the chief characteristic of these self-elected arbiters of truth ; and all the other expressions of Christian doc- trine were made to correspond to the terms of this denial. The strangest event in the history of these changes was an application, on the part of their promoters, to Bishop Provoost of New York, July 29, 1787, en- quiring whether ordination could be obtained for Free- man, on terms agreeable to him and to the proprie- tors 45. The Bishop answered the application by say- ing that it should be reserved for the consideration of the General Convention, at its first meeting 46. The congregation, probably convinced that the Convention could only answer it by declaring the utter impossibi- lity of complying with the prayer, waited not for a formal reply, but carried on the business to the end, as they had from the beginning, according to their sovereign will ; and ordained Freeman, by a process of their own device, not, indeed, without an earnest, though ineffectual, protest upon the part of some of the original proprietors. The narrator of these proceedings describes the first occupation of King's Chapel, in 1777, by the 44 lb. 136. 138. The appetite for change does not seem to have been satisfied by this proceeding. In 1811, the mutilated Liturgy received other (so-called) amendments ; and, in 1828, a third edition was published, with further alterations and additions. A fourth appeared in 1831, but that only seems to have contained certain additional prayers and hymns for private use. Ib. 139. 45 Ib. 140. 180—182. 46 Ib. 141. 183—195. XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 421 Congregationalists, as an event * very contrary to all the anticipations of Dr. Caner47.' He might have added, that its subsequent transfer to the hands of (so-called) Unitarians, and the unceremonious speed with which they scattered to the winds its records of long-cherished truth and piety, were events which Caner was still less prepared to anticipate. But, howsoever his spirit may have been grieved at such tidings, Caner had seen and suffered enough, in the course of his eventful life, not to be surprised at any result which the changeful counsels of man may bring about. A feeling too of thankfulness, we may believe, he shared, amid all his trials and sorrows, — a feeling, which certainly now fills the heart of him who at- tempts to record them, — that, let these changeful counsels have been what they might, the precious de- posit and trust, committed to the keeping of the Church of England, remained unchanged ; and that, through days of declension as well as of progress, she held, and still holds, it fast in its integrity. The ' Pilgrim Fathers ' forsook her guidance, because the policy of worldly rulers had insanely joined with it instruments of temporal oppression ; and, destroying her discipline, set up the Presbyterian platform of the Swiss Eeformer. But lo ! a century and a half pass not away, before, by a process, — the same in kind with that which has since been renewed with such fatal power in the schools and pulpits of Geneva itself, — the teaching of Socinus usurped in New Eng- land the authority of Calvin. Many other devoted men were asso- services of ciated with Henry Caner, whose labours John Beach- lb. 133. 422 CHTTBCH EEYIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [Cff. deserve to be noted. Foremost among these was John Beach, who had been distinguished among the students of Tale College for his extraordinary learn- ing, and afterwards for his zeal and piety as a Congre- gationalist minister at Newtown. The periodical visits of Johnson to that place renewed the acquaint- ance, already formed at Tale College, between him and Beach, and led to a frequent and full discussion of the various points of difference hitherto supposed to exist between them. Beach made these the con- stant subjects of enquiry, reflection, and prayer ; and, in 1732, declared his readiness to be admitted into the orders of the Church of England. This declara- tion was followed by the display of greater bitterness and violence among his Congregationalist neighbours than had been witnessed in any of the former in- stances of defection from their ranks. After his re- turn from England, the same year, as the ordained Missionary at Newtown, they opposed him with in- creased rancour ; and succeeded in stirring up against him a tribe of Indians, who lived three miles distant, and to whom Beach had been especially instructed by the Society to extend his ministrations. But Beach was not to be moved away from his course. He pressed on with resolute and cheerful spirit ; conciliat- ing many of the Indians, and gathering around him larger congregations of his countrymen. In one of his letters to the Society, he compares them to the house of David, waxing " stronger and stronger." New Churches were built at Beading and Newtown ; and the number of communicants in proportion to that of worshippers was greater than oftentimes is seen in our own favoured land ; and his hearers, with very few exceptions, adorned their profession by a XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 423 1 sober, righteous, and godly life.' The penal laws of Connecticut were enforced with the utmost rigour, for the purpose of checking this growth of feeling in favour of the Church. And Beach, writing home in 1743, thus describes the effect of this severity : ' The case of this people is very hard. If on the Lord's Day they continue at home, they must be punished ; if they meet to worship God according to the Church of England, in the best manner, the mulct is still greater ; and, if they go to the Independent Meeting in the town where they live, they must endure the mortification of hearing the doctrines and worship of the Church vilified, and the important truths of Christianity obscured and enervated by enthu- siastic and antinomian dreams.' In spite of every difficulty, Beach made continual progress ; and the members of the Church of England within his district increased twentyfold. His labours were unremitting. Besides his missions at Newtown and Eeading, the latter of which extended twenty miles in length, and twelve in breadth, he visited, at stated periods, three small congregations at New Mil- ford and New Fairfield, distant between eighteen and twenty-five miles from his dwelling ; and, not unfre- quently, was invited to visit families at sixty miles' distance. Every summons of duty was obeyed by him promptly and cheerfully, although his bodily in- firmities were such as not to allow him one day's ease or respite from pain. All seasons and weather were alike to him. Amid storms and snow-drifts, across forests and rushing torrents, he still found his way ; and so certain were his people of meeting their Pastor at the appointed time and place of worship, that they could not, for very shame, make the inclement weather an excuse for their own absence. Throughout forty years, he only failed two Sundays to attend; and 424 CHTJECH REYIYAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. then sickness had laid him prostrate. Upon the death of Honyman, in 1752, Beach might have been his successor at Newport, in Ehode Island ; but, not- withstanding all the temporal advantages attending it, he declined the offer, and preferred to dwell among his own people. Eight years afterwards, he preached before his brother Clergy, at their Convention at New Haven, a Sermon which needed not their commenda- tion and the especial eulogy of Johnson to attest its value ; and, at the expiration of five years more, we find him, in the midst of his daily pastoral toil, stand- ing forward as the firm and triumphant opponent of the many religious extravagances, which then pre- vailed in many parts of New England. 1 Though my health (he says) is small, and my abilities less, and though I make it a rule never to enter into any dispute with them unless they begin, yet now they have made the assault, and ad- vanced such monstrous errors as do subvert the Gospel, I think myself obliged, by my ordination vow, to guard my people (as well as I can) against such doctrines, in which work hitherto I hope I have had some success.' His conduct When the political troubles of that Sutton ReV°" reacne(^ their height, they failed to drive Beach from his post, or to make him deviate, in the smallest degree, from his accustomed path of duty. Every Church in Connecticut but his was shut up. So likewise was every Church in New Jersey; and, in New York and Pennsylvania, those only remained open, in which the presence of the King's troops afforded protection, or in which the prayers for the King and Royal family were omitted. But Beach remained unchanged, amid all the phases of the conflict that raged around him. Congress gained the ascendancy. The Declaration of Inde- XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 425 pendence released the States from all allegiance to the British Crown ; and Beach was warned of the danger readv to fall upon him, if he refused to obey the de- cree that had gone forth. His only reply was, 1 That he would do his duty, and preach and pray for the King, till the rebels cut out his tongue.' He made good his words. His determination was stronger than even the violence of the adversary. And, five years afterwards, Oct. 31, 17S1, writing to the Society, for the last time, still from Xewtown, he was enabled thus to speak of past troubles and of present duties : 1 Newtown, and the Church of England part of Reading, are (I believe) the only parts of New England that have refused to comply with the doings of the Congress, and for that reason have been the butt of general hatred ; but God has delivered us from entire destruction. 4 1 am now in the eighty-second year of my age, yet do constantly, alternately, perform service and preach at Newtown and Reading. I have been sixty years a public preacher, and, after conviction, in the Church of England fifty years ; but had I been sensible of my insufficiency, I should not have undertaken it. But I now rejoice in that I think I have done more good towards men's eternal hap- piness than I should have done in any other calling.' Six months after Beach wrote these lines, he "finished" his earthly "course;" and the sorrowful conviction was left with many a faithful member of the Church at home and abroad, that a 1 great and good 49 ' man had indeed departed from among them. A brother of the above devoted servant of God, a 48 In these words the Rev. Bela Hubbard described the cha- racter of Beach, when he announced his death to the Society. Hawkins, 215. See also Chandler's Life of Johnson, 61 ; Hawkins, 202-214.233; Bp. Wilberforce's History, &c. 116—124; Allen's Amer. Biog. Diet, in loc. 426 CHITBCH EEYIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. man possessing much influence and property in Strat- ford, avowed his conformity to the Church of England about the same time the latter entered upon his duties at Newtown. The like course was pursued by many others ; of whom one demands especial notice in this place, not only for the career of usefulness pursued by himself, during thirty years, as a Missionary of the Church in New England, but also for the yet more distinguished career of his son, — I mean Samuel The Rev Seabury, father of the first Bishop of Con- samueisea- necticut i0. He had formerly been the bury. , J Congregationalist minister at Groton, and, in 1730, was appointed the Society's Missionary at New London. The success which attended his la- bours in that place led to his appointment to the more important sphere of duty at Hempstead, in Long Island, when Dr. Jenney was removed thence to Phi- ladelphia in 1742. The like success waited upon him there ; and at Hempstead, Oyster-bay, and Hunting- don, congregations increasing in numbers, and conti- nuing for the most part stedfast amid the wild out- break of religious enthusiasm, then caused by many of Whitefield's followers, bore witness to its enduring character. At Huntingdon, he availed himself of the services of his son, who had graduated at Tale Col- lege. He saw, not with a father's partiality, but with the discriminating eye of an experienced judge, the ardent piety, the devoted courage, the untiring energy, displayed by the young man ; and, knowing that the recommendation of the Commissary was ready to con- firm his own, he requested the Society to appoint his son a Catechist. The request was complied with ; 43 Chandler's Life of Johnson, Gl. xxrx.] a.d. 1714—1776. 427 and he who was afterwards consecrated to the office of chief Pastor of the flock of Christ in the great con- tinent of America, began thus the public duties of his first humble office within its fold upon a salary of £10 a year. The elder Seabury was gathered to his rest, June 15, 176450. The list of adherents to the ranks of the B . , Services of ministry of the Church of England from other Mis- f , . sionaries, those of the Congregationalists is not yet who had for- ^ T , merly been exhausted. In 1743, Johnson reports that Noncon- Prince, a Fellow of Harvard College, was r 1 ready to go to England in the ensuing spring for ordi- nation ; and that a dissenting teacher in the neighbour- hood of Stratford was prepared to do the same, and would probably bring the greatest part of his congre- gation into communion with the Church. Again, in 1746, he enumerates the names of Allen, Lloyd, Stur- geon, Chandler, Diblee, Mansfield, and Learning, as anxious to be engaged in her ministry51. How va- luable the services of Chandler and Sturgeon proved, I have shown elsewhere 51 . The reputation of Learn- ing was proved by his appointment, twenty- six years afterwards (1772), to preach the Funeral Sermon over the grave of that affectionate father in Christ, who had thus commended him to the Church of England53; and yet more by his being chosen, in the first instance, by the Convention of the Clergy in Connecticut, in 1783, as worthy to be con- secrated the first Bishop of that Diocese. His field of ministerial duty had been first at Newport, and after- wards at Norwalk, where he was ever faithful and ?0 Chandler's Life of Johnson, 02; Hawkins, 294—297. 51 Hawkins, 193, 194. 52 See pp. 245. 272, ante. 53 Hawkins, 199. 428 CHUECH EEVIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. vigilant. "When the Bevolutionary war broke out, its effects were felt by Learning more severely than by most of his brethren. He had not only to bear the insults of the populace, who tore his picture from the walls of his house, and mutilated it, and nailed it, with the head downward, to a sign-post ; but the operations of the British forces under General Tryon, in 1779, laid his Church and great part of his Parish in ashes, and destroyed every article of personal property that he possessed. His loss that fatal day was not less than twelve or thirteen hundred pounds sterling. Yet gave he expression to no other feelings but those of thankfulness that his life was spared. His troubles were not even then over. The crime of being a Tory was reason enough to cast him into prison, where he had nothing but the floor to lie upon ; and when, at length, the order of release arrived, it found him la- bouring under a malady, brought on by the hardships he had suffered, which crippled him for life. His in- firmities and advancing years were pleaded by him as reasons for declining the Episcopal office to which his brethren had called him, and which thereupon devolved on Seabury. Of Mansfield, another of the same de- Mansfield. _ . ' . voted band, the testimony has been re- corded by Dr. Jarvis of Middletown 54, that he was ' one of the holiest and most guileless of men.' Having remembered the time when there were but three pro- fessing members of the Church of England in New- haven, of whom two were of doubtful character, and when the bitterness of Puritan hatred against her was 54 Author of a Chronological Introduction to the History of the Church, and son of the second Bp. of Connecticut. XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 429 so intense, that, even his own sister, upon hearing that he had sailed for England to receive ordination from her Bishops, prayed that he might be lost at sea 65 ; Mansfield yet lived to see that same Church acknowledged, even by those who had been her adver- saries, as a powerful and honoured instrument in the work of winning souls to Christ. His own consistent course of active ministerial duty, pursued without in- termission for twenty-seven years at Derby, in Con- necticut, was doubtless among not the least important causes which effected this change. But the humility of Mansfield marked every word and act of his ; and none could put so low an estimate upon his labours as himself. He possessed, in a high degree, the con- fidence of the Society; and among its records is an interesting letter from him, Sept. 25, 1768, in which he relates the progress of a long journey, undertaken by him to seven or eight different towns in the pro- vinces of New York and Massachusetts Bay, for the purpose of ascertaining and reporting where new Mis- sions might be established. At all these places, some of which were 100 miles distant from his own mission, Mansfield found hearts eager to welcome him. But the war soon changed the aspect of things, and the ' Committee of Inquiry,' believing him to be in cor- respondence with the British authorities, issued orders for his arrest ; and his friends prevailed upon him to seek his only safety in immediate flight 5C. The station assigned to Diblee, after his ordination, was Stamford, in Connecticut ; and the manner in which he discharged his duties 55 Quoted by Hawkins, 234, upon the authority of Dr. Jarvis. 86 Hawkins, 235, 236. 253, 254. 430 CHURCH REVIVAL IIS" FEW ENGLAND. [CH. there may best be learnt from the testimony of St. George Talbot, whose devotion on behalf of the Church I have before mentioned 57 ; and who, after a tour made with Diblee in 1762, reports his 'services' as ' universally acceptable, and his life agreeable to his public character.' In his case also, as in almost every other, the onset of the war brought terror and con- fusion with it, and seemed for a time to make void the benefit of all former services, howsoever long and faithfully performed 58. . In like manner, if it were needful, or 1 he benefit of these ser- the limits of this work allowed it, I might vices greatly , " obstructed go on to show, by further evidences, the ings in Eng- wonderful extent to which reverence and affection were revived, during the last cen- tury, in the hearts of the men of Connecticut towards the Church which their fathers had forsaken. Enough, however, has been said to establish the certainty of the fact, and to lead us gratefully to acknowledge the benefits which flowed from it. A feeling of regret, in- deed, accompanies this expression of our gratitude, when we consider, that, whilst these men gave them- selves thus heartily to their work, and sent home with reiterated urgency their prayers for that help which the presence of a faithful Bishop could alone secure to them, our spiritual rulers were denied the power of granting it. I have already adverted to the terms in which Chandler gave utterance to this prayer 59. And if I have forborne to cite similar applications from Cutler, Johnson, Caner, Beach, and others, of whom I have since spoken, it has only been that I might 57 See p. 314, ante. 58 Hawkins, 292. 307- 59 See p. 247, ante. XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 431 spare the reader the weariness and vexation of spirit which I have myself experienced, in reviewing, again and again, the same records of fruitless entreaty, of repeated and unavailing remonstrance. There was not one of these men who did not renew the like earnest prayer, and urge its justice by conclusive ar- gument ; but all were doomed to disappointment. The explanation of this humiliating fact has causes been in part given already ; and the pre- thereof- sent chapter throws further light upon it. Not only did the same causes still operate among many of the Clergy at home, which, in an earlier part of the cen- tury, had led our Statesmen to view their conduct with jealousy and suspicion ; but the policy of those Statesmen had since provoked in the American Colo- nies still stronger jealousy and suspicion against them- selves, and against the Church and Throne of England with which that policy was identified. In Further addition to the evidences already brought Lett!?*1"/116 forward, the following communications be- Sherlock and Seeker. tween our Bishops at home and some of those Clergymen in Connecticut, of whom I have lately spoken, will be found signally to illustrate the fatal effects of such policy. Bishop Sherlock, for instance, writes thus to John- son, Sept. 19, 1750: ' I have been soliciting the establishment of one or two Bishops to reside in proper parts of the Plantations, and to have the con- duct and direction of the whole. I am sensible for myself that I am capable of doing but very little service to those distant Churches, and I am persuaded that no Bishop residing in England, ought to have, or willingly to undertake, this province. As soon as I came to the See of London, I presented a memorial to the King upon this subject ; which was referred to his principal Officers of State to be considered. But so many difficulties were started, that no report 432 CHTIBCH EEYIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. was made to His Majesty. After this, I presented a petition to the King in Council of like purport. His Majesty's journey to Hanover left no room to take a resolution upon an affair that deserves to be maturely weighed. This lies before the King in Council, and will, I hope, be called for when His Majesty returns to England.' The letter concludes with an allusion to the sup- posed defects of the Patent under which Bishops' Commissaries were appointed, and which had already thrown difficulties in the way of Bishop Gibson 60. In the answer returned to the above letter by John- son, March 26, 1751, he encloses a paper signed by five of the Boston Clergy, among whom were Cutler and Caner, which fully states and answers objections that had been urged in New England against the ap- pointment of Bishops in America. It was feared (said the opponents of the measure) lest such Bishops should exercise a coercive power, adverse to the people and their governors ; and that their maintenance would be a burden upon the people, and inconsistent with the form of government which, in New England, was in the hands of the Independents. In reply to which it was declared, that no coercive power was desired over the Laity in any case, nor any share of temporal government ; that all the authority sought for was only such as was necessary for the controul of the Clergy, and for the full enjoyment of all the ordinances of the Church by those who were her members ; that the Colonies were not to be charged with the mainte- nance of a Bishop ; and that there was no intention of settling them in provinces whose government was in the hands of Nonconformists, but only that they 60 See p. 187, ante. XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 433 should have the power of superintending all congrega- tions of their own communion within such provinces. The answers to proposals so reasonable were these. Sherlock writes, April 21, 1752 : ' The observations you communicated to me, with relation to the settlement of Episcopacy amongst you, are very just, and worthy of consideration ; but I am afraid that others, who have more power and influence, do not see the thing in the light that we do, and I have but little hopes of succeeding at present. 1 1 think myself, at present, in a very bad situation : Bisbop of a vast country, without power, or influence, or any means of pro- moting true religion ; sequestered from the people over whom I have the care, and must never hope to see. I should be tempted to throw off all this care quite, were it not for the sake of pre- serving even the appearance of an Episcopal Church in the Plan- tations.' Johnson received in the same year another letter from Seeker, then Bishop of Oxford, who writes : 1 Concerning the important scheme of establishing Bishops abroad, I can, at present, give no encouraging prospect. We must en- deavour again, when we see opportunity ; and pray always that He, Who hath put the times and seasons in His own power, would, in the time that He sees proper, revive that, and every part of His work amongst us.' Seeker again writes, two years afterwards (1754), in the like strain : ' We bave done all we can here in vain, and must wait for more favourable times ; which I think it will contribute not a little to bring on, if the ministers of our Church in America, by friendly converse with the principal Dissenters, can satisfy them that nothing more is intended or desired, than that our Church may enjoy the full benefit of its own institutions, as all theirs do. For so long as they are uneasy and remonstrate, regard will be paid to them and their friends here by our Ministers of State. And yet it will be a hard matter for you to prevent their being uneasy, while they rind you gaining ground upon them. That so much money of the So- ciety was employed in supporting Episcopal congregations amongst YOL. in. P f 434 CHTJECH EEVIYAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. them, was industriously made an argument against the late collec- tion. And though, God be thanked, the collection hath notwith- standing proved a very good one, yet, unless we be cautious on that head, we shall have further clamour ; and one knows not what the effect of it may be.' Upon the elevation of Seeker, in 1758, to the Me- tropolitan See, his correspondence is still of the same character. A letter from him to Johnson, May 22, 1764, contains the following passage : ' The affair of American Bishops continues in suspense, Lord Willoughby of Parham, the only English dissenting peer, and Dr. Chandler, have declared, after our scheme was fully laid before them, that they saw no objection against it. The Duke of Bed- ford, Lord President, hath given a calm and favourable hearing to it, hath desired it may be reduced to writing, and promised to con- sult about it with the other ministers at his first leisure. Indeed, I see not how Protestant Bishops can decently be refused us, as in all probability a Popish one will be allowed, by connivance at least, in Canada. What relates to Bishops, must be managed in a quiet, private manner. Were solicitors to be sent over prematurely from America for Bishops, there would also come solicitors against them ; a flame would be raised, and we should never carry our point. Whenever an application from thence is really wanted, and become seasonable, be assured that you will have immediate notice.' Again, in 1766, the Archbishop writes, — ' I am grieved that I cannot answer your letter to my satisfaction or yours. It is very probable that a Bishop or Bishops would have been quietly received in America before the Stamp Act was passed here. But it is certain that we could get no permission here to send one. Earnest and continual endeavours have been used with our successive Ministers and Ministries, but without obtaining more than promises to consider and confer about the matter ; which promises have never been fulfilled. The King hath expressed him- self repeatedly in favour of the scheme ; and hath proposed, that, if objections are imagined to lie against other places, a Protestant Bishop should be sent at least to Quebec, where there is a Popish one, and where there are few Dissenters to take offence. And, in XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 435 the latter end of Mr. Grenville's ministry, a plan of an ecclesiastical establishment for Canada was formed, on which a Bishop might easily have been grafted, and was laid before a Committee of Council. But opinions differed there, and proper persons could not be persuaded to attend; and, in a while, the ministry changed. Incessant application was made to the new ministry ; some slight hopes were given, but no one step taken. Yesterday the ministry was changed again, as you may see in the papers ; but, whether any change will happen in our concern, and whether for the better or the worse, I cannot so much as guess. Of late, indeed, it hath not been prudent to do any thing, unless at Quebec ; and therefore the address from the clergy of Connecticut, which arrived here in December last, and that from the clergy of New York and New Jersey, which arrived in January, have not been presented to the King. But he hath been acquainted with the purport of them, and directed them to be postponed to a fitter time61.' Similar communications were received by Johnson and Chandler from Bishops Terrick and Lowth 62, who occupied in succession the See of London, from the year 1764 to the year 1787 ; but, as they contain not any new matter, I refrain from quoting them. It is impossible, however, to leave The great these references to the letters of our seeker's Bishops in England to the Clergy in Ame- counsels, rica, without acknowledging the great value which pre-eminently attaches to those of Archbishop Seeker. The volumes which contain them are among the most precious treasures to be found this day among the manuscripts of Lambeth Library : and I only regret, that, from want of space, I am prevented from placing before the reader even an abstract of the notes which I have been permitted to take from them. They spread over a much longer period of time than that 61 Chandler's Life of Johnson (Appendix), 165. 168—171. 174. 176, 177. 197- 199, 200. 62 lb. 201—209. if 2 436 CHURCH REVIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. embraced in the published correspondence between Seeker and Johnson; one of the most valuable of them, being written by Seeker to Johnson, from St. James's, Westminster, March 8, 1745-6, and giving an historical summary of the various evils which had been inflicted upon the Church in America from the absence of her Bishops. His letters upon all subjects connected with the Church over which he was allowed to exercise so blessed an influence, breathe throughout the purest charity and "meekness of wisdom;" and in none, perhaps, are these qualities more conspicuous, than in a letter written, whilst he was Bishop of Ox- ford, from Cuddesden, Sept. 17, 1741, to Whitefield, in answer to some sharp strictures which the latter had addressed to him, a few months before, as he was sail- ing to Scotland, upon Seeker's recent Anniversary Sermon before the Society. The subject-matter of some of Whitefield' s remarks, and the spirit which pervaded them all, strongly resembled those which afterwards characterised the assailants in the Mayhew controversy ; and the patience and calmness and clear reasoning with which Seeker answered every ob- jection, were but an anticipation of the more delibe- rate defence which he made so successfully against Mayhew. „ , . , In addition to all the causes which I have Conduct of some of our enumerated, as frustrating the strenuous Statesmen. ' ° . and repeated efforts of men on both sides of the Atlantic to extend the Episcopate to our Co- lonies, there was one, which I have not yet touched upon, which doubtless had a large share in bringing about this result, — I mean the spirit of indifference to the real character and duties of the Church, so un- happily manifested by some of the leading Statesmen XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 437 of that day. At all times, indeed, and in the hearts of all men, the ascendancy of the present objects of time and sense over the unseen realities of the future begets this indifference ; and the selfishness of our na- ture strengthens it. And, amid the hurtful influences of the 18th century, the evil could hardly fail to be increased. The easy composure, for instance, with which Sir Eobert Walpole told Bishop sir Robert Gibson, that it was useless for Berkeley Waip«ie. to remain any longer in America upon the faith of the payment of a grant which England had solemnly pro- mised 63, betrays a condition of mind little observant of the strict rule of Christian morals, and one which, I believe, could not be manifested by any Statesman of our own day. It has been alleged, indeed, as an excuse for "Walpole, in another matter, — namely, the acknowledged system of corruption by which he go- verned,— that ' no man ought to be severely censured for not being beyond his age in virtue 6V I stop not now to consider the validity of this excuse ; still less do I desire to cast severe censure upon any man. But it is clear, that the ground upon which the critic, in the present instance, rests his plea, bears out all that I have just advanced. The temptations of the age in which Walpole lived facilitated the commission of a national crime to which he was the chief consent- ing party. Chalmers, indeed, has said 65, that the fear of offend- ing Dissenters at home, and of inclining the Colonies to independency, induced Walpole to divert the aid 63 See p. 366, ante. 64 See Macaulay's notice of Walpole's character. Essays, &c, 271, ed. 1850. 83 Biog. Diet. (Art. Berkeley.) 438 CHURCH REVIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. once promised to Berkeley. I cannot find authority for this statement ; and, even if it be well founded, it offers no sufficient explanation of "Walpole's conduct. The independency of the Colonies, indeed, was achieved not many years afterwards. But he must be entirely ignorant of the causes which led to that event, who supposes that the encouragement of the Colonial Church by the State at home was one of them. The very opposite conclusion to this is the true one. The American Colonies were lost to England, not less through her neglect of them in matters spiritual, than her oppressive treatment of them in matters temporal. Duke of In tracing the course of this neglect, it Newcastle. jg impossible not to feel that a large por- tion of it may be ascribed to the strange influence exercised by the Duke of Newcastle in the English Cabinet. He was, for nearly thirty years, one of the two Secretaries of State, and, for nearly ten years, Prime Minister. And yet, so unmethodical were his habits, and such utter incapacity did he betray for the ordinary routine of public business, that, were it not for the conclusive evidence which attests the fact, we should deem it incredible that a man, entrusted with such vast power, and for so long a time, should have been so unfit for the trust. Horace Walpole, for in- stance, in his Memoirs of George II. 6rt, ascribes the facilities afforded to the enterprises of Erance, at the beginning of the war which broke out between her and England, in 1754, to the ignorance in which the English Court had been kept with respect to the af- fairs of America. This ignorance he ascribes further 06 i. 396, 2nd ed. XXIX.J a.d. 17LA— 1776. 439 to the fact, that the Colonial department had been subject to the Secretary of State for the His care Southern Province 6\ assisted bv the Board le.ss admi- , nistration of of Trade ; that, during; Sir Eobert AVal- the British • • ■ -iii j i Colonies. pole s administration, it had lapsed almost into a sinecure ; and that, throughout the whole of that period, the Duke of Newcastle had been the Se- cretary answerable for its right conduct. 4 It would not be credited (he says) what reams of paper, repre- sentations, petitions, from that quarter of the world, lav mouldering and unopened in his office. West Indian governors could not come within the sphere of his jealousy ; nothing else merited or could fix his mercurial inattention. He knew as little of the geography of his province as of the state of it. "When General Ligonier hinted some defence to him for Annapolis, he replied, with his evasive hurry, " Annapolis ! Annapolis ! O ! yes, Annapolis must be de- fended ; to be sure, Annapolis should be defended, — where is An- napolis ?" ' Macaulay, who repeats this anecdote, relates an- other equally illustrative of the Duke's sagacity and geographical knowledge : ■ Cape Breton an island '. wonderful ! show it me in the map. So it is, sure enough. My dear sir, you always bring us good news. I must go and tell the King that Cape Breton is an island 68.' 67 The two Secretaries of State at this time were for the Northern and Southern Province ; the former, including the Low Countries, Germany, Denmark, Sweden, Poland, Russia, dec. ; and the Southern, including France, Switzerland, Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Turkey. The affairs of Ireland and the Colonies devolved upon the elder of these two Secretaries. In 1768, a third Secretary was expressly appointed for the American or Colonial department ; but this office was abolished in 1782, at which time also the terms ' Northern ' and ' Southern ' were discontinued, and the duties divided into ' Home ' and ' Foreign.' Havdn's Book of Dignities, p. 170. 68 Macaulay's Essays, &c. 280. 440 CHTHCH BETTY AL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. It seems hardly possible that ignorance so ludicrous and helpless should have been the lot of any man. Yet the stories are well authenticated ; and their ge- neral acceptance attests their probability. The blame- less private character of Newcastle, his princely fortune, his generous spirit, his political influence as leader of the "Whigs, his devotion to the house of Brunswick, and, above all, his insatiable thirst for power, may ac- count, in some degree, for the prominent part he bore in the administration of this country. But, allowing to these causes all their importance, the fact of his continuance in high office, through so many years, is an enigma which remains to be solved 69. Their great -^e Colonies, entrusted to his keeping, importance through so lone: and critical a period of an agerava- 0 ° , x tion of his their history, were the mightiest, let it be misconduct. . , , . _ . remembered, which ever sprang irom any empire upon earth. 1 Children,' said Edmund Burke, in words which will be remembered until the English tongue shall cease, ' Children do not grow faster from infancy to manhood, than they spread from families to communities, and from villages to nations.' He that would describe their commerce would find that 'fic- tion ' lagged ' after truth ;' that ' invention ' was ' un- fruitful, and imagination cold and barren.' At one time, we may look for this adventurous people ' among the tumbling mountains of ice,' or ' penetrating into the deepest frozen recesses of Hudson's Bay;' and, soon again, ' we hear that they have pierced into the opposite region of polar cold, that they are at the 69 Macaulay's Essays, &c. ut sup. ; Coxe's Life of Sir R. TVal- pole, i. 327- It is only fair to add that Professor Smythe speaks of the political course of Newcastle in respectful terms. Lectures on Modern History, ii. 293. XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 441 antipodes, and engaged under the frozen serpent of the south.' 'The equinoctial heat' was 'not more discouraging to them than the accumulated winter of both the poles.' ' Some of them ' drew ' the line and ' struck 1 the harpoon on the coast of Africa ; others ' ran 1 the longitude, and ' pursued ' their gigantic game along the coast of Brazil. No sea but what ' was ' vexed by their fisheries. No climate that ' was ' not witness to their toils.' And all this, the spirit and the work of a 'recent people; a people still, as it were, but in the gristle, and not yet hardened into the bone of manhood 7V Tet was there found an English minister, who " cared for none of those things ;" who had neither eyes to see, nor heart to feel, nor mind to comprehend, the working of such wondrous energies. His country- men might spread across lake and mountain, around gulf and headland, along river and sea-board ; affixing to every spot the names of places well known and dear to them, in the land which they had left ; or recog- nising those that were already identified with the en- terprises of other nations of Europe. But why should he concern himself with their acts ? Three thousand miles of ocean rolled between him and them. Three months or more, and sometimes twice that period, must be consumed, in receiving an answer to tidings sent from one side of that vast ocean to the other. "Why, then, should the busy interests of each passing day and hour at home be interrupted by the affairs of 70 Burke's Speech on Conciliation with America, 1775. Works, iii. 36. 43—46. There is a passage in Professor Smythe's Lec- tures on Modern History, ii. 359, descriptive of the greatness of America, which, for its vigorous eloquence, may justly bear com- parison with the above well-known passage of Burke. 442 CHURCH REVIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. a world so remote? He could not indeed close his office doors against the missives which arrived thence. They were gathered upon his table in heaps. But there let them lie. No hand of his should break the seals, or unfold the wearisome catalogue of favours to be granted and of wrongs to be redressed. "What grievous and complicated distress would not even a month of such proud negligence create ! Yet that dis- tress must be multiplied more than three hundredfold, ere it can reach the frightful aggregate of ills pro- duced by the Duke of Newcastle's misrule of our Colonies for nearly thirty years. Can we wonder, that when the blast of war blew in the ears of such a man, it should have filled him, and the nation which trusted in him, with confusion ; and that, in the attempt to employ, against an active and daring enemy, the re- sources of a people of whom he knew but little, in countries of which he knew still less, he should have been utterly bewildered and lost ? If such were the unworthy treatment of our Colo- nies with regard to matters of immediate urgency, it will be readily understood, that, with regard to other interests, — of higher importance, indeed, than any which war or commerce bring with them, but not equally attractive to the eye of sense, they would have to encounter neglect still greater. The minister, who was slow to provide means of temporal defence, could hardly be expected to care much for the supply of spiritual help. If the General found it difficult to make him understand the quarter to which military succour should be sent, what hope was there that the representations of a Bishop should be listened to, who spoke of the need of Clergymen, of Schools, of Churches, as instruments to extend, throughout regions known XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. hardly to him by name, the "godliness," which is not less "profitable for the life that now is" than "for that which is to come?" Gibson might seek for powers to define more accurately the Commission by which he and his predecessors in the See of London were authorised to superintend the Colonial Churches, and the terms of which, in his judgment, were wanting in the clearness which was necessary to make the su- perintendence effectual. Sherlock might present to the King his earnest memorial that Bishops might forthwith be sent out to the Plantations, and receive for answer that it was referred to the Officers of State. Seeker might exert towards the same end all the in- fluence which he had so justly gained whilst he was Eector of St. James's, and, afterwards, whilst Dean of St. Paul's and Bishop of Oxford. He might renew it with increased zeal, through all the ten years in which he was Primate. But the mass of inert resistance, presented in the office of Secretary of State responsible for the Colonies, was too great to be overcome. The utmost which the repeated exertions of all these men could obtain was promise after promise that mi- nisters would ' consider and confer about the matter 'which promises (adds Seeker) have never been ful- filled71.' There was one, however, among the TheEariof Statesmen of that day, whose conduct in Hallfax- these matters was widely different from that displayed 71 The period during which Gibson and Sherlock occupied the See of London was from 1723 to 1761, comprising exactly the years in which Newcastle was first Secretary of State, and after- wards Prime Minister. Seeker was contemporary with both ; having been Bishop of Bristol in 1734; whence he was translated to Oxford in 1737, and to Canterbury in 1758. 444 CHUECH EEYIVAL IN NEW ENGLAND. [CH. by most others. I allude to George, last Earl of Ha- lifax, who filled the office of President of the Council of Foreign Plantations from 1748 to 1760, at which date he was appointed Viceroy of Ireland. Seeker speaks of Halifax in one of his last letters to Johnson, as being ' very earnest for Bishops in America 72,' and heartily supporting his own exertions towards their appointment. But the obstacles which I have de- scribed above were still existing, and strong enough to frustrate even the efforts of one whose official po- sition might have given hopes of success. And, be- fore Halifax was able to resume a yet higher post in England, that fatal measure, the Stamp Act, had passed, which, according to the admission of Seeker himself, made the further prosecution of the scheme at that time impracticable. I will not venture to give expression to the feelings which I have experienced in relating the various inci- dents contained in this chapter, and which the atten- tive reader can hardly fail to share. That which pre- vails over every other, at the present moment, and which alone I wish to leave on record, is the feeling of deepest gratitude to those men of Connecticut, who, not from a mere hereditary attachment to the Church of England, or indolent acquiescence in her teaching, but from a deep abiding conviction of the truth that she is a faithful 1 witness and keeper of Holy Writ,' have shown to her ministers, in every age and country, the way in which they can best promote the glory of their heavenly Master's name, and enlarge the borders of His Kingdom. And, as for the hindrances cast in their path by the policy of secular rulers at home, let 72 Chandler's Life of Johnson (Appendix), 182. XXIX.] a.d. 1714—1776. 445 us now only think of them in contrast with the willing readiness, which we have seen exhibited by Statesmen of all parties in our own day, to strengthen the hands, and increase the efficiency, abroad and at home, of the Church of which they are members. CHAPTEE XXX. REMAINING NOTICES OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND IN EHODE ISLAND, NEW TORE, THE CAEOLINAS, GEORGIA, AND THE WEST INDIES. A. D. 1700—1776. The names of many persons and places have occurred incidentally in the course of the foregoing narrative, which demand a yet further notice ; and this I pro- pose to give, as briefly and faithfully as I can, in the concluding chapter of this Volume. Rhode Ehode Island, for example, which com- isiand. prises not only the island of that name, but Narragansett, and other adjacent parts of the conti- nent,— the asylum of Eoger Williams in the hour of his persecution, — and the residence of Dean Berkeley, in the day when he strove (but ineffectually) to realise his noble scheme, — was one of the first Colonies which besought the help of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. In Newport, its chief town, Lockyer, a Clergyman of the Church of England, had gathered a small flock, and Nicholson, Governor of Maryland, had laid the foundation of Trinity Church, before the services of end °f the century. Honyman was Honyman. appointed to it by the Society, in 1704. a.d. 1700—1776. 447 He returned to England upon his private affairs in 1708, but was soon again at his post ; and the whole period of his services, which were uniformly conducted with active and prudent zeal, lasted for 45 years. Besides his regular ministrations at Newport, he visited Portsmouth, at the southern extremity of the island, and Freetown, Tiverton, Little Compton, Pro- vidence, and Narragansett, on the continent. The charge of the three first-named towns on the conti- nent was, in 1712, delegated to a second Missionary ; that of Providence, thirty miles north-west of New- port, and now the most flourishing town in the State, was undertaken, as we have seen, by Pigott, who re- moved thither from Stratford; and that of Narra- gansett, — where a Church had been built in 1707, — was, for a short time, entrusted to Christopher Bridge, an assistant to Myles, at King's Chapel, Boston, — and, afterwards, to Guy, who arrived in 1717, but, through ill health, removed soon afterwards to South Carolina. Mc Sparran then succeeded to the post; and, from 1721 to the end of 1757, continued, with scarcely any intermission, discharging his duties with a fidelity which has won for him a reputation second to none of the Society's Missionaries l. But, what- soever success may have waited upon labourers who came afterwards, the foundation of the work was un- doubtedly laid by Honyman. His earnest entreaties and unwearied diligence made it impossible for the Society, even in the infancy of its existence, not to do its utmost to help him. Finding, in his earliest visits to Providence, that he gathered around him 1 Updike speaks of him as ' the most able divine that was ever sent over to that country.' History of the Church in Narragan- sett, 266. 448 RHODE ISLAND. [CH. larger numbers there than in any other place, he writes home, and say3, ' There is a great prospect of settling a Church here ; and, if the Society will send a Missionary to a people so much in want, and yet so desirous of receiving the Gospel, perhaps this might prove one of the greatest acts of charity they have ever done yet.' Soon afterwards, his prayer is renewed : ' I have preached there again, and the number of people is so in- creased, that no house there could hold them, so that I was obliged to preach in the open fields. The people are now going about to get subscriptions to build a Church. If the Society knew the ne- cessity there is of a Missionary here, they would immediately send one. In the mean time I shall give them all the assistance I can.' These were no vain words. The benefit of Hony- man's assistance was felt in every way ; not only by urgent remonstrances and unwearied ministrations, but by the help which few Missionaries had the power to give, that of money offerings. When the Church at Providence was built, he contributed £10, — a seventh part of his Missionary income ; and when, in 1726, a new and larger Church was completed in Newport, his offering was £30, and, mainly through his exertions, was raised the remainder of the required sum, amount- ing to nearly £2000. _ , Of the Lav-members of the Church who Benefac- <* Kay0fMr' assisted Honyman, Nathaniel Kay, col- lector of the Eoyal revenues in Ehode Island, stood foremost ; and although, amid the exten- sive mismanagement of estates in trust which followed the Revolutionary war, the property has been lost, it ought not to be forgotten that the piety of Kay be- queathed a house, lands, and money for the founda- tion and endowment of schools in connexion with the Church at Newport and Bristol; and that, within a XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 449 few years from his death, which took place in 1734, to the outbreak of the war, the benefit was enjoyed by her people. The first master of the school founded The succes_ by Kay, Jeremiah Leamiug, was one of the Honjman many celebrated men, of whom I have already spoken, who left the Congregationalists for the Church of England ; and, having been (according to the provisions of Kay's Will) ordained, he became the assistant of Honyman in his pastoral duties. Upon the death of the latter, Learning had the entire charge of the Mission for a year. It was then, as we have seen, offered to and declined by Beach. After which Pollen and Browne were successively entrusted with it, Veates and Bisset acting as the assistants and schoolmasters. Up to this time, the appointment and part of the stipend of the minister had been derived from the Society at home. But, upon the death of Browne (1770), the Society declined to be any longer responsible for either, believing that the Church at Newport was able to provide both from her own re- sources ; and that, where this was the case, the duty of the Society was to turn to other quarters which stood in greater need of its fostering care ; — an equit- able rule of action, which is observed to this day. Bisset was elected to the vacant post ; and continued to discharge its duties, until the evacuation of Bhode Island by the King's troops, in 1779, forced him to flee. Then followed the ruin and distress of which so many examples were witnessed in every quarter. His wife and child were brought with himself to beggary ; and the structure and ornaments of his Church were de- faced amid the jeers and insults of soldiers flushed with conquest. The King's arms, after being dragged YOL. in. G g 450 RHODE ISLAND. [CH. down and trampled under foot, were, carried out to the north battery, and set up as a target to fire at. The only wonder is, that the pulpit in which Berkeley once preached should have been suffered to stand, or that any emblem of Royalty, either the crown upon the spire, or the crown surmounting the organ given by Berkeley, should have escaped the hands of the spoiler. 1 profess not to describe the strife and confusion which followed. My only reason for alluding to them at all is that I may gratefully record the fact, that, in the end, order and harmony and effectual ministra- tions of holiness were restored, by the resolution of the Churches of Newport, Providence, and Bristol, passed in Convention in 1790, declaring Seabury, Bishop of the Church in Connecticut, to be Bishop also of the Church in Ehode Island ; and by the ap- pointment, in 1797, to the Church at Newport, of Theodore Dehon, the very savour of whose name, as Pastor, Preacher, and Bishop, is, and ever will be, in all climes and countries, fragrant as that of " ointment poured forth V Providence. The formation of a Church at Provi- hlHucTet dence> and the removal thither from Strat- sors- ford of Pigott, its first minister, have been already described. The township of Providence, at that time (1724), included the whole county of the same name, and embraced a population of 10,000 per- 2 Dehon officiated at Newport until 1810, when, through ill health, he removed to Charleston, and became Rector of St. Michael's. In 1812, he was consecrated Bishop of the Church in S. Carolina. He died in 1817, aged 41. Humphreys, 318—326; Hawkins, 165—168; Updike, 392—406; Gadsden's Life of Bp. Dehon, 71-94. XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 451 sons, a majority of whom were little disposed to regard with favour the ministrations of the Church of Eng- land among them. Pigott staid there but a short time; and thence removed to Marblehead, at which place, and at Salem, he continued to officiate for a few years, still visiting occasionally his former congregation at Provideuce, and showing himself a prompt, learned, and able defender of the public ordinances of the Church. His course of duty was interrupted, in 1738, by heavy domestic sorrows. A fearful epidemic broke out at Marblehead, carryiug off 400 of its inhabitants, and among them, within three weeks, four of Pigott's children. In the midst of his affliction, he went to visit a poor sick parishioner, and, falling upon a ridge of ice, broke his left arm. A second time, in the course of the following summer, he broke the same arm; and, with health and spirits shattered, he sought and ob- tained leave to retire to England 3. Of those who followed Pigott at Pro- & Brown. vidence, I find honourable mention made, checkiey, and Graves. in the records still extant, of Arthur Brown, Checkiey, and Graves. His immediate successor, whose name was Charro, was dismissed for misconduct. The career of Checkiey was a remarkable one. A native of Boston, and receiving there his education in earlier years, he completed it at the University of Oxford. He then passed some time in travelling through the greatest part of Europe; and, upon his return to Boston, applied himself chiefly to the study of subjects connected with the doctrines and discipline of the Church. His first pamphlet, in 1723, was entitled, ' A modest proof of the order and government settled 3 Updike, 213, 214. 409. Gg2 452 EHODE ISLAND. [CH. by Christ and His Apostles in the Church, &c.,' and showed what had been for some time the current of his research and thoughts. In the same year, Checkley republished Leslie's ' Short and Easy Method with the Deists ;' and appended to it another Treatise on Epis- copacy. For this, he was brought to trial, upon the charge of being a libeller; and the jury returned a special verdict of ' guilty, if publishing in defence of Episcopacy was a libel.' A sentence, imposing a penalty of £50, followed this verdict ; and, upon the payment of it, Checkley proceeded to England, where he re- published his pamphlet, in 1728, and sought for ordi- nation in her Church. In this attempt he failed at first ; his enemies having succeeded in persuading Bishop Gibson that he was a Non-juror. I cannot find the slightest evidence for this charge ; but, when the house of Hanover was beset by many and formida- ble enemies within and without the kingdom, and whilst the scandal, caused among Churchmen in the Colonies by the acts of Welton and Talbot, was yet fresh in the Bishop's memory, he felt it his duty not to pro- voke further clamour, by ordaining one upon whom the odium of such an imputation rested. But Checkley was not to be turned aside from his purpose; and, in 1739, when he was in his 60th year, he was ordained by Weston, Bishop of Exeter, with the concurrence, of course, of Gibson. The evidences supplied from the records of the Church at Providence prove, that, even at that advanced age, — nearly the latest at which any man ever entered the ministry, — Checkley did good and valuable service, for a period of 14 years. He exercised a remarkable influence among the In- dians and Negroes. Many of them who had known him in former years came to him from distant places ; a.d. 1700— 177G. 453 receiving eagerly and thankfully his teaching, and sending to him their children for instruction4. Of John Graves, who had given up a Parish in Yorkshire, that he might enter upon the more arduous work which awaited him, as the successor of Cheekley, at Providence, the same records furnish uniformly the highest testimony. At that place, and at AVarwick, ten miles distant, there was not, from his arrival in 1754 until the breaking out of the Revolutionary war, any interruption to the course of his successful ministry. Among many of the Nonconformists, not less than among his own people, his eloquence and zeal and holiness excited the warmest admiration and love ; and, with the knowledge of such things before us, arises a deeper feeling of regret, when we look a few years onward, and find the same miserable story renewed of jealousy, estrangement, violence, and final separation 5. Bristol, upon the Narragansett coast, gt had been first settled in 1680 ; and, a few Michael's, P i , ■ • • Bristol. years afterwards, the imposition of a tax upon all the inhabitants in support of a Congrega- 4 Updike, &c, 205-211. 458—466. 5 Tb. 264, 265. 466-478. Updike has here given two different accounts of Graves's conduct, after the Revolutionary war, which I am unable to reconcile. At p. 265, quoting from Staples' Annals, he says that Graves ' considered himself discharged from his oaths of allegiance and consecration vows, and offered his services to the Parish as an American, which were refused.' Yet, at p. 478, re- ferring to Graves's own account of himself to the Society, he says, that, although ' most of the churches which, for rive years, were shut up, had lately been opened, Graves could not be prevailed upon, either by threats or promises, to open his church in the present situation of affairs ; that he had, therefore, quitted his parsonage-house, and the people had formally dismissed him.' 454 EHODE ISLAND. [CH. tionalist minister, proclaimed the unity of spirit and action between it and every other part of New Eng- land. In the beginning of the 18th century, a few Lay-members of the Church of England assembled themselves together in a small building near Mount Hope ; and, in 1720, the Rev. Mr. Owen was sent by the Society to be their first minister in a Parish which they had formed for themselves, to which they gave the name of St. Michael. Upon his arrival, he found a wooden building raised for the future Church, the outside of which was hardly yet finished ; but so eager were the people for the commencement of his public ministrations, that they laid down on the Saturday evening a few rough boards for a floor, and a congre- gation the next day of more than 200 persons, — many of whom came from the neighbouring towns, — showed the thankfulness with which the ordinances of the Church were received in a land in which they had been hitherto unknown. At the close of a year, Owen, who had evinced the greatest zeal and energy, was summoned to another office, better suited to his powers, that of Chaplain to the King's forces at New services of York. His successor, John Usher, amply ushered supplied the loss which the infant Church his son. a£ Bristol might have apprehended from the removal of Owen ; and pursued an uninterrupted course of usefulness for 53 years, continually enlarging his field of duty, and multiplying within its borders evidences of his untiring devotion. The benefit which his Church derived from the bequest of Kay, was a source of great thankfulness to him ; and greater still his joy at finding that his son, — born to him upon his first coming to Bristol, and whose baptism was among the first acts of his ministry, — enhanced, in his early XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 455 manhood, the greatness of the benefit by his efficient management of the school which had been thus founded. This was not the only service rendered to the Church by the younger Usher. No sooner had his father, sinking beneath the weight of fourscore years, gone to his rest, than there fell upon the flock, over which he had affectionately watched, so heavy a burden of affliction, through the war, that its utter extinction seemed to be inevitable. The first and temporary successor to Usher, Mr. Doyle, of Cambridge, Massa- chusetts, was forced, through ill health, to retire. Caner then followed ; but, as we have seen already, advanced in age, he had but little strength left for the prosecution of so arduous a work. The first year in which Caner' s name appears as Missionary at Bristol, 1778, the British forces attacked and set fire to the town; and the Church was utterly consumed. The loss of property thereby caused to the inhabitants provoked among them a more intense hatred against every thing which they identified with the obnoxious acts of Britain ; and, since to be a Churchman was, in their judgment, to be an enemy of American liberty, no language was deemed too strong wherewith to con- demn the name and ordinances of the Church. But, in spite of all the clamour that raged around him, the spirit of John Usher continued stedfast. Caner had been compelled to go to England6. But Usher, in- heriting with his father's name his father's virtues, assembled the few who yet shared the like faith and hope, and celebrated with them such services as they could. At first, their meetings were forced to be in 6 Although Caner withdrew from active duty, the Society granted him, Nov. 18, 1785, in consideration of his former services, an annual gratuity of £G0. 456 RHODE ISLAND. [cn. secret. But, with the termination of the war, came greater liberty. And, for some time, in the old Court- house,— afterwards in a small wooden building, which they contrived to raise, — they assembled every Lord's Day, and joined in the prayers and praises of the Liturgy which Usher read to them. Graves came occasionally from Providence, and other ministers, to administer the sacraments, and render such further aid as they could give ; but it was mainly by the patient watchfulness and simple-hearted piety of her faithful Lay-reader, that the Church of Bristol was then upheld. A brighter day at length dawned upon her. In 1791, Bishop Seabury confirmed twenty-five of her baptized children, who had been trained and nurtured amid such troublous times. In 1793, Seabury ordained Usher to be Eector of the Church in whose behalf he had laboured so long. And, after the lapse of ten years more, when he had reached an age greater even than that attained by his father, he was yet not re- moved from the midst of his people to share his father's grave7, until his spirit had been cheered by the assurance that many a precious and enduring blessing was again secured unto the brethren who had once been so desolate. Not the least of these blessings was the knowledge received by Usher that G-riswold, whose "praise is in all the churches," and who, a few years afterwards, was consecrated Bishop of the Eastern Diocese8, was to be his successor at Bristol, and to 7 Both father and son are buried in the chancel of the church at Bristol. Updike, p. 440. 8 Dr. Bass, a former Missionary of the Society at Woodbury, was consecrated, in 1797, the first Bishop of New Hampshire and Massachusetts. Upon his death, in 1804, Bp. Parker had charge of the same diocese. Upon the consecration of Bp. Griswold, in XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 457 carry on the work which had there been so nobly sus- tained by his father's hands and his own 9. The earliest gathering of a Church at yarragan- "Narragansett, we have seen, was made by sett- Honyman. The population of the county at the time that Christopher Bridge, the Assistant minister of King's Chapel, Boston, became its first Rey Chris_ regular Pastor in 1707, amounted to about [°pher & ' Bridge. 4000, including 200 Negroes 10. The mis- understanding which had unhappily arisen between Bridge and Myles at Boston, to which I have alluded elsewhere, induced Bishop Compton to recommend his removal to Narragansett. A spirit quick to take offence appears again to have animated him in his new position ; and, from this cause, probably, his post at Narragansett was, after the lapse of a year, exchanged for another at Eye, in New York, where he continued until his death, in 1719. It is only justice to his memory to add, that, although a part of his career was thus unquiet, Bridge had gained both at Boston and Xarragansett the respect and affection of many per- sons ; and, when it was terminated at Bye, he left behind him a reputation which any minister of the Church of Christ may be thankful to have deserved n. In 1717, Mr. Guy, — whose Parish of St. Rev Mr Helen, in South Carolina, had been made Guy- desolate by the massacre inflicted by the Tammasee Indians, — was appointed to take charge of Narra- 1811, Vermont and Rhode Island were associated with the former provinces; and the whole was henceforth called 'the Eastern Diocese.' 9 Humphreys, 331—334 ; Updike, 433—440. 476, 477. 10 Humphreys, 325. 11 Updike, 35. 38; Greenwood, 61—72. 458 EHODE ISLAND. [CH. gansett. But, at the end of two years, he was com- pelled, through ill health, to return to Carolina. To him succeeded, in 1721, James Mc Sparran, who, by a faithful ministry of 36 years, gave strength and sta- bility to the Mission. Few communications were made to the Society upon a variety of matters, inti- mately affecting the welfare of the Colonial Church, which display more untiring vigilance or a sounder judgment than those of Mc Sparran12. His three Letters, also addressed in 1752 to different friends at home, and entitled 4 America Dissected,' in the Ap- pendix to Updike's History, contain an impartial account of the condition of the different Colonies, and of the progress of the Church at that time in most of them, and confirm the testimony, which his other writings abundantly supply, that he was, in all things, diligent, able, and conscientious 13. Rev Mr Upon the death of Mc Sparran '* the weather people of Narragansett sought for the services of Learning ; another evidence of the high reputation he enjoyed in New England. But the person appointed was Samuel Fayerweather, a native of Boston, a graduate of Harvard College, and formerly a Congregationalist minister at Newport. He had been admitted into the orders of the English " Hawkins, 222. 227- ** Humphreys, 326. Updike, 46. 62. 191. 214. 238. 482—533. 14 Mc Sparran, in his Will, devised his farms, which were of con- siderable value, for the support of a Bishop, provided one, whose Diocese should include the Narragansett county, came within seven years after the death of his wife. If the proviso were not complied with, the estates were to be divided between certain members of his family. Updike, &c. 274. I call attention to this bequest as another evidence to show how constant was the desire entertained by the Church in America to receive a resident Bishop. a.d. 1700—1776. 459 Church in 1756, and was working as one of the Society's Missionaries in South Carolina, at the time that it was resolved to remove him to Rarragansett. Owing to the detention of the letters announcing to him that decision, and the time which had been pre- viously consumed in communication with England, an interval of nearly three years elapsed between the death of Mc Sparran and the arrival of his successor. During the whole of this interval, there had been a total disuse of Church ordinances ; a cause sufficient of itself to account for the lack of sympathy and zeal which Fayerweather found among his diminished flock, when he entered upon his charge. He continued, however, diligent in the discharge of his duty, from that period (1760) until the end of 1774, when his refusal to omit the prayers prohibited by Congress led to the closing of his Church. Upon the general matters in dispute between the American Colonies and England, Fayerweather is believed to have enter- tained opinions in union with the majority of his countrymen ; and hence, although he felt himself un- able to alter the Liturgy which he had solemnly pro- mised to observe, he was spared the indignities and distress to which the majority of his brother Clergy were exposed. He continued also to officiate occa- sionally in the private houses of his friends, until his death, in 1781; and the records of the Society show that the payment of his stipend was still continued. His body was interred, by the side of his predecessor Mc Sparran, beneath the communion table of St. Paul's Church, where they had both ministered for so many years 15. 15 Updike, &c. 2C9— 272. 358—362. 470-477- In 1799, it was voted that St. Paul's Church should be pulled down, and re- 460 FEW TOEK. [CH. New York Turning our attention now to the work Services of which during the same period was carried on in the city and province of New York, I would ask the reader to bear in mind those parts of it which I have lately reviewed, in connexion with the especial services rendered to the Indians and Negroes by Vesey and Barclay, the successive Hectors of Tri- nity Church, New York 16 ; by Jenney, Wetmore, Colgan, Charlton, and Auchmuty, their Assistant ministers and Catechists ; and by Neau, Huddlestone, Noxon, and Hildreth, the Schoolmasters associated with them. The successful diligence of Barclay. ° Barclay, in other departments of his mi- nistry, was proved by the opening of a Chapel of Ease, St. George's, in 1752 ; and by the large increase of his flock, exhibited soon afterwards in it and in the Mother Church. A further proof is supplied in the foundation of King's College, during his incumbency, upon land which the Corporation of this Parish gave, and the earlier care of which had been entrusted to the able hands of Johnson 17 . He designed also the build- built at Wickford, five miles north, and that a new church should be built on a site formerly given by Mc Sparran, for the accommo- dation of the people living in South Kingstown. The first part of this plan was executed, but not the other ; and, meanwhile, the site on which the old Church stood, and the burial ground belonging to it, remain undisturbed. Ib. 362. 16 Vol. ii. Vesey's incumbency lasted from 1697 to 1756 ; and, about the year 1713, he was appointed the Bp. of London's Com- missary. (Berrian's History, &c. 33.) A grandson of Barclay, the second Rector, is spoken of by Berrian, (ib. 65,) as being still a member of the congregation of Trinity Church, and filling the office of British Consul at the time when his work was published (1847) 5 thus keeping up the connexion between that Church and the family of Barclay for a whole century. 17 See p. 400, ante. XXX.] a.d. 1700— 177G. 461 i ing of a second Cbapel of Ease, St. Paul's; and, although he lived not to see it executed, its rapid i completion under his successor was owing to his pre- jj vious efforts 18. Samuel Auchmuty, for sixteen years -» , . . i-i Auchmuty. || the Assistant to Barclay m his parochial 1 duties, and Catechist to the Negroes, was now called l to succeed him as Eector. For thirteen years longer, , from 1764 to 1777, he continued to labour among his I, people. But these years, at first bright and hopeful, were soon darkened with the clouds of strife which gathered from without and burst with destroying fury i upon Xew York. The Chapel of St. Paul was opened in 1766 ; and they who first assembled themselves be- neath its roof may have looked forward to many a renewal and strengthening of the bonds of Christian fellowship which held them together. But the hour of their disruption was at hand ; and with it came many a grievous trial, which made the pain and agony more intense. Auchmuty' s failing health had forced him to retire in 1776, with his family, to Brunswick in Xew Jersey; and he was thus spared from seeing with his own eyes a portion of these heavy sorrows. But the tidings of them were scarcely less appalling than their actual spectacle would have been. The hope of re- 18 Berrian, 120, 121. The author of this work, who has lived in New York from childhood, and is now Rector of the Church of which he is the able historian, says, that according to its Register, 13/ couples were married, and 431 adults and children were bap- tized, from l/<>3 to 1764, about the time of Barclay's death; and adds, that ' there has been nothing comparable to this, even in the most flourishing state of the parish, during ' his 1 long connexion with it.' Ib. 83. 462 XEW TOKK. [CH. turning peace, which he might have cherished when he heard that the King's troops had once more re- entered New York, was quickly followed by the news that the city had been set on fire in different quarters, and that Trinity Church, his own house, and the Schools and Library belonging to the Parish, were all laid in ashes. He came from Brunswick, and gazed with sorrowful heart upon the ruin. Hardly a vestige of his property remained. His wife and daughters were in the hands of the enemy ; and he knew not when he should be able to obtain their freedom. Nevertheless, with resolute and stedfast spirit, he re- sumed his public duties; and, in St. Paul's Chapel, which had escaped the destroying hand of the incen- diary, he was found preaching, only two days before he was seized with his last mortal sickness. He died, March 4, 1777, sustained by the same blessed hope which had animated him through life. The period of Auchmuty's connexion Ogilvie. . r ... with New York was distinguished by the valuable services of those who were associated with him in his ministry, not less than by his own. Among them was John Ogilvie, of whom I have already spoken, as the able and successful Missionary among the Mohawks. For nine years afterwards, from 1765 to 1774, he carried on the work of the ministry, with equal success, in his native city of New York, where he was especially celebrated for the power with which he secured the love and confidence of those who sought his counsel in private conference, and for the lucid and impressive manner in which he expounded the Scriptures in his public lectures 19. He was still 19 Berrian, 132—134. XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 463 exercising, in the strength of matured manhood, the best energies of his mind, and might have thought that length of days was before him, when death arrested his career. A stroke of apoplexy fell upon him in the pulpit, just after he had recited the text of a Sermon which he was about to preach ; and the few brief days, in which his spirit yet lingered within its shattered tabernacle, were enough to prove his cheer- ful submission to the will of God. The friend and brother minister, who Charles has borne this testimony to Ogilvie, was Inslls- Charles Inglis, who had been elected a few months before him to the same office of Assistant minister in the Parish* of Trinity Church, and Catechist to the Negroes. Upon the death of Auchmuty, in 1777, he succeeded to the Kectorship, and discharged its duties until his resignation in 1783. The first employment of one, who occupies so important a position in the history of the Colonial Church, was that of Master of the Free School at Lancaster, in Pennsylvania. After three years faithful service at this post, he came to England for ordination, and returned in 1759, to take charge of the Mission at Dover. Pew places presented a more arduous field of duty. Its great extent (comprising the whole county of Kent, 33 miles long, and 10 broad), and the unhealthiness of its low, marshy lands, made his burden yet heavier. The sickness and death of his wife created fresh trou- bles; and was, probably, one of the chief reasons which led him, after much hesitation and reluctance, to request leave from the Society to transfer his ser- vices to New York. The manner in which he dis- charged that portion of his duties, which related to the instruction of Negroes in the city, has been 464 new toek. [cn. already noticed20. The like spirit animated him in every other department of his work, which, as the Revolutionary struggle drew on, was daily attended with fresh difficulties. The absence of Auchmuty, from the cause already mentioned, laid a heavier re- sponsibility upon Inglis ; but he appears to have been fully equal to its demands. The variety and greatness of them are minutely described by him in a letter which he wrote to the Society, Oct. 31, 1776. The Declaration of Independence had been made in the July preceding, and, for more than a year before that event, the perils and sufferings of the Loyalist Clergy had been very great. I have already called attention to some of them ; and Inglis, in the above letter, enu- merates many more. Some, he says, had their houses plundered, and their desks ransacked, under pretence of their containing treasonable papers. Others were assailed with opprobrious and brutal threats; others carried by armed mobs into distant provinces, or flung into jails, without any crime alleged against them; others, who had fled from their own homes, were seized and brought back, and threatened to be tried for their lives, because they had sought safety in flight ; others dragged out of the reading-desk, even before the Declaration of Independence had been pro- claimed, because they prayed for the King; others, summoned to appear at Militia musters with their arms, and fined for non-appearance, and threatened with imprisonment if they did not pay the fines. The dangers which beset his brethren soon reached Inglis himself. The removal of General Howe's forces from Boston to Halifax, in the preceding spring, and the 20 See p. 313, ante. XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 465 occupation of New York by Washington and his troops, had left the Loyalists in the city entirely at the mercy of the latter. Inglis, who had now been for some years married a second time, sent his wife and three young children seventy miles up the Hud- son, whilst he himself remained to discharge, as he best could, his duties. On the Sunday Hisdifficul. morning after "Washington's arrival, one j^J. of his officers called at the Sector's house, tionary War. supposing him to have been at home, and left word that ' General Washington would be at church, and would be glad if the violent prayers for the King and Soyal family were omitted.' The mes- sage was couveyed to Inglis, who paid no regard to it. Upon seeing Washington soon afterwards, Inglis plainly told him, that he might, if he pleased, shut up their Churches, but he had no power to make the Clergy depart from the path of duty; and that the attempt to exercise it was most unjust. The terms and manner of Washington's re- ply led Inglis to believe that he felt the force of the remonstrance, and that in fact the message had pro- ceeded from the officious zeal of his officer, and not from his own command. A few days later (May 17), the Congress appointed the public observance of a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, throughout the thirteen united Colonies. Inglis caused his Church to be opened for the celebration of Divine Service upon that day. Careful not to make any direct ac- knowledgment of the authority of Congress, he yet felt it to be his duty to profit by any and every oppor- tunity of uniting with his people in public prayer, and of impressing upon their hearts and his own whatso- ever might tend to the restoration of peace, and to TOL. III. h h 466 NEW YOKE. [CH. the instant and hearty repentance of those sins which had disturbed it. But each day the impending crisis drew nearer. Washington had now nearly 30,000 troops under his command ; and, although it is impos- His firmness sible to believe that his generous and can- under them. fcfi Spirifc WOuld willingly have encouraged any harsh and cruel treatment of the few Loyalists still remaining in the city, instances of it frequently occurred. Inglis and his brother Clergy were in- sulted as they passed along the streets, and threatened with violence, if they dared to pray any longer for the King. One Sunday, after he had been reading prayers, a body of a hundred soldiers marched, with the sound of fife and drum, into the Church, and, with bayonets fixed on their loaded muskets, took up their position in the aisle. Amid the fainting of women, and the cries and tumult of the rest of the people, who expected the instant perpetration of some murderous deed, Inglis went on with the service. The soldiers, after a few minutes, went into some vacant pews which the sexton invited them to occupy ; but still the congregation expected, that, as soon as Inglis began to read the Collects for the King and Royal family, they would rise and shoot him, as they had often declared they would do. Inglis repeated the obnoxious Collects in their presence, without reserve or faltering ; and, whatsoever may have been the in- tention of the soldiers, it was overruled ; for they suf- fered him to proceed with, and conclude, the service unharmed. The Declaration of Independence, made early in the July following, threw fresh obstacles in the way of Inglis ; and, after consulting with such members of the Vestry and of the congregation as were still in XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 467 New York, it was unanimously agreed to close the Churches in which they were no longer permitted to celebrate services which alone they accounted lawful. The other Assistants took refuge in the country with their friends ; but Inglis remained in the city, to visit the sick, to comfort the distressed, to baptize the newly-born, and to bury the dead. Some of Wash- ington's officers demanded the keys of the Churches, that their Chaplains might preach in them, but Inglis refused to give them up, adding, that, 1 if they would use the Churches, they must break the gates and doors to get in.' The demand was repeated with angry threats ; upon which Inglis, fearing lest the sextons might be tampered with, himself took posses- sion of the keys, and replied, 1 that he did what he knew to be his duty, and that he would adhere to it, be the consequences what they would.' He succeeded thereby in saving his Churches from the intrusion meditated ; but it was impossible that he could con- tinue the struggle much longer. The recollection of some recent pamphlets against the proceedings of Congress, of which Inglis was known to be the author, gave fresh impulse to the rage excited against him by his continued refusal to submit to its autho- rity, and compelled him, in the middle of August, to withdraw to a place of concealment. The lapse of a few weeks saw New York again in possession of the King's forces, and Inglis, with many others, availed himself instantly of the liberty to return. He found his house, indeed, pillaged, and most of his property destroyed ; yet, with hearts full of thankfulness and hope in the prospect of returning peace, he and his brethren assembled, on the first Wednesday after n h 2 468 NEW TORE. [CH. their return, in one of the Churches opened for the occasion, and joined in the public services of prayer and praise. But fresh trials awaited them. Before the end of that week, the hand of the incendiary had done the fearful work of ruin which has been already described ; and when, at the expiration of a few months afterwards, Inglis was unanimously invited to succeed to the Rectorship, vacant by Auchmuty's death, he found himself at the head of a Parish weak- ened and impoverished to the last degree. The loss, by the fire alone, of property vested in its Corpora- tion, was estimated at more than £22,000 sterling ; and the form of Inglis' s induction into his important office bore singlar testimony to the discouraging cir- cumstances which attended it ; for it was done, in the presence of the Churchwardens and Vestrymen, by placing his hand upon the blackened ruins of the Church which had been burnt. The heavy burdens which Inglis and his Parish had to bear made it impossible for him to undertake, at that time, the additional charge of rebuilding the Church21; but he continued, for nearly six years longer, amid unceasing dangers and difficulties, to watch over the flock entrusted to him. The manner in which he discharged this duty may be best learnt from the fact, that, when through the continued hostility Afterwards °^ Congress, (manifested by the passing of consecrated an Act which banished his person, and the first , 17 Bishop of confiscated his estate,) he was compelled, Nova Scotia. • i • rr» i • 1 i m 1783, to resign his olhce and withdraw to England, he not only found there a place of re- 21 It was rebuilt in 1788 by his successor in the Rectorship, Bp. Provoost. XXX.] a.d. 1700-1776. 469 fuge from his troubles, and friends who honoured him for the courage and constancy with which he had borne himself under them, but was sent forth again, four years afterwards, the consecrated Bishop of the important province of Nova Scotia. And here I ought not to omit to say, — chandler for it is an honour to both men, — that theStto- this first Bishopric in the Colonial Church Xe%utthe of England was, in the first instance, declines it. offered to Chandler, whose valuable services, as a Mis- sionary in New Jersey, I have described 22 . He had already preceded Inglis in his constrained flight to England, and received in various quarters most cheer- ing testimonies of love and reverence. The Univer- sity of Oxford conferred upon him her highest degree ; the Government increased his annual stipend from £50 to £200 ; and, as soon as it was determined that Nova Scotia should be formed into a Diocese, he was invited to undertake the duties of its first Bishop. He was constrained, through feebleness of health, to decline the offer ; and, being called upon by the Arch- bishop of Canterbury to name the man best qualified to accept it, he suggested the name of Charles Inglis, who thereupon was consecrated to the office. It is worthy of remark, that, at this same time, Inglis was exerting himself, with others of the American Clergy, to recommend Chandler to the very post which, by the advice of Chandler, he was himself called upon to occupy 23 . 22 See pp. 245—250, ante. 23 Bp. White's Memoirs of the Prot. Episc. Ch. U. S. 331 ; McYicar's Life of Bp. Hobart, 177- I may here add, upon the authority of some unpublished MS. Letters, which have been lent to me, from Chandler and others to Boucher, that, if Chandler had 470 TTEW YORK. [CH. John Bow- Besides Ogilvie and Inglis, three other den- Clergymen, John Bowden, Samuel Pro- voost, and Benjamin Moore, were distinguished as Assistant ministers of Trinity Parish, during the Rec- torship of Auchmuty. Bowden was the son of an officer in the English army, who, having gone out to join his father in America, was brought up first at Princeton College in New Jersey, and afterwards at King's College, New York ; and, after his ordination in England, entered upon the duties of the above office. On the death of Auchmuty, hi3 feeble health induced him to resign it ; and, although, from the same cause, he was afterwards compelled to give up a pastoral charge at St. Croix, in the West Indies, yet he lived to an advanced age, and, for many of his later years, was Professor of Moral Philosophy at King's College, where his learning and piety gained for him a reputation which is gratefully and affection- ately cherished by many persons to this day. Samuel Samuel Provoost, descended from an Provoost, old French Huguenot family, who had long afterwards -%x Bishop of found m New York a place of shelter from their persecutors, had received his earlier education under the care of President John- son at King's College; and this influence appears to have been one of the chief causes which led him to leave the Dutch Reformed Church, of which he and his family had been members, and to enter into com- munion with the Church of England. He completed been perfectly free to choose the man whom he believed most fit to be the first Bishop of Nova Scotia, or if other circumstances had favoured it, the appointment would have fallen, not upon Inglis, but upon Boucher. For an account of Boucher's character and conduct, see pp. 154—160. 212—217, ante. XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 471 his education at Cambridge ; and, after he was or- dained, returned, in 1766, to his native country, as Assistant minister of Trinity Parish. In the Revolu- tionary struggle, his opinions were opposed to those of a majority of his Lay and Clerical brethren ; in conse- quence of which he gave up his pastoral duties, and lived in studious retirement with his family, upon a small form which he had purchased in Duchess County. Upon the resignation of the Eectorship of Trinity Parish by Inglis, the Vestry had unanimously chosen Benjamin Moore, one of its Assistant minis- ters, to be his successor. But, no sooner had the King's forces evacuated the city, and its temporary government been vested in the Committee appointed by the Legislature, than the validity of this appoint- ment was disputed. The Vestry, confident that they had acted lawfully, refused to accede to a proposal that they should resort to another election. Where- upon the matter was argued before the Council, who pronounced the election void by reason of the illegal constitution of the Vestry. It is difficult to under- stand upon what ground, except that declared in the maxim that 4 might makes right,' this decree could be sustained ; for the Vestry had been chosen according to the Charter, and done nothing more than they were authorised to do by its provisions. But there was no tribunal to which appeal could be made ; and submis- sion to the decree was inevitable. The Council fur- ther vested the temporalities of the Parish in nine Trustees, who forthwith took possession (Jan. 13, 1784). A new Vestry was chosen; and the unani- mous election of Provoost to the Rectorship was one of its first acts. Three years afterwards, he was con- secrated Bishop of New York ; and it is remarkable 472 NEW YORK. [CH. that, in both these offices, he was, in due time, suc- ceeded by Moore, the very man whom the decree of the Council had displaced from one of them. The loss of his wife and other domestic sorrows led Pro- voost to retire from the Eectorship in 1800, and, in the following year, from his jurisdiction as Bishop in the State of New York 24. Benjamin ^e services of Moore, from the year 1 774, Moore, when he became an Assistant of Auchmuty a'terward9 , t •* Bisbopof at Trinity Church, until the year 1811, New York. when paralysis, preceding his death by five years, disabled him from discharging any longer the duties of Bishop of New York, are remarkable for the close and distinct testimony which they bear to his piety, simplicity, discretion, meekness, and love. ' Steady in his principles,' says Bishop Hobart, his successor in the Parish and in the Diocese, ' yet mild and prudent in advocating them, he never sacrificed consistency, he never provoked resentment. In pro- portion as adversity pressed upon the Church was the firmness of the affection with which he clung to her. And he lived until he saw her, in no inconsiderable degree, by his counsels and exertions, raised from the dust, and putting on the garments of glory and beauty.' Berrian likewise declares that the labours of Moore, whilst Rector of Trinity Church, were be- yond all precedent. "With the single exception of Bowden of whom I have just before spoken, and who was still living at the time of Moore's death, this good 24 provoost attempted to resume this jurisdiction, ten years afterwards, in opposition to Bishop Hobart, then consecrated as the Assistant Bishop to Moore, but failed to establish it. McVicar's Life of Bp. Hobart, 296—313, and Bp. Wilberforce's History, &c 308-310. XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 473 Bishop was the last of the venerable men in the Dio- cese of New York, who had derived their ordination from the parent Church of England. Bishop Hobart refers to this fact in his Funeral Sermon, already quoted, upon Bishop Moore ; and, adding that the ' characters ' of the men ' were marked by attachment to Evangelical truth, in connexion with primitive order,' he exhorts his brethren to suffer not their ' principles ' to ' descend with them to the grave ;' but, in watchfulness and prayer, to walk according to the same rule, considering how soon their course would be finished, and the account of their stewardship de- manded ; 1 and how awful was the responsibility of those to whom Christ hath entrusted the charge of the sheep for whom He shed His blood, of the congre- gation which is His Spouse and Body.' Such an exhortation, delivered at such a time and by such a man, could not have been delivered in vain. Some who heard it yet live in that foremost city of the United States, to testify, in the faithful discharge of their daily ministry, their consciousness of its truth and power. Others, who have gone to their rest, have left the like testimony behind them. And many more, who toil in other parts of the same wide harvest-field, are at this hour accumulating abundant confirmation of the same fact25. Turn we now to the Carolinas, which caro- differed not less widely in their political hnas* than in their geographical position, from the Colonies last mentioned. I have already described these points of difference, and shown that, with all the lordly pre- tensions which characterised the first Proprietary Go- 25 Hawkins, 3128— 341; Berrian, 64—262. 474 THE CAEOLINAS. [CH. vernment of the province, and in spite of the weight attached to them by the name and authority of Locke, it contained within itself the elements of speedy and inevitable ruin. Not only was the general well-being of the Colony affected by these hurtful influences, but an effectual barrier was set up, for a time, against even the admission of those ordinances of the Church of England, which, alike in their Charters and Consti- tutions, the Lords Proprietors professed themselves ready to introduce. The result was, as we have seen, that, for nearly 20 years from the date of the first Carolina Charter, not a Clergyman was sent to that province, or any visible token set up within its borders, to show that it was the possession of a Christian country. The weight of this reproach, we have also seen, was at length removed through the exertions of some few faithful members of the Church at Charles- ton, with the assistance of Bishop Compton, Dr. Bray, Burkitt, and other active members of'the Society at home, who sought to extend the ordinances of the Church both among the British settlers in the pro- vince and the neighbouring Indian tribes 26. The last of these designs, indeed, was frustrated, and the work of propagating the knowledge of the Christian faith throughout the Colony greatly impeded, first by the suspicious jealousy, and afterwards by the fierce on- slaught made upon the English settlements by the Yammasee and other Indian tribes. But, in spite of all difficulties, the work begun by "Williamson, Mar- shall, and Thomas was sustained in a like spirit of zeal and faithfulness by their successors. In 1706, The services Dr. Le Jeau was appointed to the Mission of Dr. Le rr 20 Vol. ii, 320—328. 461— 4G5. sxx.] a.d. 1700-1776. 475 at Goosecreek, vacant by the death of Jeau at Thomas; and, for eleven years, laboured Goosecreek- there and at Charleston, with unwearied diligence, and was honoured by the love and confidence of all among whom he dwelt. Among the Negroes especially, he suc- ceeded in carrying on a systematic course of instruc- tion, gathering them around him by words and acts of kindness, and persuading their reluctant masters to allow them to resort to him for counsel and partake of the sanctifying ordinances of the Church27. His influence, at the same time, among his own country- men, may be learnt from their generous free-will of- ferings to his support, and from the provision which they made of a Church, glebe-lands, and parsonage, for those who should carry on the like good offices hereafter. Upon his death, in 1717, the Mission was left seven years without a permanent minister, not through any indifference of the Society to its wants, but, as it after- wards appeared, from the unworthy character of the man whom they had regarded as deserving their con- fidence, and whom the Vestry could not elect u. At the end of that time, the work was Richard effectually renewed by Eichard Ludlam ; Ludlam- and, although again interrupted after five years by his early death, — yet the record of his name and piety remained in a bequest, amounting to nearly £2000 currency, ' for the instruction of the poor children of his Parish.' 27 See Directions given by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel to Catechists for instructing Indians, Negroes, &c. Ap- pendix, No. III. 28 Dalcho's Hist, of the Church in S. Carolina, 252. 476 THE CAKOLTNAS. [CH. Hissucces- With respect to his successors, Mille- sors- champ, Stone, and Harrison, the want of space confines me to only a brief notice of the last. For more than 20 years, from 1752 to 1774, he car- ried on his ministry with the greatest energy and suc- cess ; and not the least interesting evidences of it are those which relate to his diligence and care in pro- moting the pious intentions of Ludlam. Another touching proof of the love which his Parishioners cherished for him was an offering of £120 currency, presented by the Vestry to defray the expenses of a long and severe sickness with which he and his family were visited a few years after he had settled among them 29. The unhealthiness of the lower parts of the district appears to have continued ; for Dalcho, whose History was published in 1820, states that, from this cause, the Planters leave the Parish in the summer, and only look for the celebration of Divine Service from November to June. He remarks that its Church was the only country Church not turned into a bar- rack or hospital by the British army during the Revo- lutionary War, and ascribes this exception in its favour to the fact that the Eoyal Arms had still been suffered to remain over the altar30. He might have added, that, if the Church had fallen into the hands of the American forces, the presence of the same symbol 29 Their kindly feelings towards him were also manifested in a way as strange to our minds as that which I have noticed (Vol. ii. p. 463). In 1754, they subscribed upwards of £300 currency 'to purchase a Negro for the use of the Parsonage;' and, in 17&7» 'a Negro slave was generously presented to the Parish, for the use of the Rector, as a small encouragement to him for his endeavouring to propagate the Gospel among the Slaves in the said Parish.' Dalcho, 259. 30 lb. 263. xxx.] a.d. 1700—1776. 477 would probably have hastened the work of demoli- tion. Many other Parishes were formed in the Parishes province about the same time with Goose- formed in i n a t the province. creek, or soon afterwards ; viz., St. John s, in Berkeley county ; Christ Church (adjoining to Cra- ven county) ; St. Thomas's and St. Dennis's (border- ing on Cooper Kiver) ; St. James's, Santee (between the river of that name and Berkeley county) ; Prince George, Winyaw, and All Saints, Wacamaw (after- wards taken off from the same Parish) ; St. Mark's, St. Stephen's, St. David's, St. Matthew's, St. An- drew's, St. George's (Dorchester) ; St. Paul's, St. Bartholomew's, and St. John's, in Colleton county; St. Helena's, Beaufort (in Granville county) ; and Prince "William's, St. Peter's, and St. Luke's, all sub- divisions of the last-named Parish. Besides these, there must be reckoned the two im- portant Parishes in Charleston itself ; that of St. Philip, whose early history I have before given31, and that of St. Michael, settled in 1751, and comprising all parts of the town south of the middle of Broad Street. Se- parate Missions also were established at Cuffee Town, and in Edisto Island, upon the sea-coast, about 40 miles south-west of Charleston. The constitution of many of these Pa- offensive rishes, and the provision for erecting 0efgtheatl°n Churches and for maintaining Ministers church1" in them, were the work of the General As- matters, serably under the Proprietary Government (Nov. 4, 1704) ; and the manner in which it was done quickly reproduced the same evils which had been so destruc- 31 Vol. ii. p. 461. 478 THE CAROLINAS. [cn. tive to the Church in Virginia and Maryland. Church- men and Nonconformists were alike offended by such legislation. The former found a Lay tribunal set up under its authority for the trial of causes ecclesiastical, and a consequent usurpation of powers which belonged only to the jurisdiction of the Bishop. The latter complained, with not less justice, that its provisions were directly opposed to the indulgence secured to them by the 18th Article of the first Carolina Char- ter 32 ; and appealed against it to the British govern- ment through Joseph Boone their agent. The appeal was successful. The House of Lords resolved, that the establishment of the proposed Lay-tribunal was 1 contrary to the Charter of the Colony, repugnant to the laws of the realm, and destructive to the constitu- tion of the Church of England;' and that the enact- ment which affected Nonconformists in the Colony was likewise repugnant to its Charter, and fraught with ruin to the province. An Address to Queen Anne was drawn up, in accordance with these Eesolutions, praying for redress. The Society for the Propagation of the G-ospel also resolved that no more Missionaries should be sent to Carolina until the law establishing the Lay-commissions should be repealed. The Queen, upon the representation of the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, declared these offensive Acts to be null and void ; and on the 30th of November, 1706, the General Assembly re- pealed them. Edward The turbulent proceedings of one of the Marston. Clergy, Edward Marston 33, aggravated the evils of such erroneous legislation. Skilfully turning 32 lb. p. 317. 33 lb. p. 4C4. XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 479 to his own account the mistakes of the Assembly, he heaped, with unsparing hand, reproaches upon all who were in authority, and thus kept open wounds which good men would have sought to heal. I gladly pass over the specimens of his vindictive temper, which are still to be found in some of the Volumes of Kenuett's Tracts ; and will only add, that, in 1712, the Colony was relieved by his return to England. In 1729, the interest of seven of the The pro. eight Proprietors of Carolina was pur- US into chased by Act of Parliament for £22,500 g** and vested in the Crown 3\ The Colony lina- was henceforward divided into two distinct provinces, called North and South Carolina, each of which was ruled by a Governor and Council of the King's ap- pointment. Before this division, 88 Clergy had been settled in the various Parishes of the Colony ; and, between that period and the Declaration of Indepen- dence, 92 more came out to South Carolina alone35. To these must be added the number employed in N. Carolina, among whom was Clement Hall, a Mission- ary, not surpassed by any for the faithful and un- wearied zeal with which he carried on his work. Some, indeed, in both provinces, were unable to bear the un- healthy climate, and died, or returned to England. Yet a large majority remained in the steady aud con- sistent discharge of their duties ; and I regret that the limits of this Yolume will only allow me to take a brief notice of some of the leading points of interest connected with them. 34 The property of the eighth, Lord Carteret, was still reserved to him and his family ; but all share in the government was sur- rendered to the Crown. Holmes's Annals, ii. 155. " Dalcho, 432-435. 480 THE CAEOLIKAS. [CH. Among the earlier Missionaries, Bobert Maule holds a conspicuous place for the salutary influence which he exercised alike among the English Planters and the French emigrants, and for the cheerful patience with which he sustained their spirit and his own, when the irruption of the Indians made such fearful havoc among them. The attention paid to the spiritual wel- fare of the Trench inhabitants, who had formed from the first an important part of the Colony, is very re- markable. The Parish of St. James, Santee, was ex- pressly formed, in 1706, for their benefit ; and Philippe de Bichebourg, described as ' a worthy and pious man 36,' and who had formerly found a refuge, with six hundred of his brethren, above the Palls on James Biver, was appointed its first minister. Although not employed by the Society, he and his colleague Le Pierre were both remembered by it, amid the distress caused by the Indian outbreak, and received, in com- mon with its own Missionaries, that pecuniary help which enabled them still to continue their work of usefulness in the Colony. The Bishop The office of Commissary of the Bishop commlssa-8 of London was early established in Caro- 2SeJ2d" lina 5 and tne first appointed to it, in 1707, Garden. was Gideon Johnstone 37. He had enjoyed a high reputation as a Clergyman in Ireland ; but seems to have been more ready to detect discourage- ments and difficulties than any thing that was hopeful or cheering in his new field of duty. There are few letters, now in the possession of the Society, which abound more in complaints than his ; and yet there is 36 lb. 295. 37 Dalcho calls him Johnson ; but I have followed the more correct spelling of the name given by Humphreys and Hawkins. xxx.] a.d. 1700—1776. 4S1 contemporaneous evidence to show that the prospect which he accounted so gloomy was not without its bright spots. Some, indeed, of the brightest of these may be pointed out as the effects of Johnstone's own prudence and discretion ; for, in a period of much di- vision, he was distinguished for the energy with which he laboured after things that make for peace, and suc- ceeded in reconciling many who were at strife in Charleston. His personal career was brief and full of trouble. Cast away upon a sand-bank at the mouth of the river, when he first came in sight of Carolina, he had nearly perished beneath the hardships to which he was exposed before any relief came. Bodily illness afterwards harassed him ; and scantiness of temporal means added to his anxiety. For a brief season, he found some repose in England ; but, soon after his re- turn, having accompanied Governor Craven, who was about to leave the Colony, a short way down the river, he was drowned by a sudden squall, which overset the vessel in which he was sailing. He was succeeded by Alexander Garden, who, in 1719, had been elected Eector of St. Philip's, Charles- ton, and whose high character amply justified his ap- pointment by Bishop Gibson, in 1726, to the office of Commissary. The Bahama Islands, and both the pro- vinces of N. and S. Carolina, were confided to his jurisdiction ; and he continued, with scrupulous regu- larity and unvarying diligence, to discharge the duties of both offices until 1753, when ill health compelled him to resign them. The Vestry of St. Philip's, in their letter to the Bishop of London, requesting him to send out a successor to Garden, bear grateful testi- mony to the ' piety, zeal, and candour ' which, for more VOL. III. i i 482 THE CAEOLI^AS. [CH. than 30 years, had marked his ministry, and proved him ' a good shepherd of Christ's flock.' Garden's The exercise of Garden's duties as Com- with'wSte- missary is chiefly remarkable for the col- fieid. lision into which he was thereby brought with Whitefield. The circumstances of Whitefield's38 visit to Virginia, during the same year (1740), may serve to show why no similar rupture occurred in that province between him and Commissary Blair. But the violent pamphlets which Whitefield had just pub- lished in the neighbouring Colony of Georgia, charging Archbishop Tillotson, and the Author of ' The Whole Duty of Man,' with ignorance of the cardinal truths of Christianity, had already constrained Garden to publish Six Letters, in which he repelled those charges, and exposed the presumption and arrogance of the ac- cuser. No sooner had these Letters appeared, than Whitefield came himself to Charleston, and officiated in several of its Meeting Houses, setting at defiance all regard for the Book of Common Prayer, and the order of worship which it prescribed. Had Whitefield professed to be in communion with the Independents or Baptists, or any others who bade him welcome to their places of public worship, there would have been no inconsistency in his conduct. But he was still a Presbyter of the Church of England ; and, only in the preceding year, upon his ordination to the Priesthood, had renewed the same solemn assurance which he had made as Deacon, that her Book of Common Prayer contained in it nothing contrary to the Word of God, and that he would himself use the form it prescribed 38 See p. 131, ante. XXX.] a.d. 1700-1776. 483 in the public prayer, and none other. Believing, there- fore, that he had grossly violated a law which he had promised to observe, Garden arraigned Whitefield be- fore the Ecclesiastical Court in St. Philip's Church. Whitefield appeared at the appointed hour and place ; but protested against the admission of any articles against him, objected to the authority of the Court, and prayed for time to exhibit his objections. His prayer was granted; and, upon further hearing, an unanimous judgment was pronounced against the ex- ceptions which he had tendered. From this judgment, Whitefield appealed to the Lords Commissioners at home ; and a year and a day were allowed for the pro- secution of his appeal, and for hearing the result. At the expiration of this term, no decree of any superior Court having been interposed, Whitefield was again summoned to hear the articles objected against him. But he neither appeared nor put in any answer ; and, after several adjournments, the Court passed a decree that he should be suspended from his office. Under any circumstances, probably, Whitefield would have treated with equal contempt the decree and the men who framed it. But, at the time when it was passed, his mind was occupied with many and distracting cares. The differences and impending separation be- tween Wesley and himself upon the doctrine of elec- tion,— his own diminished popularity when he returned, for a time, to England, — and the embarrassments which threatened to implicate him in connexion with the Orphan House which he had established in G-eorgia, — all combined to turn away his thoughts from the Churchmen whom he had defied at Charleston. One of Garden's successors in the Eec- TheRey tory of St. Philip's, Eobert Smith, de- Robert' ' ii2 484 THE CAEOLINAS. [cn. smith, after- serves especial notice, on account of the firetdBishop successful diligence with which he dis- chunSh in charged its duties, and the higher autho- s. Carolina. whicn he was afterwards invested, as first Bishop of the Church in S. Carolina. The in- fluence, acquired among his brother Clergy by his judicious counsel and prompt and active benevolence, seems never to have been weakened ; and their con- duct in the Eevolutionary struggle is, I think, mainly to be ascribed to this cause. The contrast between their conduct and that of the Clergy of all the northern provinces upon this question is very remarkable. For, whereas, among the latter, the number of those who took side with the Colonists against Great Britain was not one in ten, they who espoused the same cause in S. Carolina alone amounted to three-fourths of the whole number. Yet, the matters in dispute with the Mother-country were the same in this as in the other Colonies ; neither was there any other local influence, beyond that which I have mentioned, which can at all account for this diversity of judgment. The sympa- thies of Smith, in the earlier stages of the conflict, were on the side of Britain; but the policy of her rulers, as time wore on, wrought so great a change in him that he appeared in the foremost ranks of her opponents. As soon as the appeal was made to arms, he stirred up the people by his preaching to a vigorous resistance ; and, when the British troops under Clinton laid siege to Charleston, served in his own person in the lines as a common soldier39. His banishment by 39 Many other Carolina Clergy denounced, at this time, from their pulpits the conduct of Britain towards her Colonies ; especially John Lewis, Rector of St. Paul's, Colleton, in a Sermon on the text, " The Lord forbid it me, that I should give the inheritance of XXX.] a.d. 1700— 177G. 4S5 the British upon their obtaining possession of Charles- ton (17S0), was an inevitable consequence of the course which he had taken. But it enlisted more strongly in his favour the good-will of all who had borne part witli him in the struggle. And when, at the conclusion of the war, three years afterwards, he returned once more among them, and was seen to bend all the strong energies of his mind to the work of building up again the waste places of the sanctuary, and infusing the spirit of love and confidence into hearts which had been vexed and torn by strife, it is no wonder that he should have acquired and retained a fresh hold upon their affections; and that the in- fluence thus acquired should have worked for good. The Church of S. Carolina, mainly through his advice, was enabled to send her Delegates to the earliest General Conventions held at Philadelphia for the organisation of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States. And, when, in 1795, he was unanimously chosen and consecrated her first Bishop, it was felt by all her faithful members, that he was thereby invested with an authority for the exercise of which his long-tried ministerial labours had signally declared his fitness. Brief and imperfect as the present sketch Governor of the Church in S. Carolina must neces- *ichols°n- sarily be, I cannot omit all notice of the valuable aid imparted to it, in earlier years, by Governor Nicholson, who came with a Royal Commission, in 1720, to rectify abuses which had sprung up through the mal- my fathers unto thee," 1 Kings xxi. 3. Upon falling into the hands of the British, Lewis was banished to St. Augustine, whence, upon the exchange of prisoners, he afterwards returned, and re- sumed his ministerial duties. Dalcho, 35J, 358. 486 THE CAE0LI2TAS. [CH. administration of Governors appointed by the Lords Proprietors ; and by the faithful discharge of his duty, in matters spiritual and secular, has left another claim upon the gratitude with which the memory of his name should be cherished. The mild climate of Carolina and the Missionaries from New- superior endowments of some of its Pa- foundland. , r rishes led, not unfrequently, to the intro- duction thither of Missionaries who had before been occupied in other less attractive fields of duty. None of these presented greater disadvantages than New- foundland ; and, from the Clergy of that Island, the ranks of the Carolina Clergy were sometimes supplied. Rev. John One °f them, John Pordyce, deserves espe- Fordyce. cially to be mentioned. He had manfully discharged his duties for five years, under circumstances of no ordinary difficulty, as a Missionary at St. John's, and been compelled, at last, to return to England, from sheer iu ability to procure subsistence for his family and himself. The Society had sent him out, in 1730, upon the faith of a promise from the boat-keepers to provide him with a small annual stipend, and a quintal of merchantable fish from every shallop employed in the fishery. Of the stipend, he never received more than three-fourths ; another fourth was soon lost by the death or removal of the subscribers; and the quintal of fish was generally refused, or paid in a bad commodity. About three years after his arrival, every thing in the shape of payment was withheld, until he erected a gallery in the Church, which he did at the cost of 30 guineas. "Whilst the inhabitants of St. John's treated Pordyce thus wrongfully, they had the hardihood to send home their public testimony that he was a diligent and faithful minister. Such testimony XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 487 was empty mockery ; and the Society, finding it impos- sible to maintain the Mission at their sole charge, sent Fordyce a gratuity of £30 in acknowledgment of his services, and ordered his return to England40. In the next year, 1736, he appears in S. Carolina, as their Missionary in Prince Frederick's Parish; where he continued until his death in 1751, fully sustaining, in his new sphere of duty, the same character for minis- terial zeal and usefulness which had experienced so ill a requital in Newfoundland. The like testimony cannot be given of The Rev. w. William Peasely, who, in 1744, had been Peasely'* transferred from Bonavista to St. John's, to under- take once more, upon the faith of renewed promises by its inhabitants, the Mission which had been given up at that place. He remained there for seven years, discharging, as we have seen, his duties diligently, and at length only leaving it, because the non-fulfilment of the promises of its people made his longer residence among them impossible His immediate appointment to St. Helena, Beaufort, in S. Carolina, proved that he retained the confidence of the Society ; and the earlier reports of him, after he had settled there, all speak hopefully. But, in 1755, grave complaints respecting him reached England. It is possible, indeed, that the weak state of health into which he had fallen from attacks of intermittent fever might, in the first in- stance, have furnished cause for these complaints. But the result soon afterwards proved too plainly that 40 I am indebted for the above particulars respecting Fordyce to information kindly furnished from the Journals of S. P. G. by the Rev. W. T. Bullock, one of its indefatigable Assistant Secretaries. 41 See p. 99, ante. 4S8 THE CAEOLINAS. [CH. they admitted of no other remedy save that of his removal from the province. Benefac- An active and beneficent spirit was at church in* work in tne hearts of man7 of the Church- s. Carolina. men 0f g# Carolina at this time. The large legacies, for example, left by Mr. Beresford in 1721, and by Mr. Harris in 1731, for the education of the poor of the Parish of St. Thomas, to which they both belonged, and which was watched over, with un- deviating and affectionate care, for more than 35 years, by one of the Society's most successful Missionaries, Thomas Hasell42, are signal illustrations of it. In most of the Churches throughout the province, the vessels used in the celebration of the Lord's Supper, or the font of Baptism, or the Organ, were the gifts of devout worshippers, whose names are still held in grateful remembrance. In some Parishes, the Church itself was wholly, or for the most part, built by one of the chief Planters ; in others, they provided the par- sonage, or glebe land, or some like endowment. Thus, in spite of all the acknowledged evils which were inherent in the first constitution of the Colony, or which arose from the early errors of its House of Assembly, it is some consolation to know that the power of Christian zeal and love was enabled to make itself seen and felt ; and that traces of the blessings thereby scattered throughout the land had survived even the desolating horrors of the Revolutionary war43. 42 Dr. Gadsden, Rector of St. Philip's, Charleston, and bio- grapher of Bp. Dehon, is one of Hasell's descendants. Dalcho, 285, note. 43 Humphreys, 81— 127 ; Hawkins, 47—63; Dalcho, passim. xxx.] a.d. 1700—1776. 489 The description already given of the Mission. difficulties of the Church in S. Carolina, g™}^- will apply equally to those which existed in N. Carolina, prior to the separation of the pro- vinces. But the efforts to counteract them call for some further notice. Foremost among these were the services of John Blair, who first came Rev. John out, in 1704, as an itinerant Missionary, Blair- through the bounty of Lord Weymouth, and, after suffering many hardships, returned to encounter them a second time, as one of the permanent Missionaries of the Society and Commissary of the Bishop of London. At the time of Blair's first visit, he found three small Churches in the Colony, with glebes belonging to them. His fellow-labourers, sent out by the Society in 1707 and the few next years, were Adams, Gordon, TTrinston, Bainsford, Newman, Garzia, and Moir, some of whom, worn out by the hardships which poverty and fatigue and the indifference or hos- tility of the people brought upon them, returned not long afterwards to England. Compelled Xheir diffi. to lodge, when at home, in some old culties- tobacco-house, and, when they travelled, to lie often- times whole nights in the woods, and to live for days together upon no other food but bread moistened in brackish water ; journeying amid deep swamps and along broken roads through a wild and desert country, and finding themselves, at the distance of every twenty miles, upon the banks of some broad river, which they could only cross by good boats and experienced water- men, neither of which aids were at their command; encountering in some of the Plantations the violent opposition of various Nonconformists, already settled there in preponderating numbers ; receiving in others 490 THE CAEOLI^AS. [CH. the promise of some small stipend from the Vestry, which was called a "hiring," and, if paid at all, was paid in bills which could only be disposed of at an excessive discount ; forced, therefore, to work hard with axe and hoe and spade, to keep their families and themselves from starving, and discerning not in any quarter a single ray of earthly hope or comfort, it cannot be a matter of surprise that some of them should have sought once more the shelter and rest of their native land. Governor Eden, and, after him, Sir Bichard Everett, both appear to have done what they could to bring about a better state of things ; and, at a later period (1762), Arthur Dobbs, who filled the same high office, made earnest but vain appeals to the authorities at home that a Bishop might be sent out to the province. The Assembly, also, had passed an Act, as early as the year 1715, by which the whole province was divided into nine Parishes, and a stipend, not exceeding £50, was fixed for their respective Ministers by the Yestries. But, regard being had to the peculiar condition of the Colony at that time, the letter of such an enactment served only to provoke and aggravate dissensions. There was no spirit of hearty co-operation in the great body of the people ; and the unwillingness of the magistrates of the several districts to set an example of earnest and true devo- tion may be learnt from a strange fact, recorded by Blair upon his first visit to the province, that, whilst he administered every other ordinance required of him by the Church, he abstained from celebrating any mar- riage, because the fee given upon such occasions 1 was a perquisite belonging to the magistrates, which ' he 1 was not desirous to deprive them of! ' Of the zeal and diligence of the Clergy of N. Caro- a.d. 1700—1776. 491 'ina, whose names I have given above, the reports wrhich reached the Society in England were uniformly satisfactory ; and a deeper feeling therefore of regret irises, that one of them should afterwards have for- feited his good name at Philadelphia 4\ Two more of the N. Carolina Clergy Rev. John it this time deserve to be named with Boyd" sspecial honour, because they had both resided as Laymen for some years in the province, and therefore been eye-witnesses of the evils which then beset the Church. Nevertheless, they came forward with reso- lute and hopeful spirit to encounter them, and were admitted into the ranks of her ordained Missionaries. The first of these, John Boyd, received from the Bishop of London authority to enter upon his arduous work in 1732 ; and the manner in which he dis- charged his duties in Albemarle County until his death six years afterwards, proved how fitly it had been con- ferred upon him. The other, Clement Hall, pursued a yet Rev cle. more distinguished course, and for a longer ment HaU- period. He had formerly been in the commission of the peace for the Colony, and had officiated, for several years, as Lay reader, in congregations which could not obtain the services of an ordained minister. The testimony borne to him in the letters which he took with him to England, in 1743, from the At- torney-General, Sheriffs, and Clergy of the province, was amply verified by the zeal and piety with which he afterwards fulfilled the labours of his Mission. Although chiefly confined to Chowan County, it was extended at stated periods to three others; and the 44 See p. 269, ante. 492 THE CABOLIXAS. [cn. number and variety of his services may be learnt in some degree from one of his earliest reports, from His exten- which it appears that he had preached 16 sive services. times? and baptized above 400 children and 20 adults within three weeks. But the mere re- cital of numbers would describe very imperfectly the amount of labour involved in such visitations. The distance and difficulties of the journeys which they required must also be taken into account ; and, in the case of Hall, the difficulties became greater through his own weakness of health. No sooner did he end one visitation than he made preparation for another ; and, except when sickness laid him prostrate, his work ceased not for a single day. In the face of much opposition and discouragement, he still pressed on- ward ; and, in many places, was cheered by the eager sympathy of the people. The Chapels and Court- houses were seldom large enough to contain half the numbers who flocked together to hear him. Some- times the place of their solemn meeting was beneath the shades of the forest ; at other times, by the river side, or upon the sea shore, the work of truth and holiness was permitted to " have free course and be glorified." A summary of the labours of Clement Hall, made about eight years after he had entered upon them, shows that, at that time (1752), he had journeyed about 14,000 miles, preached nearly 700 sermons, baptized more than 6000 children and grown- up persons (among whom were several hundred Negroes and Indians), administered the Lord's Sup- per frequently to as many as 2 or 300 in a single journey, besides performing the countless other offices of visiting the sick, of churching of women, and of catechising the young, which he was every where a.d. 1700—1776*. 493 careful to do. Each year added to his labours ; and at length, in 1755, finding his strength ready to fail, he applied to be relieved from the distracting cares of an itinerant Mission, and to be appointed to St. [Paul's Parish. The Society cheerfully granted his request; and, hearing soon afterwards, that he had (suffered the loss of the greater part of his property by fire, voted him forthwith a grant of money and a new library for the use of the Mission. The temporal aid, indeed, thus given, is to be regarded rather as an (index of the Society's good- will towards him than any adequate acknowledgment of his services. For the above-named gratuity was not more than £30; and his annual stipend from the Society at no time ex- ceeded the same amount. To eke out this meagre provision, it was not likely that much should have been received from the inhabitants of the Colony. And the conclusion seems inevitable, that, in addition to the toil of mind and body bestowed so unceasingly by this faithful servant of Grod upon the work of his Mission, he must have freely supplied also from his own resources the greater part of the temporal means which were needed for the prosecution of it. In weariness and painfulness, yet with faith and hope un- broken, he persevered unto the end ; and, at the expi- ration of four years after his appointment to St. Paul's, worn out with sickness and hard toil, Clement Hall closed, in the bosom of an affectionate and grateful people, a career of pious usefulness which has been rarely, if ever, equalled 45. In N. as well as in S. Carolina, Tusca- the preaching of the Gospel to Indian rora Indians- 45 Humphreys, 128—133; Hawkins, 64-89; Hewitt, i. 55— 318. 494 GEOEGIA. [CH. tribes was, from the outset, an appointed portion of the Missionary's work ; and, in both provinces, the work was hindered, and for a time made ineffec- tual, through the oppressive treatment of the Indians by the English Planters. Their gradual encroach- ments upon the Indian hunting grounds, and other like acts of provocation, forced the Tuscarora and chief northern tribes to league together, as the Yam- masees and other neighbouring tribes of the south had done, and with an effect hardly less disastrous. Fortifying their chief town with a wooden breastwork, they contrived to meet and form, with uninterrupted secrecy, their murderous plans ; and, at the time agreed upon, 1200 of their bowmen issued forth, and spread terror and death among the English settle- ments. They were promptly met, indeed, as the Tammasees had been, by the militia forces sent against them by the Governor, and more than 1000 Tuscaroras are said to have perished or been captured in the expedition46. But what hope was there that the voice of any Christian preacher should be heard amid such miserable scenes of strife and havoc ? The notice of Carolina necessarily con- nects itself with that of Georgia, the last of the British Colonies established in N. America. The necessity of protecting the southern border of Carolina from any attack of the Spaniards in Florida, or of the French on the Mississippi, by occupying the territory still vacant within its chartered limits, 46 The remnant of the Tuscaroras fled for refuge to the Five Nations (see p. 296, ante), and, having been received into confederacy with them, were called the Sixth Nation. This fact accounts for the Indians in question being called sometimes the Five, and at other times the Six, Nations. Holmes, ii. 69 — 7J« XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 495 between the rivers Alatainaha and Savannah, was one of the chief reasons which induced the causes of its British government to entertain the pro- settlement- ject of the settlement. But other motives influenced the humane and earnest-minded men who where its promoters. They believed, that, by the establishment of such a Colony as they meditated, a safe and pros- perous asylum might be provided for many of their own poor and distressed countrymen and for the per- secuted Protestants of Europe. JSron sibi, sed aliis, the motto affixed to their common Seal, avowed the disinterested nature of their enterprise ; and the cha- racter of the men engaged in it was a pledge that the avowal was sincere. General Oglethorpe, General their leader, had long been distinguished °£lethorPe- for the benevolent zeal with which, as a member of the House of Commons, he had sought to alleviate the burden of the imprisoned debtor ; — a work begun, as we have seen, by the earliest supporters of the So- ciety for Promoting Christian Knowledge, and in later years carried on over a wider field, and with suc- cess more signal, by the illustrious Howard47. De- scended from an ancient family, and inheriting with their name that love for the monarchy, in defence of which some of them had perished in the field of bat- tle; trained first at the University of Oxford, and next in the profession of arms, — the fellow-traveller and friend of Berkeley48, — and afterwards the upright and diligent senator, — Oglethorpe directed the re- sources of his enlarged experience, his time, his strength, his fortune, to the relief of the many per- sons who were, at that time, pining and perishing 47 Vol. ii. 569, 570. 48 See p. 340, ante. 496 GEORGIA. [CH. amid the gloomiest horrors of prison. The Com- mittee of Inquiry into their condition, appointed by the House of Commons in 1728, was the effect of Oglethorpe's motion; and the Eeport, drawn up by him as its chairman, proved the ability and zeal with which he had directed its labours. But he stopped not there. From the dark and pestilential jails of England, Oglethorpe looked abroad for some spot which might afford shelter and support to those wbom he was resolved to free ; and such a spot he believed might be found upon the shores of the Savannah. His fellow-labourers in this work of benevolence, were of one heart and mind with himself. A Charter was applied for and obtained from Greorge II., in 1732, constituting, within the limits already mentioned, the settlement of a Colony to be called G-eorgia, in honour of the King, and to be governed by a Corporation of 21 Trustees, whose duties and powers it denned. Lord Percival was its President ; and Oglethorpe, one of the Trustees, undertook, in person, to conduct thither the first band of 116 settlers, who embarked towards the end Pariia °^ ^e same year a^ Oravesend. The esti- Grantary mate formed in England of the enterprise, and of the motives of those who conducted it, maybe learnt from the many free-will offerings given by private individuals, and from the grant of £10,000 which the House of Commons made at the same time in aid of it49. And that this was no transient burst of sympathy, but the earliest expression of those feel- ings of respect and admiration which continued to be shared throughout the laud, may be inferred from the eulogy on Oglethorpe which occurs in Pope's Imita- 49 See p. 308, ante. a. d. 1700-1776. 497 tion of the Second Epistle of Horace, published five years afterwards. The poet, who could lash, with such merciless and constant rigour, the vices and follies of his age, rejoiced to honour the man of generous and noble purpose ; nor could he display that purpose in action more vividly than by describing it to be the energy of one who, driv'n by strong benevolence of soul, Sball fly, like Oglethorpe, from pole to pole. A Thanksgiving Sermon, on account of the safe voyage of Oglethorpe and his followers, was preached at Charleston by Mr. Jones, on the Sunday after their arrival, and another on the same day at Beaufort by Dr. Herbert, who had accompanied the expedition. A few more days saw Oglethorpe upon the high bluffs of the Savannah, marking out the site and limits of the town of the same name which now stands upon them. Through the friendly offices of an Indian woman who had married a trader from Carolina, Oglethorpe soon held a conference with the leaders of the various tribes of the Creek Indians, and Tomochichi, their chief. The interview of Penn with the Indians at Shakamaxon 50, which the pencil of the great painter of America has made so celebrated, and thereby cast a brighter glory upon the chief actor in the scene, did not bear more signal testimony to the humane and ?quitable spirit with which he sought to protect the native tribes among whom he was about to establish a lew Colony, than that now furnished in the confer- 3nce by Oglethorpe with the Indians of the south. A air treaty was concluded between him and them. Che territory which it defined was purchased, and VOL. III. 50 Vol. ii. 428. Kk 498 GEORGIA. [CH. Tomochichi and his Queen accompanied Oglethorpe to Early pro- England. The generous reception which gressofthe they met with led the Indian chief, as Colony. J soon as he returned among his country- men, to persuade them to rely with entire confidence upon the good faith of the Euglish settlers. Before Oglethorpe's departure, a second town called Augusta, 150 miles up the river, had been laid out ; a third, bearing the name of Frederica, was raised on St. Simon's Island; and many hundreds of English and Scotch and German settlers were soon added to the population of Georgia. Among them was a body of emigrants from Saltzburgh, in Bavaria, who had been expelled thence, with many thousands of their coun- trymen, on account of their adherence to the Ee- formed religion. These faithful exiles were welcomed, in their march through Germany, with tokens of affectionate sympathy, and many of them found a home in the Prussian states. The contributions in England for their relief amounted to £33,000, part of which was applied, by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, to defray the charges of their subsist- ence and journey from Eatisbon and Augsburgh to Rotterdam, and thence to London; and the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge provided for 200 who wished to proceed to Georgia the means of free transport to that country. It also supported their Schools until the end of the Bevolutionary War 5l. In 1735-6, Oglethorpe, having obtained fresh grants from Parliament, came out with more settlers, and carefully watched over the Colony which he had planted ; guard- 51 Southey's Wesley, i. 86, 87 ; Hawkins, 91 ; Jackson's Intro- duction to the Journal, &c. of C. Wesley, xxvii. xxxiii. XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 499 ing it from apprehended attacks of the Spaniards by the erection of forts, and regulating its internal affairs in strict obedience to the Charter and to the rules laid down by the Trustees for its enforcement. These differed, in many important points, Tenure of from the laws of other Colonies. To pre- lands- vent large portions of land from falling into the hands of a few, the Trustees assigned, only in tail male, to each settler, about 25 acres of land, which, upon its termination, were to revert to them for redistribution. The widows were to retain for their lives the dwell- ing-house and half the lands belonging to their hus- bands ; and, in the redistribution of the lands, especial care was to be paid to the interest of the unmarried daughters of those who had improved their several lots. Each lot was regarded as a military fief, for which the possessor was to appear in arms when called upon ; and, should it not be fenced, cleared, and cul- tivated, within 18 years from the time of its allot- ment, it was to revert to the Trustees. The introduction of slaves and the im- The intro- portation of rum or other ardent spirits siaves.^nd 'were forbidden to every settler; and, in ^S^Sm order to check misconduct towards the forbidden. Indians, no person was allowed to trade with them except under a licence. It was more easy to applaud the benevolent pur- pose of such laws, than effectually to secure obedience to them. A discontented spirit soon broke * Discontents out among the European settlers, who inthe . f. Colony. clamoured for the assistance of Xegro la- bour and the stimulus of spirituous drink. Exposed as they were to the heat of a scorching sun, or soaked with the moisture of thick and pestilential fogs, how Kk 2 500 GEOBGIA. [CH. could it be expected, they asked, that, by their unas- sisted strength, they should clear and drain a country covered with forest and morass ? What profit could be derived from lands, of which the tenure was made so precarious by the conditions annexed to it ? Emi- grants to other provinces were free from such condi- tions ; and why should Georgia be clogged with them ? Let the land be granted in fee simple, as it- was to their Carolinian neighbours, and let the effects of an enervating climate be relieved by the help which slaves only could give, and the benefits held out to the settlers might yet be realised. "Whilst petitions to this effect were urged on one side, the Highland Colonists, on the other, remonstrated to a man against the introduction of slavery in any shape, upon the general ground of their abhorrence of it, and from a belief that their contiguity to the Spanish Colonies might tempt the Xegroes to go over and conspire with them against the British interests. Finding no re- dress for their grievances, the discontented settlers attempted to gain by clandestine means the relief which they coveted, or, failing thus to obtain it, gave up their lands and went elsewhere, canton Other causes aggravated the difficulties Oglethorpe's 0f Georgia ; and, among the most prominent was the conduct of Causton, an agent of Oglethorpe. The people complained of him as proud, covetous, and cruel, sending whom he pleased to the stocks, or whipping-post, or log-house, and making his own will and pleasure the sovereign law. The hope of improvement, held out by the arrival of Gordon as chief magistrate, soon vanished; for Causton contrived to get rid of his controul by refusing him provisions from the store; and obstructed the exercise of every xxx.] a.d. 1700—1776. 501 other authority within the province, except his own, until the return of Oglethorpe in 1736. No public investigation of the charges against Causton appears to have been made ; and it is difficult to understand upon what ground, except that of his full acquital of them, his retention in any office could have been justified 52. The name of Causton is soon again forced upon our attention in connexion with events which strangely affected the fortunes of the infant church in Georgia. Oglethorpe, upon his arrival in the Colony, we have seen, had been accompanied by a Clergyman, Dr. Herbert ; and another, Samuel Quincy, The Rev. s. had been sent out, upon the recommenda- SfsSary tion of the Trustees, with a yearly salary of s- p- G- of £50 from the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. Some such arrangement might have been looked for as in accordance with the avowed purposes of the Society ; and it was now carried into effect more promptly, by reason of the support which Oglethorpe, upon every opportunity, extended to the operations of that and of its sister Society. But further spiritual help was required; and, during Oglethorpe's visit to England, a proposal was made to John The Rev. Wesley, that he should turn his strong f°£hfesuc- energies to the work. The name of cessor- "Wesley was favourably known to Oglethorpe, by the fame which he and his companions had already ac- quired, and from the friendly interest which Ogle- thorpe had long felt in his family. A remarkable proof of this occurs in a letter from Wesley's father to Oglethorpe, upon his first return to England, in which, 52 Hewitt's Carolina, ii. 54—64 ; Force's Tracts, Vol. i. in loc. 502 GEOEGIA. amid the ' crowds of nobility and gentry,' who were then 'pouring in their congratulations,' the aged Hector of Epworth begs to offer his 'poor mite of thanks ' for the benefits rendered by Oglethorpe to his country at home and abroad, and especially for the 'valuable favours' bestowed upon his third son Charles, whilst a schoolboy at Westminster, and upon himself, when he was 'not a little pressed in the world".' He speaks also, in the same letter, of the near completion of his Dissertations on Job, which he was publishing by subscription; and of his hope of being in London, the ensuing spring, ' to deliver the books perfect.' His hope in this respect was not ful- filled. Before the end of the next spring, the elder "Wesley died ; and John, his second son, went up to London to present the finished volume to Queen Caroline, and gather from other subscribers, among whom Oglethorpe's name appears for the largest amount, the relief needful for his widowed mother in her poverty. "Whilst employed upon this work, Dr. Burton, President of Corpus, and one of the Georgia Trustees, who had watched with friendly interest the proceedings of Wesley at Oxford, commended him to Oglethorpe as a man eminently qualified to have spiritual oversight of a new Colony. It was proposed also that his brother Charles should act as Ogle- thorpe's Secretary. The offer was at first declined ; for the acceptance of it seemed inevitably and at once to deprive of her nearest and best supporters, the parent to whose pious nurturing they were both so deeply indebted. But, when the character of the 53 See Jackson's Introd. to the Journal, &c. of C. Wesley, pp. xxx. xxxi. XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 503 work was more fully set before them, and the assur- i ance of their mother was received, saying, ' Had I twenty sons, I should rejoice that they were all so employed, though I should never see them more,' they resolved to undertake it ; and embarked with Ogle- thorpe, at Gravesend, Oct. 13, 1735. Among their companions were two personal friends, Delamotte and Ingham, and 26 Moravians, of whose friendly recogni- tion by the Church of England as fellow-labourers in the wide field of Christian enterprise, I have already spoken 5*. ' Our end in leaving our native country (says John Wesley, in the first entry of his Journal, begun the next day), was not to avoid want (God having given us plenty of temporal blessings), nor to gain the dung or dross of riches or honour ; but singly this, to save our souls ; to live wholly to the glory of God.' Yet he who expressed such thoughts, — and who can doubt the earnestness and sincerity of pur- pose with which he cherished them ? — had still much to learn of the intricate workings of his own heart and those of others. The days of a tedious and tempestuous voyage were employed by Wesley, with hardly any other in- terruption but that of meals, from the hour of four in the morning until ten at night, in private and public prayer, studying the Scriptures, instructing the child- ren, reading to the passengers, and learning the Ger- man language. On the 4th of February, they came within sight of land; and the words of the second lesson for that evening (1 Cor. xvi. 9), "A great door and effectual is opened," were carefully noted by Wesley, and followed by the prayer, still extant in his 54 Vol. i. 347; ii. 460. 504 GEOEGIA. [CH. Journal, ' 0 let no one shut it ! ' Early the next day, Oglethorpe led him and others to a rising ground, where they knelt down and gave thanks ; and, as soon as the Greneral had taken boat for Savannah, and the rest of the people had come on shore, Wesley invited them to prayers ; aud again notes in his Journal the wonderful suitableness of the second lesson for that morning (St. Mark vi.) to the circumstances in which he and his company were placed. The directions of our Lord to the twelve whom He sent forth to preach ; the courageous fidelity and sufferings of John the Baptist ; the toiling of our Lord's followers at sea, and the deliverance vouchsafed to them in the gra- cious words, "It is I, be not afraid;" all seemed to enforce with more than ordinary power, the duties of obedience, patience, and trust in God. Quincy was at Savannah when "Wesley arrived, but had intimated to the Trustees his desire to return to England. A Memorial from them had been presented to the Society, while Wesley was upon his voyage, setting forth their consent that Quincy should return, and recommending the appointment of Wesley in his room, at the same stipend. The foliowiug entry in the Journal of the Society proves the success of their prayer : Jan. 16, 1736. Agreed, that the Society do approve of Mr. Wesley as a proper person to be a Missionary at Georgia, and that fifty pounds per annum be allowed to Mr. Wesley from the time that Mr. Quincy's salary shall cease. The Journal also of Wesley, March 15, notes the departure of Quincy for Carolina, and his removal that day 'into the Minister's house.' The stipend irom the Society, it was Wesley's intention at first to decline : his resolution being (as its Journal declares) xxx.] a.d. 1700—1776. 505 to receive nothing of any man but food and raiment to put on, and those in kind only, that he might avoid, as far as in him lay, worldly desires and worldly cares ; but, being afterwards convinced by his friends that he ought to consider the necessities of his flock as well as his own, he thankfully accepted that bounty of the Society, which he needed not for his own personal subsistence SV His brother Charles had been sent, a His brother few days before, to Frederica, and, upon companies" the evening of his arrival, gathered the hlm- people together for prayers in the open air. Oglethorpe was present ; and Charles Wesley, following the ex- ample of John, gratefully records, in his Journal, the directions and encouragement supplied in the chapter appointed to be read that evening ; " Continue instant in prayer, and watch in the same with thanksgiving ; withal praying also for us, that God would open unto us a door of utterance, to speak the mystery of Christ — that I may make it manifest, as I ought to speak. Walk in wisdom toward them that are without, re- deeming the time. Let your speech be alway with grace, seasoned with salt, that ye may know how ye ought to answer every man. — Say to Archippus, Take heed to the ministry which thou hast received of the Lord, that thou fulfil it." (Col. iv. 2—6. 17.) The entry of these and other like passages in his Journal was not always followed by the consistent observance of them. In strong and resolute energy, indeed, Charles Wesley was hardly inferior to his brother. After lying down in a boat that night to snatch a few hours of rest, he is seen, between five 55 Journal, &c. vii. 261. 506 GEOKGTA. [CH. and six the next morning, reading prayers to a few persons at the fire, before Oglethorpe's tent, in a hard whose mi- shower of rain. But, with all this zeal, he Frederka is was disposed to lord it over his brethren, in.J^B an(i make himself the director of their fuL consciences in the minutest transactions of daily life. He tried to force upon them an instant obedience to the literal directions of the Rubric, in matters to which they had been wholly unaccustomed ; and this was soon followed by introducing practices for which it gave not any authority at all. The day after he landed, he insisted upon the baptism, by immersion, of all children whose strength could bear it56; and, four days afterwards, when the consent, which had been reluctantly given, in one instance, to that mode of baptism, was withdrawn, he baptized, before a numerous congregation, another child by trine immersion. He betrayed, also, an indiscreet love of interfering with the petty jealousies and quar- rels between husband and wife, and maid-servant and mistress ; and, with more than common readiness to take offence, showed a strange want of tact in pro- 56 He herein followed the example of his brother, who makes this entry in his Journal: — Feb. 21, 1736. 'Mary Welch, aged eleven days, was baptized according to the custom of the first Church, and the rule of the Church of England, by immersion. The child was ill then, but recovered from that hour.' Again, May 5, ' I was asked to baptize a child of Mr. Parker's, second bailiff of Savannah ; but Mrs. Parker told me, " Neither Mr. P. nor I will consent to its being dipped." I answered, " If you 4 certify that the child is weak, it will suffice (the Rubric says) to pour water upon it.'" She replied, " Nay, the child is not weak, but I am resolved it shall not be dipped." This argument I could not confute, so I went home ; and the child was baptized by another person.' XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 507 I yoking it. Before the expiration of the first week, a i rough answer from Oglethorpe perplexes and disturbs I him; and, instead of being careful to avoid all just causes of annoyance, he contrives, the same day, to I I stumble upon ' Oglethorpe again, whilst he £ was with the men under arms, in expectation of an enemy,' and irritates him yet more. His office of Secretary soon proved so distasteful to him, that, after having passed one whole day in writing letters for Oglethorpe, he i declares that he ' would not spend six days more in the same manner for all Georgia.' Then followed the j signal failure of plans which he had looked upon as powerful aids towards the promotion of piety. Tour 1 times a day, the drum beat to prayers ; and, as might : be expected, the scoffer called it hypocrisy, the careless \ evaded it, and even the well-disposed were annoyed by this constant interruption of their ordinary and need- ful work. Symptoms of discontent and turbulence soon spread ; and threats of desertion were conveyed to the ears of Oglethorpe. Eegarding Charles "Wesley as author of all the mischief, he sends for him, and complains, that, instead of cultivating love and meek- ness and true religion among the people, he disturbed and wearied them with ' mere formal prayers.' 1 As to that,' replies Wesley, 'I can answer for them, that they have no more of the form of godliness than the power. I have seldom above six at the public service.' That same evening (March 26), Oglethorpe expressed a willingness to attend the prayers ; and, seeing that the people came slowly, "Wesley said to him, 1 You see, Sir, they do not lay too great a stress on forms.' ' The reason of that' (replied Oglethorpe) 'is, because others idolize them.' Wesley expressed his conviction that few stayed away for that reason ; but Oglethorpe 508 GEORGIA. [CH. evidently believed hiin to be deceived. Then follows a series of petty and vexatious annoyances, of which it is difficult to believe that "Wesley was right in ascribing them all to Oglethorpe. At one time, he complains of being denied the use of a tea-kettle ; at another, that Oglethorpe gave away his bedstead from under him, and refused to spare one of the carpenters to mend him up another. The wretched strifes thus provoked, were suspended for a time by the necessity laid upon Oglethorpe to lead an expedition against the Spaniards ; and by a reconciliation between him and Wesley, at an interview which, at Oglethorpe's request, took place at his quarters before his de- parture. But, upon the return of Oglethorpe, — although no fresh cause of misunderstanding arose, — Wesley felt that his position was a false one; and, having asked and obtained permission to resign it, left Savannah on the 26th of July, little more than four months after his arrival. The words which concluded the second lesson for that day (St. John xiv.), "Arise, let us go hence," are noted in his Journal as aptly marking the conclusion of his stay in Georgia. The minis- The course pursued, at the same time, wesieyat" D7 ms brother, although of longer duration, equaHyaun- was neither characterised by greater wis- successfui. dom, nor attended with more success. Instead of regarding his people, as he had been ad- vised to do, * as babes in the progress of their Christian life, to be fed with milk instead of strong meat,' it is not too strong language to say with Southey, that * he drenched them with the physic of an intolerant disci- pline 57.' Not content with interpreting in their 57 Southey's Life of Wesley, i. 96. XXX.] a.d. 1700-1776. 509 strictest sense, and enforcing to their utmost extent, the acknowledged rules of the Church, he drew up others which he believed would bind his people and himself to a stricter and holier course of life ; framing them by what he believed to be the model of the primitive Church, and giving to them the name of 'Apostolical Institutions.' But the work of the ministry, at all times arduous, was only made more difficult by such contrivances. Many began to suspect that his aim therein was to enslave the minds and bodies of the people ; and complained that the inces- sant attendance required by him at Meetings and Prayers and Sermons tended to formalism and hypo- crisy ; that his anathemas and excommunications, and efforts to introduce confession and self-mortifying acts of penance, proved him a Papist at heart ; and that, in his usurpation of dominion over the consciences of in- dividuals, he broke up the peace of families 5S. Causton at first supported Wesley in all Hjs qnarrel his plans ; and the odium already affixed J^Jh Caus- to the one served probably to cast no little discredit upon the other. But soon a feud sprang up between them, which scattered to the winds all hope of Wesley's usefulness in the Colony. Not long after his arrival, Wesley had formed an affection towards the niece of Causton's wife59, which he believed was returned by her, and hoped might have led to their marriage. The Moravian elders, whom he had strangely enough consulted on the matter, advised him to pro- ceed no further with it ; and, whilst he was trying to 58 Hewitt, ii. 67—75. 59 Southey, and other biographers of Wesley, speak of her as Sophia Causton, the niece of Causton, but Watson, p. 52, says that she was a Miss Hopkey, niece of Causton's wife. 510 GEORGIA. [CH. school himself into a submission to their will, the young lady became the wife of a Mr. Williamson. A few months afterwards, Wesley, discovering, as he be- lieved, something blameable in her conduct, rebuked her. She in return became angry ; and he continued the inflexible censor. As she was still a communicant, Wesley thought fit to put in force against her the powers with which he was armed. And, since she had neither signified her intention to be a partaker of the Holy Communion, 'at least some time the day before,' and had not ' openly declared herself to have truly repented ' of her fault, — both which acts were required by the letter of the Eubric, — he refused to admit her to the next celebration of the Lord's Supper. A warrant was forthwith issued, and he was brought before the Recorder and magistrates upon the charge, preferred against him by Williamson, of defaming his wife, and repelling her without cause from the Holy Communion. The first charge he denied ; and, since the second related to a matter purely ecclesiastical, he refused to acknowledge the authority of a secular court to adjudicate upon it. The prosecution went forward, and the whole Colony took part in the quarrel. The Grand Jury found a true bill ; but twelve of their body protested against the indictment as a malicious attempt to traduce the character of Wesley. Month after month elapsed, and courts were held, and calum- nious affidavits read ; yet no opportunity was afforded him of answering the allegations. Wearied out with these proceedings, and believing that it was his duty not to continue any longer in the province, Wesley proclaimed his intention of leaving it. The magis- trates insisted that he should not depart, unless he gave bond and bail to appear in court, when called a.d. 1700—1776. 511 upon, to answer the action of Williamson. He flatly refused to give either bond or bail. The magistrates issued a public order to prevent his departure. But "Wesley despised the idle menace ; and, feeling (as he records in his Journal, Dec. 2, 1737) that 'every day would give fresh opportunity to procure evidence of words ' he ' never said, and actions ' he ' never did — as soon as evening prayers were over, about eight o'clock, the tide then serving,' — he ' shook off the dust of his ' feet, and left Georgia, after having preached the gos- pel there (not as ' he ' ought, but as ' he ' was able) one year and nine months.' The abortive issue of "Wesley's labours Hjs ardour (whilst it is another evidence to show the SSttin^eai evil of allowing any field of ministerial duty to be removed from the supervision of its lawful rulers) ought not to make us insensible to the ardour and devotion which he then manifested. The same energies, which produced soon afterwards such astonish- ing effects at home, and the traces of which still exist in every quarter of the world, were, at that hour, in all their freshness and strength within him ; and, could they have been turned into a proper channel, must have led on to some great result. At the very time when his disputes with Causton and his family were most likely to have led him to desist, he persevered in the toilsome work of teaching the children ; visiting from house to house the English settlers ; and con- ducting, once a week, religious services in their own language among the French settlers at Highgate, and the German settlers at Hampstead, — villages a few miles distant from Savannah. He soon extended the like services to other French families in Savannah ; and, on Sundays, his practice was to begin at five o'clock 512 GEOEGIA. [cn. the first English prayers, which lasted till half-past six. At nine, he read prayers to a few Vaudois in the Italian language. The second service for the English (in- cluding the Sermon and Holy Communion) continued from half-past ten till about half-past twelve. The French service began at one. At two, he catechized the children. About three began the English service. After which (to use the language of his Journal), he had ' the happiness of joining with as many as ' his £ largest room would hold, in reading, prayer, and sing- ing praise ;' and, about six, he attended, ' not as a teacher but a learner,' the service of the Moravians 60. His ministry, indeed, among the Indians, — which he had vainly thought would be, through their ignorance of the theories and commentaries of man's device, an easy task, — was never even formally begun. And the apparent impossibility of ever being able to enter upon it, is noted by him as a sufficient reason for leaving the Colony61. His visits to "Wesley repaired twice to Charleston, Carolina. during his stay in Georgia ; once, when he accompanied his brother so far homeward, and, again, a few months later, when he went to entreat Garden, the Bishop of London's Commissary, to restrain the practices of a Clergyman in that province, who was in the habit of marrying, without either banns or licence, several of Wesley's Parishioners. Upon the first of these visits, Wesley preached and assisted in the cele- bration of the Holy Communion in St. Philip's Church at Garden's request, and remarks in his Journal the presence of several Negroes among the congrega- tion. Upon the second visit, when he obtained from 6' Wesley's Journal, Oct. 15—30, 1737- 61 lb. Oct. 7- xxx.] a.d. 1700—1776. 513 Garden an assurance that the irregularities which he complained of should cease, Wesley again preached; and, on his return, met the Clergy of Carolina at their Annual Visitation, 'among whom,' he adds, 'in the afternoon, there was such a conversation for several hours on " Christian Eighteousness," as he had not heard at any Visitation, or hardly on any other occa- sion.' He speaks also in grateful terms of the kind and generous conduct of Garden 62 . Soon after "Wesley's arrival in Georgia, Assistance he received, for the benefit of himself and bJJJ'Fasso- his successors, a Parochial Library from «ates. Bray's Associates63 ; and, in the letter acknowledging its receipt, is given an account of the manner in which he and an Assistant Catechist instructed the children of whom they had charge. The connexion of Wesley with America subsequent did not cease with his departure from the co."Iiex,ion r of Wesley latest of her British Colonies. The work with Ame- which he carried on, for more than fifty years afterwards, with such wonderful success, in Eng- land, was renewed, with not less zeal, in Pennsylvania, Virginia, Maryland, and New York. Its progress, indeed, was hindered for a time by the Revolutionary War ; and a large share of the odium and persecution with which the Clergy were then visited, fell also upon the Methodists 6\ Wesley's ' Calm Address to the Americans,' in which he advocated with his usual power principles unwelcome to a large majority of the Colonists, excited strong resentment against him and his followers on either side of the Atlantic. But, as 62 lb. April 17—22, 1737- 63 lb. Jan. 31. 64 See pp. 161. 218, ante. VOL. III. L 1 514 GEORGIA. [CH. soon as peace was restored, and the preachers of the Methodist connexion, — among whom Francis Asbury was the most conspicuous, — were again permitted to appear abroad in safety, Wesley was induced to take the only step which was then wanting to place him and his followers in open schism with the Church of England. He still declared himself indeed a ' Pres- byter ' of that Church ; and the people in America, who desired to continue under his care, still professed, he said, to ' adhere to ' her ' doctrine and discipline.' But, because she had no Bishops in her Colonies, and the Clergy were now scattered abroad, leaving their flocks without spiritual aid; and because there did 'not appear to be any other way of providing them He takes with ministers ;' therefore Wesley thought seinoap-" himself £to be providentially called to set Fn°tendentPse,r" apart soine persons for the work of the or Bishops. ministry in America,' — in other words, to set up Bishops of his own creation. This constitutes the whole of his attempted justification of the act, in the formal instrument, drawn up at Bristol under his ' hand and seal,' Sept. 2, 1784, wherein he declares that he had that day ' set apart, as a Superintendent, by the imposition of his 'hands and prayers (being assisted by other ordained ministers), Thomas Coke, Doctor of Civil Law, a Presbyter of the Church of England,— as a fit person to preside over the flock of Christ.' In a letter addressed, a few days afterwards, to Coke, Asbury, and others in America, he declares that he had appointed Asbury to the same office with Coke, and gives some further reasons for this step; alleging his belief that the order of Bishop and Pres- byter was identical ; and that, although his determina- tion 'as little as possible, to violate the established XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 515 order of the National Church to which ' he ' belonged,' had led him hitherto to refuse to ordain His reasons 'part of their 'travelling preachers' in *orthatact- England, vet in the widely different case of America his 1 scruples ' were ' at an end,' and he 1 considered that he violated no order, and' invaded 'no man's right, by appointing and sending labourers into the harvest.' He admits, indeed, that a proposal had been made among them ' to desire the English Bishops to ordain part of their 'preachers for America. But ;to this ' he objected, because he had already failed, in one instance, to induce the Bishop of London to do so ; because, even if the Bishops consented to ordain their preachers, the necessity of the case would not idmit of the delay which would probably follow ; and, lastly, because the Bishops would expect to govern those whom they ordained; — a restraint to which he I'ould not submit. Such pleas might have been urged by one who had formally disavowed the authority of, md openly separated from communion with, the Church of England. But who must not feel that they tvere utterly at variance with the professions which Wesley continued to make ? What did it avail him to say, that he had long been convinced by Lord King's iccount of the primitive Church, 'that Bishops and Presbyters were the same order, and consequently had :be same right to ordain,' if the Church, of which he icknowledged himself to be a Presbyter, to the doc- irine and discipline of which he and his followers pro- cessed to adhere, and which he, in the same letter, confessed to be ' the best constituted National Church n the world,' plainly and publicly declared her belief, n the Preface to ' the Form and Manner of making, )rdaining, and consecrating of Bishops, Priests, and l 1 2 516 GEOKGIA. [CH. Deacons,' — set forth in her Book of Common Prayer, — 'that, from the Apostles' time, there have been these orders of Ministers in Christ's Church ? ' His plea was contradicted by the act which he rested upon it. For, if Bishops and Presbyters were one, what need of a solemn and special service of prayer, and the imposition of his hands and that of others, when Dr. Coke was set apart to the office whereunto Wesley had called him ? "Was not Coke, by virtue of his ordi- nation to the priesthood, as good a Bishop as Wesley himself? And, if he were not, what became of King's argument ? The spiritual destitution, indeed, of the provinces, now erected into independent States, was sore and lamentable ; and some of his followers had already sought to relieve it, by electing three of their brethren to ordain others by imposition of hands. But Asbury had resisted this proceeding; and the Conference in America, acting under his direction, had pronounced the ordination to be unscriptural. Tet Wesley could furnish no better authority than they had done for attempting the self-same act. The necessity of the case was urgent, and he thought him- self, he says, ' to be providentially called ' to meet it in the way proposed. But, if he were allowed to do so, why should the liberty have been denied to his disciples beyond the Atlantic? Well might Asbury, as we learn from Coke's Journal that he did, — upon openino the document which invested him with powers which he had been the first to deny to others, — express ' strong doubts respecting it.' Well might Charles Wesley, speaking of his brother's conduct in this matter, describe it as a 'rash action, into' which h( had been surprised ; and other influential members o the connexion be amazed and confounded at a pro xxx.^ a.d. 1700—1776. 517 ceeding, which so directly contradicted the former protestations of their leader. The step, however, was irrevocable. The itinerant preachers, who met Coke upon his arrival at New York, accepted the plan marked out by Wesley. In Delaware, Coke first met with Asbury ; and, at a Conference held next Christ- mas-eve at Baltimore, the plan was formally approved ; the name of Superintendent was exchanged for that of Bishop ; the belief that Bishops and Presbyters were the same order ceased to be proclaimed ; the Methodist Episcopal Church in America was formally constituted; and Asbury, whose doubts upon the point had now been removed, was invested, by a form of consecration like that which had been observed in the case of Coke at Bristol, with the authority of one of its Bishops65. Whatsoever opinion may be formed of "Wesley's conduct upon this occasion, it is of wesiey -:n clear that the only ground, upon which he uaceTbie to pretended to justify it, would have been SbISSST taken awav, if Bishops had been found in in the Col°' • ' _ 1 nies. America, governing its Churches. In Eng- land, he avowedly refrained from any such usurpation of their office, because there they discharged its duties. In America, he no longer scrupled to appoint and send labourers into its wide harvest field, because they who claimed the exercise of that authority were no where to be seen within its borders. It was an impatience like that manifested by Talbot sixty years before, who, eager to apply the remedy which, above all others, was required for the evils which he then witnessed in the 65 Watson's Life of Wesley, 3G2— 378 ; Southey's do., ii. 416 — 450; Whitehead's do., ii. 41G— 419; Bp. Wilberforce'a History, &c. 178—180. 518 GEORGIA. [CH. British Colonies, sought and received consecration to the Episcopal office at the hands of the Non-juring body. The divisions of the Church would have been multiplied, and her trials at home and abroad aggra- vated, had the intrusion of Talbot been continued 66. But, for him and his coadjutor Welton, the excuse might have been urged, that they received the office of Bishop from the hands of Bishops ; whereas the dele- gation of the same office to others by "Wesley was simply the act of his own confident will, in direct opposition to doctrine and discipline which he pro- fessed to reverence In both cases, whatsoever the evils of the schism, the pretext for creating it, I re* peat, would have been removed, had the unjust policy of denying Bishops to Colonial Churches not been pur- sued. The impulse given to the exertions of the "Wesleyan body by the new framework of government now set up among its members in America, was felt in every direction ; and, in Georgia, as well as in other places, it was proposed, in memory of Wesley's early con- nexion with that province, to erect and endow a Col- lege to be called after his name. This scheme was not carried into effect; but the mention of it may bring back our thoughts to some of the chief points of interest connected with the history of that Colony, after Wesley's departure from it. Wbitefieid I have already glanced at one of the Georgia in most important of these, the arrival of 1738. Whitefield in the province68 early in the 63 See pp. 240, 241, ante. 67 See the remarks on Wesley's conduct in this matter by Jones of Nayland, in his Life of Bp. Home. Home's Works, i. 162 — 106. 68 Vol. ii. 528. XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 519 year 1738. He came out, on the recommendation of the Trustees, with the concurrence of Bishop Gibson and Archbishop Potter, and laboured at Savannah, for three months, with a success equal to his diligence. On Sundays, his habit was to read prayers and ex- pound one of the lessons for the day at His aiijgent five in the morning ; again, at ten and three ministry- o'clock, he read prayers and preached; and, at seven in the evening, he expounded the Catechism to large congregations, chiefly composed of servants. His ministrations during the week were the reading prayers in public twice every day, and visiting from house to house throughout the Parish, with especial attendance on the sick, and catechising of the young. Besides which, there was a gathering of the people thrice a week at his own house, to whom he read prayers69. Perfect harmony seems to have subsisted between Whitefield and his people ; and, but for the necessity of returning to England for admission into the priest- hood, (which he received at the hands of Bishop Benson of Gloucester,) and the hope of obtaining funds for the support of an Orphan-house which he desired to establish in the Colony, he would doubtless have car- ried on yet further, at that time, the work which he had begun so well. Upon Whitefield's return to England, Hisapproval he received from the Primate and the bytheTrus- . tees, on re- Bisbop of London, as well as from the turning^ Trustees, a hearty approval of his conduct ; and, at the request of the magistrates and other in- habitants of Savannah, the Trustees resolved to entrust 69 Extracts from Whitefield's Journal in Southey's Life of Wesley, ii. 226, note. 520 GEORGIA. [cn. that Parish to his charge, and granted him 500 acres of land for his intended Orphan-house. The brief interval which elapsed before his return to America was one of strong excitement. Devotional exercises, prolonged by him among chosen brethren, sometimes even through the night, and carried on with an extrava- gance of ardour which amounted almost to madness, inflamed his own spirit to a higher pitch of enthusiasm, and alarmed and offended many who would otherwise The effect of nave been eager to wish him God speed, his preach- Remonstrances and prohibitions served ingat Kings- , r . t . wood and only to make nun more resolute m pur- other places. gujng ^e course -which he had chosen. It was of no avail that pulpits were closed against him ; for he was resolved to do what he believed to be the service of his Creator, by taking the hills ' for a pulpit and the heavens for a sounding-board.' The utterance of loud and angry threats of excommunication were equally ineffectual to deter him from his purpose ; for he longed for the glories, whilst he defied the pains, of martyrdom. Fresh fuel therefore was heaped up, at every step, to feed the burning fire of his zeal ; and, in the darkest recesses of sin and ignorance, its bright- ness suddenly shone forth. The rude colliers of Kings- wood crowded in all their strength to hear him : their hearts melted beneath the fervour of his preaching; their blackened cheeks were streaked with the marks of tears which he drew from their eyes; thousands and thousands more flocked thither to share the same feelings, and join the same services of prayer and praise ; they came, far and near, some in coaches, some on horseback ; with the rest, who travelled on foot, the ground was covered ; even the hedges and trees were full of them ; the sound of their loud singing ran from a.d. 1700—1776. 521 one end unto the other of the assembled multitudes ; and, when their voices ceased, and the words of the preacher alone were heard among them, their eager looks, their breathless silence, their fast flowing tears, bore witness to the matchless power with which he swayed all their hearts as the heart of one man. Amid the cries and supplications of the His return to people whom he had thus impressed, White- Araerica- field was constrained to leave them, that he might prosecute his work elsewhere. At Moorfields and Kennington and other places in London aud its neighbourhood, the like scenes were exhibited ; and, when from these he again turned away for America, it was but to renew in Pennsylvania, where he first landed, and in every other province from New York to Carolina, the same wonderful evidences of the power which he possessed over the minds of his fellow- men. At the beginning of the year 1740, Whitefield is once more at Savannah, engaged, among other works, in building and organising his Orphan-house, which he framed chiefly after the model of a similar Institu- tion established by Professor Prancke at Halle, and to which he gave the name of Bethesda. But it was im- possible that the enthusiasm, which had spread like a flame through the cities and provinces of the Old and Xew "World, should remain suddenly pent up within the narrow limits of Georgia. He who had lifted up his voice like a trumpet, and waged uncompromising war against those who filled high places in his native land, was not likely to think his strength fitted to deal only with the lowly settlers of Savannah. It will not excite any surprise therefore to learn, that, from its distant territory, Whitefield looked back eagerly 522 GEORGIA. [CH. upon the field of his former triumphs, and challenged fresh enemies to the conflict. His successful warfare had led him to look with overmuch confidence upon the support which he presumed would infallibly be granted to himself, and to assail his opponents with a bitterness of reproach which he lived to regret. Already had he begun to speak of ' such precious communications from his dear ' Saviour, that his ' body I could ' scarcely sustain them ;' — of his having ' a garden near at hand, where' he went 'particularly to meet and talk with ' his ' God, at the cool of every day ;' — of his being ' often filled, whilst ' he was ' musing, as it were, with the fulness of God;' — and of 'being' frequently at Calvary, and on Mount Tabor; but always assured of ' his Lord's everlasting love.' "With these rapturous expressions of triumph, was joined a resolute and joyful defiance of all the tortures which he supposed were in store for him at the hands of per- secuting rulers. He was ready (he says) to be ' thrust into an inner prison, and feel the iron entering even into ' his ' soul ;' to be thrown ' into a fiery furnace, or den of lions ;' to ' wade to ' his ' Saviour through a sea of blood, — but 'twould be sweet to wear a martyr's crown.' — ' Faith in Jesus turns a prison into a palace, and makes a bed of flames become a bed of down 70.' His conduct Yielding to the impulse of such excited there. feelings, Whitefield had cast off, as an in- tolerable yoke, that reverence for the teaching and authority for the Church, to which, but two years before, when he was called to the ranks of her priest- hood, he had expressed his entire readiness to submit ; and we have seen the determination with which he 70 lb. i. 308 -370. a.d. 1700—1776. 523 resisted the attempt of the Bishop's Commissary at Charleston, Alexander Garden, to restrain him in his devious course. From Wesley had been heard only words of gratitude for the brotherly help which he received from Garden. But Whitefield set at nought all claims of brotherhood. He rushed into Garden's appointed field of duty, not as a friend to counsel him, I or a fellow-worker to assist him in bearing his burden, but as an aggressor to impede, and a judge to condemn, I the work which Garden had for years been prosecuting. j In vain Garden remonstrated, and appealed to that ; higher authority which it might have been supposed that both were willing to acknowledge. "Whitefield retorted upon him, with an indecency which aggra- vated the asperity of the attack, declaring that "Alexander the coppersmith did" him "much evil71." I (2 Tim. iv. 14.) He could not desist for a day from the work of condemning others. In addition to the quarrel which he had stirred up in Carolina, and the controversy which he had at the same time provoked by his assaults on the works of Tillotson, and ' The Whole Duty of Man,' — daring to impugn the authority of writings which had been, and still are, a guide and a solace unto thousands whose intelligence and piety cannot be questioned, — Whitefield was now also rapidly preparing the way towards the breach between Wesley and himself. The disciple of Calvin scornfully refused to tolerate the adoption in any form of any of the doc- trines of Arminius ; and the friend and counsellor, with whom he had cast in his lot, and cheerfully shared the ridicule and odium which had fallen upon them 71 Hewitt's Carolina, ii. 1G'9. See also pp. 482, 483, ante. 524 GEORGIA. [CH. both in the early days of Methodism, was soon regarded as a foe and heretic, with whom it was a crime to hold His defence fellowship. Whitefield also found fresh of slavery. matter of censure in the laws of the Colony. To prohibit people from holding lands except under the conditions which those laws prescribed, or to require them to carry on the work of cultivation in a hot climate without Negro labour, was little better, he said, than to tie their legs and bid them walk. He maintained that to keep slaves was lawful ; else how was the Scripture to be explained which spoke of slaves being born in Abraham's house, or purchased with his money? He denied not that liberty was sweet to those who were born free ; but argued that, to those who had never known any other condition, slavery might not be so irksome. The introduction of slaves into Georgia would bring them, he believed, within the reach of those means of grace which would make them partakers of a liberty far more precious than any which affected the body only; and, upon such grounds, he hesitated not to exert himself to ob- tain a repeal of that part of the Charter which forbade the importation of slaves 72 . Difficulties Oglethorpe, therefore, had as little reason encoded to be satisfiea with the results of White- thorpe. field's residence in the Colony, as he had been with the ministry of Wesley and his brother. Other difficulties also oppressed Oglethorpe. Upon his third visit to Georgia, he was for the most part occupied in conducting military operations against the Spaniards of Florida ; and, although the mutinous and ill-supplied troops under his command compelled him, in 1739, to 72 Southey's Life of Wesley, i. 451 and note. XXX.J a.d. 1700-1776. 525 desist from an attempt to besiege St. Augustine, he succeeded, not long afterwards, in making good the defence of his own territory against a very superior force of the Spaniards which attacked it. Grave charges, indeed, of misconduct were brought against Oglethorpe, which, upon his return to England, formed the ground of a court-martial ; but their futility was amply proved by his honourable acquittal and the dismissal of his chief accuser from the King's service 73 . Oglethorpe returned no more in person to Georgia; and, in 1752, the Trustees surrendered the Charter of their government to the Crown. But he still retaiued, through the remainder of a long life, — far longer, indeed, than ordinarily falls to the lot of man, — an affectionate interest for the Colony which he had planted 7\ Of the rest of AYhitefield's career, it „, , ' The death falls not within the limits of the present ofWhite- r . field. work to add any thing to the notices which have occurred already in the history of other Colonies, further than to say, that, whilst his visits to the Old country, and the work which occupied him 73 Oglethorpe had to encounter, a second time, in 1746, the ordeal of a court-martial, for alleged want of activity in pursuing the rebel forces ; but his honourable acquittal of tbe charge, and the offer, afterwards made to him (which he declined) of the com- mand of the British army in America, testify that he was again wrongfully accused. 74 Oglethorpe died in 1785, at the age of 97- Few readers, per- , haps, need to be reminded of the friendship between him and Dr. Johnson, originating, as Boswell tells us, in the characteristic bene- volence with which Oglethorpe noticed and supported Johnson in his early obscurity and poverty, and continuing long after Johnson had been welcomed to the society of the intelligent and great and wealthy of the land. 526 GEOKGIA. [CH. there, frequently interrupted the course of his per- sonal ministry on the other side of the Atlantic, his remembrance of the Orphan-house in Georgia never ceased. The death of Whitefield took place, in 1770, after a brief illness, at Newburyport in Massachu- setts, during his seventh visit to America, when he was in his fifty-sixth year. More Mis- Meanwhile, upon the recommendation pdntedinP" of tne Trustees, the Society appointed, in Georgia. tbe Eev W Morris to Savannah, and, in 1743, the Rev. Mr. Bosomworth to Frederica. The latter was followed, within two years, by the Eev. Mr. Zouberbugler ; and, in 1750, Ottolenghi, a devout Jewish convert, was added as Schoolmaster to the Mission 75 . Gross mis- Bosomworth was not long afterwards Bosom- °f removed from his post for gross miscon- worth. duct. He had formerly been Chaplain to Oglethorpe's regiment, and, having married the In- dian woman, whom Oglethorpe had employed as inter- preter between him and the Creek tribes, was induced by her to lend himself to a plot which she, with equal cunning and boldness, had contrived, for seizing upon the English possessions. Claiming to be descended from a chief of the Creek tribes, she declared herself to be an independent queen, whose right over the hunting-lands formerly allotted to her people was superior to that of any other occupants. To enforce this right, she suddenly appeared at the head of a large number of Indian warriors, with her husband, dressed in his robes, by her side, and demanded a formal surrender of the lands. The English, taken by 75 Hawkins, 100. xxx.] a.d. 1700-1776. 527 surprise, were for a time in imminent peril. At length, having contrived to seize Bosomworth and the pre- tended queen, and receiving the succour of fresh troops, the Governor disarmed the most formidable, and persuaded the rest of the Indians to return to their settlements 76 . Bosomworth and his wife still continued refractory, and were kept close prisoners ; but, having been prevailed upon by his brother, who was agent for Indian affairs in Carolina, to give up their claims, and ask pardon publicly of the magis- trates and people, they were allowed to go free. The scandal, however, created by an English Clergyman could not be removed as easily as had been the danger in which he had sought to involve his country- men. Augusta was not supplied with a per- The Rev. manent Missionary, until 1750, when Jo- £™p !T nathan Copp, who brought with him from Augusta. Yale College, of which he was a graduate, a high re- putation for piety and attainments, was sent out by the Society, and, in the face of many difficulties and dangers, discharged his duties there. He was removed afterwards to St. John's, Colleton, in S. Carolina; and his subsequent election to the Rectorship of that Parish, proves that he acquired and retained the con- fidence of his people 77 . ■. In 1758, Georgia was divided by an Act Georgia di- of Assembly into eight Parishes, and an ethfpa-0 annual stipend of £25 sterling was allowed rJ,^ies- . /^i m • ■ -r» services to the Clergy officiating m each. But ofFrinck 75 Hewitt, ii. 150— 1G4. 77 Hawkins, 100, and Dalcho, 361. Quincy, the predecessor of Wesley at Savannah, had also gone to St. John's, Carolina. Dalcho, ib. 523 GEORGIA. and Ellin?- the only two Churches which, in 1769, could be found in Georgia, 150 miles from each other, showed of how little avail were such enact- ments, as long as there appeared not any leader to give effect to them. At Savannah, Augusta, and Frederica. the ordinances of the Church were seldom intermitted, except in cases of sickness, or unavoid- able absence ; and, here and there, throughout the pro- vince, were scattered several families, who rejoiced to observe them in such measure as they were able, and invited their neighbours to bear a part in the same offices of prayer and praise. Samuel Frinck also and Edward Ellington, — the most distinguished of the Georgia Missionaries, — were faithful and laborious men, on whose part no exertion was wanting to sup- ply the spiritual destitution which prevailed. The practice of Ellington was to leave Augusta on the Monday, and, after accomplishing a journey of 40 miles, to celebrate divine service on the three follow- ing days, at three places distant ten miles from each other : and to devote the two last days of the week to the work which demanded his attention at home. After the lapse of two years, he removed from Augusta, to take charge of AVhitefield's Orphan- house, having received from him the expression of his wish that its religious services should be conducted in strict conformity with the Liturgy of the Church of England, and that a Clergyman should preside over it. This communication was made to Ellington only a few months preceding the death of Whitefield, and argues a remarkable change either in the sentiments of AVhitefield, or in the manner in which his views were carried into effect. For, not two years before, the Society had received a letter from Frinck, — who XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 529 had been Ellington's predecessor at Augusta, and was afterwards removed to Savannah, — in which he com- plained that ^vYhitefield had done more mischief in Georgia by the disorder and confusion which he had created, than he could undo in three centuries ; and that, wheresoever he went, he waged war with the Church of England, publicly condemning her Clergy, stirriDg up the people against them, and making his Orphan-house a nest for her enemies. Erinck had been himself brought up in the ranks of the Non- conformists ; but, following the example of the men of Connecticut, spoken of in the preceding chapter, was now among the most devoted ministers of the Church which his fathers had forsaken 7S. It were needless to relate the events of the next few years, which led to the separation of Georgia from England ; for they were but a renewal of scenes exhi- bited in every other Colony of Xorth America, during the Eevolutionary struggle. The condition, indeed, of our 2s ational Church in this province was weaker than in any other ; and the destruction of its temporal framework therefore the more easy. But here, as elsewhere, the spirit that was lodged within it out- lives its overthrow, and imparts to later generations, with sustained and well-directed energy, the bless- ing withheld from its first irregular and desultory efforts . The notice to be taken of some of the ^ We8t Islands of the West Indies, before this Indies- Volume is concluded, must be very brief. I have described already the hindrances which, from the earliest period of their subjection to British rule, ob- 75 Hawkins, 101—105. VOL. III. M m 530 THE WEST INDIES. [cn. structed the ministrations of the Church in these Islands ; the manner in which the efficacy of Episco- pal jurisdiction was impaired even by the attempts of Colonial Assemblies to remove those difficulties ; the efforts which the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel made, at the outset of its career, to promote, in Jamaica, Antigua, and Montserrat, the great cause which it professed to serve ; and the assistance given towards the same end, by the Clergy and Lay-mem- bers of the Church residing in those and in other Islands 79. coddngton ^ ca^ attention, in the present part of College in the work, to these facts, for the purpose Barbados. , . 7 , ' . 1 1 of tracing the effects which, in one remark- able instance, have followed them,— I mean the foun- dation of Codrington College in Barbados. The dis- tinguished officer, after whom it is called, died, as I have said, in 1710 80, leaving in Barbados two Estates, " Vol. ii. 477—504. 692—699. 80 lb. 468. In the brief sketch there given of General Cod- rington and his family, I have mentioned his benefactions to All Souls, Oxford, and the removal of his remains to the chapel of that College in 1716. The oration made upon that occasion by Digby Cotes, Public Orator and Fellow of All Souls, alludes, in felicitous and forcible terms, to the fact of Codrington's piety and munifi- cence being extended alike to the Old and New World : — ' Magnum quidem, Cedringtone, et unice tuum est, in ultimos Eois Occiden- tisque qua sol uterque illustrat fines, munificentiam diffundere ; terris ethnica ignorantia et caligine obrutis Evangelii lucem osten- dere ; Musisque quasi spiritum et vitam, patriamque novam osten- dere ; dissitissima loca liberalitate conjungere ; efficereque ut utri- usque Hemisphaerii incolse, et tam barbari quam politiorum artium studiosi, uno ore, variis licet dissonisque linguis, laudes tuas con- ceiebrarent.' The notices of Codrington College by the late and present Bishops of Barbados, (whence I have taken the above passage,) XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 531 — the Upper, which bore his own name, ItsdeSign. and the Lower that of Consett, — in trust to the Society for the Propagation of the j^JJJJJ*0 Gospel, for the purpose of erecting, main- the society , . f 9 , r t. n n * « forthePro- tammg, and governing a College lor a pagation of convenient number of Professors and theGosPeL Scholars,' who should ' be obliged to study and practise Physick and Chirurgery, as well as Divinity, that, by the apparent usefulness of the former to all men, they might both endear themselves to the people, and have the better opportunity of doing good to men's souls whilst taking care of their bodies.' The Society accepted the trust; but several years were employed in settling various claims upon the pro- perty; and the building of the College was not com- pleted until 1743. Meanwhile, the consideration of the best means to be employed in furtherance of the design appears, from its Eeports and Anniversary Sermons, to have been constantly before the Society. Good Bishop Wilson, ever foremost in extending the work of truth and holiness at home or abroad, had, with a deep consciousness of the necessity of pro- viding some such Institution, already proposed to the Society a scheme £ for educating young persons within the Isle of Man, in order to be sent abroad for the propagation of the Gospel.' And, could the difficul- ties and delays, which afterwards arose in Barbados, have been foreseen, the Society would probably have adopted it. But the Eeport for 1711-12, states that the Society had 1 waived the acceptance of Bishop supply also another panegyric upon Codrington's character from the exquisite Latin verses of Addison, written by him in com- memoration of the peace of 1697, and now found in Addison's Works, i. 399. M m 2 532 THE WEST INDIES. [CH. Wilson's proposal, upon a prospect that General Cod- rington's College might be a more convenient seat and seminary, to provide for the education of scholars, and the supply of ministers for those parts.' The Report also for 1714 enumerates several benefactions received in England and Barbados towards the erection its Gram- of the building. Soon after its completion, mar school. a Qrammar School was opened, 1 with twelve Scholars for the foundation, to be maintained and in- structed at the expense of the Society,' with the view of their becoming 'good and useful Missionaries.' The foundation scholars were increased, in the next few years, to eighteen ; and twenty or other scholars not on the foundation were added to them. Around this small nucleus, fresh materials of usefulness might have been gathered, and important results looked for ; its slow pro- Dut a l°ng season of trial was to be passed gress* through, before such anticipations were realised. In 1780, a fearful hurricane laid waste the buildings and other property of the College ; and, for several years, the Estates did not yield sufficient in- come to pay their current expenses. But, as soon as circumstances allowed it, the charge of instructing a smaller number of boys was renewed under a Cate- chist at the mansion house on the Upper Estate, its subse- J^Ln(^ nere? if I restricted my notice of quent ca- Codrington College to the period of time observed in preceding portions of this Volume, I should be compelled to leave it at a most un- favourable crisis of its affairs. I shall venture, there- fore, to allude briefly to its later history, as a witness to prove that present difficulties should never tempt us to desist from any needful work which we believe to be based upon right principles, and conducted by XXX.] a. d. 1700—1776. 533 right means. What could be more discouraging than the prospects of Codrington College, when, in 17S9, Husbands, its faithful Catechist, attempted to renew, upon a limited scale, the work which, even in earlier days, had been but feebly and partially begun ? Four- score years had almost passed away since the death of its pious founder ; the only representative at that time of the Xational Church in the British Colonies had promptly undertaken to give effect to his wishes ; there had been no lack of energy or zeal in the exe- cution of this trust ; and yet, how miserable was the result ! In Barbados, the majority of Its diffiCui- Planters cared nothing for the success of ties the design ; some even rejoiced in its apparent failure. In England, the signs of sympathy on its behalf were not a whit more numerous or more cheering. Never- theless, at home and in the Colony, there were still a faithful few, resolute in the path of duty. The Society ceased not, in the darkest and most trying hour, to hold fast its trust ; and, when the hope of repairing the dismantled buildings and restoring the works upon its distant estates seemed well-nigh gone, a courageous and devoted inhabitant of the Island, John Brathwaite, came to the rescue, un- valuable dertaking to retrieve the ruined property, johnTrath- and to secure to the Society an annual ,vaite- rent of £500 sterling. He accomplished his noble purpose, and much more ; for, at the end of ten years, he had not only paid punctually the promised rent, and given up the Estates again into the hands of the Society, in perfect order and free from all encum- brance, but, with them, the entire surplus profit which he had derived from his persevering labour, amounting to £3500. The College also was repaired, increase of 534 THE WEST INDIES. [CH. the Gram- and eighteen scholars were entered upon mar school. ^e foundation of its Grammar School in 1797, under the Eev. Mark Nicholson, and his Assistant, Mr. Moody. Nicholson was succeeded, in 1822, by one who now deservedly holds high autho- rity in the Church at home, Dr. Hinds, Bishop of Norwich ; and, in 1829, the Grammar School was re- moved to Chaplain's Lodge, on the Upper Plantation, and confided to the care of the Eev. John Packer, the Chaplain 61 ; whilst, at the same time, the College was placed on the academical footing originally contem- plated by its Pounder, and opened, under the superin- The Rev. j. tendence of the Eev. J. H. Pinder, as a Principal^ place of education for young men, natives the College. 0f} or residents in, the West Indies, espe- cially with a view to Holy Orders 82. Mr. Pinder had gone out to Barbados, in 1818, as Chaplain on the Codrington Trust Estates ; and the erection of a Chapel the following year, with a School- house near it, halfway between the two Estates, for the children of the people employed on them, supplied him with fresh facilities, of which he was not slow to avail himself, for maintaining efficiently the spiritual oversight of all entrusted to his charge. Prom the The Ne- earliest period of entering upon the duties groes and 0f ifcs trust, the Society had manifested others on the v codrington the greatest care for the Negroes and tates always others belonging to the Estate. Not possessing the power to change their tem- 81 The School has of late years been merged in the College. 82 For the first few months, the lectures of the Principal, and of the Tutor (the Rev. E. P. Smith), were delivered at their private houses, near Bridgetown ; but, on the 12th of October, 1830, the College was opened for the reception of students. XXX.] a.d. 1700-1776. 535 poral condition, it did all that could be done to re- lieve it. The directions given to its first Chaplain, the Rev. Joseph Holt, charged him, ' besides the ordi- nary duties of a Missionary, to instruct in the Chris- tian religion the Negroes and their children within the Society's plantation, and to superintend the sick and maimed Negroes and servants.' It was also pro- vided that the Negroes should be allowed to work on Saturday afternoons for themselves, in order that they might be able to attend instruction on the Lord's Day. Succeeding Catechists were always charged to be careful in observing the like duties towards the Negro slaves and the children of natives ; and, amid all the disputes which arose in earlier years with respect to the property, no opportunity was lost for the promotion of this work 83. Some of the most pro- mising Negro boys were, in due time, trained to act as teachers among the rest. The like care was never wholly intermitted in the heavy distresses which fol- lowed, and was renewed with great success whilst the Estates were under Brathwaite's management. When, therefore, we read of the regular and full attendance of adult Negroes in the Chapel of which Mr. Pinder had charge ; of more than 70 of their children being present on the Sunday, and nearly 50 on week-days ; of the increase of Communicants, and of the orderly behaviour of all, we see not only the proof of his own zealous and successful ministry among them, but traces also of the care which, for more than a century, had been observed by the Society. The formal establishment of Codring- valuable 83 Reports of S. P. G. 1711— 173:?. 17-10. 1822. 536 THE WEST INDIES. [CH. ^en-ices of ton College uuder its first Principal, Mr. abroad and Pinder, was one of the earliest benefits which followed the consecration of Bishop Coleridge, in 1824, to the See of Barbados: and the valuable services which its Principal then rendered to the College, and, through it, to the whole Church Colonial, in that quarter of the world, can only be fully appreciated by those, — and they are not a few, — who know the tender solicitude, the unwearied fide- lity, the affectionate and watchful care, with which, in the Cathedral city of AVells, he has since been, for many years, and still is, engaged in training up a suc- cession of fresh labourers for the work of the ministry at home. His successors at Barbados have persevered in the course which he began. The paternal sym- pathy and patient judgment of Bishop Coleridge, — the chief earthly solace and guide of all connected with the College, as long as he remained among them, — are seen also in him who now presides over the Dio- cese. Students from all the West Indian Dioceses have been received within its walls ; some from Ber- muda and Xew Brunswick ; others from England itself; and those among them who have been ordained are, for the most part, making "full proof" of their "ministry" among the British possessions in the West ; whilst some, who, from ill health or other causes, have settled in England, are still, in their own persons, supplying the like evidence to prove that the seed sown, a century and a half ago, in the pious reso- lutions of a British officer, has sprung up, and bears after its own kind a blessed fruit. ^ ^ The history of Antigua, — which, from the fact of Codrington having been, as his father was, its Governor, seems naturally to connect XXX.] a.d. L700— 1776. 537 itself with the mention of bis name, — presents a state of affairs, at the beginning of tbe last Influences century, injurious to all connected with f^'"hufch the Island, and especially to tbe Church whose ministrations the elder Codriugton had la- boured to promote. The evil may be traced, in the first instance, to the shameful conduct of Daniel Parke, who, in 17013, succeeded Codring- Governor ton in the government. The offences of Parke- Parke's early life had compelled him to flee from Vir- ginia, the land of his birth, to England, where he pur- chased an estate in Hampshire, and obtained a seat in Parliament. Isot long afterwards, he was expelled the House for bribery ; and the provocation of fresh crimes drove him again a fugitive to Holland, where he entered as a volunteer in the army of the Duke of Marlborough, and was made his aide-de-camp. He carried home, in a brief note written upon the field by Marlborough to his Duchess, the first tidings of the victory of Blenheim ; and, through the interest which then prevailed at the Court of Anne, obtained the governorship of Antigua. His arbitrary and oppres- sive conduct in public matters, and the gross licen- tiousness of his private life, soon stirred up against him the hatred of all classes of its inhabitants. The home government ordered his recall ; but he, refusing to obey it, persisted, with arrogant insolence, in his course of tyranny. At length, it could be endured no longer ; and, on the morning of the 7th of December, 1710, a body of 500 men, with members of the Assembly at their head, marched to the Government House, determined to drive him from it by force. The orders of Parke that they should disperse, and the attempts of his enemies to negotiate, were alike 538 THE WEST INDIES. [CH. fruitless. The attack was made, and resisted with equal violence by the soldiers and others whom Parke had summoned to his aid ; but the assailants in a few hours conquered, and Parke fell a victim to their fury. It was a lawless punishment of lawless acts, and ex- cited great indignation in England. But the cata- logue of Parke's offences had been so enormous, and the effusion of blood would have been so great, had the sentence of capital punishment gone forth against all, or even the leaders, of those who had been con- cerned in his violent death, that it was judged expedi- ent to issue a general pardon M. Discredit- -^e Power °f collating the Clergy to able charac- Benefices in the West India Islands was ter of some of the ciergy vested, we have seen, in their Governors; and, under such a Governor as Parke had proved himself to be, it was not likely that any care would be taken to secure the services of zealous minis- ters. The character of some of the Clergy of An- tigua, indeed, was a sore reproach ; and the fact is forced upon our notice in the course of one of the latest disputes which occurred between Parke and the Colonial Legislature. Having taunted them with not making provision for the payment of the debt upon the Island, he had recommended, in the same mes- sage, that they should secure a better maintenance for the Clergy. Whereupon, the House answered, that, if the Island were in debt, an increase in the salaries of the Clergy, beyond the £100 already allowed, could not be expected ; and that, even were it prac- ticable, the ' scandalous ' conduct of ' too many ' among them, at that time, made it inexpedient. 84 Antigua and the Antiguans, i. 68 — 81. a.d. 1700—1776. 539 Amid these adverse influences, one me- The high jtaorable exception, supplied in the person Roland °f )f Colonel Eowland Williams, deserves wiiBtmi. :o be remarked. His grave is still under the commu- nion table of St. Mary's Church, of which he was the founder, and which was the first place of public wor- ship erected in Antigua. The lines inscribed upon it record the fact that he was the first male child of European descent born in lawful wedlock in the Island, and that he died, the year after Parke's death, when he was fourscore years old. The testimony borne in the same epitaph to the many and valuable services of Eowland Williams is amply borne out by that of the most ancient records of the Island 85. At St. John's, a small and inconvenient church at wooden Church had been erected as early St- John's- as the year 1683; and, in 1716, under the govern- ment of Walter Hamilton, an act was passed for erecting a larger and more substantial building in its room. But the fact that five or six more years passed away, before any attempt was made to proceed with the work, indicates the sluggishness of spirit which then prevailed86. And, if such were the indifference displayed in the capital of the Island, much more might a like influence have been looked for in its out- lying Plantations. The business of amassing wealth, which gave to our West Indian possessions their chief interest, received at intervals many checks in Antigua. Sometimes the tyranny of the Planter provoked to deeds of murderous revenge the Negroes who toiled at his command; at other times, the hurricane, the fire, 85 lb. i. 183. 8(3 lb. i. 218. 540 THE WEST INDIES. [CH or the earthquake, overwhelmed with the same terri | ble destruction master and slave alike. I have found ! I regret to say, few traces of active zeal, or patien ! watchfulness, on the part of the Church in this Islam during the same period; but, few though they are they ought not to remain unnoticed. They occil The services chiefly in the correspondence carried 01 &c££io by the Colonial Governors and Clergi Antigua. with Bishop Gibson, during the twenty five years (from 1723 to 174S) in which he wai Bishop of London, and prove ihe pains taken by tha- prelate to overcome the difficulties of his position His printed Queries to each minister are most search ing ; and the care with which every answer was exa mined, and further explanations sometimes demanded shows his determination to make as effectual as h( could his oversight of those who were so far removec from him. His first Commissary for Antigua and th( rest of the Leeward Islands, James Field Field, ' Knox, and he found worn out with labours which h( Byam. had patiently and faithfully sustained, foi more than 30 years ; and the appointment of a suc- cessor to Field in that important office was the earliesl duty which the Church in the AVest Indies requirec at the hands of Gibson. A successor was found ii James Knox ; and, if the character of a man is to b( judged from his letters, it would be difficult not to be lieve that Knox was a man of true piety, of heart} benevolence, of unwearied energy. It is not aruong the least valuable services rendered by him to the Church in Antigua, that he should have been the firsl to recommend to the favourable notice of Bishop Gib- son, one who became afterwards his own successor both in the Rectorship of St. John's, and the office oi XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 541 Commissary, Francis Byam, the most able and de- moted Clergyman of his day throughout all the Lee- ward Islands. Grandson of that distinguished officer, tvhose services as Governor of Surinam have been ilready referred to 87 , and son of another not less dis- ringuished for many years as a most popular Governor 3f Antigua, Francis Byam, born in that Island in L709, had been sent to England for education, and 3ecame a Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. The ?arly termination of his career of usefulness in the West Indies, — for he died on his passage homeward n 1757 88, — was a subject of sincere and lasting sorrow. The personal character and influence of H5gh cha_ Colonial Governors, at all times powerful racterof ' 1 some of the or good or evil, may be distinctly traced Governors of hrough all the communications, received it this time from Antigua, upon matters ecclesiastical. Sir William Matthew, and his son (who bore the same Christian name with himself), and Edward Byam, vere the most conspicuous for their wisdom and vigil- ance; and, at a later period (1771), Sir Balph Payne ivalled them in his efforts to promote every good vork. But, in Antigua, as in our other West Indian elands, the general course of the Church's ministra- ions, during the greater part of the 18th century, vas feeble and ineffectual ; and I am not surprised to ind that the agents of Methodism should have sup- died the help which many of her Clergy failed to give. 87 Vol. ii. 85. 88 Antigua and the Antiguans, ii. 381 ; Memoirs of the Byam family, 90-08. 542 THE WEST INDIES. [CH. introduc- ™* to England ^n 1^58 by Nathaniel thodSsin16" Gilbert, — a descendant of the family of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and Speaker of the House of Assembly, — led to an acquaintance between him and John Wesley. Wesley baptized two of the Negro servants whom Gilbert brought with him ; and, upon his return to Antigua, Gilbert organised, among the Negroes and coloured people in his neighbour- hood, according to the laws laid down by Wesley, a religious community which soon amounted to several hundred members. The work thus commenced, in a spirit of unaffected piety, by Gilbert, was renewed, in 1778, by John Baxter, a distinguished member of the Wesleyan body at home ; and Coke, who, by virtue of the authority delegated to him by Wesley, frequently visited Antigua, reports in his Journal its favourable progress in late years. The materials, therefore, of spiritual culture were found in abundant measure throughout the Island ; and, had the instruments fitted for that end entrusted to the keeping of the Church been fully and efficiently employed, in the first in- stance, may we not believe that the difficulties, caused by the introduction of different, and sometimes con- flicting, instruments, would not have arisen ? First settle ^ew years previous to the appear- mentofthe ance of the Wesleyan body in Antigua, Moravians. . 4 J . ° , the Moravians also, once the fast friends of Wesley, but soon again separated from him, esta- blished their first settlement in Antigua 89. j m .ca I nave already shown, that, in Jamaica, fifteen Parishes had been formed in 1684, although not all supplied at that time with Ministers 89 lb. i. 241—249. XXX.] a.d. 1700— 1770. 543 or Churches 30. From one of these, the Parish of St. Andrew, a portion was taken in 1G93, and formed into the separate Parish of Kingston. The increased 18th century witnessed the formation of Panshes- four more Parishes, "Westmorland in 1703; Hanover and Portland in 1723 ; and Trelawney in 1774 ; West- morland being taken out of the Parish of St. Eliza- beth, and Hanover and Trelawney out of that of St. James 91. The aid, provided by zealous and affec- tionate members of the Church of Eng- Sough3 land for the Colonies of North America, rtuaihelp was extended at this time to Jamaica and derived. from the other British possessions in the "West ^"f^f* Indies. Distinct and cheering evidences of this fact abound in the Eeports and Journals of the two ancient Societies of the Church, which have been our guides thus far ; in the manuscript corre- spondence preserved at Lambeth and at Eulham ; and in the recorded proceedings of Bray's Associates. Among the most active members of the last-named body was General Oglethorpe. His friendship with Bray, first formed by sympathy and union with him in their attempts to remedy the gross abuses which then prevailed in our prisons 92, was made more strong 90 Vol. ii. 288. 91 The Parish of Manchester was also formed in 1816. out of the Parishes of St. Elizabeth, Clarendon, and Vere; aud Metcalfe, in 1841, out of the Parishes of St. Mary and St. George. For these, and some other particulars connected with the history of the Church in Jamaica, I am indebted to a MS. sent to me, a few years since, by the Rev. Dr. S. H. Stewart, Rector of Claren- don; and regret that want of space prevents me from including in the present Volume all the information which I have derived from it. * Vol. ii. 5 ;9. 544 THE WEST INDIES. [CH. and binding by their co-operation in many other kin- Bray's As- dred works of piety. To help their indigent soaates. fellow-countrymen to find a better liveli- hood in the Colonies of the New World was one of these ; and to alleviate the sufferings and instruct the minds of the Negro race was another93. The "West Indian Islands presented the widest and most promi- nent field for the prosecution of the latter duty ; and, from the earliest period of the Institution, which bears the name of Dr. Bray and his Associates, the course of its operations has always been traced among them. Ma.or It is not among the least interesting Charles facts connected with the proceedings of its first members, that the honoured name of Selwyn is associated with those of Bray and Ogle- thorpe94. I refer to Major Charles Selwyn, second son of Major- General William Selwyn, Governor of Jamaica, who had died in that Island, a few months after he had entered upon the duties of his office, in 1702. Charles Selwyn might possibly have been led to feel a deeper interest in the spiritual welfare of the British Colonies in the West, and especially of the Negroes scattered among them, by remembering that his father had been called to govern, for a brief season, one of the most important of those possessions, and that his father's grave was still there95. But, let the 03 Vol. ii. 419. 94 Biog. Brit. (Art. Dr. Bray), ii. 977- 95 Governor Selwyn, formerly the owner of an estate at Matson in Gloucestershire, had two other sons, also in the army, John, the eldest, and Henry, the youngest. In 1720, his second son Charles purchased an estate at Richmond, in Surrey, which, upon his death, in 1749, he devised to William, the son of his youngest brother Henry. William Selwyn was called to the Bar, five years after his XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 515 cause have been what it might, there can be no doubt that, in the spirit of true Christian brotherhood, he walked side by side with some of the most devoted members of the Church of England in his day; and, few though there were to wish him God speed, joined readily with those true-hearted men in the execution of many a needful and blessed work for the spiritual benefit of his native land and its dependencies. In following this track of duty, Selwyn did but precede the men of this generation, who traverse it in numbers ten thousand fold greater, and with a zeal and energy quickened into stronger life, because freed from the encumbrances of a former age ; and none more suc- cessfully than does that intrepid soldier of the Cross, sprung from the same lineage with himself, who, not only through the length and breadth of New Zealand, but in many another Island of the South Pacific, has | set up so many and, we trust, enduring tokens of its saving power. When I have acknowledged the services Difficulties thus rendered to the Church in Jamaica, colonial in the 18th century, I fear that I have legislation, summed up nearly all that was then done by the Church Domestic or Church Colonial in that Island. The enactments of its House of Assembly marking ; out the territorial divisions of Parishes, scarcely served any other purpose, for many years, than that of wit- nessing the obligation laid upon the rulers of a Chris- uncle's death, and became Treasurer of Lincoln's Inn in 1793. He, again, was followed in the same profession and office, and with distinction yet greater, by his second son and namesake, — the father of the present Bishop of New Zealand, — who has lately de- parted to his rest, full of years, and honoured and beloved of all men. VOL. III. N n 546 THE WEST INDIES. [CII. tian Colony to provide for the spiritual wants of its inhabitants. The means of discharging that obligation aright were hindered at every step by the scanty numbers of the Clergy 96, and, yet more, by the irregu- larities that prevailed among them. The only power which could have applied a sufficient remedy for the evil, was precluded by the clause already described in the Act passed in the 33rd year of Charles II., which reduced the professed jurisdiction of the Bishop of London to a mere nullity97. A similar clause was in- serted in every Act passed upon the same subject by the Colonial Assemblies of other Islands. An attempt was made, indeed, in 1748, to establish more directly the exercise of the Bishop's authority in Jamaica ; but the clause just mentioned, forbidding the imposition of any penalties by the ecclesiastical power, was left unrepealed, and the provisions of the later Act were consequently useless. Meanwhile, the evils which it had been designed to meet, increased with the lapse of time ; and, in 1797, the House of Assembly passed an Address to George III., representing that the juris- diction of the Bishop of London had never been exer- cised in Jamaica, and 'praying that a power' might ' be vested ' in its Governor ' to censure, suspend, and remove, any Clergyman who may be complained against, in such a manner and according to such regulations as ' might ' be hereafter provided for by ' its Legislature, 96 From a catalogue now before me in the Fulham MSS., it ap- pears that from 1745 to 1784, not more than 29 Clergy were licensed by the Bishop of London for Jamaica. The same list shows for the same period, 14 for Antigua, 7 for the Bahamas, 35 for Barbados, 10 for St. Kitt's, 6 for Dominica, 4 for Granada, 1 for Guadaloupe, 3 for Montserrat, 2 for Nevis, 2 for Tobago, and 1 for St. Vincent. 97 Vol. ii. 289. XXX.] a.d. 1700—1776. 517 reserving a right of appeal, according to the King's pleasure. The immediate effect of this Address was the formal abolition of the contradictory powers given to the Bishop of London and House of Assembly under former Acts ; and the reversion to the Crown •of the authority which they had vainly attempted to exercise. The House of Assembly renewed its prayer, that this authority might, in all its fulness, be dele- gated to the Colonial Governor ; and, until the opinion of Sir "William Scott, to whom the matter was referred, could be received, passed an Act enforcing the resi- dence of the Clergy, and prohibiting the payment of their stipends, except upon production of a certificate from the Churchwardens that the stipulated term of residence had been observed, and their several duties performed. Such was the humiliating condition to which the Church, in the most important British possession in the "West Indies, was reduced, through the infatuated obstinacy which refused to grant to her the guidance of her proper spiritual rulers. I It scarcely needed the great authority opinion of of Sir William Scott to show to the House Sir William Scott. of Assembly in Jamaica that its prayer could not be granted, and that to convert a Colonial Governor into a Bishop was impossible. To meet, in some degree, the exigencies that had arisen, it was agreed, at the beginning of the present century, in accordance with the advice of Sir William Scott, that the Crown should delegate the care of the Church in Jamaica to certain Ecclesiastical Commissioners, the Rectors of St. Andrew, Kingston, St. Elizabeth, St. James, and St. Catherine, and give them authority to institute to Benefices, to license Curates, and generally 548 THE WEST INDIES. [CH. to controul and direct their brethren in the discharge of their duties. With a view also of mitigating the evils of non-residence, it was provided that Eectors who obtained leave of absence should appoint Curates to undertake their duty ; that, in default of such ap- pointment, the Governor should nominate the Curate, and make over to him all the emoluments of the Parish, — the glebe only excepted, — and that, if the Eector were absent more than 18 months, the benefice should be declared void. The come These and the like were mere palliatives, crationof which might have mitigated, but could Colonial ° & . ' Bishops the not remove, the evils complained of. And, remedy for although one very important step towards whichex- supplying the deficiency of the means of lsted' spiritual instruction was taken in 1816, by the law then passed for the appointment of Island Curates, and another most valuable instrument of help was furnished, through many years of the present century, in the zeal and energy of Missionaries em- ployed in Jamaica by the Church Missionary Society, yet the most efficient organ to maintain the order and efficiency of the Church — the supervision of its chief Pastors — was still wanting. At length, in 1824, — after the lapse of more than a century since this identical measure had been first solemnly urged by the Society for the Propagation of the Grospel upon the Crown 98, — the deficiency was supplied by the con- secration of Dr. Lipscomb to the See of Jamaica, and 98 See Table of Colonial Dioceses in Appendix, No. IV., and the comparative numbers of the Clergy in some of them, at the time the Dioceses were formed, and at the present time, No. V., and the Tables exhibiting the progress of the Colonial Episcopate, Nos. VI. and VII. XXX.] a.d. 1700-1776. 519 of Dr. Coleridge to that of Barbados. A new epoch commenced from that time. The benefits, which directly and immediately followed, were too clear to be mistaken ; and the erection, in 1842, of the sepa- rate Sees of British Guiana and Antigua, have only served to multiply them yet more in that quarter of the world. The like results have been experienced, and, indeed, could not fail to be, in the erection of every other Colonial See in either hemisphere. How- soever tardily the remedy has been applied, England now shows her sense of its value by extending promptly to her latest acquisitions of foreign territory the help which was denied for centuries to her ancient Colonies. The consecration of Bishop McDougall to preside over the Clergy and congregations of the Church in Borneo, which took place in St. Paul's Cathedral, Calcutta, on St. Luke's day, last yearrated ; neither the children baptized, nor the dead buried n any Christian form. Virginia contained above 40,000 souls, livided into 40 parishes, but wanting near half the number of clergymen requisite. Maryland contained above 25,000, .ivided into 26 parishes, but wanting also near half the Ministers requisite. In Pennsylvania, (says Colonel Heath- ote,) there are at least 20,000 souls, of which not above 00 frequent the Church, and there are not more than 250 ommunicants. The two Jersies contain about 15,000, of Thich not above 600 frequent the Church, nor have they lore than 250 communicants. In New York Government, e have 30,000 souls at least, of which about 1200 frequent le Church, and we have about 450 communicants. In onnecticut Colony, in New England, there are 30,000 554 APPENDIX. souls, of which, when they have a Minister among them, about 150 frequent the Church, and there are 35 communi- cants. In Rhode-Island and Naragansett, which is one Government, there are 10.000 souls, of which about 150 frequent the Church, and there are 30 communicants. In Boston and Piscataway Government, there are about 80,000 souls, of which about 600 frequent the Church, and 120 the Sacrament. In Newfoundland, there are about 500 families constantly living in the place, and many thousands of occa- sional inhabitants, and no sort of public Christian Worship used. This is the true, though melancholy state of our Church in North America ; and whoever sends any other accounts more in her favour, are certainly under mistakes; nor can I take them (if they do it knowingly) to be friends to the Church ; for if the distemper be not rightly known and understood, proper remedies can never be applied.' No. II. Page 284. Address of the General Convention, held at Christ Church, Phila- delphia, Oct.. 5, 1785, to the Most Reverend and Right Reverend the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, and the Bishops of the Church of England. We, the Clerical and Lay Deputies of the Protestant Episco- pal Church, in sundry of the United States of America, think it our duty to address your Lordships on a subject deeply interesting ; not only to ourselves and those whom we represent, but, as we conceive, to the common cause of Christianity. Our forefathers, when they left the land of their nativity, did not leave the bosom of that Church over which your Lordships now preside ; but, as well from a veneration for Episcopal Government, as from attachment to the admirable services of our Liturgy, continued in willing connexion with their Ecclesiastical Superiors in England, and were subject APPENDIX. 555 to many local inconveniences, rather than break the unity of the Church to which they belonged. When it pleased the Supreme Ruler of the universe, that this part of the British Empire should be free, sovereign, and independent, it became the most important concern of the Members of our Communion to provide for its continu- ance. And while, in accomplishing of this, they kept in view that wise and liberal part of the system of the Church of England, which excludes as well the claiming as the acknowledging of such spiritual subjection as may be incon- sistent with the civil duties of her children ; it was neverthe- less their earnest desire and resolution to retain the vener- able form of Episcopal Government handed down to them, as they conceived, from the time of the Apostles: and en- deared to them by the remembrance of the holy Bishops of the primitive Church, of the blessed Martyrs who reformed the doctrine and worship of the Church of England, and of the many great and pious Prelates who have adorned that Church in every succeeding age. But, however general the desire of completing the orders of our Convention, so diffused and unconnected were the members of our communion over this extensive country, that much time and negociation were necessary for the forming a representative body of the greater number of the Episcopalians in these States; and owing to the same causes, it was not until this Convention, that sufficient powers could be procured for the addressing your Lordships on this subject. The Petition which we offer to your Venerable Body, is — that from a tender regard to the religious interests of thou- sands in this rising empire, professing the same religious principles with the Church of England : you will be pleased to confer the Episcopal character on such persons as shall be recommended by this Church in the several States here represented : full satisfaction being given of the suffici- ency of the persons recommended, and of its being the in- tention of the general body of the Episcopalians in the said States respectively, to receive them in the quality of Bishops. Whether this our request will meet with insurmountable 556 APPENDIX. impediments, from the political regulations of the kingdom in which your Lordships fill such distinguished stations, it it is not for us to foresee ; we have not been ascertained (sic in orig.) that any such will exist; and are humbly of opi- nion, that, as citizens of these States, interested in their prosperity, and religiously regarding the allegiance which we owe them, it is to an ecclesiastical source only we can apply in the present emergency. It may be of consequence to observe, that in these States there is a separation between the concerns of policy and those of religion ; that accordingly, our civil Rulers cannot officially join in the present application ; that however we are far from apprehending the opposition or even displeasure of any of those honourable personages; and, finally, that in this business we are justified by the constitutions of the States, which are the foundations and controul of all our laws. On this point, we beg leave to refer to the enclosed extracts from the constitutions of the respective States of which we are citizens, and we flatter ourselves that they must be satisfactory. Thus, we have stated to your Lordships the nature and the grounds of our application ; which we have thought it most respectful and most suitable to the magnitude of the object, to address to your Lordships for your deliberations, before any person is sent over to carry them into effect. Whatever may be the event, no time will efface the remem- brance of the past services of your Lordships and your pre- decessors. The Archbishops of Canterbury were not pre- vented, even by the weighty concerns of their high stations, from attending to the interests of this distant branch of the Church under their care. The Bishops of London were our Diocesans ; and the uninterrupted, although voluntary, sub- mission of our congregations, will remain a perpetual proof of their mild and paternal government. All the Bishops of England, with other distinguished characters, as well eccle- siastical as civil, have concurred in forming and carrying on the benevolent views of the Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts: a Society to whom, under God, APPENDIX. 557 the prosperity of our Church is in an eminent degree to be ascribed. It is our earnest wish to be permitted to make, through your Lordships, this just acknowledgment to that venerable Society ; a tribute of gratitude which we rather take this opportunity of paying, as, while they thought it neces- sary to withdraw their pecuniary assistance from our Minis- ters, they have endeared their past favours by a bene- volent declaration, that it is far from their thought to alien- ate their affection from their brethren now under another government; with the pious wish that their former exertions may still continue to bring forth the fruits they aimed at of pure religion and virtue. Our hearts are penetrated with the most lively gratitude by these generous sentiments; the long succession of former benefits passes in review before us ; we pray that our Church may be a lasting monument of the usefulness of so worthy a body; and that her sons may never cease to be kindly afFectioned to the members of the Church, the Fathers of which have so tenderly watched over her infancy. For your Lordships in particular, we most sincerely wTish and pray, that you may long continue the ornaments of the Church of England, and at last receive the reward of the righteous from the great Shepherd and Bishop of souls. Extracted from the Journals of the General Conventions of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America, (pp. 12 — 14.) Answer from the Archbishops and Bishops of the Church to the foregoing Address. (Ib. pp. 19, 20.) London, February 24, 1786. To the Clerical and Lay Deputies of the Protestant Episco- pal Church in sundry of the United States of America. The Archbishop of Canterbury hath received an Address dated in Convention, Christ Church, Philadelphia, Oct. o, 1785, from the Clerical and Lay Deputies of the Protestant Episcopal Church in sundry of the United States of America, directed to the Archbishops and Bishops of England, and 558 APPENDTX. requesting them to confer the Episcopal character on such persons as shall be recommended by the Episcopal Church in the several States by them represented. This brotherly and Christian address was communicated to the Archbishop of York, and to the Bishops, with as much dispatch as their separate and distant situations would per- mit, and hath been received and considered by them with that true and affectionate regard which they have always shown towards their Episcopal brethren in America. We are now enabled to assure you, that nothing is nearer to our hearts than the wish to promote your spiritual welfare, to be instrumental in procuring for you the complete exer- cise of our holy religion, and the enjoyment of that Ecclesi- astical constitution, which we believe to be truly Apostolical, and for which you express so unreserved a veneration. We are therefore happy to be informed that this pious de- sign is not likely to receive any discountenance from the civil powers under which you live ; and we desire you to be persuaded, that we, on our parts, will use our best endea- vours, which we have good reason to hope will be success- ful, to acquire a legal capacity of complying with the prayer of your address. With these sentiments we are disposed to make every allowance which candour can suggest for the difficulties of your situation, but at the same time we cannot help being afraid, that, in the proclamation of your Convention, some alterations may have been adopted or intended, which these difficulties do not seem to justify. Those alterations are not mentioned in your Address, and, as our knowledge of them is no more than what has reached us through private and less certain channels, we hope you will think it just, both to you and to ourselves, if we wait for an explanation. For while we are anxious to give every proof, not only of our brotherly affection, but of our facility in forwarding your wishes, we cannot but be extremely cautious, lest we should be the instruments of establishing an Ecclesiastical system which will be called a branch of the Church of Eng- APPENDIX. 559 land, but afterwards may possibly appear to have departed from it essentially, either in doctrine or in discipline. In the mean time, we heartily commend you to God's holy protection, and are your affectionate brethren, T. Cantuah. (Moore), W. Ebor. (Markham). 1?. London (Lowth). W. Chichester (Ashburnham). C. Bath and Wells (Moss). S. St. Asaph (Shipley). S. Sarum (Barrington). J. Peterborough (Hinchcliffe). James Ely (Yorke). J. Rochester (Thomas). R. Worcester (Hurd). J. Oxford (Butler). L. Exeter (Ross). Tho. Lincoln (Thurlow). John Bangor (Warren). J. Lichfield and Coventry (Cornwallis). S. Gloucester (Halifax). E. St. David's (Smalwell). Chr. Bristol (Wilson). An Act to empower the Archbishop of Canterbury, or the Archbishop of York, for the time being, to consecrate to the office of a Bishop, persons being subjects or citizens of countries out of His Majesty's dominions. [Sent by the Archbishop of Canterbury to the Committee of the General Convention, &c. Ib. pp. 37, 38.] Whereas, by the Laws of this realm, no person can be con- secrated to the office of a Bishop without the King's licence for his election to that office, and the royal mandate under the Great Seal for his confirmation and consecration ; and whereas, every person who shall be consecrated to the said office is required to take the oaths of allegiance and supre- macy, and also the oath of due obedience to the Archbishop : And whereas, there are divers persons, subjects, or citizens of countries oat of His Majesty's dominions, inhabiting and 5G0 APPENDIX. residing within the said countries, who profess the public worship of Almighty God according to the principles of the Church of England, and who, in order to provide a regular succession of ministers for the service of their Church, are desirous of having certain of the subjects or citizens of those countries consecrated Bishops, according to the forms of consecration in the Church of England: Be it enacted by the King's most excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords' Spiritual and Temporal, and Com- mons in this present Parliament assembled, and by the au- thority of the same, that from and after the passing of this Act, it shall and may be lawful to and for the Archbishop of Canterbury, or the Archbishop of York, for the time being, together with such other Bishops as they shall call to their assistance, to consecrate persons being subjects or citizens of countries out of His Majesty's dominions, Bishops for the purposes aforesaid, without the King's licence for their elec- tion, or the royal mandate under the Great Seal for their confirmation and consecration, and without requiring them to take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and the oath of obedience to the Archbishop for the time being. Pro- vided always, that no persons shall be consecrated Bishops in the manner herein provided, until the Archbishop of Can- terbury, or the Archbishop of York, for the time being, shall have first applied for, and obtained His Majesty's licence, by warrant under his royal signet and sign manual, autho- rizing and empowering him to perform such consecration, and expressing the name or names of the persons so to be consecrated ; nor until the said Archbishop has been fully ascertained of their sufficiency in good learning, of the soundness of their faith, and of the purity of their manners. Provided also, and be it hereby declared, that no person or persons consecrated to the office of a Bishop in the manner aforesaid, nor any person or persons deriving their consecra- tion from or under any Bishop so consecrated, nor any per- son or persons admitted to the order of Deacon or Priest by any Bishop or Bishops so consecrated, or by the successor or successors of any Bishop or Bishops so consecrated, shall be thereby enabled to use his or their respective office APPENDIX. 561 or offices, within His Majesty's dominions. Provided always, and be it further enacted, that a certificate of such consecration shall be given under the hand and seal of the Archbishop who consecrates, containing the name of the person so consecrated, with the addition as well of the country whereof he is subject or citizen, as of the Church in which he is appointed Bishop, and the further description of his not having taken the same oaths, being exempted from the obligation of so doing by virtue of this Act. Kb. III. Page 475. Directions to the Catechists for instructing Indians, Negroes, &c. [Quoted by Dalcho, pp. 47 — 50.] First, Put them upon considering what sort of creatures they are ; and how they came into being. Secondly, From whom they received their being. Thirdly, What sort of apprehensions they ought to have of the Author of their being. Fourthly, Show them, from that invisible spirit which moves and acts their bodies, and by which they are enabled to think, to reason, and to remember, that there may be other beings which they do not see with their eyes : and particularly that Being which we call God. Fifthly, Show them that there is such a Being as we call God, from His works of Creation and Providence ; and par- ticularly from the frame of their own beings. But forasmuch as our knowledge of God and of His Will is imperfect, show them, farther, how He has made Himself and His Will known to men by a certain Book called the Bible, which was written by several Holy Men, to whom God made known Himself and His Will, that they might teach others. For a proof of this, show them that this Book con- tains things worthy of God ; that the men who wrote it, in several places of it, do foretell things which none but God could make known to them ; and that they did many won- TOL. m. O 0 562 APPENDIX. derful works which none but God could enable them to do. And give them some plain instances in both kinds out of the Bible. Show them, farther, that this Book called the Bible has been carefully preserved, and handed down to us from gene- ration to generation, and has all the marks of truth and sincerity in it. Show them, in the next place, what this Book teaches con- cerning God; viz. that there is but one God; that as He created, so He governs the world ; that He takes care of all the beings which He hath made, particularly of the children of men, and more especially of them that fear and serve Him. Show them, in the next place, what this Book teaches con- cerning man ; how God formed one man and one woman at first; and how all mankind are descended from them; what state they were made in ; what law was given them to try their obedience; how they disobeyed that law; and what were the unhappy consequences of their disobedience upon themselves, and upon their whole posterity. Proceed then to show them that the Bible farther teaches them what method Almighty God hath taken to deliver mankind from the evil consequences of their disobedience, viz. by sending his only-begotten Son, Jesus Christ, into the world, to take our nature upon Him : instruct them concern- ing His conception, His birth, life, suffering, resurrection, ascension into heaven, and continual intercession for us there ; and His sending forth twelve disciples, called His twelve Apostles, to publish His doctrine to the world, enabling them by the Holy Ghost to speak many languages they had never learned, and to do many great and miraculous works for the confirmation thereof. Show them, next, what the Bible teaches them to hope for from this Son of God, namely, the forgiveness of their sins; the assistances of God's grace and everlasting life and hap- piness through His merits and mediation. Show them the conditions of obtaining these good things, viz. repentance, faith, and a good life ; instructing them par- ticularly in the nature of each of them. APPENDIX. 563 Show them, farther, by what means they may be enabled to perform these conditions, viz. by exercising their own reason ; by carefully reading and considering the Bible ; by praying earnestly to God that He will, for Jesus Christ's sake, afford them His assistance; and lastly, by entering themselves into the Church of Christ, or society of Chris- tians. Then show them how they are to enter into the Church of Christ by Baptism ; namely, by being washed with water " In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." Show them what the Holy Scriptures have revealed concerning the Trinity of the Divine Persons, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, and the unity of their essence ; show them the nature and design of their being thus baptized, and the obligations they are laid under by it; particularly, what they are further to do when they are thus entered into the Church by Baptism, viz. heartily to love their fellow Christians, and frequently to join with them in the public worship of God, in prayers and praises, and partaking of the Lord's Supper, and the manner in which it is celebrated in the Christian Church. Teach them, that the Bible declares, that Jesus Christ will come again to judge all men, according to what they have done in this life, whether it be good or evil ; that, to this purpose, He will raise the dead, reuniting their immortal souls to their bodies, in order to reward the pious and good with everlasting life, and condemn the wicked to everlasting punishment. For a conclusion of the whole ; in order to convince them of the usefulness and the necessity of the revelation made in the Bible, put them upon recollecting what you have taught them ; and show them what they might have known by their own reason, if duly exercised, and what they could not have known but from the Bible ; and endeavour to convince them that the truths contained in the Bible are highly worthy of God, fit to be believed, and thankfully received by men ; and excite them to an earnest desire to read the Bible as soon as they can. O 0 2 564 APPENDIX. No. IV. TABLE OF Dioceses. Nova Scotia Quebec Montreal Toronto Rupert's Land.. Newfoundland Fredericton Jamaica Barbados Antigua Guiana Sierra Leone .. Calcutta Madras Bombay Colombo Victoria Mauritius Labuan Cape Town Graham's Town Natal Sydney Newcastle Melbourne Adelaide Tasmania New Zealand .. Gibraltar © o 1787 1793 1850 1839 1850 1839 1845 1824 1824 1842 1842 1850 1814 1835 1837 1845 1849 1854 1855 1847 1853 1853 1836 1847 1847 1847 1842 1841 1842 Jurisdiction extends over j Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, Prince Edward ) t Island ( ( Districts of Gaspe, Quebec, Three Rivers, i \ St. Francis I District of Montreal Canada West ... Hudson's Bay Territory , Newfoundland, the Bermudas New Brunswick (Jamaica, British Honduras, the Bahamas,) I Cayman 1 /Barbados, Trinidad, St. Vincent, Granada, > \ Tobago, St. Lucia I I Antigua, Montserrat, Barbuda, St. Kitt's, ) \ Nevis, Anguilla, Virgin Isles, Dominica f Demerara Essequibo, Berbice (British Settlements on the Western Coast - \ of Africa I Presidency of Bengal Presidency of Madras Presidency of Bombay Ceylon ( Hong Kong, and the Congregation^ of th^ i \ Church of England in China I Mauritius, Seychelles Borneo Cape Colony, St. Helena ( Eastern Province of the Sovereignty of i \ British Caffraiia I Natal NonSS} »fN- South Wa,es Province of Victoria South Australia and Western Australia Van Diemen's Land, Norfolk Island .... New Zealand, Chatham Islands, &c l Gibraltar, and the Congregations of tin \ Chuich of England in the Mediter- ( ranean APPENDIX. 565 Page 548. COLONIAL DIOCESES. Square Miles. Popula- tion. Clergy. Name of Bishop, 1855. Date of Conse- cration. 1 22,435 338,465 72 1851 153,432 417,856 41 Geo J Mountain D D 1836 56,258 472,405 54 Francis Fulford, D.D 1850 100,000 952.004 158 John Strachan, D.D 1839 370,000 103,000 12 1849 36,022 106,421 53 Edward Feild, D.D 1844 26,000 200,000 55 John Medley, D.D 1845 74,734 418,847 116 Aubrey Geo. Spencer D.D 1839 3,170 308,189 75 Thnmac Parrv T\ "H 1842 751 106,372 35 Daniel G. Davis, D.D 1S42 134,000 121,678 31 Wm. Piercy Austin, D.D 1842 45,000 21 T W Wool-o 1855 306,012 72,900,000 125 Daniel Wilson. D.D 1832 141,923 13,500,000 96 1849 65,000 7,800,000 37 1851 24,448 1,442,062 38 James Chapman, D.D 1845 13 6 1849 1,400 190,000 V. W. Ryan, D.D 1855 260,000 6,000.000 3 Francis T. M'Dougall, D.D 1855 130,046 225,000 38 1847 60,000 340,000 20 1853 18,000 125,000 7 1853 100,000 (58 Frederick Barker, D.D 1854 500,000 J 190,000 129 1847 80,000 200,000 34 1847 300,000 81,000 28 1847 24,002 74,464 57 Francis R. Nixon, D.D 1842 95,000 120,000 49 Gto. A. Selwyn, D.D 1841 35 1842 568 APPENDIX. No. V. Page 548. Table showing the number of Clergymen in each Diocese when the See was erected, and in 1855 (June). Date of Number of Clergy. Founda- New Bishoprics. tion. Bt fore the In June, Erection of See. 1855. 1841 12 ' 49 1842 25 35 1842 Guiana 23 31 18-52 19 57 1842 30 35 1845 Colombo 22 38 1845 30 55 1847 (38 1853 14 b 1853 Natal J 1847 17 29 1847 3 34 1S47 4 28 184i) Rupert's Land 5 12 1849 10 13 1850 45 54 1852 Sierra Leone 15 21 274 556 The above Table has been taken, with the others which precede and follow it, from Documents relative to Additional Bishoprics in the Colonies, &c, recently published by the Rev. Ernest Hawkins, and refers only to the Dioceses established since the formation of the Colonial Bishoprics Fund. But the same, and, in some instances, more astonishing, results appear in every other Colonial Diocese. Bishop Coleridge, when he retired from Barbados, described most forcibly what had taken place in that Diocese ; and the Report of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel for 1842, exhibits similar results in Jamaica, during the same period, under Bishop Lipscomb. I have already shown (Vol. i. 339, 340, note) the effects which in Newfoundland immediately followed its separation from the then unwieldy Diocese of Nova Scotia; and a mass of evidence, establishing the same facts, will be found to exist in every quarter. No. VI. Page 518. PROGRESS OF THE EPISCOPATE IN THE COLONIES. WESTERN HEMISPHERE. NOVA SCOTIA. 1787. Charles Inglis. FREDERICTON. NOVA SCOTIA. 1815. J. Mil NEW I (HINDLAND. Aubrey G. Spencer. RIOPERT'S LAND. 1849. D. Anderson. ]7:i:i Jacob Mountain mil. Charles Stewart. 183C. G. J. Mountain QUEBEC. MONTREAL. TORONTO 1850. 1839. G. J. Mountain. 1850. F. Fplkord. J. Sthachas Is:' I Christuph t Lipscomb. 1813. Aubrey George Spencer. 1850. Reoinalu Coprtenay, Bp. Qf Kingston. is- l. W. H. Cole ri d GUIANA. 1842. W. Pie'rpy i BARBADOS. 1842. Thomas Pai ANTIGUA. 1842. Daniel G. Da No. VII. Page 548. PROGRESS OF THE EPISCOPATE IN THE COLONIES. EASTERN HEMISPHERE. LABUAN. 1855. !. T. McDovoa VICTORIA. 1849. . T. F. Middleton. . Reginald Heber. John Thos. Jamei J. M. Turner. CAPE TOWN. SIERRA LEONE. GIBRALl AR. W. G. Brouob GRAHAMSTOWN. NATAL. 1853. J. W. Col NEW ZEALAND. 1. George A. Selw AUSTRALIA. I AN MAM A MELBOURNE. 1847. C. Perry. SYDNEY. W. G. Brought NEWCASTLE. 1S47. W. Tyrrll ADELAIDE. 847. Al'G. Short. BOMBAY. 1837. T. Carr. APPENDIX. 567 No. VIII. Page 27. Charter of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. William the Third, by the Grace of God, of England, Scot- land, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c. To all Christian People to whom these Presents shall come, Greeting. Whereas Wee are credibly informed, That in many of Our Plantations, Colonies and Factories beyond the Seas, belong- ing to Our Kingdom of England, the Provision for Ministers s very mean ; and many others of our said Plantations, Colonies and Factories, are wholly destitute, and unprovided }f a Mainteynance for Ministers and the Publick Worshipp )f God ; arfd for Lack of Support and Mainteynance for such, many of our Loveing Subjects doe want the Administra- tion of God's Word and Sacraments, and seem to be aban- doned to Atheism and Infidelity ; and alsoe for Want of Learned and Orthodox Ministers to instruct Our said Loveing Subjects in the Principles of True Religion, divers Romish Priests and Jesuits are the more encouraged to pervert and draw over Our said Loveing Subjects to Popish Superstition and Idolatry. And whereas Wee think it Our Duty, as much as in Us lyes, to promote the Glory of God, by the Instruccon of Our People in the Christian Religion ; and that it will be highly conducive for accomplishing those Ends, that a sufficient Mainteynance be provided for an Orthodox Clergy to live amongst them, and that such other Provision be made, as may be necessary for the Propagation of the Gospell in those Parts. And whereas Wee have been well assured, That if Wee would be gratiously pleased to erect and settle a Corpora- :on for the receiving, manageing, and disposing of the Charity of Our loveing Subjects, divers Persons would be 568 APPENDIX. Induced to extend their Charity to the Uses and Purposes aforesaid. Know yee therefore, That Wee have for the Consideracons aforesaid, and for the better and more orderly carrying on the said Charitable Purposes, of Our speciall Grace, certain Knowledge, and mere Mocon, Willed, Ordained, Constituted and Appointed, and by these Presents, for Us, Our Heires and Successors, Doe Will, Ordaine, Constitute, Declare and Grant, That the most Reverend Fathers in God, Thomas Lord Archbishopp of Canterbury, and John Lord Arch- bishopp of Yorke ; the Right Reverend Fathers in God Henry Lord Bishop of London, William Lord Bishop of Worcester, Our Lord Almoner, Simon Lord Bishop of Ely, Thomas Lord Bishop of Rochester, Deane of Westminster; and the Lords Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke, the Bishops of London and Ely, the Lord Almoner and Deane of West- minster for the Time being; Edward Lord Bishop of Glou- cester, John Lord Bishop of Chichester, Nicholas Lord Bishop of Chester, Richard Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells, Humphry Lord Bishop of Bangor, John Mountague Doctor of Divinity, Clerke of our Closett, William Sherlock, Doctor of Divinity, Deane of St. Paules, William Stanley, Doctor of Divinity, Archdeacon of London, and the Clerke of the Closett, of Us, Our Heirs and Successors, the Dean of St. Pauls and Arch- deacon of London for the Time being ; The two Regius and two Margaret Professors of both Our Universities, for the Time being ; Thomas, Earl of Thannet, Thomas Lord Vis- count Weymouth, Francis Lord Guilford, William Lord Digby, Sir Thomas Cookes of Bentley, Sir Richard Bulkley, Sir John Philipps, and Sir Arthur Owen, Baronets ; Sir Humphrey Mackworth, Sir William Prichard, Sir William Russell, Sir Edmund Turner, Sir William Hustler, Sir John Chardin, and Sir Richard Blackmore, Knights ; John Hook Esq; Serjeant at Law, George Hooper Doctor of Divinity, Deane of Canterbury, George Booth Doctor of Divinity, Archdeacon of Durham, Sir George Wheeler Prebendary of Durham, William Beveridge Doctor of Divinity, Archdeacon of Colchester, Sir William Dawes Baronett ; Thomas Maning- APPENDIX. 5G9 ham, Edward Gee, Thomas Lynford, Nathaniel Resbury, Offspring Blackball, George Stanhope, William Heyley, and Richard Willis, Doctors of Divinity, and our Chaplaines in Ordinary ; John Mapletoft, Zacheus Isham, John Davies, William Lancaster, Humphrey Hodey, Richard Lucas, John Evans, Thomas Bray, John Gascorth, White Kennett, Lilly Butler, Josiah Woodward, Doctors in Divinity; Gideon Harvey and Frederick Slare, Doctors of Phisick ; Rowland Cotton, Thomas Jervois, Maynard Colchester, James Vernon Junr, Joseph Neale, Grey Nevill, Thomas Clerk, Peter King, Rock, John Comins, William Melmoth, Thomas Bromfeild, John Raynolds, Dutton Seaman, Whitlock Bul- strode, Samuel Brewster, John Chamberlaine, Richard King, and Daniel Nicoll, Esquires ; Benjamin Lawdell, John Trim- mer, Charles Toriano, and John Hodges, Merchants ; William Fleetwood, William Whitfeild, and Samuel Bradford, Masters of Arts, and Our Chaplaines in Ordinary ; Thomas Little, Batchelor in Divinity; Thomas Staino, Henry Altham, Wil- liam Loyd, Henry Shute, Thomas Frank, and William Mecken, Clerks, and their Successors ; to be Elected in Manner as hereafter directed, be, and shall for ever hereafter be, and by Vertue of these Presents, shall be one Body Politick and Corporate, in Deed and in Name, by the Name of, The Society for the Propagation of the Gospell in For- reigne Parts ; And them and their Successors, by the same Name, Wee doe by these Presents, for Us, Our Heires and Successors, really and fully Make, Ordaine, Constitute and Declare One Body Politick and Corporate, in Deed and in Name. And that by the same Name, they and their Successors shall and may have perpetuall Succession. And that they and their Successors, by that Name, shall and may, for ever hereafter, be Persons Able and Capable in the Law to Purchase, Have, Take, Receive and Enjoy to them and their Successors, Mannors, Messuages, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Advowsons, Liberties, Privileages, Juris- dictions, Franchises, and other Hereditaments whatsoever, of whatsoever Nature, Kind and Quality they be, in Fee and 570 APPENDIX. in Perpetuity, not exceeding the Yearly Value of Two Thou- sand Pounds, beyond Reprizalls ; and alsoe Estates for Lives and for Yeares ; and all other Manner of Goods, Chattells, and Things whatsoever, of what Name, Nature, Quality, or Value soever they be, for the better Support and Maintenance of an Orthodox Clergy in Forreigne Parts, and other the Uses aforesaid : And to Give, Grant, Let, and Demise, the said Mannors, Messuages, Lands, Tenements, Hereditaments, Goods, Chattells, and things whatsoever aforesaid, by Lease or Leases, for Terme of Yeares, in Possession at the Time of Granting thereof, and not in Reversion, not exceeding the Terme of One and thirty Yeares from the time of Grant- ing thereof ; on which, in Case noe Fine be taken, shall be Reserved the Full Value ; and in Case a Fine be taken, shall be Reserved at least a Moyety of the full Value, that the same shall reasonably and Bona fide be worth at the time of such Demise. And that by the Name aforesaid, they shall, and may be able to Plead and be Impleaded, Answer and be Answered unto, Defend and be Defended, in all Courts and Places whatsoever, and before whatsoever Judges, Justices, or other Officers, of Us, Our Heires and Successors, in all and singular Actions, Plaints, Pleas, Matters and Demands, of what Kind, Nature, or Quality soever they be : And to act and doe all other Matters and Things, in as ample Manner and Forme as any other Our Liege Subjects of this Our Realme of Eng- land, being Persons able and capable in the Law, or any other Body Corporate or Politique within this Our Realme of England, can, or may have, purchase, receive, possesse, take, enjoy, grant, sett, let, demise, plead and be impleaded, answer, and be answered unto, defend and be defended, doe permitt, and execute. And that the said Society for ever hereafter, shall and may have a Common Seale, to serve for the Cause and Businesse of them and their Successors : And that it shall and may be lawfull for them and their Successors to change, break, alter, and make New the said Seale from Time to Time, and at their Pleasure, as they shall think best. APPENDIX. 571 And for the better Execucon of the purposes aforesaid, Wee doe give and grant to the said Society for the Propaga- tion of the Gospell in Forreigne Parts, and their Successors, That they, and their Successors for ever, shall, upon the third Fridav in February, Yearely, meet at some convenient Place, to be appointed by the said Society, or the major Part of them, who shall be present at any Generall Meeting, betweene the Houres of Eight and Twelve in the Morning ; and that they, or the major Part of such of them that shall then be pre- sent, shall choose one President, one or more Vice-president or Vice-presidents, one or more Treasurer or Treasurers, two or more Auditors, one Secretary, and such other Officers, [Ministers, and Servants, as shall be thought convenient to serve in the said Offices for the Yeare ensuing : And that the said President and Vice-presidents, and all Officers then elected, shall, before they act in their respective Offices, take I in Oath, to be to them Administered by the President, or in lis Absence by one of the Vice-presidents of the Yeare pre- ceding, who are hereby authorized to administer the same, or the faithfull and due Execucon of their respective Offices ind Places dureing the said Yeare. That Our further Will and Pleasure is, That the first Pre- ;ident of the said Society, shall be Thomas, by Divine Pro- vidence, Lord Arch Bishop of Canterbury, Primate and Metropolitan of all England : And that the said President iihall, within Thirty Dayes after the passing of this Charter, ;ause Summons to be issued to the severall Members of the r.aid Society herein particularly Menconed, to meet at such Lime and Place as he shall appoint : And that they, or the najor Part of such of them as shall then be present, shall jroceed to the Eleccon of one or more Vice-president, or ^ice-presidents, one or more Treasurer or Treasurers, two -»r more Auditors, one Secretary, and such other Officers, Alinisters, and Servants, as to them shall seem meet; which aid Officers, from the Time of their Eleccon into their re- pective Offices, shall continue therein until the Third Fri- day in February, which shall be in the Yeare of Our Lord, )ne Thousand Seaven Hundred and One, and from thence- 572 APPENDIX. forwards untill others shall be chosen into their Places in manner aforesaid. And that if it shall happen, that any of the Persons at any Time chosen into any of the said Offices shall dye, or on any Account be removed from such Office at any Time between the said yearly Dayes of Eleccon, that in such Case it shall be lawfull for the surviving and continueing Presi- dent, or any one of the Vice-presidents, to issue Summons to the severall Members of the Body Corporate, to meet at the usuall Place of the Annuall Meeting of the said Society, at such Time as shall be specified in the said Summons; and that such Members of the said Body Corporate, who shall meet upon such Summons, or the major Part of them, shall and may choose an Officer or Officers into the Roome or Place of such Person or Persons, soe dead or removed, as to them shall seem meet. And Wee do further Grant unto the said Society for the Propagation of the Gospell in Forreigne Parts, and their Successors, That they and their Successors shall and may, on the third Friday in every Month, yearly, for ever here- after, and oftner, if Occasion require, meet at some conve- nient Place to be appointed for that Purpose, to transact the Businesse of the said Society, and shall and may at any Meeting, on such third Friday in the Month, Elect such Persons to be Members of the said Corporation, as they, or the major Part of them then present, shall think beneficiall to the Charitable Designes of the said Corporation. And Our Will and Pleasure is, That no Act done in any Assembly of the said Society, shall be effectuall and Valid, unless the President or some one of the Vice-presidents, and Seaven other Members of the said Company at the least, be present, and the major Part of them consenting thereunto. And Wee further Will, and by these Presents for Us, Our Heires and Successors, doe Ordaine and Grant unto the said Society for the Propagation of the Gospell in Forreigne Parts, and their Successors, That they, and their Successors, or the major Part of them who shall be present at the first and second Meeting of the said Society, or at any Meeting APPENDIX. 573 on the Third Friday in the Months of November, February, May, and August, yearely for ever, and at noe other Meet- lings of the said Society, shall, and may Consult, Determine, Constitute, Ordaine, and Make any Constitucons, Lavves, Ordinances and Statutes whatsoever; as also to execute [Leases for Yeares, as aforesaid, which to them, or the major [Part of them then present, shall seem reasonable, profitable, 'or requisite for, touching or concerning the Good Estate, Rule, Order and Government of the said Corporation, and the more efFectuall promoteing the said Charitable Designes : 'All which Lawe3, Ordinances and Constitucons, soe to be made, ordained and established, as aforesaid, Wee Will, Command and Ordaine, by these Presents, for Us, Our Heires and Successors, to be from Time to Time, and at ail Times hereafter, kept and performed in all Things, as the same ought to be, on the Penalties and Amercements in the same to be imposed and limited, soe as the same Lawes, Constitucons, Ordinances, Penalties and Amercements, be reasonable, and not repugnant or contrary to the Laws and Statutes of this Our Realme of England. And Wee doe likewise Grant unto the said Society for the Propagation of the Gospell in Forreigne Parts, and their Successors, that they and their Successors, or the major Part of such of them as shall be present at any Meeting of the said Society, shall have Power from Time to Time, ' and at all times hereafter, to depute such Persons as they shall think fitt to take Subscriptions, and to gatber and col- lect such Moneys as shall be by any Person or Persons con- tributed for the Purposes aforesaid. And shall and may remove and displace such Deputyes as often as they shall see Cause soe to doe, and to cause publick Notification to be made of this Charter, and the Powers thereby granted, in such Manner as they shall 1 think most conduceable to the Furtherance of the said Charity. And Our further Will and Pleasure is, That the said ' Society shall Yearely, and every Yeare, give an Account in Writing to Our Lord Chancellor, or Lord Keeper of the 574 APPENDIX. Great Seale of England for the Time being, the Lord Cheife Justice of the King's Bench, and the Lord Cheife Justice of the Common Pleas, or any two of them, of the several Summe or Summes of Money by them received and laid out by vertue of these Presents, or any Authority hereby given, and of the Management and Disposicon of the Revenues and Charityes aforesaid. And lastly, Our Pleasure is, That these Our Letters Patents, or the Inrollment thereof, shall be good, firme, valid, and effectuall in the Law, according to our Royall In- tentions herein before declared. In Witnes whereof, Wee have caused these Our Letters to be made Patents. Witnes Our Selfe at Westminster, the Sixteenth Day of June, in the Thirteenth Yeare of Our Reigne. Per. Breve de Privato Sigillo, Cocks. APPENDIX. 575 No. IX. Page 29. AN ACCOUNT OF THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL IN FOREIGN PARTS. What the Society establish'd in England by Royal Charter hath done since their Incorporation, June the 16th, 1701, in Her Majesty's Plantations, Colonies, and Factories : As also 576 APPEXDIX. what they design to do upon further encouragement from their own Members and other well disposed Christians, either by Annual Subscriptions, present Benefactions, or future Legacies. THE Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, as it is an affair of the highest importance to man- kind, and therefore first given in charge to His apostles hy the Son of God, when He commanded them to "Go, teach, and baptize all nations, in the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost;" so hath it been the chief care of Apostolic men in all ages downwards, to exe- cute that commission for the good of souls, and the honour of their Blessed Redeemer. How the primitive preachers of it succeeded in the discharge of their great trust in the earlier days of Christianity, we have a glorious ac- count in the sacred writings, where we find that whilst they were acted by "one and the same Spirit," the power of the Gospel was wonder- fully advanced by them: 'twas no sooner risen, but like the sun, its emblem, it shone forth even upon the remotest parts of the then known world, "giving light to them which sate in darkness, and in the shadow of death." But when we observe in after-times the frequent eclipses it underwent, and the strange declen- sions it suffer'd thro' the corruptions and dissension of those that suc- ceeded in the later ages, 'twould afford matter for very melancholy re- flections, should we too nicely en- quire how our most holy religion, which in fifty days after the Resur- rection of our Lord, was proclaimed at Jerusalem to men of all the nations, and in all the languages under Hea- ven; doth now at more than fifteen hundred years distance, thro' the prevailing influences of Judaism, Mahometanism, and Paganism, bear no larger a proportion to those other professions th;in that of V. to XXV. no more than which is allow'd it by the most accurate computation in its utmost latitude, as comprehends the Eastern, the Latin, and the Protest- ant Communions at this day. To recover the ground lost, and for the better promoting the great ends of Providence in reducing all denominations to one fold, whether Jews or Gentiles, there have been many and zealous attempts for the conversion of Infidels in these last times. The Church of Rome, whose emis- saries compass sea and land to gain proselytes, boasts much of her Spa- nish, Portuguese, French, and seve- ral other missions, by which it must be confess'd, that the name and pro- fession of Christianity hath indeed been inlarged, but mixed with such gross corruptions as very eminent persons amongst themselves have deservedly complained of, whilst the Reformed Churches of Holland, Sweden, Denmark, &c. have done more, though with less pomp, and under far less happy opportunities. England we must confess hath been too much wanting to her sell in this great concern, from whom more might have been expected, as enjoy- ing more of the special favours of God, under a clearer light of the Gos- pel than many other nations ; but the concurrence of many unhappy circumstances under which we have long laboured, hath obstructed the willing endeavours of many able and pious persons, who would often and heartily have come into this Evan- gelical work; but this noble design seem'd, by the special providence of God, to be reserved for so favourable a season, when many other pious and charitable works are carrying on in this kingdom. 'Twas during the reign of King William III. that this glorious design f.-r advancing the kingdom of the Blessed Jesus was first effectually set on foot, who was no sooner informed by some whose hearts God had stirr'd up for this extraordinary undertak- ing. gTftat in mang of our plantations, Colonies anb jFa'ctortcs begono tfje Seas, ti)£ ifkoutsion for fHimsters teas ucro mean ; anb mang otljets ot out ISlantations, Colonies anb JFactortrt mere tohollg bestitute anb unprouibelJ of a fftaintenance for fHintstcrs an! the l^ublutt SSEorsijin of ©oo ; anD APPKNDIX. trjat for lack of Support ano fHatr.= I trnance for surf), manq toantrb tfir Qbministratton of (Sob's JSHorb ant Sarramrnts. anb scrm'o to be afaan- , ionlJ to atheism ana Enfibcliiq ; anh also that for fajant of Erarncb ano s. 1 TiViy tHo Cm? i r or tne v^ay- ouges. 1 For the Sin- nekes, or Sin- rontowans. 1 For the River Indians ai Shackook, a little above Al- bany. NEW ENGLAND, or Massachusets, with its neigh- bouring Colonies. Province of Mayne, or Piscataway ; N. Humps/tire ; Plymouth; Naraganset, or King's Conn. Connecticut; In all these provinces eastward of New- York, there is no Church of Eng- knd congregation ; neither in Connecticut, Naragan- set, Plimouth, New-Hamp- shire, nor that of Mayne, except at Boston, where there is a large one, having two Ministers, Mr. Miles and Mr. Bridge; and at Brain tree, where a Minister is lately sent by the Lord Bi- shop of London. To a Minister in the Isle ol Shoales, who was upon the spot, 20/. for one year. 1 Minister for the people of N Hampshire: they'll do their best to main- tain him. 1 Minister for Swanzy. 1 Minister for Little Comp- ton, alias Seco- net. 1 Minister for Tiverton. 1 Minister for Naraganset : they'll sub- scribe 50/. per annum. NEW YORK, Five English Counties. New-York, The Protestant religion is settled here by Act of Assembly, as established in England," except in Suffolk County. There is provision for one Minister in the city and county of New-York. To Mr. John Bartow at West- Chester, 50/. per annum, and a be- nevolence of 30/. To Mr. Elias Neau, catechist 1 Minister for Richmond ; to whom they'll allow 40/. per annum. APPENDIX. •579 THEIR NAMES. PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. ASSISTANCE RECEIVED FROM THE SOCIETY. DEMANDS UPON THE SOCIETY FOR MINISTERS. SCHOOLS, LIBRARIES. NEW YORK, (continued.) West-Chester, Richmond, Queen's. Suffolk: Five Ditch Counties. Albany, Ulster, Dutch, Orange, King's. 100/. per annum. In.at Xew . York , l??eC? S °n NaSSKW 50/. per annum, bland, 120/. for two be- T* Mr Alex. , ,t*een them. 40/. for one ander Stuart at in the County of Richmond. Bedford 5Q/ In * est Chester a mainte- um witQ ^ nance for two at 5U each ; and ]5/ for i besides, Her Majesty allow> boots j 130/. per annum for the j0 yir Patrick Chaplain of the Forces : no Gor^ Rector of Y schoolmasters yet esta- Q >s CoU],t Wished, but expected sud-5(J/ annum ;1 denlv so to be in the Dutch sinceHdeceased. as well as English counties. NEW JERSEY East, Minister fori Staten Island. Minister for Rye; who'll be' provided for' thereat 50/. per annum. Schoolmaster for New-York. Schoolmaster for Albany. Minister for Ulster. Here is no Church nor School establish'd by Act oi Assembly, either in the sight English Towns, or two Dutch: but a consider- able number of people that were Quakers, &c. are in a good disposition to join in communiou with the Church of England mi- nistry. West, 1 Minister at the Falls in Shrewsbury, where Col. Slor- ris is building a Church, and will endow it. 1 At Amboy, where they are building an- other Church. 1 At Hope well, where they art building an other. 1 In Monmouth County. 1 For St. Man'- atBiriingtown. with some utensils for the Cnurch. 1 For Croswicks. PENSYL- VANIA, 1 Is settled by the people of almost all languages and. religions in Europe: bui the people called Quakers are the most numerous of any peiswasion ; and in Philadelphia, the capital' city there, is an Episcopal Church, having a very large congregation, supplied bv Mr. Evans and Sir. Tho'- 1 nas his assistant, who. besides the voluntary sub- scriptions of the inhabit 3nts, have a grant from Her Majesty lately of 50/. per To Mr. Nichol> at St. Paul's in L'piands, 50/. per annum, and 15/. in books. To the Church 1 of St. Paul's at Uplands, a large Bi.ile. To the Welch congrega- 1 tion, a Welch Bible and Com-i mon - Prayer ; book. l To a patent for a Minhter and Minister at Chester, with a dependent School. Minister at New-Castle, who would do great service. ! Minister at the Falls, 30 miles, above Phila-i 580 APPENDIX. THEIR NAMES. PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. ASSISTANCE RECEIVED FROM THE SOCIETY. DEMANDS UPON THE SOCIETY FOR MINISTERS, SCHOOLS, LIBRARIES. PENSYL- VANIA, (continued.) annum for the Minister, and about 30/. for the Schoolmaster. There is likewise here a Quaker's meeting, a Presbyterian one, an Independent one, an Anabaptist one, and a Sweedish one without the town. S choolm aster, 32/. 6s 8d. at Philadelphia. To Mr. Tho. Crawford at Do- ver-Hundred 50/. per annum, and 15/. for books. delphia, where a Church is building. 1 Minister at Frankfort. MARYLAND, The eleven counties were divided into thirty pa- rishes, by an Act of As sembly, 1692, besides which here are several Chapels: Popish priests and Quakers equally obstruct a good progress. Sixteen Minis- ters have a competent maintenance, their glebes settled, and libraiies fixed, and many thousand prac- tical and devotional books have been disper*ed among the people with good effect, by the assiduous and pious care of the .Reverend Dr. Bray, from whom a further account may shortly be ex- pected. To Mr. George Macqueen 6/. in money, 4/. in books. About 14 Churches un- provided. Many Schools wanted. VIRGINIA, Divided into fifty pa- rishes, with about thirty Chapels. Here is also a noble College erected for the education of the Ame- rican youth in the studies of philosophy and divinity. Maintenance for Minister* settled by Act of Assembly, but by disuse impair'd in many places. To Mr. Tyliard 20/. To Mr. Pri- chard 15/. for books. Several Parishes not supplied with Ministers CAROLINA, North, Here are about five thou- sand souls scatter'd like sheep without a shepherd, till a Minister was seni lately to Pamphlico. To Mr. Samue Thomas at Goos- creek 50/. per an- 1 Minister for Roanook, who will be allow'd 60/. per an- num. 1 School. 2 Ministers wanting. APPEXDIX. 581 THEIR NAMES PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. ASSISTANCE J DEMANDS I" PON RECEIVED : THE SOCIETY ERREOM THE H ST""* SOCIETY. 1 SCHOOLS, j LIBRARIES. CAROLINA, (continued. ) South, This county is not di- vided into parishes; how- ever, there is a Church at Charies-Town. Mr. Mars- ton Minister, and another is building. 2 Schools, num for three ^J^Jf5 and attime65^47'-: P™Booh attune*. , foriheNe?roes | at Gooscreek. THE YAMMOXSEA INDIANS, Mr. Samuel Thomas was sent to instruct these In- dians in the Cnristian Re- ligion; but finding it an improper season : his mis- s on is respited for some time. To Mr. Trott by the hand of Mr. Samuel Thoir.as 10/. for stuffs, by way of present to the Indians. N.B. — There are earnest Addresses from divers parts of the Continent, and Islands adjacent, for a SUFFRAGAX to visit the several Churches ; ordain some, confirm others, and bless all. The Reverend Mr. Georee Keith and Mr. John Talbot his assistant, are Iterant Missionaries, with an honourable allowance suitable to so expensive an undertaking. Some AMERICAN ISLANDS under the ENGLISH GOVERN- MENT with TWO ENGLISH FACTORIES in EUROPE. Has several settlements! of English, with many oc- casional inhabitants ; as workers, mariners, &c. at! To Mr. Jackson „ the fishing seasons, to the 50/. per annum I \XD amount of several thou- for three years, ' ' sands : but no publick ex- besides a bene- ercise of religion exceot at faction of 30/. St. John's, where there is a congregation, but unable to- subsist a Minister. j All under Quaker govern- pwnnp jment. except one congrega- To the Minis- ISLAND ion of Mr- Lock>er s. who ter and Church h»if>nVr.(T tn 'is maintained partly bv a Wardens of New- Deion-ing to conlribution from Eng and. uort, 15/. for com- jyew-iorK, and partly by the people of mun ion - plate, Newport. pulpit-cloth, &c. 1 Minister for Portsmouth. 1 Schoolmaster. 582 APPENDIX. THEIR SAMES. PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. ASSISTANCE RECEIVED FROM THE SOCIETY. DEMANDS UPON THE SOCIETY FOR MINISTERS, SCHOOLS, LIBRARIES. LONG- ISLAND, belonging to New-England, Here are many Dutch, who have several congrega- tions ; some Independents, a few Quakers, many of the inhabitants of no religion at all. To Mr. William Urquhart, main- tained by the sub- scription of the Yorkshire Clergy at Jamaica, 50/ per annum, and 15/. for books. 1 Minister for Oyster-Bay. 1 Minister for Hempsteed who will be al- low'd 60/. per annum there. JAMAICA, Here were fifteen parish Churches: one of which, Port-Royal, was burnt down January 2, 1702. and not retrievable ; being an- nex'd to King's Town by a late Act of the Country which prohibits any market for the future at Port- Royal. To Mr. Philip Bennet, Commis- sary there, 51. for bocks, &c. ANTEGOA, The English here re- siding have five parish Churches, which are of the Church of England. To Mr. Gifford and other Minis- ters 20/. MONT- SERRAT, Has two parishes of the Church of England like- wise. To Mr. Arbuth- not20/.for books. FACTORIES IN EUROPE. MOSCOW, Here is a factory of] English merchants, as at] To Mr. Urm- Arch-Angel, where they ston, a benefac- reside alternately; to whom Hon of Greek Li- ti>e Czar has been graci- turgies and Tes- ously pleased to give lately taments for the as much ground as they courtiers ; of vul- «hall desire to build "a gar Greek Testa- Church upon, with other ments for the conveniences for the Mi- common Musco- nister, &c. who uses the vites ; and of Liturgy of the Church of English practical England, and who is de- books for the sired to incert the Czar's youth and ser- name and his sons in the vants of the fac- Litany and Prayers for the tory, &c. Royal Family. APPENDIX. 583 THEIR NAMES. PRESENT STATE OF RELIGION. ASSISTANCE RECEIVED FROM THE SOCIETY. demands upon the society FOR MINISTERS. SCHOOLS, LIBRARIES. AMSTERDAM. For the interest of the English nation, the honour of its Estaolish'd Church, and comfort of its members residing here in peace and war, as gentlemen, mer- chants, soldiers, seamen, yc. The Burgomasters have given a piece of ground for building an English Church : till that can be compass'd, a private Chapel is made use of, where there is a pretty (jood Church of England Congregation. To Dr. Cock- burn, 50/. per an- ::um for two years. N.B.— Some Common-Prayer-Books in 8vo. with other Devotional and Prac- tical Books, are very much desired by the people, both in the Islands and on the Continent. From the foregoing View, may be observed, I. What the Society has already done towards the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. II. What they have before them to do still in that important business. III. What encouragements they hope for to enable them to go through so great a work. I. T717 HAT the Society hath already W done towards the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, since the date of their Charter, June 16,1701. 1. That they might answer the main end of their Incorporation, they have actually commission'd two Mis- sionaries at a very great expence, and are soliciting maintenance from the Crown for four more, who are at least wanting, for the conversion of the Praying Indians of Canada, whose souls we must be accountable for, if we n»glect longer to instruct them in the faith of our blessed Redeemer, when God has so wonderfully open'd their eyes, their hearts, and their I very tongues, so as to call to us, as | those of Macedonia did to the apos- tles of the Gentiles, " Cime over and help us." To which purpose, so re- markable are the words of one of their Sachems or Kings, in the name of the rest, in which they sensibly ex- prest their concern for such a Mis- sion, to the Commissioners for the Indian affairs in Albany, June 28, 1700, as appears by an original ex- tract of the Earl of Bellamont's to the Lord's Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, October 25, 1 700, that they highly challenge a place in this account, to the exceeding comfort of all such good Christians as hope that their redemption draws near. "We "are now come to trade," saith he, ! "and not to speak of religion, only 584 APPENDIX. " thus much I must say, all the while I " I was here before I went to Canada, "I never heard any thing talk'd of "religion, or the least mention made "of converting us to the Christian | " fnith ; and we shall he glad to hear " if at last you are so piously in- clined to take some pains to in- " struct your Indians in the Christian I " religion; I will not say but it may i "induce some to return to their na- " tive country. I wUh it had been "done sooner, that you had had Mi- nisters to instruct your Indians in "the Christian faith, I doubt whether "any of us had deserted our native | "country: but I must say, I am | "sorely beholden to the French o! | "Canada, for the light I received to " know there was a Saviour born for | "mankind; and now we are taught " God is every where, and we can be "instructed at Canada, Dowaganhae: "or the uttermost parts of the earth. " as well as here " And in a later conference with the Lord Cornbury, tho>e five Sachems or Kings of ti e Iroquois, promised him at Albany, " obedience to the faith of Cbrist," "told h>m, they were "glad to hear the sun shined in England [ since King William's death;" ad- mired at first that we should have a " Squa Sachem," viz. a woman king, but they " hoped She would be a "good motherland send them some "to teach them religion as well as "traffick;" then sent some of their country presents to Ker Majesty, signed the treaty, and "made the co- venant so sure, that thunder and lightning should not break it on their pa-ts." Nor has the Society turned their thoughts only on the Indians in the northern parts of the English domi- t.ions, but have sent also one Mis- • sionary for the service of the Yeo- ! mansee Indians to the south of Caro- I Una. who having been lately engaged in a war with the Spaniards, and | every day in danger of an invasion from them, were not in a condition to receive instruction, nor was it thought fit by the Governours to trust him yet amongst them, but as j soon as 'tis practicable to treat with them, there are assurances he shall 1 leave the neighbourhood, where be is i instructing many souls as much neg- i iected as the former, the Negroes of Gooscreek. 2. The Society has not only had a I regard to Infidels, but. as becometli I Christians, lias taken care of its own I country-men, in sending Ministers I with good allowances to the several I parts along the continent of North 1 America, where they were most wanted, and the harvest is ripe for such labourers, who will faithfully resist and oppose the progress of Atheism, Infidelity, Quakerism, An- tinomianisin, ignorance, and immo- rality, which have hitherto fatally overspread those infant Churches. 3. They have made suitable provi- sion also tor some of the islands, those too much neglected parts of Her Majesty's territories, by a supply of two Ministers, without any charge to the people, and have otherwise sup- ported eight more in the islands, and on the continent in such manner as has been requested. 4. That the Factories mention'd in the Charter might not be altogether insensible of its concern for them, there has been a Settlement com- pass'd for a congregation at Amster- dam, with the consent of the Magis- trates of the place; and since enc-.u- lasrement given to the promising be- ginnings of a Church at Moscow, of which the Czar himself has laid the foundation by bestowing as mucli ground as shall be desired for that use upon the English merchants. All this the Society hath done upon the bare Annual Fund of about 800/. per ann. with the accession of only 1700/. occasionally subscribed: the amounts of which together do hardly answer the demands of the present Missionaries and Ministers, &c. abroad, with the incidental charges of the Corporation at home: there- fore, II. What the Society has still be- fore them to do in this important bu- siness, calls for more than ordinary Benefactions from without, whilst the yearly Subscriptions of the incor- porated Members falls short of 1000/. per ann. and that voluntary too. A slender bottom, upon which to begin the conver>ion of the Indians men- tion'd, to build them up in our most holy faith, and to provide Ministers, Catechists, Schoolmasters, Libraries, Churches, &c. for a continent weil- APPENDIX. 5S5 'peopled under several Governments I •1200 miles in length upon the sea- | [boast, as well as for the islands of | [[Newfoundland. Bermudas, Jamaica, I the Bahama, and Caribbees; in some pf which there is yet no provision ibf Ministers, or of any support for Miero, and in all the others much ' Newer than the publick service of ffGod, and the instruction of the peo- Iple doth usually require : which |prospect, should it be enlarg'd by a ►view of the future care that is to be |had of the remaining Factories and ' [places to which we trade in Asia, | [Africa, and Europe it self, where [they live as it were without God in Rhe world, to the great reproach pf the Christian religion, except Pit Hamborough, Lisbon, Smyrna, [Aleppo, Constantinople, Fort St. [George, Surat, Sc. which are well I [supplied by our worthy Merchants that trade or live there ; what an in- [ritation is hereby piven to the li- berality of well disposed Christians [to whom God has given more than a i Competency , with the unspeakable plessini; ot hearts graciously disposed ho employ the surplusage to His ho- nour and glory ? Since then this great work of maiutain ng the Christian religion md propagating the Gospel in Fo- reign Parts, cails aloul for the ut- most assistance, and appears upon the view to be worih all our pains | land cost ; it is to be hoped, • III. That the Society will meet I with suitable aid and encouragement | to enable them to go thro' so glorious | a woik as is now before them of re- ducing intinite numbers both of Pagans and nominal Christians from 1 "the power of Satan unto God : and i therefore, I 1. As Her Sacred Majesty has been a shining example to her subjects in this cause of God, by extending her royal bounty and charity towaras it : so it is hardly desired, 2. That all her good subjects, in their several stations, will be forward in their proportions to promote God's honour and the good of souls : That the nobility and gentry, (a9 some have already done to their ho- nour) wouid all of them add a pecu- liar lustre to their characters, by assisting so ncble a design with a liberal hand. That the Ministers of extraordi- nary qualifications, men of temper, of prudence, of learning, pious con- versation, jiffection to the established government, and above all, of Aposto- lical zeal, would willingly offer them- selves to so great a harvest, where the labourers are few. That the Merchants and rich Traders, who have reap'd their tem- poral things plentifully by the la- bours and pains of those poor igno- rant or mi-led creatures, would be at last prevail'd upon " to sow to them spiritmil things" in as great abun- aance; that all people, in short, to whom this notification shall come, (without the formality of a brief or general collection, as has been prac- tised in these cases with good suc- cess in other kingdoms) will give their helping hand to so laudable an attempt which may do their own souls and the nation so mucn good. It is not to be expected that many should rise up to the example of an unknown lady, who has cast in lately 1000/. into the treasury of this So- ciety: but he doth acceptably who gives according to ids ability. The Treasurers for the year 1 703, are, Mr. John Trimmer, Merchant, living on College-Hill. Mr. John Hodges, Merchant, living in Elbow- Lane near College- Hill. The Secretary to the Society is, John Chamberlain, Esq ; in Petty-France, Westminster. 586 APPENDIX. At a Court held at St. Martin's Library, Feb. 4, 1703. ESOLVED, That the Thanks of this Society be given to the Reverend Mr. Stubs for the great care and pains he hath taken in preparing the New Account of the Proceedings of the Society. Resolved, That this Order be printed at the foot of the said Account. London, Printed by Joseph Downing, in Bartholomew Close, near West-Smithtield, 1704. INDEX. .B. The letters S. P. C. K. denote • Knotcledge, and S. P. G. denote the Gospel in Foreign Parts. aron, Catechist at Taniore, iii. 19. Lbbot, Arch bp., i 149, 150. 188. 309. 310. 388. 389, note. .borigines, Report of Select Com- mittee on, i. 333. note. .braham, a Mohawk Catechist, iii. 310. abstract of X. England Laws, ii. 160. note. ..cadie, or Nova Scotia, Port Royal in. i. 246. Lchenbach, M., ii. 578. Let of Settlement, ii. 503. 548. Union with Scotland, ii. 531. Uniformity, ii. 253, 254; reflections thereon, 255 — 257 ; remarkable leniency of its 15th clause, 538, note. lets in reign of Henry VIII.. i. 15. of Supremacy and Confor- mity, 1 Elizabeth, i. 99—102. against Roman Catholics, i. ii3: Vdams, Clement, i. 2, note. 26, note. Vdamson. Rev. Mr. (Burton-Cog- gle), iii. 39, 40. Vddison, Jos., ii. 449. 522; iii. 83. 530, note. . Lancelot, ii. 282, note. \.dirondacks, the, ii. 437. Admonition (Puritan) to Par- liament,' i. 117. Advertisements.' &c. in reign of Elizabeth, i. 105. 110, 111. Africa, English trade with 1st The Society for Promoting CJiristian The Society for the Propagation of Compy. for; in time of Elizth., i. 84, 85; and Jas. I., 375; im- portation of Negroes from, ii. 91 — 96 ; redemption of Christian captives in, 96 — 101 :2nd Compy. under Chas. I., 101; 3rd Compy. under Chas. II.. 279 ; encourage- ment of slave trade, ib. ; 4th Compy., 280; first Missionaries of the Ch. of England in, iii. 254—256. Africa. South, iii. 335. Agra, i. 92; ii. 116. Aikin's, Miss, mistake respecting Lord De la Warr. i. 217, note; account of Cromwell's intended emigration to X. England, i. 399. note. Akbar, Emperor, i. 92. Alatamaha River, iii. 495. Albanv, iii. 296, 297. 303. 307. 309/ Albemarle Countv (Carolina), ii. 326. (Virginia), iii. 161. Sound, ii. 315. .Duke of (Jamaica), ii. 91, note. 459 ; iii. 98, note. Albuquerque, ii. 106. Aldgate, School in. ii. 565. Aleppo, ii. 116, 117. 132; iii. 80. Alexander, Sir Win., i. 348. Alexandria, Patriarch of, ii. 133. Algiers, ii. 97. Algonquins, the, iii. 290. All Saints Parish, AVacamaw (Carolina), iii. 477. 588 INDEX. Allen's Amer. Biog. Diet., iii. 134; its unfair notices, 245, note. 299, note. 314, note. 316. 425, note. Allestree, Dr., ii. 264. Allison, Dr., iii. 249. 266. Allo'dez, iii. 291. Almanack, Church (American), iii. 176, note. 219, note. Alsop, Ann, iii. 120. Altieri, Abbe, iii. 351. Amadas, i 63. See Ralegh. Amazon, River, i. 367. 369. 370. Amboy (N. Jersey), iii. 237. 243. 246.' Amboyna, massacre at, ii. 103. Ambrose's Book of Offices, &c, ii. 100. Amherst, General Ld., iii. 311. Amsterdam, i. 357; iii. 79, 80. Anabaptists of Germany, &c, i. 118; ii. 175. Antillon, M., ii. 578. Anderson's Hist, of Commerce (see Mcuyhersnn), i. 13. 30. 43. 88. 93. 375, 376. 473; ii. 41, 42. 55. 97. 102. 103. 458. Anderson, Rev. Mr. (Bengal), iii. 6. , Bp. (Rupert's Land), iii. 106, 107. Andrews. Rev. Mr. (Mohawks), iii. 303—306. Andrew's, St., Parish, Barbados, ii. 57; Jamaica, ii. 287; iii. 543. Church (Rupert's Land), iii. 106. , on Staten Island, iii. 175, note. , (Carolina), iii. 477. Andrewes, Bp. (Winchester), i. 87, note. 309, note. Andros, Govr., ii. 383. 437, 438. 456, 457. Anguilla, ii. 295. Ann, Cape, i. 352, note. Annapolis, one in Nova Scotia, the other in Maryland, i. 246, note ; anecdote about, iii. 439. (Maryland), ii. 404. 415; iii. 187. 205. 212. 215. Annapolis (Xova Scotia), iii. 25 I Anne,Princess(afterwardsQ.),h I donations to Dr. Bray, ii. 406; i I 40 ; state of society in her reig I 515; increase of Churches, 52* I creation of Q. Anne's Bount I 521 ; assistance from it to Vi ginian Clergy, iii. 165; corr spondence between Prussia ar England, touching the intn riuction into Prussia of t\ \ ritual and discipline of the CI of England, ii. 543 ; the schem supported by Anne, 547; il failure, 542 ; memorials to, froi S. P. G., praying for the appoinl ment of Bishops in Ainericj iii. 73, 74; her offerings to th Church at Burlington and Phil adelphia, 235. 258; efforts o her accession in favour of th Indians, 297; speech to her o their Sachems, 301. Anne's. Q., Parish (Maryland) iii. 155. St., Parish (Maryland) iii. 155. Anniversary Sermons of S. P. G. iii. 361, 362. Anspach, Rev. L., i. 337, note. Anticosti, Island of, i. 330. Antigua, ii. 41 ; English govers of, 293; slow progress of tb< Church in, 294 ; five Parishei formed in, ib. ; the Codringtoi family, 467; sketch of th< Church in, iii. 538 — 542; ser vicesof Field, Knox, and Byam 540 ; high character of some o the Governors, 541 ; Methodist and Moravians in, 542. . Bp. of (Dr. Davies),ii 294. ' Antigua and the Antiguans,' ii 41. 85. 293—295. 468; iii. 538, 541. Antilles, the, ii. 41, note. Antinomians in Massachusetts, ii 173, 174. Antioch, Patriarch of, ii. 132. Apoquiminy, iii. 261. ' Apostle of the Indians.' Set Eliot. ' Appello Csesarem,' i. 390. INDEX. 589 fpthoip, Dr.. iii. -412—414. Urchangcl. See Moscow. l.-cher, — , Esq.. iii. 350, note. Wall. Capt. (Virginia), i. 203. !218. 239. 248. 249. 253. 284. Jrlington, Ld., ii. 262. Irmada, Spanish, i. 75. 115. [rminius, i. 153. Irminian controversy, i. 391. irnold. Rev. Dr.. ii. 75, note. Irnot's Trials, ii. 449. L-rran. Ld.. iii. 350, note. [rtieles of the Irish Church, i. 405. I , Lambeth, i. 135. I of Religion. 42 in reign fi of Edw. VI.. reduced to 39 in J reign of Elizabeth, i. 103, 104; | Roval Declaration prefixed bv Chas. I.. 392. of Perth, i. 407. Irundel, Ld. Thos., i. 162. [rviragus, i. 325. irzina, i. 28. isburv. Fras., iii. 514 — 517. [shlev. Ld.. ii. 262. 316. 459. jshuret, Henry, ii. 209. !' sia. an early object of attraction f to Europe.' i. 89—91. ssada merchants, the, ii. 279. ssembly of Divines, i. 425 — 428; the description of them by Clarendon. Baxter, Fuller, and Milton, 427—433. ssembly's Catechism, iii. 385. ssociates, Bray's. See Bray. .tterburv. Bp. (Rochester), ii. ! 504. 517 ; iii. 73. 339. uchmutv. Rev. S.. iii. 332. yugusta, iii. 498. 527—529. .ugustine, St., College of. Canter- bury, i. Pref. xvii. note. . Florida, ii. 307; Hi- 485, note. 525. *urungzebe. ii. 278. kvalon, i. 325: iii. 96. kjerst. Rev. Mr., ii. 544. 548. vvlmer, Bp. (London), i. 133. lyscue, Sir G., ii. 18. 68. izores, the, i. 55. Babylon's Fall in Marvland.' ii. 34. Jaccalaos, Terra de, i. 7. | Bacon, Nicolas, i. 18. 107. , Nathaniel (Virginia), ii. 382. Bacon's Laws (Maryland), i. 478. 489; ii. 31—34. 398. 403. — , Ld.. description of the Spanish empire, i. Pref. xxii. note ; notice of the first dis- coveries of the English under Cabot, i. 1 ; recognition of God's providence, in the events of his- tory, 3; overruling the acts of men, 96, note; eulosry of Archbp. Grindal. 119. note : notice of the Puritans. 147: wisdom of his prayer in respect to religious controversy. 148; probable allu- sion therein to some of Archbp. Bancroft's proceedings, ib. ; quo- tation of remarkable pas*ages from his essay ' Of Plantations.' 228. 230 : his views respecting the exercise of martial law in Virginia misrepresented by Ro- bertson. 231 : notice of Virginia and the Somers Isles in his speech to Speaker Richardson, 312; his fall. 313; testimony to him by Ben Jonson, ib. ; his appeal to posterity, and prayer. 314; views of Colonization, and of the posi tion which the Church should hold in the Colonies, 314 — 318: necessity of appoint- ing Colonial Bishops involved therein, 319, 320 ; a member of the Newfoundland Company, 321 ; his remarks on witchcraft, ii. 448; his ' Advancement of Learning,1 iii. 386, 387. I . N.. Rebellion in Virginia. ii. 345. 346. Baffin, i. 162. 345, 346. Bagdad, ii. 116. BaamaH's Narrative, i. 184. Bahamas, the, ii. 41. 294 ; iii. 481. 546, note. I Baird's Religion of U. S., ii. 157, note. Baltimore, i. 327; iii. 517. , Ld. See Calvert. Bancroft, Archbp., presided over the first Convocation, in the reign of Jas. 1., whilst Bp. of 590 INDEX. London, i. 144; chief framer of the Canons then drawn up, his learning, zeal, generosity, and undue rigour, 145 — 147; pro- bable allusion to some of his proceedings by Bacon, 148 ; eulogy of him "by Hacket, Hey- lyn, and Clarendon, ib. ; an argument in his celebrated Ser- mon, adopted by Hooker, 145, note ; forbids Puritans to leave England, 270. Bancroft's History of U. S., i. 76 ; description of the territorial limits assigned to the Virginia | Compy., 163. note; testimony to the exemplary character of Robt. Hunt, 169. note; correct description of the tolerant con- duct of Churchmen in Virginia, 272; notice of Jefferson, ib. ; of Patent granted to Puritans, 358. note ; inaccurate description of their proceedings, 362; of the Maryland charter, 479, note ; notice of Indian prisoners, &c, ii. 94; description of the Puri- tans of Salem, 140 ; of the powers of the Commission j granted to Laud, 145, note ; in- consistent remarks relating to the conduct of Puritans, 146, j note ; undue praise of Roger j Williams, 170; description of j the Pequod war, 179: of Hu^h 1 Peters, 186; attempt to justify the language of the Massachu- j setts address to Chas. II., j 216; questionable description of Drummond. first Govr. of Caro- lina, 319, note ; representation of Mackintosh's views concern- ing Penn erroneous, 430. note ; eulogy of Quakerism. 432, note; erroneous account of Keith, 434, mote; iii. 233: remark on witch- craft delusion in X. England, justly ascribes its development to the example of Cotton Mather and his brethren, ii. 450. Banda, Isle of, ii. 103. Bandinell. Dean of Jersey, i. 309, note. Bandinel's Account of the Slav* Trade, quoted, i. 85. Bangorian controversy, ii. 505. Bantam, ii. 103. 472. Baptism, Adult, Office for, an evi- dence of the desire felt by the Ch. of England, to evangelizt the heathen in our Colonies, ii 252. Baptists in Virginia, iii. 146. 168; in Maryland," 198. Barbados, its possession by the English ; conferred by grant on Ld. Lev ; subject of dispute with Ld. Carlisle, i. 373, 374; early difficulties of the Colony, ii. 50 — 56 : Leverton, first Chap- lain, 50 ; place of exile for Crom- well's prisoners. 52; their shame- ful treatment, 53; other evil influences, 54—56; first plant- ing of the Church, 56 ; six Pa- rishes constituted, ib. ; five more created under Govr. Bell, 57; Acts relating to public worship, 57 — 61 ; reflections thereon, 6l; character of the Planters, 63 (see Lie/on) ; fourteen Churches and Chapels enumerated by Blome, 67 ; yields to the Com- monwealth, ib. ; condition after the Restoration, 296; Act for the encouragement of faith- ful Ministers, ib. ; hindrance! in their way, 297; efforts of Godwyn and other Clergy in behalf of the Negroes, 297— 301 ; Acts against Quakers, 302; tyranny of Vestries, 304; con- spiracy of Negroes, 466 ; the Codrington family first settled in Barbados, 467 ; correspond- ing members of S. P. C. K. 572; proposed in 171 5 to be a Bishop's See, iii. 75; sketch of the Church in, 530 — 536; Clergy licensed in it. 546, note ; extent of origi- nal Diocese, i. Pref. xvi. note. , Short History of, ii. 51. Barbary, redemption of Chris- tian prisoners in, i. 88, and note. Barbuda, ii. 41. 295. INDEX. 59L larclav. Rev. H. (Mohawks), iii. 306—308. . his son, services anions the Mohawks and at N. York; iii. 309, 310. ..arefoot, Mr., ii. 152. •argrave, Rev. Thos., i. 259. •arklay, Mr., ii. 578. •arlow. Bp. (Lincoln), ii. 261. Marlowe, i. 63. •arnard, Govr. of the Bermudas, . i. 311. •arrett's History of Bristol, i. 322 -arrow, Isaac, ii. 264; iii. 371. , Rev. Mr., Jamaica, ii. , Henrv, i. 122. 123. jartholomew's, St., Day, ii. 257. , , St., Parish (Caro- , lina), iii. 477. carton, Rev. Dr. (Oporto), iii. 87- , Rev. T., iii. 266. asire, Rev. Isaac, ii. 130—132; reasons for noticing him in this ; work, 134. asle, ii. 577. asnage, M., ii. 578. ass, Dr., first Bp. of N. Hamp- shire and Massachusetts, iii. 56, note. -astwick. severities against, i. 395; his release, 420. ateman. Ld., iii. 350, note. ates, Dr. G., i. 399. note. , Rev. Mr., ii. 246. ath Parish (Virginia), iii. 165. ,athurst, Ld., i. 341. .aster's description of the Assem- bly of Divines, i. 427; of the sufferings of the Clergy, 432 ; , his " Call to the Unconverted/ translated by Eliot into the In- dian language, ii. 206; descrip- tion of the Presbyterians, 236: opposition to the Independents, 238, note. 249; Chaplain to Chas. IL, 246 ; refuses the See of Hereford, ib. ; a pertinacious objector. 248 ; description bv Neal of his character, ib.; his quarrel with Owen, ib. ; con- duct at the Savoy Conference, ib. ; ejected, 258; testimony against the Slave Trade, 306; remarks on witchcraft, 448 ; efforts in behalf of education, 552. Beach, Mrs., iii. 403. , Rev. John. iii. 421—425. Bearcroft, Rev. Dr. iii. 273. Beard, Mr., of Huntingdon, i. 225. Beatson's Political Index, ii. 149, note. Beaufort (Carolina), iii. 477. , Duke of (fourth), iii. 151, note; married to Elizabeth, sister of Ld. Botetourt, ib. Beaumont. Rev. Mr.. Preacher at Delph. i. 410. Beckett, Rev. W., iii. 263. Bedford. Duke of, iii. 434. ; Bedingfield, Col., ii. 495. j Beeston, Sir Wm., ii. 571. Behagel, M., ii. 578. Behmen, Jacob, ii. 525. Bell, Philip, Govr., ii. 36. 57, and note. Bellamont, Ld., ii. 457. 573; iii. 297. , Belknap, i. 350. Benett, Rev. Mr. (Jamaica), ii. 571. j , Richd. (Virginia), ii. 19. 33. Bengal, ii. 103. J Benson, Dr., ii. 519. I , Bp. (Gloucester), ii. 519. 527. 1 Bentley, Dr., ii. 517. 524. Berbice. i. 371. Beresford, Mr., iii. 488. Berkelev Countv, iii. 477. Ld., ii*. 316. , Sir W., Govr. of Vir- ginia, ii. 1; his influence, 2; conduct of the Indian war. 3; rebuked by Opechancanough, 4; his difficulties, ib. ; dispos- sessed of his office by the Com- monwealth, 19; continues loyal, 24; reappointed by Chas. II., ib. ; his severe proceedings against Quakers. 27 ; a Pro- prietor of Carolina, 316; charged with its organization, 318; ap- points Drummond over it, 319; 592 INDEX. goes home, and returns, 337; his Instructions on Church mat- ters, 341 : Bacon's rebellion against, 343; his recall, death, and character, 346—349. Berkele., Dean, ii. 502 523; his eulogy by Pope 52/ note; testi- mony to Basil Kennett, iii. 85. 337;" unpublished MSS., ib. note ; his personal influence. 338 ; eulogy of him by Pope and At- terbury, 463; Swift's kindness towards him, ib. ; appointed Dean of Derry, 340; his plan for evangelizing the natives of N. America, 341 — 344; his verses thereon, 335; estimate of his plan, by others, 346; his determination to prosecute it, 348 ; help from his friends. 350, I and note ; and the Government, 351 : Charter for his College, 352; trouble of obtaining it, 353; sails for Rhode Island, 355 ; his proceedings there, 356 ; hopes deferred. 357; his Ser- mons, 362 ; friendship with Johnson, 363 ; his 1 Minute Phi- losopher.' 364; failure of his hopes, 365; forced to return to England, and reflections there- on, 366 : consecrated Bp. of Cloyne, 367 : donations to Yale College, 369; subscriptions of his friends returned, 371 ; Ser- mon before S. P. G., 372 ; cor- responds with Johnson, 375 ; his compassion for the Indians and Negroes, 376 ; his labours of benevolence, 378 ; his death, and epitaph. 379. Berkshire, Ld., ii. 82. Bermuda Hundred (Virginia), i. 235; iii. 118. Bermudas, New (Virginia), i. 226. , the, their position, i. 205; Gates and Somers wrecked there, ib. ; proceed afterwards to Virginia, 207 — 210; the death of Somers. and connexion of his name with the Islands, 218; included in Virginia Charter, 299 ■ Compv. formed, ib.: Govr. More and Rev. Mr. Keath, 300 ; | Articles of religious belief, 301 ; Keath's hasty conduct, 302; Church built, 304; Rev. Mr. Hues, ib. ; disturbances, 307; Tuckar, Govr., 305 ; plague of rats, 306; division of the Islands into Tribes, ib. ; foundation of a second Church laid, 307 ; Butler, Govr., his misconduct, ib. ; religions dissensions, 308; adoption of the Liturgy of Guernsey and Jersey, ib., note ; misconduct of the Clergy, 310; N. Ferrar. Deputy- Treasurer; Barnard, Govr., 31 1 ; dissolu- tion of the Company, 312; notice of the Bermudas by Ld. Bacon, ib. ; now form with Newfoundland one Diocese, 328; their advantages and beau- tiful scenery, ib. ; area and population, 329, note : D. Au- brey Spencer, first Bishop. 340; description of them by Smith, ii. 37 ; an asvlum for RovalisU after the Civil War, 38; de- scription of them by Waller and Marvell. ib. ; contained nine churches in 1 679, 39 ; scene of Leverton's and Oxenbridge's ministry, 187 ; their condition under Chas. IL, 332 ; Churches and Clergy, 333 ; overwhelmed by sectaries, 334 ; Compy. dis- solved, 335 ; Coney, Depy.- Govr., ib. ; description of in Bray's Memorial, 472; designed bv Berkeley for his College, iii. 342. Berne, ii. 577. Berrian's History of Trinitv Ch., N. York, iii. '331. 333. 460- 473. Berwick. Articles of Pacification at, i. 415. Beveridge, Bp., coadjutor of Cas- tell, ii. 128; his influence in the Church. 264. 502; story of him and Tillotson, 573. note; his offering to S. P. G., iii. 40; his unceasing and valuable la- bours, 50, 51. 60. Beverley's Histv. of Virginia, i. 63, note; ii. 387, note; iii. 110 INDEX. 593 Bible, Authorised Translation of, i. 141. Bible Society (British and Fo- reigu). Owen's History of, iii. 317, note. Biddle's Memoir of Cubot, i. 5, note. Bilberge, M., ii. 578. Bingham's Oiigines Ecclesiastical, Preface to, ii. 358. Bios. Brit., i. 149. 428; ii. 69. 383. 421 ; iii. 42. 379, note. 544. Biograohie Universelle, i. 73, note. 476.484: iii. 47. Birch's Life of Ralegh, i. 51. of Tillotson, ii. 432. 494. 573, note. Birmingham School, ii. 552. Bishops. Lutheran and Reformed, in Prussia, ii. 541. evil> arising from the ab- sence of. in \ irgima.i. 4o8 — 472 ; of Colonial Churches, efforts of the Church at home to secure them : expression of the like de- sire in the Colonies: publicly avowed by S. P. G. in its first Re- port ; re-echoed by its missiona- ries and others: Archbp. Sharp's scheme. wi:h reference there- to; memorials to Queen Anne and George I. on the subject ; failure thereof, iii. 36. 71 — 75; Jones's testimony to the need of a Bishop in Virginia, 126: Clement Hall's ditto. 128: Bp.' Lowth's remarks on the subject. 157, note ; abortive efforts of the Govr. and Clergy of Mary- land to obtain a Bishop. 190 ; Talbot's efforts, 236 ; efforts of Sir W. Johnson to obtain their appointment. 314; Berkeley's plea for it, 377 ; earnest peti- tions for, from the Colonies, memorial to George II. in their support, and correspondence be- tween our Bishops and the Clergy of N. England, 431— 435 ; McSparran's legacy to- wards. 458. note ; present bene- fit of, 548. 549. , trial of the seven, ii. 489. Bishopsgate, School in, ii. 565. Bi?se. Bp., iii. 73. Bisset. Rev. Mr., iii. 449. Black Town. Madras, iii. 18. [ Blackmore. Sir R., ii. 560 ; iii. 26. Blackstone's Commentaries, i. 130. 142. 262; his notice of witchcraft, ii. 447, note. 449, note ; iii. 203. Blackstone, Rev. Mr., ii. 157. Blair. Rev. John (Carolina), iii. 489. , Rev. Jas., Commissary of Bp. of London in Virginia, ii. 383: his office an imperfect substitute for that of Bishop, ib. ; his previous life, 384 : energy and zeal, ib. ; works commended by Waterland and Doddridge, ib.. note ; obtains a Charter for William and Mary Coliege, 385; brutal language of Seymour, 386: difficulties experienced bv him and the Clergy, 387—390; dismissed from the Council, 391 ; defects of his character, 392 ; collision with Nicholson, 393 ; still dis- charged his duties. 394 : first pre- sident of W. and M. College, ib. : his reception of Whitefield, iii. 131. Bland, Rev. Mr., iii. 153. Bliss's, Dr., Edition of Wood's Athen. Oxon.. ii. 89, note. | Blome's Account of W. Indies, ii. 56. 67. 291. | Blomfield, Bp. (of London), obli- gations of the author to, i. Pref. xv. ; his efforts to give effect to the Will of Sir L. Jenkins, ii. 363 : zealous labours, ib. | Blue Ridge of Mountains (Vir- ginia), iii. 112, and note. I Blunt's Hist, of the Reformation, i. 100. note. I Board of Trade and Plantations. ii. 149, note. Boden (Sanscrit) Professorship at Oxford, ii. 365, note. Bodenham, Roger, i. 29. note. Bodin's Daemonomania, ii. 449, note Boehm, Rev. Mr., iii. 3. VOL. III. 594 INDEX. Boevey, Dame Katherine, iii. 235. Bolingbroke, Ld., ii. 516; iii. 86. 347. Bolton, M., iii. 118. Bombay, ii. 269, note. 275; Church designed at, and Chaplains ap- pointed, 276; government trans- ferred from Surat to, 472. Bonavista ( Newfoundland) , i. 336 ; iii. 96. Bond, Geo., iii. 41. , Rev. Mr. (Bermudas), ii. 336. Bonet, M., ii. 547. Bonnvcastle's Newfoundland, i. Pref. xxii. 330. 340. note. Boone, Jos. (Carolina), iii. 478. Bordsley, T. (Maryland), iii. 188, 189. Borneo, Church in, iii. 335. 549, and note. Bornman, Bp. of Zealand, iii. 2. Bosomworth, Rev. T., iii. 526. Bosse, M., iii. 16. Boston, Clergy of, their proposals respecting Colonial Bishops, iii. 432. , Massachusetts, first built, ii. 153; introduction into it of the services of the Ch. of Eng- land, 451 ; Child's petition, 452 ; Commissioners sent out to secure the observance of the Prayer Book, 453 ; arrival of Randolph with writ of Quo Warranto against the Charter, 454; Ratcliffe, Rev. Mr., ib. ; Randolph's unjustifiable acts, 455 ; rigorous conduct of Govr. Andros, 456; Church built, ib. ; Rev. Mr. Myles succeeds Rat- cliffe, 457; offerings to the Church, ib. ; progress of the Church in, iii. 407—410. 416— 421. Botetourt, Ld. (Berkeley), Gov. of Virginia, iii. 148 — 150. Boucher, Rev. Jonathan, letters to, entrusted to author, i. Pref. xvii; his early life, iii. 154; Rector of Hanover, and then of St. Mary Parish (Virginia) ; afterwards of St. Anne's, and of Q. Anne's Parish (Mary- land), 155; ejected at the Re- volution, and made Vicar of Epsom, Surrey, ib. ; his dis- courses; anti-republican senti- ments; remarks on slavery, 156 — 160 ; disputes in Maryland, 210; is attacked, 212; firm in maintaining his opinions. 214; tumult in his Church, 216 ; his Sermon on the next Sunday, ib. ; resolution to pray for the King, 217 ; compelled to flee to England, ib. ; regarded by Chandler as the fittest man to have been Bp. of Nova Scotia, 469, note. Bourdonnais, iii. 22. Bowden, Rev. J. (N. York), iii. 470. Bowdler's edition of Anniversary Sermons of S. P. G., iii. 362, note. Bowes, Sir Jerome, i. 38. Bowles's Life of Ken, ii. 282. Boyd, Rev. J., iii. 491. Boyle, Hon. Robt., ii. 126, note; Eliot's letters to him, 206 ; his revival of the Society for Pro- fiagating the Gospel in N. Eng- and, 209. 496 ; a most distin- guished lay-member of the Church, 264 ; his efforts with Prideaux, to extend the minis- trations of the Ch. of England in India, 474 ; letter to Bp. Fell about the Malayan Gos- pels, ib. ; consults Marshall and Prideaux thereon ; defrays the cost of their publication, ib. ; the effect of Boyle's proposals on the mind of Prideaux, ib. ; Boyle's intimacy with Tenison, 498; his death, ib. ; his letter to Eliot, ib. ; his charity and piety, 497; the Boyle Lectures, 498 ; annexes the Brafferton Professorship to W. and M. College, for the benefit of the Indians, iii. 109, and note. Bracken, Rev. W., iii. 168. Braddock, Gen., iii. 134. 267. Bradford, W., Gov. of Plymouth, Massachusetts, ii. 153. 193, note. INDEX. 595 Bradford, tutor of Whitgift, i. 124. Brafferton Professorship, iii. 109. 113. Bragge on the Miracles of Christ, iii. 60. Brainerd, David, iii. 317, 318. Braintree (Massachusetts), ii. 458; iii. 404. 418. Bramhall, Archbp., i. 14, 15. 20. 102. 107. 127; ii. 264. Branham, Hugh, i. 40. Brant, the Indian chief, iii. 316. . , John, his son, iii. 317. Brathwaite, J. (Barbados), iii. 533. Bray. Rev. Dr., Commissary of Bp. of London in Maryland, ii. 404; his previous services, 405 ; in- stitution of Parochial Libraries, abroad and at home, ib. ; em- barks for Maryland, 408: mainly instrumental in establishing S. P. C. K. and S P. G., 409, 410; religious divisions in Mary- land, 41 1 ; Bray's ministrations there, 412; conduct respecting objectionable clause introduced into Act for establishing the Church, 413, 414; his Visita- tion at Annapolis, 415 ; proposal to send a Clergyman to Penn- sylvania, 416 ; continued efforts for Maryland, and for the conversion of Negroes, 4)8; D'Allone's benefaction, 419; Bray's Associates, ib. ; his efforts to obtain a Bishop for Maryland, 420; his MSS. in Sion College, 421. 462; library at Charleston, 465 ; Memorial of the Bermudas and New- foundland, 472 ; present at first meeting of S. P. C. K., 550; requested to present his scheme for promoting religion in the Colonies, 553; his contribu- tions towards education, 563; report on prison discipline, 569 ; makes proposals to S. P. C. K. from Sir R. Bulkeley, 571; effects the separate establish- ment of S. P. G., 574; present at its first meeting, iii. 26; his continued labours in behalf of Q the Church at home and abroad, 48, 49 ; failure of his scheme respecting a Bishop's Commis- sary in Maryland, 178; recom- mends Keith to S. P. G., 226 ; assistance from his Associates to Georgia and West Indies, 513. 544. Brayne, Gen., ii. 78. Brazil, i. 41, note; ii. 471. Brebeuf, iii. 291. Breda, ii. 24. 242 ; Treaty of, 278. 292. 436. Breithaupt, M., iii. 22. Brett, Rev. W. H., i. 371, note. Brewster, Capt, i. 250. , Mr., ii. 560 • iii. 26. Brevnton, Rev. Dr., iii. 419. Bridge, Rev. C, ii. 458 ; iii. 447. 457. Bridges, Mr., ii. 566. Bridges's Annals of Jamaica, ii. 285, note. Briscoe, Dr., iii. 135. Bristol Parish (Virginia), iii. 118, 119. 121. (Rhode Island), iii. 394. 419 ; progress of the Church in, 453—457. Bristowe, Dr., iii. 401. British Empire, its extent and population ; its description by Webster; Bacon's, Ld., descrip- tion of tbe Spanish empire ap- plied to it, i. I'ref. xxii. Broadgate, John, ii. 271. Brodie's History of the British Empire, i. 386. Bromfield, Mr., iii. 26. Brook, Ld., ii. 175. Brooke, Rev. J., his successful ministry, iii. 241—243. , Sir Jas., iii. 549. Brooklands, iii. 252. Brougham's Colonial Policy, i. Pref. xiii., note. Brown, Mr., and other New- foundland merchants, petition of, iii. 95. . Rev. Mr. (Yale College), iii. 387. 391. 394. See Johnson. , Rev. A., iii. 451. , Sir Richd., ii. 132, and note. q2 596 index. Browne, John and Samuel, ex- pelled by Puritans in N. Ame- rica, because thev were Church- men, i. 362; ii. '140. . the leader of a section of English Presbyterians, called Brownists, who separating from the rest, became Independents, i. 121, 122; his character by Neal, and miserable career, ib. , Rev. Isaac, iii. 251. , Rev. Mr., iii. 584. Brownrigge, Bp., i. 423. 427. Brownings Hist, of Huguenots, ii. 330. Bruce's Annals of E. I. Companv, i. 93. 375, 376; ii. 104, 105. 473. Brunswick, New (New Jersey), iii. 250. , New, i. 339. Bucer, Martin, i. 24. 105. Buchan's, Capt., evidence on Newfoundland, i. 333. Buchanan, Dr., his Christian Re- searches in Asia, iii. 9. 13 ; prizes founded by, ii. 365, note. Bucke, Rev. Mr. (Virginia"), i. 201,202; embarks with Gates and Somers. and is wrecked on the Bermudas, 208 ; his ser- vices there, 209 ; testimony to him by Crash aw, ib., note; his services at James Town, 211. 215, note. Buckingham, Duke of, i. 381 ; re- flections on Laud's intimacy with him, 443 ; his expedition against Spain, ii. 96 ; oppression of E. I. Companv, 103, note. Bulkelev, Sir R , ii. 571. Bull. Bp. (St. David's), ii. 264. 502. 544. 545 ; anecdote of his use of the Prayer Book, iii. 392, note. Bullinger, i. 102. 109, note. Bullock. _Rev. W. T., iii. 102, note. 487, note. Bulstrode, Mr., iii. 28. Bunker's Hill, Battle of, iii. 251. Bunyan, John. ii. 259. Burgess, the Presbyterian ; his hatred of toleration, ii. 235. Burk's Historv of Virginia, i. Pref. xii. 171. 474. 497; ii. 7. 26, note. 387. Burke's, Edmund, Account of the European Settlements in Ame- rica, i. 190. 251; ii. 55. 187. 303 ; Reflections on the French Revolution, 263 ; eulogy on Howard. 569; influence in re- pealing the Stamp Act, iii. 148; description of the American Colonies. 440. Burkitt, Rev. W., ii. 462; iii. 38, 39. Burlington (N. Jersey), ii. 425; memorial of Clergy at, praying for the appointment of a Suf- fragan Bishop in America, iii. 73 ; proposed by S. P. G. to be one of the first Sees, 74 ; scene of Talbot's labours, 234 ; offer- ings to its Church, 235; its de- scription by Chandler, 250; services of its Catechists and Ministers, 366, 367. Burn's Eccles. Law, Preface to, i. 141, note. Burnet, Gov. of N. York, iii. 397. Burnet's, Bp.. Hist, of Reforma- tion, i. 14. 104. 106. 107. 130; Hist, of his Own Times, ii. 186, 227. 266. 360, note. 375. 386. 517 ; iii. 33. 60. Burrough, Steven, i. 39. Burton, severities against, i. 395; his release, 420. , Rev. Dr., iii. 502. Burton's, Judge, Account of the State of Religion and Educa- tion in New South Wales, quoted, i. 264, note. Busher's, Leonard, tract (the ear- liest) in defence of toleration, ii. 240. note. Butler, Bp., ii. 502. 524; iii. 26. , Nathaniel, Governor of the Bermudas, i. 219, note. 307; his false representations of Vir- ginia, 284. , Archer, Professor, iii. 338, note. 348, note. Bvam, Family Memoirs of, iii. '541. , Major Wm, ii. 85. 293. INDEX. 597 f Byam, Mr. Edw., i. Pref. xxvi. ii. 85, note. 288, note. I , Rev. F., iii. 541. I , Rev. Mr., ii. 293, note. I Bylot's Voyages, i. 345. Byron's, Ld., Age of Bronze, iii. '143. Cabal ministry, ii. 262. 358. Cabot, John, i. 4. , Lewis, i. 4. , Sancius, i. 4. , Sebastian, i. 1,2. 4—7.23. 25. 30. Calais, i. 14. 16. 18. Calamv, Edna., i. 420. 432; ii. 235. 246. 258. 519. Calcutta, ii. 277, note. 370; iii. 6. Calvert, Geo. (Ld. Baltimore), i. 264. 325—327. 459, 460. 475. 479. See Maryland. , Caecilius, i. 476. , Leonard, i. 482— 487,488, 489, 490. 492. , Charles, ii. 394. 399. , Benedict, iii. 183. , Charles, his son, receives all the privileges of the original Charter, iii. 184. 192. 195, 196. Calvin, his share in the dissen- sions at Frankfort, i. 106 ; ad- herence to his doctrine and dis- cipline not always coexistent, 135; his authority in N. Eng- land supplanted by the teach- ing of Socinus, iii. 421. Cam bay. i. 91. Cambridge (Massachusetts), ii. 182. 1, LTniversitv of (Eng- land), iii. 257. 265.' 395. Camden, in Kennett's History of England, i. 69, note.. Camm, Rev. J. (Virginia), iii. 137. 152. Campbell, Rev. Colin, iii. 253. ^, Rev. Mr., iii. 262. Campbell's Gertrude of Wvoming, iii. 316. . Historv of Virginia, ii. 357. S76,note,' iii. 110—176. Lives of British Ad- mirals, i. 3, note. 86, 87, note. Campbell's, Ld., Lives of the Chancellors, ii. 323. Campian, the Jesuit, cruel treat- ment of, i. 1 15. Canada, services of French Je- suits in, iii. 289—291. Canadas. the, iii. 335. Caner, Rev. Dr., iii. 416—419. 455. Canning, Geo., letter of, to Ld. Grenville. ii. 274, note. Canonicus, ii. 169. Canons of 1603-4, their origin and force; not binding the laity propria vigore ; their defects ; their severe penalties; reflec- tions thereon, i. 141 — 144. of 1640. i. 416; their ille- gality, 417; abrogated the year after the Restoration, 419, note. -, Irish, i. 405. , Scotch, i. 409. Canterbury, arrival of Cutler, Johnson, and Brown at, iii. 392. Schools, ii. 552. Cape Ann, i. 352, note. Breton, part of the original Diocese of Nova Scotia, i. 333. 339 Charles, i. 173. Coast Castle, iii. 356. Cod. i. 351, 352, note. 359. Fear. ii. 318. of Good Hope. i. 45; formerly called the Cape of Storms, passed by Vasco de Gama, 9U. Henrv, i. 173. James, i. 354, note. Caldwell's Documentary Annals, &c, quoted, i. 100. 1J3; History of Conferences, &c, 103. 107 : ii. 252. 494. Synodalia, ii. 515. 546. Garden, Govr. (Antigua), ii. 293. Carey, Dr.. ii. 135. Caribbee Islands, the, i. 371, 372, note. Carisbrook, i. 451. Carliola, i. 373. Carlisle, Ld., i. 373, 374; ii. 285. Carlyle's Cromwell, ii. 52. 230. Carnarvon (Pennsylvania), iii. 268. Carolina Clergy, conduct of, in 598 INDEX. the Revolutionary struggle, iii. 484. Carolina, its early history, ii. 307 — 314; first settlers, 315; first Charter granted by Chas. II. to Lords Proprietors, 316 ; its pro visions respecting the Church, 317; and those not in commu- nion with her, ib. ; Drummond, first Govr., 319 ; questionable description of him by Bancroft, ib., note ; second Charter assigns to it enormous territory, ib. ; Constitutions drawn up by Locke, 320; provisions touch- ing religion, 321 ; his views thereon, 322 ; and slavery, 325 ; failure of the proprietary go- vernment, 326 ; Stevens, second Govr., 327 ; division into North and South Carolina, Charleston capital of the latter, ib. (see Charleston) ; series of misrule, 328; no token of Church mi- nistrations for twenty years, ib. ; immigration of Huguenots, ib. ; redress of their grievances, 465. , N.,i.64; Hist, of the Ch. in, iii. 489—494. , S., Hist, of the Ch. in, iii. 474—488. Caroline County (Virginia), iii. — Q. (George II.), iii. 367. 502. Carr, Sir Robt., ii. 422. Carter, G., iii. 117. Carteret, Ld., iii. 339. 417, note. , Sir G., ii. 316. Cartier, Jaques, i. 68, note. 244. Cartwright, Thomas, his share in the Puritan controversy with Whitgift, i. 117, 118. 125, 126; WhitgifVs kindness to him, 1 33. Carver, John, i. 360. Caryl,i.427; ii. 13; 113,«ote.258. Casaubon, Isaac, ii. 537. ■, Meric, ii. 537. Casbin, i. 36. Caspian Sea, traversed by Jen- kinson, i. 36. Castell, Rev. Edm., ii. 13; his Lexicon to the Polyglot Bible, ib. ; contributors thereto, 128; his trials, ib., and note. Castell's, Rev. W., Petition to Parliament, ii. 10. Caswall's ' America and the Ame- rican Church,' i. 175, note. Catechism, Larger, ii. 236. Cathay, or China, discovery of, the grand object of attraction to Europeans, i. 11. 22. 39. 91. Cathedral Chapters, Statutes of, enjoining education, ii. 552. Catherine, of Portugal, wife of Charles II., ii. 102, note. Catherine's, St., Hospital, iii. 75. , St., Parish, Jamaica, ii. 287 ; iii. 547. Catholics, Roman, their care in propagating their faith in foreign lands, i. 245, note. Causton, Thos., iii. 500. 509. Cavaliers, the, i. 425. Cavendish, celebrated English Navigator, i. 41. 45, 46, note. Cayongas, iii. 296. Cayugas, the, ii. 437. Cecil, Ld., Treasurer, i. 129. 188. Ceylon, i. 92 ; ii. 116. 574 ; iii. 335. Chalmers's Biog. Diet., ii. 421 ; iii. 437. Life of Reynolds, ii. 113, note. Political Annals of the United Colonies, i. 4, note. 9. 164, 165, 166, note. 182. 186. 189, note. 202. 350. 356. 359; ii. 137. 141. 145. 149. 180. 221. 250, note. 263. 318. 322. 490, note. Chamberlayne, Rev. Mr., iii. 26. 29. Champlain, i. 247. Chancelor, Richard, commander in Willoughby's fleet, i. 24. 26, note ; reaches Archangel, and begins commercial relations with Russia, 28 — 30 ; again sent out, and lost at sea, 31. Chanco, i. 276. Chandler, Rev. T.B., letters from, entrusted to author, i. Pref. xvii ; one of the most distin- guished Clergy of the Ch. of England in America, iii. 245 — INDEX. 599 251 ; his Life of Johnson, ch. xxix. passim ; an earnest pe- titioner for the presence of a Colonial Bishop, 430 ; letters to Bishops Terrick and Lowth, 435; chosen, in the first in- stance, to be Bp. of Nova Sco- tia, but declines it, 469; his desire to see Boucher appointed to that office, ib., note. Chandler, Samuel, ii. 519. , Bp., iii. 60. Chandos, Duke of, iii. 350, note. Chaplains in India prior to the union of the two Companies, List of, Vol. ii. Appendix, No. I. Chardin. Sir J., iii. 46, 47. Charles I., when Prince, gives dif- ferent names to parts of New England, i. 352, and note ; grants Windward Islands to Ld. Car- lisle, 373; difficulties on his accession, 380; short duration of Parliaments, 382 ; evil re- sults of their suspension, 383 — 385; aggravated by policy to- wards Rome, 385 ; marriage with Henrietta Maria of France, 386 ; conduct in Church mat- ters, 388 — 391 ; towards Scot- land, 405 — 410.413; convenes and dissolves Parliament, 415; assents to the death of Straf- ford, 421 ; to the indefinite pro- longation of Parliament, 422 ; outbreak of Civil War, 424; its sequel, 451 ; Charles surren- dered by the Scots, imprisoned, executed, 452 — 454 ; his procla- mation touching Virginia, 456. Charles II., appoints Berkeley Gov. of Virginia, ii. 24 ; D'Oyley Govr. of Jamaica, 78; tolerant character of his Charter to Rhode Island, 172 ; his Charter to Connecticut, 176 ; letter from to Houses of Parliament, 242 ; his Restoration, 243; his Decla- rations, ib. ; their important statements concerning the Church, 244, 245; his treat- ment of Presbyterians, 246; pol icy towards Roman Cathol ics, 260 — 263 ; suspicions of being a member of their communion, 268 ; his character and death, ib. ; evil influences created by him, 269; his Charter to African Company, 279. 280 ; to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, 515. Charles V., ii. 92, 93. Charles City (Virginia), i. 259. Charleston, capital of S. Carolina, ii. 327; first English Church built in, 461 : services of its Ministers, 462 — 464; Bray's Library established in, 465; iii. 450, note ; Parishes in, 477 ; lauding of Georgia Colonists at, 497. River (Massachu- setts), ii. 202. Charles Town, ii. 153. Charlton, Rev. R., iii. 331. Charter of Maryland, ii. 475 — 481. of S. P'. G., Vol. iii. Ap- pendix. of Virginia, first, i. 162; second, 187. Charterhouse School, ii. 552. Charters, English and French, for colonizing N. America, i. 245, 246. Chauncy, Dr. (Boston), iii. 248. , President of Harvard College, ii. 182. Checklev, Rev. Mr., iii. 451, 452. Chelsea 'College, ii. 228. Chesapeak Bav. i. 173. 184. 458. 485. Chester (Pennsylvania), iii. 258. Chiapa, ii. 91. Chicheley, Sir H., ii. 386. Chihohocki River, now the Dela- ware, i. 221. Child, Robert, petition of, ii. 452. , Sir Josiah, i. 335, note ; ii. 475. Childrey, Berkshire, ii. 121, 122. Chillingworth's Works, i. 448, note ; iii. 371. China. See Cathay. Chishull, Rev. Mr., ii. 273. Christ Church Parish, Barbados, ii. 56. Boston, iii. 406. 408. Parish (Carolina), iii. 477. 600 INDEX Christ Church (Philadelphia), huilt under the direction of the Rev. Mr. Clayton, iii. 257; the services of him, Evans, and Cluhb, ib. ; offerings to it by Wm. III. and Q.Anne, 258; Vicary and Urmston, 269 ; evils of Bp. Gibson's neglect to appoint a successor, 270 ; Cum- mings afterwards appointed, his services, 271 ; succeeded by Jenney, ib. ; Sturgeon, catechist to Negroes. 272 ; the services of Peters, Duche, Coombe, and White (Bp ), 274—285. Christiana, Fort (Virginia), iii. 113. Christoffers, M., ii. 578. Christopher's, St. See St. Kitfs. Church Domestic, the, and the Church Colonial, inseparable, ii. 407, 408. 500. in Jamaica. See Jamaica. Maryland. See Mary- land. Newfoundland. See Neicfoundland. Scotland (see Scotland), its condition in time of Chas. II., ii. 266, 267 ; and afterwards, 493. 530, 531 ; severity of the penal laws, and cruel treatment of her members in 18th cen- tury. 532 ; her consecration of Bp. Seabury, 533 ; abrogation of the penal laws, 534 : sym- pathy between the Church in Scotland and our own, 535. the Bermudas. See The Bermudas. Virginia. See Virginia. Missionary Society, its missionaries at the Red River, iii. 104, 105: its share in the expedition up the Niger, 256 ; its extensive and valuable labours, 335. 548. 550. of England, commence- ment and progress of her Refor- mation, i. 14—16. 19—21 ; her condition under Elizabeth and James I., c. iv. passim ; the Prayer Book and Thirty-nine Articles, 103; rise and growth of Puritanism, 104— 1 06". 10 112. 116—118; attacks from Rome, 112, 113; acts of retalia- tion, 114— 116. 127—129; evils of Star Chamber and High Commission Court, 129 — 132; the prayer of Whitgift in her behalf answered, 140; her Canons, 141 — 144; her ability for missionary work under Eli- zabeth and James I., compared with that possessed by other countries of Europe at the same time, 151 — 153; her peculiar difficulties at the time of the first Puritan settlements in N. America, 336; the history of her condition in the Colonies inseparable from that of her con- dition at home, 407. 500 ; her share in the counsels of Chas. I., and evils thereof, 387—403; assaults upon her in the Long Parliament, 423; and Assembly of Divines, 427 ; sufferings of her Clergy, 431 ; effect of Laud'9 counsels upon her, at home and in the Colonies, 444, 445 ; op- pression of during the Republic, ii. 219. 222; declarations of Chas. II. concerning her, 243 — 245; her position at home in his reign ; her distinguished ministers and lay-members, 263 — 266; her condition at home, from 1684 to 1702, 484; her treatment by Jas. II., 486; her opposition to Popery, ib. ; trial of the seven Bishops, 489; Re- volution of 1688, 490; non- juring schism, ib. ; its evil effects, 491 ; Toleration Act, 492 ; failure of the attempt to reconcile the Nonconformists, 493 ; the extension of the Co- lonial Church of England a re- flection of her increased energy and zeal at home, 500; her in- terchange of kindly offices with the ProtestantEpiscopalChurch, U. S., 501 ; her most celebrated Clergy in 18th century, 502; her difficulties, ib. ; effects of the Non-juring schism, 503 ; INDEX. 601 political influences, ib. ; reli- gious feuds, 504 ; the Bangorian controversy, .505; controversies I connected with Convocation, and the lesson now to he learnt I from their history. 512; effect of other evil influences, in 18th century, 513: defective I state of the law of marriage, ■ 514 : state of society, 515 ; in- I. fidel writers, ib. ; pernicious r results, 516; countervailing i support of the Ch. of England, • 519: increase of Churches in London in the reign of Anne. 520: Q. Anne's Bounty, 521: distinguished lay- members of the Ch. of England, 521 ; writ- ings of her Clergy. 523; her village pastors, 525 ; rise of Methodism, 526; sympathy be- tween her an 1 the Ch. in Scot- land. 535; her relation towards the Protestant communions of Europe, 536 ; causes which strengthened it, 539 ; her early efforts in promoting education, 551 — 553; progress therein, 565 — 567: the faithful spirit in which she employed the only instruments within her reach", at the beginning of 18th cen- tury, iii. 75. 76: her exer- tions in behalf of English fac- tories abroad, "7 — 92 ; reasons why she could not compete with the Ch. of Rome in 17th century, 291, 292: her efforts to do what she could. 293—295: the interest manifested by her in the missionary work among Indians and negro slaves. 296 — 332 ; large accession to her ranks from the Cong: egational- ists of Connecticut, in 18th cen- tury, c. xxix. passim ; the testi- mony of her belief that the orders of Bishop, Priest, and Deacon have always existed, 516 : her nresent energies, 550. Church of Rome, sin committed bv her through the Bull of Pius V., i. 112, 113; her per- secutions; her oppression of the Low Countries by Alva; her celebration of the massacre in Paris ; her hopes with regard to Mary, Q. of Scots : her en- couragement of the Spanish Armada. 114, 115; policy of Charles I. towards, 385 — 387 ; her means for carrying on mis- sionary work during the reigns of Elizabeth and Jas. I., com- pared with those of the Ch. of England at the same time, 152; conduct of Laud in rela- tion to. 44.5 — 449 ; feebleness in 18th century, ii. 518; op- position to apoointment of an English Chaplain at Leghorn, iii. 82: intolerance. 91. Churchill's Vovages. i. 17 : ii. 24. Claggett, Bp. (Maryland), iii. 219, note. Clapp's Historv of Yale College, iii. 370. Clarendon, a territorv in Caro- lina, ii. 318 , Ld., his inconsistent notice of the Star Chamber and High Commission Court, i. 131; his high opin on of Archbp. Bancroft. 148: n:s erroneous estimate of England's prosperitv under Charles L, 383. 384*: observations on Laud's conduct in affairs of Scotland, 408 — 110; on Canons of 1640, 416 : on the Assembly of Divines. 427 ; on Laud's temper. 441 : his ac- count of Barbados, ii. 55. 69 ; de- scription of Hugh Peters. 186; reasons for severity towards Dis- senters. 251, note ; description of the position occupied by Pres- byterians at the Restoration. 255. note ; remarks touching the penalties imposed on Roman Catholics, 261. note ; descrip- tion of African Company. 279 ; a Proprietor of Carolina, 316 ; exile, 326. , Parish, Jamaica, ii. 287; iii. 543, note. Clark, Rev. Mr. (Dedham), iii. 418. , Rev. Mr. (Boston), ii. 456. 602 INDEX. Clark's Summarv of Colonial Law, I i. Pref. xiv. 373. 506. Clarke, Rev. Dr. (Sanil.), iii. 367. Clarke's, Dr. Saml.. Work cen- sured bv Convocation, ii. 511. Clarkson.'Rev. J., iii. 284. Clarksons History of the Aboli- tion of the Slave Trade, i. 87 ; ii. 93; testimonv to God wyn, 306. Clausen. Mr., iii'. 303. Clavborne. Wm.. i. 453. 485. 491 ; ii. 19. 23. 33. 35. Clavton. Rev. Mr. (Philadelphia), ii'. 436: iii. 257- Clement's. St., Maryland, i. 485. Clifford, George, Earl of Cumber- land, i. 41. Clinton. Sir H., iii. 484. Clubb, Rev. J., iii. 257. Cobbe, Rev. Rd., ii. 276. Cobbett's Parliamentarv Historv, i. 452. State Trials, i. 438. Cochin, i. 92. Cochrane. Adml. Sir Thos., i. 330. 333. Cockran. Rev. Mr. (Red River), iii. 104. Code Noir, ii. 302. Codner, Mr. Samuel, i. 340. Codrington, Col., Govr. of Anti- gua, gives first impulse to the efforts of the Church there, ii. 294. College, ii. 467; iii. 75 ; its design, 531 ; entrusted to S. P. G., ib. ; its Grammar School, 532; its difficulties, 533; services of J. Brathwaite, ib. ; Rev. J. H. Pinder, Prin- cipal of the College. 536. , Govr. of Antigua, for- merly a resident of Barbados, ii. 467; his son, Christopher, I born in Barbados, educated at Oxford, served with distinction in the army, and appointed to succeed his rather in the govern- ment of the Leeward Islands, . ib. ; afterwards gives it up, and dies at Barbados, ib. ; his re- mains thence carried home, and interred in the chapel of All Souls' College, 468 ; founder of | Codrington College in Barbados, ib. See Codrinoion College. Eulogy of him, 530, note; frait of his institution, 536. Coit, Dr., iii. 364, note. Coke, Chief Justice, i. 149; his description of witches, ii. 448. , Rev. Dr., iii 514. 542. Colbatch, Rev. Dr. (Lisbon), iii. 81. Colbert, minister of Louis XIV., State Letters addressed to him, i. 245, note ; ii. 329. Colchester, Col. Mavnard, ii. 550. 562. 564; iii. 41. Colden's History, &c, iii. 236. Cole, Humfrev, i. 38, note. Coiebatch, Rev. Mr. (Marvland), iii. 190. Coleman, Henry, ii. 8. Coleman's Address, iii. 168, note. Coleridge. Bp. of Barbados, after- wards Warden of St. Augus- tine's, Canterbury, i. Pref. rri xvii, note ; ii. 468, note; his valuable services, iii. 536. 549. Colgan, Rev. Mr., iii. 331. Coligny, French Protestants sent out by. ii. 307- Collett,' Governor of Madras, iii 10. Colleton Countv, iii. 477. , Sir J'., ii. 316. Collier, Jeremv, ii. 525 ; hit Eccles. Hist..'i. 102. 111. Ill 118. 130. 133. 309. 327. 388, 389. 409. 411. 418, 419. 432L 435. 450: ii. 245, 246. Collins, ii. 516. Collins' 9 Peerage, i. 73, note. 195, note. 251, 252; ii. 81 ; iii 151, note. 300, note. Colonial Church Atlas, L 329, note. 339, note. Chronicle, ii 366; iii. 102. 104, 105. 107. and School Society, i. Pref. xix. 341. Colonies, British, Population, Trade, &c. of. Return to House of Commons (1845), i. Pref.xxi Appendix, No. IV. Colony, definitions of, by Adam Smith, Brougham, Clark, and INDEX. 603 Johnson, i. Pief. xiii. xiv ; | distinctions between the mean- h ing of the word in Greek and j Latin, ib. xiii. note. I Columbia College, iii. 400. See I. King's Colleqe. Jolumbus, i. 112. 118. 372 ; ii. 90. 1 Comenius, ii. 460. Iijoming, Affra, ii. 463. I Commissary, Bishop's office of, ii. 383, note ; failure of Bray's h scheme respecting it, iii. 17B. Commission in the time of Chas. I I. for placing the English Colo- I nies under spiritual control, i. 412. of Assembly, ii. 531. I Commissioners for building fifty new Churches in London and I Westminster, ii. 561, note. I of Trade and Plan- I tations, ii. 149, and note. ICompton, Bp. (London), letter of B. M. to, ii. 101 ; his ser- vices, 291. 384. 397. 405. 410 ; inserts a condition in Penn- sylvania Charter, 425 ; his wise i advice to Penn, 435; Chal- mers's remark thereon, ib., I note ; presents a valuable library to Boston, 457 ; favourable re- i port of Myles to him, 458; his sympathy with the Moravians, 460; brought before the Com- I mission for ecclesiastical affairs, j instituted by Jas. II., 487 ; his ! efforts to promote education, I 566 ; and improve the condition of prisoners, 567 ; present at first meeting of S. P. G., iii. 25 ; appointed Chancellor of W. and M. College, 125; address to him from Maryland Clergy, 180. j Comyns, Mr., ii. 560. Don, the Pope's nuncio, i. 448. j Conception Bay, i. 337, note. I Coney, Rich. (Bermudas), ii. 335. j Confession of the Westminster | Assembly of Divines, ii. 242. ! Congregatio de Propaganda Fide, iii. 54. Congregationalists. See Indepen- V dents. I in Connecti- cut, defections from, to the Ch. of England, ch. xxix. passim. Connecticut, its first settlers ; their conflicting claims, ii. 175, 176; New Haven settled, 177; Pe- quod War. 178; progress of the Ch. of England in, ch. xxix. passim. River, ii. 175. 177; iii. 382. Constantinople, i. 84; iii. 80. Convention, General, U. S., iii. 485; Address to the Ch. of England for consecration of Bishops, 283. 284, and Ap- pendix, No. II. of the Churches in Rhode Island, iii. 450. , the (1660), com- posed chiefly of Presbyterians, ii. 242. . , the United, Journals of, iii. 154. 169. 171. Virginian, Journals, iii. 168. Convicts in Virginia, i. 262 — 264 ; iii. 130. Convocation of the Province of Canterbury, proceedings of, at the beginning of the reign of Jas. I., i. 141 ; Convocations of 1640,416; the previous acts of, ii. 506; the privilege of self- taxation given up in 1665, 507; cessation of its other powers, ib. ; obnoxious spirit of efforts to regain them, 508; writings of Atterbury, Wake, and Ken- nett, 509 ; censure of Whiston's and Clarke's books, 510; its authority virtually suspended since 1717, 511; lesson to be now learnt from this history, 512 ; tries to amend the defec- tive state of the law of mar- riage, 514 ; effects an increase of Churches in London, in the reign of Anne, 520; strives to promote union between the Ch. of England and the Protestant communions of Europe, 545; appoints a Committee for or- ganizing foreign Missions, 574 ; design of submitting to it a INDEX. scheme for providing Bishops for the plantations, iii. 73. Coode, John (Maryland), ii. 400. Coombe, Rev. T. (Philadelphia), iii. 278. Cooper, Mvles, iii. 404. River (Carolina), ii. 327; iii. 477. Cooper, C. Purton, Esq., Q.C., ii. 113, note. 560, note. Cooeland. Rev. Patrick, i. 259. 273. 279. 376; ii. 39, 40. Copenhagen, iii. 2. 8. Copp, Rev. J., iii. 527. Coptic Churches, the, ii. 133. Cornbury, Ld., Govr. of New York, ii. 440; instructions to him on Church matters, iii. 241 ; his evil conduct, 299 ; is deposed and dies, 300, note. Cornelius, a Mohawk Christian, iii. 310. Coromnndel Coast, ii. 279. Cortereal, Gasner de. i. 346. Cortez, the Will of, ii. 90, note. Cosin, Bo. (Durham), ii. 100. Cotes. Diebv, iii. 350. note. Cotton, Rev. John, iii. 230. , Rowland, ii. 560, 561. Coulez, M.. ii. 578. Council of Trent, i. 112. of Trade, ii. 149. note. Court of High Commission, its origin and powers, i. 129 ; Hey- lyn's erroneous estimate of, 131 ; Clarendon's description of its powers, ib. : the exercise of them under Whitgift and his successors a calamitv to the Church of England. 132; abo- lished by the Long Parliament, 422. Courten's Association, ii. 104. Covenant, the Solemn League and, of Scotland, i. 414. 428; ii. 242. Coventry, Sir Wm., ii. 360. Cradock, Govr.. ii. 138. 152, note. C ran field, Lionel, ii. 151. Cranmer, Archbp., i. 14. 16 — 18. 105. Cranz's History of the United Brethren, i. 347; ii. 461. Crashaw, Wm., i. 190—197. 208. 220. 225. 238. Craven County, iii. 477. , Govr. of Carolina, iii. 320. , Ld., ii. 316. 459. Creek Indians, the. See In- dians. Cripplegate, School in, ii. 565. Croix, St. (Nova Scotia\ i. 248. Cromwell, Secretary, Cranmer'e letters to. i. 16, 17. , Oliver, tbe story of his intended emiiriation to New England, i. 400: his unjust treatment of Ld. Baltimore, ii. 34, 35 ; sends his prisoners to Barbados, 52; takes Jamaica, 69; supremacy of. 219; dis- solves Long Parliament, 220; his conduct as Protector, 221; severities against the Royalists and Clergy, 222; conduct to- wards Archbp. Usher, 223; conversation with him, 2'24: severities against Roman Catho- lics, 225; his absolute despo- tism, ib. ; Hallam's remark thereon, ib., note ; his power respected abroad, ib. ; assists the Vaudois, 226 ; his tyranny over Parliaments, ib. ; his de- sign in furtherance of the Pro- testant religion, 227 ; repeated dissolution of Parliament, 229; his death, ib. ; and character, 230. , Richard, ii. 241. Crosbv's Historv of the Baptists, ii. 235. Cross, Red and White. Churches in Jamaica, ii. 74. 287. Crossweeksung, Indians of, iii. 318. Crowe, Rev. Mr. (Leghorn), iii. 89. Crown Point, iii. 312. Crowther, Rev. Saml., iii. 256. Croze, La, his Histoire du Chris- tianisme des Indes, iii. 7, note. 24, note. Cruttwell's Life of Bp. Wilson, iii. 325, note. Cuba, i. 372, note INDEX. 605 Cuddalore, iii. 2. 6. 21. Cudworth, Dr., ii. 264. Cuffee Town (Carolina), iii. 477. Culpepper, Ld., ii. 374 — 376; iii. 149. Cumberland, Bp. (Peterborough), iii. 35. Island, i. 83. Cummings, Rev. Arch., iii. 271. .Cushin, Rev. Mr., iii. 230. Cutler, Timothy, Rector of Yale College, iii. 384; he and others lfd into communion with the Church of England, 388—392 (see Johnson) ; his ministry at Boston, 405 ; notice of White- field's proceedings, 406 ; in- i creasing influence, 408 ; fails to • establish his claim in Harvard College, ib. ; an earnest peti- tioner for the presence of a Colonial Bishop, 430. . Cutt and Cranfield, Govrs. of N. Hampshire, ii. 151. Cutts, Ld., ii. 570. Cyprian's letter to the Bp. of Numidia, &c, ii. 100. : Cyril, Patriarch of Constantinople, ii. 120. D-Emonologie, Dialogues of, by Jas. I., ii. 447. Dablon, iii. 291. Dahl. M., iii. 13. Dalcho's Hist., ii. 465; iii. 321. 474—494. Dale Parish (Virginia), iii. 119. ,SirThos. (Virginia), i. 221. 226—233. 240, 241. 376. D'AUone, Mr., ii. 419. Daniel, iii. 291. Danish Missions in India, iii. 1—24. Dansy, Rev. Mr., ii. 457. Dare, Virginia, i. 75. DurnelFs Life, &c. of Basire, ii. I 131. Darrell, Mr., Attorney-General for the Bermudas (now Chief- Justice), information from him to author, i. Pref. xxvi. 312 ; ii. 40. Dartmouth, Ld., ii. 282: iii. 86. D'Aubigne, Merle, ii. 52, note. Davenport, Rev. Mr. (Connecti- cut), ii. 177. , Rev. A, iii. 409. David, Rev. W., ii. 363. David's, St., Parish (Carolina), iii. 477. (Jamaica), ii. 287. Davies, Saml., Presbyterian mi- nister in Virginia, iii. 133, 134. 145, note. Davis, Thomas (Aleppo), ii. 117. Davis's voyages, i. 83. Dawes, Sir William, Archbp. of York, iii. 393. Dawson, Commissary (Virginia), iii. 134. 147. Day, Mary, iii. 118. Deane, Govr. of Barbados, ii. 196. Deccan, the, ii. 278. Decker, Sir M., iii. 350, note. Declaration for Liberty of Con- science by Jas. II., ii. 485. — of Independence, iii. 466. of Indulgence, Chas. II., ii. 262. — of the Virginia Coun- cil in 1609, i. 222. Dedham, iii. 418. Dehon, Bp. (Carolina), iii. 450, and note. De la Warr, Thomas, Ld., first Governor of Virginia, i. 189; his noble character, 190; Cra- shaw's Sermon preached before him, 191 — 196; arrives at James Town, 214 ; evidence of per- sonal piety, ib. ; appoints 'true preachers,' observes devoutly the ordinances of the Church, 215 — 217; misrepresentation of him by Miss Aikin, 217. > te . returns to England in 1611, touches at the mouth of the Chihohocki, thence called after- wards the Delaware, 221 ; re- ceives Pocahuntas in England, 242; his death, 251; different accounts of it, ib. ; his eldest son drowned, 252. De Lancev, Lieut. -Govr. cf N. York, iii'. 400. 606 INDEX. Delaware, ii. 422; "Wesleyans in, iii. 517. Bay, i. 252; ii. 217, 218. , Forks of, iii. 318. River, i. 221 ; ii. 429. Dellius, Rev. Mr., iii. 297. 307. Delph, merchants at, Laud's letter to, i. 410. Demerara, i. 371. Denis's. St., Parish (Carolina), iii. 477. Denmark. Letter to the King of, i. 40 ; her means of carrying on missionary work in the reigns of Elizth. and Jas. I. compared with those of England at the same time, i. 153. Devonshire Tribe (Bermudas), i. 306, note. Diblee, Rev. Mr., iii 429. Dickinson, J. D., Esq., i. Pref. xxvi. Diego Columbus, ii. 69. Digges, Govr. of Virginia, ii 19, note. Dinwiddie County (Virginia), iii. 165. Directory, the, i. 434. Dixon's Life of Penn, ii. 432, note ; of Howard, 569. Doane, Bp., his Sermons, i. 363, note; iii. 235. 237. 253. Dobbs, Govr. (N. Carolina), iii. 490. Doddridee, Rev. Dr., ii. 384, note. 519 ; iii. 81. Domingo, St. See Hispaniola. Dominic, St., i. 363. Dominicans and Franciscans, dis- pute between, touching the slave trade, ii. 93. Donatives, the Maryland Parishes not, iii. '203. Donegal, Marchioness of, i. 328, note. Donne's allusion to the E. I. trade, i. 93, note ; Sermon before the Virginia Company, 279 — 283; his intimacy with Sir Thos. Roe, 376, note. Dorchester County, Carolina, iii. 477. Massachusetts, ii. 153. Dorr, Dr., rector of Christ Church, Philadelphia, offered the Bi- shopric of Maryland, iii. 285, note; his History of Christ Church, ii. 436. Dorset. Earl of, i. 473. Dort, Synod of. i. 153. Douglas, Bp. (Salisbury), ii. 535. Dover (Pennsylvania), iii. 265. 463. Doyle, Rev. Mr., iii. 455. D'Oyley, Col., Govr. of Jamaica, ii-"77 — 79. D'Ovlv's Life of Sancroft, ii. 494. Drake* Sir Francis, i. 41—45. 161. Drax, Col. Jas., ii. 55. Drelincourt, Mrs., iii. 350, note. Drummond, Archbp. of York, iii. 411. , Bp., ii. 535. , first Govr. of Caro- lina, ii. 319. Duche, Rev. Jacob, iii. 275—277. Duckworth, Adm. Sir Jn., i. 333. Dudley, Col., ii. 454; iii. 221, note. Du^dale, i. 399, note. Dulany, Danl., iii. 205. 207, note. Dummer, Jer., iii. 382. Du Moulin, Peter, the elder, ii. 537. , the vounger, ii. 538. Dunbar, battle of, ii. 220. Dunmore, Ld., iii. 315. Dunstan's, St., School, ii. 552. Dunster, President of Harvard College, ii. 182. Dunton's estimate of Ratcliffe's services at Boston, ii. 455. Duppa, Bp. (Salisbury), ii. 62. Durham, Bp. of, his Palatinate jurisdiction made the model of the Maryland Charter, i. 477. Dutch congregations in England, i. 413. East India Company, Charter of Elizabeth to, i. 93; Char- ters of Jas. I. to, 375, 376; its present title regulated, ii. 474, note ; list of Chaplains be- INDEX. 607 I fore union of the Companies, Appendix, No. I. ; free passages I. granted by them to the Danish I missionaries, iii. .0. lEaton, Rev. Mr. (Connecticut), I ii. 177. I ^chard's Hist, of England, ii. 294. I Eden, Govt. (N. Carolina), iii. | 491. I , Sir R.. Govr. of Maryland, I iii. 202. 218, and note. I-Eddis's Letters from Maryland, I iii. 209. fcEdisto Island (Carolina), iii. 477. ■'Edward, Prince, Island, part of I the original Diocese of Nova [ Scotia,! 339. ■Edward VI., progress of the Re- I formation under, i. 19 ; Acts ■ for Commerce with Newfound- I land. 22 ; his Letters Missive to I the rulers of the north-east of I Europe, ib. ; his commercial re- | lations with other parts of Eu- I rope, 29 ; Grammar Schools I founded by, ii. 552. I Edwards. Arthur, i. 37. I , Dr. (Oxford), iii. 36, I Edwards's History of the Indies, i. 372. 374 : ii." 56. 68. 70. 95. 287. 292—294. Gangraena, ii. 231—234. Jonathan, Life of Brainerd, iii. 318. Effingham, Ld., Govr. of Virginia, ii. 380, 381. Eliot, Rev. John, ' the Apostle of the Indians,' his early life, ii. 196, 197 ; his mode of learning the language of the Indians, ib. : hisfiist ministrations among the : Indians of Noonanetum, 198; teaches them habits of industry, : 200: his difficulties, 201; re- moves 'the praying Indians' to Natick, 203; publishes his 'Christian Commonwealth,' 204; translates the Bible into the In- dian language, 205 ; friendship with Boyle, ib. ; his successes and discouragements, 206; the disasters of Philip's war, 207; < his efforts to save Indian cap- tives from slavery, ib. ; letters to Boyle, 208; his death, and last words, ib. ; letter from Boyle to him respecting the So- ciety for Propagating the Gospel in New England, 496. Elizabeth, Q.. grants a Charter to the Russia Company, i. 37; dis- coveries in her reign, 41 — 45; her Patent to Sir Humfrev Gil- bert, 46 ; to Ralegh, 62;" Eng- lish Colonies, at the end of her rei-dex. markable passage from Her- bert's 1 Church Militant,' 495, note ; carried away by the witchcraft delusion,' 443: its development ascribed by Ban- croft to the example of him and his brethren, 450. Mathews, Govt., ii. 19, note. Mattapony (Virginia), iii. 114, 115. Matthew, General TV., iii. 541. , Sir W., iii. 541. Matthew's, St.. Parish (Carolina), iii. 477. Maule. Rev. R., iii. 480. Maundrell, Rev. Mr., ii. 273. Mauiy, Rev. J. (Virginia), iii. 1 38. Maxwell. Bishop (Ross), i. 406. Mavers. J. P., i. Pref. xxvi. May Fair Chapel, iii. 234, note. Mayflower, the Ship, i. 359. Mavhew's, Jonathan, controversv, ii'i. 412—416. Tracts, ii. 199. Mazarin, Cardinal, ii. 329. MeClenaghan, Rev. W., iii. 273. McDou-all, B.. iii. 549. M-Mahon's Hist, of Marvland, ii. 396. 403, note; iii. 210. 212. 218. 226. McRobert, A.. Letter to, from Jai ratt, iii. 166, note. McSparran, Rev. Mr., iii. 447. 458, 459. McVicar"s Life of Bp. Hobart, ii. 358: iii. 334. 469, note. Meade, Bp. (Virginia), iii. 167. note : his love for the Churches of England and Virginia, 175, note ; the author's obligations to him. 176, note. Mease, Rev. Mr. (Virginia), i. 260, note. Melanesia, iii. 33-5. Melmorh, Wm., ii. 522. 559, 560 ; iii. 26. the younger, ii. 559 : appointed a Treasurer of S. P. G.,iii. 29. Merchant Adventurers, Companv of, i. 24. | Merivale's Lectures on Coloniza- tion, i. 335. 495, note. 1 Merry, Rev. Mr., iii. 377. I Metacom. See Philip s War. j Metcalfe (Jamaica), iii, 693. ! Methodism, rise and progress of, ii. 256 — 259; conduct of Me- thodists in Virginia and Marv- land, iii. 160. 218. Mexico, English relations with, in time of Edward VI. and Q. Elizabeth, i. 28. 41 — 43. Michael's, St. (Barbados), ii. 56. ! (Bristol), iii. 453. I (Charleston), iiL 450, note. 477. Michigan, iii. 290. I Micmac Indians, i. 333. Middle Plantation in Virginia, ii. 601. ; Middleton, ii. 516. , Bp. (Calcutta), ii. 367. and Croft. See Lord Hurdwicke. , Middletown, iii. 428. | Milford (U. S.), iii. 382. Mill Creek Church, iii. 135. Mill's British India, ii. 277. 473. Millechamp, Rev. Mr., iii. 476. Miller's ' History philosophically illustrated,' i. 377. Miln, Rev. J. (Mohawks), iii. 309. Milton's description of the forced emigrations to N. England, i. 398; Apology for Smectym- nuus, 420, note ; description of the Assembly of Divines, 433; and of the spiritual despotism of the Presbyterians, ii. 234, 235 ; his Sonnet on the Vaudois, 226, note ; Areopasitica, 349. Missionaries, qualifications and instructions, &c. of, iii. 62 — 67. Modiford, Col. Thos., ii. 56. 73, 74. 285. Mogul, ambassador at the Court of the, i. 376. Mohawk Indians, ii. 437 ; iii- 290 ; mission of Andrews among, 303; of the Barclays, Miln, and Ogilvie, 306—310; IXDEX. 627 influence of Sir W. Johnson, 311. Moir. Rev. Mr., iii. 489. Monk. Gen., ii. 102. 241 : a Pro- prietor of Carolina, 316 ; a go- vernor of the Hudson's Bay Company. 459. Monk's. Bp. (Gloucester and Bristol), Life of Bentlev, iii. 35. 81. Monmouth Countv, X. Jersey. iii. 254. 309. , Duke of, ii. 54. Montague. Bp. (Bath and Wells), i. 188. 389.' Montei^ne. Bp. (London), i. 389 : his book. 390. Montreal, Diocese of. i. 341. Montserrat, ii. 42. 292: iii. 546, note. Moodv. Mr., iii. 534, note. Moor.'T., iii. 118. . Thoroughgood. his earnest desire for a Suffragan Bishop in America, iii. 72: failure of his mission to the Iroquois, 297 — 300. Moore, Archbp., iii. 232. . Bd. ^Xorwieh), ii. 405 : iii. 88. , Bp. (Virginia), iii. 175, and note. . Rev. Benj.. Assist. Minr.. Rector, and Bp. of X. York, iii. 471—473. Moore's description of the Ber- mudas, i. 328. note. Morant. Jamaica, ii. 287. Moravians, their early history, i. 347: ii. 460: affection for the Ch. of England, ib. : aided by Compron. Sancroft, Wake, and Potter: and by the British Par- liament, ib. : iii. 503. 509; their first settlement in An- tigua, 542 ; their friendship with, and separation from, Wesley, ib. More, Henry, ii. 264. . Richd.. first Govr. of the Bermudas, i. 299. Morgan, ii. 516. . Morgan, father and son. their labours in behalf of the Church in Virginia, iii. 134 — 136. Morgan. Mr. E. (Jamaica), ii. ; 287. ' Morlev. Bp., i. 427: ii. 352. ' 358.' Morocco Company, i. 88. . Emperor of. ii. 97. j Morrell, Rev. Mr. (X. England), i. 365. Morris, Govr. of X. Jersev, iii. 227. . Professor, ii. 122. . Saml.. and his Presbyte- rian followers in Virginia, iii. 132. . Rev. W., iii. 526. Morrison, Dr., ii. 135. . Francis, Govt, of Vir- ginia, ii. 337. Morse's Geography, ii. 388. Morton. Bp. i Lichfield and Dur- ham), ii. 130. . Capt.. i. 369. Moscow and Archangel. English Factories at, i. 33 ; iii. 78. Mosley, T., iii. 120. Mosquito countrv, iii. 98. Moss, Bp., iii. 282. Moul ton's Xew York. ii. 170. Mount Hoily. iii. 253. Hope. iii. 454. Mountain. Bp. (Lincoln), mem- ber of the Virginia Company. L 188. , Dr. Geo. J., third Bp. of Q iebec, i. Pref. xiii, note: iii. 105. . Dr. Jacob, first Bp. of Quebec, i. Pref. xiii. note. Muhlenberg. Rev. Mr., iii. 168. Munster, Sebastian, i. 10. Murray, a eoad;u:or of C aste.' in his Polyglot Lexicon, ii. 128. , Mr., iii. 402. , Rev. A., ii. 358. . James, i. 249. note. Murray's. Hugh (Edinb. Cab. Lib.). British America, i. 334 ; his History of U. S.. and right estimate of the Maryland Char- ter, 482. . Rev. T. B.. Ac of S. P.C. K.. ii. 421. 628 INDEX. Myles, Rev. Mr. (Boston), ii. 457 ; iii. 407—410. Nalson's Collection, i. 417, note. Namoseen Creek, iii. 119. Nantes, Edict of, ii. 329 ; its re- vocation, ib. Nantucket, a settlement of ' the praying; Indians,' ii. 206. Napea, Osep, i. 31. Narragansett Bav, ii. 169. : Indians, ii. 169. 178. History of the Ch. in (see Updike), iii. 457 — 459. River, ii. 175. Natick, Eliot's settlement of ' the praying Indians ' at, ii. 203. Navigation, increased facilities of, in the 15th and 16th centuries, i. 90. Act, i. Pref. xiv. Naylor, Jas., cruelties inflicted. on, ii. 226. Neal's Hist, of N. England, ii. 137. 139. 152, 153. 185. 218. 443. History of the Puritans, and Bp. Madox's Vindication of the Ch. of England, from his charges, i. 105, note ; account of Browne and Barrow, 123 ; description of Whitgift, ib. ; notice of Bancroft's treatment of Puritans, 270; of religious affairs in Jersey, 309, note ; of Robinson, 357 ; of Sibthorp, 389; of Puritan emigrants, 399; of the Assembly of Divines, 426—429 ; of the sufferings of the Clergy, 432 ; of the conduct of the Long Parliament, ii. 231 ; of the Presbyterians, 237 ; of Baxter's character, 248 ; of Bp. Pearson's praiseworthy conduct at the Savoy Conference, 250, note ; of the position of Pres- bvterians at the Restoration, 255. Neau, Elias, ii. 573; teacher of Negro slaves under S. P. G. ; his difficulties, and success, iii. 327, 328; unjust reproaches cast upon him, 329; testimony to his work, 330. Negro Slaves, generosity of, ii. 65; miserable condition in Surinam, 95; Rev. M. Godwyn, their advocate, ii. 297; Sermon on their behalf in Barbados, 300; their ill-treatment, 301 ; Bray's efforts for them, 418 ; carried on by his Associates, 419 ; ser- vices of on their behalf by Neill and Sturgeon, iii. 266. 272 ; Bp. Gibson's Letters, 322 ; difficulties in the way of their instruction, 326 ; Neau's ser- vices on their behalf (see Neau); his successors, 331 ; like work in Carolina, 332 ; Berkeley's compassion for them, 375; Johnson's ministry among them, 399, note ; Checkley's and Le Jeau's ditto, 452; instructions of S. P. G. to catechists among, Appendix, No. III.; notice of thein as slaves of a Carolina rector, 476, note ; uniform care taken of them in Barbados by S. P. G.. 534; care taken of them by Bray's Associates, 544. Neill, Rev. Hugh, iii. 264—266. Nelson, Robt, ii. 264. 522. 556; his noble character, ib. ; the friend of Sancroft, Tillotson, and Sharp, 557 — 559; his life by Teale, and epitaph by Smal- ridge, ib. ; benefaction to S. P. C. K., 562; an active member of S. P. G., iii. 42, 43; prayer for it in his Fasts and Festivals, 44; his Life of Bp. Bull, 392, note. Neuf'chatel (Switzerland), ii. 578. Nevis, ii. 41. 292; iii. 546, note. New Amsterdam, afterwards N. York, ii. 86. 436. England, discovered by Gos- nold, i. 151 ; further explored by Smith, 351 ; intention of sending a Bishop to, 400 — 403; slave trade in African Negroes forbidden, but the slavery of the Indian captive made perpetual, ii. 94 ; Council grants Patents to Massachusetts Bay and N. INDEX. 629 Hampshire, and surrenders its Charter to the Crown, 137; reasons for the latter step, 142; Union between Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and N. Haven, 179; N. Hampshire and Maine, ib. ; Society for Propa- gating the Gospel in, established by the Long Parliament, and revived after the Restoration by Boyle, 209; evils of intolerant rule exposed in 1 N. England's Jonas cast up at London,' 210; Philip's war, 441 ; witchcraft delusion, 443 ; its extravagances, 444; cruel efforts to restrain it, 445; its detection, 440' ; reflec- tions thereon, ib. ; causes which tended to aggravate this delusion in N. England, 449; introduc- tion of the services of the Ch. of England, 451 (see Boston); letter on revival of the Society for Propagating the Gospel in N. England, &c, from Boyle to Eliot, 496. New England's Jonas cast up at London,' ii. 210. Fairfield, iii. 423. France, i. 244. Hampshire, ii. 137. 141, 142. 148. 151. 179. Haven (Connecticut), ii. 176, 177. 179; iii. 383. 387. Netherlands, ii. 217. Sweden, ii. 213. York, i. 247; ii. 86. 217; its early history, &c, 436; Andros and Dongan, Govi s., 437; treaty with Indians, ib. ; arbitrary go- vernment under Jas. II., ib. ; united to N. England and the Jerseys, 438; consequent dis- turbances, ib. ; Trinity Church built, 439; Vesey, its Minister, diligent and successful, ib. ; Act for building churches, 440; Ld. Cornbury, Govt., ib. ; remark- able labours of Elias Neau at, in behalf of Negro slaves, iii. 327 — 331 ; progress of the Church, 460—473; Wesleyans in, 517. Newark (N. Jersey), iii. 250. Newburyport, iii. 527. Newcastle, iii. 229. 258. (Delaware), ii. 422; iii. 132. 258. ■, Duke of, his admi- nistration of the Colonies, evils of, iii. 439—443. Newcomen, Matthew, i. 420, note. Newfoundland, its discovery, i. 6; its name differently understood, ib. ; acquired by SirH. Gilbert, 53 ; formation of Newfoundland Compy., 321 ; letter from the Privy Council to the Arch- bishops, recommending the cir- culation of Whitbourne's ap- peal, and collections in Parish churches in aid of it, 324; now forms with Bermudas one Dio- cese, 328 ; its area and popula- tion, 329, note ; long neglected, 329—331 ; evils thereof, affect- ing natives and settlers, 331 — 335 ; S. P. G. seeks to remedy them, 336; part of the original Diocese of Nova Scotia, 338 ; increase of Church agency un- der Bp. Spencer, 340, note ; present claims on our sympathy, 342; Bp. Feild, 343; Com- mission by Chas. I., ii. 137,«ote; description of in Bray's Memo- rial, 472; assistance to by S. P. C. K., 573; and by S. P. G., iii. 94; Jackson's mission at St. John's ; church built there, 95 ; burnt and rebuilt ; liberality of Newfoundland merchants, ib. ; missions at Bonavista, Trinity Bay, and St. John's, under Jones, Peaseley, Kilpati ick, and Langman, 96 — 100; Roman Ca- tholics and Protestant Dissen- ters in the Island, 100; efforts of Bp. Field in Labrador, 101 ; services of Fordyce and Pease- ley, and their departure to Caro- lina, 486, 487. . School Society, i. Pref. xvi. 340, 341. Newman, J. H., contrast between him and Laud, i. 446, 447. , Rev. Mr., iii. 489. , Secretary of Committee 630 INDEX. of S. P. C. K., for promoting missions in India, iii. 6. 11. Newport, Capt., i. 166. 175—179. 202. (Rhode Island), iii. 424 ; foundation and progress of the Church at, 446—450. 'News from Aleppo,' ii. 117, note. Newton, Envoy at Florence, iii. 82. Newtown (Massachusetts), ii. 182. (Connecticut), iii. 396. Niagara River, iii. 291. Nicholas, Rev. Mr. (Jamaica), ii. 287. Nichols, Mr., iii. 26. Nicholson, Fras., Govr. of Vir- ginia, ii. 383; his help towards W. and M. College, ib. ; his collision with Blair, 393; before Govr. of Maryland, 403 ; his character, ib. ; his acknowledg- ment of the services of Bp. Patrick in behalf of the Colo- nial Church, iii. 31 ; testimony to him from S. P. G., 44; re- called from Virginia, 110; re- marks thereon, ib. ; testimony to him by Talbot, 111, note; founded Trinity Church, New- port (Rhode Island), 446; his excellent conduct in Carolina, 485. , Rev. Mark, iii. 534. Nicholls, Dr., ii. 542. 577. , Rev. Mr., iii. 258. Nicolas, Sir Harris, i. 4. 7. Nicot, Jean, French ambassador to Portugal, i. 68, note. Niecarnp's History of Danish Mis- sions, iii. 9 ; dedicated to S. P. C. K., 24, note. Nipissing, Lake, iii. 290. Noble's edition of Granger's Biog. Diet., iii. 234, note. Non, Cape, i. 8. Nonconformists, ejection of, after the passing of the Act of Uni- formity, ii. 257; other acts of severity against, 258 ; decline of their zeal in the 18th century, 519. Non-jurors, the, ii. 490; evils of the schism, 491. 503; iii. 239— 241. Noonanetum, Indians of, ii. 198. Norfolk Island, its history an evi- dence of the evils of transporta- tion, i. 264, note. North, Chief Justice (afterwards Ld. Guilford), ii. 149. , , Ld., iii. 148. , Roger, i. 371. Northumberland, eighth Earl of, i. 10 ; ninth, 73, note. Norwalk, iii. 396. Norwood, Rev. Mr., iii. 252. Norwood's narrative in Smith's History of Virginia, i. 303. 305, 306; ii. 24; his Survey of the Bermudas, 40. Notre Dame Bay, i. 333. Nott, Lt. -Govr. (Virginia), iii. 111. Nottingham, Ld., ii. 522. Nova Albion, i. 44. ' Britannia,' i. 222. Scotia, i. 333. 348. , See of, the first esta- blished in the British Colonies, i. 338; Dr. Chas. Inglis, its first Bp., Dr. Stanser, the second, Dr. Inglis (son of the first Bp.), the third, ib. ; Letters Patent including Newfoundland within its limits, i. Appendix, No. II.; its great extent, 339 ; Newfound- land separated from it, ib. Noxon, Thos., iii. 331. 460. Oath of Supremacy and Alle- giance, Hal] iam's remark on, i. 459, note. Ob, the River, i. 32. Obuch, M., iii. 21. Odell, Rev. J., iii. 253. Ogilby's Africa, ii. 283, note. Ogilvie, Rev. J., his services among the Mohawks, and at N. York, iii. 310. 462. Ogilvy's map of Jamaica, ii. 287. Ogle, Samuel, Govr. of Mary- land, iii. 195. Oglethorpe, Gen., early companion of Berkeley, iii. 340 ; receives part of the grant once designed INDEX. 631 forhim,368; founder of Georgia, 4.0.5—500; brings the Wesleys there, 503 (see Wesley and Whitefield) ; his subsequent difficulties, 524; an Associate of Dr. Bray, 544. Okakoke, Island of, i. 63, note. Oldmixon's Ilistorv, i. 63, note; ii. 303, note. Oldvs's Life of Ralegh, i. 51. 68, 69. 76, 77. Olev, Rev. Barnabas, iii. 41. Oliver, Mr., iii. 303, 304. Oneydoes, the, ii. 437 ; iii. 334. Onondagas, the, ii. 437 ; iii. 290. 320. Ontario, Lake, iii. 107- Opachisco, uncle of Pocahuntas, i. 240. Opechancanough, brother of Pow- hatan, in whose territory the first English settlement was planted in Virginia, i. 179; massacre of, 273—276; its effects, 277; commemorated by yearly observance, 467 ; stirs up war against the English, ii. 2 ; is taken, and dies, 4 ; his re- buke of Berkeley, ib. Opitchapan, elder brother of Ope- chancanough, i. 258. Oporto, iii. 87. Orange, Prince of, marriage of Princess Royal of England with, iii. 368. Orinoco, River, i. 367. Orkney, Ld., iii. 111. Orme's Life of Owen, ii. 113, note. 126. 238, note ; his unfair notice of Jeremy Taylor ex- posed by Heber, 240, and note. 248. Ormus, i. 92; ii. 116. Orton's Life of Doddridge, iii. 31, note. Osbaldiston, Bp. (London), iii. 164. Osborne, Sir Edw., i. 84—92. Ostervald, ii. 409. 577. Ottolenghi, iii. 527. Otway, the Poet, ii. 449. Owen, Dr., ii. 113, and note. 124. 126. 182, 183. 238. 249. 258. Owen, Rev. Mr., iii. 454. Oxenbridge, Rev. J., ii. 87—8.9, and note. Oxenstiem, ii. 218. Oxford, Ld., iii. 350, note. (Pennsylvania), iii. 257. 265. , University of, iii. 395. 397. Oyster Bay, iii. 426. Pace, Edward, i. 276. Packer, Rev. J., iii. 534. Paget Tribe (Bermudas), i. 306, note ; ii. 40. Pakington, Lady, ii. 552. Palatinate, the, i. 382; ii. 540. Palmer, Ralph, ii. 561. Pamaunke, i. 179. River, i. 184. Pamlico Sound, i. 63, note. Panzaxti, i. 448. Papal supremacy and exactions, Acts for the suppression of, i. 15. Paramaribo, ii. 83. Park's, Mr. Justice, Life of Stevens, ii. 535. Parke, Govr. (Antigua), iii. 537, 538. Parker, Archbp., i. 107—110. 107, note. 118. , Bp. (N. Hampshire and Massachusetts), iii. 456, note. , Mr., iii. 506. note. Societv, i. 102, note. , Wm.,'i. 163. Parliament, grants of, to Georgia, iii. 496. 498. , Barebones or Little, ii. 221. , Long, i. 418—423. 452; ii. 10. 220. 241. Parochial Collections for redemp- tion of Christian captives, ii. 97. Parr's Life and Correspondence of Archbp. Usher, ii. 117. 225. Pan is, Rev. Mr., ii. 444. Parry, Bp. (Barbados), ii. 366. 468, note ; Account of Codring- ton College by, iii. 530, note. 632 INDEX. Parry, Bp. (Worcester), i. 188. : Parsons ' Cause. ' the,1 iii. 144. Pasbie-haye, i. 486. Paschattowaves, the, i. 485. Patna, ii. 116. Patrick, Bp. (Ely), ii. 264. 405. 493. 552 ; an active member of S. P. G., iii. 30. 33. Patuxent, King of, i. 486. River, i. 184 ; ii. 396. Paul's, St. (Antigua), ii. 294. Chapel (New York), iii. 461, 462. Church (Nariagansett), iii. 459, and note. (Virginia), iii. 144. College (Bermuda), iii. 352. . Parish (Carolina), iii. 477. 484. note. Paule's Life of Whitgift, i. 121. 133. Payne, Sir R., iii. 541. Peace of Rvswick. i. 329. Utrecht, i. 329. Pearce, Bp., iii. 60. Pearson, Bp., ii. 250, note. 264; iii. 372. , Dr., ii. 365, note; his Life of Swartz, iii. 23, note. , Life of Leighton, ii. 266. Peaselev, Rev. Mr., iii. 98, 99. 487. Peckard's Life of Ferrar, i. 167. 293; ii. 293, note. Peckham, Sir Geo., i. 50 — 58. Pegu, i. 92; ii. 116. Pelham, John de, i. 195, note. Pelling, Dr.. iii. 350. ?iote. Pembroke, Ld., iii. 350, note. Tribe (Bermudas), i. 306, note ; ii. 40. Penn, Adml., ii. 70. , Wm. (see Pennsylvania), ii. 423. Pennsylvania, first occupied by Swedish emigrants, ii. 218; Bray's proposal to send a cler- gyman to. from Maryland, 416 ; life and character of its founder, 423; terms of Charter, 425; stipulation therein by desire of Bp. Compton, ib. ; speech of an Indian Sachem to Penn's agents, 426 ; his letter to the Colonists, 427 ; interview with the In- dians, 428 ; settlement of the Province, 429 ; his personal trials, and death, 431 ; disputes in the Province, 432; Penn a slaveholder, ib. ; dissensions among the Quakers on account of Keith, 433; Missions in. iii. 256—284. See Christ Church. Penobscot, River, i. 351 ; iii. 290. Pepys's Journals, ii. 283. Pequea (Pennsylvania), iii. 268. Pequod Indians, ii. 178, 179. Perceval's Apology for the Aposto- lical Succession, iii. 240, 241. Percivall, Ld., iii. 350. note. 496. Percy, Capt.. i. 204. 212. 221. Persia, English trade with, i. 36. Perte, Sir Thos., i. 10. Pet and Jackman's voyage, i. 39. Peter's, St. (in Antigua), ii. , Barbados, ii. 56. , Parish (Carolina), iii. 477. (Philadelphia), iii. 274. Peterborough, Ld., iii. 339. 350, note. Peters, Hugh, i. 435 ; ii. 184 ; con- flicting testimonies concerning bim, 185 — 188; expression of his kindly feeling towards Bp. Lake, ib. , Thos.. ii. 177. , Rev. R. (Philadelphia), iii. 274. Petition, first, to Parliament for the spiritual welfare of English Colonies, ii. 10. to Parliament from Rovalist exiles in Barbados, ii. 52. Pettv Harbour (Newfoundland), iii. 99. Petworth, rare tracts on Virginia at, i. 73, note. Pfaffi, Hist. Theol., ii. 518. Pheodor, Emperor of Russia, i. 38. INDEX. 633 Pheodorowich, Boris, his succes- sor, i. 38. Philadelphia, ii. 429; first Eng- lish Church in, 435 ; first visit of Keith and Talbot to, iii. 228 (see Christ Church) ; College at, 266. 3.09; Wcslevans in, 513. Philip (husband of Q. Mary), i. Philips war, ii. 207. 441—443. , St. (Antigua), ii. 294. , Parish (Barbados), ii. 57. , Parish (Charleston), ii. 461. See Charleston. ■ , Parish (Carolina), iii. 4/7. 481. Philips, W.,iii. 118. Philipps, Sir J., ii. 561, and note ; iii. 26. 40. Phillips, Sir Thos., ii. 553, note. Phipps, Sir W., ii. 446. 457. Piedmont, Protestants of. ii. 226. Pigott, Rev. G., iii. 390. 394. 450, 451. ' Pilgrim Fathers, the,' reflec tions on their first settlement in Ame- rica, i. 361 , erroneous repre- sentation of their conduct by Bancroft and his Reviewer, Dr. Vaughan, 362, 363, note; Words- worth's Sonnet on, ii. 155. Pinder, Rev. J. EL, his early ser- vices in Barbados, iii. 534; care of the Negroes, 535 ; first Principal of Codrington Col- lege; his valuable services abroad and at home, 536. Piscataqua, River and Bay of, ii. Piscataway, iii. 243. Pitt, Govr. of Madras, iii. 18. , W. (Ld. Chatham), iii. 148. Placentia (Newfoundland), i. 336 ; iii. 97. Plantations, Essay on, by Ld. Bacon, remarkable passages quoted from, i. 228. 230. Playfair's Preliminary Disserta- tion, i. 73, note. Plutscho, iii. 1, 2. 7. Plymouth, or N. Virginia, Com- pany, its first members and abortive efforts, i. 349. 353. Plymouth (Massachusetts), the first settlement of English Pu- ritans, i. 364; ii. 153; one of the United Colonies of N. Eng- land, 179; its MS. history by Bradford, 193, note ; 'praying Indians' at, 206. Council, the, makes grants of land in Connecticut, ii. 175. Pocahuntas, daughter of Powha- tan, saves Smith's life, i. 178; supplies the English with food, 187 ; her capture by Argall, baptism, marriage with John Rolfe, and visit to England, 238 — 241 ; her interview with Smith, James 1. and his Queen, and death, 241 — 244; her de- scendants, 249. Pocock, Edw., his early profi- ciencv in Eastern languages, ii. 117; Chaplain of Levant Company at Aleppo, 118; his valuable services, ib. ; Laudian Professor of Arabic at Oxford, 119 ; visits Constantinople, ib. ; resumes his duties at Oxford, 121 ; his marriage, and life as a Parish priest, ib. ; anecdote of his ministry, 122, note; per- secuted by the Parliamentary Visitors, befriended by Selden, ib. ; a Canon of Ch. Ch., ib. ; ejected, 123; saved by Owen from expulsion from his Parish, 124; helps Walton in his Poly- glot Bible, 125, 126; his other works, 127 ; restored to Ch. Ch., ib. ; helps Castell in his Lexicon, 128; communication with Huntington, 129 ; his un- wearied and useful labours, ib. ; reasons for noticing them and other kindred labours, 130. 134; his influence in the Church, 264. Pokanoket, ii. 169. Pole, Cardinal, i. 107. Pollen, Rev. Mr., iii. 449. Poleroon, Island of. ii. 105. Pondicherry, ii. 473. Pool, Matthew, ii. 258. 448, note. 634 I>*DEX. Pope Alexander VII., his con- demnation ofthe Polvglot Bible, ii. 126. Clement VIII., his opinion of Hooker's Ecclesiastical Po- lity, i. 137, note. Eugene IV., his grant of undiscovered countries to Por- tugal, i. 8; Alexander VI., his like trrant to Spain, 9. Gregory VII., i. 127. XIII., his Bull of Jubilee to celebrate the atro- cities of Roman Catholic per- secution, i. 114. XV., iii. 54. Innocent III., i. 490, note. Leo X., his decision of dis- pute between Dominicans and Franciscans touching the slave trade, ii. 93. Pius IV., Creed of, i. 112. V., Bull of against Q. Elizabeth, i. 112, 113. 386. Urban VIII., i. 475, note. Pope's imitation of Crashaw, i. 191 ; eulogy of Bps. Benson and Berkeley, ii. 527; iii- 338; no- tice of Oglethorpe, 497. Popham. Chief Justice, i. 349, 350. Poplar, School in, ii. 565. Port Roval (Jamaica), ii. 287. . — (Nova Scotia), i. 248; ii. 217. Porteus, Bp. (London), ii. 502, Portland (Jamaica), iii. 543. Portman, Mr., ii. 459. , Rev. Richd., ii. 278. 582. Porto Rico, i. 372. note. Portsmouth (Rhode Island), iii. 447. Portugal, Colonies of, their rapid rise and decay in the East, i. 78. Potatoes, discovery of, i. 68. Potomac. River, i. 184.485; iii. 135. Potter, Archbp., ii. 460; iii. 519. Powhatan, the Indian King of Virginia, on whose territory the first English Colony was Elanted, i. 173; spares Smith's fe, at the entreaty of his daughter Pocahuntas, and makes alliance with the Eng- lish, 178; the mockery of hig coronation, 185; consents to the marriage of Pocahuntas, 240; his death, 258. Powhatan River, called James River by the first English Colo- nists, who planted on its banks the first settlement in Virginia, i. 173 273. Powell, Thos., i. 210. Pownal on the Colonies, i. 412. Poyais, iii. 98, note. Poyer's History of Barbados, ii. 51. 57. Poyning's Act, ii. 285. Pratt, Archdn. (Calcutta), iii. 255, note. Prayer said Morning and Evening in Guard House, Virginia, i. Appendix, No. I. to be used on arrival at a port among Infidels, i. Appen- dix, No. III. , Book of Common, adopted in the reign of Edward VI., re- enacted with alterations by Par- liament under Elizabeth, agreed to by Convocation, and finally adjusted by it in 1661, i. 103, and note; prohibited in Eng- land by the Presbyterians, 434; reference to our Colonies in its Preface, ii. 251 ; Preface and ' Prayer for all conditions of men,' both said to have been composed by Bp. Sanderson, 252; evidence therein ofthe duty acknowledged by the Church to bear the Gospel to the heathen, 253; recognition of its j merits by Johnson of Connecti- cut, iii. 389 ; anecdote of him and his congregation at West- haven respecting it, 392, note ; anecdote of Bp. Bull on the same subject, ib. Preface to Prayer Book. See Prayer Booh Presbyterian movement in Vir- ginia, iii. 131. Presbyterians, English, first con- gregation of, at Wandsworth, INDEX. 635 i. 118; opposition between them and the Independents, 428 ; worsted by the Independents, 449—452; ii. 219; description of them by Baxter, 236 ; and by Neal, 237; their return to power, 241, 242; Declarations of Chas. II. to, 244 ; his treat- ment of, 246 ; their disappoint- ment, ib. ; unyielding spirit, 247; Neal's and Clarendon's description of the position which they occupied at the Restora- tion, 250, and note ; their con- duct in Virginia, iii. 131 — 134. Presbyterians, Scotch, their in- fluence in the Long Parliament, i. 423. Presbyterian ism in Scotland, Knox's influence in establishing it, i. 406; renewed in Scotland at the Revolution, and established bv the Scottish Parliament, ii. 529, 530. Prescott's Conquest of Mexico, ii. 90, note. Pressier, M., iii. 16. Preston, Dr. John, ii. 112. Price, Rev. Roger, iii. 407. 417. Prideaux, Bp., i. 423. 427, note. , Dean, his efforts to ex- tend the ministrations of the Ch. of England in India, ii. 474; motives influencing him thereto, 475; his appeal on this subject, 476; proposes to settle a Bp. at Madras, ib. ; his plan of dealing with the difficulties before him, 477 ; and appeal to Archbp. Tenison, 478; and to Archbp. Wake, 482; consis- tency of his views throughout a long life, 484; his support of S. P. G., iii. 42. 51, 52. Prince's "Worthies of Devon (ac- count of Drake), i. 45, note ; of Gilbert, 50 ; of Hawkins's crest, 87, note. Annals of N. England, ii. 193, note. Princeton College, iii. 134. Pring's vovage to N. England, i. 156. Printz, Baron, ii. 547. Prior, T., Letters of Berkeley to, iii. 349—355. Prisoners, efforts to improve the condition of, ii. 566; iii. 496. Proclamation and Vestry Act (Maryland), iii. 206. 1 Propaganda,' iii. 255, note. ' Prophesyings' of the first Eng- lish Presbyterians, i. 118; at- tempts to repress, 119, 120. Prospero, i. 44, note. Protestant Communions of Eu- rope— important relations be- tween them and the Ch. of England, and mutual efforts to promote union between them, during the reign of Anne, ii. 539-546. Protestants, French, asylum for, in Jamaica, ii. 290. Proud's Pennsylvania, ii. 432 ; iii. 223, 224. Providence Island (Bahamas), ii. 86. 294. (Narragansett Bay), ii. 179. (Rhode Island), iii. 447. 450—453. Provoost, Bp., iii. 282. 420. 470— 472. Prussia, Protestant subjects of, divided into the Lutherans and the Calvinists, or the Reformed, ii. 541. Prvnne, i. 395, 396, note. 420. 452. Pulicat, iii. 22. Purchas's Pilgrims, i. 2, note. 12, note. 41 — 46, note. 156. 162. 179. 206. 215. 243, 244. 248. 344. 378; the value of his works; his ill success as an author, 493, note. Puritans, rise of, i. 104 — 107 ; called Precisians by Archbp. Parker, 105, note; their hatred of Rome, 115; opposition to vestments and ceremonies ex- tended to the Ritual and Dis- cipline of the Church of Eng- land, 116, 117; 'Admonition to Parliament,' 117; Cart- wright, their chief champion, his controversy with Whitgift, ib. ; Whitgift's conduct towards 636 INDEX. them considered, 128 ; kind treatment of them in Virginia, 269 ; solicit and obtain a Patent from Virginia Company, 357, 358 ; their departure from Ley- den, and arrival at Cape Cod, 359; their covenant before land- ing, atid reflections thereon, 359 — 361 ; Bancroft's inaccu- rate description of their con- duct, 362; their persecution of English Churchmen, ib. ; their early progress, 364 ; their forced emigrations in time of Chas. I., 397 — 400 ; influences created by them in W. Indies, ii. 86—88. Pym, John, ii. 175, note. Quakers, severe enactments against, in Virginia, ii. 28 ; kind treatment by D'Oyley, 78, 79 ; cruelties inflicted on, by the N. Ens-land Puritans, 160. 216, 217; George Fox, their founder, 259 ; treatment of in Barbados, 302; their accusations against its Clergy, 303, note ; common application of the name, 423, note; their religious principles, 435; conduct in Maryland, iii. 194 ; testimony against Keith, 324. Quaque, Philip, native African, Missionary of S. P. G., iii. 256. Quebec, i. 247 ; ii. 217 ; iii. 290. 311. , See of, separation of To- ronto from it, i. Preface xiii, note. Quincy, Josiah. See Harvard University. Quincy, Rev. S. (Georgia), iii. 501. Raby, Ld., ii. 543. 547. Radnor (N. Jersey), iii. 257. Radcliffe, Dr., iii. 42. Rafn's Antiquitates Americana1, iii. 102, note. Rainsford, Chief Justice, ii. 149. , Rev. Mr., iii. 322. Ralegh Parish (Virginia), iii. 119. , Sir Walter, the com- panion of his half-brother, Sir Humfrey Gilbert, in his first abortive expedition, i. 51 ; Pa- tent granted to him by Eliza- beth, 62 ; Amadas and Barlowe sail, under his charge, to N. .America, and take possession of Virginia, 63, 64 ; Ralegh's Pa- tent confirmed by Parliament, ib. ; sends out second fleet under Greenvill, ib. ; which leaves one hundred men at Roanoak and returns ; their miserable fate, 65, 66; feelings of those engaged in these expe- ditions, 67, 68 ; Hariot, the preceptor of Ralegh, 65 (see Hariot) ; Ralegh sends out ex- pedition under Govr. White, 66 ; its failure, 74 ; Ralegh tries in vain to discover his people, 76; makes over his Pa- tent to Sir Thos. Smith, ib. ; gives 100£. for the propagation of the Christian Faith in Vir- ginia, 77; dedications by Hak- luyt to, 159; his abortive expe- dition to Guiana, 366, 367; his History of the World, 368; his death, 369. Ramsden, Mrs., ii. 366, note. Ramsey, Rev. Gilbert, ii. 294. Randolph, Edw., ii. 455. 457. , Col., i. 249, note. , Peyton, iii. 133. Ranke's Hist, of the Popes, ii. 518; iii. 289. Rapahannock, River, i. 184; iii. 112. 114. Rapin's Hist, of England, i. 270. 413. 421.425.490; ii. 242. 245. 266. 494. Ratcliffe, President of Virginia, i. 177. , Rev. Robt., the first officiating Clergyman in Boston, ii. 454 ; estimate of him by a Puritan bookseller, 455 ; re- turns home, 456. Ratification of the Articles, i. 104, note. IXDEX. 637 Ratisbon, Diet of, i. 309, note; iii. 4.08. Ravis, Bp. (London), i. 202. 209, note. Reading U. S., iii. 442, 443. Red River Settlement (Rupert's Land), iii. 104, 105. Reekes, Stephen, ii. 8. Reformation, progress of in Eng- land under Hen. VIII., i. 15: and Edw. VI., 19; reflections thereon, 20. Reichsteig, M., iii. 18. Religion, state of in England during the Commonwealth, de- scribed bv Edwards, Milton, and Baxter, ii. 230—236. Reneuse (Newfoundland), iii. 100. Report of the House of Commons on Transportation, i. 263, 264, note. Revolution of 1688, ii. 490. Revnolds, Bp., i. 428; ii. 112— 114. 246. 252, note. Rhode Island, settlement by Roger "Williams, ii. 169; meaning of the name, ib., note ; Charters of Chas. I. and Chas. II., 171 ; Histl. Collections, 170; iii. 345, note ; residence of Berkeley in, 355 ; his description of it, 360 ; progress of the Church in, 446 — 459. Ribaud, ii. 307. Ribiere's Collection of State Let- ters, i. 245, note. Rich, Sir Robert, i. 375. Lady, i. 439. note. Lord. See Wanvick. Richardson, Speaker, i. 312. Richebourg, Philippe de, iii. 480. Richelieu, Cardl., ii. 217. 329. Richmond (Virginia), iii. 161. Righton, Wbb., ii. 336. Rivers, Marcellinus, ii. 52. Road, Mrs., iii. 350, note. Roanoak, i. 64, 65—67; ii. 308. Robertson, Rev. G., iii. 121. Robertson's America, i. 8, note ; defective remarks on Sir Hum- frey Gilbert's Patent, 49; the ninth and tenth books of his American History copied by Marshall, without due acknow- ledgment, in his Introduction to the Life of Washington, ib., note ; error in the date of the transfer of Ralegh's Patent, 77, note ; defective remark* on the first Virginia Patent. 164; mis- representation of Bacon's views respecting the exercise of mar- tial law in Virginia, 230 ; of Yardley's character, 457, note; mistake touching Governors of A'iiginia under the Common- wealth, ii. 19, note ; excuse for other mistakes during the same period of Virginia's history, 25, note ; notice of Patent granted bv Chas. V. for encouragement of slave trade, 92; explanation of the probable reasons why Chas. I. allowed the Puritans of Massachusetts to tamper with Charter, 152. note ; his remarks on the power given to the Puritan Clergy by their rules of Church-membership, 162, note. Robinson, Bp. (Bristol and after- wards London), ii. 544; assists Archbp. Sharp in his efforts to introduce Episcopacy among the Protestant Congregations of Europe, 545; tries to obtain Bishops for the Plantations, iii. 73. 181. , Commissary in Vir- ginia, iii. 137. 164. , John, founder of the Independents, i. 357. 359 ; his observations on the conduct of the Puritan emigrants towards the Indians, ii. 195. , Mrs. Mary, gives 200/. towards building a Church at Henrico, i. 257. —■ (Virginia), iii. 132. Robson, Rev. Chas., ii. 117. Rocke Hall. i. 235. Rockingham, Ld., iii. 148. Roe, Sir Thos., i. 369. 376. Roebuck's "Work on the Colonics of England, i. 459, note. 481, note. Rofe, John, i. 210. Rogers, Jonathan, iii. 348. 638 INDEX. Rolfe, John, husband of Poca- huntas, i. 240. 249. — ■, the infant son of Pocahuntas, his descendants, i. 249, note. Roman Catholics, policy towards, of Chas. II., ii. 460; care of the Indians and Negroes by them noticed by Berkeley, iii. 376. Romish Recusants, cruel proceed- ings against, i. 113 — 116; dis- tinction by Hallam between the persecution of R. Catholics under Elizabeth, and that of the Ch. of England under Mary, 116, note. Rooke, Sir G., ii. 570. Rose, Rev. Hugh J., ii. 368, note ; unpublished MSS. of Bp. Berkeley, formerly in his pos- session, lent to Author, iii. 337, note. Rosewell, Sir Henry, ii. 137- Rosier's account of voyages to New England, i. 156. 162. Ross, Rev. Mr., iii. 258. Rotterdam, settlement of an Eng- lish Church at, through the agency of Arch bp. Sharp, ii. 540. Routh's Reliquiae Sacra, Dedi- cation of, to the Church in Scotland, and acknowledgment therein of the service rendered by her to the Church in Ame- rica by the consecration of Bp. Seabury, ii. 534, note. Royal Instructions to the Govr. of Newfoundland, 1832, i. Ap- pendix, No. II. Roxbury, Massachusetts, the abode of Eliot, ii. 197. Rugby School, ii. 552. Rundle, Dr., iii. 350, note. Rupert, Prince, ii. 459. River, ii. 459. Rupert's Land, ii. 459; iii. 102; assistance from the Hudson's Bay Company to its Bishop and Chaplains, ib. ; Ld. Selkirk's settlement on the Red River, 104; West, Jones, and Cock- ran, Missionaries, ib. ; visited by Bp. Mountain, 105; the present diocese constituted, un- der Bp. Anderson, 106; St. Andrew's Church, ib. ; hopeful prospects, 335. Rushworth's Historical Collec- tions, i. 389. Russell, Dr. Alex., ii. 274, note. Russell's, Bp. (Glasgow), Hist, of the Ch. in Scotland, ii. 535, note. Russia, Company of English merchants trading with, Char- ter granted by Mary to, i. connexion of, with the first Report of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, 33 ; Charter granted to, by Elizabeth, 37. Rut, John, i. 12, note. Rutherford, Professor, ii. 239. Rvcaut, Sir Paul, ii. 274. Ryder, Sir Dudlev, iii. 134. Rye, U. S., iii. 331. 457. Rvmer's Fcedera, i. 4. 8. 190. 289. 367. 376 ; ii. 97. Rvswick, Peace of, i. 329 ; ii. 292. Sabbatarian controversv, i. 391. Sacheverell, Dr., iii. 504, 505. Sagadahoc River, i. 350. Salem (Massachusetts), ii. 137. 152. 162. 167. 184; iii. 252. 451. Salisbury (N. England), iii. 230. , Robt. Cecil, Earl of, i. 188. Sallee rovers, ii. 95. Salstonstall, Govr. of Connecticut, iii. 391. Saltzburg, iii. 498. Sampson, Dean, i. 111. Sancroft, Archbp., ii. 394. 460. 489. 493. Sanderson, Bp., his advice to Laud neglected, i. 417, note. 427 ; his name attached to the first Petition to Parliament on behalf of English Colonies, ii. 13; his unsuccessful efforts to reconcile differences, 15; sup- posed to be the author of the Preface to Praver Book, and of INDEX. 639 Prayer for all conditions of men, 251 ; remarks thereon, 252 ; his services for the Chnrch, 2G4 ; his testimony against the slave trade, 306; Works of, iii. 384. Sandys, Bp., i. 109. , Sir Edwin, pupil of Hooker, a member of the Vir- ginia Company, i. 188 ; elected Treasurer, 254 ; 500/. anony- mously sent to him towards the Christian training of Indian children, 257; oppressed by Jas. I., 265, 266 ; his death, 290. Tribe (Bermudas), i. 306, note. Santee River, iii. 477. Sapponey Indians, iii. 113. Creek, iii. 119. Sartorius, M., iii. 19—21. Sassacus, Sachem of the Pequod Indians, ii. 179. Saurin, Jas., ii. 577. , Lewis, ii. 578. Savannah river and town, iii. 497. 504. 508. 521. 526. 528. Savoy Conference, ii. 249. Confession, iii. 382. , Duke of, ii. 226 ; Milton's letter to him, ib., note. Mastership of, iii. 75. Saybrook (Connecticut), ii. 176 ; iii. 382. Saye and Sele, Ld., ii. 175. Say well, Rev. S., iii. 42. SchafFhausen, ii. 577. Scherer, M., ii. 577. Schenectady, iii. 297. 307. Schism Act, ii. 504. Schomburgk s Histy. of Barbados, ii. 67, note. British Guiana, ii. 85. Schb'n, Rev. Mr., iii. 256. Schoolmasters employed by S. P. G., their instructions, iii. 69, 70. Schulze, M., iii. 13—23. Schuyler, Col., iii. 301. Schuylkill River, ii. 429. Scituate, iii. 418. Scotland, troubles in, under Chas. I., i. 405— 410; their outbreak, 413; the Solemn League and Covenant, 414; religious per- secution and its consequences, 493; Presbyterian ism renewed at the Revolution, and by the Scottish Parliiiment established, 494. See Church in Scotland. Scots, surrender of Chas. I. by, i. 452. Scott, John, Works of, iii. 371. , Sir Win, iii. 547. Scott's, Sir Walter, Life of Swift, iii. 127. Scrivener, Mr., i. 183. Scroop, Baron, iii. 354. Seabury, Bp. (Connecticut), let- ters from, entrusted to author, i. Pref. xvii; consecrated by the Scottish Bishops, ii. 534 ; cha- racter of, iii. 283; Rhode Island included in his diocese, 480; ordains Usher, 456. , Rev. Samuel, his father, iii. 426, 427. Seal of S. P. G., resemblance be- tween it and that of Massachu- setts Colony, ii. 194, and Ap- pendix to Vol. iii., 575. Seaman, Wm., ii. 127. Searle, Govr. (Barbados), ii. 74. Seeker's, Archbp., letter to Horace Walpole, ii. 359; one of the most celebrated Clergy of the Ch. of England in 18th century, 502 ; his Letters to Lardner, 519, note ; his efforts for the Ch. in Scotlaud, 532 ; and in America, iii. 411. 433 — 435 ; their great value, 436; made ineffectual, 437—443. Sediiewicke, Chief Commissioner of Jamaica, ii. 77. Selden, John, i. 427; ii. 121. Self-denying Ordinance, i. 449. Selwyn, Bp. of New Zealand, iii. 545, and note. , Henry, iii. 544, note. , John, iii. 544, note. , Major Chas., iii. 544. , Major-Gen., Govr. of Ja- maica, iii. 544. , Wm., iii. 545, note. Semple's History of Virginia Bap- tists, iii. 146. 169. 640 INDEX. Senegal. French settlement on the, ii. 102, note. Senekas, the, ii. 437; iii. 290. 296. Sergeant, Rev. Mr., iii. 418. Servants in Virginia, iii. 130. Setebos, object of Patagonian worship, i. 44, note. Seville, Jamaica, ii. 74, note. , in Spain, the sale of Co- lumbus's slaves at, ii. 90. Sewel's Historv of the Quakers, ii. 304. 423, note. Seymour, Col., Govr. of Mary- land, iii. 179. 181. Shadwell, school in, ii. 565. Shakamaxon, ii. 428; iii. 497. Shakook, iii. 296. Shakspeare's allusions to early fo- reign discoveries, i. 43, 44, note ; young adventurers, 47; Vene- tian commerce, 90 ; Aleppo, ii. 116. Sharp, Archbp., ii. 405; his Ser- mons against Popery, 487 ; con- sulted by Sancrofc, 493; his efforts to help the Protestants of Europe, 540, 541 ; corre- spondence with Jablonski, upon the introduction into Prussia of the ritual and discipline of the Ch. of England, 541 ; assistance received from Bp. Robinson and others, 544; his efforts to introduce the Liturgy of the Ch. of England into Hanover, 548; their failure, 549; his death, ib. ; intimacy of Sharp with Nelson, 558, note; his efforts towards education, 564; scheme for providing Bishops for the Plantations, iii. 73 ; works of, 371. , Archdn., i. 143. , Govr. of Maryland, iii. 201. , Primate, murder of, ii. 267- Shaw, Rev. Mr., ii. 273. Sheldon, Archbp., ii. 246. 265, and note. 352—357. 360. 394. 397. Shelton, J., iii. 120. Shephard's Tracts, ii. 198, 199. Sherlock, Bp. (London), his sym- pathy with the Clergy in Scot- land, ii. 532; representation to him of the state of the Mary- land Clergy, iii. 199; his re- fusal to license McClenaghan, 273 ; works of, 387 ; appealed to by Johnson, in behalf of King's College, N. York, 401 ; his gifts to Harvard College, 411; his memorial to Geo. II., and letters to Johnson, 431—433. Sherlock, Dean, ii. 101 ; iii. 26. Sherwood, Rev. Mr., ii. 87. Shirley, Sir T., i. 252, note. Shoreditch, school in, ii. 565. Short History of Barbados, ii. 51. Short's, Bp. (St. Asaph), History of the Ch. of England, i. 141 429 ; ii. 494. Shrewsbury (N. Jersev), iii. 250. School, ii." 552. Shute, Mr., ii. 566, 567; iii. 26. Sibthorp's Sermon, i. 388, 389. Sidney, Sir Philip, i. 156. Silouee, speech of, iii. 315. Simon's, St., Island, iii. 498. Sion College Liby., ii. 409 ; Brav's MSS. in, 421/462. Sionita, Gabriel, ii. 120. Sivajee. ii. 278. Six Nations, the. See Indians. Skelton, Rev. Mr., Salem, ii. 162. 167. Skinner, Bp., ii. 535. Slare, Dr., ii. 560; iii. 26. Slaughter, Rev. Phil, (of Vir- ginia), ii. 357, note; the au- thor's obligations to him, iii. 114. 116. 119. 121, note. Slave Trade, begun by the Por- tuguese in 1443, i. 85, note ; by the English, under Hawkins, 86 ; introduced into Virginia, 265 ; contemptuously recog- nized in Maryland, 489; into the West Indies by Columbus, ii. 90 ; doubts of Cortez respect- ing its lawfulness, ib. ; opinions of Las Casas, ib. ; permitted by Ferdinand, 92 ; forbidden by Ximenes, ib. ; encouraged by Chas. V., ib. ; condemned by Leo X., 93; increase in Vir- ginia, 94 ; partially permitted INDEX. 641 in N. England, ib. ; encouraged throughout the W. Indies, 95; encouraged under the 3rd Afri- can Compy.,280; now abolished, i. 88, 89. Slavery, increase of, in Virginia, in 18th century, iii. 129; law touching their baptism, 130. Slaves, Christian, efforts to re- deem, i. 87, and note ; letter touching the redemption of, ii. 281. Sloane, Sir Hans, ii. 74, note. 91, note. Smal ridge, Bp., ii. 559; iii. 73. 367. Small-pox, dread of (Virginia), iii. 129; its effects, 164. 403. Smectymnuus, i. 420, note. Smilert, iii. 355. 370, note. Smith, John, first historian of Virginia, his contrast between history and geography, Preface, i. viii. ; His notice of Hunt, 168; his early life and adven- tures, 172; imprisoned on his voyage to Virginia, ib. ; ad- mitted, after much opposition, to be member of the Council, 174; taken by Powhatan's peo- ple, and preserved from death by Pocahuntas, 178; his firm- ness, energy, and devotional habits, 184; appointed Presi- dent, ib. ; his efforts to correct various evils in the Colony, 185 ; his trials and courage, 186 ; refuses to give up his trust in the absence of those appointed to receive it, 203 ; severely wounded, returns to England, 204 ; his valuable ser- vices, ib. ; interview with Po- cahuntas in England, 242; un- just estimate of the Indian cha- racter, 278, note ; explores New England, 351 ; his abortive at- tempt to colonize it, 353; pas- sages from his History of N. England, 353 — 356; his notices of Guiana, 369 ; of the Ber- mudas, ii. 37 ; of the difficulties of our West Indian Colonies, 49. VOL. III. Smith, Rabbi, ii. 272, and note. , Rev. E. P., iii. 534, note. Dr., iii 266. 272, note. 274. 376, note. . Mr. (Boston), ii 457. (Virginia), iii. 122. , Bp. (S. Carolina), iii. 484, 485. , Sir Thos., Ralegh's Pa- tent transferred to, i. 76 ; Trea- surer of first Virginia Company, under James I., 164; fomenter of dissensions therein, 284 ; Treasurer of Bermudas Com- pany, 299. Tribe (Bermudas), i. 306, note. Smith's History of N. Jersev, ii. 427. 441. Smyrna, iii. 80. Smythe's, Prof., Lectures on Modern Historv i. 116, note. 399, note ; ii. 269 ; iii. 440, 441, note. Soames's Elizabethan Religious History, i. 118. 123. Society for Promoting Chris- tian Knowledge, mainlv es- tablished by Dr. Bray, ii. 409; his MS. on the subject in Sion College Library, ib. ; its title and first meeting, 550 ; its ob- ject threefold — (1) education of the poor ; (2) the care of the Colonies; (3) the printing and circulating books of sound Christian doctrine, 551 ; pre- vious efforts of the Ch. of Eng- land, in the work of education, 551. 553: Bray requested to lay before the Society his scheme for promoting religion in the Colonies, ib. ; subscriptions for circulating Keith's Catechism, ib. ; declarations of the Society signed by seven Bishops, and several other Clergymen, 554 ; and laymen, 556; declaration touching the plantations, 562; and education, 563 ; benefac- tions of its members, ib. ; time of meeting, and mode of admit- ting members, 564, and note ; T t 642 INDEX. its association with German i teachers, 564; progress of the work. 565; its efforts to im- prove the condition of prisoners, 567 : its foreign operations. 571 ; delegated to S. P. G, 574; harmonious co-operation be- tween them, 576 ; relations of S. P. C. K. with the continent of Europe, ib. : assistance to Danish missions in India, iii. 1 — 24; retains charge of E. I. Missions until 1824. when the i chief burden of them was trans- ferred to S. P. G., 5, note; its valuable labours at the present day, 335. Society for Propagating the Gos- pel in X. England, established by the Long Parliament, ii. 2u8: revived after the Restora- tion by Robt. Boyle, 209. Society for the Propagation | of the gosfel en foreign Parts, notice of it in connexion with the first commercial rela- tions between Russia and Eng- land, i. 33, 34; and with the j earliest notice of Newfound- laud. 336 ; mainly established by Dr. Bray. ii. 410 ; foreign ope- j rations of S. P. C. K. transferred ] to it. 574 ; its Charter obtained by Archbp. Tenison and Bray, I 575 ; its first meeting, ib. ; harmonious co-operation with ' S. P. C. K., 576; by advice of Tenison, does not take charge I of the first E. L Missions, iii. 5 : receives it from S. P. C. K. in 1824, ib., note; members pre- sent at its first meeting. 25, 26; twofold objects of its Charter, 27 ; its earliest proceedings ; | its seal. 29 ; places and times of meeting, ib. ; subscription rolls, | 30 : deputations and corre- spondence thereon, 31 — 34; as- j sistance from the BishoDS and University of Oxford, 35; pro- I gress of the work. 38 ; offerings in money and endowments from I land, 40, 41 ; its leading lay- members, 43 — 47 ; leading tie- I rical members, 48 — 58 : cha- racter of its missionaries, 58, 59; Anniversary St-rmons, 60; organization of foreign missions, 62 ; channels through which the names of missionaries were to be made known, ib. : their1 qualifications, ib. ; their in-! structions, on admission ; on board ship; in foreign coun-^ tries with respect to themselves;! their parochial cure ; and the! Society, 63 — 67 : Notitia Paro- chialis. 68 : instructions to schoolmasters, 69 ; its efforts to secure Bishops for Colonial Churches. 71 — 75: its care ofj Newfoundland in the eailv part] of 18th century, 93—100 (seel Newfoundland) ; helps HeiHj derson and Maryland ClergyJ 192; services of Keith. Gordon,] and Talbot. 227—2-10 (see Keith and Talbot); of Brooke, 241, 242; Vaughan. 243 3 Chandler, 245 (see Chandler)! Isaac Browne. 251 ; EL is, Hoi-' brook. Norwood, WevmanJ Odell, Houdin. 252-1254 3 Thompson in New Jersey, and] afterwards in Africa. 254 ; Philip Quaque. a native African, at Cape Coast Castle. 256 ;] Clayton, Evans. Thomas, Ciubb, Nicholls, Ross. Hum- phreys, Weyman, Jenkins, Merry, Campbell, Hacket, Crawford, Beckett, Neill,, Smith, Barton, Yicary, Urm- ston, Cummings, Jenney, Stnr-i geon, Peters, Duche. CoombeJ White (Bishop), 257— 280: Mis- sion of Thorouehgood Moor to the Iroquois, 296 — 300: of An-' drew to the Mohawks. 303—? 305 ; of Barclay, Milne. Barclajj the younger, and O^ilvie, among the same, 306 — 31 1 ; alsel of Stuart and Inglis, 313; as-J sistance given to it by Sir WJ Johnson and Sir George Tal-' bot, 312. 314; important Ser- mon bv Bishop Fleetwood at* the Anniversary, 1711-12, 321 INDEX. 643 remarkable labours of Eiias Neau. its Caterhist. at New York, in behalf of Nana Slaves, 3-27—331 : similar la- bours of Taylor and Vamod in Carolina. 33'2 ; testimony by- Bp. Hobart to the labours of j - its Missionaries among the In- j dians, 334; enlarged field of duty at the present day, 335; Report for 18.53. ib.," note ; j Berkeley's Anniversary Ser- mon before. 372 — 377 ; letter from Berkeley to. proposing a gift to Harvard College. 375; ! eives 500/. to Kin/s Collese, N. York, 401: attacked by Mayhew, and defended by Apthorp, Seeker, and others, 413 : services of its Mis- sionaries in Rhode Island, 446 — 158; in New York, 460 : — 47*2 ; in S uth Carolina, 474 . —438 ; in North Carolina. 489 j — 193 : its Directions to Cate- chists for instructing Indians j and Negroes. Appendix, No. ILL : services of its Missionaries in Georgia. 494; relieves the Saltzburgers. 499 : undertakes the trust of Codrington College. 531 : uniform care bestowed by it upon the Negroes, ib.; its Char- ter and First Report. Appendix. Nos. VIII. and IX. Socinus. the teach in? of, usurps the authority of Calvin in New England, :ii. 421. Somers Isles. See The Bermudas, i. 213. , Sir Geo., a member of the first Virginia Company, i. 163 ; sails with Gates for Vir- ginia, and is wrecked on the Bermudas, 203 — 210; accom- panies him afterwards to James Town, 211 : returns to the Bermudas for provisions, and ( dies there, 218 : his Christian j name given to the chief town, and his surname to the Is'ands generally, ib. ; buried at Whit- church, his Latin and Engish I epitaphs, 219, note. T t Somers's Tracts, notice therein of Sir Humfrey Gilbert, i. 47- Somerset Countv (Maryland), iii. 181. Sophia, El ec tress, the Corre- spondence between, and Archbp. Sharp, ii. 548. Sothel. Seth. ii. 320. Soto. Dominic, it 92. South's, Dr.. description of Hugh Peters, ii. 186 : excellences and defects as a writer. 265 : Works of. iii. 387. Southampton, Ld., i. 162. 188. 265.290. Tribe (Bermudas), i. 306, note. Southey (see Mfadme) ; his Book of the Church, i. 145. 150, note. Life of Wesley, ii. 518. 561 : his epitaph on Bp. Butler in Bristol Cathedral. 524: no- tices of Wesley, iii. 503 — .524. Naval Histoiy, i. 3. note. Southwark. school in. ii. 565. Spain. Colonies of. i. 78. 79. Spanish Town. ii. 70. 287. Sparrow's, Bp., Collection of Ar- ticles, &c. i. 99, note. Spectator, The, ii. 449. 516. Spencer. Aubrey. Dr.. first Bp. of Newfoundland, afterwards of Jamaica, i. Pref. xiii. 340. . Mrs., her account of the Bermudas, ii. 39. . Nicholas. Secrv. of Vir- ginia, ii. 381, 382. Spotswood, Col. A. (Virginia), his zeal, enterprise, and bene- volence ; his school for Indian children, iii. Ill — 115. Spotsylvania, iii. 11 4. Spottiswoode. Archbp. (Glasgow), i. 407, 408 ; ii. 530. Spurstow. Wm.. i. 420. note. St. John's. Secry.. ii. 547. Stafford, Richard, tl e Minister who accompanied Sir Hugh Willoughby. i. 24. 28. note. Stamp Act. ii'i. 147. 148. Stanhope. Dean, present at first meeting of S. P. G.. iii. 26: his testimony to its miss onaries, 58; tries to obtain Bishops for 2 644 INDEX. the Plantations, 73; his recep- tion of Cutler, Johnson, and Brown, on their arrival from Connecticut, 393. Stanhope, Thomas, iii. 350, note. Stanley, Archdn., iii. 26. 30. Stanley's Life of Arnold, ii. 75, note. Stanser, Dr., second Bp. of Nova Scotia, iii. 313, note. Stapleton, Govr., ii. 296. Star Chamher, its origin and powers, i. 129, 130; the exer- cise of its powers by Whitgift and his successors a calamitv to the Ch. of England, 131, 132 ; abolished by the Long Parlia- ment, 422. State Paper Office, MS. Journal of Captn. Newport in Virginia, i. 176 ; K. James's letter to the Archhishops touching the duties of England to her Colonies, 255; MS. (Massachusetts), ii. 214; MSS. (slaves), 281; (W. Indies), 291 ; (Bermudas), 333, 334 ; ( Virginia), 383. 392 ; (Maryland), 398. Staten Island, iii. 237. Statesmen, British, obnoxious po- licy of, in the 18th century, to- wards the American Colonies, hi. 148. 151. Steele, Judge, ii. 209. Steelyard, or Hanseatic Mer- chants, i. 30. Stephen's, St., Church (New York), iii. 175. ., Parish (Carolina), iii. 477. , Rev. Mr. (Oporto), iii. 87. Stevens, Life of, by Mr. Justice Park, ii. 535. , Thomas, i. 92. Stevenson, Rev. W., Chaplain at Madras, zealous supporter of the E. I. Mission, and friend of Ziegenbalg, iii. 9 ; leaves India, Stewart, Hon. and Rev. Dr., se- cond Bp. of Quebec, i. Pref. xiii. note. Stewart, Rev. Dr. H. S., iii. 543, note. Stewart, Dugald, ii. 330, note. Stillingfleet, Bp. (Worcester), ii. 264. 405. 552; iii. 35. Stith's Hist, of Virginia, i. 63. 164. 249. 251. 264, note. 277. 299. 311. 376. Stockham, Rev. Mr. (Virginia), i. 260, note ; his unjust esti- mate of the Indians, 277. Stone, Bp. (Maryland), iii. 219, note. Chapel, Boston, iii. 417, note. See King's Chapel. , Rev. Mr., iii. 476. ., Wm., Govr. of Maryland, i. 494, note; his ill-treatment, ii. 33, note. Story, Judge, his opinion touch- ing Act in Maryland for re- straining religious divisions, ii. 31 ; description of Massachusetts Charter, 139; acknowledges that it was violated by those who received it, 140, and note; remarks on Connecticut Char- ters, 176 ; on the care mani- fested by Massachusetts in the education of youth, 184, note; on witchcraft, 447, note. Stoupe, quoted by Burnet, ii. 227. Stow's Annals, i. 31. 322. Strachan, Bp. (Toronto), iii. 313. — , Bp. ii. 535. Strachy, Secretary of Virginia, his narrative, i. 207. 211. 213. 229. See Purchas. Strafford, Bp. (Chester), ii. 554; iii. 34. , Dr., iii. 350, note. — Papers, i. 399 ; his ad- ministration of Ireland, 403 — 405; his impeachment, 419; execution, 421. Stratford (Connecticut), iii. c. xxix. passim. Strype's Eccl. Mem., i. 24, note; his Life of Sir Thos. Smith, notice therein of Sir Humfrey Gilbert, 47; Life of Archbp. Whitgift, 88 ; Life of Parker, 105—111. 114. 117. 135; Life INDEX. 645 of Grindal, HI. 119, 120, 121; Life of Whitgift, 117. 126. 129. 133—135. 144. Stuart, R., iii. 117. ,: , Rev. J. (Fort Hunter), iii. 313. •Stubs, Archdn., ii. 555; iii. 35. Stukely, Sir L„ i. 249. ■Sturgeon, Rev. W., iii. 272. TStuyvesant, Govr., ii. 218. Sunderland, Ld., iii. 84. 303. •Superior, Lake, iii. 290. Surat, i. 376 ; ii. 103. 472. Surinam, i. 372; ii. 85—89. Susquehannah River, i. 184. 485. Sutcliffe, Dean, i. 188. Swartz, Christian Frederic, his introduction to Schulze at Halle, iii. 22; sent out a mis- sionary to India from England, ib. ; Life of, by Pearson, 23, 1 note. Sweden, emigrants from, to N. 1 America, ii. 218. Swift, Dean, story incorrect of his being designed to be Bp. of Virginia, iii. 127, 128; his opinions of Berkeley, 339. 347. Sydan, ii. 283, note. Sylvester's Life of Baxter, ii. 236. Symonds, Dr., his Sermon before the Virginia Company, i. 197 — 199; remarks thereon, 199 — 201. Tables of Colonial Dioceses. &c. iii. Appendix, Nos. V. VI. VII. Talafierro, Mr., iii. 116. Talbot, Bp. (Oxford), iii. 35. , Rev. Jn., his description of the want of Colonial Bishops transferred to the first Report of S. P. G., iii. 72; letter to Keith, recommending Lillings- ton to fill such office, ib. ; tes- timony to Govr. Nicholson, 111, note. 235; one of the first travelling Missionaries of S. P. G., 227—231 (see Keith) ; his mission at Burlington, 234; goes to England to promote the appointment of a Bp., 236 ; re- turns, ib. ; his difficulties, 237 ; revisits England, 239; his al- tered feelings, ib. ; consecrated a Bp. by the Non-jurors, and (on bis return to America) dis- missed by the Society, 240 ; his death, 243. Talbot, St. George, iii. 314. Tangier, ii. 269, note. 289. Tanjore, iii. 2. 6. 19. Tatem, FL, iii. 118. Tatler, The, ii. 516. Taubman, Rev. Mr. (Leghorn), iii. 86—88. Taylor, Rev. Mr. (Jamaica), ii. 76. , Rev. Mr. (Carolina), iii. 332 -, Jeremy (Bp.), ii. 238— 240. 264; iii. 384. Tederington, Rev. Mr., i. 370. Tegnanatam, ii. 473. Temple, Rev. Mr. (Virginia), ii. 384. , Sir Wm., ii. 360, and note. Tenison, Archbp., ii. 405. 410 ; letter to, from Prideaux on the Church in India, 478 ; his con- cern in certain provisions of the E. I. Company's Charter, 482 ; instrumental in establish- ing S. P. C. K. and S. P. G., 499. 551 ; letter to him from Ursinus, on the introduction of the ritual of Ch. of England into Prussia, 543 ; returns no answer, ib. ; legacy to S. P. G., iii. 71. 239; influence in ob- taining the appointment of a chaplain at Leghorn, 82. Terrick, Bp. (London), iii. 276. 435. Terry's/ Rev. Edw., Sermon be- fore E. I. Company, ii. 110 — 112. Tertie, du Pere, ii. 41, note. 292. Test Act, ii. 262. Tevoninhokarawen, iii. 317, note. Thomas, Rev. Mr., iii. 257. , Rev. S. (Charleston), ii. 464. , Bp. (Worcester), ii. 490. G46 INDEX Thomas's, St., Parish (Barbados), ii. 56. (Jamaica), ii. 287. (Carolina), iii. 477. 488. Thome, St., near Madras, ii. 107. Thompson. Rev. T. (N. Jersey and Africa), iii. 254, 255. , Rev. Mr., iii. 418. , Win., iii. 348. Thomson's Seasons (Winter), i. 28, note; ii. 569. Thorlacius, i. 40. Thorne, Robt., memorial of to Henry VIII., i. 11. Thorold, Rev. Mr., ii. 570. Thorpe, Geo., Superintendent of Henrico College, i. 257 ; mas- sacred, 276. Thruston, Rev. Mr., iii. 168. Thurloe's State Papers, ii. 72, 73. 75. 102. 309. Tindal, ii. 516. Tindall, Thomas, i. 460, note. Tillotson, Archbp., ii. 264. 431 ; his Sermon referring to our Colonies, 495. 552, 553, and note ; iii. 371. Tituba, ii. 444. Tobacco, or Nicotia (see Nicot), its discovery, i. 68, 69, note ; the medium of supporting the Clergy in Virginia, 260. 286, 287 ; and of marriage portion to emigrants, 262, note ; Jas. I. tries to restrain its growth, 268 ; curious table in vestry-book of St. George's parish (Virginia) respecting payments in, iii. 117. Tobago, ii. 51. '86; iii. 546, note. Tod, Mr. (Jamaica), ii. 571. Todd's, Archdn., Memoir of Bp. Walton, ii. 126 ; Life of Bray, 421. Toland, ii. 516. Toleration Act, ii. 492. condemned by Presby- terian writers, ii. 235; how far the Independents regarded it, 237, and note ; Jeremy Taylor, its enlightened advocate, 238 — 240. Tomochichi, iii. 497. Tomson, Robt., i. 43, note. Tomund, Earl of, i. 305, note. Toronto. Diocese of, formation of, i. Pref. xiii. note ; Annals of, by Hawkins, iii. 3i3, note. . Bp. of (Dr. Strachan), iii. 313. Torquemada. i. 363. Tortola, ii. 295. Tothill-fields, school in, ii. 565. Townson, Rev. Dr., ii. 525. Tragabiesanda, i. 352, note. Tianquebar, iii. 2. 6, 7- 10. Translations of the Scriptures and Prayer Book into Tamul, Hin- dustani, and Portuguese, under S. P. C. K., by the Danish mis- sionaries, iii. 7. Transportation of convicts to Vir- ginia ; evils thereof, i. 262 — 264. Travers, Walter, the antagonist of Hooker, i. 136. Treaty of Nimeguen, ii. 360. Trelawney, Bp. (Bristol), ii. 489; iii. 35. (Jamaica), iii. 543. Trenton (N. Jersey), iii. 254. Trichinopoly, iii. 6. Triers, the Independent, ii. 124, note. Trinitv Bav (Newfoundland), i. 323.' 336 ; iii. 97. Church, Newport (Rhode Island), iii. 448. See Up- dike. (Boston), iii. 408. , N. York, built, ii. 439; iii. 460—472. Trollope, John. ii. 560. Tronchin, ii. 577- Trott, Ch. Justice, ii. 464; Laws, his Colonial, iii. 108. 113. 125. Trymmer. iii. 26. Tucker, Governor of the Ber- mudas, i. 305. Tufnell, Rev. J. C. F., iii. 232, note. Tufton, Sir Wm., ii. 56. Tulchan Bishops, i. 406, and note ; ii. 529. Turetin, M., ii. 577. Turner's, Sharon, History of Eng- land, i. 245, note. INDEX. 647 Turner. Sir E., ii. 561, 562; iii. 39. 42. , Bp. (Elv), ii. 489. Tuscany, Duke of, iii. 82—89. 92, note. Tuscaroras. the. See Indians. Twells's Life of Pocock, ii. 118 — 134. Twopenny Act, the (Virginia), iii. 136. Tvtler, P. F i. 6, note. 8, note. '347- Udal, John, i. 133. United Brethren, Church of, or Unitas Fratrum, ii. 460. See Moravians. United States, Protestant Episco- pal Church in the, interchange of friendly offices between her and the Ch. of England, ii. 501 ; Declaration of Independence of, iii. 169. Universities of England, appeal to in the Will of Sir Leoline Jen- kins, renewed, and in Wood- ward's Account of Religious So- cieties, &c, ii. 363; the obliga- tion more imperative at the present day. 364; recognised by recent institutions, 365, 366, and note ; and by the services of some of their most distin- guished members, 367 — 370; encouragements and duties, 371 . Updike's History of the Ch. in Narragansett, iii. 356, note. 362. 447 ; of the progress of the Church at Newport, 447; at Providence, 450 — 453; at Bris- tol, 454 — 456; at Narragansett, 457—459. Ure, Ld., i. 208. note. Urmston, Rev. J., iii. 269. 489. U rein us, ii. 541 — 543. Usher. Archbp., his alarm at Straf- ford's administration, i. 405; defence of Episcopacy, 420. note ; a member of the Assembly of Divines, but never took part in its proceedings, 427 ; corre- sponds with Davis at Aleppo, ii. 117; conduct of Cromwell towards him, 223; his conver- sation with, and opinion of, Cromwell, 224 ; his death and burial, 225, note ; Works of, iii. 384. Usher, Rev. John (Bristol, Rhode Island), iii. 454. , Rev. John, son of the above, iii. 455, 456. Utrecht, Peace of, i. 329 ; ii. 392. Vaigatz, Strait of, i. 32. Van Mildert's, Bp., Life of Water- land, ii. 522. Varnod. Rev. Mr., iii. 332. Vaudois, the, ii. 226. 540; iii. 512. Vaughan, Ld., ii. 285. , Dr., his Review of Ban- croft's History, i. 358, note; 363, note. , Rev. E., his successful ministry, iii. 243 — 245. "Rev. Mr. (Bermudas), ii. 336. Veates, Rev. Mr., iii. 449. Vernier's insurrection, ii. 247. Vepery, iii. 22. Verazzano, i. 244; ii. 307. Vere (Jamaica), iii. 543, note. Vesey. Rev. Mr., the first minister of Trinity Ch., N. York, ii. 439; iii. 330; the time of his incumbency, 460, note ; ap pointed Commissary, ib. Vestries, conduct of, in Virginia, ii. 350; Orders of, iii. 116— 120 ; their power over the Clergy, 121 ; evil consequences, 122, 123. Vicary, Rev. J., iii. 269. Vincent, St., iii. 546. note. Virgin Islands, ii. 295. Virginia, origin of the name, i. 64; discovered under Ralegh's Patent, 63; since called N. Carolina, and the original name given to the adjoining territory on the north. 64. note ; Hariot's account of it, 68 — 70; attempts to colonize it, 74 — 76; first re- corded baptism there, 75 ; bap- 648 INDEX. tism of Virginia Dare, ib. ; fruitless voyage to, 76 ; Ralegh makes over his Patent to Sir Thos. Smith, ib. ; gives 100Z. for the propagation of the Chris- tian Faith in Virginia, 77 ; no trace of English power there at the end of Elizabeth's reign. 78; first Patent by Jas. I. ; separate Companies; territorial limits, privileges and government, 162 ; recognition therein of the duty of a Christian nation to provide for its Colonies, 165; religious feelings of some who embarked in the enterprise, ib. ; Royal Ordinance for the observance in Virginia of the Ritual of the Ch. of England, and Chalmers's remark thereon, ib. ; Robert Hunt, its first Minister, 167 (see Hunt) ; wholesome In- structions to the first Colonists, 170; jealousy of John Smith, 172 (see Smith); settlement at James Town, 173; "VVingfield their first President, 174; cele- bration of the Holy Commu- nion, ib. ; scarcity of food, 176; Wingfield deposed, and Rat- cliffe succeeds, 177; services of Smith ; his preservation by Pocahuntas, 178; Church in James Town built, 179; ser- vices therein, 180; burnt, and rebuilt. 181, 182; Hunt's death, ib. ; affairs under the Presidency of Smith until the second Char- ter, 183 — 187; its members, &c, 187 — 189 ; Sermons preached before them, 190—201 ; Smith returns to England, his ser- vices, 204; pitiable condition of James Town on the arrival of Gates and Somers, 211; Divine Service celebrated, ib. ; the Colony on the point of being abandoned when Ld. De La Warr arrives, 214 (see De La Warr) ; events which fol- lowed, 215 — 221 ; Declaration of Virginia Council, 222—224; Sir Thos. Dale, Rev. A. Whita- ker, and Rev. Mr. Glover, their proceedings, 224 — 238; Poca- huntas taken, 239 ; her bap- tism, marriage, and vovage to England, 238—241 ; interview with Smith, and Jas. I. and his Queen, and death, 241 — 244; proceedings of Argall. 248; his cruel government, 250 ; Argall recalled, and Yeardley, his suc- cessor, convenes the House of Assembly, 253; Sandys. Trea- surer, and JohnFerrar, Deputy- Treasurer, at home, 254; diffi- culties of the Compy., ib. ; K. James's letter to the Arch- bishops, 255 ; measures for building Henrico College, 256; offerings towards it, 257 — 259; Copeland's scheme for building Church and School in Charles City, 259; provision for the Clergy in tobacco, 260; each Borough a distinct Parish. 261 ; the Bp. of London applied to to provide Clergy, ib. ; scheme for encouraging emigration, 262; order to transport convicts to Virginia; evils thereof, 262 — 264 ; Negro Slaves first im- ported, 265; Govr. Wyat, his Instructions, &c, 265—269 ; kind treatment of Puritans; Jefferson's misrepresentations thereon, 269 — 272; Copeland's appointment and Sermon, 273; massacre of Opechancanough, 273—276. 467 ; Stockham's and Smith's opinion of the Indians, 277, 278, note; Donne's Ser- mon, 279 — 283 : dissensions of the Compy., 283—285; Com- mission of Enquiry into its affairs, 286 ; Laws of the House of Assembly relating to the Church, 286', 287 ; the Compy. petitions the House of Com- mons ; the services of Ferrar, 288; the Compy. dissolved by a judgment of King's Bench, 289; notice of Virginia by Ld. Bacon, 312; the Compy., before its dissolution, grante d a Patent to English Puritans at Ley- den, 358 ; Declaration of Sove- INDEX. 649 reignty over the Colony by Chas. I. 456 ; Wyat resigns the government to Yeardley, who soon dies, 457; Harvey, Govr., and Clayborne, secretary, 458; Ld. Baltimore's visit and de- parture. 459 ; Harvey's oppres- sive rule, 460; Acts and Orders of the Gen. Assembly relating to the Church, 461-1467; ap- pointment of Deacons, 467 ; constitution of Parishes, 468 ; evils of this legislation, ih. ; absence of all spiritual con- troul, 469 — 472 ; Laud charge- able with many of these evils, 473; abortive issue of a Com- mission to enquire into the state of the Colony, ib. ; part of its territory given to Maryland, 484; Harvey expelled and re- stored, 492 ; evil consequences of his rule, especially to the Church, ib. ; finally recalled, 496; Wyat re-appointed, ib. ; his Instructions respecting the Church, ib. ; Sir W. Berkeley, Govr., 497 ; his influence, ii. 2 ; Indian war, ib. ; capture and death of Opechancanough, 3 ; Acts respecting the Church, 5 ; deteriorating influences, 6 ; laws against Popish Recusants and Nonconformists, 7; sympathy with Puritans checked, 9; diffi- culties during the Civil War, 16 ; Virginia resists the Com- monwealth, 17 ; yields at last, 18; Articles of surrender, 19; Acts respecting Indian children, &c, 20: for restraining crime and observing the Sabbath, 22; loyalty of Virginia. 23 — 25; Berkeley remains there, ib. ; Act against Quakers, 27 ; rapid increase of slaves, 94; Morgan Godwyn, a clergyman in Vir- ginia, 297; acquisition of Caro- lina. 308—310; Berkeley goes to England, and returns, 337 ; Acts for colleges, &c , ib. ; severity of other Acts, 389; Act for the better treatment of In- dians, 341 ; Instructions on | Church matters, ib. ; conspiracy, 343 ; baptism of slaves, 344 ; Bacon's rebellion, 345 ; Berke- ley's recall, death, and charac- ter, 346—348; Godwyn's de- scription of the Virginia Clergy, 350 ; ' Virginia's Cure,' &c, by R. G., 352 ; its enumeration of evils which afflicted the Church, 354: proposal of Virginia Fel- lowships, 355; demand for a Bishop, 356; testimony to the affectionate spirit of the Vir- ginians, ib. ; abortive attempt to send a Bishop to Virginia, 358 ; grants by Chas. 11. to Arlington and Culpepper, 373; afterwards assigned to the King, 374; Chicheley, Deputy-Govr., 375; vicious character of Cul- pepper, ib. ; forfeits his com- mission, 376 ; his Report to the Committee of Colonies, ib. ; evils to which the Clergy were exposed, 377 ; Jefferson's mis- statements, 378 ; dangers from adjoining territories, 379 ; Effingham succeeds Culpepper, 380; his evil character, and re- turn to England, 381 ; senti- ments of Virginia on the Revo- lution, ib. ; Bacon and Nichol- son, presidents, 382; Andros, Govr , 383 ; dismissed, and suc- ceeded by Nicholson, ib. ; Jas. Blair, Commissary of Bishop of London (see Blaij-); assistance to French Protestant Refugees, 393 ; suggestion of Dr. Wood- ward respecting them, 572; Govr. Nicholson recalled, iii. 110; Ld. Orkney, Govr. ; his lieut.-govrs., Nott, Jennings, Hunter (see Hunter), 111; Spotswood, lieut.-govr., his zeal enterprise, and benevolence, 1 1 1 — 115; materials and cost of Churches, and orders of vestry concerning them, 116 — 121 ; Sir W. Gooch, lieut.-govr., 122; the Clergy under the power of the vestries, ib. ; evils thereof, described by Jones, 123; conse- quent irregularities, 124 ; many 650 INDEX. of the Clergy exemplary in con- duct, ib. ; Jones's testimony to the need of a Bishop, ]"2G; in- correct story of Swift being; de- signed to be Bp. of Virginia, 127, 128; the people deterred from sending their children to England for education, 129 ; in- crease of slaves, ib. ; law con- cerning their baptism, 130 ; ser- vants and convicts, ib. ; White- field's visit, 131 ; Presbyterian movement, ib. ; Samuel Morris, 132; labours of the two Mor- gans in behalf of the Church, 135; dispute between the Clergy and law courts, 136 ; the Clergy defeated, 140; consequences thereof. 141 ; a revolutionary spirit fostered, 142; political in- fluence of Patrick Henry, ib. ; moves resolutions against the Stamp Act. ib. ; diminished in- fluence of the Clergy, 144; low state of morals, 145 ; incre; se of dissent, ib. ; the Baptists, 146; irritating policy of Eng- land, 147; equitable govern- ment of Ld. Botetourt, 149; his disappointment and death, 150 ; refusal of Virginia Clergy to promote an American Epis- copacy, 151.152; their conduct approved of by the House of Burgesses, 153; Rev. J. Bou- cher, 154—159 ; conduct of the Methodists, 160; Rev. Deve- reux Jarratt, 161 — 167 (seeJar- ratt); conduct of the Clergy at the Revolution, 167; and of the Baptists, 168 ; Declaration of Independence, 169; acts of Convention respecting the tem- poral possessions of the Church, 170; glebe lands to be sold. 171 ; sufferings of the Loyalist Clergy, 172; summary of the subse- quent history of the Virginia Church, 173; Bps. Madison, Moore, and Meade, 174, 175; Wesleyans in, 513. 'Virginia's Cure,'' &c, by R. G., ii. 352. Vitamatomakkin, i. 242. Vossius, Gerard, ii. 537. , Isaac, ii. 537. Wake, Arch bp., his sympathy with the Moravians, ii. 460; appeal to him by Prideaux, on the Church in India, 482; con- troversy with Atterbury on Convocation, 509 ; succeeds Tenison at Canterbury, iii. 9; his interest in the Danish mis- sions, and Letters to Ziegen- balg and Grundler, 11, 12; to Francke, 15; to Schulze, 17. 19; appointed Chancellor of W. aud M. College, 125. 393. Wales, early efforts towards edu- cation in, ii. 552. Walker's Sufferings of the Clergv, i. 432 : ii. 43, note. 126, note. 131. ' Waller, Col., iii. 117. Waller's description of the Ber- mudas, i. 328; ii. 37. Walloon congregations in Eng- land, i. 413. Waloole, Sir R., 350, note. 351— 366. 437. , Horace, i. 251 ; ii. 359, note ; iii. 438. Walrond, H., ii. 296. AValsingham, Secretary, i. 113; advice to Whitgift, 129; and to Hakluyt, 156, 157. Waither,' M., iii. 16. Walton's, Bp., edition of Polyglot Bible, its oiigin and progress, ii. 125; censured by the Inde- pendents, and forbidden by the Pope, 126 ; his coadjutors. 128 ; his influence in the Church, 264. , Izaak, Life of Hooker, i. 134. 137. 140; Life of Sander- son, ii. 13. 19 ; Life of Her- bert, 293. 296. Wandsworth, first English Pres- bytery at, i. 118. Wan-leti, coadjutor of Castell, ii. 128. Wapping, school at, ii. 565. INDEX. 651 War of the Succession, i. 329. Warburton, Bp (Gloucester), his learning and zeal. ii. 502. 523. Warimn, Archhp., i. 14, note. Warner's first settlement in St. Kite's, i. 372 : at Nevis, Bar- buda. antry in his researches, and has communicated his information in a grace- ful style; to which «e may add, that the work merits still higher commen- dation from the earnestness of purpose and moderation of sentiment which perva :e it.w— Colonial Church Chronicle. 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