"^^ PRINCETON, N. J. ^ Library of Dr. A. A. Hodge. Presented. f BX 9428 .A5 1863 ^ ^ Reformed Church in the United States. General Tercentenary monument ■ , LIBRARY OF PRINCETON FEB - I 2005 J THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY TERCENTENARY MONUMENT. IN COMMEMORATION THREE HUNDREDTH ANNIVERSARY LIBRARY OF PRINCETON FEB - I 2005 THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY CIIAMBERSBURG, PA.: PUBLISHED BY M. KIEFFER & CO. PHILADELPHIA: LINDSAY & BLAKISTON. NEW YORK: A. D. F. RANDOLPH. 1863. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1863, by H. HARBAUGH, In the Clerk's Office of (ho District Court of the United States for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. STEREOTrPED BY L. JOHNSON i. CO. PHILADELPHIA. PREFACE. The Essays contained in this volume, having been specially prepared for the purpose by Keformed theo- logians of Germany, HoUand, and America, in pur- suance of arrangements previously made by the highest judicatories of the German Reformed Church in the United States, were read before a General Convention of the Church, held in PhHadelphia, January 17-23, 1863, in honor of the Three Hundredth Anniversary of the Heidelberg Catechism. A full account of this Ter- centenary Commemoration will be found in the History of the Convention which forms the introductory part of the book. The whole is now published under the supervision of the Committee, of Arrangements, by Synod- ical order, and in conformity also with a resolution of the Convention. Lebanon, Pa., Ascension Day, May 14, 1863. TABLE OF CONTENTS. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. I. PAOl PfiEPABATION FOB THE TERCENTENARY CONVENTION VU 11. Proceedings of Tercentenary Convention, wJth Sketches of Ad- dresses ^1* THEOLOGICAL, HISTORICAL, AND BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS. I. Opening Sermon 3 II. Undying Life in Christ 17 in. The City and University of Heidelberg 47 IV. The Swiss Reformers ^' V. Melanchthon and the Melanchthonian Tendency 89 VL Sketches from the History of the Heidelberg Catechism in the Land of its Birth 115 VII. A Brief History of the Heidelberg Catechism in the Nether- lands 155 VIII. Frederick III., Elector op the Palatinate 177 Vi CONTENTS. IX. PAas The Authors of the Heidelberg Catechism HOT X. Creed and Cultus : with Special Reference to the Relation of the Heidelberg Catechism to the Palatinate Liturgy 231 XI. The Genius and Mission of the German Reformed Church, in its Relation to the Lutheran Church, and to those Branches OF the Reformed Church which are not German 299 XII. The Organic Structure of the Heidelberg Catechism 341 XIII. The Theological System in which the Heidelberg Catechism RESTS, the Kind of Religious Life it cultivates, and the Theory of Practical Religion which it assumes 363 XIV. The Heidelberg Catechism in its Relations to Other Confessions 387 XV. The Heidelberg Catechism in the Reformed Church of Holland and America 413 XVI. The Authority of the Heidelberg Catechism 425 XVII. The Educational System of Religion underlying the Heidelberg Catechism 447 XVIII. Catechetics and Catechetical Instruction 491 XLX. The Fortunes of the Heidelbebo Catechism in the United States 519 XX. The History of the Theological Seminary of the German Re- formed Church in its Relation to the Heidelberg Catechism 545 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. gj Stir. S. §. iisljtr, 5.5., HKi) f cbis fi. Sftimr, 9.§., SECRETARIES OF TERCENTENARY CONTENTION. I. PREPARATIONS FOR THE TERCENTENARY CELEBRATION. The Tercentenary Celebration of the Formation and Adop- tion of the Heidelberg Catechism, observed by the German Reformed Churcli in the United States in the year a.d. 1863, in view of its bearings and results, may justly be regarded as no •common event, and hence it is every way proper and desirable that some account of its origin and progress should be put upon record. It was this consideration, doubtless, that influenced the Tercentenary Convention, held in the city of Philadelphia in the month of January of that year, at which the Celebration was formally inaugurated, to direct its Secretaries to prepare a History of the Tercentenary movement from its beginning to its close, including letters and short sketches of the extempora- neous addresses and discussions of the Convention, which His- tory shall form the Introductory Chapter to the Memorial volume. This History, in consequence of the early period of the year at which it "is required to be prepared, cannot reach further than to the close of the Convention itself; and this pro- bably is all that was contemplated in the instructions of the Convention, though an exact construction of the language would seem to require more. Great events, it will be found, if facts are carefully traced out, generally owe their origin to some comparatively trivial cir- cumstance, which, at the time, attracted but little attention. The Tercentenary Celebration of the Formation and Adoption of the Heidelberg Catechism, by the German Reformed Church in America, does not form an exception to this general rule. In the first volume of the work entitled '' The Fathers of the German Reformed Church in Europe and America, by Rev. H. Harbaugh, D.D." the following language occurs at the close of his sketch of Frederick III. : '*If the Reformed Church wishes still further to honor the memory of Frederick, it cannot do it in a more appropriate and better way than by laboring to make his blessed Heidelberg Catechism rise to new life and power in Viii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. the hearts of its members. Should the Eeformed Church in America feel desirous of reviving old memories, in grateful con- nection V7ith the Palatinate prince and his zealous love for the Church, and seek fit occasion for such a pious purpose, we sug- gest the 300th anniversary of the year and day when he, with his own imprimatur, and with pious princely commendation, sent forth the Heidelberg Catechism into the churches and schools of his dominions — January 19, 1863. How appropriate ! and what a blbssing might such an occasion be made to the German Reformed Church in America !"* This was written early in the year 1857, and published soon afterwards. It was not, however, until about two years later that any formal movement was set on foot to carry out the suggestion here made. At the annual meeting of the Classis of Mercersburg, held in Huntingdon, Pa., in the month of May, 1859, a series of resolu- tions, bearing on the subject, was offered by the Rev. Dr. Philip Schaff, and adopted by the Classis. These resolutions read as follows : — "Resolved, That Synod be respectfully requested to take preparatory steps, at its nest meeting, towards a proper celebration of the Third Cen- tennial of the formation and adoption of the Heidelberg Catechism, which will take place in 18G3. "Resolved, That it he recommended to Synod to order the preparation of a critical standard edition of the Heidelberg Catechism in the original German and Latin, together with a revised English translation and a his- torical introduction, to be published in superior style, as a Centennial edition, in 1863, of which the subsequent editions for ordinary use arc to he a faithful reprint. "Resolved, That it be also recommended to Synod, as another contribution towards such a centennial celebration, to order the preparation and publi- cation of a Digest of the Minutes of Synod, presenting a complete, yet condensed, constitutional History of our Church in this country, from the first Synodical meeting in 174G to the present time, and provided with full alphabetical indexes of persons and things for convenient reference." These resolutions brought the subject to the attention of the Synod of the German Reformed Church in the United States, which met in Harrisburg, Pa., in the month of October, a.d. 1859. We accordingly find the following minute embodied in the published Acts and Proceedings of the Synod for that year : — " The Classis of Mercersburg, as reported by the Committee on Minutes of Classes, requested Synod to take preparatory steps towards a proper celebration of the Third Centennial ot the formation and adoption of the Heidelberg Catechism, which will take place in 18G3. The request waa acceded to, and the llov. Henry Harbliugh, D.D., John W. Nevin, D.D., D, Cans, Thomas G. Apple, and Elder Goldsboro S. Griffith were appointed a committee to carry the object into effect. * Lives of the Fathers, vol. i. pp. 230 and 231. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. IX " The same Classis recommended to Synod to order the preparation of a critical standard edition of the IIeidelber<>; Catechism in the original German and Latin, together with a revised English translation and a his- torical introduction, to be published in superior style, as a Centennial edition, in 18(33. The recommendation was adopted, and a committee of seven, consisting of the Rev. Emanuel V. Cerhart, D.D., John W. Nevin, D.D., Henry Ilarbaugh, D.D., John S.Kessler, D.D., Daniel Zacharias, D.D., and Elders William Ileyser and Rudolph F. Kelker, was appointed to carry the contemplated object into effect. " The same Classis recommended to Synod, as another contribution towards such a centennial celel)ration, to order the preparation and publi- cation of a Digest of the Minutes of vSynod, presenting a complete yet con- densed constitutional history of our Church in this country from the first Synodical meeting in 174G to the present time. The recommendation was adopted, and a committee of seven, consisting of the Rev. Samuel R. Fisher, D.D., Henry Harbaugh, D.D., Benjamin Bausman, Joshua H. Derr, Prof. Theodore Appel, and Elders William Heyser and John Rodenmayer, was appointed to carry it into effect." The committee last named in tliis minute has submitted no formal report to Synod. The subject intrusted to it, how^ever, has received some attention ; and althougli the contemplated Digest ma}^ not make its appearance dui'ing the Tei'centenary year, yet it "will, in all probability, follow in due course of time, and may still be considered as a product of the Tercentenary movement. The committee second named submitted a report to the Synod held in Lebanon, Pa., in the month of October, a.d. 1860, ■which was received and adopted. This I'cport reads as follows : — " The committee appointed by the Synod of Harrisburg to prepare a Tri- centennial Catechism beg leave to report progress. "Synod has provided that the necessary expenses of the committee be defrayed from the proceeds accruing from the puldication of the work. The work, however, cannot be 2:)ublished before the year 18G3 ; and it is very douljtful whether these proceeds will do more than meet the expenses of publication. There is, accordingly, no provision made for the current expenses of the committee. The oldest editions of the Catechism in Ger- man and Latin, and other valuable resources, must be purchased. The committee must meet, perhaps frequently, in general session to prepare this work. We therefore request Synod to authorize its Treasurer to pay these necessary current expenses, the bills to be previously approved by the Trustees of Synod. Any books it may be necessary to purchase, the com- mittee will place in the Library of the Theological Seminary." At this same meeting Lewis H. Steiner, M.D., was added to the original committee. We find no other report from this committee recorded in the Acts and Proceedings of Synod. The committee, however, attended to the work assigned them, and, as appears from announcements made at the Convention for the Tercentenary Celebration of the formation and adoption of the Heidelberg X HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Catechism, will have the "work brought out in due form and e]eu;ant style, at the proper season. Tlie first-named committee, which may properly be called a Committee of Arrangements, to whom was committed the prin- cipal labor connected Avith the whole Tercentenary movement, applied themselves earnestly to the duties intrusted to them. The indeflitigable chairman of the committee especially, from whose suggestion, doubtless, the whole enteri)rise originated, performed a vast amount of labor in bringing matters into proper shape, and in providing for carrying forward to a success- ful issue the several objects contemplated in the movement, for which he deserves the lasting gratitude of the Church. At the meeting of Synod, held in Lebanon, Pa., in the month of Octo- ber, A.D. 1860, the committee submitted their first report. This report was received and amended. It was then — Resolved, That the general plan proposed by the committee be accepted, and that the committee be instructed to ca^i-ry out the several measures proposed. The report, as amended, is as follows : — " The committee appointed at the last annual Synod to take preparatory steps towards a proper celebration of the Third Centennial of the formation and adoption of the Heidelberg Catechism, in 18C3, report— _ "That they have had the matter committed to them ander earnest con- sideration, and have come to the following conclusions in regard to it, which they respectfully present to the consideration of Synod: — " 1. Your committee believe that it is highly proper that the Church should suitably commemorate that great historical event. "2. That a Convention of the whole Church should beheld at some central place on the 19th of January, 18G3, to be continued during as many days as Synod may determine. "3. On this occasion Memoirs and Essays, prepared by persons previously appomted, should be read on subjects historically and theologically con- nected with the occasion, each one to be followed by a free discussion on the part of any or all present,— which discussion should be carefully reported ; all of which may be collected, if it is thought proper, and published as a monumental volume. "4. The whole celebration should also be turned to a practical account for the Church, by affording to every member of the Church, old and young rich and poor, an opportunity to make a free-will offering to the Church! Synod should make arrangements, through the Classes, consistories, pas- tors, and parents, to bring clearly before every member, baptized and confirmed, the ground on which such an offering is regarded as proper on their part. The whole year should be allowed to the members to prepare their offerings. These free-will offerings should be gathered by each con- gregation previous to the meeting of Synod in October, and then presented with the names and sums of each donor. The result should be recorded in a book prepared for that purpose, to be preserved in the archives of the Church. c\! ^-.^^^^.Sy^od in October, 1863, should be a General Synod of the whole t-hurch. At its meeting the centennial occasion should be solemnly closed by appropriate services, and the amount contributed disposed of to the HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. XI different benevolent objects and institutions of the Church in such proportion as Synod would regard wise and proper. " 6. Your committee suljmit the following list of subjects as proper to be handled in the way already indicated on that occasion : — "1.) The city of Heidelberg. "2.) The authors of the Heidelberg Catechism. "3.) The Elector Frederick III. " 4.) The History of catcchization in the Reformed Church, and its best practical use at the present time. "5.) The confessional relations of the Heidelberg Catechism, "6.) Melanchthon, and the Melanchthonian tendency in Germany. " 7.) The Theological System in which the Heidelberg Catechism rests, the theory of practical religion which it assumes, and the kind of religioua life which it cultivates. " 8.) The fortunes of the Heidelberg Catechism in this country. "9.) Swiss Reformers. "7. The committee suggests to Synod, whether measures should not be taken to secure the consent of some theologians in Germany to furnish Essays on some of these subjects. " 8. Synod should take immediate m.easures to collect in Germany, as far as possible, for the use of such persons as it may appoint to prepare these papers, the literature by which they would be enabled to prepare their work from adequate and reliable sources. Such collection should after- wards be placed in the Library of the Theological Seminary. " 9. Finally, your committe'e would call the attention of Synod to the fact that the Western Synod has taken action which proposes a full co-operation with this Synod in the object in view, and suggests to Synod the propriety of adopting such measures as will complete a full union of both Synods in this movement." The committee continued its labors during the year, and at the meeting of Synod held in Easton, Pa., in the months of September and October, a.d. 1861, submitted the following additional report, which was received and adopted, and the committee continued: — "By the action of the last Synod the plan proposed for the proper com- memoration of the tri-centenary of the formation of the Heidelberg Cate- chism, was accepted, and the committee instructed to carry out the several measures proposed. Accordingly your committee has been engaged during the year in making the arrangements necessary to secure execution of the {dan. A correspondence has been opened with a number of eminent theo- ogians in Germany and Switzerland, with a view of securing their co-ope- ration in the way contemplated in the plan. There has not been sufficient time to hear from all. Hundeshagen of Heidelberg, however, and Dr. Ebrard of Speier, have already replied, highly approving of the object, and cheerfully promising contributions. "\\ e confidently expect favorable responses from others. As soon as we hear from all, and thus ascertain what subjects have been chosen by our brethren in the fatherland, jour committee will take immediate measures to secure the requisite contribu- tions from our own brethren at home. From the progress that has attended our efforts thus far, we feel encouraged to hctpe that all things will be ready for the success of the plan in due time. We have also the pleasure of in- forming Synod, that the Western Synod of our Church, at its last annual Xii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. meeting, adopted the same plan, and appointed a committee to confer and co-operate with your committee in securing the end in view." The final report of the committee was submitted to the Synod held in Chambersburg, Pa., in the month of October, a.d, 1862. It was received, taken up item by item, amended, and then adoj)ted. The report, as adopted, reads as follows : — " Your committee has continued during the year to attend to the work which Synod has committed to its care, and are happy to be able to report, that they have been successful in making the preliminary arrangements necessary to the solemn commemoration of the three hundredth anniversary of the formation of the Heidelberg Catechism. " The necessary number of Essays and Memoirs, the reading and dis- cussion of v,diich are to constitute the main features of the Convention to be held on the 19th of January, 1863, have been secured. Eminent theo- logians in the fatherland have already sent on their contributions, accom- panied with kind words of approval and encouragement, as Drs. Ebrard, Ullman, and Hundeshagen. Other contributions are promised, and still ex- pected ; those to whom the committee have written, but whose engagements were such as to prevent them from accepting the invitation extended, have declared their hearty approval of the object, expressed their interest in it, and assured us of their sympathy and communion in the spirit of the occasion. " From a number of our_ brethren at home, we have also promises, that contributions shall be furnished in accordance with the plan heretofore ap- proved by Synod. The committee have found warm and earnest co-opera- tion in its labors in completing this part of its arrangements, receiving as- surances of the warmest interest from all with whom their duties required them to correspond on the subject. It is believed that all arrangements necessary to make this feature of the commemoration interesting and pro- fitable have been so far successfully made. " It now yet remains for the Committee to propose to Synod some plan for carrying out the second feature of the commemoration. It is proposed to make the whole Tercentenary year an occasion for the presentation of free-will offerings on the part of every member in full communion with the Church. In order to effect this object, it is simply necessary to take such measures as will bring the matter, in a clear and earnest manner be- fore every Classis ; through the Classes, before every charge and conor'eo-a- tion ; through each congregation, into every Sunday-school and famil|- and through these, to every member, every parent, and every child. To effect this object we present the following plan: — ''Each Classis is directed to hold a special meeting on or before the 25th of December, 1862, the object of which shall be to make all necessary pre- liminary arrangements to accomplish effectually within its bounds the objects m view. At this meeting the Classes shall attend to the following' matters : — *= "1. Provide for the representation of each charge by the pastor or pas- tors, and at least one lay-member from each congregation, in the Conven- tion to be held January I'Jth, 1803. o o . « vouven t^ri.'^'i'''''-'"'''''''''^' ^'"' bringing the nature of the commemoration before tlie pcophMu a general way, as early as possible in the year. .,^. I • V" '^ ^'-^fi^i.te and feasible plan or plans for bringing the grounds hrcT; Tl ' "^^,'"-'f\fr«<^-ill offering is expected, directly and dffiSy home to the mmd and heart of all the adult members, and every child-I HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Xlll through the pastors, consistories, SimJay-school superintendents and teachers, and parents ; that tlius all, and especially children, may have the whole year before them in Avhich to gather their offerings. " 4. Make such arrangements as -n-ill secure the special commemoration of the event contemplated in this Tercentenary year in each charge, in con- cert with all the charges in the Church. Where a charge is composed of several congi-egations, it is expected that there will be on such day a general meeting of all, in one of its central congregations. The day for this con- cert of commemoration shall be Trinity Sunday, being May 31, 18G3. A discourse on the general subject ought also to be delivered in each congre- gation of such charges as are composed of more congregations than one. " 5. Require that each congregation make a full and regular register in two separate columns, one containing the names of the confirmed, and the other the names of the baptized and as yet unconfirmed, members, and place the sums contributed over against the name of each one. A copy of thia congregational register must be furnished to Classis, that it may be able to present to the Synod in October, 1863, the names of all the donors, with their donations, within their bounds ; which record will also, at the same time, be for posterity a full and accurate census of the Church as it stood in the memorial year. " (5. The Classes are requested to direct their pastors at all times, and on all proper occasions, publicly in the pulpit, and privately in families, to refer to this commemoration year, and iise all diligence to spread the needed light on the subjects connected with it, that the zeal of the people may be awakened to its proper commemoration. "7. In connection with the main features of the plan, and in such a way as shall not interfere with the concert of the celebration throughout the Church, the Classes, as well as pastors and congregations, will devise any measures for the benefit and success of the occasion, which shall in their view seem adapted to give it interest and render it edifying to all. " 8. Such members of the Church whom God has blessed with means, and who have intentions in any measure to include the Church among their heirs, should be encouraged to make this memorial year the occasion in which to secure such legacies to the Church by formal will. " In all the endeavors to carry out the true purposes of this Tercentenary festival, so far as it pertains to the fi'ee-will offerings, several things should be particularly kept in mind. » '• First of all, care should be taken to enlist the interest of every one. Not a single man, woman, or child must be overlooked. The offering of a single penny from a poor child must be honored with the same sacred respect as the princely offering of hundreds and thousands of the rich. The opportunity of giving must be offered to all, — to all. " It must be clearly impressed upon the minds and hearts of all that this is not a collection of money yy'o?^ them, but an offering by them. It must be distinctly told to the people that it is a free-will offering. It is not to be insisted upon that it is their duty to give, but that it is ihe\v 2mvilege to give. They are invited to give only what their own willing hearts move them to give. The people must be exhorted to give what they do give from heartfelt gratitude in view of the good they have received from God by means of the Heidelberg Catechism and through the Church of the Heidelberg Catechism. " The people should be reminded how by wholesome self-denial and pru- dent Christian economy, during this sacred memorial year, they may enjoy the blessed pleasure of making their free-will offering large and honorable. The young, and children especially, should be taught by their pastors and Xiv HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. by their parents, that it is their reasonable and Christian duty to deny themselves, by their own Trill and consent, of some of those bestowmenta which they are wont to receive from kind parents, and which, though proper for "them on ordinary occasions to enjoy, are not actually necessary, ]»ut may be dispensed with, so that the amount of their cost or value may be used to enlarge their free-will offerings. Not only may their offerings by this means be made more honorable, but the lesson which they will thereby learn may prove to them a wisdom and a benediction through all their after-life. " On entering upon this Tercentenary Jubilee, the Church ought to con- sider well what it is undertaking, and endeavor to elevate its mind and heart to the greatness and grandeur of the occasion and the event which it proposes thus to honor. By entering upon it, the Church solemnly binds itself by all the memories of its own history, by all its professed love for its own symbolical standard, by all its obligation to sincerity in the offering of such a sublime festal service to God, and by its own self-respect, when thus solemnly acting in the presence and under the judging eye of the whole Christian world, to raise itself to a spirit and life in some honorable measure adequate to the occasion. Let the Churcli throw its devout, joyous, and zealous energies into all that it proposes to do in this festival year. Let it thus commend and endear to its children of coming generations the symbol which we shall soon hand over to their love and care, by its own example of attachment manifested in this grateful commemoration of its origin and history. It needs but the exercise of wisdom, zeal, and faith on our part, and that blessing of the divine Head of the Church which He will most surely vouchsafe unto us, to make this festival year an occasion of joy and strength to the Church, the good fruits of which may bless our children and children's children." The Synod ordered thirt}' thousaiKl copies of this report to be printed in tract form for gratuitous distribution, — ten thou- sand in the German and twenty thousand in the English language, — the expenses of which are to be defrayed out of the proceeds of the Tercentenary celebration. It also instructed each minister in the Church to read this report to his peoj)le from the pulpit. The duty of choosing a place for holding the meeting of the Convention of the whole Church in January, 186-3, was com- mitted to the committee on the Tercentenary celebration, in conjunction with the committee of the Synod of Ohio and adjacent States, on the same subject. These committees an- nounced at the proper time, through the papers of the Church, that the meeting would be held iu the Eace Street German Ekformed Church, Philadelphia, to commence on Saturday evening, January 17, 1863, at seven o'clock. They thus anticipated the time for opening the celebration proper, because the 19th of January fell on Monday, and in order to atford time for the necessary preliminary arrangements, and especially for the celebration of the Holy Communion of the Lord's Supper on bunday. ^ ^ At the same meeting of Synod, at which the final report of the committee was adopted, a memorial from a committee of the HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. XV Board of Trustees of Franklin and Marshall College, in relation to the completion of the full endowment of that institution, was laid before Synod. The subject was earnestly discussed, after which the memorial was referred to the committee on the Ter- centenary Celebration, with instructions to propose a plan to meet the wants of the case. The committee subsequently sub- mitted the following resolutions, as including- the action neces- sary for the completion of the full endowment of the college, Avhich resolutions were adopted : — " Eesolced, That the obligation, which Synod has already assumed by former action, of completing the endowment of the College by raising the sum of $30,000 still felt to be necessary for that purpose, is hereby acknowledged and renewed, and that, in the judgment of the Synod, this object ought to be accomplished durijig the tercentenary year ; and since it is believed that there are those who desire particularly to remember the College endowment in their tercentenary free-will offering, all such shall be allowed to designate that as the object to which their contributions shall be applied. " Resolved, That if, in the judgment of the College Board, the object of securing the entire amount needed may be promoted by agents, the per- mission of appointing one or more agents for that purj^ose is renewed ; and the gifts thus secured during the tercentenary year shall receive record in like manner as all others, as tercentenary offerings." At this meeting, also, the Rev. Dr. Philip Schaff subinittcd to Synod papers prepared b}^ the Eev. Drs. Ullmann and Hun- deshagen, of Germany, for the contemplated Tercentenary Celebration of the formation and adoption of the Heidelberg Catechism. The following resolutions were thereupon adopted : — " Resolved, That these papers be placed in the hands of the committee on the Tercentenary Celebration of the Heidelberg Catechism, and that they be authorized to provide for the translation of these, and similar papers that may come into their hands, into the English language. " Resolved, That the same committee be instructed to provide for the pub- lication of all the memorial papers of the Tercentenary Celebration, in both the German and English languages. " Resolved, That the ministers of the Church be requested to make earnest and suitable efforts to obtain subscribers for the proposed works, and for- ward them to the Chairman of the Tei'centenary Committee on or before the 15th day of January next. " Resolved, That this Synod, having received a certain number of essays from leading theologians of Germany, as contributions to the Memorial Volume of the Tercentenary year, return their most cordial thanks to those distinguished gentlemen severally, for the favor thus conferred by them on the German Reformed Church in this country, and order that a copy of the proposed Memorial Volume be respectfully forwarded to each of them, as a token of our affectionate regard. "Resolved, That the Chairman of the Committee on the Tercentenary Celebration be instructed to forward this action to the authors of the several memorial papers referred to in it." The several Classes promptly complied with the recommenda- Xvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. tion contained in the final report of the committee on the Ter- centenary Celebration. They accordingly severally convened in special session, and adopted such measures as were deemed necessary- to carry forward the particular objects contemj^lated in the movement. Arrangements were made for the appoint- ment of delegates to the General Convention of the Church, and for bringing the whole subject before the members of the different churches and receiving their contributions to the several objects of benevolence. The result of these efforts up to the present time has been veiy favorable, and the prospects for the future are in every way highly encouraging. The Committee of Arrangements, in carrying forward their work, necessarily had a considerable amount of correspondence with eminent men in Europe, which was, to a great extent, con- ducted through the Eev. Dr. Philip Schaff; and, as this very properly forms a part of the historj^ of the enterprise, some extracts from the most important portions of it, expressive of the interest felt in the Tercentenary movement, are here inserted, as a fit close to this historical sketch : — From the Hev. Dr. C. UUrnann, of Carlsruhe, formerly Professor of Church History in the University at Heidelberg. "It afforded me real and truly great pleasure to learn that the glorious monument of faith, coming down to us from the most prosperous period of the Palatinate Church, whose worth has come to be so little appreciated by a great portion of our people, is still held in such high esteem on the other side of the ocean. I most heartily wish that the good object of the celebration may be successfully realized, and that it will not be materially interfered with by the civil troubles which have recently come upon the American people." From the Rev. Dr. C. B. Hundeshagen, Professor in the Uni- versity at Heidelberg. "Your letter informing me that the German Eeformed Church in the United States proposes holding a Tercentenary Celebration on the 19th of January, 1863, in honor of the Hei- delberg Catechism, occasioned me great joy ; for it is an evi- dence of the vital attachment of the membership of the German Eeformed Church of America, as well to the faith of their fathers, as to the country from which they derive their origin, ihis celebration, therefore, very properly has claims to a most lively interest on the part of German Christians; and I am very thankful to the committee for the confidence reposed in me, which led them to take it for granted that such an interest would be felt by me. I accordingly announce to you with pleasure, mat, i am willing to prepare an essay to be read on that occa- HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. XVll sion. Among the various subjects proposed for discussion, I have chosen the first, namely: ' The City and University of Hei- delberg, with special reference to the Eeforination-Period, and ta the time of the Formation of the Heidelberg CatecJiism.' " In the letter accompanj'ing the transmission of his cssaj^, the following paragraph occurs : — "The Lord grant unto the brethren in America a successful celebration, and inspire them with a fresh love for the precious treasure which theEeformed Church possesses in the Heidelberg Catechism. In several portions of Germany, also, the celebra- tion will be observed. What will take place in this particular section of country, where the Heidelberg Catechism, since the year 1855, has in part been literally merged into the Union Catechism, I do not venture to predict." This expression of interest in the Tercentenary Jubilee in America is only the more gratif3'ing, coming as it does froni the very city and university where the Heidelberg Catechism ■\vy,s prepared and published, and where in its early history it found its truest and ablest defenders against the assaults made upon it by its enemies. From the Etv. Br. Herzog, Professor in the University at Er- langen. '' God grant that the terrible war which desolates the United States may not interfere with this peacefal work. The last news which we have received is again favorable to the North. " With the best wishes for the success of the coming festival, and for the Union itself, which is now so sorely afflicted, I re- main yours, &c." From the Rev. Dr. J. P. Lange, Professor in the University at Bonn. "I can honestly assure you that I am thankful for the confi- dence reposed in me, which led you to invite me to prepare such an essay, and that I feel deeply interested in the celebration itself As an evidence of this, I may refer to the fact that I have most heai-tily, and much to my own edification, taken part in two Eeformation festivals in my native country. Several years ago I attended the Eeformation festival on the Hunsriick (a mountain between Nahe and Moselle Elvers, on the western side of the Ehine), and about a year and a half ago that of the Principality of Meurs (in the Ehenish Province of Prussia). But, to my regret, I am compelled to sa}^ that the attention I have to bestow on my Biblical Commentary, in connection with B XVIU HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. the various other duties which necessarily devolve upon me, Avill so occupy my time, as to prevent me from preparing the desired essay. Otherwise I should have chosen as the subject of an essay, ^The Development of the Reformed Doctrine of Elec- tion adapted to the Present Times,' the materials for which are fur- nished in my Dogmatics; or prepared ^A Collection of Church Jlymns, purely from the German Reformed Church,' not in the in- terest of Confessionalism, but as an evidence that our Church is not deficient in this particular divine gift. "I therefore ask you kindly to excuse me, and, at the same time, respectfully request you to communicate to the Convention, at the proper time, my best wishes and most cordial Christian greetings. May tlie Lord make the beloved German Eeformed Church of America, and especially your Synod, more and more a joy-inspiring morning light in the West, and a bright token of tlie harmony of genuine confessional fidelity and Christian human charity; and to this end may iha aj^proaching lestival be also abundantly blessed." From the Reverend Dr. Ebrard, Erlangen, Germany : — * "I am most heartilj^ willing to contribute my mite to the Ter- centenar}'- Celebration of the Heidelberg Catechism, and would prefer to adopt, as the subject of my essay, the tenth of the series proposed for discussion, namely, 'Melanchthon and the Me- lanchthonian Tendency in Germany,' because I hope to be able to prepare something at the earliest period on this subject. I purpose as soon as possible to enter upon the undertaking." HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. XIX II. PROCEEDINGS OF TERCENTENARY CONVENTION, WITH SKETCHES OF ADDRESSES. In accordance with the announcement made by the Committee of Arrano-ements of the Eastern and Western Synods of the German Reformed Church, the clerical and lay delegates to the Tercentenary Convention assembled in the German Reformed Church, Race Street, Philadelphia, January 17, 1863, at seven o'clock P.M. It is ])roper to state that during the day the dele- gates, as they arrived from their distant homes, were welcomed to the houses of their brethren of the German Reformed and other Evangelical Churches of the city, and made the re- cipients of whole-souled Christian hospitality. The Christian greeting was as heartily received as it was offered. Brethren of one conimon mother, meeting to honor the memory of the sainted founders of their Chui'ch, to thank God for the inestim- able blessing of a symbolical exponent of their faith which had kept them from the quicksands of error for three hundred years, and to exchange vows before entering upon another century of Christian duties and privileges, the countenances of all beamed with joy and happiness. It was an era in each delegate's life, and the privilege of having been a member of this Convention w^as felt to be a proud honor. All classes and conditions of life Avere represented in the laity: the judge had laid aside the ermine; the lawyer, his daily task of endeavoring to rectify man's relation to his brother; the statesman, the heavy duties which the necessities of the country imposed on him; the physician, his round of toil amid want and disease ; the merchant had deserted his counter and ledger; the mechanic, the tools of his craft; and the farmer, the duties which even winter exacts from his industrious hands. The church had been beautifull}^ decorated with laurel wreaths and festoons, and presented quite a holiday aspect. On one side of the pulpit, encircled with a laurel w^reath, was the date "156o," and on the other ''1863," decorated in like style. The celebration of the Three Hundredth Anniversary was not only to be held wnth joj^ous hearts, but with all the external insignia of rejoicing and exultation. The German Reformed Church was being rejuvenated while it celebrated its early history, and one might pray that its future would be but an intensification of the vigor of its youth, and that in a green old age its highest glory should be the enlargement of the kingdom of God and the diffusion of peace on earth and good will to man. .^S HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. escape, -_ „ .^ , 1 . Eev. J). Zacharius, D.D., andthe Eev. John Eedbaiigh, assisted in the services. At the same time, an opening sermon in Ger- man was preached in the Salem German Eeformed Church, St. John Street, by Eev. Philip Schaff, D.D., from the words, " Ec- member them which have the rale over you, who have spoken unto you the word of God : whose faith follow, considering the end of their conversation : Jesus Christ, the same yesterday, and to-day, and forever. (Heb. xiii. 7, 8.) On Sunday morning a sermon was preached bj' the Eev. John W. Nevin, D.D., of Lancaster, Pa., from the words, " Jesus Clirist, the same yesterday, and to-day, and forever;" after which the members united in partaking of the Holy Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. The blest communion of the saints on earth with the sainted dead had been referred to by the speaker, and hearty thanks were not only offered to our Heavenly Father for the great goodness He had vouchsafed in feeding His servants, "through the holy m^-steries, with the spiritual food of the most precious body and blood of His Son, our Saviour Jesus Christ, assuring them thereby that they were very members incorporate in the mystical body of His Son and heirs through hope of His everlasting kingdom, by the merits of His most blessed death and passion," but praises also were given for the privilege of particij)ating in the blessed communion of God's saints, and "for the holy fellowship of patriarclis and prophets, apostles and martyrs, and the whole glorious company of the redeemed of all ages, who have died in the Lord and now live with Him for evermore." On Sunday evening an essay on "The Organism of the Heidel- berg Catechism" was read by the Eev. Thomas G. Apple, of Greencastle, Pa. On Monday morning, January 19, the delegates assembled in the German Eeformed Church, Eace Street, at 91- o'clock, and proceeded to organize the Convention for business. The Eev. B. C. Wolff, D.I)., called the Convention to order, and moved that Eev. E. Heiner, D.D., be appointed President pro tern., and the Eev. P. C. Prugh Secretary j'VO tem., which motion was adopted. Aftersinging the 101st Hymn, the Convention was led in prayer by the Eev. B. C. Wolff, D.I). On motion of William Heyser, Esq., the Committee of Ar- rangements of the two Synods was authorized to report officers for the permanent organization of the Convention. After some deliberation, the Committee reported the following nominations, which were unanimously adopted by the Convention:— HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 3X1 President. Rev. JNO. AY. NEYIN, D.D., Lancaster, Pa. Vice-Presidents. Rev. Samuel IIelffenstein, D.D Gwynedd, Pa. " B. C. Wolff, D.D Mei-cersburg, Pa. " Daniel Zacharias, D.D Frederick, Md. Hon. John Cessna Bedford, Pa. Rev. Elias Heiner, D.D Baltimore, Md. " Joseph S. Dubs North White Hall, Pa. William Heyser, Esq Chambersburg, Pa. Rev. John S. Kessler, D.D Allentown, Pa. Hon. JoHx W. Killinger Lebanon, Pa. Rev. MosEs Kie^ter, D.D Tiffin, Ohio. " Isaac Gerhart Lancaster, Pa. Hon. G..C. Welker Sunbury, Pa. Wm. Mayburrt, M.D Philadelphia, Pa. Rev. Henry Willard Columbus, Ohio. " J. Caspar BccHER Miffliuburg, Pa. ♦' L. B. ScHHARz Boston, Mass. Henrt Leonard, Esq Basil, Ohio. Recording Secretaries. Rev. S. R. FISHER, D.D Chambersburg, Pa. LEWIS H. STEINER, M.D Frederick, Md. Corresponding Secretaries. Rev. P. C. PRUGII Xenia, Ohio. " W. F. COLLIFLOWER .Jefferson, Md. Treasurer. G. S. GRIFFITH, Esq Baltimore, Md. The President, on taking the chaii-, addressed the Convention, in substance, as follows : — "In view of the fact that my name appears on the Committee of Arrangements, it is proper for me to state that their action in nominating me for the position to which I am now called has been against my wish and without my consent. As it is now ratified, however, by the voice of the Convention, I, of course, accept the appointment as an honor, and thankfully acknowledge it at the same time as a pleasing evidence of your confidence and regard. "The occasion which brings us together we all feel to be one of more than common interest and importance. We have been looking forward to it with anxious expectation for many past weeks and months. I have had my own fears, I own, for its Xxii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. success, in view especinll}- of the distracted political state of tho country. But since coming here these fears are happily dis- pelled. We all feel now that this Tercentenary Convention is no failure. The heart of the Church is here, and we have good reason to trust that the Spirit of God is here also, and that our coming together will be for the glory of God and the honor of His Church. "No symbolical book was ever more worthy of having its origin and history commemorated in this way. It forms, we may say, the glory of the universal Reformed Cliurch. It comes before uw hallowed by the most precious memories and associations. It cannot be otherwise than both jileasant and invigorating to com- mune with its spirit. " For ourselves, as a Church, much may be gained by renewing our communion, as we are here called to do, with the beginning of our own ecclesiastical life. In any case, it is wholesome to communicate thus in a living way with antecedent times. No form of existence in this world can be sound and vigorous that is not historical, rooted and grounded in the past. The single man, to be truly great, must remain bound through life to the memory and love of his childhood. So with all associations and communities of men ; and so especially with religious organiza- tions or Churches. No Church can deserve the name that is not a historical Church. It must have its right to exist in some charter handed down from the past; and to renounce its con- nection with this, is necessarily to become Aveak, and in the end to forfeit its title to consideration altogether. We claim to bo a historical Church,— not an upstart sect of yesterday ; we belong to the original necessity of Protestantism itself, whatever that may have been, and have the reason of our ecclesiastical being in the relations and circumstances of the period to which that great movement owes its birth. It is our duty, then, to cherish and cultivate a lively sense of our proper spiritual heritage in such view. Not to do so, can only be suicidal. Whether it be to hold fast ancient forms, or to unfold them into new shape, the condition of prosperity here remains always the same. We cannot groio in any way, except as we grow historically; that is, except as we abide in living union with our own root. Hence the importance of our present year of commemoration. Let us hope that it will serve to knit our sense of church existence with new force to what our Church was confessionally in the begin- nmg, and thus make us strong for what may be the will of God concerning us in the future. "Is it too much to hope, moreover, that this year of commemo- ration may tell auspiciously on the thinking and feeling of other historical Churches also in our land? Its object is in no sense sectarian or exclusive. We wish to quicken indeed our own denommational consciousncsa into new life : as knowing that HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. XXIU without this it must ever be a heartless solecism for us to keep up our denominational existence at all. But wc have no fear that by doing this in a truly historical way we shall be in any danger now of offending or repelling the proper denominational spirit of other Evangelical Churches. Rather what wc need all round for mutual good understanding and sympathy among the Churches of the Ecformation, is just such a revival of conscious interest in the history of the ])ast as we are now seeking to ])romote. It is the unhistoi-ical spirit, pre-eminently, which shows itself to be everywhere the spirit of schism and sect, while a sense for the historical leads naturally toward catholic unity and peace. <' It would be happy indeed if this Jubilee of the Heidelberg Catechism, which was once, in some sense, the common property and acknowledged bond of the entii-e Ileformed Church, might serve to bring up again auiong our American Churches the old sense of this "once familiar title, Reformed; as it served in the beginning to distinguish this general Confession or Communion frotn the' other great section of the Protestant world, the Lu- theran Confession. It. is truly wonderful how even intelligent people in other branches of the Church have lost the historical force of the term, so as to fall frequently into the grossest blun- ders in speaking of our ecclesiastical relations. It would be much tor the cause of true Church brotherhood— much for the interest of true historical Protestantism— if such ignorance or want of information could in any way bo assisted toward a more just apprehension of Church genealogies and affinities, as they held in past times. "In laying stress, however, on the family relationship of the Reformed C\nw(:\\Qii, we forget not the ties" that join us at the same time, beyond all sister branches of this Confession, with the other great division of tlie general Protestant world. We have no wish nor mind to place ourselves in any sort of unfriendl}' antago- nism to the Church which bears the venerated name of Luther. We are, of course. Eeformed ; we suppose that there was need for this form of Protestantism in the beginning, and that there is need for it still; and what we propose now is to assert and confirm our original character in such view. But, with all this, we do not for a^nioment imagine that our Communion carries in it the whole truth of Protestantism— much less the whole truth of Christianity. We believe that the Lutheran Church also belonged of right to the Protestant movement in the beginning, and that it lias still a most important part to fulfil in the onward progress of this movement; and we sincerely desire that, in this country especially, it may have power to be true and faithful to its own proper historical vocation. Our own Church holds, we may say, both historically and constitutionally, a sort of intermediate position between the two great Pro- XXIV HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, testant Cor.fessions : we belong to the Eeformed, but we are at the same time German. Eeformed, and in this way stand closely connected with the Lutheran Church, forming in foct a bond of communication between it and other Eeformed Churches. This national relationship we have no wish to forget; and we may be very sure that our present effort to call up past memories and renovate old associations can have no tendency that way, but must work rather to promote the feeling of kindred interest and regard between our two German bodies. In this case, especiallj', the cause of union can never be advanced by concealing or for- getting our original occasions of difference. We cannot so far stultity ourselves as to imagine that these were at first Avithout reason, and are therefore now of no force. On the contrary, we honor both Confessions in believing that the issues which divide them are real and great issues, and that they cannot be ignored or made of no account Avithout great unfaithfulness to the whole cause of Protestant Christianity itself No union founded on mere indifference here can deserve to be considered of any worth whatever. Only by understanding their original confessional differences, only by looking thena steadily in the face and owning their importance, so as to surmount them at last in the way of a true inward conciliation and adjustment, can the two Churches, Lutheran and Eeformed, ever come to a full legitimate union, such as shall prove a blessing to the world at large as well as to themselves. Such positive, and not simply negative, end of all confessional strife we desire with all our heart, and look upon our present celebration as being only favorable to it, and not in opposition to it in any way. "Altogether, I congratulate j'ou, Christian brethren and friends, on the circumstances of encouragement and hope in which, as a Church, we meet together at this time. The spirit of the occasion is full of promise, as it breathes also only peace and love ; and I trust and pray that He who is the author of peace and the fountain of all righteousness may preside over our sessions and crown them with His blessing to the end." With the view of having an accurate record of all the dele- gates present, the following resolutions, presented by Eev. John H. A. Eomberger, D.D., were adopted : — "Resolved, That a committee, consisting of one member from each Classis represented in this Convention, be appointed to prepare a list of the dele- gates present, arranged according to the several Classes and pastoral • charges to which they respectively belong, in the order of the Statistical :tables of the Minutes of Synod. "Resolved, That each pastor present ]je directed to furnish his name, with the names of the delegates from liis charge, to the member of this committee l)elonging to his Classis. Lay delegates present without their pastor are requested to report their names to the committee separately. Ihe committee consists of the Kev. J. Beck, East Pennsylvania Classis; HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. XXV Rev. A. L. Dcoliiint, Goshenhoppon ; Rev, J. 0. Miller, Zion ; Rev. J. W. Santee, Maryland ; Rev. D. AV. Wolff, Lel)anon ; Rev. I. E. Graeff, Lan- caster ; Rev. A. G. Dole, East Siis(|iu'hauna ; Rev. C. II. Leinbach, West Susquehanna ; Rev. J. G. Shoemaker, Clarion ; Rev. D. 0. Shoemaker, St, Pauls ; Rev. I. G. Brown, Mereersliur;;- ; Rev. S. H. Giesy, Philadelphia ; Rev. J. F. Buschc, New York ; and Rev. 11. Williard, Synod of Ohio and adjacent States. The committee reported a list of delegates, arranged accord- ing to the Classes and pastoral chai-ges, on Thursday morning, wliich list, Avith corrections and alterations made afterward by the Secretaries, will be found appended to this Introduction as Appendix A. On motion of Eev. E. Ileiner, D.D., it was "Bcsolved, That all members of tlie German Reformed Church present at this Con- vention, whether supplied with credentials or not, be requested to take seats with the delegates, and that their names be re- gistered with the same." On motion of Eev. J. II. A. Bomberger, D.D., it was '^Bcsolved, That the ministers of other evangelical denominations visiting this Convention be invited to take seats in the Convention, and requested to report tlieir names to the Secretaries." In accord- ance with this resolution, the names of such ministers will be found collected together, at the end of this Introduction, in Appendix A. Some attended all tbo sessions, and others were only present at a single session. The business necessary for the proper organization of the Convention being completed, the President announced that an Essay, prepared for the occasion by the Rev. Dr. Ilundeshagen, of Heidelberg, Germany, Avould be read by the Rev. Prof. Thomas C. Porter, of Lancaster, Pa., by whom it had been translated from the German. The title of the Essay was, " The City and Universitj'of Heidelberg, with special reference to the Reformation-Period, and the Time of the Formation of the Heidelberg Catechism." Before the Essay was read, the Rev. Dr. Schaff gave a short account of the learned author. This Essay was followed by the reading of anotherof the series, "The Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate," prepared by the Rev. B. S. Schneck, D.D., of Chamborsburg, Pa. The morning session was then closed with prayer, by Elder Wm. Ileyser. The Convention was opened, Monday evening, with singing, and prayer by the Rev. E. Heincr, D.D., and the attention of the members was invited to an Essay prepared b}' the Rev. Dr. Ebrai^d, of Erlangen, Germany — " Melanchthon and the Melanch- thonian Tendency, and its Relation to the German Reformed Church." This was introduced by a few remarks concerning its author from the Rev. John \V. Nevin. D.D., after which it was read by the Licentiate W. M. Reiley, Theological Tutor in XXvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTIOX. tlic Seminary at Mercersburg, who had translated it from the German. An opportunity was affoi'dcd to the members of the Conven- tion to enter into a free discussion of the several topics brought to its attention by the Essays that had already been read. This ■was embraced by some, and sketches of their remarks are here- with given. The Ecv. W. C. Bennet, addressing the Chair, said : — " Mv. Presidknt : — Under an All-wise, an All-seeing, and an All- superintending Providence, we are convened in this Tercentenary Convention. It is with profound gratitude to Almighty God and our ever-blessed Eedeemer, that we have heard already, in con- nection with the proceedings and deliberations of this General Convention, a number of very excellent and learned essays on the adoption of our excellent Heidelberg Catechism three hun- dred years ago. It unquestionably should ever be remembered, however, that the origin of this glorious Reformation extended to the Middle Ages; the inward and the outward of all true Christianity ever being absolutely and inseparably connected. "It has been repeatedly and confidently asserted that the glo- rious Reformation in Germany is a noble vine. A vine has not only branches, twigs, and buds, but also roots. The latter ex- tended in many directions, in the hearts, the heads, and the lives of millions. The Holy Spirit helped them powerfully and believingly to pronounce with their hearts and their lips the Apostles' Creed, in their families and in their churches, from age to age. And thus all the friends and composers of the Heidel- berg Catechism, at its adoption, were prepared to make and receive the Apostles' Creed as the soul and the life of the Heidel- berg Catechism; a creed born in the Church as far back as the second century. " In a certain sense, John Huss, who lived a hundred years before Luther, Calvin, Zwingli, Melanchthon, and a host of other Reformers, was emphatically a Reformed preacher. Let it ever be remembered that the Reformers did not make the Reforma- tion, but that God and the Lord Jesus Christ made this glorious Reformation; and under these all-important circumstances, it appeared as the rising sun after a long and dreary night. Thus the Heidelberg Catechism also appeared in the Church as a bright morning star; a catechism not above the Holy Bible, but, in a certain sense, dictated by the Holy Spirit, and one which should ever be considered as a golden key to open up, in childlike sim- plicity, many precious truths of the Holy Bible, ever teaching tiiat the God-man Christ Jesus is the Master and Centre of all true Christianity, and that not one or all of the Reformers should be elevated to this high position. That Christ, the God- man, lives in the souls and around the paths of all true believers, and under all circumstances, is the deepest and most mysterious HISTOUICAL INTROBUCTION. XXVH doctrine of the Bible and the Catechism, Avhich also ever make the Church our Heavenly Mother. ''Mr. President, let the heads of our families present to their children, as soon as they beg-in to read, the Catechism nloug with the Bible, so that the absolute importance of these precious books and their contents may be the more deeply impressed upon their hearts and memories, and that for many years after their parents may be in their graves. Ijot our prayers be, that such a state of things may exist throughout all ages, ministers and all others using these^precious books, in all possible places. Amen I" Eev. E. V. Gerhart, D.D. (President of Franklin and Mar- shall College), said: — "Four essays have now been read. I desire to ofiPer a few remarks npon the relation of the Augsburg Confession to the subjects discussed. It did not have so much reference to the view of Melanchthon as to the Zwinglian view of the Lord's Supper, to which it was antithetical. It was not the Confession of the complete Lutheran doctrine, but served to set forth the general faith of the Eeformation in the German States. But it proved unsatisfactory. This became evident from the fact that the Augsburg Confession was altered in 1540, and the Formula Concordiai was adopted in 1580. The altered Augsburg Con- fession was subscribed by Frederick III., by Calvin, Olevianus, and TJrsinus. A fact was brought out this evening not known before, viz., that the altered Confession was so universally adopted that after a few years no copy of the original Confession could be found. " Two tendencies sprang out of these 7-novemcnts. 1. A strictly Lutheran one, according'^to the 10th article. 2. A Calvino-Me- lanchthonian tendency. " These acted and reacted upon each other in Germany, neither satisfying the general consciousness. They did not meet the Avants of theChurch. The unaltered Augsburg Confession did not even answer the demands of strict Lutherans. Hence the ferment of 1540-80. The Melanchthonian tendency was in substance the same as the Calvin ian, and excited special animosity. It was called Crypto-Calvinism, charged with secretly advocating the Calvinistic view of the Lord's Supper. In this Melanchthonian view we have the very doctrine which the Eeformed Church afterward held, i.e., as to the substance of the doctrine. It was the Eeformed doctrine, but not known under that name. The formation of the Heidelberg Catechism was the right development of this Melanchthonian style of thought, in regard to the Lord's Supper. " Hence we have the result of a process going on in the mind of those portions of the Church involved in the movement, although the towering' name of Luther overshadowed every Xxviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION other and gave its designation to this theory. So we have two different tendencies bearing the name of Luther. The essay- read this evening shows the bitter conflict which arose between them. "I look, then, upon the Heidelberg Catechism as the result of the formative period. It unites three tendencies : the Zwinglian, which lays special stress on the commemorative side of the Lord's Supper to the seeming disparagement of the other side; the Melanclithonian, which laid special stress on the communion side to the exclusion even of the commemorative; and the Cal- vinistic, which substantially agreed with the Zwinglian and Melanchthonian. The Lutheran tendenc}^, rooted in the 10th article of the Augsburg Confession, continued to work also, and resulted in the Formula Concordia) of 1580. A reaction was brought about in the Eoman Catholic Church by the Eeforma- tion, which culminated in the Tridentine Decrees, 1545-1563. These three confessions, therefore — the Heidelberg Catechism, Form of Concord, and Tridentine Decrees — are analogous. The Rev. Dr. Henry Harbaugh, of Lebanon, Pa., addressing the Convention, said : — "The essay of Dr. Ebrard just read dis- cusses an important point — the influence exerted by Melanch- thon on the Palatinate, and the Melanchthonian element as it entered into the formation and founding of the Eefo-rmed Church of the Palatinate under Frederick III., in 1563. The full extent and significance of this element, as it entered into that eventful period of the Eeformation-history, has only during the last several decades come to be properly understood. The reason of this may be found in the more catholic sjiirit which has of late years characterized the study of that period of history. " When the great Pieformatory movement of the sixteenth cen- tury became unfortunately divided into the two great sections of the Lutheran and Reformed, the controversial spirit on both sides grew sharp and strong. In the heat of battle, preferences — we might say prejudices — became firmly set, and these were tra- ditionally perpetuated from age to age. Being removed from the scenes of those early contests both by space and by time, we of the present day are in this respect in a favorable position for reviewing and perceiving the ruling elements which entered into the events of the times. It is difficult for us now to appre- ciate fully the strong traditionary feelings which then warped, if they did not even unconsciously darken, the minds of those who then contended with each other on both confessional sides. Even some of the Catechisms, and books of elementary religious instruction, were, we may say, rudely sharp and pragmatic, cul- tivating thus the spirit of sharp antagonism in the minds of the young, and pei-petuating stern traditional pi-ejudices in youth- ful minds, who could know but httle of the points at issue. HISTORICAL TNTIIODUCTION. XXIX In a pr.ssage in the cateelictieal work of De Witte— in many respects an excellent book — the catechumen is asked: 'Are the Papists properly called CathoUe?' Ans. 'No: they are properly called Kah-olic,' — playing upon a Greek word meaning evil or Avickeduess. We have also heard of an elementitry religious book of that time in which the child is asked: 'Believest thou firmly that the Reformed hold six hundred and sixty-six errors in com- mon with the Turks?' Ans. ' Yes; this 1 believe with my whole heart.' These are somewhat strong and extreme specimens ; but they are still illustrative of the sharp antagonism in which the different Confessions stood toward each other, and show with what zeal it was sought to bias the minds of the age. In proportion as such traditional prejudices reigned, and as long as they reit'-ned, it was, of course, impossible to take a calm and true view of the events in which they had their rise. " With the dust of that great historical battle the partisan feelings of the age have in a great measure passed away, and men ai-e prepared to look back and review the times with other eyes. The Reformed are now able to see the working of a great power in the bosom of Luthcranism, in which they discover not only a congeniality with what was precious to itself, but which actually became part of itself. JMelanchthon, the author of the Augsburg Confession,— who at first stood fully with Luther in his^iews'of the Lord's Supper,— was brought gradually to sym- pathize with, and at last substantially to adopt, the view of Calvin on this Sacrament, so that he incorporated it substantially in his amended edition of the Augsburg Confession of 1540, and, abandoning the view of Luther, or at least essentially modify- ing it, held and stated his views in a way which found hearty favor with the leading Reformed theologians. "Besides, — what is' a still more important fact, — the view of Melanchthon on the entire doctrine of the Lord's Supper took deep root, and extended itself widely and powerfull}^, in the bosom of the Lutheran Church itself. Such influence, in fact, did his views, as embodied in the tenth Article of the revised Augsburg Confession of 1540, obtain, that it became the ruling power in^the Lutheran Church on German soil. This is evident from the fact that from 1540 to 1580 the altered Augsburg Con- fession entirely set aside the general use of the orignial Con- fession of 15P)0, so that when, in 1580, it was intended to repub- lish the original Confession, no copy could be found to_ print from, and recourse had to be had to the original manuscript. ^ " The fact is, that the latest and most reliable investigations in history clearly show that Melanchthon was influenced by the Cal- vino-Reformed doctrine of the Lord's Suj^pcr, and he influenced the Lutheran mind largely, especially in the Palatinate, m favor of the same view: so that when the old Lutheran party rallied again, about the time when Frederick III. came into XXX HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. powci- in tlmt Elcctoi-ate, they Avcre not able to'call back the ii-encral Lutheran mind from tlicir tendencies toward and sym- pathy with the Reformed doctrine. Frederick III., with that deep insight which characterized him, wisely determined to embody these views in his Heidelberg Catechism. Melanch- thon's "influence had prepared the public mind for its favorable reception. The new Catechism came with welcome into the bosom which already had all aptitudes and longings for the views it embodies. Thus the Melanchthonian tendency in the Palati- nate became the occasion, the basis, and the determining cle- ment from which rose the German Eeformcd Church of the Heidelberg Catechism. In brief, the Eeformcd Church influ- enced Mclanchthon, and Mclanchthon opened the way for the foundino- of the Eeformcd Church on what was before Lutheran ground. " Tiie historical facts on Avhich this view of the rise of the Ec- formed Church of the Palatinate rests have been incontrovert- ibly established by such men as Dr. Ebrard, Dr. Ileppe, Dr. Herzog, and others. Sudhof, in an article on the Heidelberg Catechism in Herzog's Eeal-Encycloptedic, and in his life of Ur- sinus and Olevianus, has vainly and ineftoctuallj^ endeavored to controvert this view. "Facts justify us, moreover, in believing that had the timid Mclanchthon stood up firmly in maintaining the tendencies which his own influence had created, when these tendencies were again assailed by the old Lutheran party, the result might have been a full union of both sides of the Eeformation on sub- stantially the same confessional gi'ound which the Heidelberg Catechism now represents. "Who does not regTet that so desirable a consummation was not realized ? But Mclanchthon was constitutionally timid. We may not blame that illustrious man : not more can be required of a man than is given him. He has been called a compromiser. We would not charge him with this. We attribute his silence to his timidity. If, however, it should be thought true that the failure referred to has resulted from a compromising spirit, it is only another sad illustration of thefact, so often evident in history, that every endeavor to compro- mise the interest of fundamental truth must meet with sad and certain defeat. "No feature of Eeforma'tion-history deserves more earnest study at the present time than tliis Melanchthonian tendency; and none gives better promise of pleasant and peaceful fruits to both the ilcfbrmed and Lutheran Confessions in their present status both in Europe and America." The Convention having received an invitation to attend a concert of sacred music at Handel and Haydn Hall, on Tuesday evening, given by the Sunday-school of Christ Church (German HISTORICAIi INTRODUCTION. XXXI Refoi-mcd), it Avas resolved to accept the same, and hold its sessions on Tuesday in the iiioi'ninif and afternoon. The evening session was then closed with prayer by the llev. Thomas H. Leiubach. At nine o'clock a.m on Tucsildij, the session was opened with singino-, and praj-er by the liev. 1). Y. Ileisler, of Bethlehem, Pa. The President announced the next Essay of the series to be that prepai-ed by the Eev. Dr. llerzog, of Erhuigen, Ger- many,— " The Swiss Peforniers." T'his was introduced by some remarks from the Eev. P. Schaff, D.D., in reference to the Ger- man brethren whose P^ssAys bad already been ])rescnted to the Convention. He styled l)r. Ilundeshagen the present proper successor of Olevianus, — one of the authors of the Heidelberg Catechism, — and spoke of Dr. Ebrard as one of the ablest theo- logical writers of the present age, whose productions were not only known in bis native land, but extensively known and well received in our own land. Dr. Herzog wuxs a Swiss by birth, and especially well qualified, b}'' his writings and studies, for dis- cussing tbe labors of " The Swiss Peformers.'' He also referred to the several works which had proceeded from bis pen and become authorities witb theologians, and especially noticed the " Theological Encycloptodia," which is deservedl}^ recognized as one of the most important scientitico-theological publications of the present age. The Essay was then read by the llev. H. Harbaugh, D.D., by whom it had been translated from the German. The Eev. John S. Kessler, D.D., of Allentown, Pa., addressed the Convention, in German, in relation to the Swiss Reformers. Being himself a native of Switzerland, he dwelt with much affec- tion and pathos on the venerated Eeformcrs of that country, and was listened to, by those who understood German, with the deep- est interest. The Convention then beard the Essay, " The Authors of the Heidelberg Catechism, Zacbarias Ursinus, and Cas])ar Olevi- anus," which was read by its author, the Rev. Prof. Thomas C. Porter, of Lancaster, Pa. The Eev. I. S. Demund, of Lancaster, Pa., addressed the Con- vention, expressing his high appreciation of the Heidelberg Catechism, which he regarded as next to the Bible, and decidedly the best book that has ever proceeded from mere human hands. We ought, accordingly, to treat it with due honor and respect. In his opinion, it is tlie grand central symbol of faith, around which all Protestant denominations will yet come to rally. The Eev. Dr. Schaff stated that the Rev. Dr. Van Osterzec, of Rotterdam, had been requested to prepare an Essay on " The Heidelberg Catechism in the Netherlands." A letter dated Leyden, Holland, December 27, l^^()l^ which bad just been re- ceived from the Rev. Dr. G. D. J. Schotol, explaining why Dr. XXXll HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, Vail Ostorzee could not accept the invitation, and acceptino- for himself the task of pi-eparing tlie desired Essa}-, was read, and on motion of the Eev. Dr. E. Ileiner, was ordered to be placed in the records of the Convention. The letter was written in French. The following is a trans- lation : — "My Dear Brother in Christ : — This morning 1113^ friend Dr. Van Oster- zce, of Ilottcrdam, sends me your letter and asks me to write you for him. You are pmbably aware that the Curators of the University of Utrecht have called him to the Chair of Theology, and that he is so occupied, so charged with business, that it is an impossibility for him to undertake a history°of the Palatinate Catechism. He requests that I should fil! up the deficiency, — 'the honor and advantage will be jmivn, my friend,' he writes: and in- asmuch as I am ahout publishing a" Literary History of the Catechism, dedicated to Prince Frederick of the Pays Bas, it will he an easy matter to furnish the Information desired by you. My book will appear January 19, 1863, and I have asked Dr. Ullmann, at Gotha, to give a sketch of the same in the T%eolog ische Sfudien mid Kritiken. I shall do myself the honor to send you next year, I hope hy the 20th or 22d of January, the History of the Catechism in Holland, translated into your language. I hope, sir, that my sketches will he satisfactory to you. "Accept the compliments of my friend Dr. Van Osterzee, as well as my own expressions of profound respect. "G. D. J. ScHOTEL. Dr. of LeUers, •' Chevalier du Leon Nieulandais, formerly Reformed Pastor at Talbourg, now living in Leyden. "Leyden, Holland, December 27, 1862." The morning session was then closed with praj-er by the Eev. A. G. Dole. At three o'clock in the afternoon the Convention ao-ain assem- bled, and its session was opened with sinp-ini-;, and%raver bv the Eev. Wm. K. Zieber, of Hanover, Pa. The first Essay claiming attention was that furnished by the Eev. Dr. Ullmann, of Carlsruhe, Germany,— "Sketches from the History of the Heidelberg Catechism in the Land of its Birth." The reading of this Essay was prefiiced by the simple statement from the Eev. Dr. John W. Nevin, by whom it had been trans- lated, that the author was so well known to the German Ee- formed Church of this country, by his theological writings, that his name was sutficient to attract the attention of the members to whatever might proceed from his pen. The following preamble and resolutions, offered by the Eev. E. Hemer, D.D., were unanimously adopted :- "Whereas, Those eminent German divines, the Rev. Drs. Hundeshagen Lbrard Ullmann, and Herzog, have kindly furnished this Convention with' very able pajiers, and most appropriate to the occasion of our Tercentenary celebration: Therefore '' "Resolved, That this Convention has been highly gratified and pleased witli the nnportant and suitable Essays prepared by those learned and aistmguished theologians and which have now been read before this body, HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. XXXUI BO numerously represented from all parts of the German Reformod Church in the United States. "Resolved, That our sincere and liearty thanks be tendered to these highly respected and greatly beloved brethren for their most valuable and deeply interesting contributions, and that the President of this Convention be requested to communicate the above action, and to make such further communications to them as he may deem most expedient and proper." The President having announced remarks from the members as in order, — The Rev. Dr. J. H. A. Bomberger addressed the Convention in relation to the Essay of the Eev. Dr. TJllmann : — *' There are two or three points of special interest for us, sug- gested b}' the able Essay just read, to Avhich I beg leave briefly to refer. The first relates to that offensive last clause of the 80th answer of the Catechism. No one will deny its discoi'dance with the prevailing mild, pacific tone of the Catechism. But neither will any den}'- that if the Protestant apprehension of the Romish doctrine of the mass be correct, then the mass is what the clause in question declares it to be. And fidelity to our past traditions requires us to hold fast to this view, though we may not proclaim it in such denunciatory terms. The second point refers to the influence of Melanchthonianism upon the theology, &c. of the Palatinate Reformed Church. This, we think, is being somewhat exaggerated, now that the fact of such influence is made out. And Dr. Ullmann, seems to me to have admitted as much. At any rate, whilst acknowledging the fact to some extent, it should be remembered that Zwinglianism entered largely into the composition of Melanchthon's system of faith. Indeed, he seems sometimes to lean more decidedly toward the views of the great and noble Swiss Reformer than to those of Luther himself So that, traced to its primary source, the theology of the Palatinate flowed from a Zwinglian Melanchthonianism rather than from a Melanchthonian Luther- anism. The third point which must have attracted our notice is the intimate historical relation existing between the earlier catechetical system of our Church in this country, and the enjoined practice of the parent Church of the Palatinate." These remarks were then followed by the reading of an Essay by the Rev. Thomas De Witt, D.D., of the Reformed Dutch Church, on "The Heidelberg Catechism in Holland and the United States." This Essay, in the absence of the author, was read by Dr. Lewis H. Steiner ; and the Convention was dismissed, with the Apostolic benediction, by the Rev. D. Zacharias, D.D. On Wednesday morning the delegates assembled with in- creasing zeal and enthu#asm. Notwithstanding the unpleasant weathei' — it was raining at times quite rapidly — there was a large attendance on the sessions of this day. The session was C XXXiv HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. opened with singing, and prayer by the Eev. John Kiilling, of Baltimore, Md. / A letter was read from the Eev. Isaac H. Eeiter, Miamisburg, Ohio which contained a moi-tuary record of the ministers of the German Eeformed Church in the United States, containing the date of death and the age of each minister who had been trans- ferred from the Church below to that above. This list of deaths was ordered to be incorj^orated with the proceedings of the Con- vention. It forms Appendix B of this Introduction. Mr. Eeiter's letter is as follows : — "MiAJirsBURG, Ohio, January 17, 1863, "Beloved Brethren in the Lord Jesus Christ: — As a small contri- bution to the Tricentennial enterprise, I would hereby lay before the ' General Convention,' which is to assemble to-day in the city of Phila- delphia, Pa., a list of the names of the deceased ministers of the German Retormed Church in the United States of America, arranged in alphabetical and chronological order, with the date of the year in which they died, and their age at the time of their death. I have used the utmost endeavors to make this list as nearly complete as possible, but, with all my efforts, I have not entirely succeeded, owing mainly to a want of the necessary documents, and to the tardiness of some of the friends of those deceased in replying to inquiries addressed to them. Hoping, however, notwithstanding its de- ficiencies, that it may in some degree aid to awaken hallowed memories of the past, to stimulate to grateful and benevolent activities in the present, and to lead to unreserved consecration and persevering fidelity and devotion to God and Ilis Church in the future, I hereby submit this contribution to your consideration and favor, with the prayer for God's blessing upon it, and upon your deliberations as a General Convention of the Church. "Yours in Christ, Isaac II. Reiter." The President read a letter from the Eev. D. Willers, Fayette, N. Y., expressing great interest in the pui'poses of this Conven- tion, and regret that advancing age w^ould prevent his attend- ance, and closing with some words of tender affection for the Heidelberg Catechism and the customs of the fathers of our Church in Germany and this country. The letter was ordered to be published in the Proceedings of the Convention. It forms Appendix C to this Introduction. The Eev. John W. Nevin, D.D., read a portion of the '• Intro- duction to the Heidelberg Catechism," prepared by him for the standard edition of this symbol. This paper was a sketch of the history and theological character of the Catechism with the cultus necessarily belonging to the same. Its reading occupied most of the morning session. In this connection it is proper to state that the Synod of the German Eeformed Church in 1859 appointed a committee, con- sisting of Dr. E. V. Gerhart, Dr. John W. Nevin, Dr. H. Har- baugh. Dr. J. S. Kessler, Dr. D. Zacharias, the Elders Wm. Hey- eer, and Eudolph F. Kelker, and Lewis H. Steiner, M.D., to , prepare a critical edition of the Catechism in three languages— HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. XXXV German, Latin, and English — arranged in parallel columns. Dr. Nevin's article was the introduction to this edition, which it is intended shall be printed in the best modern style, an ornament to the house of every lover of the Church of his fathers. As it was desirable that a number of subscribers should be secured during the sessions of the Convention for copies of this Ter- centenary edition of the Catechism, Dr. Steiner, in the name of the Committee, urged upon the members the importance of securing a copy of the publication as one of the memorial volumes of this great festival. It should be a matter of honest pride for every member of the German Reformed Church to have a cop}^ of this elegant edition of the much-loved symbol. A large number of delegates manifested their interest by adding their names to the subscription-list. The Convention then adjourned, and the session was closed with prayer by the Rev. Chas. F. McCauley, of Reading, Pa. The afternoon session of Wednesday was opened with singing, and prayer by Elder G. S. Griffith, of Baltimore, Md. The time was occupied^ with an essay, "Creed and Cultus; with Special Reference to the Relation of the Catechism to the Palatinate Liturgy," read by its author, Rev. Henry Harbaugh, D.D., of Lebanon, Pa. The Convention adjourned after the reading was finished, and was dismissed with the Apostolic benediction by the President. In the evening a session was held in German in the Salem Church, St. John's Street. It was opened with singing, and prayer by the Rev. P. SchatT, D.D. Dr. Schaff addressed the Convention, and w^ith much earnestness and " Gemiithlichkeit" described the nature and object of the present Tercentenary Celebration of the Heidelberg' Catechism. He also gave a short and succinct account of the Reformation in Switzerland and the Palatinate, and closed with a sketch of the German divines the Rev. Drs. Hundeshagen, Ullmarm, Ebrard, and Herzog, with a summary of the contents of the Essays contributed by these brethren to the Tercentenary Convention. Dr. Hundeshagen's Essay, " The City and University of Hei- delberg," was read in German by Rev. John S. Kessler, D.D. ; and the meeting was closed with singing, prayer by the Rev. Isaac Gerhart, and the Apostolic benediction by Rev. P. Schaff, D.D. At nine o'clock on Thursday morning the Convention assembled in the Race Street Church, and the session was opened with prayer by the Rev. E. R. Eschbach, of Baltimore. The Rev. Dr. Schaff offered a series of resolutions in reference to the publication of a Memorial volume, which were referred to a committee consisting of Rev. Drs. Heiner, Schaff, and Bom- berger, and Elders Dr. J. McDowell and Joshua Motter. Some business of minor importance being transacted, the XXXvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. President announced the Essay, ^'The Genius and Mission of the German Eeformed Church in Eelation to the Lutheran and to those Branches of the Eeformed Church which are not German," as in order ; and it was accordingly read by its author, the Eev. Prof T. Appel, of Lancaster, Pa. The Eev. P. Schaff, D.D., having been called upon by the Chair to read an Essay which he had prepared, stated that it was too long to be read at this meeting, but that the substance of the Essay would be given in German at the evening meeting. (This Essay will appear in the German Memorial Volume.) He proposed on the present occasion to make some free remarks on <' The Mission of the German Reformed Church in America, and the Significance of this Ileeting with Reference to the same. <' It is a striking coincidence that the most important meeting of the German Eeformed Church in this country should take place during the most gloomy and trying period of our national history; when the fabric of our Union is shaken to the very base, and the battle-cry of civil war is resounding in our ears. This is not the first instance of a great undertaking conceived and executed in the midst of national excitement or cala- mity. Man's extremity is God's opportunity, and when man's pride is laid low in the dust, God is most ready to bless him. The University of Berlin, the literary metropolis of Germany and the pride of Prussia, was founded during a time of the greatest distress in Prussia, soon after the disastrous battle of Jena. Christ himself was born at a time when the house of David was lost in obscurity and the Jewish nation lay prostrate at the feet of a foreign and heathen conqueror. The Eeforraa- tion appeared in the darkest hour of Papal tyranny. The Heidelberg Catechism is a work of peace, which originated at a time when theological wars raged most furiously, and when Melancbthon prayed to be delivered from the fury of divines. So it may be with our meeting. I look for great good out of this movement, — not only in the way of putting our Church intelligently before the other Churches of the land, but to the Church itself, to all her benevolent enterprises and literary institutions. It is the greatest meeting we have ever had, — the gi-eatest that has been held in our Church for three hundred years. No occasion of similar significance can be enjoyed for one hundred years to come. " And, now, Christiatius mihi nomen, Reformatus cognomen, must be our motto. I am a Christian, and sympathize with every thing that is Christian. This is the spirit in which we com- menced this meeting and intend to conclude it. Far be from us the spirit of bigotry or sectionalism. It is our pride to be Ger- man Eeformed, but yet we know that this is only one portion of HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. XXXVU that city of God which, resting upon the rock of ages, reaches the heavens above with its pointed spires and turrets. How can we be inhabitants of that city without being residents of one of its many wards and houses ? And our denominational location, our position, is decided bj^the grace and providence of God, which places us by natural and spiritual birth where we can do most good and labor with good faith. In this sense we are German Kcformed ; but we have no desire in this joyous celebration to promote any special private interest, but to advance the kingdom of our Lord and Saviour. " It is felt by all that the Essays sent from across the ocean by our Gei-man brethren have been prepared in the same Christian, catholic spirit. They contain no unkind thrusts at Ijutheran- ism, Calvinism, Methodism, or any other form of Christianity j they are cast in the Melanchthonian mould. Let us proceed in this spirit to the end of the meeting. We can best protect our own rights by religiously respecting those of our neighbors. " I firmly believe in the peculiar mission of the German Ee- formed Church in this country. If we travel outside of this, we shall be thrown out on the stormy seas without captain and compass, and cannot justify our separate denominational exist- ence. Each denomination has its separate mission, and should be true to itself What is ours ? If we understand this and act in accordance with it, from this meeting will issue new streams to make glad our Zion. Our mission is both theoretical and practical. "I. Theoretical Mission. — This has reference to our theo- logy. This is laid down, as to its leading genius and spirit, in the Heidelberg Catechism. A glance at a few of its peculiar- ities will show what our theoretical mission is. " 1. The Heidelberg Catechism is peculiarly Christological. And 80 our theology starts not from any abstract doctrine or precept, but from the living person of Christ, — the author and finisher of the new creation. What better starting-point can be desired than this most blessed fountain of our joys and hopes of ever- lasting life? "2. The Heidelberg Catechism presents Christianity as a system of life, acting upon the whole man, transforming him into the blessed image of Christ. It proceeds from the vital union with Christ. It shows us the way to eternal life, and teaches as what is our only consolation in life and death. The first question is a precious pearl of catechetical litei-ature, — the sum and substance of the whole Catechism. It puts our only com- fort in the fact that we are not our own, but belong to Christ Jesus and are united to him in life and in death. " 3. The German Eeformed theology must be historical. The Catechism is the result of no effort to strike out a new path of salvation or novel method of religious instruction. It only pro- XXXViii HISTOEICAL INTRODUCTION. fesses to be an exposition or amplification of the three great norms of the Christian : the Apostles' Creed, the Ten Com- mandments, and the Lord's Prayer. Thus it has a true historical foundation, and hence it has outlived those methods of instruc- tion which rest on a radical disregard for the wisdom and piety of the past. We are not taught in it to set up a hostile spirit to other denominations, but to love all, and do the duties which our own jjosition brings us. "Living as I do at present in Puritan New England, and per- fectly satisfied with my position, — being treated with the most perfect kindness in the oldest and richest Seminary of our coun- try,— still I must say that, with all ray admiration for the excel- lencies add merits of the Puritan type of Christianity, I feel as strongly convinced as ever that the German Eeformed Church has a special mission to accomplish, by virtue of the Christolo- gical and historical character of its tliinking. " But along with this historical element of our mission come the churchly, liturgical, mystical, and contemplative elements, all of which are very little felt in our age and country. Our Christianity is apt to lose itself in a certain husyhodincss and outward mechanical routine, which may be right; but let us recollect that while Martha was busying herself M'ith the practical aftairs of life, Mary was commended by the Saviour because of her love. "II. Practical Mission. — A sound theology will not be indif- ferent to life. Theory and practice must go together, hand in hand, for the glory of God, who made us for practical as well as intellectual pursuits. "Where can this union be better found than in the Heidelberg Catechism ? No one can charge it with dryness. While a product of the study, it is also the product of prayer. It could not have been produced except by men who were practical Christians. Hence it has not only been used as a book of instruction, but also one of devotion. Let us pro- mote, as a Church, a deep, fervent, glowing, and truly Christ- like type of practical piety, which lives and moves in Christ. "In the next place, where is there a wider sphere of domestic missions for any denomination (except the Lutheran) in this country ? Presbyterians, Methodists, Episcopalians, have tried to raise German congregations, but, with a vast outlay, only moderate success has been obtained. The reason is that this work is providentially put in the hands of Churches who can reach the German through the language and spirit of his home- rehgion. And we are far behind other Christian Churches in the land in this work, to our shame be it said. It is pleasant to know that we are making of late some advance ; and our improvement should induce us to work on. " But we must put our literary and theological institutions on a broader and more stable basis if we should rightly fulfil our HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. XXXIX theological and practical mission. To this idea we ai-e but becom- ing awake. Other denominations have done much more to this end. Andover Seminary has an endowment of more than half a million of dollars, exclusive of the funds of Phillips Academy connected with it; and this the contribution of only a few individuals. One person gave one hundred and sixty thousand dollars in all. A donoi', it is said, drew the monej^ for his donation from bank in gold, and prayed over it for days on bended knees in his chamber, that God might bless it to the advancement of His own kingdom. " How little we have done! and yet what grand results have been obtained I This very Convention is one of the fruits of these institutions which have resulted from our past liberality. With- out the existence of our institutions, the Tercentenary Conven- tion would never have been held. " Let our meeting be made to mean something, — to announce that we intend to complete the endowment of our institu- tions and to carry out the grand designs of the German Ee- formed Church. A half- million of dollars should be raised during this Jubilee year in the Church, to be handed over to the Synod for apportionment among the various objects claiming our attention. Who will not give his dollars, hundreds, and thousands ? I hope all will give, not so much from a sense of duty as from a feeling of thankfulness. This is the spirit of the Catechism, truly apostolic, truly Pauline ; and, as the apostle himself expresses it in Eomans xii., the brethren are urged to present their bodies a living sacrifice, holy, acceptable unto God, which is your reasonable service. In this spirit of thankful- ness let us bring our offerings, — thankfulness to God for the blessings He has conferred on us in our Church and our Cate- chism. " Then this year will be recollected as an important epoch, and as the brightest memorial year in our Church's history, long to be remembered by every son and daughter of the Ger- man Reformed Church." The Convention was dismissed, after Dr. Schaff had finished his remarks, with the Apostolic benediction by the President. The afternoon session was opened with singing, and prayer by the Eev. Isaac Gerhart, of Lancaster, Pa. The attention of the Convention was directed to an Essay, " The Eelation of the Heidelberg Catechism to the various Confessions," which was read by its author, the Eev. E. Y. Gerhart, D.D. The President having announced that remarks from the mem- bers would be in order, the Eev. Joshua H. Derr addressed the Convention as follows : — '• I rise to make a few remarks on the general object of the Convention. The large numbers present at our sessions, and xl HISTORICAL INTEODUCTION, the character of the Essays read before the Convention, have made me feel hopeful of the future. All gloom and fear have been chased away, and we shall now leave this meeting with hope and joyous expectations. "In all the Essays, one point seemed to me to have been touched on but slightly, if at all. I refer to the analogy that exists between the origin of the Catechism and the Apostles' Creed. This is strikingly shown in the several circumstances connected with the origin of both. " 1. The Creed was not formed at any one period of time, but was the result of a continued evolution of the truths of Chris- tian doctrine and faith, and reached its present form without a trace of a polemic character marking its form and contents. So the production of the Catechism was the result of time. Dif- ferent forms of Catechisms had been proposed in the Keforma- tion-period, specially prepared with reference to the different errors of that period. The Heidelberg Catechism seemed to grow out of the more perfected life of the German Eeformed Church, and to be freed also from taint of polemics. In this way there seems to be a connection in the form of life and doc- trine between it and the times of the apostles. This should make us strong in our faith, as the analogy is so striking. "2. The early Christians were made to 'suffer for thefr faith; they were driven away from their homes, and thus their faith was spread throughout all lands. Thus, also, the founders of our Church were made to suffer, to live in poverty, and to undergo banishment to other lands. " The men in the sixteenth century who had any influence in the formation of the Heidelberg Catechism seemed to have been blessed with a special outpouring of divine grace. These cir- cumstances require us to study with reverence the histories and lives of the founders of our Church and the framers of our Catechism. " Some practical thoughts present themselves as flowing out of these circumstances. 1. We ought to love the Catechism, and show our love by using it in our ffimilies. 2. It should fur- nish the order, as well as the themes, of the preaching from our pulpits. 3. We should rally around our institutions and do all in our power to sustain them. 4. The claims of missions should always be near our heart and command our warmest attentions. 0. in order to keep ourselves fairly before the world, we must not only sustain our present weekly pap^s, but must have a Itcview, through which the doctrines and usages of our Church can always be presented to the world. 6. We should all try to understand the sin of schism, and pray for the restoration pt the rent body of Christ. Is it too much to hope that the fbr'air'''^"^ ^^' """'' Catechism, should be the rallying-point HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xH The session was closed with prayer by the Kev. Franklin W. Kremer, of Lebanon, Pa. On Thursday evening the Convention met in Zion's German Eeformed Church, Sixth Street above Girard Avenue, where the proceedings were conducted in German. The session was opened with singing, and prayer by the Kev. Thomas II. Leinbach. The Eev. P. Schaff, D.D., delivered in a free way his Essay on the Heidelberg Catechism, treating in order of the Name, Ori- gin, Authoi's, Adoption, Introduction, History, Theology, Value, and Use of the venerable symbol. After this, he made a prac- tical application on the spirit, import, and probable etfect of this Convention upon the promotion of the benevolent institutions and operations of the Church. He urged especially the import- ance of raising, from a spirit of true gratitude to God, in every congregation, Tercentenarjr contributions toward the promotion of the cause of Domestic Missions and Beneficiary Education, and for the more complete endowment of the Literary and Theo- logical Institutions of the Church. If each communicant mem- ber of the German Reformed Church would only contribute one dollar, we should realize §100,000, — a sum not sufficient indeed to pay one-tenth of the expenses of this present civil war for a single day, but large enough to do an incalculable amount of good through the Church of Jesus Christ. The older ministers present being called on for remarks, the Rev. Thomas H. Leinbach addressed the Convention, and spoke of his experience in catechetical instructions extending through more than fort}" years of his ministerial life. He hoped that this Jubilee would stimulate our ministers to increased zeal in the business of instructing the youth of the Church. He took leave of the Convention with some feeling remarks, referring to his advanced age, and prayed with heartfelt fervor that all would meet in the Church triumphant above. The Rev. Isaac Gerhart, also one of the venerable Fathers of the Church, expressed his heartfelt joy that the Lord had spared his life to see this great Jubilee, and spoke with earnest enthu- siasm of the strong and imperishable foundations which were furnished our Church in the doctrines of the Heidelberg Cate- chism. After these addresses the Convention adjourned, and the session was closed with singing, and pi-ayer by the Rev. B. S. Schneck, D.D. During the session in Zion's Church, a number of the members having assembled in Race Street Church, they were called to order by one of the Vice-Presidents, and the meeting was opened with singing, and prayer by Rev. W. A. Good, of Reading, Pa. The exercises of this meeting consisted in the reading of the Essay, ''The Theological Seminary," by the author, the Re\^ B. C. Wolff, D.D., of Mercersburg, Pa., and of the Essay, " The xlii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Authority of the Heidelberg Catechism," by its author, the Eev. George B. Eussell, of Pittsburg, Pa. This meeting was then closed with prayer by the Eev. Joseph W. San tee, of Cavetown, Md., and dismissed with the Apostolic benediction by the Ptev. B. C. Wolff, D.D. On Friday morning the session was oj^ened with singing, and prayer by the Rev. J. Casper Bucher. The Essay, " The Theological S^^stem in which the Heidelberg Catechism rests, the Kind of Eeligious Life it cultivates, and the Theory of Practical Religion which it assumes," by the Eev. M. Kieffer, D.D., Tiffin, Ohio, was announced by the Presi- dent as first in order. In the absence of the author, it was read by Lewis H. Steiner, M.D. The Committee on Dr. Schaff' s resolutions concerning the publication of the Tercentenary Essays reported through their Chairman, Dr. Heiner, a series of resolutions, which after sundry alterations were adoj^ted, the first two being those proposed by Dr. Schaff. The resolutions are as follows : — 1. "Resolved, That the Ess.ays prepared for this Convention, together with the Introductory Communion Sermon of the President of the same, be published in proper chronological and logical order, under the supervision of the Tercentenary Committee, as a Memorial volume of the General Con- vention of the German Reformeil Church of the United States, held in Phila- delphia from January 17 to January 23 inclusive, 1863. 2. " Resolved, That the Secretaries of the Convention be directed to pre- pare a History of the Tercentenary movement from the beginning to its close, including letters and short sketches of the extemporaneous addresses and discussions of the Convention ; and that this History form the Intro- ductory chapter of said Memorial volume. 3. " Resolved, That the Tercentenary Committee of Synod he directed to have the Memorial Volume stereotyped if they should deem such a measure expedient, to fix the price of the volume, and to give attention to its sale and general distribution. 4. " Resolved, That said committee on publication be directed to request such authors (the German authors excepted) as may have transcended the limits stated by the Committee of Arrangements to condense their articles so that they may not exceed thirty printed pages. 5. " Resolved, That a special committee of three be appointed to prepare a similar Memorial Volume in the German language, including the Minutes of the Convention, all the German Essays, a historical sketch of the Ter- centenary movement, and a synopsis of the English Essays and Addresses. This Committee consists of Ilev. P. Schaff, P.P., Rev. N. Gehr, and Rev. J. F. Busche. _ 6. " Resolved, That the members of the Convention and others interested in the publication be requested to send in without delay the number of copies desired for either one or both of the Memorial Volumes to the Chair- man of the respective committees. 7. " Resolved, That three copies of the Memorial Volume be placed free of charge in the hands of each Essay-contributor, and that the profits, if any^ arising from the publication of said volume, be handed over to Synod to be disposed of as it may think best." HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xliii It was also ordered that the Committee on Publication be directed to request a copy of the sermon preached at the open- ing of the Convention, Saturday evening, 17th inst., by the Eev. S. R. Fisher, D.T>., for insertion in its appropriate place in the Memorial Volume. The Essay " The Educational System underlying the Heidel- berg Catechism" being announced as next in order, its reading "vvas commenced by the author, the Eev. Daniel Cans, of Ilarris- burg, Pa., but was suspended in order to allow of the introduc- tion of delegates fz'om the Historical Society of the Presbyterian Church. The Rev. Dr. P. SchafiP introduced the Rev. S. J. Baird, D.D., and Samuel Agnew, Esq., who visited the Convention in the name and by the authority of the Ilistorical Society of the Presbyterian Church. The Rev. Dr. Baird said that he considered it a personal privi- lege to be permitted to communicate the salutations of the Pres- byterian Historical Society to this Convention, and to bear the fraternal greetings of Westminster to Heidelberg. Ho would read the greetings which the Society he represented desired him to bear to the Tercentenary Convention. This he proceeded to do, and the paj)er is as follows : — " Philadelphia, January 23, 1863. " Mr. President and Reverend Fathers and Brethren : — It is with no ordinary emotions that we enjoy the privilege of tendering your Conven- tion the fraternal salutations of the Presbyterian Historical Society. Our society embraces in its constituency all those branches of the Reformed Church in America which adhere to the standards of the AVestminster Assem])ly. As a Church historical society we could not but regard with the profoundest interest the assemblage of your Convention, and recognize the signal and auspicious importance of the events which j^ou celebrate. Ours is the only organized body in existence which embraces all branches of the Westminster Churches. And whether we regard the whole history of the past relations of the Pieformed Churches, to which our labors as a historical society direct our attention, or the present state of feeling and sentiment in the several branches of the Church with which we are in- dividually conversant and identified, we feel it to be at once our duty and privilege to offer you, in their name, as well as in our OAvn, this heartfelt expression of congratulation and sympathy. Westminster tenders its fraternal greetings to Heidelberg. " Nor on such an occasion do we apprehend that our appearance among those who do homage to the faith of Heidelberg can be regarded as, in any sense, unwarranted and intrusive. AVe recognize, indeed, your Churches as specially detailed by the King of Zion for the privilege and duty of bearing forward in the battle those standards which were emblazoned by the hands of Ursinus and Olevianus, and planted on the height of Zion's battlements by the illustrious Elector Frederick. But we, too, claim an interest in that faith and those formularies as our birthright inheritance from that mother Church of Scotland to which we trace our lineage. Although her old Confession was adopted three years before that of Heidelberg, she early and cordially accepted the latter as a faithful em- xHv HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. bodiment of the doctrine of Christ, and conceded to it an authoritr as unquestioned with her as in any branch of the Keformed Church. *Nor can we fail to remember that when the hope of uniting the British Churches in the use of one set of formularies and one system of order induced the calling of the Westminster Assembly, its proceedings em- braced a fraternal correspondence with the Churches of the Heidelberg Confession, and were conducted with their sanction and God-speed, and the fruits of its laliors were hailed with their approval and vindication. " Faithful to the sentiments of our fathers, we appear among you, with the assurance that if we realize emotions of peculiar veneration for the Assem- bly of Westminster, and cherish a peculiar aifection for the formularies which we inherit from them, it is not that we have departed from the catholic sentiments of the age of the confessions ; it is not that we love Heidelberg less, but Westminster more. "In these days of tribulation, when the Lord seems preparing to arise and shake terribly the earth, when at the frown of His anger the pillars of our own l)eIoved land are shaken, and men's hearts fail them for lookino- to those things which are coming upon the earth, we feel impelled to do what with propriety we may, to draw closer the bonds of fellowship between all those Avho belong to that kingdom which cannot be moved. Especially do we realize a desire to see relations of greater intimacy established between the various branches of that Reformed Church, which — one in the faith of its confessions— has been one in the spirit with which in all ages and lands it has cherished the principles of rational liberty and vindicated those rightful powers with which God has endowed the rulers of nations. " Brethren, in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ we salute you. With you we look back, with subdued and grateful congratulations, to trace the vestiges of the past, and recognize the blessed results which, amid human weakness and imperfection, have been accomplished by the grace of God. With you we look forward with exultant joy to that day when the work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effect of righteousness, quietness and assurance forever. With you, we Avould humbly and courageously gird ourselves for the battle before us, keeping our eyes ever fixed on the folds of that blood-sprinkled banner whose pathway is victory and its rest glorious. We entreat God's blessing on your convocation, and His abun- dant grace to you and the Churches you represent. 'As many as walk by this rule, peace be on them, and mercy, and upon the Israel of God.' "Yours in the bonds of the common faith. " Signed in the name and by order of the Presbyterian Historical Society. " Samuel J. Baird, " Corresponding Secretary." Rev. Dr. Kevin, the President of the Convention, then replied in substance as follows :— " I feel no hesitation in responding to this greeting in the same cordial spirit with which it is tendered. The design of our celebration is not to cultivate a simply de- nominational feeling. Our strength consists in the cultivation and maintenance of a proper historical spirit, and hence we rejoice to extend the fraternal hand to the members of all branches of the Reformed Church. We are deeply convinced that It 18 only by the cultivation of such a historical spirit we can be brought into a more lively correspondence with these Ohurches. While we entertain none but kindly feelings to the HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xlr great Lutheran Church, still our historical relations bind us more nearly to the Eeformed Churches, and our prayer is, that this Convention may be instrumental in uniting us more closely to the sister branches of the one common stock." On motion a committee, consisting of the Eev. Dr. J. H. A. Bomberger, Dr. P. Schaff, and Prof. Thomas C. Porter, was appointed to prepare a suitable reply to the Presbyterian His- torical Society for its kind and Christian interest in the aims and proceedings of the Convention, which reply, as afterwards for- warded, is as follows : — "PiuLAnELPniA, March 1.3, 1S63. " Reverend and Dear Sir: — The fraternal salutations of the Presbyterian Historical Society, so kindly conveyed by you to the recent Tercentenary Convention of the German Reformed Church, were peculiarly welcome. Deeply sensible as the Church is of the importance of the late Convention, not merely as a denominational jubilee, but as an occasion of great interest to evangelical Christianity at large, we see no reason for concealing our gratification at finding her convictions of that interest and importance shared by so influential and highly respected a society as that which you represent. The occasion was not only a novel one in the ecclesiastical annals of our country, but, by its special purpose and aims, is invested with great historical significance. And we have been cheered to find that significance fully appreciated by brethren so well qualified to estimate it. " The Churches of the Heidelberg Catechism and of the Westminster Con- fession have good reason to feel themselves united by bonds of no ordinary tenderness and strength. Both by their external history, and by their inner constitution and economy, are they placed in close and vital relations to each other. And although the intimacy of these relations may have been more manifest and more frequently and cordially acknowledged during the period of their common earlier struggles than it has been since that time, why should it not be revived and cherished more warmly than ever? It is true that our respective Churches are not twin-sisteTs, chronologically ; nor do they trace their nativity to the same geographical fatherland. But they are sisters still, and that in the closest sense. Not only are they thus related in being fellow-members of a ' holy nation,' the boundaries of whose abodes are not fixed by the narrow limits of earthly states and kingdoms, whose happy citizens cannot be sundered from their hallowed intercommunion even by the broader division-lines of divora nationalities and tongues. The Churches of the Heidelberg Catechism and of the Westminster Confession may claim a closer consanguinity than this. They spring from a common spiritual parentage, are ofi'shoots of the same ecclesiastical stock. Not ahiers- in-Icnv, but such in fact, it is no wonder that they so often discern in each other the unmistakable lineaments of their common paternity, and, discerning these, feel mutually drawn together by strong mborn sympathy. Who shall chide them for cherishing that sympathy or yielding to its sacred attractions ? "Heidelberg and Westminster may be regarded as the most prominent representatives of the great and influential Reformed section of Protestant Evangelical Christianity. Their common parents in this view are Zurich and Geneva, in Switzerland. Though each, successively, embraced and illustrated the system held by both, with peculiar modifications, such as diverse nationalities and social influences would very naturally produce, in certain well-defined fundamental points they cordially harmonized, as Xlvi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. they did not agree with other ■ecclesiastical and theological systems and their advocates. Heidelberg might not lay so much stress as Westminster upon minute definitions of the Divine decrees, but, with the Catechism of the Reformed Palatinate before her, the latter might well be persuaded that her German sister held and maintained all that was essential to evangelical orthodoxy on that subject. Westminster might seem to give less prominence than her elder sister to the Church as the body of Christ, and to the sacraments, but, with the noble confession of the Presbyterian divines of 1643 in her hand, Heidelberg could surely not accuse her English sister of apostasy from the faith of Geneva regarding the sacraments and the Church. In reference to ecclesiastical polity they have always been of one mind, theoretically and practically, and, so far as public worship is concerned, the best authorities agree in testifying to the unanimity in sen- timent, and the almost unvarying uniformity of their usages. Mutually willing to wear any yoke which their common Lord and Master might impose, they cordially shared each other's strong aversion to the bondage of all human ordinances and devices. They began together in the spirit, and sought not to perfect themselves in the flesh. " Conscious of this spiritual unity and affinity, how natural it was for the two Churches to regard each other with sincere affection, to maintain a cordial correspondence, and to be always ready to extend to each other the warm hand of efficient sympathy and help ! Ileidclberg, though by many years the older, did not despise her younger sister. Nay, there were none who rejoiced with more devout gratitude at the great event of Westminster than the members of the Reformed Faith throughout the Continent. It was a consummation long expected and desired. It was a harvest for which they had toiled no little. Much of the seed from which it sprang had either been sown by their own hands or had been obtained from their garners. That which they had sown they had scattered weeping. That which they furnished they had moistened with their tears. They had reason to rejoice in the happy result. Not in vain had the newly awakened friends of the gospel truth and gospel ordinances, forced to flee from cruel persecutions in England, been welcomed, as fugitives for Christ's sake, by their more fortunate brethren on the Continent. Both were profited by the fellowship thus providentially established, and the hearts and hands of all were cheered and strengthened by the sincere and lasting friendships thus formed. The earliest bonds which united Heidelberg and Westmin- ster were wrought and cemented in the heat of fiery trials. Such bonds should rivet hearts closely and inseparably together. And so they did. For those bonds must, indeed, be strong and pure, which the rust of three centuries has not been able to corrode. " Of the many offices of Christian kindness performed mutually for each other by the Churches we represent, and the memory of which is treasured in their early annals, we cannot stop to speak. You do not need to be reminded of them in detail. The children of the Palatines and the children of the Puritans will never forget the love their fathers bore to each other, nor the fraternal services mutually rendered in their successive seasons of trial. Neither will they forget or disclaim the motives and obligations under which those services place them, to cultivate among each other the most friendly relations and perpetually to cherish the niost affectionate regard. The sacred memories to which we have adverted all strongly incite us to this. ^ If we have sprung from a common root, if we do hold a com- mon faith, if \ye are pervaded by a kindred spirit, if Ave are animated by a common zeal, if we have mutually shared like trials, successively cheering and succoring each other by deeds of true brotherly kindness and charity. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xlvii then, indeed, the Churches of Ileidclborn; and Westminster should feci them- Belves united by close and indissoluble bonds ; and then, too, it should be one of their c;)nstant aims to make the mutual charities and courtesies of their present and future fellowship ever harmonize with those of earlier times. "It is one of the distinctive and commendable characteristics of the ecclesiastical posterity of Geneva, to ' contend earnestly' for what they hold to be ' the fiiith once delivered to the saints.' But for this very reason they cherish and exhibit the most ' perfect charity among themselves.' And for the pleasing and impressive illustration of this, furnished by the greetings of your society, we have cause to be grateful. "It has been with sincere pleasure, reverend and dear sir, that we have thus endeavored to discharge the duty assigned us by the Tercentenary Con- vention of responding to the sentiment of your letter. On behalf of the Con- vention, permit us to convey through you its most Christian and fraternal salutations to the Presbyterian Historical Society, and to conclude in tlie language of John Knox, John Rutherford, John Craig, and others, addressed to Beza and the Ileformed Churches of the Continent but three years short of three centuries ago. ' But we earnestly request you not to allow the friendly correspondence now commenced between us to die away. If you will diligently do this, we will endeavor to return to you the like favor. May the Lord Jesus prosper as long as possible the pious exertions of yourself and brethren for the increase of the Ch«rch of Christ. Farewell.' "With sincere personal regard, very truly, yours, in the gospel, "J. II. A. BOMBERGER, " Thomas C. Porter, "Philip Schaff, ^'Committee of the Taxentenary Convention." The morning session was closed with praj^'er by the Eev. Dr- Samuel J. Baird, of the Presbyterian Church. The afternoon session was opened with singing, and prayer by the Rev. Joseph W. Santee. The Eev. Daniel Gans concluded the reading of his Essay, *' The Educational System underlying the Heidelberg Cate- chiBm," which had been suspended during the morning session, by the reception of the delegates from the Presbyterian His- torical Society. The following resolutions, offered by Prof. T. C. Porter, were then adopted : — "Resolved, That the Committee of Arrangements be instructed to present, in the name of the Convention, in case the profits arising from the sale of these books will warrant it, copies of the Triglott edition of the Heidel- berg Catechism, and the Memorial volumes (English and German), to the University Library at Heidelberg ; to the Libraries of the Theological Seminaries at Mercersburg, Pa. ; Tiffin, Ohio ; New Brunswick, N. J. ; Andovcr, Mass. ; P^'inceton, N. J. ; Allegheny City, Pa. ; Gettysburg, Pa. ; Union Theological Seminary, New York City ; and also to the Historical Society of the Presbyterian Churcli of the United States. "Renolved, That copies of the Triglott edition of the Heidelberg Cate- chism be also presented to the Rev. Drs. Ilundeshagen, Ebrard, Ullmann, and Ilerzog, of Germany, and the Rev. Dr. Van Osterzee, Professor ut Utrecht, Holland, in addition to the Memorial volumes already provided for." Xlviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. The Eev. Dr. J. IT. A. Bombcrgcr announced that he had received a letter from the Eev. Edward do Schweinitz, of the Moravian Church, expressing his regret that he was prevented from attending the Convention. On motion, Mr. de Schweinitz's name Avas ordered to be placed on the roll. The Convention then adjourned, and the session was closed with praj'cr. In the evening a session was held in Bethlehem German Ee- formed Church, which was opened with singing, and prayer by the Eev. D. Y. Heisler. An abstract of the Eev. Dr. Ullmann's Essay was then read in German, by the Eev. L. B. Schwarz, of Boston, who also addi'cssed the Convention, and instituted a comparison between the Heidelberg and the Eationalistic Catechisms. The Eev. J. F. Busche, of New York, being called upon to address the Convention, said, " Though we have been listening to long Essays for some daj^s, yet no one appears fatigued. The time has passed by so quickly that each member feels sad that this Convention cannot be prolonged. "We have begun to feel our relation»to those great men of the Eeformation whose his- tory has been recalled by what we have heard. We have all felt as though we had seen and heard, in deed and in truth, the very authors themselves of the Heidelberg Catechism, and have gained the certain conviction that they were men of the deepest piety and faith, and hence were able to produce this incompar- able Catechism, — more full and comprehensive, more definite and convincing, than any other. How well it reconciles differences in doctrine, particularly in that of the Lord's Supper, with such a true Melanchthonian spirit ! And this was the object of its publication by the pious Elector Frederick to the people of his dominion, and in it he was not disappointed. Can we ever tire of thinking of the manly and yet child-like faith with which he bravely defended his Catechism at the Diet of Augsburg, and with what Christian composure — moi-e even than that possessed by Luther, with his ' Hier stehe ich, ich kann nicht anders, Gott helfe mir,' which might be interpreted as indicating fear — he stated his hope in the sure promise of Christ * that what he might lose for His sake in this life would be restored to him a hundredfold in the next.' "As an illustration of the effects of its teachings, I may mention the case of one I know. Born and educated in the Evangelical Church of Prussia, but somewhat under Lutheran influence, he had serious doubts in regard to the person of Christ, arvi His real presence in the Holy Eucharist. On coming to this coun- try, he met the Heidelberg Catechism, and, through its clear and positive teachings on this point, all his doubts were removed, and he found it not only a cause of satisfaction to himself, but made it the text-book of his future teachings. By this symbol HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. xlix he was led to the Gorman Eeformed Churcli, and now shows his love for it by a diligent use of the same. "■ Our Catechism is a norm of faith, as well as a work of faith. By it the whole Church, as well as a single individual, may be guarded from error and false doctrine. Hence it should be used, diligcntl}' and constantly, by parents and teachers, in our flimilies, our schools, and our churches." After Mr. Buschc had closed his remarks, the Convention adjourned to meet at nine o'clock in the Eacc Street Church, and the session was closed with the Apostolic benediction by Eev. B. S. Schneck, D.D., and the singing of a Doxology. During the session in Bethlehem Church, a number of the members held a session in the Eace Street Church, which was opened with singing, and prayer by the Eev. Daniel Gans, of Harrisburg, Pa. The attention of the meeting was called to the reading of Essays by the Eev. B. Bausman, of Chambers- burg, on " Catechetics and Catechetical Instruction,'" and by the Eev. John H. A. Bomberger, D. D., on " The Fortunes of the Heidelberg Catechism in the United States." At nine o'clock, the whole Convention having assembled, the exercises attendant upon its final adjournment took place. The large church was crowded with the members and others, drawn together by the solemn close of such an auspicious meeting. Each felt that the hour of parting was near at hand, — a parting which forbade the hope of meeting again on earth under like circumstances. The happy hours spent in reviewing the past history of the Church, and in recalling the self-sacrificing spirit of its fathers, would be a source of life-long pleasure : still it was necessary that these should come to an end, and that each mem- ber should use the strength and confidence he had acquired in the grand battle of life against sin and the wiles of the devil. The Eev. Dr. Bomberger, in a short addi-ess, said : " That while he had enjoyed the rich intellectual and spiritual feast of the past week, still he had been anxious as to the practical results of our meeting. It was a special privilege to be the means of announcing to the Convention the first fruits of the Tercentenary, — the first manifestation of that thankfulness which we should all feel to God for the present Jubilee. He had just received a letter from the Eev. Dr. Samuel Ilelftenstein, sending his Christian greetings, regretting that he had been prevented by the infirmities of age from attending the Conven- tion, but that he sent two bonds of S500 each, to be held in trust by the Eace Street congregation, — the interest of the one to be given annually to the Widows' Fund, and that of the other to the cause of Beneficiary Education. He also had the pleasure of announcing the receipt of letters from two other members of the Church, who wished their names kept secret, containing donations of SIOOO each, to special Church objects. Let these D 1 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. instances be not singular, but the first indications of that gene- rous liberality which should mark the Jubilee year." On motion, it was ordered that a suitable reply be retui-ned to the Rev. Dr. Helffen stein for his letter of greeting, with thanks for the example he has furnished the Church through his liberal donation. The Rev. Franklin W. Kremer, of Lebanon, speaking of the effect of Catechization, addressed the Convention as follows : — <' Mr. President: — The Essays to which we have listened durinf the progress of this Convention are admitted to be of a hif»-h order. For literary ability, historical research, and earnest piety, we hesitate not to say they are unsurpassed. A very flood of light has been shed by these Essays upon the origin, the character, the introduction into the Reformed Church, and the wide-spread influence of our venerable symbol, the Heidelberg Catechism. We feel still more than ever drawn toward this evangelical compendium of divine truth, and our hearts glow with gratitude to God for this invaluable treasure. It now re- mains for us, as ministers and lay-delegates, to labor and exert ourselves more than ever to more fully introduce among our entire membership, young and old, this incomparable summary of evangelical doctrines. Had we time, we might speak of the Catechism in the family, the ^Sunday-school, and in the Catecheti- cal Class. We can now do little more than refer to the use that should be made of this book in these several departments. " The family is not onl}?^ the nursery of the State, but likewise of the Church. If good and loj'al citizens are ti'ained in well- regulated families, so all intelligent, pious, and useful members of the Church are trained in the same nursery. " It will be our duty, therefore, on our return to our respective flocks, to recommend with new eaiiiestness and zeal the instruc- tion and indoctrination of our children and youth, and esj)ecially in the sacred enclosure of the family. " Here it is that the mind and the heart should be preoccu- pied with the precious seed of the divine word. Everj^ child should be required to commit to memory the Catechism, and parents should explain it to their children, as far as they may be able. It is very unfortunate that in many instances children are not required by their parents to commit any of the Cate- chism to memory before they attend catechetical lectures, pre- paratory to contirmation. And, in a general way, proper youth- ful nurture and training are very much neglected. Almost the entire work is left for the pastor to perform; and hence the limited success of pastoral catechization. Were the preparatory work properly attended to in the family, we would realize far more jjrecious fruits from a complete process of religious train- dng, includin<^ the eftbrts of the Sabbath-school and the cateche- tical class. Then we should have a far more intelligent, normal, HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. U and solid piety, and far more efficiency among the membership of the Church. Our children and youth would grow up like lovely plants in the rich soil of the Church, and Zion would appear truly lovely and beautiful. Tbon, too, would the s]Krit of benevolence be largely increased, and ample means would be seen flowing from every point into the different treasuries of the Church. God grant that these precious and desirable results may be soon realized, and, to this end, may His richest benedic- tion rest upon this Convention." The Eev. Prof T. Appel made some remarks on the historical feelings excited by the Convention : — '' Mr. Presidknt : — No doubt I simply express the general impression of this Convention when I say that we have been instructed and edified during the past week. It has been to us a season of refreshing and revival. For the time-being, we have not felt that our country is in a state of civil war. Our thoughts have turned away from scenes of bloodshed and carnage, and gone back to those bright periods of history in which the best and most cherished institutions of modern times took their rise. We have visited the fatherland, and communed with the spirits of Zwingli, Luther, Calvin, Melanchthon, with Frederick the Pious, and a host of others, who made their age luminous with their piety and good deeds. In such society as this, we have been enabled to exclude from our minds, for the while, the stormy and tempestuous present. For this we are thankful to God, — the "giver of every good and perfect gift. " We are now better prepared to understand the history and spirit of our own Church than we ever were before. Some things at least that seemed to be contradictory in our history have been satisfactorily reconciled during the present meeting. We used to be told that Zwingli was the fiither of the German Reformed Church; that it started with him in Switzerland some- what in the same sense as the Lutheran Church started with Luther in Gei-many. But we could never look upon him with the veneration in which Luther was held b}^ his followers, nor feel that he sustained such an intimate relation to us. Subse- quently our attention has been directed to Germany as the proper home and birth])lace of the German Eeformed Church, and we have been told that it properly took its rise in connection with the formation of the Heidelberg Catechism. Then Calvin and the pious Melanchthon were held up as the spiritual fathers of the Church. " There is, however, really no contradiction between these two accounts of the origin of the Church. The Eeformed Church as a whole took its rise in Switzerland, and Zwingli is the father of all who hold in common the Eeformed principle. But the Ee- formed movement did not appear as something fixed and settled from the beginning: it displayed a progressive tendency and lii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. showed itself susceptible of a true and healthy progress. When, therefore, it found a home in Germany proper many years after Zwino-li's time, it had fully surmounted the Zwinglian platform and had arisen to a higher stadium in its progress. The old wall of separation between the sister Churches of the Eeformation had in a great measure been broken down, and it was felt and acknowledged that there was a principle of unity as well as diversity in their general life. "Would that no attempts had been made to build it up again ! This progress toward a higher point of unit}^ was due to the influence of Calvin and Melanchthon; and our own Catechism represents it more fully perhaps than any other Protestant Confession. Our own Church took its rise just when this spirit had become predominant over the old an- tagonism, and has embodied it for ages to come in the Catechism. This has been made to appear in the most satisfactory manner by the learned authors li'om Germaiiy who have favored us on this festive occasion with their contributions. <' Under this view, D'Aubigne's History of the Eeformation, so much read in this country, fails to give an adequate idea of our own or the Lutheran Church. It professes to be a History of the Eeformation, not of Protestantism as such. It gives an account of the origin of the two great Protestant Churches and of their separation from each other, but saj^s nothing of their subsequent organization, in which their true character came to light. It has not yet told us any thing of the rise.of the Ee- formed Church in the Palatinate, nor in any other part of Ger- many proper, and it most probably never will. This is a great defect in his book, and makes it fragmentary, one-sided, and imperfect. This deficienc}', however, will be remedied, so far as our Church is concerned, by the Memorial Yolume; and with it in our hands, we will know exactly where we stand. " Having communed with the past, Mr. President, it might be profitable, if we had time, to look forward for a moment into the future. This occasion is elevated ground, upon which light from both the past and the future is shed. We shall never see such a celebration again. We could wish that such seasons might often occur. But before another celebration of this kind comes around we Avill have finished our work on earth, and our names will be forgotten or only remembered as they appear on the Minutes of Synod. Yet from this eminence we can cast a glance into the future and hear the footsteps of those who shall come after us and take our places in the Church of God. Hero in this sacred place the next Centenary Celebration may be held. But the time has come for us to part ; and to give these remarks a practical bearing, and with the view to perpetuate the his- torical feeling here awakened, I propose the following : — " Resolved, That a Committee be appointed to consider the importance and propriety of establishing an Historical Society in the German Reformed Church, and to report at the next meeting of the Synod." HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Hu This resolution was adopted. The Committee consists of the Eev. Prof. T. Appel, the liov. Prof Thomas C. Porter, and the Rqv. Henr}^ Harbaugh, D.D. The members unanimously passed resolutions of thanks to the brethren of the Cliurch in Phihidelphia for their Christian kind- ness and hospitality, and to the Race Street Congregation for the chaste and beautiful festal decorations with which their church was adorned in honor of the Tercentenary. The Eev. P. Schaff, D.D., addressing the Convention, said in substance : — " In the Apostles' Creed, on which the docti-inal part of our venerable Catechism is based, we express our faith in God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost, the one true and living God who made us, wd\o redeemed us, and who sanctities us. On the basis of this triune revelation of the triune God we believe the Holy Catholic Church, which rises far above all denominational and sectai'ian names and divisions. In the bosom of this Church of Christ we believe and enjoy the Communion of Saints, which knows no limits of time and space, and embraces the patriarchs, prophets, apostles, evangelists, martyrs, con- fessors, fathers, reformers, and all true believers of every nation, generation, and tongue. " 'The saints in heaven and on earth But one Communion make ; All join in Christ, their living Head, And of His grace partake.' ''We have enjoyed in these days a rare feast of this blessed Communion, such as we never have before enjoj-ed, or perhaps shall not hereafter till we reach that far more glorious assembly of the Church triumphant in heaven, where all earthly divisions and distractions are resolved into eternal harmonj'. We have enjoj'ed communion among ourselves from every part of our Zion in this Western world. We have enjoyed communion with several of the most distinguished doctors of the mother Church in Europe, who have instructed and encouraged us through their valuable essays especially prepared at our request for this feast. We have enjoyed communion with the fathers and founders of our Church, who, though dead as to the flesh, still live with God and now surround us as a cloud of witnesses encouraging and guiding us from their heavenl}^ home. All the great Reformers of the sixteenth century have passed bcfoi*e us in graphic pic- tures as they never did before: Luther, the Elijah of Protestant- ism, the humble monk, who from his quiet study at Wittenberg shook the world by the simple power of his faith; Melanchthon, the modest and conscientious, the meek and gentle, the mild and lovely disciple of John, the mediator between the Lutheran and Reformed Confessions, whose last care and praj'er was for the liv HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. unity of the Evar)_t,^elical Churches; Zwingli, the honest and hardy son of the Swiss mountains, — those symbols of power and freedom, — whose chief object was to 'insert the pure Christ from the fountain of the Scriptures into the hearts of men;' Calvin, the exile from his native land for his faith, the great tbcologian, legislator, and disciplinarian, whose master mind and holy zeal for the glorj^ of his sovereign Lord and free grace still control the most earnest and active portions of Protestant Christendom; Frederick III., confessedl}^ the most pious and one of the wisest and best of all the princes of that rich period; Ursinus, who expressed his inmost life in the inimitable first question of his and our Catechism, and declared that he would not take ten thousand worlds for his conviction that he belonged to ChiMst for time and eternity; Olevianus, who, like his friend and fellow- author of the Catechism, sealed his faith by a pious death, his last word being a triumphant certissimus to the question whether he was assured of his salvation. These and others, heroes of faith, together with the stirring thoughts and events of that most eventful age, arose fi-om the grave of history, and have spoken burning words of wisdom and counsel to us. But the Eeformation itself rests upon Mediffival Christianity, and Me- diasval Christianity upon Ancient Christianity, and the Chris- tianity of the Fathers upon the Christianity of the Apostles, and the Apostles point us to Jesus Christ, the great Captain of our salvation, the ever-living Head of the whole Church, which is His body, the fulness of "Him that filleth all in all. "This is historical theology, this is historical Christianity, that holds communion and fellowship with Christ and His people in ever}- age and every land. What rich treasures of thought and action, what inexhaustible resources of encouragement and enjoyment, are here opened up to .us ! " The Tercentenary Convention now draAving to a close in this silent midnight hour forms an epoch in the history of our Church, a turning-point, the end of an old and the beginning of a new period. We have reaped a rich harvest of past labors and cares. Let it be also a seed-time for still richer harvests for our children and children's children. Let it be the fountain from which shall flow living streams to the glory of God and the advancement of His Church. ' Let us bury beneath this altar all our past animosities and controversies, and let us go forth as one body, one heart, and one soul, with renewed zeal and vigor, to do thcAvork assigned us as individuals and as a Church in God's holy cause and service. "What better thing can we do, after all, than labor, live, and die for Christ, who died for us? Kingdoms and empires rise and fall 'like tl\e fabric of a vision that leaves no rack behind;' even our once proud and mighty republic is now shaken to its very base, and who can assure us that its former glory and HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Iv power will ever return ? Events passing from day to day in this the darkest period of our history strikingly illustrate the utter vanity of all earthly wisdom, power, and glory. But the king- dom of Christ outlives all changes and revolutions of history, which are ruled and overruled by an all- wise Providence for the progress and triumph of Christianity. '' Let us all thank God that we belong to the kingdom which cannot be shaken. And having been permitted to enjoy this festival in harmony and peace, though surrounded by the horrors of civil war, let us renew our vows, and manifest during the whole year and to the hour of death our heartfelt gratitude for the great salvation of our faithful Saviour Jesus Christ, who delivered us from our sins and misery and makes all things work together for our eternal happiness. "Then we will act in the spirit of our venerated symbol, our children and children's children will bless us for this Tercen- tenary celebration, and it will be remembered even when we shall be gathered in to the glorious assembly of the first-born in heaven, where Christ shall be all and in all." After the conclusion of Dr. Schaif' s remarks, the Convention arose and sang the 201st Hymn : — "Amid a thousand siiai'es I stand, Upheld and guarded by Thy hand ; Thy words my fainting soul revive And keep my dying faith alive." The members joined in repeating the Lord's Prayer with the President, who then jjronounced the Apostolic benediction. The Doxology, " Praise God, from whom all blessings flow," was sung, and with it was closed the General Convention of the German Eeformed Church in the United States, held in com- memoration of the Three-Hundredth Anniversary of the foi'ma- tion of the Heidelberg Catechism. Ivi HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. A. ROLL OF THE TERCENTENARY CONVENTION. Class is of East Pennsylvania. Kev. D. F. Brendle, Farmersville, Pa. Laity. — Thomas Oberly, Daniel Boyer. Rev. Isaac K. Loos, Mt. Bethel. Laity. — Ileury Raesly. Rev. J. S. Herman, Kutztovrn, &c. Laity. — Ezra Geismer, J. D. Warner. Rev. John Beck, Easton. Laity. — Michael Butz, W. H. Lavrell, John J. Otto, James Hess, Jacob Rader, Anthony Zulich. Rev. Levi K. Derr, Tamaqua. Laity. — Jacob Schmauck. Rev. D. Y. Heisler, Bethlehem, &c. Laity. — George Steinmetz. Rev. John Gantenhein, Kreidersville. Rev. Joshua H. Derr, Allentown, &c. Laity. — John Gross, Philip Williard, Paulus Wald (Theological Student). Rev. J. W. Lescher (teacher), Wilkesbarre. Rev. F. Strassner, Wilkesbarre, &c. Laity — George P. Learn, Daniel Rambach. Rev. Joseph H. Dubs, Allentovru. Classis of Lebanon. Rev. George Wolff, Meyerstown. Laity. — Peter Spangler, Jr., J. Coover, Levi Groh, Henry Tice, Cyrus Spangler, Thomas Bassler. Rev. F. W. Kreraer, Lebanon, 1st ch. Laity. — W. D. Ranch, George D. Heilman, Joseph L. Lemberger. Rev. n. Harbaugh, D.D., Lebanon, 2d ch. Laily. — John Mcily, Hon. John W. Killiuger, Jacob Weidle, Esq., Jona. Raber. Licentiate U. H. Heilman, Heilman Dale, Rev. A. S. Luinbach, Reading, 1st ch. Laity.— lion. Daniel Young, D. Neff, Isaac McHose, A. F. Boas, Wm. Clewell. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Ivii Rev. C. F. McCauley, Reading, 2d eh. JmUi/. — Isaac W. Levari, Juhii Ennentrout, Geovj2;c K. Lcvan, Piiilip Ziebcrj William Graeif, Samuel Faust, Franklin C. Butz, Georiie Shollcn- Ijerger, George 31. Ermeutrout, Jacob II. lluin, Wittington 11. Van Reed. Rev. J. E. Ilicstcr, Annvillo. Laity. — William Fisher, William Ault, C. II. Killingor, Peter Forney, Henry B. Bodenhorn, John Philip Steiu (Theological Student). Rev. II. Wagner, Orwigsburg. Laity. — Peter Albright. Rev. T. n. Lcinbach, Tulpenhocken. iMity. — David Kintzlor, Eli Klopp, II. Stump, Cyrus McCroIl. Rev. D. W. Wolff, Schuylkill Haven. Laity. — Daniel Small. Rev. Jacob D. Zehring, Bernville. Laity. — Franklin R. Gerhart. Rev. T. C. Leinbach, Womelsdorf. Laity. — Henry AYiand, Joseph Conrad. David Gring, Sr. Rev. Augustus L. Herman, Reading. Rev. William A. Good, Reading. Rev. A. Romich, Philadelphia. Rev. II. Bokum (Chap. U. S. A.), Philadelphia. Classis of Zion. Rev. Jacob Sechler, Littlestown. Laity. — John Ilcsson, David Schwartz, William Ritlent. Rev. Jacob Zieglcr, Gettysburg. Laity. — Jacob F. Lower, Jacob Raffcnsberger, Jacob Robert, Ilcnvy Lady. Rev. W. C. Bonnet, Boiling Springs, Rev. Jacol) 0. Miller, York. Jxiity. — William A. AVilt, William Stuck, William Gilberthorp, Henry Wlest, John Noss, John G. Noss and W. F. P. Davis (Theological Students). Rev. E. II. Iloffheins, Abbottstown. Laity. — Charles Robert, John A. Iloffheins. Rev. Daniel Gring, Shrewsbery. Laity. — Dr. Joseph Coblentz, David Gring. Rev. T. P. Bucher, Gettysburg. Laity. — -John Slydor, F. E. Vandorsloot. Rev. A. R. Kremer, Mechanicsburg. iMiiy. — Peter Stambaugh, Jacob Myei's. Rev. William K. Ziober, Hanover. Laity.— llcnrj Wirt, Henry C. Schrivei", Edgar Slagle, Daniel J. Al- bright, Emanuel Thomas, II. M. Schmuck, Titus S. Eckcrt. Rev. Henry Mosser, Landisburg. Laity. — Jacob Ritter. iviii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Rov. Samuel Pliillips, Carlisle. llcv. D. Ernest Klopp, Blaiii. JmUij. — George Ickes, Jeremiah Ilench. Licentiate W. M. Reily, Mercersburg. Her. Jacob Kehm, East Berlin. Laity.— QQorgQ Julius, Aaron Spangler, Jesse Eppleman, John Myers, Andrew Ferrence. Rev. F. AV. Vandersloot, York. W. D. Lefevre (Theological Student), Pleasant Grove. Classis of Maryland. Rev. D. Zacharias, D.D., Frederick City. Laity. — Dr. Lewie 11. Steiuer, Frederick Zumpstein, H. Getzendanner (Theological Student). Rev. E. Ileiner, D.D., Baltimore, 1st ch. Rev. E. R. Eschbach, Baltimore. Laity. — G. S. Griffith, Jacob Yeisley. Rev. J. S. Foulk, Baltimore, 2d ch. Jjuity. — John Rodenmayer, Jacob King. Rev. John Kuelling, Baltimore, 3d ch. Laity. — Louis Blaufusz. Rev. William F. Colliflower, Jefferson. Rev. J. W. Santee, Cavetown. Laity. — George Ilarbaugh. Rev. Jesse Steiner, Walkersville. Rev. John G. Fritchey, Taneytown. Laity. — -John Feeser, Jacob Shrincr, Joshua Crawford, Jno. W. McAl- lister, William A. Fritchey. Rev. Henry I. Comfort, Mcclianicstown. Rev. John IL Wagner, Ilagerstown. Laity. — Frederick Ilumrickhouse, William Levy, David Zeller. Rev. John M. Titzel, Emmittsburg. Laity. — Joshua Hotter. Rev. Henry Wissler, Manchester. Rev. E. T. C. Boehringer, Norfolk. Classis of Pldladelpliia. Rev. J. H. A. Bomberger, D.D., Race St. C. Laity. — Charles Wannemacher, D. McWilliams, Charles Santee, Dr. T. Ingram, David Correll, William Beecher, John Wiest, Dr. William May- burry, John G. Alberger, S. II. Bibighaus, George Doll, John Hinckle, George Dodd, Philip Horn, George Priest, William G. Graver, Jacob Y. Dictz, Gilbert L. Lentz, William Howell, A. Holland, George Butz, Dr. D. S. Gloninger, A. L. Kaub. Rev. J. G. Wiehle, Salem's ch., Philadelphia. Rev. N. Gehr, Zion's ch., Philadelphia. ■'^*'^//- — Henry Euler, Elias Derr, Levi Johnson, Enos Bossert, Nicholas Wetzel, August Feldmann, Philip Renneisen. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. lix Rev. S. G. Wap;ner, Bohm's church. Laity. — Jesse Frantz, George Schectz. Rev, P. Soibert Davis, Norristown. Laity. — ^W^illiam Earnest, Reuben Schall, David Schall. Rev. S. H. Giesy, Christ church, Phihxrlolphia. Lail)/. — Charles N. Brock, Thomas F. Brock, A. II. Van Ilaagcu, Philip F. Fry", William C. Ewing, Charles W. Arney. Rev. J. G. Neuber, Bethlehem ch., Philadelphia. Laity. — John W. Iluber, Christian Wahl, George Gelbach, John Doelph. Rev. Jacob Dahlman, West Philadelphia. Laity. — Wilhelm D. Gross, Christian Gross, Jacob Klemm, George Mutli. Rev. W. G. Ilackman, Kulpsville. Laity. — John Weber, Aaron Drake, Joseph Proctor. Laity. — Abraham Taney, S. Vincent. Rev. Alfred B. Shenkle, Trappe. Rev. Charles W. Shultz, Camden, N. J. Rev. N. S. Aller, Pleasantville, Pa. Laity. — John Garner. Rev. C. Lnkons, Frankfort, Pa. Rev. R. R. Schmidt, Glassboro', N. J. T. J. Seiple (Theological Student), Freeland. Classis of Mercersburg. Rev. J. Rebaugh, Middleburg and Clearspring. Laity. — James R. Cushwa, Stephen Kroh, Abraham Ditto, John McLaugh- lin, Daniel Zeller. Rev. AValter E. Krebs, Waynesboro'. Laity. — John W. Coon, David B. Russel, Jerome Beaver, Levi C. Kepner. Rev. C. F. Iloffmeier, McConnellsburg. Rev. Jacob Hassler, Martinsburg. Laity. — Anthony S. Morrow. Rev. Isaac G. Brown, Mercersburg. Laity. — Dr. John McDowell, Joseph Fuss, Herman Ilause. Rev. Thomas G. Apple, Greencastle. Laity. — George Cook, A. B. Wingerd. Rev. B. Bausman, Chambersburg. Laity. — William Heyser, Sr., Bernard Wolff, George R. Colliflower, John B. Cook. Rev. A. S. Vaughan, Shippensl)urg. Laity. — Hon. Henry Ruby, Moses Conner. Rev. Henry Ilcckerman, Bedford. Laity. — Hon. John Cessna, George Oster. Laity. — Peter Ewalt, Shellsburg. Rev. George R. Zacharias, Strasburg. Laity. — William Bossert. Rev. N. E. Gilds, St. Clairsville. Laity. — Jacob Walters. Ix HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Rev. W. R. 11. Deatricli, Grindstonehill. Laify.—Dv. E. Ilartzell, Ilonry L. Miller, Dr. W. J. Maxwell, Jacob S. AVertz, C. B. Weldy. Rev. J. W. Love, Waterstreet. Laity. — Frederick Hyle, Benjamin Cross. Rev. G. C. Seibert, Ph. D., Chambersburg. Rev. B. S. Schneck, D.D., Rev. S. R. Fisher, D.D., Rev. Philip Sciiaff, D.D., Mercersbur;?. Rev. B. C. Wolff, D.D., Classis of Goshcnliojjpen. Rev. J. S. Kesslcr, D.D., Allentown. Rev. P. S. Fisher, Tohickon, &c. Laity. — Peter Solliday, Aaron Gerhard, Jacob Scholl, Daniel Oehl, Dr. Charles Everhart, David Appenzellcr, William Schlichter, Isaac Gerhard, Jacob Iliinge, Samuel Leidy, Sr., Samuel Leidy, Jr. Rev. Samuel Iless, Hellertown, Pa. Rev. N. S. Strassburger, Pottstown, &c. - Laity. — Henry Fink, David B. Mauger, Levris Marsteller, Franklin W. Gerhart. Rev. A. L. Dechant, Kecler's, &c. iMity. — Daniel lluusicker, T. L. IIofFmeier, Daniel Smith. Rev. David Rothrock, Durham. La;ity. — Solomon Anders, John L. Boj^er, Henry Stover, Isaac Summer, Daniel A. Welder. Rev. R. A. Van Court, Falkoner Swamp, Laity. — Frederick Stauffer, Isaac F. Yost, E. Miller, Levi Lefever, Henry Stauffer, Jones Iluber, Benjamin Tyson, Wm. Fox, Esq., S. M. K. Huber (Theological Student). Rev. G. W. Aughinbaugh, Riegelsville. Laity, — Tobias Worman, N. Woliinger, Oliver Worman. Rev. William G. Engel, Hill Church. W. M. Landis (Theological Student), Centre Valley. Laity. — Dr. P. G. Shive (Ililltown), Leidy L. Gerhart (Doylestown). Classis of Neio York. Rev. John F. Bu.«che, New York. Laity. — George F. Augustine. Rev. 0. T. Lohr, Elizabeth City, N.J. Rev A. Schroder, Bridgeport, Conn. Rev. Lewis B. Schwarz, Boston, Mass. Rev. C. A. Iloehing. New Brunswick, N.J. Matthew Schaible (Theological Student), Newark, N.J. Classis of Lancaster. Rev. A. II. Kremer, Lancaster, 1st ch. Laity. — George II. Bomberger, John May, Philip Bausman, Dr. Samuel Welchans, Abraham Fishel, John B, Roth, Edw. J. Zahm, Jacob Bausman. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Ixi Rev. I. S. Demund, St. Paul's church, Lancaster. Laiti/. — George Spurgor, John II. Pearsol, Amos Iluffmeier, Christian Cast, il. II. W. Ilibshmun (Theological Student). Rev. Isaac E. Graeff, Millersvillc charge. Laity. — Philip Arudt. Rev. George Kurtzman, MIddletowu. Rev. Daniel Gans, Ilarrisburg. Laitii. — Daniel W. Gross, J. B. Thomson, Daniel E. Muench, I. M. Kel- ker, Charles F. Muench. Rev. Martin A. Smith, Ilummelstown. Laihj. — A. W. Milleisen, A. Mader, IMartin Schaffncr, Peter Hcckcrt. Rev. Frederick A. Gast, New Holland. Laitij. — John Sausman, Albert Sutton. Rev. William T. Gerhard, Manhcim. La'dij. — W. J. Eraser, J. W. Shenk, A. Etneier, Joseph Doeblcr, John Brion, Emanuel Keener, Henry Gray. Rev. John V. Eckert, New Providence. Laitij. — Daniel Lefever, Samuel Hersh, Daniel Helm, Rev. John Naille, Elizabethtown. LaHij. — John Klopp. Rev. Daniel Hertz, Ephrata. Lait'/. — Isaac Bushong, Henry Heller, Christian S. IIofiFman, Henry Stauil'er, Benjamin Swartz. Rev. Prof. T. C. Porter, F. and M. C, Lancaster. " E. V. Gerhart, D.D., " Professor Theodore Appel, " " John W. Nevin, D.D., ' " " Isaac Gerhart, " " Albert HelfFenstein, Sr., Shamokin. " John G. Wolff, INIaytown. La. if I/. — -John Ilollingfcr. Clas.iis of East Susqiiclianna. Rev. C. A. Rittenhouse, Mount Zion. Rev. William Goodrich, Bloomsburg. Licentiate Samuel Transeau. Laity. — Joseph Mertz. Rev. D. B. Albright, Paradise. Laity. — David Eshbach, Levi Linn, Charles Hottenstein, David Derr. Rev. Albert G. Dole, Milton. Laity. — Colonel W. H. Frymire, Levi Balliett, A. Straub. Rev. Lucian Cort, Sunbury. Za(7//.— Hon. G. C. Welkcr. Rev. John W. Steinmetz, Danville. Laity. — David Diehl. Rev. Henry Hotfman, Berwick. " Henry Losch, Shamokin. " Henry S. Bassler, Bem-ysburg. Z«//y.— Daniel Heckert, George Negly, Henry Clouser, David Seller, Samuel Buck. Ixii HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. Rev. Ephraim Kieffer, Lykens Valley. jjaity. — Philip Moyer, Simon Sheetz, John Williar. Rev. N. E. Bressler, Armstrong Valley. Rev. Isaac F. Steely, Mahontongo. Laltij. — Ilcnry Roast, Jefferson Steely, Aaron Brovsrn, Simon Weary, D. Weary, Samuel Weary. Rev. Jared Fritzinger, Mahony. Laity. — William A. Haas. Classis of West Susqtiehanna, Rev. J. Casper Bucher, Mifflinburg. " Adolph B. Caspar, Middle Creek. " Charles H. Leinbach, Lowisburg. Laity. — Abraham Brown, Michael Bro\^^^, Michael Fichthorn, Joseph Neglcy, Solomon Ritter, J. A. Mertz, Jacob II. Brown, Samuel Zeller. Rev. Israel S. Weisz, MifSinburg. Laity. — George Kleckner, George Gutelius. Rev. William II. Groh, Boalsburg. Laity. — J. II. Keller, William Keller, Peter Iloffer, Daniel Fleischer, James Osman. Rev Henry C. Ileyscr, Liverpool. Laity. — Jacob IMirriam. Rev. John K. Millet, Nittany. Laity. — J. C. Kryder, J. M. Kryder. Rev, David G. Klein, Bellefonte. iMity. — J. Iloffer, C. Glassuer. Rev. A. R. Ilottenstein, Selinsgrove, jMity. — Levi Swarm, John Hilbish, William Motz, Edward Bossier. Classis of Clarion. « Rev. C. A. Limberg, Luthersburg. " J. G. Shoemaker, Curlsville. Laity. — Jacob Brinker. Rev. J. S. Shade, Petersburg. Laity. — Daniel Bostaph. Rev. F. Wise, South Bend. Laity. — William G. King. Rev. II. Daniel, Red Bank. " C. R. Dieffenbacher, Kittanning. " E. D. Shoemaker, Charlesville. Classis of St. Paul. Rev. David B. Ernst, Saegertown. " Abner Dale, Mercer Mission. " D. 0. Shoemaker, Fairview. Laity. — D. L. Kramer. HISTORICAL INTllODUCTION. Ixiii Rev. L. D. Loberman, Moadville. " 11. F. Ilartman, West Greenville. " L. -J. Mayer, Clarksville Mission. " G. B. Russell, Allegheny City. Synod of Ohio. Rev. Peter C. Prugh, Xenia, Ohio. " Henry Williard, Columbus, " " " J. MeConnell, Stoutsville, " " D. W. Kelly, Shelby, " J. Rinehart, North Lima, " Laity. — Henry Leonard, Basil, " Rev. E. E. Higbee, Pittsburg, Pa. Laity.— W. E. Schmertz, Bernard Wolff, Jr., T. C. Craig, D. S. Dieffen bacher, T. Kaemmerer, J. Sheets, J. Carr. Rev. Christian C. Russell, Latrobe, Pa. Laity. — G. F. Kiehl, M. Soxman. Rev. A. B. Koplin, Elk Lick, Pa. " F. A. Edmonds, Berlin, " Laiiij. — J. Musser. " Frederick Fox (Theological Student, Cinn.). Rev. D. H. Reiter, Stoystown, Pa. " C. Cort, Altoona, " " Geo. H. Johnson, Somerset, " Laity. — n. L. Baer. " A. Beam, .Jenner > Missions, and thus we could propagate the Catechism by our offerings. Our Catechism has been an unspeakable blessing to the Church fn- three hundred years. New countries have not been conquered under its influence, but millions of souls have through it been conquered for Cln-ist their Mediatorial King, and before we begin the journey of another century with our Catechism — a journey the end of which none of us shall see — let us mark well the advice of the Psalmist (xlviii. 12, 15): "Walk about Zion, and go round about her : tell the towers thereof. Mark ye well her bulwarks, consider her palaces ; that ye may tell it to the generations fol- lowing." Wishing you all the blessing of the Most High God on your Convention, I remain,' with due respect and love, your friend and brother, D. WiLLERS OPENING SERMON. By rev. SAMUEL R. FISHER, D.D. CHAMBERSBUKG, PA. OPENING SERMON. §g ^tb. ^amncl % Jbbcr, §.§., of (fbambfrsbnrg, |a. " How shall we escape, if lue neglect so great salvation ?" — IIkb. ii. 3. The inquiry of the text is one of deep interest and solemnity. It addresses itself to every class and condition of men, who come within the reach of the influences of the gospel. It applies to them, not only as individuals, but also in their collective and associated capacity, what- ever particular form that may assume. Hence it is pecu- liarly applicable to us, in the circumstances in which we are at present assembled. "We have come together, as the representatives of the German Keformed Church in the United States, for the purpose of inaugurating the scries of solemnities, the observance of which has been ordered by her highest judicatories, in honor of the adoption and pub- lication of the Heidelberg Catechism, which took place just three hundred years ago, in the Palatinate, under the authority of the Elector Frederick IH. The text naturally suggests three points, which may profitably engage our attention, though briefly, at the present time : — I. Tlte great salvation, which we as a Church enjoy. II. Tlie duty devolving iqwn lis in view of this great salvation; and ., III. The consideration with which the observance of this duty is enforced. I. The first point, then, to which our attention is invited, is, TJie great salvation, ivhich we as a Church eiyoy. 3 OPENING SERMON. The term salvation, in its most common acceptation, as used in the gospel, means deliverance from a state of sin and its consequences, and restoration to the enjoyment of the peace and favor of God. In the text, it does not refer 60 much to this salvation itself, as to the peculiar facilities possessed for arriving at a knowledge of its nature and our absolute need of it, and appropriating its special provisions to our own particular cases. That this interpretation is correct, will appear from a brief consideration of the context. In the chapter immediately preceding that of the text, the apostle dwells upon the superiority of Christ, as a messenger sent from God, above every one who had appeared before him in a similar capacity. In view of this superiority, he infers, in •the chapter before us, the duty of giving the more earnest heed to the things which we have heard, lest at any time we should let them slip ; and then, by way of enforcing this duty, he refers to the fact, that the word spoken by angels (that is, by the prophets and teachers of the Old Testament dispensation) was stead- fast, and every transgression and disobedience received a just recompense of reward, and, in view of it, proposes the solemn inquiry of the text: "jHbiW shall we escape, if we neglect so great salvation T' The question naturally arises, What are the particular ingredients which constitute the great salvation which we as a Church enjoy? In reply to this question, I remark: — 1. In the first place, that we are favored with all the blessings and privileges of the gospel, which are enjoyed, in common, by all Christian denominations in this highly favored, though at present greatly afflicted, land. We have the means of grace in rieh and glorious abundance. We have the Bible in our possession to read and examine for our- selves. It is translated into a language which all our peoj)le understand. "We are furnished with a variety of facilities for arriving at a proper knowledge of its contents, in the way of commentaries and books of instruction and devo- 4 OPENING SERMON. tioa. We enjoy God's holy Sabbaths, with all the blessings and privileges, which are peculiar to them in a Christian land. We are favored with the instructions of a stated ministry, with the administration of tlie holy sacraments, and with all the means of grace, legitimately belonging to the Church as instituted by God. In this respect, we are highly favored, as much so as any other member of the great sisterhood of Christian Churches. 2. In the second place, I remark, that we possess in the Heidelberg Catechism, as the only symbolical book of re- cognized authority in the Church, a summary of the Christian faith of singular excellence and worth. Other Churches have their symbols of faith. These are by no means desti- tute of their excellencies. There are, however, certain features about the Heidelberg Catechism, which lead us to prefer it above every other symbol of faith. We admire the deep earnest tone which underlies its whole construction. It seizes fast hold^ipon the spirit, and fails not to inspire every earnest mind with feelings and sentiments of deep devotion. The reader feels, in perusing it, that he is grappling with solemn realities, in which he himself has a special personal interest. To us it is a strong recommendation of the book, as a system of religious instruction, though this has been made a ground of objection by some, that it invariably recognizes the catechumen as being in the Covenant and Church of God. Most other books of a similar character deal with catechumens as though they were outside of the Church, and impart their instruction with a view to induce them to enter it, and prepare them for enjoying its privileges. The Heidelberg Catechism, however, regards the catechumen as already in the Church by baptism, and deals with him as one recognizing and desiring to claim and enjoy the privi- leges of this relation. The system of Christianity which it recognizes is accordingly what is technically called the edu- cational system. It regards Christianity, in' its distinctive features, as a growth, which has its commencement, in the OPENING SERMON. case of the children of Christian parents, in early child- hood, and, under a proper religious training, gradually develops itself until, as the child attains to the years of accountability, it feels induced under its influence to come forward and claim for itself the privileges which belong to its relation to the Church. This is fully in accordance with such divine precepts as bear directly upon the duties of Christian parents towards their children. "Train up the child in the way he should go ; and when he is old he will not depart from it." "And, ye fathers, provoke not your children to wrath ; but bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord." But, in addition to all this, no one of correct principles can fail to honor the Heidelberg Catechism for its peaceful and truly catholic spirit. Whilst it shuns not to give spe- cial prominence to all the cardinal doctrines of the gospel, such as the fall of man and consequent depravity of human nature, the utter hopelessness and helplessness of man in his fallen condition, the necessity of regeneration, and of repentance and faith in the Lord Jesus Christ in order to salvation, the intimate union of believers with Christ, the vicarious nature of the atonement, the true, real spiritual character of the sacraments, and the necessity of good works, in reference to which all evangelical Christian denominations are agreed, it carefully avoids all those non- essential points in regard to which different opinions pre- vail, and at the same time expresses itself, even in respect to the cardinal doctrines of Christianity, in such a way as not to furnish any real ground of offence to any truly candid mind. In but a single instance does it indulge in the use of seemingly harsh language; and that is when, speaking of the Romish mass, it pronounces it an accursed idolatry, which phraseology itself, history tells us, was not in the Catechism as originally composed, but was intro- duced for certain local reasons some time after its adoption. In this respect it presents a striking contrast to the spirit which pervades the great body of the earlier symbols of OPENING SERMON. the Christian faith in tlie Protestant Churches, and which not unfrequently express themselves in harsh terms, and sometimes even invoke the curse of God upon those who differ from their teachings. The prevailing spirit of the Heidelberg Catechism is truly catholic. Whilst it makes no compromise with sin or any of the enemies of righteous- ness, it breathes a spirit of peace and good will to all who profess to love the Lord Jesus Christ. The possession of such a symbol of faith must be re- garded by us as no small boon, for which we are under special obligations to the Great Head of the Church. 3. In the third place, I remark, as still another ingredient entering into tlie great salvation which we as a Church enjoy, that God, in His providence, has been pleased to con- tinue us in existence as a branch of His militant Church, during a period of three hundred years, and to preserve unto us our precious sj^mbol of faith intact even unto the present day. It is true, that in the fatherland our mother Church has, through political influences, become to a great extent merged into a general ecclesiastical organization, known as the Evangelical Church, and that even in this country, the little vine which was transplanted hither some one hundred and thirty years or more ago, is still, from various causes not necessary to enumerate, a comparatively small branch; yet we are gratified to know that of late years what remains of the Church in the fatherland has become greatly revived, and is beginning to assume and assert its distinctive life and character with peculiar power and force; and none of us are ignorant of the progress which our Church in this country has made in the last quarter of a century, and of the special tokens of promise which now distinctly mark her future. Some years ago, also, there was a strong tendency in the German Reformed Church, especially in this country, to depart more or less from her original landmarks, and to throw aside her distinctive customs and usages, under the mistaken notion that they were clogs to her true spiritual F 7 OPENING SERMON. prosperity. A powerful reaction, however, has taken place, and, in the face of much opposition from some misguided ones who were once within, and from more without, she has been gradually returning to her original and legitimate posi- tion as a Church, and, as a consequence, her precious sym- bol of faith, the Heidelberg Catechism, is receiving more and more its proper honor, and the customs and usages of the Church are becoming more and more restored, and the prospects are most favorable to a full and hearty return to all the rights, immunities, privileges, and distinctive fea- tures which belong to us as a branch of the Church of Jesus Christ. Surely, in view of all the favors conferred upon us as a religious denomination, to which we have thus briefly referred, we have every reason to regard the privileges we at present enjoy as constituting in our case a great salvation, which is the point it was our purpose to illustrate. II. The second point claiming our attention, as suggested by the text, is. The duty devolving upon us, as a Church, in view of this great salvation. The text supposes that it is possible to neglect the great salvation to which it refers, and hence it itself embodies one of the most solemn forms of warning against the con- sequences of such neglect. A failure to appreciate this salvation according to its intrinsic merits, and to improve it to the purposes for which it has been conferred, consti- tutes this neglect, and the fact that a solemn warning is presented against the sad consequences of it, necessarily implies an obligation to attend to the opposite duty, as this is the only method by which such neglect can be avoided. What, then, is the duty of the German Reformed Church in view of the great privileges it enjoys? 1. I remark, in the first place, that we as a Church are under speciail obligations, if we will properly meet the re- quirements made at our hands, to use every appropriate means in our power to make our people more fully ac- quainted with the nature of the privileges we enjoy as a OPENING SERMON. Cliiircli, SO that they may appreciate them more highly, and be prompted to give all diligence to tnrn them to proper and profitable account. This is one of the great objects con- templated in the Tercentenary celebration of the adoption of the Heidelberg Catechism, the series of solemnities con- nected with which we are engaged in inaugurating. The pro- vision which has been made for the reading of essays and me- moirs bearing upon the history and genius of the Heidel- berg Catechism, and for the discussion of such topics re- lating to the origin, distinctive character, progress, and in- terests of the German Reformed Church, as they may sug- gest, looks decisively in this direction. To the same effect also are the plans and measures which have been adopted by the Synods and the several Classes, for the purpose of bringing the objects contemplated in the Tercentenary movement prominently before our people. Hence it has been directed that a special sermon shall be preached by each pastor to his people, on a specified Sunday, relating to the history and character of the Heidelberg Catechism, and the same subject is to be repeatedly brought to their atten- tion during the year in different appropriate forms, l^ot only the pastors, but consistories also, and Sunday-school superintendents and teachers and parents, are to be en- listed in this important work. If these several plans shall be faithfully carried out, one of the particulars enter- ing into the duty devolving upon us as a Church will be fully met. 2. This, however, does not, by any means, cover the whole of the obligations resting upon us as a Church, in view of the special privileges we enjoy. We must not rest satisfied with merely enlightening our people as to the several topics which are to constitute the particular subjects of discussion and consideration during the year before us ; but we must seek to elevate their standard of piety, and to enlist their energies and efforts in the promotion of vital godliness, and the general advancement of the interests of the Redeemer's kingdom. The sermons to be preached OPENINGl SERMOX. and the addresses to be delivered, as well as tlie prayers to be offered, if they shall be attended to in the spirit contem- plated in the very appointment of the present year of spe- cial solemnities, are all intended to contribute to the pro- motion of this great and important end. It is felt that our people not only need to be instructed in the history, doc- trines, and usages of our Church, and thus be led to form an intelligent attachment for them, but also to have awakened in them a tone of deep piety and entire conse- cration to the service of God. Unless this is specifically aimed at as an object to be, in a great measure, attained by the different religious observances which are to take place during the present festival year, we shall come short of the duty devolving upon us as a Church, in view of the signal privileges we enjoy. 3. But even this, in connection with what precedes it, does not entirely exhaust our duty as a Church in the highly favored circumstances in which we are placed. We are not only to seek to spread intelligence and promote a spirit of deep-toned piety among our people, but we must also strive to awaken in tliem feelings of true thankfulness to God for the great mercies we enjoy, such as shall mani- fest themselves in the entire consecration of their property, as well as their hearts and lives, to the service of their Re- deemer. Hence it is wise, as well as highly proper, that, in the arrangements entered into for the purpose of carrying forward the observances of the present festival year, special provision has been made for soliciting the free-will offerings of the people to the cause of the Redeemer, and thus to afford them an opportunity to manifest their feelings of thankfulness by contributing to the various objects of be- nevolence. The privilege is to be extended to all, and yet the offering is expected to be free. None are to be over- looked, but nothing is to be done by constraint. This is the true spirit in which to solicit the gifts of benevolence. The objects claiming remembrance are many and various ; still, those who may not be able or willing to give to all 10 OPENING SERMON. are to be at perfect liberty to select for tliemselvcs tlic par- ticular objects to whicli their gifts sliall be appropriated. It should, however, whilst every one is to be left to his own free choice as to whether he will contribute or not, be a special object aimed at in the labors of the present year, to make every one not only feel it to be his duty, but also to claim it as his privilege, to give. In this way should we as a Church, if we will manifest a becoming spirit of thank- fulness, by a united and general eiibrt during the year be- fore us, erect a monument of gratitude to God, worthy of the occasion, and that shall stand as a praiseworthy exam- ple to coming generations. Our limits will not allow us to dwell further upon the particular duty devolving upon us as a Church in view of our great privileges. What has been said must suffice, and has been designed to be merely suggestive rather than exhaustive. III. It remains yet to attend briefly to the consideration with which the observance of this duty is enforced ; and this, it must be admitted, is the strongest possible. Kas a Church we are faithful in carrying out the objects contemplated in the present Tercentenary movement, we may confidently expect the most happy consequences to re- sult to us as a branch of the true Church of Jesus Christ. The movement is one which, we are fully persuaded, if carried forward in its legitimate spirit, cannot fail to meet with the approbation of God ; and with His approbation resting upon our efl:orts, Ave have every thing hopeful to exj^ect. If we strive earnestly, not only to make our people better acquainted with the history and genius of the German Reformed Church, and with its peculiar doctrines and customs, and thus lead them to appreciate them more highly and cherish them more warmly, l)ut also seek dili- gently to promote among them a spirit of fervent piety and entire consecration to the service of God, and elicit their benevolent activities in the way of free, liberal, and gene- ral contributions to the cause of Christ, we shall most cer- 11 OPENING SERMON. tainly continue to live, and. prosper as a Chnrcli. "We shall not only increase in numbers, but also in influence and power for good. Our people will become intelligent, de- vout, active, and efficient servants of the living and true God. They have as strong intellects and as warm hearts as any other class of societj^, and all that is needed to make them powerful for good, is to bring them under proper in- fl.uences. We have, then, every thing to gain, as a Church, from the faithful discharge of the duties devolving upon us in view of our distinguishing privileges and mercies. But this is not all that is embraced in the consideration enforcing the fixithful observance of our duty as a Church. A failure to discharge this duty must be disastrous to us. This view of the case is set forth, in the strongest possible terms, in the inquiry of the text. If those who lived under the Old Testament dispensation and failed to improve the comparatively scanty privileges they enjoyed, met with their just recompense of reward, how shall we escape, who are so highly favored in point of privileges, if we neglect so great salvation? Escape, in case of neglect, is wholly impossible. Our ruin is inevitable. "We may drag out a sickly existence, as a denomination, for some time to come, but our eventual entire overthrow will most certainly occur. Our doom is sealed. Destruction must most assuredly overtake us. Better also, we may still add, that we had never vowed, than that having vowed we should fail to pay. Better that we had never enjoyed our distinguishing privileges, than that having enjoyed them we should fail to appreciate and im- prove them. Better that we had never resolved to enter upon the solemn observances of the festal season before us, than that having entered upon them we should fail to carry them out in their true spirit and meaning. Our privileges increase our responsibilities, and our condemnation is cor- respondingly aggravated when these responsibilities fail to be faithfully met. Let us, then, dear brethren, one and all, assembled as we 12 OPENING SERMON. are for the purpose of inaugurating tlie series of solemni- ties, the observance of whicli has been assigned us as a Church during the coming year, enter upon them under a deep sense of their importance and of the great responsi- bility which they involve. Let us endeavor to impress ourselves with a consciousness of our insufficiency by our unaided powers to carry forward successfully the work committed to our hands ; and let us look earnestly and con- fidently to Him from whom all our help must come, for His constant presence, guidance, and assistance in all the duties that shall devolve upon us. If we enter upon and carry forward the work before us in this spirit, there is no ground to fear that our labor of love shall be lost. Our hearts, as individuals, shall be cheered, and strengthened, and blessed ; and our Church shall indeed arise and shine, the glory of the Lord being truly risen upon her. 13 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. By prof. J. W. NEVIN, D.D. LANCASTER, PA. UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. gig Irof. |. m. ^tbin, p.p., f ancasln-, |!a. " Jesus Christ the same yesterday, and to-day, and forever." — Heb. xiii. 8. The text looks immediately tq what goes before, though not just in the way implied by our common Engli.sh ver- sion. This seems to refer the previous exhortation to the example of those who were still living, as teachers and rulers in the Church, and whose life is there characterized as having its aim or end in Christ, who is always the same. Jiut the reference in the original is plainly not to these, but to former teachers and rulers — among them the blessed martyrs Stephen and James — men who had continued steadfast in their faith to the last, and were now gone to inherit its rewards ; so that it would give the meaning better to say: "Remember them which have had the rule over you ; who have spoken mito you the word of God; whose faith follow, considering the issue of their conversation or life;" that is, fixing your attention on the fact that they held the beginning of their confidence stead- fast unto the end. Then it follows as an independent pro- po.sition: "Jesus Christ is the same yesterday, and to-day, and forever;" the full meaning of which, in its relation to the aftecting exhortation going before, can be more easily felt than expressed, while it becomes the occasion at once also for the solemn caution in the next verse: "Be not carried about with divers and strange doctrines," The force of it in both directions will come more fulh' into view as we go on to consider now the great subject itself which it ofters to our contemplation — the sameness, con- stancy, AND ABIDING PERPETUITY OF ClIRIST, IN CONTRAST 17 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. WITH THE MUTABILITY AND VANITY OF THE WORLD IN EVERY OTHER VIEW. We say, of the world in every other view; because it is as belonging to tlie world, and forming part of its life, that our Lord Jesus Christ is here exhibited for our considera- tion. It is, indeed, only in virtue of His divine nature that He possesses the "power of an endless life," to such extent as to be the same yesterday, to-day, and forever ; but still it is not of His divinity separately considered that the text must be understood to speak, but of His divinity rather as joined with His humanity in the constitution of His Mediatorial Person, through which He became joined at the same time with our general human existence, and incor- porated thus into the life and being of the world. It is not of the Word, as "the same was in the begiuning with God," that this declaration of unchanging sameness is made, but of the Word made jiesh; not of the Son of Grod, considered simply in His eternal generation, as born of the Father be- fore all time — "by whom also He made the worlds" — but of the Son of God, born of the Virgin Mary, by the power of the Hol}^ Ghost, into the very bosom of His own creation, so as to become the deepest principle of its history through all time. It is the Man, Christ Jesus, who, in the midst of this ev-er-rolling, ever-changing s^'stem of things which we call the world, stands forth sublimely to the gazing admira- tion of faith as "the same yesterday, to-day, and forever." The general relation which Christ holds to the world in this view is twofold. He is in Himself what the world is not, and has no power ever to be aside from His person; but He is this, at the same time, not for Himself simply, but for the world also, which is thus brought to find in Him its own last end and only perfect sense. What is a relation thus of opposition and contrast, in one vicAV, becomes every- where, in another view, a relation at the same time of in- ward correspondence and agreement. Both aspects of the case must be taken together, to make our apprehension of it in any way complete. 18 UNDYIXG LIFE IN CHRIST. L There is such a rohitioii of opposition and correspond- ence, in' the first place, between Christ and the world re- garded as a mere system of nature. This is the nearest and most immediate view we can take of the general sense of the text. It belongs to the very idea of what we call nature, that it should be subject everywhere to fluctuation and change. Things in this fomi are what they are not, by standing still, but by being rather in a perpetual flow. They come and go, appear and disappear, continually, in the same instant; and such stability as they may seem to have in any case is never the sameness exactly of the same things, but the same show only of diftcrent things that follow each other in restless succession. Such constancy as the world has in this form is its inconstancy. Its very being, we may say, is an everlasting ceasing to be; like the image thrown from the face of a mirror, which holds only in the vanishing process of its own perpetual reproduction, thi'ough each following moment of its apparent duration. In this broad view, the fleeting, transitory character of the world is not simply represented to us in the more out- ward, palpable changes that are alwa3\s taking place in the course of nature. These indeed are fraught with lessons of wisdom on the subject, which only the most careless can fail to consider and la}^ to heart. The rolling seasons and circling years are here full of instruction. Flowing brooks and changing forests, the flowers of spring and the colored leaves of autumn, all have a voice to remind us that the "fashion of this world passeth away." All around us, and all within us, viewed in such merely physical light, is adapted to force home upon u^ the thought that the world of nature is vain, and our own life, as comprehended in it, all the while hastening to an end. It is a perpetual round throughout of repetition and change, in which the whole creation may be heard falling in with that old burden' of the Preacher: "Vanity of vanities; vanity of vanities ; all is vanity." But it is not simply in these outward changes 19 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. of form and state, we say, that tlie unsubstantial, unabiding character of the world, as we now have it under consider- ation, challenges our most thoughtful regard. For an earnestly reflecting mind, it is something which is felt to reach far bej'ond such appearances, and to enter into the universal constitution of nature itself. As compared with its more ephemeral forms of existence, we sometimes think of the earth itself as abiding forever, and talk of its everlasting hills and mountains and seas ; but in truth there is no room, philosophically speaking, for any such distinction as this ; and when we are brought to commune more closely with the life of nature, we are made to feel that it carries with it really no force. The clouds are no more fleeting in their substance than the rocks ; the flowers are of no more evanescent constitution than the everlasting hills. ]^ay, it is in the contemplation precisely of these apparently enduring forms of creation, that the deeply meditative spirit comes to its most overwhelming and aft'ecting sense of the emptiness and nothingness of the world in itself considered; since the more we consider them the more all are felt to be apparitional only, pheno- menal merely, and not substantial ; signs and shadows, which have their proper truth not so much in themselvea as in things that lie beyond them in another order of exist- ence altogether. In this view it is that the visible earth and heavens are so frequently employed, in the Old Testament, to repre- sent, in the way of contrast, the eternal and immutable nature of God. " Before the mountains were brought forth," says the Psalmist, " or ever thou hadst formed the earth and the world, even from everlasting to everlasting, thou art God." All sink into insignificance before Him, and become as nothing over against His power. " By the word of the Lord were the heavens made, and all the host of them by the breath of His mouth." In all their visible grandeur they are but the outward manifestation of His invisible will, to which they owe their being every moment, 20 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. and which is something infinitely greater and more enduring than themselves. "Lift up your eyes to the heavens," God says hy the Prophet, " and look upon the earth beneath; for the heavens shall vanish away like smoke, and the earth shall wax old like a garment, and they that dwell therein shall die in like manner; but my salvation shall be forever, and my righteousness shall not be abo- lished." And again, more generally: "All flesh is grass, and all the goodliness thereof as the flower of the field: the grass withereth, the flower fadeth; because the Spirit of the Lord bloweth upon it: surely the people is grass. The grass withereth, the flower fadeth ; but the word of our God shall stand forever." But the word of the Lord, which is opposed in this way to the transitoriness of the world, is nothing less in the end, according to St. Peter (1 Pet. i. 25), than the word of the gospel itself; and in this character again it is, as we know, no outward declaration or command simply pro- ceeding from Jehovah, but the personal Word, the divine Logos, which in the fulness of time became man for us men and for our salvation, in the person of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. "All things were made by Him," we are told, "and without Him was not any thing made that is made;" and so of Christ Himself it is said, with reference to what He was for the world thus before He became man: "He is the first-born of every creature; for by Him were all things created that are in heaven and that are in earth, visible and invisible, whether they be thrones, or dominions, or principalities, or powers; all things were created by Him, and for Him ; and He is before all things, and by Him all things consist." We need not be surprised, then, to find the full force of this relation ascribed in the New Testament to our Saviour Jesus Christ, the incarnate Son of God, in the very same terms that are used to represent it in the Old Testament as holding of the infinite Jehovah Himself. What He was for the world before He became man, the 21 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. fountain of its life, the foundation of its being, that He continued to be also after He became man; the work of the new creation taking up into itself in this way the work of the old creation, so as to be only the fulfilment, in a higher sphere, of its original purpose and sense. Because He was the first-born of the natural creation thus (Col. i. 15-18), He became also the " beginning, the first-born from the dead," the principle of the resurrection; because all things were made by Him, and for Him, He became also the head of His body, the Church, "that in all things He might have the pre-eminence." It is as the Maker of the worlds, upholding all things by the word of His power (Heb. i. 2, 3), that, after He had by Himself purged our sins, He sat down on the right hand of the Majesty on high. In which view also the sacred writer does not hesitate to apply to Him (Heb. i. 8-12) such strong language as this: "^Thy throne, 0 God, is for ever and ever. Thou, Lord, in the beginning hast laid the foundation of the earth; and the heavens are the work of Thy hands. They shall perish, but Thou remainest ; and they all shall wax old as doth a garment; and as a vesture shalt Thou fold them up, and they shall be changed: but Thou art the same, and Thy years shall not fail." So, after His resurrection, we hear Him proclaiming Himself to St. John in the vision of Pat- mos: "I am Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end, which is, and which was, and which is to come, the Almighty." Thus is Christ in His human character itself — the Son of Man who is at the same time the Son of God — over against the whole world of nature in every other view, the same yesterday, to-day, and forever. The ages come toge- ther in His person. He is before all things, and by Him all things consist. They change, but He remains in the midst of them always the same ; for through all their changes He lives and works, upholding them by the word of His power. Their mutability serves, in this way, to enforce the thought of His abiding constancy; their vanity points continually 22 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. to the fulness of immortal life in His person. But the re- lation is not one of mere outward comparison and oppo- sition. As thus different from the world, Christ is at the same time, as we have seen, in the most profound sense one with the w^orld. He is the principle, the original and fountain, of its whole first creation ; and in this character He has entered still more deeply into its life through the mystery of the incarnation, so as to be now the principle within it of all that is comprehended in the idea of the second creation. In this twofold view, then. He may be said to redeem the world from its inherent vanity, and to make over to it the power of His own glorious immortality. There is such a thing, w^e know, as the glorification of nature itself through union with His person, causing it to pass forever beyond the conditions of vanity and change to which it is subject in our present state. The body of Christ Himself was glorified in this way w^hen He rose from the dead ; the bodies of His people, we are told, shall here- after be made glorious in like manner; and there is to be at the last, in some way which we cannot now under- stand, a glorification also of the whole natural creation — new heavens and a new earth (2 Pet. iii. 13) — resulting from the victorious headship of Him who is the Alpha and the Omega, the first and the last, the beginning and the ending, of its universal being and life. And may we not see how the assurance and sense of all this for faith must go to invest even the world as it now stands with the freshness and beauty of a new perennial life, such as it can never possibly have in any other view ? If it be in the power of mere poetry and art, so to raise the perishable forms of nature into the sphere of the ideal that they shall become there in a certain sense immortal, how much more may it not be possible for religion to make all things luminous with the glow of a still higher immortality, by joining them with the thought of God, and the undying, everywhere present grace and truth of Jesus Christ! n. This relation of Christ to the world, however, comea G 23 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. into still clearer view when we ascend from the sphere of mere physical existence into the sphere of humanity and history, where nature shows itself joined with self-conscious mind, and the world stands sublimated to its highest sense in the free personality of man. The mutable, perishing character of the world in this superior order of its existence is adapted to aifect us with a sense of its vanity, far beyond all that we feel in con- eidering the mere changes of nature. These last are in full harmony with the constitution to which they belong. It lies in the very conception of nature that it should be made up of endless parts and subsist by endless revolu- tion and change. That is the law of its being, which shows it at once to be created for something beyond itself, in whose presence it is required always to vanish and pass away. But it belongs to the conception of mind that it should not thus vanish and pass away ; that it should bring unity into the manifold; that it should fix the fleeting forms of sense in firm and stable duration. In the spirit of man, past and future are brought together in the power of the present — the transitoriness of time surmounted in the appre- hension of the infinite. He was made, we are told, in the image and likeness of God, to be the head of the natural world ansd to exercise lordship over it in every lower view — to be ill i^ and of it through his bodily organization, and yet to be above it at the same time through his intelligence and reason, disclosing within himself a new and higher order of life altogether. He was formed for immortality, and all his powers and capacities point to such glorious desti- nation. In his life the past should not be lost and left behind, but should perpetuate itself always in each suc- ceeding portion of time; and there should be for him, properly speaking, no death. For such an existence as his, the very thought of death is something unnatural, violent —nothing less, in truth, than the most tremendous contra- diction.^ And, as the life of the individual man should be thus full and enduring, there should h& a correspond- 24 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. ing harmony and deathless unity also for the life of the race. History should be but the concord of ages, meeting together in the solution of the same grand problem of humanity. ISTation should join hand in hand 'svith nation, and each generation live itself forward continually into the life of the next, to carry out and complete, in one uni- versal sense, the true idea of a reign of truth and righteous- ness upon the earth. But how different from all this, alas! do we find to be now the actual state of this higher human creation ! Sin has entered into the world, and death by sin ; and so death has passed upon all men, for that all have sinned. That which was formed to be the region of undying life in the world's constitution has become itself the region of mor- tality and change ; in common with the lower nature around him, man is made subject to a vanity which was not originally his own ; and it is this subjection precisely which, more than all else for the contemplative spirit, causes the whole world to seem empt}^ and vain. That the grass should wither, and the flower fade, is no matter for sorrowful surprise ; it belongs to their nature to come and go in this way; but that all flesh should be like grass, and the glorious estate of man as the flower of the field — that may well be a cause for sadness and lamentation. That a life formed for immortality should be found con- tinually breathing itself out like a vapor that appeareth for a little time and then vanisheth away; that there should be room at all to resemble it in this way to the most evanescent things around us — this indeed is some- thing over the thought of which it is not unnatural even to shed tears of grief. Well might the Psalmist exclaim : " Lord, make me to know mine end, and the measure of my days, what it is ; that I may know how frail I am. Behold, Thou hast made my days as an handbreadth, and mine age is as nothing before Thee : verily, every man at liis best state is altogether vanity. Surely every man walketh in a vain show; surely they are disquieted m 25 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. vain: lie lieapetli up riches, and knowetli not who shall gather them." This vanity reaches forth, at the same time, into the universal history of the race. It has made it to be frag- mentary, disjointed, and to a great extent fearfully cha- otic. It spoils the brotherhood of nations, and breaks the unity of ages and generations. Life is carried forward from period to period, it is true, with some sort of memory and tradition ; but it is a shadowy bond at best which thus connects the present with the past, and such as proves for the living in the end only a ghostly communion with the dead. " One generation passeth away, and another gene- ration cometh," like the leaves of the forest, or as shadows that chase each other over the autumnal plain. It is the old wail of Moses, the man of Grod: "Thou turnest man to destruction; and say est, Return, ye children of men. For a thousand years in Thy sight are but as yesterday when it is past, and as a watch in the night. Thou earnest them away as with a flood; they are as a sleep: in the morning they are like grass which groweth up. In the morning it flourisheth, and groweth up ; in the evening it is cut down, and withereth." In this order of mere nature, those who have gone before us into the other world can be thought of only as having been gathered into Sheol, the land of dark- ness, forgetfulness, and silence; and when it is asked: "Your fathers, where are they? and the prophets, do they live forever?" the one same answer must ever be, the ques- tion itself reverberated from the hollow sides of the tomb. In contrast, now, with all this, Jesus Christ stands out to the vision of faith as the same yesterday, to-day, and for- ever, lie is so not simply as God, but also as man. The general vanity of the race extends not to His person. As He was without sin Himself, He could not come under the power of death except by His own free consent; and then it was, as we know, not that He might remain in the grave or see corruptioo, but that death itself should be destroyed and swallowed up of victory, through His glorious resurrec- 26 TNDYIXG LIFE IX CHRIST. tion. In all the time of His humiliation upou the earth He could say: "Before Abraham was, I am;" and now that He reigns exalted at the right hand of God, it is hut the full revelation of the majesty that lay hid in His person in the manger and upon the cross, the bursting forth again of the glory -which He had with the Father before the founda- tion of the world. His goings forth are from of old, from everlasting; and of His kingdom and righteousness there shall be no end. But what we need most to understand and consider is, that in all this He is not simply distinguished from our general human life in every other view, but comprehended in it also in such way as to be for it at large what He is for Himself. His relation to it in this way is more intimate, more profound, and more comprehensive than that of its natural root in the first Adam. He is within it the prin- ciple and centre of a new creation, in the bosom of which the power of the old curse is found to be broken, the law of sin and death abolished and brought to an end. There is no condemnation now to them that are in Christ Jesus. They are redeemed from the vanity of this dying world ; they have passed from death unto life. Old things for them have passed away, and all things have become new. They belong even here to an economy or order of exist- ence which transcends entirely the whole constitution of nature, the whole reign of Satan, the god of this world; in virtue of which they may be said to be sharers already of Christ's immortality, as they are destined also to reign with Him hereafter eternally iri heaven. "In Him was life," we are told — life in its fontal, self-existent form; "and the life became the light of men" — was not simply the origination of their natural being, but passed over into them also as the incorruptible "word of God which liveth and abidcth forever." "Because I live," the Saviour says, "ye shall live also." "Fear not; I am the first and the last: I am He that liveth, and was dead; and, behold, I am alive for evermore, Amen ; and have the keys of hell and 27 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. of death." He is not simply the proclaimer here of arj outward doctrine — a truth or fact holding beyond His own person — hut the actual destroyer of death, who thus brings life and immortality to light by bringing them to pass, and 80 causing them to be where otherwise they could have had no place whatever. '-I am the resurrection and the life," we hear Him saying — the whole power and possi- bility of these things for the human world: "he that be- lieveth in me, though he were dead, yet shall he live ; and whosoever liveth and believeth in me shall never die." Holding such relation to the world, it is easy to see hoAV Christ becomes for the life of humanity, regenerated in this way, such a power of unity in space and continuity in time as it cannot possibly have under any other form. As the deepest principle of it. He must be at the same time the most comprehensive bond of its organization in every view. The nev/ creation shows itself wider, thus, than all dis- tinctions, whether of nature or from sin, that belong to the old. It joins in one the most distant nations of the earth, and tunes into harmony the physical differences and moral discords of the whole human race. "He is our peace," says St. Paul; here again not in a merely outward way as a teacher of peace, but as being Himself such a new organization of our universal human life, as, by carrying it beyond all these occasions of ditference and schism to its last ground in God, causes the sense of them to be over- whelmed by the feeling of that better and far more glo- rious common existence, in the power of which they are thus neutralized and brought to an end. "He hath made both one" — it is said of the Gentile and the Jew — having abolished in His flesh the enmity, to make in Himself of twain one new man — so making peace; and came and preached peace to you which were afar off, and to them that were nigh. For through Him we both have an access by one Spirit unto the Father. So universally : In Christ Jesus "there is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither 28 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. bond nor free, there is neither male nor female; but Christ is all and in all." And what He is for all coexistent states and conditions of the race in this way, He is also for its successive genera- tions in time. As He joins the nations together, so does He bind the ages into one; imparting to them, as it were, a simultaneous being in the unity of His own glorious life. So, even in the Old Testament, the relation of the right- eous to God is represented as their refuge and escape from the vanity of the Avorld, by which they must otherAvise be swept away as with an overwhelming flood. They are housed in Him securely through the ever-rolling course of years, according to that grand declaration of the ninetieth Psalm: "Lord, Thou hast been our dwelling-place in all generations." Even in Sheol the patriarchs are not dead; have not become a memory only or a name ; have not van- ished into Sadducean vacuity and night. They live still, in virtue of their living union with God. Hence the force of our Saviour's argument: "As touching the resurrec- tion of the dead, have ye not heard that which was spoken unto you by God, saying, I am the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob ? God is not the God of the dead, but of the living." ISTow, however, in Christ the power of this unseen life is made to be something far more full and real for believers than it was before. The Old Testament saints had their hidden abode in God, indeed, only through Him as the everlasting Word; but it was in anticipation always of what was necessary to make their life in this form actual and complete, namely, the coming of Christ in the flesh; and so stood in the character of hope rather than in that of present, satisfying fruition. "These all died in faith," we are told (Heb. xi. 13, 39, 40), "not having received the promises, but having seen them afar ofl'. Having obtained a good report through faith, they yet received not the pro- mise ; God having provided some better thing for us, that they without us should not be made perfect." Abraham 29 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. accordingly, in that uncompleted state, looked joyfully for the day of Christ (John viii. 56) ; and he saw it, and was glad. But the "Word, which was only coming before, has now actually come ; that eternal life which was with the Father has been manifested through the mystery of the Incarnation; and, being joined to it and made one with it, by the power of faith, all true Christians have in it an im- mortality of existence that reaches through all time. They are said to be in Christ; and the life which they live in the flesh is not so much their own as that which is lived into them, through the Spirit, from His undying person. "We are in Him that is true," says St. John, "even in His Sou Jesus Christ: this is the true God and eternal life." To be so taken up into Christ is itself to be taken out of the vanity of this perishing world, and to be made superior to its revolutions and ages. In Christ, the dead still continue to live. This itself — and no simply outward state in any other view, whether in hades or heaven — is the true con- ception of their immortality. It is such an immortality, moreover, as includes in it the full power of the resurrec- tion. "For if we believe that Jesus died and rose again, even so them which sleep in Jesus will God bring with Him." Our life now, on either side of the grave, "is hid with Christ in God; when Christ, who is our life, shall appear, then shall we also appear with Him in glory." (Col. iii. 4.) We believe, then, in the "communion of saints," as reaching not only to those who yet live, but to those also who have died in the Lord. When the question is now asked: "Our fathers, where are they? and the prophets, do they live forever?" the answer is no longer a doleful echo simply sounded back upon us from their tombs, but a voice from heaven rather, saying: "Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord from henceforth: yea, saitli the Spirit, that they may rest from their labors ; and their works do follow them." We will not worship them; we may not invoke their intercession and help, as we might be glad to do if 30 UNDYING LIFE IN CHIIIST. they were still with us liere on the earth ; but neither will we consent to think of tliem as clysian shadows only, dwelling beyond the clouds, and in no farther conanunica- tion with the Church below. They are with us still, not in memory alone — not as having a mere fictitious immortality in our minds, through the recollection of their words and deeds — ])ut as having their common home with us in Ilim who is the same yesterday, and to-day, and forever. We are come, in Him, to no necropolis simply, no voiceless city of the dead; but "unto the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to an innumerable company of angels ; to the general assembly and church of the first- born, which are written in heaven, and to God the Judge of all, and to the spirits of just men made perfect." We join in waking, active worship, around the throne of God, with the glorious company of the apostles, the goodly fel- lowship of the prophets, and the noble army of martyrs, as well as with the holy Church throughout all the world. And, at this time especially, may we not be allowed to say that we join in worship also with the founders and spiritual heroes of our own Reformed Zion, the end of whose conver- sation we are noAV called upon to consider, that we may be stirred up afresh to follow their faith ? Is it too bold a thought, that in the midst at least of that " great cloud of witnesses" with which we are surrounded from all ages in the heavenly world, the spirits also of such men as Luther and Zuingli, the stern Calvin and the meek Melancthon, Olevianus and Ursinus, and that great and good prince whose name still lives for us embalmed and enshrined in the Heidelberg Catecliism as Frederick the Pious, may even now be looking down upon us with kindred sym})athy and delight, and taking part in these devotional solemnities as their own ? What is the narrow chasm of three hundred years for the Spirit of Jesus Christ, whose wonder-working province it is to overcome all separations both in time and space ? What are whole centuries of death, in Him who is the true Life ; the Alpha and Omega of God's crea- 31 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. tion ; the vanquisher of the curse that lay upon the world through sin ; who holds in His hand now the keys of hades and the grave ; and in whom, thus risen from the dead and made head over all things to the Church, His saints have their common habitation and home through all generations ? HI. Once more : Jesus Christ is the same yesterday, to- day, and forever, as being the absolute fountain of all truth and reason for men, so that there can be neither certainty nor stability in the intellectual world, under any view, ex- cept as it is ruled, ordered, and actuated everywhere from His presence and by His Spirit. So much lies at once in the character which belongs to Him as the everlasting Word. He is, in this view, as we- have already seen, the beginning or principle, and so of course the universal reason also, of the whole creation. He is the thought of God, which finds utterance in the general constitution of the world ; and He is the source at the same time of all the power of tliinking in a created form, by which it is possible for this thought to be in any measure perceived or understood. It enters into the very concep- tion, however, of all such created and dependent reason, that it should be in itself liable to error, and so exposed to variation and change ; and this is a liability which, in such a world as ours, must necessarily run into all sorts of actual aberration and lapse from the truth. To these imperfec- tions and disorders, then, whether proceeding from the weakness of nature or the power of sin, Christ stands op- posed as the original, independent Logos, with whom there is "no variableness nor shadow of turning;" while He offers Himself to us, at the same time, as being here again the only proper and sufHcient complement of our wants, and the principle of all true light within us, both for this world and for that which is to come. This vanity of our intellectual and moral life is, of all vanities to which we are subject, in some respects the most mournful and sad; for it meets us just where we know 32 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. there ought to be solid and stable duration — namely, in the region of ideas, whose very oihce it is to surmount the fleeting forms of sense, and to hand themselves forward in spiritual force from one generation to another. We find ourselves confronted with it, however, from all sides, through every age of the world. The thinking of men, even more than their outward workincr and walkino-, has been for the most part only what the Psalmist calls a vain show. Even in the sphere of Christianity itself, we find no end to the differences and flowinc: chansres of human thouicht. This is owing largely, of course, to the blinding and corrupt- ing influence of sin; but it is the result in part also of what we may style the necessary limitations of our mature itself, making it impossible for us to see truth by ourselves in an absolute and universal way. Our particular thinking is comprehended always in the more general thinking which surrounds us; and this, again, moves and changes from one age to another, according to the general law of our human life. For our present state, in this way, it would seem that there can be no absolutely stationary ap- prehension even of Christian doctrine itself; since to be stationary' is to be dead, and only that which moves has life. AVe know it to be a fact, at all events, that Chris- tianity, from the beginning, has been a world of thought ever in motion, whose uniformity and continuance have been maintained only through vast oppositions and never- ceasing changes of form and aspect. The same truths have turned themselves in new phases to the contemplation of the world, age after age. Doctrines have had their history ; confessions, their appointed times and spheres; churches, their difterent tasks and successive missions. All has come down to us through perpetual commotion and change. But, in the midst of all this fluctuation, Christ Himself, the fountain of Christianity, remains ever the same. Even the change from the Old Testament to the New, vast revo- lution as it was, changed not the identity of Him who was 33 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. equally tlie soul and the life of both. After His iucarna- tion, He was still the augei which had been with the Jewish Church before in the wilderness ; and for eighteen centu- ries, now, He has never forgotten for a moment His promise to be in the midst of the Church in its Christian form, through all ages, on to the end of the world. In this view He is not simply 07ie in Himself, over against the manifold and the successive, as exhibited in the historical movement of Christianity beyond His own person, but He is one also for what is thus outside of Himself, a principle of unity for the Church, and the power that binds and holds it together in true catholic wholeness through all ages, making it to be still, in spite of all partial and temporary discords, the home of His Spirit, and as such, for the world at large, the only "pillar and ground of the truth." Standing in this universal sameness of Jesus Christ, then, we will not desire on the present occasion to limit and bound our Christian sympathies by any merely partial ecclesiastical lines. Our Tercentenary Jubilee is indeed, in one sense, a denominational festival, which has for its object the new intonation of our old denominational history and life. Wq believe that the Reformed Church had a vocation to be, and to speak forth the confessional word that was in her at the beginning; and we cannot see that the time has come for this word to be either withdrawn or hushed into indifierent silence. Rather it seems to us, that if Pro- testantism itself be still necessary, then must it be for the interest of Protestantism, and so of universal Christianity also, that the great issues by which it was divided within itself at the first, should not now be thus passively surren- dered and given up, but that they should be rather so maintained still, as to compel, if possible, their conciliation and settlement in a truly inward way. Only so can we hope for the catholicity or wholeness of positive faith in distinction from the pseudo-catholicity of merely negative and hollow unbelief. We are, therefore, still Reformed, and we may add also German licformed. "We glory, as of 34 UNDYING LIFE IN CHllIST. old, in tlie Heidelberg Catecliism, and wc are here met to festoon with wreaths of evergreen the memory of the fathers to whom it stands indebted for its origin and birth three hundred years ago. All this wo willingly confess. But God forbid that we should do this now in any spirit of mere sectarian bigotry and exclusiveness, or that we should so hold our feast as to nourish and strengthen in ourselves the feeling that we alone are the Lord's people, and that beyond our confessional life there is no room to conceive either of a true Christianity or a true Church. We mean by our solemnity, certainly, no such wicked- ness and folly as that. On the contrary, we will try to make this commemoration an occasion rather for cultivat- ing in ourselves the sense of Christianity in its widest and most universal form. We will not dare to make our Cate- chism the full and whole measure of Christ. We will not stop short in our faith with either Luther or Calvin; we will not put our ecclesiastical fathei-s, whether in Switzer- land or Germany, in the place of Him who "holdeth the seven stars in His right liand, and walketh in the midst of the seven golden candlesticks," and who alone is the first and the last, the beginning and the ending, of the new crea- tion as of the old, the same yesterday, to-day, and forever. Through all human confessions, we will look to Him who is before and beyond them all, as the one glorious object of the universal Christian creed, in union with whom the Church also remains always and everywhere one — the ful- ness of Him that fiUeth all in all. This emphatically is that faith of the fathers who have gone before us, which we are now called upon and here solemnly pledge ourselves to follow — considering the end of their conversation — in opposition to all "divers and strange doctrines." With them, as with St. Peter of old, we say, now and evermore : " To whom shall we go, Lord, but unto Thee? Thou hast the words of eternal life ; and we believe, and are sure, that Thou art the Christ,, the Son of the Living God!" UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. "We close with a few general conclusions of vast practi- cal account suggested by the whole subject. 1. Jesus Christ is Himself the truth and reality of the Gospel^ which lie came into the world to proclaim. It is not a message of salvation simply published by Him in an out- ward Avay, "as God at sundry times and in divers manners spake in times before unto the fathers by the prophets :" it is the revelation of redemption and life for men imme- diately in His own person. His incarnation — the act of His coming in the flesh — was itself redemptive, and may be said to have included in itself, from the beginning, all that was needed for the full salvation of the world. It formed the ti'uo mediation between God and man, and served to bridge over the awful chasm which before separated earth from heaven. What we call the atonement in its more special sense, as wrought out b}^ His sufterings and death, was nothing more, after all, than the irresistible, inevitable movement of the incarnation itself out to its own necessary end. Once in the world as He was in this way, there was for Him no other outlet from the burden of its curse, save that which was oftered to Him by the accursed death of the cross : He must sufl'er in order that He might through the resurrection enter into His glory. All, however, lay in His being " born of a woman, and so made under the law, to redeem them that were under the law, that we might receive the adoption of sons." The atonement and resur- rection were but the outworking energy of that eternal life which was manifested in Him when the Word became flesh. His coming into the world was at once the real bringing into it of a new order of existence, a form of life higher than all that was in the world before, which then could not remain bound to His single person, but was made to flow forth from Him, through His resurrection Spirit, as the power of a new creation in the Church also, for the benefit of His people through all ages. This is the true, distinctive conception of Christianity, as we have it graphically set forth in the Apostles' Creed ; and 36 tJNDYINa LIFE IN CHRIST. in this sense, accordingly, we say of Christianity that it is made and constituted literally by the constitution of Christ's person; that it is thus not a doctrine primarily, nor a rule of life, but a grand historical fact; and that He is in such view the root and principle of it from beginning to end. He is not simply the occasion of it, or the cause of it, or the origin and commencement of it in the com- mon sense of these terms, but He is, in the very constitu- tion of His person itself, as the "second Adam who is the Lord from heaven," what we may call the seminal or fontal source of the universal new creation in this form, Chris- tianity starts genetically from no confession, no catechism, no outward creed — nay, with all reverence be it spoken, not even from the Bible itself — but only and alone from that bright Morning Star, "the root and the oftspriug of David," of whom it is said, "When Thou tookest upon Thee to deliver man. Thou didst not abhor the womb of the Virgin; when Thou hadst overcome the sharpness of death. Thou didst open the kingdom of heaven to all believers." 2. Truth, thus, in its highest form for man is identical with life, and is something to be reached and possessed only througli Ucing communication icith the life of Christ. As the everlasting Word, He is the source both of the reason which is in things universally, and also of the reason by which alone it is possible for them to be understood. By His in- carnation, more fully still, He is the revelation of God's mind and will immediately in the sphere of our rational nature itself. This revelation is no outward shining simply in the way of precept or doctrine, but the light that streams directly from what He is in His own nature and being; and for this reason, also, it is not something to be apprehended on the part of men by mere thought and reflection, but must ever have for its vehicle into their minds the very power of that heavenly life itself to which it belongs, and apart from which, indeed, it has no reality or truth whatever. Thus, it is not the light of Christ that is represented in the 37 UNDYINa LIFE IN CHRIST. Gospel, as communicating life to tlie world ; but, on the con- trary, "the life that was in Him," we are told (John i. 4), "became the light of men." Hence we hear the Saviour Himself saying: "lam the Light of the world; he that foUoweth me — makes himself one with the living Spirit of my person — shall not walk in darkness, but shall have the light of life." So St. Paul: "Ye were once darkness, but now are ye light in the Lord." To know Christ is to be in Christ; to have part in His grace in anyway, is to have part in His personal being. And hence it is that all forms of His grace, the benefits which He accomplishes for His people, are spoken of so commonly not as outside gifts merely, the result of His ministerial teaching or working, but as inhering actually in His own life. "I am the resur- rection and the life ; — I am the light of the v/orld ; — I am the Avay, the truth, and the life; — I am the living bread which came down from heaven ; he that believeth on me, believeth not on me, but on Him that sent me ; and he that seeth me seeth Him that sent me ; — He is our peace ; — He is made of God unto us wisdom, and righteousness, and sanctification, and redemption:" such is the characteristic tenor of this whole glorious Gospel of the blessed God, in speaking of its own power of salvation for the children of men. • All is not only from Christ, and by Him, but in Him and through Him also, as the first-born from the dead, "the beginning of the creation of God" in this new form. " God hath given to us eternal life ; and this life is in His Son." 3. Being in this way the only true light, the beginning and foundation of the whole gospel, Jesus Christ must be Himself, of course, the great argument always of the truth of the Gospel., and of His own 2Jresence bg means of it in the world. That is the nature of light: it demonstrates itself in demon- strating other things around it ; and so the last proof of it in the end is only the evidence which in the first place streams forth from itself. How shall any one prove the existence of the sun, except by what the sun shows itself to be, shining in the heavens and illuminating the whole 33 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. natural creation of God ? So does the Sun of Righteousness, in this new creation of which we now speak, authenticate and declare itself to be what it is, by the very fulness of its own indwelling light, with which it floods and irradiates all other things. How shall that which is itself the deepest and most comprehensive manifestation of truth in the world be rendered clear and sure by any demonstration from beyond itself? The self-revelation of God in Christ is for men the truth of all truth, the light of all light ; and if known at all effectually, it must be known in and by Christ alone. Here emphatically the word holds good: "In Thy light we shall see light." This is that knowledge of which St. John speaks : ''We know that we are of God, and the whole world lieth in wickedness : we know that the Son of God is come, and hath given us an understanding, that we may know Him that is true ; and we 'are in Him that is true, in His Son, Jesus Christ. This is the true God and Eternal Life." 4. From all this it follows that the only true and sure ivay of Christian knoioledge for us, at all times, is that Christological method of studying Christ and His gospel, lohich is set before us in the old pattern of the Apostles' Creed. It must be so, both for practical purposes and for the ends of theological science. The art of growing in grace, and in the saving knowledge of our Lord Jesus Christ, holds especially in the habit of regarding His person with the steady contemplation of faith ; for in doing so, more than in any other way, our darkness is illuminated, our affections are purified, our will is made strong; and beholding His glory, as the Apostle has it, we are transformed into the same image, from glory to glory, as by the Spirit of the Lord. But what we wish just now to insist upon more especially, is the necessary application of the same canon to the science of Christian divinity, whose object it is to expound and set forth theoretically the universal sense of the Gospel. If Jesus Christ be for Christianity what we have now seen that He is, the sum and substance personally of its whole constitution, then is H 39 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. it at once plain that Christianity never can be understood or preached to full purpose, except under that historical view in which it is exhibited to us in the actual movement of His own theanthropic life and work. Our theology can never begin successfully from any other centre than that of the Incarnation ; there can be no safe footing for our speculative constructions of doctrine, beyond that which is oiFered to us immediately in the fact pf the hypostatical union, regarded as the actual basis of the new creation to which it belongs. "Wliat is the real principle of Chris- tianity itself must be for us the real principle also of its whole apprehension and representation. "We must think ourselves into it everywhere, from that living, concrete ground, or else we shall have for our thoughts, in place of it, a metaphysical abstraction only, that will not deserve to be considered true Christian theology at all. It will not do to build here on any philosophical dogma or hypothesis outside of Christ. It will not do to build, or rather to dream of building, even on the Scriptures themselves, out- side of Christ; for in Him alone all the promises of God are Yea and Amen ; and it is the very spirit of Antichrist to say, that they can ever be the word of God truly for any man's thought or reason, except through the acknowledged presence of the Word made flesh. The order is, Christ first, then the Bible; and not the Bible first, then Christ. " On this rock," our Saviour says, in answer to St. Peter's memorable confession, '*! will build my Church;" and that confession, let it be well considered, is but the germ of the Apostles' Creed, as we find it afterwards unfolded with necessary development in the ancient Church. And now, then, it is no gain, we may be well assured, but an immense loss rather, that this old order of thought has grown strange to so much of our modern theology, and that so much of our theological thinking — and along with this, unhappily, so much of our pulpit teaching — ^has come to move in another construction of Christianity altogether. No one who considers it properly can help feeling it to be 40 UNDYING LIPE IN CHRIST. an ominous fact, that the Creed has fallen in our time so largely into disuse and neglect. It argues a falling away, unquestionably, from the old stand-point of Christian ob- servation— ^^vhich we know at the same time to be the only one, if Christ Himself be real, that can be considered either true or safe. Let it sink deeply into our minds, brethren in the ministry especially, that all right Christian theolog}', in the very nature of the case, must be Christo- logical theology; and that all right Christian preaching must be also Christological preaching; and that, being so, both must be cast prevailingly in the mould of the original Christian Creeds, which are all here of one signification and sense, since in no other form is it possible to deal with the facts of Christianity in a truly Christological way. 5. One more thought, and I have done. The end of all Christian worship — the end of all Christianity for man — is living fellowship and communion with God through His Son Jesus Christ. "What we all need, as we have seen, is not just good doctrine for the understanding, or good direction for the mil, or good motives for the heart, but the power rather of a new life, which, proceeding from God and being inserted into our fallen nature, may redeem us from the vanity of this present evil world, and make us to be in such sort "partakers of the divine nature" that in the end we may be counted worthy to have part also in the resurrection of the dead. This life we can never have directly for ourselves. G-od hath given it to us, we are told, only in His Son ; and if we are to have part in it at all, therefore, it can be only in the way of derivation from His person. It is plain, at the same time, that this derivation can never be parted from its original source in Christ, so as to become for any one his own separate pro- perty and possession. "I live," St. Paul says, "yet not I, but Christ liveth in me; and the life which I now live in the flesh, I live by the faith of the Son of God, who loved me, and gave himself for me." The life of the Christian 41 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. thus requires to be nourished and fed continually from that same immortal spring out of which it has taken its start in the beginning; in signification of which, accord- ingly, the "washing of regeneration," as it is called, is to be followed constantly to the end by the use of that other sacrament which is called the " communion of the body and blood of Christ," as showing by what aliment alone it is at last that this new existence is maintained in our souls. What the sacrament before us thus signifies and seals for our faith is the inmost meaning of Christianity, and the one great object, as we have said, of all true Christian worship. We are here to-day. Christian brethren, in circumstances well suited to remind us of our common vanity. We are here to commune with the past, long buried, though not for- gotten; and in doing so we are powerfully reminded how rapidly our years also are passing away. We shall never meet again, from all parts of the land, as we have been brought together on this joyful but yet solemn occasion. Many of us will soon be gone to join those of our own gene- ration, whose familiar forms, still fresh in our memory, seem to flit before us, even now, amid the solemnities of this hour; and it will not be long till all who are here shall have been swept away, in like manner, into the oblivious gulf of ages. For "we all do fade as a leaf;" "our days are as an handbreadth, and our age is as nothing before God." "As for man, his days are as grass, and as a flower of the field, so he flourisheth; for the wind passeth over it, and it is gone, and the place thereof shall know it no more." And now to this private vanity, which belongs to every one of us, must be joined the sense of that public political misery,, by which the earth is made to tremble beneath our feet, and the very heavens above us seem ready to col- lapse in one universal crash of ruin over our heads. But in the midst of all these crushing and confounding thoughts, oh, wllat a word is that — dying brethren in the undying Christ — whieh^ through these sacramental symbols 42 UNDYING LIFE IN CHRIST. of His broken body and shed blood, speaks now to our faith from His own lips! — "Whoso eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, hath eternal life ; and I will raise him up at the last day. As the living Father hath sent me, and I live by the Father, so he that eateth me, he shall live by me. This is that bread which came down from heaven ; not as your fathers did eat manna, and are dead : he that eateth of this bread shall live forever." It is the word of Him who is the Amen, the faithful and true wit- ness, the beginning of the creation of God, and the first- begotten of the dead. Let us respond to it, from the fulness of our hearts, one and all, " Lord, evermore give us this bread." "And now, unto Him that loved us, and washed us from our sins in His own blood, and hath made us kings and priests unto God and His Father; to Ilim be glory and dominion for ever and ever. Amen." 43 THE CITY AND UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG, «'ITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE PERIOD OF THE REFORMATION AND THE TIME WHEN THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM WAS PRODUCED. By dr. C. B. HUNDESHAGEN, pri'v'y church-councillor and professor of theology in heibelbera. Teansiaied by Rev. Peof. T. C. Poetee, A.M., Lancastbk, Pa. THL CITY AND UiNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE PERIOD OF THE REFORMATION AND THE TIME WHEN THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM WAS PRODUCED. ^g ^r. €. "§. Ijimiicsljagctt, PRIVT CHURCH-COUSCILLOR AND PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGT IN HEIDELBERG. Translated by Eev. Professor T. C. Porter, A.M., Lancaster, Pa. Among the territorial divisions into whicli the German Empire fell, there was none, at the close of the Middle Ages, which had become so enlarged, wealthy, and prosperous as the land ruled over by the Princes Palatine. Their ori- ginal domain, "the so-called Chur-Pfalz," or Electoral Palatinate, lay along the fertile banks of the Neckar and the Middle Rhine, reaching out from both streams, here to a greater and there to a less distance, into the interior. The other possessions of this princely house were isolated and remote. Chief among them was the Upper Palatinate, now^ included in the kingdom of Bavaria, with its cities, Am- berg and jSTeuburg. The capital of the Electors was Heidel- berg, picturesquely situated at the junction of the valley of the J^eckar with that of the Rhine. On a steep hill overlook- ing the city rose their famous castle. In 1386, Rupert I., with a spirit full of enthusiasm for science and art, had founded the University, which is one of the oldest in Grer- many. He bestowed on it great rights and liberties, as well as ample revenues, and cherished it with care until the day of his death, in 1390. From that time it grew in reputation as a seat of learning. Besides the main Electoral line, there were also collateral branches of the princely family, 47 THE CITY AND UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG. who governed smaller portions of the Palatinate territory under the title of "Palsgraves," or Counts Palatine, and were distinguished from each other by the names of the cities in which they resided, — Amberg and Neuburg, Zwei- briicken and Simmern. "When, in the struggle of Luther against Rome, the sum- mons of the gospel had resounded far and wide, not a single country inhabited by the G-erman race remained wholly unmoved by that event. But here and there it was a long while before the purer confession gained a decisive victory over ancient error; yea, decades of years passed by in certain places before the people were allowed to enjoy the blessings of an existence acknowledged by their rulers, a settled mode of divine worship and compre- hensive ecclesiastical institutions. Among the last to be thoroughly renovated by the new spiritual leaven was the Electoral Palatinate. True, indeed, movements of the kind had been felt on her soil in the very dawn of the Reformation. Shortly after the publication of his celebrated theses, Luther was sent, in April, 1518, as a commissioner, by the superiors of his Order, to a meeting of Augustinians in the convent at Heidelberg. Their business being ended, according to the custom of the age, a disputation was held, at which Luther put up theses and stood forth in their defence. This disputation excited a lively interest: many teachers and students of the University, and people of all classes, attended as hearers. The appearance of the bold Reformer, and his powerful words, left a deep impression: several young theologians, who at a later period came out as cham- pions of the Reformation in Southern Germany, received then their first impulse. The new doctrine soon after began to gain a permanent foothold in a few districts. Some of the knights Palatine, among whom was the famous Pranz von Sickingen, gave it protection in their territories. So, too, did the Palsgrave Lewis II. of Zwei- briicken, who abolished the mass and introduced a Lu- 48 THE CITY AXD UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG. theran order of worship. But yet tlie Reformation failed to find eitlicr au intellectual centre or influential political support. The former, which countries like Saxony and Ilesse possessed in their nniversities, Wittenberg and Mar- Lurg, was wanting in the Electoral Palatinate. The Uni- versit}' of Heidelberg stood from its origin in the closest connection with the Romish Church. The Pope, who as carl}" as 1385 consented to its establishment, in a special bull, was, and continued to be, in its eyes, the highest authority. As regards ecclesiastical jurisdiction, it was subject to the Bishop of Worms, its spiritual advowee. Dotations from the Pope and church-endowments furnished the most con- siderable portion of its revenue. l!^ot only were the teachers of theology required to be ordained clergymen and to live in celibacy, but, from the year 1439, the Cathedral of the Holy Ghost was united to the University, and, as the result, no fewer than twelve professors, as canons of that establishment, were fettered to the interests of the hierarchy by the enjoyment of handsome benefices and the possession of increased rights and liberties. At the time of the Reformation, the University had already outlived the bloom of the first century and a half of its existence. Its intel- lectual life was confined to the barren exercises of the scholastic philosophy and theology now falling into decay. The teachers were more concerned about the maintenance and enlargement of their privileges than the adoption and diftusion of new elements of culture. Between the years 1523 and 1533, it is true, the celebrated philologists, Her- mann von dem Busche, Simon Grynaius, and Jacob Ulicyll exerted a quickening influence. These men had been called, in order to revive at Heidelberg the study of clas- sical antiquity, which had formerly thriven under the care of Rudolph Agricola and Conrad Celtes. But the prevail- ing spirit was against them, and in a brief while, one after the other, they forsook the Palatinate University. Thus, as a whole, with but few exceptions, it stood decidedly antago- nistic to the Reformation. The consequences soon became 4» THE CITY AND UNIVEKSITY OF HEIDELBERG. apparent: tlie students deserted in large numbers and flocked to Wittenberg and the neighboring Tlibingen. In tlie year 1526, the rector complains that the attendance at the University was falling away on account of the spread of Lutheran opinions, that there were more teachers than students, and hence that every effort should be made to put down the innovation. The evangelical cause found also no solid support in the ruler of the Palatinate. From the year 1508 to 1544, the reins of government rested in the hands of the Elector, Lewis L He did not, indeed, belong to the unconditional opponents of the Reformation; nay, he was even favorably inclined toward it in a certain degree, and on several occa- sions showed his disapproval of violent measures against Luther and his followers. At the Diet of Worms he had come out boldly on the side of the Reformer, and in 1532 had taken an active part in the conclusion of the religious treaty at Nuremberg. But actual sympathy with the new movements did not harmonize with his natural disposition, which preferred peace and quiet in his own house as well as in the empire. Wlien, therefore, the two young teachers Brenz and Billican, in 1522, made an attempt in Heidel- berg to expound the New Testament after the manner of Luther, they were silenced on account of the uproar caused by it among the other theologians of the University. In the territories of the knights, however, the Elector per- mitted what he could not prevent, and held to his position of moderate Catholicism till the day of his death. The successor of Lewis was his aged brother Frederick II. By reason of a long life full of change and adventure, and his close personal connection with the house of Hapsburg, he had hitherto taken but little interest in the religious ques- tions of the age. In the mean while the doctrines of the gospel had so spread among the people of the Palatinate, that it was plain the new Elector could not put them down by force. His nephew, the strong-minded Otho Henry, had already, in 1542, introduced Lutheranism into the 50 THE CITY AND UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG. ISTcubiirg portiou of the Palatinate, and had also johied the league of Smalkald. For this step he had been driven from his land and subjects by Charles V. and the Duke of Bavaria, and was now living at the court of Heidelberg. Yet here he only labored the more zealously to influence his uncle in fixvor of the evangelical cause. On the 28th of March, 1545, the Elector applied to Melanchthon for counsel. But before his advice concerning church-mea- sures in the Palatinate was carried out, the impatience of the people outran the hesitation of the prince. On Sunday, December 20, 1545, as the mass was about to be celebrated in the Church of the Holy Ghost at Heidelberg, the whole assembly began to sing with loud voice the hymn, '■'■Es isi das Heil wis kommcn her," composed by Spreter of Kotweil, and lono; in use amons; the sie-nals of the Refonnation. Anxiously did the Elector now hasten to follow the course marked out by public opinion. He decreed a new order of worship, and, at the Christmas festival of 1545, the Holy Supper was administered according to the evangelical mode in the chapel of the castle, and received, not by him- self, it is true, but by his consort, a niece of the emperor, and the attendants of the colirt. On the 3d of January, 154G, the same thing was done in the Church of the Holy Ghost for a large assembly of the people. By this act, the greatest of the German Electorates, headed by its prince, took at length a decided stand in favor of the Reformation. But the event occurred at an exceedingly critical period ; for scarcely had a year and a half gone by, when the league of Smalkald, formed by the evangelical princes and estates of Germany for the defence of Protestantism against the emperor, fell to pieces, in con- sequence of the battle of Miihlberg, fought April 25, 1547, and its members were obliged to feel the weight of the im- perial anger. Frederick, too, although not a member, but only a supporter, of the league, came in for his share of hard words. Unlike John Frederick of Saxony, he was not, indeed, deprived of his Electoral dignity, but the pro- THE CITY AND UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG. gress of the Reformation in the Palatinate suffered a severe check. He could not escape the necessity of enforcing the law relating to faith and worship, published by the em- peror,— the so-called Interim, notwithstanding it led to the restoration of popery. Clergymen who resisted the impe- perial edict were immediately deposed. Still, when, in the monastery of the Franciscans at Heidelberg, after the ser- mon, the prior began once more to celebrate mass in the presence of Frederick, who appeared there in princely pomp, many of the congregation, and some of them per- sons of distinction, withdrew. Among the students and younger teachers of the University, indignation at this re- lapse into a custom that had just been abandoned was lively and general. The University as a whole, however, stood yet on the side of the papacy, and when the great majority of its members, in spite of the fine threatened by the rector, refused to join in the Corpus-Christi procession on the 20th of June, 1549, and styled the order of the rec- tor an impious mandate, and the procession an idolatrous profanity, an appeal was made to the government for pro- tection against "the rebellious youth." For four years the Palatinate remained under the heavy pressure of the In- terim, until the Elector Maurice of Saxony had curbed the dangerous encroachments of the emperor and wrested from him the treaty of Passau. Only then did the courage of Frederick begin to revive. After the conclusion of the religious peace at Augsburg, in 1555, he expressed a more positive sympathy with the evangelical cause, and on the 11th of ISTovember of the same year opened, in the old convent of the Augustins at Heidelberg, the so-called Sa- pienz-Institute, for the education of preachers. He also issued orders for the introduction of a new ecclesiastical system, and in 1556 afforded an asylum in his dominions to those professors of the faith who had been driven from England by the persecutions of Queen Mary. Three days before his death, on the 26th of February, 1556, he, together THE CIIY AND UXIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG. witli his wife and forty persons of the court, partook of the Holy Supper in both kinds. Hailed with joy and confidence by the evangelical por- tion of his subjects, whose favorite he had long been, the palsgrave Otho Henry now ascended the Electoral throne. Under this prince, who was distinguished in every respect, the Reformation in the Palatinate went forward with new vigor. As early as March, 155G, he issued a decree that for the future nothing but the pure doctrines of the gospel should be preached in the land, and that all papal and intcr- imistic superstition should be put away. The ecclesiastical system projected in the time of his predecessor was pushed on to completion. The persons intrusted with this work were the court-prgacher Michael Diller, the Heidelberg pastor and professor Henry Stoll, and the superintendent Dr. John Marbaeh, invited from Strasburg for the purpose. In the summer of the same year there followed a special visitation of the churches of the whole country, that occu- pied a period of seven weeks. The Electoral commission, which acted in the matter, drew up a report not favorable in all its particulars. It states that in many places the people were not in the habit of attending church, or at most but few of them, and for this cause catechetical in- struction had to be discontinued ; indeed, that many of the laity, and those, too, who regarded themselves as particularly intelligent, held the holy sacraments in low esteem. It is easy to see that such demoralization among the people was a result of the long continuance of a vacillating policy in ecclesiastical affairs. The report of the visitors gave rise to a series of plans for the thorough renovation of the Church of the Palatinate, by the founding of seliools, by the introduction of better arrangements in the University 80 as to train up well-qualified ministers, and by the careful management of church-property, so that the pastors would not be reduced by the pressure of want to the condition of peasants. This praise must be awarded to the excellent Otho 53 THE CITY AND UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG. Henry, that lie entered with full spirit upon the execution of these plans. A church-court {Kirchenrath), consisting of two clergymen and an equal number of lay members, was instituted, to exercise a general supervision over the ecclesiastical interests of the country. But the chief and most earnest care of the Elector was to reanimate the life- less University, and by a reform of the faculty of theology to secure a supply of evangelical preachers, for lack of whom the Palatinate was still suifering in the highest degree. He, therefore, energetically devoted himself to the work. A written scheme, drawn up by Philip Melanch- thon, in 1545, at the request of Frederick H., was the basis upon which he proposed to build. In 1557, Melanchthon, who was brought into the neighborhood of Heidelberg by the religious conference at Worms, received an invitation from the Elector to pay him a visit, and, during the ten days between the 20th and 31st of October, communicated to the noble prince a great deal of valuable counsel in regard to the important measure. Through the changes thus effected by Otho Henry, the University, which had hitherto been accustomed tO' pride itself on its ancient rights and immunities, lost much of its corporate independence. The controlling influence of the Elector was felt from this time forth, especially in the appointment of professors. Its great privileges had been productive of so little good for so long a period, that the resumption of them by the state could not but result to its advantage. In no other way was the regeneration of its inner life and spirit possible. In the plan of reorganization there is everywhere manifest an eftbrt to harmonize its course of instruction with the reformation that was taking place in the Church. The Elector, in his preface to the new constitution, says of the faculty of theo- logy, that "it is not supported, ordered, and provided for in such a manner as accords with the plain teachings of the holy gospel, which the eternal, merciful, gracious God, for the sake of His dear Son, has again revealed and made clear in these last times;" also, "that the salaries, in the 51 THE CITY AND UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG. present years of scarcity, are too small to obtain suitable lecturers {Legenten\" and hence he "felt himself bound, by reason of the official obligations resting upon him as Elector, to remove these defects." And, in truth, the decay of the faculty was only too evident. At that time it con- sisted of but two professors, whose instructions were attended by a very insignificant body of students. One of them was Henry Stolo, favorably inclined to the doctrines of the Reformation ; the other, Matthew Keulcr, an avowed papist, who, because, by his own confession, unwilling either to put away his concubine or to marry her, was compelled to vacate his chair in the University. Now the faculty was to consist of three ordinary or regular pro- fessors. "All of them shall maintain such -a walk as be- cometh Christians, and by no means busy themselves -with useless, knotty questions, fanciful opinions, intricate so- phisms, or prolix digressions and overstrained comments, ])ut expound the text with care and judgment, illustrate it, if necessary, with approved writings and brief extracts, solve doubts that may arise in the most skilful manner, and leave every thing else to the schola^cs and their readers [Legentes) and followers; as to doctrine and ceremonies, they must abide by the Augsburg Confession and its Apo- logy, together Avith the new church-order." "For the sup- port and strengthening of the true doctrine and religion of Christ, the annual sum of 1200 florins shall be appropriated to such adults who, already well versed in the sciences, may be willing to apply Ihemselves earnestly to the study of theology, so that able preachers and ministers of the divine word may be thus secured." By these measures the Church and University of the Electoral Palatinate were delivered from the unsettled condition in which they had so long been, and fully organized according to a general plan. But, in carrying it out in all its details, a vast deal yet remained to be done, and some of the most formidable difficulties only came clearly into view when the magnanimous Otho Henry, I 55 THE CITY AND UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG. after a brief reign of three years, was snatclied away by an ■unexpectedly sudden death on the 12th of February, 1559. A retrospective glance shows us that the lateness of the Reformation in the Palatinate afforded the people time for a gradual transition from the old faith to the new. But this, on the other hand, brought with it the serious disad- vantage that the first organization of its ecclesiastical affairs occurred just at the period when the struggle of German Lutheranism against the growing influence of Cal- vinism was raging with the greatest violence, so that the Church of the Electoral Palatinate could not avoid being entangled in all the vicissitudes of the conflict. During the years in which the Evangelical Church of Germany was taking shape under the moulding power of the Augsburg Confession of 1530, no organization of the kind existed as yet in the Palatinate. But just as Frederick 11. — and after him Otho Henry — began the work, the quarrel between the school of Melanchthon and the strict adherents of Luther in regard to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper produced a division into parties which ex- tended throughout tfle whole of Germany. To which side the two Electors inclined is evident in the simple fact, that, from the year 1545, Melanchthon was their confidential adviser in all measures of reform. When, therefore, the Church of the Palatinate placed itself upon the basis of the Augsburg Confession, that version of it was, of course, chosen which best accorded with these circumstances, — viz. : the one altered by Melanchthon, who, in 1540, under- took the task of amending the original, especially in the article on the Lord's Supper, so as by this means to bring about a better understanding between the adherents of Luther and the Swiss Reformers. The expression, in the version of 1530, which says that the body and blood of Christ are really present under the form of bread and wine, in that of 1540 he had so changed as to read, that with the bread and in the wine the body and blood of Christ are really communicated.; Jie also struck out the positive 56 THE CITY AND UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG. rejection of the opposite doctrine. With this Confession of 1540 fully agrees the following declaration concerning the Holy Eucharist in Otho Henry's church-order of 1556: — " The Supper of Christ is a sacrament and divine symbol, in which Christ, really present, offers and communicates to us wdth bread and wine His body and blood." In this same instrument there is also found no trace of exorcism in connection with baptism ; nor is there any indulgence Bliown tow^ard the retaining of images in churches, as in Saxony and elsewhere. On the contrary, as was the case in all Reformed communities, their removal is earnestly enjoined, and Otho Henry in person advocated the mea- sure when opposition to it had created a disturbance among the citizens of Heidelberg. In harmony with the endeavor to bring about a better state of feeling between the parties at variance upon the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, the Elector not only suffered men who were noto- riously in favor of the Swiss view to remain in his neigh- borhood, but even gave them places in the University and high offices in the state. Finally, the conduct of the Palatine princes toward the members of the Calvinistic churches of foreign lands fully corresponds with the spirit of Melanchthon and his school. Scarcely had the first half of the sixteenth century expired when these churches and their congregations in England, France, and the Netherlands were exposed to bloody persecution. Multi- tudes of persons, young and old, were put to death; whilst others, compelled to abandon home and country, sought refuge in Protestant Germany. But in not a few of the strictly Lutheran states the spirit of bigotry prevailed to such a degree that the strangers, under the name of " Sacramentarians," either met with an extremely cool reception or were driven away with merciless severity. In certain cases the hatred against them was so strong that the martyrdom of these Sacramentarians was styled " a martyrdom of the devil." Far different was their expe- rience in the Palatinate. Inspired by warm Christian sym- 57 THE CITY AND UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG. pathy, Frederick IE. and Otho Henry gave free admission to the fugitives. Men of talent among them received employment in the University of Heidelberg, and, when the number of the exiles increased, they were allowed the privilege of forming themselves into congregations after their own pattern. All this taken together shows that the Evangelical Church in the Electoral Palatinate deviated in many points of doctrine and practice from the strictly Lutheran Churches in the rest of Germany, and based its polity upon different principles. Under the influence and counsels of Melanchthon it assumed from the first a kind of middle position between Luther on the one side and Zwingli and Calvin on the other. It was difficult, how- ever, to maintain this middle position witli firmness. Those who thought and felt with Melanchthon, or the so- called " Philippists," were accused by the strict Lutherans of a secret leaning toward Calvinism, and, for this reason, were regarded with greater hostility, almost, than the real Calvinists themselves. They were generally forced to acknowledge that, in spite of their peaceful bearing, all hope even of the slightest concession from the opposite party had to be given up. The cruelty exhibited in the cases mentioned above also tended to deepen the feeling of estrangement, and the two branches of the Reformation springing from Luther continued to diverge more and more. Princes who — like the noble Otho Henry, Lu- theran as he originally was — were accustomed always to look at the common interests of Protestantism and mea- sure its wants from a higher point of view, could not but lose all respect for a movement which seemed to live only by theological quarrels and the putting down of every thins: in the Church that differed from its own standard. Compared with the spirit of Lutheranism thus dwarfed and crippled, that of the Reformed Church now stood in bold contrast. For a long time established in German Switzerland, and just then presided over by such venerable men as Henry Bullinger and Peter Martyr Vermili, its 53 THE CITY AND UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBEHa. golden age began with the settlement of Calvin in Geneva, by the moulding power of w^hosc creative intellect it took, in a few decades of years, the form of the Evangelical Church of Western Europe. A Church in a much fuller sense of the word than the Lutheran, the consciousness that all its energies were needed in the work of social regeneration prevented an undue predominance of theo- logical doctrine, and kept within bounds the polemical tendencies of the mere school. By her practically peace- ful spirit in the midst of controversy, by her unshaken faith under heavy trials and bloody persecutions, by her brilliant array of great scholars and men of marked cha- racter both among the clergy and laity, she could not but awaken admiration in minds not clouded wdth prejudice, even in those parts of Germany originally Lutheran. The Palatine Electors saw^, moreover, that if the University of Heidelberg w^as to enter upon a successful career, and not sink dowai again into the bondage of a dry, barren scholasticism, they must not look to the philosophical circles of the fatherland only, when selecting professors to fill up gaps in the various faculties, but have regard also to the rich intellectual forces then available in Reformed Protestantism abroad. In 1557, so many distinguished foreigners ^d already come to Heidelberg, that the mind of Melanchthon was filled with anxiety, — and not without good reason; for, after his death in 1560, the Eeformed party acquired new strength. A final transition to this side was an event confidently anticipated, here and there with concern, but in other places with joyous hope. The decisive step was at length taken by Otho Henry's successor, Frederick IIL, of the Simmern line of the Pala- tine house, and the formation of the Heidelberg Catechism was the chief act by which the adoption of the Calvinistic creed was fully consummated. Without going into detail, it is enough to say here that the new Elector devoted himself to his grand work with rare conscientiousness and fidelity. He is, beyond dispute, 59 THE CITY AND UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG tlie greatest ruler of wliom tlie Protestant Cliurcli of the Palatinate can boast, and, as regards piety and loyalty to the faitli, is a shining example of an evangelical prince. His leanings toward the Reformed Confession began rather early. As a pensionary of France, he was brought into close relations with the people of the "West, and his son John Casimir was permitted to reside at the French court until the family succeeded to the Electoral dignity. By this intercourse with France, Frederick was placed in a position to understand the value of the movements there set on foot for the development of the Reformation. Hence, as soon as he came into power, men of the Re- formed party, like the Frenchman Francis Hotoman, and the Strasburger Jacob Sturm, appeared at his court on business relating to church-aifairs. The nature of the matters discussed on this occasion, and the direction in which Frederick's mind was then already moving, may be inferred from a letter written by Hotoman to Bullinger in Zurich, and dated Heidelberg, March 16. He says, "I cannot tell you any thing new yet, because I am waiting to see what a certain country will bring forth. God grant a propitious hour to the birth ! Calvin, Farel, Beza, are filled, at these prospects, with the brightest hopes for the future. But the ultimate decision dependte upon the strength and influence of the several parties who surround the new Elector. Hence my talk shall be of them." During the early years of the reign of Frederick IH., a remarkable body oJP eminent men, diflfering from each other in many respects, had been brought together in Hei- delberg, partly as members of the University and partly as officers in Church and State. Some of them were natives of the Palatinate, whilst others, especially the theologians, .;i had been invited from abroad or had come hither of their own accord, — a few in the time of Otho Henry, but most of them since the accession of Frederick. As regards their relations to religion and the Church, they form three or four distinct groups, — Lutherans, Philippists, and Re- 60 THE CITY AND UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG. formed, — wlio arc again subdivided into Zwinglians and Calvinists. At the head of the Lutheran party stood Tile- mann Hesshus, born at WeseL He had taken a degree in "Wittenberg, and Melanchthon, without being well ac- quainted with his character, had given him a recommenda- tion, in January, 1558, to the chancellor of the Palati- nate, Minkwitz; in consequence of which he not only obtained the first place in the faculty of theology, but was also appointed general superintendent and member of the church-council [Kirchenrath). His bitter and disgraceful quarrel with Klebitz soon gave reason for regret that such an extremely violent zealot should have been called to such an important position. In Paul Einhorn of Nordlin- gen, whom Frederick had put into the second theological professorship in March, 1559, Hesshus found an active co- adjutor; but he did not remain long in Heidelberg. At the court, the Lutheran cause was advocated by the court- judge (Hofrichter) Erasmus of Venningen, a man of great personal dignity and honorable bearing, but withal fanati- cal in his relio:ious views. In the same class must be ranked also Otho Henry's chancellor, Von Minkwitz, who. on account of his wealth, office, and skill in public afl'airs, wielded an extensive influence. Finally, in the territories of the knights, where, as is well known, the Reformation struck root far earlier than in the rest of the country, the attachment to the doctrines of Luther was very strong among the clergy, the nobles, and the people. To the group of the Melanchthonians or Philippists be- longed Henry Stoll, or Stolo, a native of the Palatinate. From 1526 he was a pastor in Heidelberg, and in his later years a professor in the University at the same time. In 1556 he had already reached the age of sixty-seven, having adhered faithfully to the evangelical confession through all its varying fortunes. Highly beloved on account of his peaceable character, and esteemed for his eloquence in the pulpit, he died in 1557, while superintendent in Heidel- berg. But the chief strength of the Melanchthonians lay 61 THE CITY AND UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG. in Michael Diller, formerly prior of the Augustinian con- vent, and after that preacher in Speier. Thrice banished from this free city by command of the emperor, he went in 1548 to the canton of Basel, but in 1553 was employed by Otho Henry as court-preacher, and in 1556 accom- panied him to Heidelberg, where in 1570 he died, leaving behind him an enviable reputation. Closely allied with him were three counts of the house of Erbach. Count George, who had received his religious education at Ge- neva under Calvin himself, was invested by Frederick with the highest dignity in his gift, that of grand steward of the household [Gi^osshofmeister], and his brothers, Eberhard and Valentine, were like him prized as able and conscientious servants of the state. The chancellor of Frederick, Chris- topher Probus, a native of the Palatinate, held similar opinions in regard to theology and the Church. He was distinguished for administrative ability and the large ex- tent of his legal and general culture. As decided Zwinglians may be named the secretary, Stephen Zierber, a relative of Melanchthon; the eminent teacher of law, Christopher Ehem ; and the Brandenbur- ger, William Klebitz, deacon in* the Church of the Holy Ghost. The most prominent leader of the party, however, was Thomas Erastus (Liebler), a Swiss, who in 1558 en- tered the service of Otho Henry as family physician and professor of medicine, and since then had risen to great influence. In Erastus remarkable natural gifts were united with a fiery zeal, and he was one of those persons who everywhere find adherents and seek after them. In theological matters he was well versed, and for this reason was made a member of the church-council [Kirchenralh). Against Hesshus he took a bold and open stand, and went to considerable trouble in order to bring men of his own way of thinking into the faculty of theology, and that, too, not without success. Called to Heidelberg as extraordinary professor in 1557, and thus, in advance of Hesshus, the earliest to appear on 62 THE CITY AND UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG. the stage in the armor of Cah'in, was Peter Boqnin, for- mer prior of the Carmelite monastery in Bourgcs. Driven from France on account of his religious ftiith, he preached for a while to a congregation of French exiles in Stras- burg, and from thence came to the Palatinate. The next strong pillar of the Calvinistic party was AYenceslaus Zule- ger, a Bohemian by birth, who had studied theology and jurisprudence in Geneva. So highly was he esteemed by the Elector Frederick, that in 1560 he appointed him, then only twenty-nine years of age, president of the church- council, over the heads of the older members. One of the first acts of Zuleger in his new oiiiee was to invite to Hei- delberg a man who soon took a very prominent position in the Church of the Palatinate, — Caspar Olevianus. Born at Treves, Olevian studied jurisprudence at Bourges, and afterward theology at Geneva under Calvin, and at Zurich under BuUinger and Peter Martyr. In 1559 he returned to his native city, and began to preach there the evangelical doctrine. This led to a sharp collision with the Catholic clergy, which ended with his being thrown into prison. Freed from his bonds by the interposition of the Palatine prince in January, 1561, he was yet condemned to banish- ment. Before the close of the year he accepted the post of teacher in the Sapienz-College at Heidelberg. Soon after he was transferred to the third theological professor- ship, and thence, in a short time, to the pulpit and a place in the church-council. In all the measures of reform pro- jected by the council he took a lively interest, and by his great ability and zealous labors won the entire confidence of the Elector. Early in 1561, Emanuel Tremellio, a learned Italian who had come over to the Reformed Church in Switzerland, was appointed to the chair vacated by the Lutheran, Paul Einhorn, as Professor of Old Testa- ment exegesis. About the same time, Peter Dathenus, a Netherlander of Ypern, became tutor to the princes, and not long after, a member of the church-council. But in the month of September, 1561, the theological faculty 63 THE CITY AND UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG. acquired one of its most distinguished ornaments in Zacha- rias Ursinus, a native of Breslau. For seven years a favorite disciple of Melanclithon, lie had, during a second residence in Zurich and Geneva, shown a decided leaning to the doctrines of Calvin and entered into close fellow- ship with Peter Martyr. The aged Reformer, having re- ceived an invitation to a professorship in Heidelberg, recommended in his own stead the young Ursinus, who by his extensive learning and unwearied diligence in the twofold office of rector of the Sapienz-College and pro- fessor of theology, as well as by his quiet, peaceable spirit, soon rose high in public esteem. In the few years fol- lowing, the Calvinistic party was increased by the arrival of Lambert Pithopiius of Deventer, Francis Junius of Bourges, Daniel Tossanus of Mompelgard, and Girolamo Zanchi of Alzano, The calling in of so many strangers created some dis- satisfaction. But the object of the Elector — which was to reorganize the Church after the Reformed pattern — could not be attained in any other way. The views of the men thus brought together in Heidelberg did, indeed, differ in regard to many important matters. For example, the desire of Olevianus to introduce the Calvinistic form of church government was shared by none of the other par- ties, and his plan only found support from the strict dis- ciples of the school of Geneva. By the Zwinglian Erastus it was violently assailed. But in opposition to extreme Lutheranism, which by the overbearing conduct of Hes- shus had lost all credit, Melanchthonians, Zwinglians, and Calvinists united as one man; and from this union, through the joint labors of Ursinus and Olevianus, sprang a common formula of faith, given to the world in January, 1563, — the Heidelberg Catechism. THE SWISS REFORMERS. By dr. HEEZOG, erlangen, germany. Translated et U. IIarbaugh, D.D., Ledanon, Pa. THE SWISS REFORMERS. Translated by II. Kaebaugh, D.D., Lebanon, Pa. "What place have the Swiss Keformers in a collection dedicated to the memory of the Ileidelherg Catechism? True, this work has also been valued and used as it deserves in the Swiss Church, not only in German hut also in French Switzerland, and is still in use in several cantons. But the Swiss theologians have in no wayhadyjart in its formation. Still, the production of this distinguished doctrinal Avork is nevertheless to be traced back to an impulse which pro- ceeded from the Swiss Reformers. With this book, Ger- many has returned with usury that which it had received from Switzerland. It may, therefore, be allowed a Swiss theologian to express the thanks of his fatherland for this divine gift from Germany, by here presenting to his readers a brief sketch of the fathers and founders of the SavIss Church, which may at the same time be regarded as a Avit- ness of that unity in the Spirit, which binds together all Reformed Churches. AVTien we speak of SavIss Reformers, we do not Avish to imply that they were all of SavIss origin : on the contrary, the majority of them were immigrated friends. CEcolam- padius Avas by birth a Palatine (from Weinsberg, which became part of Wurtemberg in 1504) ; Berthold Ilaller, the Reformer in Bern, Avas a Swabian; Erasmus Ritter, Reformer in Schafl'hausen, was a Bavarian ; Leo Juda, the friend and assistant of Zwingli, Avas an Alsatian. Of those men AAdio introduced and founded the Reformation in French Switzerland, onlv Viret is a Swiss by birth, from w THE SWISS REFORMERS. Orbe in tlie canton of Vaucl : strictly speaking, even lie can- not be called a Swiss, since Vaucl was only in the later years of his life joined to Switzerland. The same is true of the other actors in French Switzerland ; since in the case of all these countries the rise of the Reformation, and their union with Switzerland, are cotemporaneous. In the fact that so many foreigners are found among the Swiss Reformers, we may see reflected a peculiarity of Swiss life in general, without which the prominent position which this country occupied in the Reformation of the sixteenth century could not well be explained. The geographical position of Switzerland, connected with the susceptibility of the nationality of the Swiss people, and their aptness for culti- vation, furnish the ground of its living rapport with the adjoining countries, whence also it received manifold ele- ments of cultivation and living incitement: it became, namely, an asylum for those who were persecuted for the eake of the gospel. Eminent men from Germany and France found in Switzerland spheres of activity, or could secure such, from whence they could send back a salutary influence upon their fatherland. It is, however, always worthy of notice, that the man on whom depended the whole movement, who gave it the direction which it has since maintained, and which others have prosecuted, was by birth a Swiss ; and it is not to be denied, whatever may be said to the contrary, that Zwingli developed himself into a Reformer independently of Luther. In the early part of his public life, the religious falls some- what behind the humanitarian and political forces, in his activities. Yet even in the first years of the sixteenth century he had received words from the lips of his teacher, Thomas Wittenbach, which fell like a gleam of light into his soul, — namely, that the death of Christ is the only ran- som for the sins of men. These words, more immediately designed to refute a writing of the Bishop of Basel in the year 1503, and uttered in an academic disputation, led the keen-sighted young man to look upon monkery and the 68 THE SWISS REFORMERS. Catholic sacraments, from that time forth, with somewhat diiferent eyes. The same "VVittcnhach was accustomed to say that the time was not far distant when the philosophi- cal tlieology (in the stili" forms of which his OAvn instructions moved) would he set aside, and the old doctrines of the Church, as they are laid down in the Scriptures and in the works of the Fathers of the Church, would be restored. Such and similar expressions were seed-thoughts, which afterwards brought forth rich fruits. Animated by a desire to read the 'New Testament in the original, Zwingli in the year 1513 began the study of the Greek language. In the two following years he turned more decidedly away from the philosophy and theology of the wranglers, as he says, and made up his mind that he must let all that alone, and seek to learn the mind of God purely from His own simple word. " Then I began to be- seech God for His light, and the Scripture became much more easy to me." (Works, ed. of Schultz & Schulthess, i. 79.) His connection with Erasmus, which began about this time, served him not only in his humanistic studies, but through Erasmus his attention was also called to a fundamental error of the Catholic religion, — namely, that which consisted in seeking salvation of creatures. A Latin poem of Erasmus on the invalidity and perversity of saint- worship, as practised in the Roman Church, deeply im- pressed his mind in regard to this point. His opposition to the worship of saints connected itself in his mind most immediately with the idea of God as the absolute causality, and the only source of all salvation. Thereupon he had a conversation with Capito, in Einsiedeln, in the year 1516, when both of these men agreed that the papacy must be overthrown. But neither in Glarus nor in Einsiedeln did he assume a directly polemical position. In opposition to the idolatrous worship of Mary, of which Einsiedeln was the centre for Switzerland and adjoining countries, he in- sisted that Christ is the only Mediator. He appeared polemically when he aided in silently removing the inscrip- 69 THE SWISS KEFORMERS. tion, "Here is full absolution from guilt and punishment for all sins," from tlie cliurcli in Einsiedeln, when he com- manded the nuns in the abbey, instead of singing the customary matins, to read the New Testament, and allowed them even to leave the convent. There can, therefore, be no doubt of the fact that Zwingli was not turned into the track of the Reformation by Luther. On the other hand, it lay in the nature of things that the appearing of Luther involuntarily inspired him with courage, and also rendered the people of Zurich receptive toward the Reformation. In general, Zwingli only appeared as Reformer, with full decision, after his call to Zurich: there he found the do:; fjLOc Tzou d-io — the place on which to stand. "With other Swiss Reformers, as, for instance, with CEco- lampadius, we find more of Luther's influence, and greater dependence on him. Q^colampadius, as he himself ac- knowledges, in a work published in 1519 (Canonis Lidoct), had his attention called to Luther originally through his Sermons on the Ten Commandments, which appeared prior to 1517. The effect of this work upon his pious mind was thenceforward to make Christ appear more glorious, the gospel holier to him, so that, setting aside all self-sufficiency, he ascribed all good to Christ, to himself little, yea, nothing. The rising of Luther against Tetzel, which followed, confirmed CEcolampadius in his good opinion of this dauntless man of Grod. From that time forth he acknowledged that he had learned of Luther that our righteousness consists in the forgiveness of sins. (Bucer to Myconius, April 23, 1534.) As Brigitta monk, he ex- pressed himself in plain words— which his friends against his will made public — in favor of Luther; and in his work on Confession, which he had written in the convent of Altenmlinster, he celebrated anew Luther's great merits. Calvin, independent as he stands before us, was fully conscious of his dependence on his great predecessor, and expressed himself to that effect. "Multum illis debemus omnes," he was accustomed to say. This calls to mind the 70 THE SWISS REFORMERS. words of "Wellington in regard to Napoleon I. : "AYe must all learn from him." In his doctrine of the Lord's Supper he sought to reconcile the truth which lay at the foundation of the Lutheran doctrine, with the positions settled through the Swiss Reformation, and subscribed the Augsburg Con- fession in the sense in which its own author had explained it; that is, he subscribed this confession as it stood in the edition of the year 1540. Li his publication against Pigius, 1543, he openly declared that through Luther's service and labor the purity of the gospel had at that time been again restored. To Bullinger he expressed himself (Nov. 25, 1544) that he would still acknowledge Luther as a servant of Christ, even though he should denounce him (Calvin) as a devil. This, as is well known, was not to be feared. It is reported that Luther, on the appearance of Calvin's Treatise on the Lord's Supper, should even have said, " If Q^colampadius and Zwingli had from the begin- ning expressed themselves in like manner, they would never have fallen into such extended disputations." These words, reported by Petzel in his narrative of the sacra- mental controversy, be they authentic or not, in either case, as J. Miiller (The Evang. Union, p. 328) says, correctly express what is substantially the true state of the case. In every effort to secure merit for ourselves, the first con- dition is to acknowledge the merit of those who have gone before us. This the Reformers of Switzerland did; and even in the heat of the unhappy sacramental strife they did not forget it. It is not to be disputed that they conducted themselves in that controversy with much more propriety than their renowned opponent. The fact that they, not- withstanding all their agreement with him, still held substantially to their own course, resulted from various causes. Above all, the reformatory problem was far- reaching, and neither by Luther nor his cotemporaries was it on all sides perfected ; so that work enough still remained for others. Then, also, not all spirits are formed after one and the same type ; and our Reformers had their own K 11 TEE SWISS REFORMERS. peculiar spiritual individuality; tliey Lad followed a peculiar process of development : this exerted a moulding influence on their conception of Christianity, on their theo- logical and churchly activity. The character of the people from whom our Reformers proceeded, and the nation in which they wrought, are here also to be considered. In relation to the reigning differences with Luther and his disciples, our Reformers held foi-tli the principle — which was, it is true, at that time altogether new — that those differences do not set aside and destroy the harmony in essentials, and hence should not disturb peace and fellow- ship between both these Churches. Luther, on the con- trary, on account of the bad temper in which he found himself since the Wittenberg disturbances, committed the great mistake of exalting the article concerning the Lord's Supper into a fundamental article, and of denying to the Swiss Reformers, who deviated- from it in their teaching, all claims to a Christian faith. How faithfully his adherents followed him herein is satisfactorily known. That princi- ple, however, which was set forth by our theologians, has in the later civilized world carried ofi'the palm of victory. Regardless of all that, down to the present day, has been oflered in the way of objection, we may with all correct- ness contend that in reference to the formal principle of the Reformation, the authorit}' of the Holy Scripture, an essential agreement exists between our Reformers and those of the Lutheran Church. Though Zwingli and (Eco- lampadius, in their discussions of the relation between the AYord and Spirit, sometimes express themselves in a way which might induce the belief that too much room is made for subjectivity, they are still separated by a deep chasm from the fanatics of that time; and the boldest ex- planations of (Ecolampadius in regard to this matter evi- dently accord with Augustinian principles. Just as these principles find their limitation and relative rectification through others of the same teacher, so the same rule holds good in regard to (Ecolampadius, and also to Zwingli. 12 THE SWISS llEPORMERS. The excgetieal labors of both tliesc men, among which those^of (EcoLampadius on the Old Testament have even received from G-esenius flattoring- acknowledgment, show in the most decided way their estimation of the written word. In general, a veiy strong impulse was given to Scripture explanation, and oven to criticism on the text, whicli proved a healthy check and balance to the later Pro- testant scholastics. The substance of what Zwingli and (Ecolampadius have said in regard to the relation of Scrip- ture and Spirit, we can comprehend in the proposition, that the written word of God can be understood and explained only through the same Spirit by whom it was originally dictated. Calvin has the credit of having placed this matter in its true light. He who has explained all the books of the New Testament, with the exception of the Apocalypse, as also the greatest number, and those the most important, of the Old Testament, and that in such manner and way that his commentaries are still a pattern of correct exegetical symmetry, and in which all the elements of healthy biblical explanation accord, — he has also established the proper relation of Scripture and Spirit (in the Institutes, book i. chap, vii.); he has introduced into the Protestant theology, if not the idea, still the doctrine, of the witness of the Holy Ghost, which only later (in the seventeenth century) was taken up into the sphere of the Lutheran theology. This witness of the Holy Spirit he has apprehended and described in its essence, its signifi- cance and extensive bearings, with accustomed clearness, circumspection, and profound insight, and has accurately defined the boundaries beyond which fanaticism begins. Still, if on the oue side our Reformers have been charged with a fanatical over-estimate of the subjective spirit, and a depreciation of the written word of God, the opposite charge has been made against them from the other side, as though they had adhered to a slavish dependence upon the letter of the word, and had sought to impress this stamp upon their Churches. This was associated with tradition.; 73 THE SWISS REFOKMERS. and it was held that our Reformers in principle occupied in reference to it an altogether different position from Zwingli. It was therefore contended that the Lutheran principle in regard to the Scripture was only negatively regulating, in this sense, that every thing not directly contrary to Scripture must be allowed its force and value. Tlie Swiss Scripture principle was regarded as a positive one, in the sense that every thing which could not he shown as directly contained in Scripture must be rejected. This was more particularly 80 defined that Luther was content to regard the so-called middle matters, which in the Scriptures are neither com- manded nor forbidden, as without obligation, whilst the Swiss rejected them. This distinction, however, does not hold good. Zwingli, for example, to whom mostly reference is made, does not wish absolutely to reject the command concerning fasting, although no explicit word of Scripture is found enjoining it, but desires to leave fasting to each one's free will. (In his work on Liberty concerning Meats. "Works, i. p. 12.) He wishes, first, only a diminution of the many Catholic holy days. (Works, i. p. 317.) In the beginning he did not wish the convents unconditionally abolished, at least not for such as, on account of poverty and sorrow of life, remained inmates of them; only they shall have na other rules than the rules of Christ. When organs were get aside, with which in Zurich for a time all singing was suspended, Zwingli stood on the ground that all this was not easily reconcilable with Scripture. The same holds true of the images, which were regarded as wholly for- bidden in Scripture. Besides, Zwingli was careful that the people, before the images (the Lay-Bibles) were taken from them, should be properly instructed. In the same spirit he expressed himself against the radical abrogation of infant baptism, because no express word of Scripture excludes this baptism. Tlius, he set forth the principle that where there is no clear word of God there is room left for a cer- tain freedom. In the preface of his Liturgy of the Holy Supper, he remarks, in relation to the "accompanying" 7,4 THE SWISS REFORMERS. ceremonies, "Ilereiu every Cliurcli lias its own opinion." So also he retains mucli of the old ritual in that Liturgy. He defended the making of the cross, also the mass-dress of the priests; he also at first retained the covering of the head, which has since heen set aside even in the Catholic Church. (De Canone Miss?e Epicheresis, Op. iii. p. 111.) Not Zwingli, but a certain party, which in the same work {loc. cit. p. 119) he opposes, was anxiously wedded to the letter: "God has not designed to bind us to outward circum- stances. The outward order is in our power. Christ cele- brated the Supper in a room or hall; Paul, in a temple in the presence of a large assembly, &c. Above all ought we to guard ourselves against the spirit of small strife; for here the word holds good, 'KnoAvledge puffeth up, but charity edifieth.' " In general, CEcolampadius Vv^as of the same mind. Very beautifully and correctly does he say, in his Pastoral Letter of 1527, "The human traditions we may in part reject, in part follow; in so far as faith and love are not prejudiced, there is no danger at hand if even the fundamental sense of the Holy Scripture is not fully rendered. Hence we must not on account of such matter raise strife, or disturb charity." The French, it is true, were more rigorous ; but Calvin soon receded from his first puri- tanical severity, which had induced him in 1538 to resign his position in Geneva, because the council, at the instance of the Bernese, restored again the use of the baptismal fonts, and unleavened bread in the great Church festivals; nor would he, in 1538, have resigned his place on account of these matters, if he had not recognized in these innova- tions an encroachment of the State and a violation of the rights of the Church. As regards the materkd, or material principle, of the Reformation, even a superficial glance at the writings of our Reformers shows that they with all force and decision taught "forgiveness of sins and salvation by faith in Jesus Christ, and that it is not to bo found in the satisfaction and merits of works." (Words of Q^colampadius, in his Dispu- 75 THE SWISS REFORMERS. tation held in Basel, 1523.) They were therefore charged, as well as Luther and the theologians of his Church, hy the Catholics, that they designed to abrogate all works. Great as is the agreement in this respect between the Reformers on both sides, it is nevertheless clear that the Swiss mani- fest a tendency peculiar to themselves. Catholicism rose historically from the conniption of the Christian consciousness through the elements of the Jewish and the heathen religion, which, conquered by Christianity, in that way perpetuated their life in the bosom of Chris- tianity itself. If Catholicism were to be fandam en tally conquered, it would be necessary to attack it at both these points. Hence the Reformation problem took form accord- ing as the Jewish-Catholic or the Pagan-Catholic was most directly taken as the point from which to make the onset. Whilst Luther directed his attack more immediately against the Jewish phase or feature of Catholicism, and accordingly- protested against tlie Catholic idea of sanctification by works, and placed justification by faith in the foreground, Zwingli, taking his position in the idea of God's absolute causality, and holding to onl}" one source of salvation, lifted his voice more immediately against the Catholic deification of creatures. Both of these men aimed at establishing the truth that men are made partakers of salvation through the pure grace of God in Christ. Both wished to solve the question, through what means man's attainment of salva- tion is mediated. In this endeavor Zwingli went back to the objective idea of God, — not, however, led by the specu- lative interest to learn what God in Himself is ; but he would learn what God is for us, — for us who desire to be certain of salvation. The question in which Zwingli felt funda- mental concern was, not how all that is was determined through the absolute causality of God, but this : how man, in his consciousness, determined through his need of salva- tion and atonement, stands related to God as to the only source of salvation. Zwingli put the question thus : Who saves man, God or the creature? whilst with Luther the 76 THE SWISS REFORMERS. question is, much rather: "WTiat at, or in, man saves him, faith or works ? This difference manifests itself clearly in the manner in which both these men were drawn into their polemical course, — Luther through the abuses of indul- gences, that is, through the extreme judaiziug righteous- ness by works; Zwingli through the idolatrous al)omina- tion of saint-worship, against which, in his explanation of the concluding words ("Works, i. pp. 266-301), he directly presents the proposition that God works all things in us, — that we are nothing except through His will. Hence he comprehends the catholic disorder in general under the one point of view which regards it as a darkening of the Christian consciousness before God, the only source of salvation. In this the other Swiss Eeformed theologians in general are in agreement with him. Hence the mass is throughout represented as idolatrous; hence, also, Farel treats justification by works itself as something idolatrous, in the theses which he set forth at Basel, 1524: "AVlio- ever hopes to be saved and justified by virtue of his own works and merits, and not through faith, he exalts himself, and, blinded by unbelief, makes himself God." So very severely was, what is matter of subjectivity, referred to the objective, With Z-wingli, the principles which pertain to absolute 2)redes(ina(ion are chiefly connected with this same mode of view. For Zwingli was — what, moreover, has only again become known within the last several decades — a strict predestinarian, and has expressed his supralapsarian views in even stronger terms than Cah'in, who actually re- garded Zwingli as having gone too far in regard to this dogma. The other Swiss Reformers, as is known, also ad- hered to this doctrine, and this in the supralapsarian sense ; so Bulhnger, who did not, it is true, in his confes- sion, the Second Helvetian, suffer this dogma to come for- ward in its highest aspect. Also Peter Martyr, and others. More mildly than the rest did (Ecolampadius express him- self, holding fast only to the kernel of the matter, in the 77 THE SWISS REFORMEKS. reply wliich lie wrote to the question addressed to liim in 1530 by the "Waldensian George Morel : " Our salvation comes from God, our ruin from ourselves." But the other Swiss Reformers, as well as (Ecolampadius himself, were primarily led, in the formation and carrj-ing out of this doctrine, by a speculative interest. With Calvin this is so clearly not the case that it is unnecessary here to speak of the matter. Nor is this the case with Zwingli. True, his predestination hangs together with his idea of God, and is an efflux of the same ; but that with which he most imme- diately concerns himself is to exclude human merit, that he may show that the salvation of man is the work of divine grace. It is also to be kept in view that the positions of Zwingli on predestination have no pantheistic background. However much he follows Picus of Mirandula, whom he had already studied in Glarus, in holding forth prominently the absolute causality and immanence of God in the world, so much on the other side does he hold fast to the tran- scendence and free personality of God. From the same view of Catholicism above illustrated flowed the original Swiss doctrine of the Lord's Supper, as we find it in CEcolampadius and Zwingli. Only when so viewed can the one-sidedness, incompleteness, and relative incor- rectness of this presentation of the doctrine be explained. As, namely, on the Lutheran side there had not been in this respect a sufficiently decided break with Catholicism, this had to be supplied, if the mission of the Reformation was not, in an essential point, to remain unfulfilled. Thus there came into existence a form of doctrine which fully cleared out, it is true, the Catholic leaven, but at the same time shot beyond the mark, in lowering the Lord's Supper at last to a mere act of profession, by which its significance as a means of grace for the communicant himself was more or less sacrificed ; and this was in another form again a Catholicizing error. When Luther says that the funda- mental evil of the mass consists in this, that through it something is to be given to God instead of something 78 THE SWISS REFORMERS. being received from Ilim, something similar finds place in that doctrinal view : first of all there is, of course, a testi- mony to be given to the congregation ; before the congrega- tion, and then further before God, a confession of faith in the atoning death of Jesus is to be made. It is, moreover, not to be overlooked that Zwingli and Q^colampadius did not stop short in this form of the doctrine. Even in their earliest writings on this subject we find sympathies, and in the later ones more than mere sympathies, with a view which ascribes to the Lord's Supper the value of a means of grace, by which it is taught that a self-communication of the exalted Saviour to the believing soul is efl:ected according to John vi. This form of doctrine, we may say, (Ecolampadius had practically realized, when, in the Church agenda prepared by himself in 1529, it was ordered that the Lord's Supper should be celebrated in rotation monthly in each of the four principal churches in Basel ; so that to tliis day a celebration of the Lord's Supper is conducted every Sunday in one or other of the principal churches. This would have no meaning if the Lord's Supper were merely an act of profession. As regards the particulars of this doctrinal view, Q^colampadius has given the tropical expLanation of the words of institution more correctly than Zwingli. Starting out with the fact that in Aramaic the copula are not found, and, further, following analysis, — as when we say of an image of Calvin, This is Calvin, — he placed the trope in the word "body," a mode of interpreta- tion which, in general, Luther has sanctioned, when not used in reference to the Lord's Supper. Calvin has the honor, in regard to the Lord's Supper also, of having per- fected, illustrated, rectified, and brought to consummation the Reformed form of doctrine. With this it is not said that his representation stands above all fiiult, especiall}^ in what relates to his view of the working of the glorified humanity of Christ in the participant ; but the excellency of his mode of teaching on this point consists in the fact, that, with all his adherence to the Reformed t^-pc of doc- 79 THE SWISS REFORMERS. trine, lie assigned to tlie matter of profession its place of proper subordination to the symbolical interpretation, and placed tlie self-communication of Christ in the foreground, by which he suffered the essential in the Lutheran doctrine, which, as we have said, Zwingli and CEcolampadius also knew, to come to its full right; on which account many members of the Lutheran Church of that period, and later, even down to our time, have decidedly agreed with him. The assertion has been made, that there is in the Re- formed Church, as distinguished from the Lutheran and Catholic, an original tendency toward the separation of Church and State, which tendency would naturally have to be traced back to the impulse which proceeded from the Swiss Reformers. By this some design to express a censure ; others intend it as praise. This is not the place to discuss this question theoretically ; but we must only say this much : that to the Swiss Reformers, as also to the Lutheran, a sepa- ration in the sense in which it has since been attempted, and in part realized, lay remote from their minds, in the same way as did the idea of that religious freedom which stands therewith connected. Zwingli had even no idea of any kind of independence and self-dependence of the Church; rather he lets it disappear entirely in the State; he makes no effort in any way to obtain for it a separate position. The council of two hundred in Zurich passes for him as Synod; and he will know absolutely nothing of a church discipline administered by the Church itself. To CEcolam- padius, on the contrary, belongs the merit of setting forth the independence and self-dependence of the Church, in part theoretically, and in part also practically, at least in the particular of church discipline, the realization of which he zealously sought to bring about. This is only the more meritorious as in this respect he stood over against Zwingli, and even in Basel fell upon manifold opposition, which placed unconquerable obstacles in the way of the full realization of his principles. Very worthy of consider- ation are the words which he wrote to his friend Zwingli 80 THE SWISS REFORMERS. in reference to cliurcli discipline: — "Insupportable us anti- christ does tlie government become, when it robs the Church of its respect : Christ has not said, if he will not hear, tell it to the government, but, tell it to the Church." In this respect, among the Reformers of German Switzerland, CEcolampadius approaches most nearly to those of French Switzerland. Among the last, as to this tendency, Calvin stands forth prominently. In the Institutes he has treated at length, and in a very positive manner, of the independ- ence and self-dependence of the Church; but in practice he has contented himself with an incomplete application of his principles, as he himself saj's, taking into considera- tion the troublous circumstances of the times. Into the foreign Churches which were forming under his influence he ever infused principles, and breathed a spirit, which, under the co-operating influence of peculiar historical cir- cumstances, have provided for many of these foreign Churches a greater independence and self-dependence than was to be found in Geneva itself. All our Reformers were anxiously concerned to bring about a reformation in morals ; for it is known to every one how very much the morality of all classes of the people had degenerated, up to the end of the Middle Ages, in all the countries of European Christendom, and how even the ecclesiastics, the lower as Avell as the higher, and up to the ver}' highest, seem to have been intent, through their own example, to goad on the people to contempt for moral laws. The Reformers kept this condition of things flrmly in view. As they were decidedly dogmatic, so they were also strictly practical. They made Christianity to be felt as a principle of true renewal and regeneration for the general life of the people, as well as for individual life. They set in motion a force which still lives on, and which especially in the age of the Reformation brought forth the most blessed fruits. We have here not merely Geneva in our eye, where the transformation was specially marked, so that Farel confessed that he would rather be the last in 81 THE SWISS REFORMERS. Geneva than the first elsewhere, — for here the contrast with the previously prevailing dissoluteness appeared espe- cially striking, — but the same is true, in a greater or less degree, of all the other cantons that became Reformed, where no such heroic measures had been plied as in the fearfully corrupt Allobrogian town. But such a moral purification of the general life could not, in the existing circumstances, be eflfected unless the state would lend its castigating arm; and the fact that the state interested itself in the "moral practices of the people, is, in a great measure, owing to the constant urging of the Reformers. In this respect, as in general in every thing which be- loniTS to the foundin"; and confirmins; of the Reformation o er* o in the diifercnt Reformed Churches of Switzerland, we have occasion to admire the manifold wisdom of God {zohj-o'r/.doz (JOifia, Eph. iii. 10), which located each one in exactly that place lohere he mic/ht find the field of labor ivhich was best ada-pted to his j^eculiarities. In regard to this, a few words in conclusion. Among the Reformers of German Switzerland there was none so well fitted to introduce the Reformation as Zwin- gli. This we may confidently assert without undervaluing the rest. CEcolampadius, it is true, possessed important gifts and knowledge, but he lacked the courage to take the initiative, — that energetic propulsion for which Zwingli is distinguished. The same is true of the other Reformers of French Switzerland, who, besides, lacked the other gifts and knowledge necessary to such a prominent position. On the other hand, there was no canton so well adapted to become the birthplace of the Swiss Reformation as the canton Zurich. Here there was no man in any way cele- brated to take up the gauntlet against the Reformer; no university stood forth as shield-bearer of the old church- aftairs. The diocesan bishop resided in distant Constance, whose personality, moreover, just at that time did not command much respect. Besides this, the people of Zu- rich, on account of their spiritual susceptibility, on account 82 THE SWISS REFORMERS. of their courngcous cliaracter mostly, we may saj', were predisposed toward accepting and carrying through the lieformation. The aptitude for the Reformation had ex- tended in Zurich into the liighcst circles; and thus Zwingli found among the moat influential members of the govern- ment men who entered in the most zealous manner into his views, and rendered him the most important aid in his endeavors to realize them. We may take any view wo please theoretically in regard to the relation of Church and State, this much is certain, that in the then existing circumstances it was of the most decided significance for the success and spread of the Reformation that it was first taken up at a definite point in the peculiar national life, that is to say, in the State organism. In this way it was able at that time to become a historical power. More- over, Zwingli, beyond all others, was fitted to advance the spread of the Reformation. lie united unwearied activity, inexhaustible energy, with gi-eat versatility and knowledge of human nature. It is not to be denied that he did not always lay hold of the right means for the attainment of his end. The gospel was not to be helped to victory by the civil sword. On the bloody field of Cappel, on the 13th of October, 1531, he suffered for his eiTor, and expi- ated it through the bloodthirsty vengeance of the Catholic cantons. His words, that the firm position of the Reform- ation could only be secured by the shedding of blood, he fulfilled in a ditferent sense from what he intended, by his death, and in so far his death is certainly a martyr's death. From that time forth, as the Catholic Church was spread- ing by the reaction, new conquests were not to be ex- pected; it was now necessary to provide for the secure- ment of what had been won, to confirm, purify, and firmly establish it. This was the mission of Bulliuger, which he also fulfilled in an excellent manner, — better than Zwingli, whose gifts belonged to another intellectual sphere, could have accomplished it. Bullinger united much finiiness and perseverance with wisdom and prudence, and with THE SWISS REFORMERS. special love in liis treatment of men. He represented well liis office in hs relation to the Church abroad, exerting, namely, a most decided influence upon the puritanical opposition which was forming itself in England. In theo- logy he occupies a far less prominent position than Zwin- gli; but the Zwinglian ideas appear in him clarified, brought back to their .proper measure, and made more fruitful for the Christian community. The same man who in so fortunate a manner intro- duced the Reformation in Zurich would in Basel certainly have soon spoiled every thing, and dug away the ground from under his own feet. The people of Basel, although susceptible of cultivation, and not at all unreceptive toward the Reformation, were still not possessed of that elastic plasticity whicb belonged to tbe Zurichers, and which made that people capable of becoming the basis upon which Zwingli carried out his plans. In addition to this, the Catholic Church in Basel was well represented, partly by the Bishop of Uttenheim, who also inspired personal re- spect, and partly by the University and the many learned men connected with it, — above all, by Erasmus, which last had only the more power to prevent a truly evangelical Reformation as he had declared himself in favor of a moderate Catholic Reformation, by which, according to the judgment of many, he appeared in some measure to meet the demands of the times. QiJcolampadius was the man, in these circumstances, everywhere to hit the right vein, and to conduct himself in accordance with the exist- ing state of things. He contented himself at first with a very modest position; outvv^ardly small results did not weary his patience. lie knew how to suit himself to the circumstances, to accommodate himself to the divine hand, and to await His help, without compromising the truth or dishonoring himself. His gift of popular presentation en- abled him to work upon the mass of the citizens in whom the Reformation had its proper root; his scientific cultiva- tion fitted him as academic teacher; and excellently well 8i THE SWISS REFORMERS. did lie use tlie professorsliip committed to liim, to carry forward the struggle in the academic department. Thus, we know that his disputations in 1523, his lectures on Isaiah in 1523 and 1524, did certainly assist in the intro- duction of the Reformation as much as any of his sermons. ISTor in Bern would ZAvingli have been in his proper place. Here all the indulgence of Berthold Ilaller was needed, in order that the hand might not be withdrawn from the work. He had to endure what even CEcolampadius would have fouud hard to bear; and yet on this uncultivated soil he obtained the victory for the Reformation earlier than this was accomplished in the learned and renowned uni- versity city of Basel. The Reformation of French Switzerland, which pro- ceeded from Bern, was a more than adequate remunera- tion for the iujury suffered by German Switzerland in consequence of the battle of Cappel. Among the French Reformers Calvin stands out by far most prominently. However, this man, in so many respects celebrated, would nevermore have been fitted to break the way for the Reformation, and to introduce it. For this ho v/as by nature far too timid and unsocial. He loved quiet and retirement, that he might give himself up undisturbed to his researches; and it is well known that he was only by force retained in Geneva, through Farel, who threatened him with the wrath of God if he did not, in a time of so great need, give his aid to the gospel in Geneva. Farel was the right man to break up this hard fallow ground. For this was needed his farki franccse, by which we by no means deny that he often transcended the bounds of that which is allowable and proper, and lost sight of the preacher of the gospel. Calvin, on the other hand, was fitted, by all his peculiar gifts, to render service in the second period of the Reformation, — that is, at the time when it became necessary to establish, regulate, and carry forward what had been won. He was a powerful organ- izer for the Church, in the administration of its discipline, 85 THE SWISS REFORMERS. and powerful in the systematizing of its doctrinal concep- tions. The theological labors of Zwingli stand related to those of Calvin in the same way as the strugglino-g of the manifold ideas of a gifted youth do to the labors of a ripe man, who, without ignoring his youth, seizes the substan- tial ideas which so struggled, holds them fast, sets them in order, dresses them out, winnows and further improves them. In a general way, among all the Reformers Calvin stands absolutely first. Luther exceeded him in geniality, but he stands far beneath him in all that relates to the power of comprehending religious truth, and its logical, systematic arrangement and representation. That Calvin, through his theological labors as well as through his per- sonal inworking upon the foreign Churches, has exerted a far-reaching influence, need here only be stated. The two men who composed the Heidelberg Catechism, pupils of the Swiss Reformers and personal friends of Cal- vin, BuUinger, and others, have continued their work on German soil, and have so firmly established it on this soil that it has, until the present day, victoriously outlived the assaults of opposing confessionalism, and has rendered to the Reformed of German tongue, in all lands, that help which may be expected from a work founded on God's word, through living, believing erudition. 86 MELANCHTHON, THE MELANCHTHONIAN TENDENCY IN GERMANY, AND ITS RELATION TO THE REFORMED CHURCH. By DE. EBRARD, ERLANGEX. GERMANY. Translated ur Ret. VT. >I. Reilt, A.M., Merceeseurg, Pa. MELANCHTHON, THE MELANCHTHONIAN TENDENCY IN GERMANY, AND ITS RELATION TO THE REFORMED CHURCH. |l}i Jlr. ®brarb, 6rlangcu, dStrmang. Translated by W. M. Eeily, Tutor in the Theological Seminary at Mercersburg, Pa. §1. INTRODUCTION. 'Melanchtiion, tlie greatest of the learned coadjutors of Luther in the Reformation of Saxony, is rightly claimed by the Reformed Church, beside Zwingli and Calvin, as the third of her Reformers, and especially as the founder of the German Reformed Church. It is true he was identified from the first with the Lutheran reformatory movement. It is true, also, that Zwingli had ali^ady exerted a powerful influence upon Southern Germany, of whose importance but few at present form a correct conception.* It is further true that the first developing activity of the Reformed Church on the Rhine (particularly in the Palatine Electorate under Frederick III.) is to be attributed in a great measure to the agency of decided disciples of Calvin.f But Zwingli's * Zwingli's writings spread just as rapidly and extensively as tliose of Luther, in Swabia, Franconia, Bavaria, and tlie Alsace. Tlius, for example, it is an established fact that, immediately after its publication, in Niirnberg alone three hundred copies of his "Auslegung der Schlussreden" (July, 1523) were sold. Distinguished men of Niirnberg, like Albert Diirer, were zealous, decided, and steadfast adherents of Zwingli, in respect to the doc- trine of the Lord's Supper. f Cf. Sudhoflf's Ursinus uad Olevianus. (Elberfeld.) 89 MELANCHTHON, AND THE original influence in Swabiaand Franconiawas soon under- mined tlirough the Lutheran controversy on the Lord's Supper, and the feeble remnants remaining in the Tetra- polis (Strasburg, Memmingen, Constance, and Lindau) were all afterward assimilated to Lutheranism, and connected themselves with the federation of the Aus-sburs: Confes- sion ; whilst the influence of Melanchthon and his pupils, which was at home in the Palatinate and there prevailed from the beginning, passed over and associated itself with that of Calvin. And, in fine, the rest of the G-erman Re- formed Churches which afterward sprang up in opposition to the exclusive Lutheranism circumscribing itself in the Form of Concord, are in reality nothing else than Melanch- thonian elements, which were violently thrust out of the Lutheran Church; which, however, with their separation from the latter and connection with the Reformed Church, naturally experienced the new and moulding influences of Calvinism. By reason of this historical position of Melanchthon, especiall}' on account of the influence which, through his pupil Ursiuus,* his theology exerted upon the composition of the Heidelberg Catechism, it is no more than right that, in its Tercentenary Celebration, a grateful glance should be directed to Master Hiilip, and a share of our attention be devoted to the relation which he and his school sustained to the Reformation on its Reformed side and the Reformed Church. §n. MELAK^CHTHON AS OPPOSED TO ZWINGLI. Originally, when Luther and Zwingli were engaged in controversy, Molanchtlion took a decided stand on the side of Luther, and was as little prepared as he to concede the doctrinal claims of Zwingli. The Zurich Reformer, so fre- * Cf. Gillet, Crato -von CraiFstein unci seine Freunde. (Frankfort on the Main.) Part i. pp. C-9. 90 MELANCHTHONIAN TENDENCY IN GERMANY. quently and so badly misunderstood, correctly laid down as his fundamental thesis, that the Lord's Supper is not a rejjetiiioR, but a memorial, of the death of Christ.* It was with this antitlietical reference that he used the word "memorial;" and according to his view, it^s meaning is not limited to a dry mental commemoration, as opposed to a living embracing and possessing, but it implies the deepest and most earnest activity of faith in reference to the atoning death of Christ, as the central object of faith. Pertaining to the words of institution, he had from the beginning, and on a good exegetical basis, satisfied himself that what is mainly intended is a believing reference back to the death of Christ.f Tlie Saviour does not speak of a body which lie presents in the bread, but of His body which He gave over to death for the forgiveness of sins, and of His blood which He poured out. Zwi]igli's whole method of viewing the contents of faith, which was pre- eminently an objective one, — that is, his making not so much our faith in the work of Christ, as the historical work of Christ itself, the doctrinal centre, — constrained him to consider the sacramental signs and transactions not so much abstractly or in reference to v/hat they are in themselves, as in their direct and chief reference to the great centre of our religion, viz., Christ Himself, thus as things whose value consists in this alone, that they point to Him. From the start he was led mainly to oppose the error, that the sacra- ments, in contradistinction to Christ, had any independent value, or that they were intended in their way to complete the sacrifice and work performed by the Saviour. When Zwingli spoke of the body and blood of our Lord, which the communicant received, he contemplated, of course, the true and real, i.e., the historical body and blood of Christ. The body offered on the cross, and the blood there shed, are, in * ScLlussrede, xviii. 1523. f Cf. his Auslegung Schlussrede, xviii. 0pp. Zwinglii, ed. Schuler et Schulthess, vol. i. p. 234. 91 MELANCHTHON, AND THE tlie sacraments as in the word, made over to the believer^ 80 that he participates in the benefits of Christ's sacrifice. Here it did not occur to Zwingli to discriminate between the mystical union, that bridal relationship of the sonl to its Lord, the life-union of the centre of the believer with the person of Christ, — a union which, it is true, is not one of space, but one which transcends all limitations of space, and yet is in the highest sense of the word real, — and believing on Christ.* He did not bring out pro- minently and emphasize the fact that in the Holy Supper a life-union with the person of Christ is realized, because with him this was presupposed in the idea of faith : and when Luther, through a false exegesis, wanted to force upon him the assertion that the bread was, or contained, the glorified body of Christ, and that the physical or oral manducaiion of this body effected the forgiveness of sins, Zwingli withdrew only the more decidedly to his original fundamental maxim: that in the Lord's Supper we are concerned with the cntcified body of Christ, and the believ- ing remembrance of Christ's death, as the sole ground of pardon. As Luther viewed faith on its subjective side, — i.e. the faith of the individual as opposed to the Church as an institution, — and at the same time had his attention directed to the fanatical sects of that day, he had a pre- sentiment, if not a clear conception, of the necessity of a counterpoise to a subjectivism which overleaped itself. And this seemed to him to be met in "the sacrament of the altar," regarded as it was in the Middle Ages, where the Church, it was supposed, as a power standing above the individual, confers a benefit upon each member, which could not be obtained independently of it, in virtue of a personal faith alone; thus a benefit which is specific, in itself unattainable by faith, still conveying an actual bless- * For proof of this, see my "Dogma v. h. Abendmahl, u. seine Geschichte. (Frankfurt.) Vol. ii. p. 88 ff. et pp. 103-109. 92 MELANCIITHONIAN TENDENCY IN GERMANY. ing only to tlie believer, yet samething with wliicli lie is supplied only by the Church. Luther (1520, cle captiv. Bab.) stripped the medieval doctrine only of the scholastic theo* logoumenon of Lanfranck, viz. : only the properties of the bread and wine remain. At the same time he adopted the doctrine received from Cardinal Cambray:* that the sub- stances of the bread and wine remained; still the sub- stances of the glorified body and blood of Christ were united with these, and together with them, in precisely the same way, were eaten and drunk physically and orally. This theory Luther never abandoned. f He did not refer the Lord's Supper primarily to the death of Christ, but to a union with the glorified Saviour, which he regarded as a union of our body with Christ's glorified hoily. With this cherished theory he came to the words of institution, and interpreted them in its favor. They had a figurative mean- ing, of course, but his explanation of them was cpiite arti- ficial. Confining his attention, it may be said, exclusively to the first four words, this is my body, he assumed that a synecdoche was here employed, so that of the indefinite subject, lohat I hold in my hand, it is said, "it" (as to one of its ingredients) "is the body of Christ," without at the same time disclosing the fact that, so far as the other ingredient is concerned, it was bread. It is just as if one were to say, this is beer, whilst it is a mug containing beer. * As Luther himself tells us. 0pp. (ed. Fen.) ii. fol. 262 b. f During the transactions of the Wittenberg Concordia, he inserted in his Instruction the following, as Melanchthon termed it, clear and succinct "summa" of his views on the subject: — "The body of Christ is truly eaten ip and with the bread, so that what the bread effects and suffers, the body of Christ effects and suffers; thus it is distributed, masticated, and swallowed." When the attention of modern Lutherans is directed to this expression, they would evade its force by saying that it is obscure. But, on the contrary, it is remarkably perspicuous; and when Luther undertook to present his views "in summa," he certainly knew what he was about to say. But those who explain it as an assertion of only momentary significance, which finds its cor- rective in others, expose themselves still more; for in his Kl. Bck. v. Abendm. (1544) Luther literally repeats this statement as the last expression of his con- victions in reference to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. 93 MELAXCHTHOiSr, AND THE But Luther overlooked the fact that such breviloquences occur only where the hearer expects, or is accustomed to find, a ];)articular kind of material in a particular kind of vessel. And when he further tauo;ht that the bodv of Christ, invisibly present in the bread, is exhibited as a sign and seal of pardon, two things were forgotten : one, that an invisible substance cannot be a sign and seal; the other, that there is no causal relation between the for- giveness of sins and the oral manducation of the body of Christ. And when, finally, he taught that unbelievers also received the body of Christ in a physical way as a sign of pardon, he forgot that he thus destroyed his own conception of a sign and seal, and that the glorified body of Christ is a living organic one, which could in no wise be and enter where Christ's Spirit was not present. Now, untenable and full of contradictions as was this residuum of the medieval doctrine of transubstantiation, which Luther retained, it was originally adhered to with zeal by Melanchthon. This was owing in part to the mould- ing influence of Luther, as also to Melanchthon's own pious deference toward all the teachings of the Church which did not evidently conflict with the doctrine of justification by faith. He did not look upon the sacraments as sacrifi- cial ceremonies which atoned for sin,* but as the si(jns of that forgiveness of sin, Avhich was procured through the only sacrifice of Christ. f Yet he did not regard the bread as a sign of the crucified body of Christ, but held that the glorified body of Christ, invisibly present in the bread, to be eaten in the ordinary physical way, was a sign of grace ■and of pardon, resulting from the sacrifice of Christ on the cross, and now applied to the individual communicant.^ * Loci of 1521. De partic. menste. — Nee participatio mensaj justificat, sed fidem confirmat. In his Com. on the Epis. to the Romans: Non remittit noxam manducatio corporis Domini. f Loci. De Signis. Baptismus nihil est, participatio raensse Domini nihil est, sed testes sunt Kai a^payiSeg divinae voluntatis erga te. Nostra imbecillitas signis erigitur, ne de misericordia Dei inter tot insultus peccati desperet. X Quam non potuit dubitare Gedeon, quin victurus esset, cum tot signis con- U MELANCIITIIONIAN TENDENCY IN GEKMANY. He furtlier regarded Lanfrauck's tlicory of traiisubstantia- tion as an adiapliorous human thoologoumcnon, but not as an absurdity. The presence of the glorified body of Christ and oral manducation, however, he hekl as indispensable and essential articles of faith.* Not only did he thus express himself in disapproving of Carlstadtjf but also zealously espoused the cause of Pirckheimer and Luther in opposi- tion to CEcolampadius and Zwiugli. The doctrine of the Swiss theologians seemed to him insipid and absurd, and he called them vain babblers {/jtaxTacohyou;).^ He held, further, that the body of Christ, whilst it was not neces- sarily ubiquitous, could be everywhere present at plea- sure.§ A very considerable impression was made npon his mind by certain passages in the Church Fathers, espe- cially Ililarius and Chrysostom, from which he thought it evident that the early Church taught the doctrine of the local presence and oral manducation. Yet at the same time doubts must have arisen in his mind; for in letters to Justus Jonus and Aquila we find him saying that he had disputed much, but modestly, with Luther in regard to the Lord's Supper (cum multa timide disputassem), but that he was overpowered by the firmness with which Luther maintained his convictions. Ij Moreover, for two whole years (1526-28) he sought an opportunity to express himself publicly in firmatus esset, tam dubitare tu non debes, qiiin misericordiam consecutus sis, ubi evangelium aiideris, et cvangelii a^pnyi^w; acceperis : baptismum et corpus domini et sanguincm. Precisely as a "miraculum" is the sacrament a signum misericordite. See De Signis. * Letter to Iless. 1520. Equidem sententiam de transubstantione liaud gra- vatim amplector, sed inter articulos fidei noa temere numeraverira. Verum corpus Christi manducare, fidei articulus est, quocunque tandem modo sacro- sanctum corpus figuram panis induat. (Corp. Ref. i. p. 145.) f See Galle. Versuch einer charactcristik Melauchtlioiis als Tlieologca (Halle, 1845), p. 3GG ff. X Letter to Gerbel, 1528, Corp. Ref. i. p. 974. I Letter to Balthasar, 1528 (Corp. Ref. i. p. 948). Et quod quidam dis- putant, Christi corpus non posse in multis locis csso, id non satis probant. II Corp. Ref. i. p. 913 ad p. 904. MELANCHTHON, AND THE favor of Luther against the Swiss doctors. At last he wrote quite a friendly private letter to CEcolampadius,* in which he expresses frankly, but with all possible calmness, his objections to his view. These are based upon the words of Christ: "Lo I am with you alway, even to the end of the world;," and those of the Apostle Paul: "The bread which we break, is it not the communion of the body of Christ?" It is evident that if he had proceeded consist- ently on this ground he would have been led to Calvin's doctrine of a living union of the centre of the individual's being with the living person of Christ, and not to Luther's doctrine of consubstantiation and oral manducation. But, weak, dependent, and timid as he unfortunately was, he allowed himself on the occasion of the recess of the Impe- rial Diet at Spires (1529), where the Swiss theologians were proscribed as sectarians who gainsaid the sacraments of the true body and blood of Christ, to be led strenuously to oppose the efforts making to form an alliance of the Swiss and the Tetrapolitans with the Protestant princes ;t and thereupon he proceeded to write against- the Sacrament- arians, and prepare on the subject his publication Sen- tentire Veterum Scriptorum de Coena Domini. Then fol- lowed the invitation of Philip of Hesse to the Conference at Marburg, which, as might be supposed, was equally un- welcome to Melanchthon and Luther. Like the latter, Melanchthon regarded as weak and foolish the desire for peace and unanimity on the part of the Swiss theologians. | And in the year 1530, reiterating Luther's unjust animad- versions against the Sw^iss, he reproached them with the * To be found in Oalle, p. 382. He could here say with truth, Seis autem, me hactenus magis exortitisse spectatorem hujus fabulae, quam actorem. Et multas graves habui causas, cur non admiscuerim me tarn odioso certamini. f Letter to Camerarius (Corp. Ref. i. p. 1068), and those to Baumgartner (the same, pp. 1069 and 1077). Mori malim, he writes, quam societate Cingli- ante causae nostros contaminari. X Letter to Agricola, 1529. Magnopere contenderunt, ut a nobis fratres appellarentur. Vide eorum stultitiam. (Corp. Kef. i. p. 1108.) MELANCHTHOXIAN TENDENCY IN GERMANY. assertion, that their Avliole system was unscriptaral, and that in none of their writings did they make mention of jnstilication by faith. "*' Trne to this position, he sets forth the doctrine of the Lord's Supper in tlie Angshurg Confes- sion in a form which did not confine itself to the doctrine of cousubstantiation, but included that of transubstantiation.f § HI. MELANCHTHON ABANDONS LUTIIER'S DOCTRINE OF THE LORD'S SUPPER. After the Diet of Augsburg and the religious peace of ISTiirnberg, ]SIelanchthon was relieved from certain per- plexities arising from his politico-ecclesiastical relations, N^ow we find him possessed of sufficient reflection and candor to subject the sacramental dogma to a new investiga- tion; and all at once the correct principle again recurs to him. As early as 1530 (Nov. 9), Bucer writes to Schwebel that "Melanchthon stated that he would be satisfied with him, if only it were acknowledged that Christ is present in the supper, not in the bread, and present to the soul, not to the body. "I About the same time Melanchthon received the Dialogos of CEcolampadius, in which his Sentential Veterum is answered, and where the author proves that the Fathers called the bread and wine auu'u~a. Melanchthon certified to Luther himself that this production made an abiding * Letter to Martin Giirlitz, 1530 (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 25). "Agnovi quam nullam habent Christianam doctrinam. . . . Nulla est mentis fidei justificantis in omnibus Zwinglianorum libris." Melanchthon must have given these libri a very superficial perusal. f That the true body and blood of Christ are truly present in the Supper under the form of bread and wine. It is worthy of note that the Romish or Catholic doctrine of the Lord's Supper is given in literally tJie same language in some of the modern ultramontane Catholic Catechisms (c.y. the one re- cently introduced in the Palatinate of the Rhine). At the Diet of Augsburg (1530) a number of the Protestant princes raised objections to that form of stating the doctrine, and eifected so much, that in the Latin edition the oflFcu- Bive words "under the form" were omitted. X Centuria Epistolarum ad Schwebelium. Biport., 1597, p. 150 f. 97 MELANCIITHON, AND THE impression upon liim.* Bucer's idea of a life-union of the person of Clirist with the soul of man became apparent to him in its true light. This was the old truth to which he himself had originally attached so much importance, viz. that it is the will of Christ to be with us, and, as Melanch- thon adds, "to take up his abode within us."t Accord- ingly, with him the salient point of the sacramental dogma consisted no longer in the union of the glorified body of Christ with the bread, and His blood with the wine, for the purpose of oral manducation, but in the internal union of the person of Christ ("vivi Christi," "totius Christi," as he was wont to say) with the psychical centre of man. As a necessary consequence, the bread and wine became the signs and seals of an inner spiritual transaction. But this his awe for Luther did not permit him to acknowledge, ex- cept privately, in letters to a few intimate friends.^ He contented himself with setting forth the -principle^ which of itself would inevitably lead to these consequences. This principle was embodied in the formula which constantly occurs in his own writings and in tliose church orders and liturgies which originated under his influence {e.g. those of Mecklenburg, and the Palatine Electorate, under Otho Henry, and many others), in the words, " Christ assures us in His supper that it is His will to he with us truly and really, to dwell in those who are converted, and make them partakers of all His gifts and benefits." Melanchthon was * Corp. Ref. ii. 217. t In Dec. 1532, Melanchthon -writes to Rothmann thus: Fatendum est, Christum adesse vere et verba et signo, cum eo utimur .... Adesse vere dicunt Christum in coena (as opposed to, in pane) quod nihil habet incommodi. lu the Expli. Sym. Nic. he writes thus: Ha?c sumtio est testimonium et pignus, quod Filius Dei sit in sumentibus, nee tautum adsit in ilia sumtione, sed habi- tet in iis . . . . ut sit pignus assidum prsesentite et efficacite in credentibus. Deplorandum est, papistas tantum dicere de prxsentia in pane et prorsus tacere de prxscniia assidua in credentibus. X E.g. to Brentz, June, 1535; and here he is very cautious: he observes that most of the proof-passages from the Fathers explain this mystery typically and tropically. 98 MELANCHTHONIAN TEXDEXCY IN GERMANY. the better satisfied with this newly -gotten conviction, after Luther's conduct in his interview with Bucer, which led to the conclusion of the Wittenberg Concordia, Here Luther stated that he would be content if only it were conceded that "bread and wine were signs, with which at the same time Christ's body and blood were received;" nay, if. only it were taught, with the Mlihlhauser Confession, that Christ is the food of the believing soul, and that our souls are fed by fiiith on the crucified Saviour, so that He lives in us and we in Ilim. §IY. THE FORMATION OF A MELANCHTHONIAN SCHOOL. Although Melanchthon had actually abandoned Luther's doctrine of the Lord's Supi')er, he had not sufficient courage openly to renounce it. During the transactions in reference to the Concordia, he allowed himself to be sent to Cassel l\y Luther with the above-mentioned Listruction, in which the doctrine of a literal mastication of Christ's body is re- tained. Listead now of insisting upon his own views, which were the opposite of what was here expressed, and of declining to serve as a messenger in the circumstances, as he should have done, he contents himself with thus writ- ing to Camerarius: "Ask me not in reference to my own view; for I was merely the messenger of some friends." Likewise it was not owing to the personal service of Melanchthon, so much as to the power of the truth itself, and the force of circumstances, that after the Wittenberg Concordia the view of Melanchthon spread in Germany, and a Melanclithonian or Philippistic school was formed. It originated in the Tetrapolis and Swabia. The authors of the Swabian Syngramma, in which fficolampadius was so violently assailed, were not able to conceal the fiict that a doctrinal theory entirely at variance with that of Luther lay hidden in formulas sounding much like his own. In plain terms is the doctrine stated by Brcntz, in his Landes- catechismus, that "the Holy Supper was not designed to 99 MBLANCHTHON, AND THE feed and satisfy tlie body, but to afford nourishment to the soul, for the conservation of spiritual benefits conferred upon us in baptism and appropriated by faith, and hence it is rightly called spintiial meat and drink." Just at this time (1539-41) it providentially happened that Calvin had been driven to what, next to Strasburg, was the most im- portant of the four upper German cities (the Tetrapolis). This was the man who, independently of Bucer and Melanchthon, was led to the correct and in all respects consistently developed sacramental doctrine, holding that in the words of institution our Lord was speaking concern- ceruingHis crucified body and shed blood.; yet, according to His words in John vi. and John xvi., a real participation in the fruits of His death was not possible without a real par- ticipation in His Ikwg person. We must be united, as the branch to the vine, to the ascended Saviour, through the Holy Ghost, in a manner purely supernatural and tran- scending all limitations of space, so that "by possessing Christ we may partake also of all His benefits." In the Lord's Supper, the renewing of the already existing life- union, and hereby the new appropriation of pardon once for all secured by the death of Christ, are sealed to the believer through the visible signs and pledges. In accord- ance with the divine injunction, the physical man receives from the hand of the minister the natural food and drink, wherein is sealed to him the spiritual nourishment of the inner man, through Christ, the living bread from heaven. This doctrine Calvin, without fear of man or concern as to consequences, openly acknowledged, and fairly and fully unfolded, during the transactions in reference to the Con- cordia in Switzerland, 1536-37. Afterward, in his Insti- tutes, and especially in his tract Be Cmna, he expressed it just as distinctly, at the same time developing and esta- blishing it. "When he appeared before the conferences in an official capacity, e.g., as the Duke of Llineberg's dele- gate to Ilagenau, Worms, and Regensburg, he entered upon such terms of cordial intimacy as was due his col- 100 • MELANCIITHONIAN TENDENCY IN GERMANY. leagues in tlie great work of tlic Reformation. Still, he did not hesitate a moment to send his Dc Cocna to Luther, for whom he entertained the highest regard. The latter had previously sent Calvin a Christian greeting through Bucer, and informed him that he had read his Institutes with unusual pleasure (singulari cum voluptate);* and, now again accepting the Dc Cocna, he expressed himself as altogether pleased with it.f At this time Calvin was held in high esteem throughout Germany, having received from the Protestant theologians at Regensburg the honorable title of "the theologian;" and, as his works were exten- sively read, a large number of the divines of Northern Germany became acquainted with this fairly and fully de- veloped doctrine of the Lord's Supper, a doctrine which by Melanchthon was carefully kept from the light and barely alluded to. But at last, perceiving the decided friendship existing between Luther and Calvin,| Melanchthon became possessed of courage sufficient to come out more openly with his views on the subject. To his immediate pupils he, likeh', had disclosed his views in full, whilst with ordi- nary friends he is not merely silent, as hitherto, in reference to a local presence of the body of Christ in the bread, but expressly and decisively denies it.§ In his publications also he speaks of the Lord's Supper as a sealing of the spiritual indwelling of Christ in the believer, in a manner which leaves no doubt as to his actual opinion. In the Examen Ordinandorum (a book possessed of symbolical * Calvin (to Farel, Nov. 29, 1539) expresses joy on account of this saluta- tion and message from Luther through Bucer, and adds: Dam reputa, quid illic de eucharistia dicam ! Cogita Lutheri ingenuitatem. j- Non inepte judicat his scriptor. X Melanchthon tells us of Luther : Calvinus magnam gratiam iniit, — "Cal- vin stood in great favor with Luther." (See Henry, Leben Calvins, ii. p. 267.) § Letter to Brentz, June 12, 1535, where he rejects the physica conjunctio panis et corporis.— Letter to Veit Dietrich, Oct. 25, 1543: Miror, tot soeculis homines doctos non cogitasse discremen inter agens liberum et rem inanima- tam Christus tanquam agens liberum adest actio7ie institutae ; post actionem non vult esse incluses pani. 101 MELANCHTHON, AND THE authority, and to wliicli subscription was made obligatory ill the Churches of Pomcrania, the Saxon Electorate, Mecklenburg, and other countries), Melanchthon says, "As we partake of the Holy Supper (in qua sumtione), the Son of God is really and truly present, and assures the believer that He applies to him His merits and benefits, and that for our sake He assumed human nature, in order that He might make us members of His own body, incorporated into Him through faith, and washed and made clean by His blood." This language he almost literally repeated in the article of Worms,' 1537; and, if possible, his opinion is ex- pressed still more clearly in his UxpUcatio Symb. Nic. (1556), in which he says, "This participation (in the bread and cup) is a testimony and j^ledge that the Son of God is in those 'participating (not in the bread), and this not only during the act, but that He abides in them The Supper was insti- tuted as a pledge of the constant and effectual (assiduse et efficaciffi) presence of Christ in the believer;" and adds that it is to be regretted that the Papists always speak of a presence of Christ in the bread, but are entirely silent concerning the abiding presence of Christ in believers. With equal frankness and decision did he express himself against the doctrine of the ubiquity of Christ's body, in his objections to Osiander De Inhabitatione Dei in Sanctis (1551). § V. MELANCIITHON'S DOCTEINE CONCERNINa THE LORD'S SUPPER ECCLESIASTICALLY SANCTIONED. It is not surprising now, in view of the reputation of Melanchthon as a Reformer, and his influence as a pro- fessor of divinity, that a numerous school of theologians embracing his views should be formed throughout Germany. This took place during the two decades between the con- clusion of the Wittenberg Concordia and the renewal of the 102 MELANCIITHONIAN TENDENCY IN GERMANY. sacramental controversies (1536-1556).* But now it was most natural for the question to be constantly arising, what sanction could be claimed for tins mode of teaching the doctrine of the Lord's Supper in the Protestant Church of Gernianj, the Church of the Augsburg Confession. It is true, the tenth article of this confession, in its anti- thesis, was directed against the Zwinglian, and not against the Calvino-^Ielanclithonian, sacramental doctrine, but in its thesis, in both the German and Latin edition, it ex- cluded the latter as well as the former.f If thus the Augs- burg Confession of 1530 prevailed as in all respects normal, the Melanchthonian doctrine of the Lord's Supper could certainly find no room for an ecclesiastically sanctioned existence in Germany. But such was not the case. At the convention of the Smalcald Federation (Fel). 1537), met with a view to the council about to be held, Luther presented & declaration of faith, in which he set forth the doctrine of the Lord's Supper in a form which allowed sufficient room for the Melanchthonian view of the subject. J Amsdorf, it is true, urged him to alter the wording in favor of a more decidedly Lutheran phraseology (such as is found in the Articles of Smalcald). But the articles thus amended were dropped, to be taken up again by the rigid Lutheran party a long time after Luther's death, and clothed with the importance of a sj^mbolical book. The proceedings of the council came to a sudden and unex- * It is with the greatest injustice that Ileppe so perverts these historical facts, as though the Melanchthonian theory, as opposed to the genuine Lutheran, was the more original, "the old Protestant one." The truth of the matter is that at that time a clear conception' of the minute difference betv.'ecn Luther and Calvin was had by but a few ; that to this difference Luther himself at- tached but little practical importance, and, accordingly, that Calvin's doctrine would naturally spread, carried forward by the force of its own truth and aided by Jlelanchthon's doctrinal publication, and would remain uncontroverted. f De cccna Domini docent, quod corpus et sanguis Cliristi adsint et distribuan- «ur vescentibus (not credentibus) in coena Domini: et improbant secus docentes. % That the body and blood of Christ are received wUh the bread and the wine. See the original in Ileppe, Confes. Entwickelung der alt prot. Kirche, p. 8G ff., Ge&ch. d. deutsch, Protestantismus, i. p. ItiT. .M 108 MELANCHTHOJfy AND THE pectecll close. In its stead a religions conference was to he held on tlie soil of the German Empire. This was attended upon, as before stated, by Calvin himself, as delegate from the Duke of Liineberg, 1540-1541. The Protestant im- perial deputies presented before this conference a new and improved edition of the Augsburg Confession, — as they called it, the "enriched or amended" Augiistana. In this edition, Melanchthon, — in Luther's presence, with his knoAvledge and approval, — in entire accordance with the spirit and meaning of the Wittenberg Concordia, set forth the article pertaining to the Lord's Supper in literally the same form in which Luther himself had expressed it in the original gketch of the Smalcald Articles.* So far from objecting to it on account of this emendation, the imperial deputies and Protestant theologians, even Calvin himself, sub- scribed it, and presented it to the emperor at Worms and at Regensdorf as the confession of the Church. In 1557, at the Council of Frankfort-on-the-Main and the Collo- quium at Worms, it was reconfirmed as the confession of the Church, and firmly adhered to against the strictures ©f the Jesuits, who would have the Augsburg Confession of 1530 alone regarded as possessing proper authority. And this edition of the Confession was not only authorized in this legal and abstract way, but it also passed over into the Churches and was practically adopted by them. Thus, in 1554, it was incorporated into the church-order and agenda of the Palatinate under Otho Henry; in 1549, in the Corpus Misnicum, the doctrinal formulary of the Saxon Electorate ; in 1573, in the Coiyus Docirince of Ansbach Bai- reuth, and others. Moreover, the state of the Church was by no means such that this amended confession existed as a second kind of confession beside the older one of 1530, as if there existed Churches of the unaltered by the side of Churches of the altered confession. On the contrary, the * De coena Domini decent, quod cum pane et vino vere exliibeantur (the dis- Iribuantur is avoided) corpus et sanguis Chrigti ves«entibus in coeaa Domini. MELANCHTHONIAN TENDENCY IN GERMANY. original text of 1530 was not even reprinted during the interval between 1541 and 1580. The amended editioii had cntirelij displaced the older, so that, in the year 1560, the Elector of Hesse, as also Chemnitz (Judic. de Controv. quibusdam, p. 7), could say that "the text of 1540 alone was used in the churches and schools," was in omnium manibus, and 2)lerisque ignota et vix unquam visa fiierit prima editio. The fact is, that the original text of 1530 was not only entirely out of print, but also had to such an extent disappeared, that when the Elector August of Nassau, in 1580, wished to have it reprinted, he sought in vain for a copy, and eventually found himself necessitated to pray the Elector of Mayence to send him the original manuscript, which had been handed over to him at Augsburg (1530) and was now tiled in the royal archives. From these facts, now, we must be careful not to make improper inferences. As we have seen, it is altogether false to assert that the Melanchthonian sacramental theory was the one originally maintained by the Pro- testants of Germany. 'Naj, it is a well-established and evi- dent fact that Luther's doctrine of consubstantiation, local presence in the bread and wine, and oral manducation, was the originally prevailing* doctrine and conviction of the Lutheran Church, and of Melanchthon himself. And it is none the less false to assume that between 1541 and 1553, with the amended text of the Augustana, Melanch- thon's doctrine concerning the Lord's Supper was the one alone prevalent, and that with the text of the so-called Invariata the genuine Lutheran sacramental doctrine dis- appeared. For how otherwise could it happen that within a single decade the entire powerful party of the Flacians should be formed? Did they spring like mushrooms out of the ground? And how was it possible for them to * The somewhat different view of the Swabians, and the Zwinglian ten- dency of Philip of Hesse, are not denied. But the former were not conscious of their divergence from Luther, and the latter did not make his known. 105 MELAXCHTHON, AND THE come off victorious over tlie Melanclitlionian school, and crush it, if the masses of the population in general had not adhered to the pure Lutheran doctrine and were dis- posed so to continue? But in the reception of the amended text (1541) the Protestant deputies had no idea of any thing else but that ilwj would relinquish the o-enuine Lutheran doctrine. Luther himself, at that time, expressed himself as pleased "that the Confession stood firm." And when Dr. Eck dechned to accept the amended text as being fairly authoritative, he met with the re- joinder, "that no material or substantial alteration had been made." The sole intention in the modification of the tenth article was that it migJd, according to the sense of the Wit- tenberg Concordia, be made possible for the Tetrapolis to sub- scribe the Confession, and thus, with the other Protestant powers, as an organization having one faith, press forward with their cause in opposition to both Emperor and Pops. For this reason the doctrine of the Lord's Supper was expressed in a form which in no wise conflicted with the genuine Lutheran theory, nor yet with that of Bucer, Calvin, and Melanch- thon, without, however, bringing out either to a full ex- pression. The natural consequence of this was, that the Calvino-Melanchthonian doctrine of the Lord's Supper came to be tolerated, yea, it may be said, was likewise sanctioned, by the Church in the strictly Lutheran parts of Germany; but absolutely false is the assertion of Heppe, that it was the exclusively sanctioned doctrine. And a further consequence was, that the Melanchthonian school and tendency could make unresisted advances and become widely spread. § VL THE HOSTILITY TO THE SCHOOL OF MELANCHTHON. So successful was the propagation of this Melanch- thonian school after the death of Luther, not only be- coming so widely spread, but «vin€ing also such an inten- 106 MELANCHTHOXIAN TENDENCY IN GERMANY. sive force, that the adherents of the genuine Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's Supper began to fear that the hitter ■would be forgotten, and their own existence as a party cease. The Upper German cities — viz. : Strasburg, Mem- mingen, Constance, and Lindau — were Reformed in the sense of the Tctrapolitana and Miihlhusiaua ; i.e. in the sense of Bucer and Calvin. Li Swabia the original view of Brentz* prevailed, which plainly differed widely from that of Luther. Thoroughly Reformed influences co-ope- rated in the Reformation of Ilesse (Lambert von Avignon, 152G). This was also the case in Zweibriicken (Schwebel and Fliesbach, 1524). Li the Electoral Palatinate, as early as Otho Henry, just as many genuine Calviuists, like Erastus and Boquinus, as Melanchthonians, e.g. Diller, were prominent and active, both in high ecclesiastical councils and in the professorial chairs, whilst the ultra- Lutheran Hesshus could not gain a foothold. Here, indeed (in the reign of Frederick H., 1544), the earliest Reformatory movements took place under specifically Me- lanchthonian auspices; and Melanchthon has the credit of reforming the University of Heidelberg (1536). And when the venerable Archbishop of Cologne, Hermann Count of Wied-Runkel, had the " Cologne Reformation" elaborated, through Melanchthon, in 1543,t the order of worship thus introduced did not succeed even in that city, and had to succumb to the power of the Papacy. Duke William IV., however, introduced it into Jiilich- Cieve-Berg, and with it the clearly-expressed sacramental doctrine of Calvin and Melanchthon,| and thus it exerted a normal influence upon all the countries along the Rhine. ]\Iore than this, the adherents of the genuine Lutheran doc- * Which must be distinguished from Brentz's later rigid Lutheranism. f He had undertaken an Erasiuian Reformation in 1530, -which, however, was unsuccessful, and with which Luther rightly found much fault. I That the Lord extends and makes over to us His flesh and blood with the visible signs, bread and wine, not for the nourishment of the natural and temporal, but for the nourishment of the spiritual and eternal, life. lor MELANCHTHON, AND THE trine of the Lord's Supper had to see the day when Melaneh- thon's Examen Ordinandorum, in which the formula of the doctrine of the Lord's Supper was so shaped as not only to allow and encourage, but to require, the adoption of the Me- lanchthonian theory, w^as formally introduced and stamped with the character and mandatory authority of a Church formulary, in the very cradle of the Reformation, in the Electorate of Saxony, and so, afterward, in Pomerania, ^Mecklenburg, part of the territory belonging to Branden- burg, and many other countries. Nearly all the con- fessions of the particular state Churches contained the Me- lanchthonian doctrine as expressed in the Examen Ordinan- dorum. Thus the Conf. Saxonica which prevailed in the Saxon Electorate, Brandenburg, Ansbach Baireuth, Mans- feld, Stolberg, Pomerania, Prussia, Wurtemberg, and Strasburg, and was approved in the Palatine Electorate, Hesse, and Bremen. So also the Concordia Fi-ancofurdensis (1542), the Church Order of Cassd (1539), that of Swabian Hall (1543), and many others. Now the zealous followers of Luther began to feel that the conflict going on was one for existence. The theory hitherto only tolerated threatened to become prevalent and to displace every rival doctrine. Then, with the zeal of despair and with the fanaticism of a cause which could not employ fair and reasonable, but only violent, measures, they began that Avell-planned and stubborn contest (1553-1577) which brought many a pang to the heart of the noble but despondent Melanchthon, and saddened the whole later period of his life. This is not the place to set forth the particular stadia and various events of this conflict. They are easil}^ gathered from any Church history.* Two facts, however, should be stated. One, that these zealots did not, as Ileppe asserts, set up a new doctrine, for they adhered with fidelity to the original * A fresh and compreliensive insight into the subject, particularly in reference to the Crypto-Calvinistic controversies, is afforded by the admirable ■work of Gillet : Crato von Craffstein and seine Freunde. 108 MELANCHTHONIAN TENDENCY IN GERMANY. one of Lntlier and of the Augsburg Confession (1530); but they did adopt a new standard of what was right and allowable; for by their conduct* they put an end to the tolerance which, since 1541, had been justly conceded to the Melanchtlionian school. The other fact is, that they succeeded in putting down the Melanchtlionian tendency and doctrine, as unsanctioned in the federation of the Augsburg Confession. This Avas the case in the Saxon Electorate, Lower Saxony, Brandenburg, Wirtemberg, and Strasburg; and in other sections they forced the Me- lanchthonian element out of the Church of the Augsburg Confession, as in the Electoral Palatinate, Zweibriicken, Solms, Wied, and, later, also in Bremen (about 1590) and Hesse (in 1604), f and in this way occasioned the forma- tion of the Gerrman Beformed State Churches. * As ■when they overawed the Melaachthonian tendency in the Electorate of Saxony, which was there openly unfolded and ecclesiastically sanctioned, and then, too, represented what they had thus overawed as Calvinism clandes- tinely foisted in upon the Church. And again, when they universally ignored and denounced as apostasy the measures of concession and conciliation based on the Wittenberg Concordia, and represented the amended Augustana as merely a private production, — nay, as a felony of Melanchthon. f The difficulties in the Palatinate are so intimately associated with the history of the origin of the Heidelberg Catechism, to which subject one of the accompanying articles is devoted, that it is unnecessary to give it any further notice here. In Bremen, where Ildrdenberg, a pupil of Melanchthon, represented and defended the views of his teacher, the Flacians were ori- ginalJy victorious (1561). But in the year 1562 a reaction took place, when the Flacians were banished. Occupying the Melanchthonian confessional stand-point, they used at first exclusively the amended Augustana and the Frankfurt Recess; but afterward (1571), in order to set up a secure pali- sade against Flacianism, they added the Conf. Saxonica and Melanchthon's Corjnts Doctrina'. About 1590, the Heidelberg Catechism was introduced, and henceforth Bremen was regarded as a Reformed Church. This example serves to show us how such churches were gradually forced over into the Re- formed Church. (Cf. Kohlmann: " Welche Bekentniss Schriften haben in der ref. Kirche Bremens Geitung?") Only in Schleswig-Holstein, Braun- schweig-Wolfenblittcl, and Niirnberg was the original confessional position of Melanchthon of 1541-1543 maintained, but in such a way that, whilst they shunned the Form of Concord, they did not permit themselves to be thrust out of the Church of the Augsburg Confession. 109 MELANCIITHOIS', AND THE But here, finally, is a point to wliicli special attention must be given, — viz. : what attitude did Melanchthon liim- self assume at tbe beginnino- of these hostilities? "Without prejudice to this honored and illustrious man, we are per- mitted to say on this subject that his timidity and solicit- ude resulted in much harm. First to be mentioned are his timorous concessions during the Interim of Augsburg and Leipzig, by which he undermined his influence for all subsequent time; for at that time he yielded to the Papal demands in reference to public worship to such an extent that his concessions not only reached the utmost limit of the morally admissible, but, in truth, here and there ex- ceeded it. Thus he put deadl}'^ weapons into the hands of the hostile Flacians, who always alluded to this weak- ness when it was found expedient to undermine the influ- ence of Melanchthon in a Protestant community. Equally unfortunate was it, when the zealots began their cam- paign wdth a dishonorable assault upon a band of English refugees, who were compelled to leave their homes on account of fidelitj^ to their creed, that Melanchthon did not at once courageously enter the lists in behalf of op- pressed truth ; for here his testimony would have had cflect. The more Flacianism advanced, the more timor- ously did Melanchthon withdraw. As Proccepior Ger- manice, it was incumbent upon him vigorously to contro- vert the consubstantiation theory with biblical arguments. But instead of this he satisfied himself by undertaking to smother the tire of the conflict where it had burst into flames by the recommendation of unionistic doctrinal formularies.* In vain did Calvin repeatedly urge him to come out for once wdth a public statement of his con- * Cf. the Formula Concensvs, by which, at the Colloquium of Worms (1557) he -wished, with unjustifiable concessions, to conciliate the Flacians, and only provoked the Wirteinbergers, who were opposed to this party. Also his "Gutachten in der Pfalzer Wii-ren," which was equally unsuccessfuJ, &c. Also Gillet i. p. 149. 110 MELAXCIITnOXIAX TENDENCY IN GERMANY. victions.* In vain was ho ajjpealed to by liis di.sciplos, persecuted as Calvinists (Gillot i. p. 129), The more care- t'ally he avoided every sueli statement, the more bohily did tlie hostile party venture forward, until eventually they made Melanehthon himself the object of their attacks (Gillet i. 131 ff.), and they had reason to believe that he would only the more certainly remain silent. Thus, weary of the rabies ihcologorum., he died, leaving- his own school to decline and certainly to disappear; whereas by a bold and candid testimony at the proper time he might without doubt have secured for it, if not a ruling, at least a tolerated position in the Church of the Augsburg Con- fession. Still, no more can be required from any one than has been committed to him. However, the want of courage on the part of Melanehthon contributed to bring it about, that the fragments of his school soon found it necessary to take refuge in the Reformed Church. His diifering from Luther in respect to the doctrine of predestination and free will, exerted no influence upon this course of development. For only during the Swiss contro- versy (1558) did he come forward Vv^ith a few theses express- ive of his peculiar view. It is true his enemies took ad- vantage of this conduct to convict him of heresy; yet it can by no means be said that the relation of his school to the Keformed Church was at all determined by his indefinite theor}^ of a co-operation of the free will in conversion. For in respect to the dogma of predestination the Ecformed Church agreed with Melanchthon's enemies, the Flacians. Both adhered to this doctrine as held by the Eefomiers, which, if possible, was more sharply expressed by Luther than by Calvin, and which the former zealously maintained until the close of his life.f Thus the Philippists could not * See tbe passages in question in Sudhofs Theol. Handbuch zur Ausle- guug des Ileidelberger Katechismus (Franklurt), p. 388. •j- A few years before his death, Luther wrote to Capito that if he were to recall his productions, the work De Servo Arbitrio would be the last. The assertion that the doctriue of absolute predestination is not an original Pro- Ill THE MELANCIITHONIAN TENDENCY IN GERJIANY. liave been prompted l)y their preferences in this direction to attach themselves to the Reformed Church. It was solely on account of the Calvino-Melanchthonian doctrine of the Lord's Supper, for which since the 3'ear 1560 there was neither room nor license in the Church of the Augs- burg Confession. After entering the federation of the lie- formed Church, they could not fail gradually to imbibe the rigid predestinarian principles which here prevailed. In their new ecclesiastical home they did not venture forward with the highly important and fruitful germs of a Melanch- thonian development in this respect, no more than they would have dared to do so in their former position with the Melanchthonian doctrine of the Lord's Supper. In conclu- sion, when these germs were transplanted, although in hampered circumstances, into the Form of Concord, ad- herence to the doctrine of predestination became an indispensable condition of connection with the Reformed Church. Accordingly, Hesse, Bremen, and the Palatinate were represented in the Synod of Dort, 1618, and the Bre- men theologians subscribed, though with bleeding hearts, the resolutions of that body. Thus, so far as the doctrine of the Lord's Supper is concerned, the Reformed Church has to thank Magister Philippus for nothing which it could not have received clearer and better from the hands of Calvin ; whilst in respect to the doctrine of election it were well if she Avould let it appear that the current of Melanch- thonian theology, which passed over into her bosom, was not, in God's providence, directed thither in vain. testaut nor tlie original Reformed one, but was first introduced into the Re- formed Church by Calvin, is, if possible, more preposterous than that the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's Supper was not the original Protestant one, but was foisted in upon the Lutheran Church by the Flacians. Cf. Jul. Miiller : Luthei'i de Predcstiaatione et liberi Arbitrii Doctrina. 112 SKETCHES HISTORY OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM IN THE LAND OF ITS BIRTH. By DK C. ULLMANN, carlsruiie, germany. Translated by J. W. Ntvix, D.D., Lancaster, Pa. SKETCHES FROM THE HISTORY OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM IN THE LAND OF ITS BIRTH. ^g ^r. €. ^Ilmann, Carlsrul^c, (Strmaitg. Translated by Pkofessor J. W. Nevin, D.D., Lancaster, Pa. I CHEERFULLY accept tliG invitutioii witli ^Yllicll I have been lionored, to furuish a contribution to tlie Tercentenary Jubilee of tlic Heidelberg Catecliism, which my brethren of the Reformed Confession have it in mind to hold on the other side of the ocean. In doing so, nw studies direct me to the historical side of the subject. I propose, how- ever, no full history of the Catechism. Should this be attempted anew, after all of the sort tliat has been given to the world before, with a view to more full and thorough detail, it would require a work for which the intended Memorial Volume would offer no sufhcient room, while I should myself also have neither the time, nor yet the neces- sary material, for its preparation. For, strange to say, though of easy historical explanation, the University library of the very city in which the formulary received its being, famous as it is for its other treasures, is not only not rich, but positively poor, in resources for the history of the Cate- chism; and otherwise also, unfortunately, the land of its birth has preserved but little for this purpose. Looking away from any such object, then, I hope still to do some service, if with the means at my command I try to illustrate some leading facts from the history of the Catechism, par- ticularly in its native country, and with this furnish also a short account of its modern fortunes, which may not be without interest for fcllow-confcssionists living at a dis- 115 SKETCHES FROM THE tance. In this view the present sketch will consist of two principal parts : in the first four sections I will treat mainly of the causes which gave the Catechism its great authority and powerful influence in the Church of the Palatinate, as well as of the controversies to which it gave rise; in the last two I will endeavor to show how, in the course of the present century, it came into disuse in its native land, but finally has found here also again what may be called a new restoration to life and power. I. THE RELATION OF FREDERICK III. TO THE HEIDELBERa CATECHISM. If ever a book has been of pervading signification for the ecclesiastical life of a people, the Heidelberg Catechism was so for the Church of the Palatinate. It gave to this Church principally her original character, and formed the central power of her development for nearly three hundred years ; it may be said to have been the most active leaven of her life within, and her highest renown without, the most vigorous and most admired, but at the same time most violently assaulted, product of her womb. The deepest and most enduring ground of this signifi- cance of the Catechism must be sought, undoubtedly, in its whole inward constitution. It was, above all, the essen- tial scripturalness of its contents, the admirable distribu- tion of its matter, the pithy sententiousness of its language, and the deep earnestness of conviction it breathes in eveiy word, which caused the book to carry with it at once its own authority and weight. If we take only the first ques- tion concerning the "only comfort in life and in death," in which itself we have the marrow and spirit of the entire Catechism — what all has it not wrought ! For how many has it not been the living sura of their heart's belief, and the fondest utterance of their mouth's confession, their guiding star in life, and their consolation on a dying bed ! 116 HISTORY OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. And all this, only tlirougli its inchvelling, triumphant power of Christian truth and assured faitli, by Avliich these few lines rank with the highest and best that have ever appeared, under any form, in the sphere of evangelical doctrine and Christian profession. Such properties must have secured credit for the Heidel- berg Catechism under any circumstances, and did in fact give it vast influence far beyond the bounds of its native land. At the same time, however, it is usual, with works of this sort, for historical and personal considerations to co-operate powerfully in strengthening their influence; and that such was the case also with the Heidelberg Catechism admits of no doubt. Only there was a difference in this respect between it and the Catechism of Luther, where the person of the author, who was the most honored father of the Reformation, and at the time in the full zenith of his life and power, threw directly into the scale quite as much weight as the in^vard worth of the publication itself. The Heidelberg Catechism, it is known, had two authors, Zacharias Ursinus, professor of theology, and Caspar Ole- rianus, preacher at Heidelberg. Both were excellent, highly lespectable men, distinguished each in his way, — the one by thorough theological learning, the other by h is practical talent and glowing zeal for evangelical trath. They were both, however, posthumous sons only, and not fathers, of the Re- formation, both at the time extraordinarily young and com- paratively but little known, both, moreover, of only recent settlement in the land for which the Catechism was imme- diately designed;* and the undertaking, besides, proceeded in the last instance not from themselves, but from one who, as their superior, called them to it and made it their charge. "Wonderful now as it must ever remain, not only that a work of such unity should have been composed by iioo » Olevianus TTas called to Heidelberg in 15G0, Ursinus in 1501. The com- position of the Heidelberg Catechism fell at farthest -within the year 1562, eince it appeared from the press as early aa January, 1563. 117 SKETCHES FROM THE authors, but yet mucli more that two such young men, of whom the one numbered less than twenty-eight, the other only twenty-six years, shoukl have been prepared to pro- duce any thing so solid, rich, and complete — all goes still to show that it could not be the persons of these men which gave the matter importance, as the person of Luther did in the case of his Catechism. On the contrary, we are met, in the case of the Heidel- berg Catechism, with another personal presence of the most conspicuous order. This is the sovereign under whom it appeared, the Elector Palatine Frederick III. Of him, then, and his position with regard to the Catechism, we have now more particularly to speak. Frederick III. was a prince of rare order, whose clear understanding, blameless manners, unshaken fidelity, and restless activity for the welfare of his subjects, gained for him the respect of his own and of later times. It was not in these things, however, with all their worth, that his most peculiar and honorable distinction lay, but in this rather, that with him, as with few earthly monarchs, the prince and the Christian were so intimately joined together that the one cannot be thought of without the other. Piety formed the ground-tone and the ruling trait of his cha- racter— a piety which was plain and unpretending in its utterances, but which at the same time proclaimed itself so decidedly in his whole being and action as to make itself irresistibly felt by every one who came near him. Above all, it was not simply an indefinite, sentimental piety, but bore a sharply marked Christian stamp, and exercised a vigorous power over the entire life of the prince as well as of the man. "Lord, as Thou wilt!"* was the Elector's motto. The expression of the Lord's will lay for him, at the same time, in the Holy Scriptures, in which his whole * "//err, nach dcinem Wille!" The tbeme also of a fine spiritual song, •which he composed in his old age. See, in regard to it, my Essay in the Theol. Stud. u. KriL, 1861, 3. 118 HISTORY OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. fiiitli was most deeply and firmly rooted; and as ho endea- vored with full earnestness to form not only his own life, but also the. public order both in Church and State, accord- ing to this rule, his measures took necessarily of them- selves, in the circumstances, a reformatory character. His- tory recognizes in him the chief Reformer of his land, and shows how he exhibited, as such, the most energetic activity, along with the noblest spirit of a witnessing confessor. But this prince stood not in a merely outward relation to the Heidelberg Catechism, such as other rulers may have held to new ecclesiastical arrangements witliin their terri- tories: his connection with it was as intimate and close as it could possibly be in his position. The reformation of his land was for him the highest object of his life, and the main part of this reformation work was in his view the Catechism. He himself had conceived the project of it, and selected the men for its execution; he himself also superintended this execution, and even applied his own hand at last personally to the work. He was, moreover, when heavy dangers threatened it at the outset, its first champion; and in the presence finally of death itself, it received still his joyful testimony, as the unchanging ex- pression of his Christian faith.- On all sides, the book is as inseparably interwoven with Frederick's personal con- victions as with his whole governmental action. And this relation it was then also that imparted to the Catechism from the historical and personal side, beyond all else, the consecration which has attended it through all centuries, and which, in conjunction with its inward excellence, has ever commended it anew to the piety of successive generations. It was the peculiar consecration that belongs to such writings as are at the same time acts, and as need to be considered essential parts of the inmost life and highest aims of some personal character, which just * In his will, which is printed in Struve's Pfalz. K. Ilistorie, pp. 275-292. The passages that refer to the Catechism occur pp. 280 and 291. ^' 119 SKETCHES FROM THE ill tliis way lias made itself felt effectually also in the development of a grand spiritual whole. It must be of interest for us now to kuowvwhat view tliis prince himself had of his task, in the establishment of the Catechism. And we are not without utterances on this point from his own mouth. To appreciate these properly, however, we must consider the matter somewhat more closely in its general connection. It is known that when Frederick III. succeeded to the government of the Palatinate in 1559, tlie Reformation was alread}' far advanced in this land, but that its eccle- siastical condition was at the same time unsettled and dis- tracted ill the highest degree. The residence city, Hei- delberg, in particular, had become a sort of rendezvous for all the leading parties which were then in the Protest- ant Church — the more rigid Lutherans, Melanchthonians, Zwinglians, and Calvinists ; and among these the extreme sections especially contended with one another frequently in the most scandalous style. Frederick himself, in the beginning, aimed at conciliation. But when his attempt to make peace, by the dismissal of the hottest champions and the help of the famous "Judgment" he had procured from Melanchthon on the main matter of controversy (the doctrine of the Lord's Supper), failed to accomplish its purpose, he yielded himself, especially after the Diet of llfaumburg in 1561, more and more to the Reformed side — an inclination which may have been promoted by the pro- gress of his own thinking, as well as by the prevailing influence of the Calvinistic theologians around him, who had greater attraction for him than the more blunt-man- nered Lutherans. As he did not mean, however, by any means, to be a follower of Calvin, but always declared rather his steady veneration also for Luther, and acknow- ledged afterward, as before, the Augsburg Confession as modified by Melanchthon, his position may be character- ized as that of a mild Melauchthonian Calvinism, fore- shadowing the idea of confessional union. It was not iu 120 HISTORY OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. liis mind to oppose the Lutlieran Confession in general, but only to hold himself evangelically free and independ- ent over against certain Lutheran peculiarities in the doc- trine of tlie Lord's Supper. Li these circumstances, Frederick, in virtue of his princely riglit of reformation and his inward call to it, determined to bring order and unity into the distracted Church of his land. And, since all turned here first upon doctrine^ while doctrine again in the form of public confes- sion makes itself known and felt cliieil}' through the cate- chism, this became necessarily the point toward which, more than any other, the eye of the reforming prince must be directed. But just in this department, now, the con- dition of things in the Palatinate was so circumstanced that it could in no wise satisfy his wishes. Some of the minis- ters used the Catechism of Luther, some that of Breutz, while others, again, compiled their own directories, or else made use of none at all. In many places, besides, the catechization of the young was altogether neglected, while in others it was badly attended.* Along with the differ- ence of doctrine, there prevailed thus, at the same time, disorder, wilfulness, and want of discipline ; and if Frede- rick was to bring this unbecoming, unhealthful state of the Church to a full end, while yet his religious convictions as they then stood would not allow him to have recourse to either Luther's Catechism or that of Brentz as a manual to be universally enforced,f there remained no other alter- native for him but to form a new Catechism, and then to adopt all proper measures for securing its actual and gene- ral use. That this was the object and purpose of Frederick, in * See Dr. C. Schmidt, in the publication, very instructive on this subject, entitled: Der Antheil dcr Strashurger an dcr Reformation in der Kurpjalz. Strasburg, 1856. Introduction, pp. 23 and 24, and elsewhere. I Before this — and as late, indeed, as Oct. 1559 — Frederick had directed the preceptor of his son, the young Prince Christopher, to instruct him according to Luther's Catechism. See Vierord's Gesch. der Ref. in Baden, b. 1, p. 458. 121 SKETCHES FROM THE the preparation of tlie Catechism, is clearly stated by him- self in his order for its introduction, dated the 19th of January, 1563.* Proceeding here, if not expressly in so many words, yet most decidedly in spirit and sense, from the fundamental idea of a Christian State, in which the government is to be considered as charged with the highest moral and religious interests of the people, he declares it to be a main part of the ofiice and trust committed to him by Grod, "not only to maintain a discreet, upright, and virtuous walk before his people, but also and principally to guide and bring them more and more into the genuine knowledge and fear of the Almighty, and of His life-giving word as the only foundation of all virtues." The arrange- ments adopted for this purpose by his ancestors — the refer- ence was mainly, no doubt, to the Church order of Otho Henry — had not borne the "hoped-for and desired" fruit; and it was not enough, therefore, to renew them, but pressingly necessary to undertake an "improvement" and to " make further provision." To this belonged, above all, that the youth should be held in the schools and churches to the "pure and uniform doctrine" of the Holy Grospel; and since there was wanting, for such purpose, a "fixed, sure, and harmonious" catechism, in order to do away with all "incorrectness and unlikeness," he had now, with the counsel and co-operation of the whole theological faculty, also of all the superintendents and prominent ministers of the land, provided and set up a summary of the Christian religion out of God's word, "whereby henceforth not only the youth may be piously instructed and kept also of one mind in such Christian doctrine, but the preachers and schoolmasters themselves, likewise, may have a settled form and measure how they shall conduct themselves in the instruction of the young, and not make daily changes, * Printed in Niemeyer's Collcctio Conf. in eccles. ref. publicatarum, pp. 390, 391 ; where from p. 392 the Heidelberg Catechism in its original form (German), and from p. 428 the Latin translation of it, are to be found 122 HISTORY OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. or bring in contrary doctrines, according to tlicir own pleasure." It was not, thus, any improvement in the mode of in- struction, or the like, that Frederick chiefly aimed at with his Catechism, but he had his eye in it, above all, on what was for him the most vital and fundamental of all Church interests, uiiiiy of faith and harmomj of doctrine in iirm, well- assured order; and in this view all pains were taken also to make the book the inalienable common property of the Church, and to secure for it, as such, a living interest with all its members. True, the Catechism was not imposed beforehand upon the ministers as an unchangeable, abso- lutely binding rule of faith; for, according to the consis- torial instructions of the year' 1564, every minister and school teacher, before entering on his office, must have the Catechism, as well as the general Church service, submitted to him, with the question: "Whether he could approve it, or what he found in it to censure ?"'*' And while it was en- joined on the two church counsellors, who had the direc- tion of the Synodical meetings held in every Classical dis- trict in May, to exercise any animadversion they might find needful in the sphere of doctrine, they had at the same time this charge : that, "if any one had a doubt to present in regard to some points of the Catechism or Church ser- vice, he shall be kindly encouraged to make it known, and be kindly heard and conferred mth in regard to it."t But, with all this, it was, on the other hand, quite as decidedly required of the church council to see that the congregation " be instructed and taught with true, sound, godly, pro- phetical and apostolical doctrine, and not with human dreams and notions," and that for this purpose especially the most diligent use should be made of the Catechism in its proper meaning and sense. To every minister, more- * See the Church Service of the Palatinate in the Evangel. Kirchenordnungen of IliciiTER, b. 2, p. 277. t Ibid. p. 280. 123 SKETCHES FROM THE over, entering on his office, must be handed, along with the service-book, tlie Cateclnsm, witli the charge to " in- culcate it diligently upon young and old"," and to bring in " no sort of novelty, contrary to it, either in doctrine or ceremony."* It was plainly, thus, the design of Frederick that the Catechism, though not an absolutelj' binding rule of faith — which he recognized in the Bible only — should be, nevertheless, a firm and abiding norm of doctrine; and such a norm of doctrine, moreover, as might not only be a bar negatively against all arbitrary divergencies and innova- tions, but much more a treasure of positive and actual truth also for the Church, which, being made to live in the mind and heart of the teacher himself, should flow over from him into the very life also of the congregation. And since this looked not only to the young, but to the lohole congregation, embracing all ages, other arrangements were adopted for securing the object in such broad view, which will be noticed in the following section. II. CHURCH READING OF THE CATECHISM, SERMONS AND ACA- DEMICAL LECTURES UPON IT. The object of making the Heidelberg Catechism a true people's book for the Palatinate, and investing it with fresh interest and authority for the entire community through every period of life, might be consulted in different ways; and we find that in fact no proper means for the purpose Vv^as overlooked. In the first place, the Catechism was regularly read throughout, in prescribed sections, before the congrega- tions. The Kirchenordmmg of the Palatinatef directs in * See llicHTEK, b. 2,pp. 277, 278, and 284. f The Kirchenordnung, which contains also the Catechism and the Agenda, must be distinguished, as the more general, from the special Kirchenrc^Aa- 124 HISTORY OF THE IIEIDELBERa CATECHISM. regard to this as folloAvs: — "Firstly, inasmiicli as tlic old folk have grown up in Popcrj' without the Catechism, and readily forget the articles of the Christian religion, it is considered necessary that on all Sunda3's and Festivals, in villages and country towns, likewise also in the cities, before the sermon, the minister shall read before the people clearly and understandingly a portion of the Cate- cliism, so as to go over the whole in nine Sundays." Then the divisions are given, as they are to be read successively on nine Sundays, closing for the tenth with the " sentence in which every one is reminded of his calling."* In the next place, the Catechism was placed in close connection with the preacJdrig; and this in tw^o ways. First, it was directed that the preachers should, on every suitable occasion, refer to the Catechism, and bring in passages from it to confirm and enforce their own decla- rations; or, as the Inspection Orderf has it, they shall not only teach the Catechism to 3"oung and old, but must, " ns often as the text allows, with special earnestness and dili- gence quote it, adopt its language, and, as it were, season their sermons with it, in order that the manifold useful- ness of it may be the more seen and felt, and the book l)e made the more clear, pleasant, and comforting to the people." Secondly, however, the Catechism must be for- mally and fully explained in the preaching, forming thus — without prejudice to God's word as the ultimate authority — its regulating object and canon. This was the properly so-called Catechetical PrcacJdng. ordnung. The fii'sfc is of the year 15Go, the second of the year 1564, both from Frederick III. The Kirchenordnung is found in Richter's work, pp. 257-275. * See RicHTEU, p. 260. f This Inspection Order, originated by Frederick III., and afterward (in the middle of the seventeenth century) brought out anew by Charles Louis, is printed in an anonymous book, containing much valuable old matter, entitled: "Z>/e neueste Relig. Verfassung und Rclig. Streitigkeitcn der lief ormir ten in der Unierpfalz." Leipz. 1780, pp. 58-72. The passage here quoted is found on page 61. 125 SKETCHES FROM THE On tliis tlie Kirchenordniing expresses itself thus :* — " Moreover, on every Sunday afternoon, at such hour as may be appointed for every place, catechetical preaching shall be held, in such wise that the minister, after the hymn, shall first say the Lord's Prayer, and call upon God for the right understanding of His word; then read the Ten Commandments understandingly before the people; after which he shall examine the catechetical class; . . . and, when the questions have thus been answered in the presence of the congregation, he shall then go on to expound simply and briefly some following questions, so as to preach over the whole Catechism at least once every year.'' What is here sketched only in its ground features took afterward a more definite form. In the first edition, the Heidelberg Catechism had no numeration of the questions. Subsequently, not only was this introduced, but a division of it was made also into fifty-two Sundays, to suit the cate- chetical preaching. The first trace of this division is found in a copy of the Catechism which is incorporated with the Kirchcnordnung that appeared as early as November 15, 15G3, at Mosbach: after the year 1573 it appears in sepa- i-ate editions of the work itself In the beginning, more- over, the order called for a blending of catechization and preaching in the afternoon service: first some questions were asked and answered, and then a short exposition fol- lowed on the part of the minister. In time the catechiza- tion fell away, and there remained only the preaching on the proper catechetical lesson. f The origin of such catechetical preaching seems to belong to the Palatinate, and to fall in with the rise of the Heidelberg Catechism. If we suppose a foreign source, we might think in particular of the Calvinistic mother * RiciiTEu, p. 261. f Even in the agenda incorporated with the Kirchmordnunff of 15C3 we have a special forcible prayer, to be used "after tlie preaching of the Cate- chism." It is found in Richter's work, b. 2, p. 2G7. 126 HISTORY OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. Clmreli in Geneva. But, altlioiigh tlie Catechism of Calvin was divided according" to Sundays, the Genevan Cliurch ordinances of 1561 know notliing- of catechetical preaching- for grown persons, hut require ouly the use of tlic Cate- chism for children;* and at the Synod of Dort, 1618, the Genevan divines even expressly declared themselves op- posed to such preaching, because they held the method of question and answer to he the only one suitable in this sphere. t On the other hand, along with the spread of the Heidelberg Catechism went hand-in-hand the practice also of catechetical preaching,.on the Lower Rhine, for instance, and in Holland; while in the Palatinate it continued, age after age, a fixed institution, organically wrought into the universal life of the Church. J: When, in the year 1777, the rumor spread in Holland that some of the ministers in the Palatinate were seeking to do away vrith these ser- mons, the Classis of Amsterdam appealed on the subject with concern to the ecclesiastical council at Heidelberg, but received from this body in return, with thanks for their fraternal interest, an assurance that put their fears to rest.§ So the matter stood on to the beginning of the present century. I myself have heard catechetical sermons, in the Church of the H0I3' Ghost at Heidelberg, by the departed church counsellor Abegg, of whose peculiar and edif3'ing character some general impression, at least, re- mains with me to this day. The efficiency of the catechetical preaching was pro- moted principally by the fact, that from time to time a •^ See the Ordonnances eccl. de Gen>,ve in R-ichter, b. 1, pp. 3-12-353; and on the point in liand, pp. 345 and 351. f As is more particularly shown in an article on the Heidelberg Cate- chism by Plitt, published in the Stud. u. Krit. for 18G2. X How far it prevailed also beyond the Reformed Church I am not able to say. Professor Palmer speaks of it frequently (in his Ilomiletics and Cate- chetics, as also in Herzog's Real- Ency clop. vii. pp. 44G-462), as a thing of general custom in the age of the Reformation ; but he gives no instances in detail. § Rel. Verf. der Reformirten in der Unterpfalz, pp. 123 and 124. 127 SKETCHES FPwOM THE public trial was instituted to see how far they had pro- duced proper fruit.* At the Classical meetings, the whole congregation at times — young and old, male and female — were subjected, for this purpose, to a searching examina- | tion on the Catechism, by ministers appointed for the service; and the result of it was not only declared to the pastor in his "ccw5M?'e," but published also by the inspector, from the Lord's table, to the congregation itself, whether • for praise and encouragement or for blame and admoni- tion. Moreover, at least under Frederick IV., f the con- ferring of the right of citizenship and permission to marry were made dependent on the ability of the parties to repeat , the principal portions of the Catechism. All goes to show how the Heidelberg Catechism was regarded in the Palatinate as the immovable foundation of tlie whole Church life. It stands forth practically as the » proper congregational confession : for the minister, to whom it oiiercd itself always as the measure of doctrine ; for the people, on whom it was continually urged and enforced as the common scriptural chart of salvation for the whole Church. If the catechism should be, as Nitzsch strikingly remarks,! "a test of public doctrine and public confession, a foundation for the general or common working of Chris- tianity," there was no want of care in the Palatinate to make this true of the Heidelberg Catechism. "We have here, however, still a third matter to notice. To explain and keep alive the Catechism, the ministers themselves must be suitably imbued with a thorough scien- tific knowledge of its contents ; and for this there was no more judicious means than academic lectures. Printed works, such as Olevianus had already furnished in his Firm Ground of Christian Doctrine, could not serve the same pur- * Rel. Verf. dei* Reformirten in der Unterpfalz, pp. 92 and 93. I By an order of the year 1694. See Vieeordt's Gesch. d. Reform, in Baden, ii. p. 17. X System of Christian Doctrine, I 2. 128 HISTORY OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. pose ; for tliere could be no certainty of their general use. Ursinus, accordingly, as principal of the Sapienz-College, with the first introduction probably of the Catechism, opened a course of lectures upon it in the Latin language, which he continued to repeat annually there till the year 1577. Out of this grew his well-known catechetical work, which went through several editions (ISTeustadt, Geneva, Loyden), and M^as enlarged afterward by David Parens.* In the same way, we know, Henry Alting's solid commen- tary on the Catechism was based ui:)on such lectures, he.d by him in the first half of the seventeenth century at lleidelberg.t We may assume, therefore, that a standing order had place here ; and we have in fact the testimony of a work already referred to,"| of the year 1780, that for- merly lectures had been delivered in the Sapienz-College daily on divinity, and "especially on the Heidelberg Catechism." How late this regulation had continued, it might be liard to determine; most probably not beyond the middle of the eighteenth century. As long, however, as it lasted, it was a principal means, undoubtedly, for giving the Catechism a fast hold on the life of the Church, as it served to show also the extraordinary importance which was attached to the book in its native land. All that we have now^ brought into view in this section shows, in the clearest manner, Iioav in the Church of the Palatinate pains were taken in every w^ay, and from all sides, to give the Catechism active power and force, as the one harmonious and abiding ground of Christian faith and confession, through all the layers of society. "We may doubt if any other Catechism has ever had as much done for it in this respect as is found to have been done for the Heidelbers: Catechism. » Altixg, Hist. Eccles. Palat. p. 19G. f See the Preface to this work in the Amsterdam edition of 104G. \ Rel. Verf. der Reformirten in der Unterpfalz, p. 237. 129 SKETCHES FROM THE III. THE EIGHTIETH QUESTION. A peculiar feature in the history of the Heidelberg Cate- chism is offered to our view in its eightieth question. This it was especially which called forth attacks upon it, from different sides, and at times even threatened its continued use in the Church of the Palatinate ; which, however, only served again to increase and strengthen the zeal of the Reformed in its favor. Our purpose here is, neither to blame, nor yet to justify what can admit of no full defence: we wish only to explain the origin and course of the matter; although this of itself must involve also a judg- ment. The eightieth question occurs in connection with those which treat of the Lord's Supper, and is intended to state the difference between it and the Popish mass. The differ- ence is given thus: "The Lord's Supper testifies, that we have full forgiveness of all sins by the one sacrifice of Jesus Christ, which He Himself has once accomplished on the cross ; and that by the Holy Ghost we are ingrafted into Christ, who with His true body is now in heaven, at the right hand of God His Father, and is to be there wor- shipped. But the mass teaches that the living and the dead have not forgiveness of sins through the sufferings of Christ, unless Christ is still daily offered for them by the priests ; and, further, that Christ is bodil}^ under the form of bread and wine, and is therefore to be worshipped in them." So far the matter would have been without diffi- culty; it is an altogether objective representation of the opposite doctrines, in which the strongest Catholic, even if he might object somewhat to the form, could find nothing as to substance wrongful to his own confession. But now, at the close, came a consequence, drav/n from the statement going before, which cut deeper, and was felt to be a just occasion for offence. The words follow: "and thus the 130 HISTORY OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. mass at bottom is nothing else than a denial of the one sacrifice and passion of Jesus Christ, and an accursed idolatry." And with these words it is that the subject here before us is concerned. There is first a question of criticism belonging to it to be solved. The historian of the Palatinate Church, IStruve,* affirms, on the authority of the learned Alting,t that in the first edition of the Heidelberg Catechism the entire eightieth question was wanting. This supposition, however, is erro- neous, as D. L. Wundt has already made clear enough by referring to copies of the edition, yet extant, in which the question is to be found.J In itself, besides, it would not be likely that, with the strong opposition of Frederick III. to Popery and Catholicism, so weighty and significant a point as the relation between the Lord's Supper and the mass should have been passed over, in the new formulary, with entire silence. For the prince otlierwisc improved every opportunity to express this opposition openly, both in doc- trine and worship. But, although the whole question is not thus an addition to the original text, the conclusion of it just quoted is so without a doubt; and this itself again appears to have been brought in, not at once, but in two different gradations, marking a corresponding progress of polemical zeal. First there was only the proposition: "the mass is at bottom nothing else than a denial of the one sacrifice and passion of Jesus Christ;" then came afterward the last and strongest clause: "and an accursed idolatry." There is found in Heidelberg— the property once, proba- bly, of the Ministerial Association of the place— an inter- leaved copy of "Kocher's Catechetical History of the Re- formed Church, Jena, 1794." Here, in a side note to page 251, made with a lead pencil by some unknown but seem- * Pfiilzische Kirchenhistorie, p. 141. f Hist. Eccles. Palat. X Magnzin f iir pfiilz. K. Gcsch. ii. pp. 112 and 113. 131 SKETCHES FROM THE iiio;]}'- competent hand, the aiFarir is explained in the fol- lowing manner: "There is no doubt but that in one year, namely, 1563, three editions of the Heidelberg Catechism were published at Heidelberg, or rather some leaves were printed tw^ice, as, for example, fol. 55, on which occurs the famous eightieth question. In the first edition the con- cluding words, so oifcnsive to the Catholics: 'so that the mass is, &c.,' were not present at all. The termination of the Council of Trent in this year, in which the Protestants generally were anathematized in certain of their doctrines, occasioned the Elector Frederick III. to have the words added: 'so that the mass is at bottom nothing else than a denial of the one sacrifice and passion of Jesus Christ.' But inasmuch as, after this second edition or variation also, still other provocations wdiich had been passed at the Council of Trent became known, out came in the same year 1563 a third edition, making the appendix to the eightieth ques- tion still more harsh, as it now stands. I have had both the two last editions in my hands, and have gone over them carefully. The last is my own." So far the unknown anno- tator, who supports his view, besides, with some other obser- vations; among them this one deserving notice, namely, that the Elector Frederick III. had himself put his thoughts of the Council of Trent on paper, and that the manuscript, six sheets long, in which ho had belabored the Assembly with his own hand, was still to be seen in 1789. This representation, which has to do not so much with three different editions of the Catechism belonging to the year 1563, as with a double reprint rather of only a single leaf (fol. 55) in the otherwise unchanged original edition,* * The -work "Rclig. Vcrfassung dcr JRrf. in d. Unterpfalz" (Leipzig, 1780) gives, pp. 119-122, a view substantially the same with this, only that it sup- poses the first two editions of the Catechism to have been wholly destroyed. This, of course, is conceivable ; but it is hard to see why a whole edition should be destroyed, when it concerned only a short addition to a single passage, for which the reprint of a single sheet — nay, of a single leaf— would have been abundantly sufficient. 132 HISTOnY OF TUB HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. I am tlio more inclined to receive as right, inasmucli as it is essentially confirmed by the before-named D. L. Wnndt, a good judge in matters of this sort.* lie himself had likewise the so-called second edition, which belonged to the Ministerial Association of Heidelberg, before his eyes, and mentions also that it had at the close the following words : "What was overlooked in the first print, in particular fol. 55, has now been added by command of his Electoral Grace." According to this documentary evidence, then, the polemical addition must be referred at once to Frederick III. himself; and as he was accustomed often, and even in his ofiicial acts, to use against Catholic doctrines and usages such terms as "abomination" and "idolatry," and stronger expressions still, f the tl«ng is altogether internally pro- bable. Even the milder Otho Henry himself had previously allowed a similar word in regard to the mass, in the Kirchen- ordnung established by him in the year 155G.| How much more must the far more decided Frederick feel himself im- pelled this way ! As regards, moreover, the connection with the Council of Trent, it is something also altogether credible. Only a short time before its close in 1563, in its 21st and 22d sessions, on the 16th of July and the ITtli of Septem- ber, 1562, the council had taken up again the subject of the Lord's Supper, and had not only afiirmed, in the most de- cided terms, transubstantiation, the adoration of the host, the sacrifice of the mass, the withdrawal of the cup from the laity, the use of the Latin language in the mass, and what else goes with all this, but had laid strong anathemas besides on all who refused to receive these determinations as true. This was exactly the time when the Heidelberg Catechism, whose introductory order is dated the 19th of January, 1563, was going through the press ; and it is quite * In Lis Magazin already referred to, p. 11:]. f As, for example, on Confirmation, in the Kirchcnordnung, p. 277, Riohter. t The expression ran: "From all this it is clear that there is much error and idolatnj in the Popish mass." See Struve's Pj'ulz. K. Ilistorie, p. 52. 133 SKETCHES FROM THE conceivable that rrcderiek received liis first knowledge of the last weighty decrees of the council — which could not fail to be repugnant to him in the extreme — after the first im- pression of his Catechism was already struck o&, but was at once excited by it to meet the Catholic anathemas with a similar game on his own side, wliich he did, then, first with some moderation, but afterward, provoked perhaps by further information, in the roughest manner, outbidding even the hard word of his predecessor. Thus would we have here offence against offence, the violent retaliation of a single prince against the solemnly quiet, but none the less wounding, damnatory judgment of a whole vast Church assembly — a trait from the image of an age involved in sore conflicts, which we cannot be pleased with, but which, as things then stood, it is not harcj^for us to understand. One bent only on defence may, indeed, say : The con- clusion of the eightieth question was nothing more than the necessary consequence of the Reformed stand-point, over against the Catholic adoration of the host ; but what is a matter of conviction, if there is to be any true religious freedom, it must be proper also to express ; and Frederick did this just in the language of a time which was every- where straightforward, and that shrank not, also, from what was sharp and severe. But, with all this, we are bound to distinguish always, where and for whom any thing is spoken. It holds differently with a dogmatic compend and with a book for the 3'oung and for the people at large. For the last the eightieth question went in its polemical sharpness too far, and even in the rough dialect of its age cannot be fully excused. Frederick, indeed, when he ordered the off'ensive addi- tion, had no thought whatever of a confessionally divided population, or even of a puritanic state in the modern style ; what he had in his mind rather was a united Evan- gelical Reformed people, whose political and ecclesiastical constitution should be of one mould. And if it had turned out and remained so, the matter would not have been of so 134 HISTORY OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. mucli consequence. But there remained Catholics in the Palatinate ; uaj, there came in Catholic rulers again, with a full restoration of the Catholic worship in its strictest form. And then, of a truth, the concluding clause of the question became a serious thing; being justly open to reproach as an uncalled-for and gratuitous oflence, while it served as a welcome occasion also for assailing the Reformed Church generally, and even for seeking its overthrow. lY. ASSAULTS rPON THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM — ITS VINDICATION AND ESTABLISHMENT IN AND ALONG WITH THE PALATINATE CHURCH. In the existing state of religious parties, it was to be ex- pected that the Heidelberg Catechism would be vigorously attacked from its first appearance. So it happened in fact: first on the strong Lutheran side. Hesshus, whom the 'Elector had dismissed on account of his intemperate zeal for Lutheranism — the exul Christi, as he chose to style himself — issued forthwith a " True Warning," in which nearly every leading doctrine was contradicted, with the addition of a special tirade besides on the "fanaticism of bread-breaking in the Lord's SujDper." Next appeared the more respect- able combatant Matthias Flacius, with his ^^ Hefuiation of a small CaUinistic Catechism,'" also in the year 1563. The "VVirtemberg theologians Brentz and Jacob Andrea came out with sharp censures; Laureutius Albertus, a preacher on the Bhine, endeavored to fortify the cities Spire and "Worms against the virus of the new doctrines; and even the Melanchthonian divines at Wittenberg put forth a de- cidedly unfixvorable "judgment" — a fact which goes against the idea that the Catechism was only a transcript of the Melanchthonian scheme of doctrine.* Nay, the matter * Among the damaging opponents of the Catechism is to be mentioned also a certain Francis Balduin, a renegade to the Roman Church, who resided in France. See Alting, Hist. Eccl. Pal. p. 192. Stbuve, p. 144. 0 135 SKETCHES FROM THE did not stop with the theologians simply, and their battles with the pen ; the princes, who had so much to do in those times with Church affairs, also took it in hand. The Lu- theran neighbors of Frederick, in particular, the Elector "Wolfgang of Zweibriicken, Duke Christopher of Wirtem- berg, and the Margrave Charles 11. of Baden, expressed their earnest concern for his apostasy from the Lutheran faith, and its consequences. Against those who assailed the Catechism with the pen stood forth in its defence the Hei- delberg theologians, in particular Ursinus,who had been so largely concerned with its preparation; who was supported, however, by the whole theological faculty, in an apology published in the year 1564. To meet the princes, Frederick himself came forward as the manly champion of his own work. He did so, above all, as is well known, after other occasions, at the Diet of Augsburg in 1566, with such effect that he not only gained the highest praise from the princes for his personal piety and honesty, but secured, with the Catechism, freedom also for his whole reformatory work ;* so that he was subject to no further molestation. Here it was especially that the illustrious prince not merely saved his Catechism, but by his readiness for every sacrifice, even to parting with life itself, in its behalf, consecrated it with that inward sanction of whose significance we have spoken before. Stronger, more persistent, and more effective than these Lutheran attacks was the opposition of the Catholics. On this side the whole book was repulsive ; but the eightieth question operated perpetually as a special provocation. Here also the hostility to it soon took a very practical form, inasmuch as nothing less was proposed than its suppression and destruction. Literary combatants, indeed, presented themselves here also, as Koppenstein in the year 1621, and * AtTiNG says : "Decretum: etsi Palatini elqctoris peculiaris sit sententia de S. Coena, non tamen propter istum dissensum damnandum aut a societate Augustanae Confessionis excludendum esse." Hist. Eccl. Pal. p. 202. 136 iriSTOllY OP THE HEIDELBERG C'TECIirSM. Kittmaycr m the beginning of tlie ciglitcciitli century; but what was done in tlie way of actual interference, mainly under the influence of tbe Jesuits, was more important. The utterance of a Catholic dignitary reveals the temper which prevailed in this respect in high circles. ^Yh.Cl^ the army of the League, under Tilly, had taken Heidelberg, in the year 1622, the Pope's nuncio Montorio, in his report to Rome, spoke of it as a cause for joy that in the same city from which the norm of the Calvinists, the Heidelberg Catechism, had proceeded, " the holy mass henceforth would be celebrated, and the true faith spread abroad."* And when in the year 1G85 the Catholic line Pfalz-]Sreuberg succeeded to the government of the Palatinate, the war against the work, especially after Lenfant came out in 1688 with his book' ''The Innocence of the Heidelberg Catechism;' \ assumed a con- tinually more and more earnest character, until at length the third Catholic Elector, Charles Philip, v/as prevailed upon, in the year 1719, to attempt its suppression altogether. For a long time previously it had been insisted that a book^ using such strong language against the Catholic doctrine, in a land of mixed religious confessions, and under Catholic rulers, was wholly unallowable; and when now in the year 1719 a new edition of the Heidelberg Catechism appeared, bearing the Elector's coat of arms on the title-page, v/ith the words underneath, '' By order of his Electoral Serene Highness" and a notitication of the ''Elec- toral Privilege;' the thing was held up to the prince as an outrage upon his person and dignity not to be endured. The consequence was that on the 24th of April, 1719, he issued several orders, in virtue of which all copies of the Heidelberg Catechism containing the eightieth question— and there were no others— were to be forthwith confis- cated, none to be given out under a penalty of ten florins, *See ViEBORDT, Gesch. d. Ref. in Baden, ii. p. 1G9. t The work wns written in the French language, and had the title : U Inno- cence du Calechisme de Heidelberg. 137 SKETCHES FROM THE and the use of the book thenceforward generally in churches and schools to be severely punished. This, in connection with other oppressions, especially the violent transfer of tlie Church of the Holy Ghost in Heidelberg, led to an active controversy, in which foreign Reformed powers, with England and Prussia at their head, came vigorously to the help of their brethren in the Palatinate; while the clergy stood up, perseveringly at least, if not always with as much resolution as could have been wished, for the same cause, at home.* The ruling points insisted upon in the controversy by the Reformed — aside from the easily explained circum- stance of the Electoral coat of arms and privilegef — were in substance as follows. The eightieth question contains no condemnation of persons, but only of doctrine; but if Catholics may condemn Protestant doctrines, as in the Tridentine decisions and elsewhere, Protestants cannot consistently be refused the same right in regard to Catholic doctrines. On Reformed principles, the adoration of the host, particularly beyond its sacramental use, could not be looked upon as any thing else than idolatry; it is an error of public worship, which is more dangerous than an error of the understanding, and should it be forbidden to speak of it as it appears, there would be no real freedom of reli- gion and conscience ; for it belongs to this, necessarily, that one should be allowed to confess his convictions and their consequences before all men. But now^, by imperial pacifi- cation and decree, especially since the Peace of Westphalia, religious freedom was as fully assured to the Reformed Church as to the rest of the alliance of the Augsburg Confession, and the Heidelberg Catechism was one of the most generally received symbols of the Reformed, the con- * The entire controversy is given at large, with interesting public papers, in Struve's Pfalz. K. Historie, pp. 13G8-1468. f The whole affair could be referred to the bookseller, who was a Catjiolic, and seems simply to have followed a standi'Eg usage. 138 HISTORY OP THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. fessional basis in particular of tlic Clmrcli in the Palati- nate. She could not, then, be required to change it. Nay, she had no right to do so if she would, since the Cate- chism belonged, as their common property, to all the Re- formed Churches. Should she still do it, however, not- withstanding this, it would be only to confess that she had been teaching before something scandalous, untrue, and disgraceful. These representations — assisted, it is true, by other more telling motives — gained at last their end. By an Electoral rescript of the 16th of May, 1720, in the first phice, the Catechism was conditionally allowed again, and soon after its freedom was in practice fully restored.* From this time on there was no renewal of direct hostility against it, although here and there an occasional war-cry was lifted up, on the part particularly of the Jesuits, and in other respects the licformcd Church in the Palatinate had often to contend with heavy difficulties and straits. "While battle was thus maintained for and against the Hei- delberg Catechism, particularly in its native land, from the time of its first appearance, it ran a victorious course of ac- hnoidcdgment, such as few other books of the sort have had, throughout a large portion of the Christian world, A speak- ing evidence of this appears at once in the numerous transla- tions which in long succession fell to its lot. Not onl}' was it soon translated into the dead languages, as into the Latin — on order from the Elector — by Joshua Lagus and Lambertus Pithopaiis, into Greek by the celebrated philologist Syl- burg, and by some one even into Hebrew itself: there were versions of it also, far and wide, into living tongues — Dutch, French, English, Italian, Spanish, Polish, Hunga- * I cannot understand how Niemcyer, in the preface to his edition of the Reformed Confessions, p. 61, allows himself to say: "From this time on the hard expressions in the eightieth question were left out or softened." I have before me an edition of the Catechism which was printed 1736, at Heidelberg, "after collation with old copies," and here the eightieth question stands in full. But this edition falls within the reign of Charles Philip; foi his death did not take place till 1742. 139 SKETCHES FROM THE rian, Modern Greek, Arabic, Singalese. But the higli esti- mation of the Catechism appears still farther from the fact of its wide reception and use. The Synod of Wesel ordered its use in 1568, that of Embden in 1571; in Switzerland it was introduced, particularly in Bern, St. Gall, and Schaffhausen; so along the Lower Rhine — Hesse, Brandenburg, Anhalt — and in Hungary; with the Dutch it travelled into their colonies — as, for example, to the Cape of Good Hope; with the Reformed emigration from the Old World over to the Free States of America ; and, even where it came not formally into use, as in the Re- formed Churches of France and England, it was dignified, at least, with the highest honor and respect. It is known, moreover, that it w^as declared to be of symbolical authority by the S^-nod of Dort in 1G18; and altogether it would be hard to name any one else of the numerous Reformed symbols whose confessional authority has been so widel}^ felt and acknowledged as that of the Heidelberg Catechism.* All this, however, reacted necessarily on the estimation in which the formulary was held by its native Church, causing it to appear more precious always in her eyes. If it had been in the beginning the fountain-head of her inward life, it became pre-eminently besides, in the course of time, her outward honor and pride, the most power- ful means by which she made her influence felt on other Churches, and the most effectual bond of her fellow- ship with the holders of the Reformed faith, generally, in Germany and throughout the world. t ^ay, it came to something yet more than this. The public legal rights, ■"" The ooly one to be compared witli it in tliis view would be the Second Helvetic Confe-'tsion, which, liowever, in tlie nature of the case could not come into the same popular use. f With reason Alting, in his Hist. Eccl. Palat. p. 191, says of the Kirchen- ordnung of Frederick III. and the Catechism : " lliE bases erant ac funda- menta Ecclesias Palatinae, haec vincula conjunctionis ejus cum aliis Ecclesiis, Gallicis, Helveticis, Bel^icis." But this holds mainly of the Catechism. 140 HISTORY OP THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. also, of tlie Reformed Churcli in tlio Palatinate depended on the Heidelberg Catechism. Wlien these were re- stored to her by the Peace of Westiihalia,* she not only regained her church property, but, above all, had secured to her at the same time the right of pursuing her ends in the way of her own original church order. One most essential part of this order, however, was the Heidelberg Catechism ; and the right thus guaranteed to her of using it untrammelled and unabridged was specially appealed to, in fact, against the proposed oppression of Charles Philip. But the right of living according to her own order involved for the Church, at the same time, the duty of doing so; and this duty extended itself, of course, to what was the weightiest arrangement in the original church sj^stem of the Palatinate, the use, namely, of the Heidelberg Catechism, and a continued adherence to its principles. Only as the Church remained true to this duty could she lay claim properly to its corresponding right. Thus, all things wrought together, causing the Heidel- berg Catechism to take deep and strong root in the Church of the Palatinate : the inward excellence of the book itself and outward arrangements in its favor, threatening assaults and their successful repulse, motives of piety and grounds of legal right. For nearly three hundred years it was seen lifted up as the standard of this Church, with such authority as has hardly been exercised by Luther's Catechism over any Lutheran land. The time came not- withstanding, however, when even in the Palatinate itself i it was cast aside like an antiquated piece of ancestral furni- ; ture, and given up freely and without force. * See Imirumeni. Pads Weslpkal, art. iv. H 5, 6, 19; art. v. ^ 31. 141 SKETCHES FROM THE V. DOWNFALL OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM IN THE PALATINATE. On till toward the close of tlie eigliteentli century tlie Heidelberg Catechism stood in full force, for all religious instruction, within the Eeformed Church of the Palatinate. From that time its credit begins to wane; the sphere of its use grows continually smaller, and scarcely thirty years pass before it is banished from church and school alto- gether. The causes and the course of this revolution it o cannot be without interest now to consider. All conceivable arrangements, as we have seen, were devised from the first for upholding the credit of the Heidelberg Catechism in the Church of the Palatinate. Still the Reformed Church in general always held itself somewhat more free than the Lutheran in regard to the authority and use of symbolical books. She had, for example, no sworn engagement. Her care thus was rather for the inw\ard habit and posture of the clergy in regard to received doctrines and their authority. ISTow, there was not w^anting in the Palatinate also, through all this time, a specific confessional spirit. But inasmuch as it had been kept up mainly through the tradition or present sense of wrong suft'ered under Catholic government, and out of rivalry with the Lutherans, it came to possess a very external character. There was much jealousy — and often, indeed, w^ith good cause — for ecclesiastical rights and privileges, but, along with this, the utmost indifference for the most part toward all that pertained to the proper life of the Church. For it was now the time also when Baiionalism was gain- ing more and more general sway in Germany. This way of thinking, which had no measure for the things of relio-ion other than common understandins* and moral utility, and which in its fancied illumination looked down 142 HISTORY OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. witli contempt on tlic theological darkness of previous cen- turies, gained entrance also, of course, into the Palatinate. Here, however, it soon found itself at wide variance with the Heidelberg Catechism, which proved oft'ensive to it, we may he sure, not simply by its characteristic theology, but by the whole positive tone of its faith — its evangelical doctrine in general. There was no longer any living point of contact with it, and so no power to understand it. This inward estrangement was followed then by outward renun- ciation, still more readily than this happened with similar cases in the Lutheran Church — not simply because there was among the Reformed in general a greater amount of freedom in such things, but because in the Palatinate particularly there prevailed at the time such a laxness of church government as had place perhaps nowhere else. The Heidelberg theologians, in the second half of the last century— J. Vundt (^11771), Biittinghausen (tl786), Heddiius (tl795), and others — stood not yet, indeed, in open opposition to the symbolical church doctrine; they sought only to soften it to a universalist sense. But thejj were for enough, at the same time, from espousing the cause of positive Christianity with any such faith and courage as in the neighboring laud of Swabia had been disjDlayed in its behalf by Bengel and Oetinger, or, later, by Storr and his followers. ^Many students besides from the Palatinate attended the universities of Xorthern Germany — Halle and Jena particularly — and brought home with them neological views, which, meeting there no fii'm spiritual barrier, soon spread themselves far and wide. An advanced representa- tive of tliis tendency appears, toward the close of the last and at the beginning of the present century, in the person of the highly-gifted and widely-active pastor and church- counsellor J. F. Mieg, of Heidelberg, who was in his time the most influential Reformed minister in the Palatinate. To him is due mainly the new Palatinate Hymn-Book, which made its appearance in 1785, and in which we have already a spirit most decidedly opposed to that of the 143 SKETCHES FROM THE Heidelberg Catecliism. Tliis same spirit, liowever, in its iinliindered progress, must necessarily seek to make an end also of the other religious formularies which had been pro- duced by the early life of the Church. There came in a great ) liturgical waywardness, under the influence of which the I old iScripture-fraught services were exchanged for other prayers and forms — those iu particular of ZoUikofer; and finally the destructive movement reached also the richest legacy from the hands of Frederick the Pious, the Heidel- berg Catechism. In this case, nevertheless, it is necessary to distinguish two different spheres of instruction, that for children and that preparatory to confirmation. For the instruction of children, with some exceptions, the Heidelberg Catechism i in its shortest form was retained till the time of the Union, when it was entirely done away with, having at first no ( other substitute than a manual of Scripture sentences. In the most important department of religious teachiug, on the other hand, that preparatory to confirmation, it had lono' before a'one into disuse, both in its smaller and larger forms; universally, Ave may say, after the general preva- lence of Eationalism at the close of the last century.* In place of it, use was made of what were called pastoral manuals; each pastor formed for himself, as he thought best, his own rule or })lan of instruction; and it may easilv be supposed that these productions, according to the tlieology of the pastors, would not only differ much among themselves, but be also of very difi'erent worth. Such a pastoral manual was the '-Guide to Religious Instruction for Children of Tender Age," which had the Heidelberg * Traces of the actual setting aside of the Heidelberg Catechism, and of a still wider disposition that way, appear as far back as 1780 in a work of that year on the ecclesiastical condition of the Reformed in the Lower Palatinate, pp. 126, 127. According to what is stated there, the Catechism must have been much more strictly retained in the cities than in the country. The author himself is willing to allow its symbolical authority, but would prefer having a different manual of instruction. 144 HISTORY OF THE lIEIDELBEPa; CATECHLSM. pastor Amadeus Bolimc for its autlior, about tlie year 1790, and passed afterward frequently tlirougli the "^press. It acquired great credit, and soon came into pretty general use for schools and classes preparing for conlirmation.* "What its character was, however, we may see at once from the first question: "AVhat is Grod?" Answer: "The first cause of all things." Compare this first question with the first of the Heidelberg Catechism concerning the "only comfort in life and death," and there cannot be a moment's doubt as to the relation between the old, which was to be given up, and the new, which was to be substituted in its place. A w-eak, spiritless fabrication of the day, instead of a work of solid historical force and power; and, alono- with this, instead of the order v/hicli Frederick III. had established in this sphere, almost total church dissolution ! There were still, however, among the Palatinate minis- ters of the time, earnest and pious men also, who were sorely pained with this state of things, and wore not afraid to express their feelings in regard to it. Among these is to be named above all J. F. Abegg, professor of theoloo-y finally, and pastor of the Church of the Holy Ghost la Heidelberg, as the noblest representative of the Eeformed spirit in the Palatinate during the first half of the present century.f For this worthy man the Ileid^'lberg Catechism precisely, wliich he folloAved in his teaching from 1704, had proved the ricliest mine of Christian knowledge and the entrance to scriptural truth. He wrote also, in the year 1806, an article in the Studien of Daub and Kreuzer, in which he pays it a handsome tribute, and indicates at the same time what was then the existing state of things, in a very characteristic manuer.| Abegg assumes here that the * Wliat is here said is given partly from mj' own recollections, and partly from communications kindly made to me by older ministers in the Palatinate. t He dieil 18i0. See my Character of Abcjg iu the Theol. Stud, u Ki-it 1841, pp. 515-0.51. X See the work for ISOfi, ii. pp. 112-140. The article is on the }[cans of Religious Culture in the Protestant Church. SKETCHES FROM THE clorgy were under an historical and legal obligation to use the Catechism with fidelity, though not blindly, and por- trays with affectionate interest the merits of the book, " whose utterances express so powerfully and triumphantly the confident feelings of the pious." Then he comes, how- ever, on the question: IIow, after all, the better member- ship of the Church might stand affected toward the Cate- chism? This he had taken all pains in various ways to understand, and seemed always, he says, to hear this answer: "Take not from us the book of trust and love, the friend and comforter of our fathers! Though it have already something of an old-fashioned look, and may seem to favor also some worn-out notions, still thrust it not away! . . . Every other, compared with it, is for us a stranger; to this our hearts open with confidence and love, and in communion with it find their nearest approach to Jesus Christ, the author and finisher of our faith." From all this, two things become very plain: first, that at this time (about 1806) there were ministers, probably quite a number of them, wlio had already either given up the Heidelberg Catechism altogether, or at least were strongly inclined to do so ; secondly, however, that among those "who belonged still in reality to the Church" were found also not a fcAV who clung to it with aftection and good faith and would not hear of its being set aside. But, as time went on, the number of these last declined, the voice of piety died away, and the reigning spirit of the age became too strong not to fulfil its course at last in the entire abrogation of the Catechism. yi. REVIVAL OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM IN NEW FORM. In the year 1803, the Palatinate east of the Ehine was incorporated into what was known soon after as the Grand Duchy of Baden. The Reformed part of its population came in this way into the composition of a state, in which 146 HISTORY OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. on tlie Protestant side the Lntliorans formed a considerable majority; and there arose now very naturally, along with the wish for the closest possible political union, a desire to cfleet also an ecclesiastical conjunction of the two Protest- ant Confessions. The excellent Grand Duke Charles Fre- derick— led, however, not by state policy alone, but also by an upright evangelical heart devoted with fatherly inte. rest to the welfare of his country — took the preparatory steps for the purpose; and under his second successor, Grand Duke Louis, with the co-operation of a General Synod convened for this end, the union of the Lutherans and the Reformed in Baden into one evangelical Protestant Church was in the year 1821 actually carried into effect. This is not the place to consider the worth of that fact: we coniine ourselves at present to its bearing in particular on the Heidelberg Catechism. Inasmuch as the Union in Baden was not simply one of church government, but looked to doctrine also, along with worship and constitution, and for this a set form was framed at large in regard to the main matter of difference, the Lord's Supper, there could be, of course, no further use of the two Confessional Catechisms, either Luther's or that of Heidelberg — at least not in their original form. They were, indeed, along vrith the Augsburg Confession, recog- nized still, in "their heretofore acknowledged normative character," as symbolical books of the United Church;* but as "forms of instruction in church and school" they were expressly and formally put out of use.f It would be wrong, however, so far at least as the Heidelberg Cate- chism is concerned, to make the Union alone responsible for its being set aside. We have seen that the Reformed in the Palatinate had themselves already turned their back almost entirely on their Catechism. The Union only gave the force of law and regulation here to what was already * Unionsui'kundc, § 2. f Unionsurkundc. App. 4, § 3. 147 SKETCHES FROM THE an existing fact. It is not, in this case at least, tlien, to be charged with the throwing away of an aiicestral inherit- ance of faitli. On the contrary, looking at the matter rightly, we nKist say rather that by it iirst the foundation has been laid for a movement once more in the opposite 2:)0sitive direction. And this in the following manner. The committee appointed by the consolidating General Synod on the snlyect of a manual of instruction [Lehrbuch- Commissio)i), among the most conspicuous members of which were found the Iloidelberg theologians Daub and Schwarz, had most decidedly, as the w^holo theological character of these worthy men of itself implied, this con- ception of the Union, that it was not simply to dispose of the existing doctrinal differences by declaring them indif- ferent and so setting them aside, but must before all pre- sent and establish something positive. "Xot in the indefi- nite," they say in their report, "not in an indifferentistic nothing, is the Union to complete itself, but on the ground of positive, evangelical, churchly Christianity." It was proposed, accordingly, to provide a manual of instruction, in which "the Augsburg Confession held in common, and the Confessional Catechisms belonging severally to the two Churches, that of Luther and the Heidelberg, should flow together and work in conjunction." In this sense also the General Synod framed their resolution. They proposed to have a Catechism wdiich should be formed "on the ground of the previous Catechisms," and which should possess — as the Heidelberg did so decidedly — the "character of a confessional book."* 'No Catechism of this sort, however, was at once pro- duced. On the contrary, from circumstances which it would carry us too far here to explain, a manual was brought in from the year 1830, in which precisely the * The fullest information in regard to the whole matter may be had from the transactions of the Baden General Synod of 1855, according to oflScial report, Carlsruhe, 1856, i. pp. 195-339. In regard to the particular point here noticed, see pp. 210-215. 143 HISTORY OF THE nEIDELBERG CATECHISM. qualities now descril)e(I were plainly not to bo found, and which, besides lacking all church spirit, was also neither fully scriptural nor truly popular. But this formulary was not able to maintain its ground. Even from its firet appearance it met sharp opposition, on the part of at least a small number of faithful ministers; and in the course of the following twenty years, during which a cheering re- vival of Christian life and Church feeling took place in our land also, the disposition to reject it became continu- ally stronger and more general, till it was found to be finally an acknowledged, urgent necessity to have the whole matter in some way changed. It came to pass thus — since a simple restoration of the old Catechisms was out of the question, as implying no- thing less than a dissolution of the Union — that there was a return once more to the thought of their being worked up into a real United Cc.fecJusni, of trulv historical founda- | tion and force. This thought had in the mean time found > much discussion and favor also outside the sphere of official Church management; various attempts had been made, in a literary Avay, to provide what was felt to be called for; and in that part of the former Electoral Palati- nate which now belongs to Bavaria, the lead had been actually taken, as early as the year 1854, with the eccle- siastical introduction of a Catechism composed in this spirit.'^'" A number of Diocesan Synods of the land, be- sides, had begun to move in the same way, wliich the whole condition of the Church seemed now clearly to warrant and recommend. In these circumstances, the authorities of the Evangelical Church in Baden addressed themselves to the subject with great readiness, and the \ result was a formulary, which, being submitted to a Gene- I ral Synod convened in the summer of 1855, was, after some slight alterations, almost unanimously adopted. * See in regard to it the article of Chief Counsellor Miihlhaiisier, entitled; Union Catechisms, in the Theol. Stiul. u. Krit. 18G1. pp. 311 seq. 149 SKETCHES FROM THE This Catecliism embraces now what may be considered I the substance of the Heidelberg, and this indeed to a good ' extent more fully and exactly than the free reproduction * adopted in the Palatinate of the Rhine. The glorious first question appears there unchanged, as a matter of course. But the whole disposition and division also rest on the Heidelberg Catechism, and are so carried out as to omit none of i^s more pithy and choice questions. The changes rendered necessary by the incorporation of the leading, points of Luther's Catechism, and by the stand-point of the j Union, or the advanced development of theology, as ^vell as the modifications required on other grounds, have been I made with conscientious care; and the language, which both in the Heidelberg Catecliism and in that of Luther is so distinguished for its truly popular and solid force, has been with sparing hand subjected to alteration, only in those places where it seemed to be absolutely needed. Every unprejudiced person — so we trust — wdll allow that' in this book the Heidelberg Catechism in the main is re- newed and restored to life again for its native land, as far \ as the idea of its organic interfusion with the Lutheran and our whole present church state could in any way possibly permit. The result of this Catechism has been, thus far, all that could be wished. Its introduction took place without dif- ficulty; and it may be particularly mentioned that older people in the Palatinate w^ere sensibly affected when they ao-ain heard the well-remembered w^ords which they had learned in their youth, on the "only comfort in life and in death." Abroad, the book was not only very favorably received in a literary view, as by iSTitzsch, for instance, in an extended notice,* but it has already made a conquest also in the ecclesiastical world of which we may be sincerely glad. In our kindred, though in many respects also more i advanced, Church of Prussia on the Rhine, it was received * Deutsche Zeitscbrift. Jahrg. 1857, pp. 5 ff. 150 HISTORY OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. first among the manuals whose use was held to be under church sanction; and when measures were taken after- ward to have a formal Union Catechism prepared for the province, it was used as the basis for this new formulary, which differs from ours now, accordingly, in no material respect.* With all this, the new Catechism will not fail to meet opposition in coming years, to which existing relations also may be expected to give additional force. Then will the Union itself, however, be put to the test in the Church of Baden. It will appear how much of positive Christianity and church life it is able to carry and preserve, and whe- ther, if found wanting iu such view, it can be still in any way maintained. But, in any event, the Catechism has at least found a place of preservation in the Church of the Rhine, which, if God will, shall remain sure. * See Muhlhausser, as before, pp. 351 and 368. P 151 A BRIEF HISTORY OP THE HEIDELBEECx CATECHISM IN THE NETHERLANDS. By dr. G. I). J. SCHOTEL, KNIGHT OF TUB XETIIERLAND ORDER OF THE LION, IN LEYDEN, HOLLAND. Tra.vsl.4Ted uy H. Harbaugh, D.D., Lebasox, Pa. A BRIEF HISTORY HEIDELBERG CATECHISM IN THE NETHERLANDS. KNIGHT OP THE NETHBRLANS ORDER OP THE HON, IN LEYDEN HOLLAND. Translated by II. IIarbaugh, D.D. I VENTURE to furnisli a brief sketch of the history of a book which deserves to be regarded as one of the most re- markable productions of the human spirit to be found in the whole history of Christian literature. E"o book has exerted a more important influence upon the fortunes of whole kingdoms and nations. It was the basis of freedom to re- spectable ecclesiastical confederacies, — a leader and guide under the fiercest persecutions, — a source of consolation and encouragement in prisons, on scaftblds, and in the midst of martyr-fires. It was a book most highly prized for reading and instruction in private and public assemblies, in schools and families. Violently assailed, but manfully defended, it maintained its ground amid all the revolutions of states. It was translated into almost all ancient and modern languages, poetically rendered into verse, repub- lished in countless editions, explained, paraphrased, am- plified and regarded by thousands as the "crown of the Holy Scripture," as the "portal to the knowledge of God," as a "gift of God," as a "fountain of living water;" whilst some also pronounced its authors "men who, like the apos- tles, had been filled with the Holy Ghost." This book is called the Palatinate or Heidelberg Catechism^ after its fatherland the Talatiiiate, and its birthplace 155 A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE Heidelberg. The Palatinate, so rich, in memories for the Netherlands, gave a hospitable reception to thousands who had escaped the wrath of the Inquisition and the hands of the bloodthirsty Duke of Alba. In like manner did its Prince Palatine, with his family, for many years find friendly shelter and a safe asylum in the Netherlands. Heidelberg with its University was the cradle and nursery, the nurse and instructress, of that long list of worthy men who stood forth in our fatherland as preachers of the gospel ; and their emigrated and banished professors, ministers, and citizens, during the Thirty Years' War, also found homes, protection, and nourishment in the Nether- lands. At almost the same moment when the light of the Re- formation was kindled in Germany, it could also be seen to dawn forth in the Netherlands ; and those who longed for the spiritual morning of the new life — v/hether that long- ing had been awakened by the reading of the mystic and ascetic writings of that day, or through the study of the Holy Scriptures — greeted it with inexpressible joy. When the Reformers had published their ideas concerning doc- trine and life, and their works had been distributed by thousands even in the Netherlands, others also opened their eyes to the light, and fraternal assemblies began to be held, where they mutually encouraged, edified, and com- forted one another as thoss storms were approaching which already raged over Germany, and naw also began to threaten the fatherland. What in Germany the Emperor was not able to accom- plish, that the Duke and Count attempted in his Netherland States, — to smother in the germ the seed which had just been scattered, forcibly to destroy with the sword and con- sume with the flames the rising heresies. But in vain. As the phoenix from his ashes, there arose from every funeral- pyre, and every stream of blood, new confessors; and hun- dreds forsook kindred and friends and all they possessed, to seek liberty of conscience in Germany and England; 156 HEIDELBERG CATECHISM IN THE NETHERLANDS. and when Philip began to swing his bloody scourge, when the Inquisition had instituted its bloody tribunal, when spies crept through the land to betray and arraign, when the sword was stained still more deeply with blood, the flames began to burn more fiercely, and the graves opened still more wide to swallow up the living, those who had already left their fatherland were followed by hundreds of thousands more; and not only in London, but also in Eraden, Bentheim, Dantzic, Ilauau, St. Lambert, Frankfort, Schonau, Cleves, Cologne, Neuss, Stade, Aachen, Ham- burg, Goch, Buderich, "Wesel, Embden, Denlaken, Emme- rich, Rees, Gennep, and in other places, congregations of Netherland refugees were established. To these thousands belonged a man who has for three hundred years been by some deeply despised, and by others extravagantly praised, Peter Dathenus, whom we recognize as a man who was ardent but not always judi- cious,, zealous but not always cautious, learned but not always wise. He was born at Cassel, in Belgium, early became a monk, and entered the convent of the Carmelites atYpern. Havingbecome acquainted with the doctrines of the Reformation, and much interested in them, he soon left his convent and went to London, where he established himself as book-publisher. Here, coming in contact with the most prominent leaders of the Reformation, he burned with zeal to dedicate his powers to the advancement of the great cause, and hence devoted himself to the ministry. Com- pelled after the death of Edward to leave England, he roved about in Germany, and was at length located as minister at Fraukfort-on-the-Main. When the Netherland refugees were there also deprived of religious freedom, ^ presented himself before Frederick HI. of the Palatinate, who took him under his protection, showing him many favors, especially in this, that he vacated for the scattered Netherlanders the old convent of Frankenthal, at Worms, that they might locate there and without molestation enjoy their worship in the Netherland language. 167 A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE Peter Dathenus was the minister and tlie soul of this new congregation, which daily increased in numbers. This congregation was conducted according to the Church Agenda which De Lasky had prepared in England, which John Untenhoven had translated into the Dutch language, and according to the extracts made from it by Martin Mi- cronius or Martin Klein. In their religious instruction they used, besides the large Catechism of De Lasky, also the small Catechism of Micronius ; and in the brief exami- nation into the faith of those who intended to approach the Lord's Supper, they used an extract from the small Cate- chism of Micronius. But when the Liturgy and Catechism of the Palatinate were introduced, the congregation at Frankenthal also received them ; and it is likely that they used the edition of this Catechism which had appeared in Emden in 1563, to which were added some forms of prayer. Some ascribe this translation to Dathenus, but without sufficient ground. Perhaps he may have made use of the Emden translation, which did not materially diiFer from his own ; perhaps he improved that translation. However this may be, the translation made by him appeared in 1566, which, with the exception of unimportant changes in single words, is entirely the same which is still in use in the Re- formed Church of the ISTctherlands. This translation is, however, far less successful than the Latin, and later the idea was entertained of perfecting a new one ; but no one ventured to assume this labor, perhaps from reverence for the symbolical character which the translation of Dathenus had attained, and from fear that the work, while it might be appreciated by a few, would, on account of attach- i^nt to the old, be rejected by the majority. Not all the Reformed congregations in Germany followed the example of Frankenthal ; and in EastFriesland the Catechism of De Lasky, or the so-called Catechism of the country, could never be supplanted by the Heidelberg Catechism. The most of the congregations in the Netherlands intro- duced it at once, especially as it was included at the end 158 HEIDELBERG CATECHISM IN THE NETHERLANDS. of the translation of tlic Bible, after the New Testament,' and the Psalms rendered into metre by Dathenus, in the same way as the Catechism of Calvin in the Walloon churches of the Netherlands; that having the metrical Psalms of Marot and Bcza appended. To this must be added the fact, that the largest number of the ministers, even when they had not been educated at the Heidelberg Uni- versity, had still spent a longer or shorter time in Heidel- berg, and many of them stood in intimate friendly relations with the theologians of the Palatinate. Still, in the beginning of the Reformation the congrega- tions were not bound to make use of the Heidelberg Cate- chism. The Synod of "Wesel, 1568, and of Emden, 1570, althoufifh, throu<>:h the influence of Netherland theolo^-ians, they urgently recommended it, nevertheless allowed the congregations in this respect full liberty. The Synod of Dordrecht, 1574, believing that the unity of the Reformed could be promoted through this book of instruction, enjoined the introduction of it in all churches and schools of the Netherlands, — a resolution which was soon after confirmed, on their solicitation, by a decree of the Prince of Orange, and the States-General. The following Synods at Dordrecht, 1578, and at Mid- delburg, 1581, passed a resolution of the same import ; and the National Synod at the Hague, 1586, expressly decreed that the ministers every^vhere should explain briefly the Heidelberg Catechism in the afternoon service in such a way as to get through it once every year. Thus, accord- ingly, the Catechism was firmly planted on an ecclesiastical and civil foundation, and, with the exception of Gouda, everywhere introduced in churches and schools. At first, subscription to the Catechism was not thought of. This was first done in consequence of a resolution of the Synod at the Hague in 1586, which resolution was reiterated by the Synod at Middelburg, 1591, and was gradually en- dorsed by the remaining provinces. This was, however, done with great lack of uniformity, and it not unfrequently met 159 A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE witli opposition ; yea, in some places the subscription does not seem to have at all been consummated. Before the close of the sixteenth century, there were men in the Reformed Church of the Netherlands who could not agree with several doctrines of the Heidelberg Cate- chism, as Tyes Sybrantsz, at first minister in the St. Jacob's Church in Utrecht, and later in Meudenblik; Casper Yansz Coolhaes, minister in Leyden ; Hermann Herberts, minister in Dordrecht and Gouda; DerokVolck- ertsz Coornhert, a noted author and poet; Cornelius Wig- gertsz, minister in Hoorn ; and James Arminius, professor in Leyden. By their teaching and writing they wrought great confusion in the Church. Ardent was the war of the pen. It rained controversial pamphlets, in which different parties defended their views. In vain did the Government attempt to reconcile the contending parties. At last it was concluded to submit the controversy to a National Synod, which was accordingly held in Dordrecht in 1618-19. It condemned the Remonstrants or Arminians, declared the Catechism to be a symbolical book agreeing with the word of God, and enjoined that all ministers, professors of theology, and instructors of youth, should subscribe it. Herewith the Heidelberg Catechism had reached the highest honor which a human production can attain. It was sanctioned by the representatives of the entire Re- formed Church, covered over with words of praise, and declared to be a symbolical book; which declaration was at that time confirmed by the sovereign of the land, in 1651 by the State Assembly, and anew in 1694. How com- pletely the iSTetherlanders were taken up with this book may be seen from the many hearty eulogies preserved in count- less writings, and which are often in such measure extrava- gant that even the Palatine theologians had to acknow- ledge that the Netherlanders exceeded them by far in reverence for their Catechism. They spoke of it as a work divinely inspired by the Holy Ghost, and regarded it as having the same authority as the Holy Scriptures. "In the 160 HEIDELBERG CATECHISM IN THE NETHERLANDS. Heidelberg Catecliism," they said, "is contained the com- plete divine doctrine in a small compass ; the Holy Scrip- tures is a rule and standard of doctrine in so far as it is explained in the sense set forth in the Catechism; the Holy Scriptures must be interpreted according to the direction of the Heidelberg Catechism." All such-like declarations, which we might increase to hundreds, cer- tainly proceeded from ministers of the Reformed Church, but are not declarations of the Church; nor was it the most noted and learned ministers that thus expressed themselves; but these eulogies for the most part dropped from the lips or escaped from the pen in the heat of con- trovers}^ The States-General called it only a platform of unity, which is to be understood and explained according to the contents of the Divine Scriptures, with which also it would be found in full agreement. So thought also Ameseus, Yoetius, Maresius, Brakel, Smytegelt, Lampe, D'Outrein; yea, all expounders of this book. "The Cate- chism," said they, "is by no means to be regarded equal in value with the Divine Word." " IVe do not hold the Cate- chism as a rule according to which the instruction must regulate itself, for in this light we regard only the Holy Scriptures. It is an empty fear that the Catechism may ever be regarded as a canonical book; for from the pulpit, and even in the Catechism itself, we are taught otherwise." During the sixteenth century the Remonstrants still warred against the Catechism, and ministers also arose in the bosom of the Reformed Church who declared them- selves opposed to some of its doctrines. To the first* belonged Hugo Grotius and Batelier. Grotius, in two of his publications, expressed himself unfavorably toward the Catechism, but was answered as he deserved by Andrew Rivet; whilst Batelier entered into an ardent pen-contro- versy with A^oetius. Episcopius, also, and Abraham Hey- danus mixed in with the strife. Among those in the bosom of the Reformed Church who set themselves in opposition to the Catechism were Adrian us Coerbach, 161 A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE Baltliaser Bekker, a Cartesian and minister in Franeker, and Ponliaan van Hattem. Bekker was — some think un- justly— charged with teaching false doctrine in his book of Instruction on the Catechism; and Van Hattem was arraigned on account of his Spinozian views expressed in his Treatise on the Catechism, and deposed. Very numerous are the editions of the Catechisms issued in the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The first were printed in Emden, Frankenthal, Ronean, Norwich, and London, and introduced secretly, — and also in the Netherlands, but these appeared without the name of the printer or the place where issued. Thus, for instance, it was published by Herman Schenckel in Delft, 1567, who was in the following year punished by death. The first one who ventured to place his name on the title-page was John Paekts, printer, in Ley den. In the oldest editions there is no variation in the general features. It may, however, be observed that in the revi- sions sometimes the German, sometimes the Latin, edition was followed; and, since the German editions of the Cate- chism vary in the texts, it is not a matter of surprise that these are also found in the Netherland translations. There appeared in Antwerp, 1580, an improved edition of the translation of Dathenus provided with new proof-texts, and enlarged by the addition of the Psalms rendered into metre by Marnix of Aldegonde, This edition was prepared by Casper van der Heyden or Heydanus, one of the most remarkable men on the arena of the Church in the six- teenth century, — a man of extensive biblical knowledge and approved piety. This edition is followed in all subse- quent reprints. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries there was no want of commentaries on the Catechism. The oldest, and those always very highly esteemed, are the Exegemeta sive Commentaria in Catechisie Religiones Christiance,^ first published * By Jeremiah Bastinging, minister in Antwerp and Dordrecht. 162 HEIDELBERG CATECHISM IN THE NETHERLANDS. in 1588, afterward also in 1590, and translated into the Netherland lang-uage by Henry van dcr Corput, minister in Dordrecht. This Exegemeta was followed later by the Commentaries of Philip Lansbergen, earlier minister at Antwerp and at Goes; Henry Willemsz Brandt; Rnardus Aeronius, minister in Schiedam ; Sybrandus Lubberti, pro- fessor in Franeker; John Becius, minister in Dordrecht; John Beildsnyder; John Cocccjns, professor in Leyden; Henry van Dicst, professor in Deventer; Antonius Hulsius, professor in Leyden; Melchior Leydekker, professor in Utrecht; John Martinius, and Christianus Schotanus, pro- fessor in Franeker. All these were written in Latin ; whilst Amielius Calemborg, George de Mey, Balthasar Bekker, Pontiaan van Hattem, and other ministers, pub- lished explanations of the Catechism in the ISTetherland language. Festus Homminus, professor in Leyden, also published a translation of the Commentary of Ursinus. Later, this translation, with appendices by John Speljardus, was reissued; it was finally, in 1726, again published, in an improved and enlarged form, by John van der Honert, professor in Leyden. Great is the number of Sermons on the Catechism which have appeared, both in the Latin and ISTetherlaud language, many of which have been a great many times republished. Worthy of notice are those of Emilius van Calemborg, Floris de Bruin, Cornelius Gentman, Henry Groenwegen, and especially those of David Knobbe, minister in Leyden, Peter van Hagen, minister in Amsterdam, Franciscus lied- derus, minister in Rotterdam, Casparus Sibelius, minister in Deventer. They were, with some exceptions, for the most part more adapted to make the public acquainted with the various doctrinal views of the Reformed Church than with the doctrine of the gospel, and were in general dry, sterile, scholastic discussions. Their authors were especi- ally unwearied in endeavors to defend the Reformed doc- trine against all earlier and later heretics ; and the same was also done in the numerous books of Listruction in the 163 A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE Catechism wliicli at tiiat time appeared. They wished to make the children early acquainted with the various views of the Arians, Pelagians, Catholics, Remonstrants, Mennonites, Lutherans, Hattemites, and others, and place them in a condition to answer them. After the Voetician and Coccejian controversies had created confusion in the churches, and the minister party was attacked, the books of instruction, as also the sermons, were written either in a Voetician or a Coccejian spirit. In the Latin schools the Latin translations of Beza and Pithopreus were used; and in the Greek schools the Greek translation made in 1648, by order of the States, and also that of Sylburgius, were in use. Thus, in the seventeenth century the Catechism was the only book of instruction in church, school, and family. 'No village was so small, no farm so remote, that it did not find entrance to it. It was to be found in every manner of form, at the end of all Bibles and Psalm-books; and whoever wished could obtain it, explained, paraphrased, confirmed, with or without marginal notes, in full and abridged, and in every known language. But not only in the mother-country was it the only reli- gious book of instruction (all others were enlargements, paraphrijKses, explanations, and compendiums of the Cate- chism), but also in transmarine colonies no other was known ; and the ministers were careful that it should be translated into the languages of the countries which ac- knowledged the sovereignty of the States-General. In this way it was translated into the Arabian tongue by Professor Jacob Golius, who also had the book printed at his own expense. William Konyn translated it into the Senegalian language; Sebastian Danokaerts, minister in Amboyna, and Georgius Henricus Werndly, into the Malayian, and others into the Greek language. Cornelius Coons also translated it into English, and Martin into French, for use in schools. Truly could one of our poets say, "It was understood in all languages." 164 HEIDELBERG CATECHISM IN THE NETHERLANDS, Yea, it was not only translated into all languages, but a number of times rendered into verse, and sung. In this way was it rendered in Latin by Franciscus Plante, and in the ITetherland language by Samuel Ampfing John Dake- rius, John Bagelaar, Constantia Eusebia, Andrew Anduer- sen, Peter van Gand, and others: even as late as the close of the last century it was rendered into rhyme by Peter Francis Ilalma, and Jonas Andrew Repelaer, in the same language. But never did the Heidelberg Catechism see a more glorious period than during the first half of the eighteenth century. To no one was the care of a congregation or the instruction of youth intrusted until he had first, by the subscription of his own name, acknowledged its authority as a symbolical book. There was no instruction imparted wherein it was not explained, no church in which sermons on it were not preached, no school in which it was not used for instruction, no family in which it was not com- mitted to memory. Scholars and poets, ministers and teachers, vied with each other in expanding it, abridging it, writing books of which it was either the basis or the guide. No work written upon it was allowed to be published which had not first been ecclesiastically approved. There was no Netherlander, from the head of the Republic down to the humblest day-laborer, who was not required publicly to declare that the doctrines of this book agree with the word of God, and that it comprehends every thing that is neces- sary unto salvation, before he could be received as a mem- ber of the Church. He that did not agree with its teach- ings, and in accordance with them enter the Church, could neither hold office nor position in the State. Yea, it was at one time made a subject for consideration in the States- General whether it was not highly necessary to refuse all applications for offices, even those in villages the duties of which are discharged only on the public street, from all those who had not publicly professed the Reformed faith; and the children of the Catholics, if they did not wish to be 165 A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE excluded from the public instruction, bad, like all others, to commit the Heidelberg Catechism to memory. Thus Avas the Catechism adhered to, if possible, more firmly than ever. It was regarded "as the richest legacy of the forefathers;" "with it would stand or fall the Church of the iSTetherlands." "Woe to him who ventured to attack it, or preach a doe- trine which deviated from that of Ursinus, or from the Church in which it was received ! Then it became appa- rent that the blood of the forefathers still rushed fiery through their veins, and that in the matter of intolerance they had not yet degenerated from the spirit of those who had gone before. This Avas experienced by Bekker and Van Iluttem, Becius, the ITebraens (Hebreen), the Shorists, and whatever other names they bore, — the heretics of the seventeenth and beginning of the eighteenth century. This, too, Venema, Van der Os, Van der Marck, Klunau, Ten Sage, Ten Broek, and many others, were to experience later. But the ecclesiastical proceedings which were conducted against them show that there was yet many a one who from abhorrence to blind ecclesiastical faith con- tended for tolerance and freedom of speech; for Ten Broek, Ullman, Van der Marck, and Venema did not stand alone, but found strong confederates among the most learned and renowned men of their time ; and how many there were who were prepar.ed, though not alwaj's actively, to fall upon and destroy the sickly mysticism which began to appear daily more visibly, and here and there grew into a perfect fury, is shown by the process against Schortinghuis, and the E^ykirkisch disturbances, "We would too far transcend the limits allowed us, should we attempt to enter upon a circumstantial consideration of the ecclesiastical discussions which prevailed during the eighteenth century in regard to some doctrines of the Hei- delberg Catechism. They related, namely, to the Sabbath, the satisfaction of Christ for all sinners, the Lord's Supper, our natural proneness to hate God and our neighbor, and 166 HEIDELBERG CATECHISM IN THE NETHERLANDS. J were carried forward with that ardor which characterized all ecclesiastical controversies in the ^Netherlands. Whilst these and other dissensions created confusion in the Churches, and it rained anew controversial and uncha- ritable pamphlets, some moderate theologians were engaged in publishing sermons and commentaries on the Catechism, which were, it is true, more tolerant than those of the seventeenth century, but still largely partook of a contro- versial character, of the nature of apologies for the Re- formed system of doctrine, and Avritten in the Voetician or Coccejian spirit. Among the sermons on the Catechism which in this period are favorably distinguished may be mentioned those of Bernard Smytegelt, minister in Middelburg, and those of John van der Kemp, minister in Dirksland. Both are highly practical, have b^en very frequently republished, and are still read among the people, especially those of Van der Kemp. The other collections of sermons were nearly all written in the Voetician or Coccejian spirit, vanished soon after their appearance, had but few readers, and never became generally known. The catalogue of these writings is very large, and our space does not allow us to speak of them. We may mention D'Outrein, Kocher, and Van Alpen. Favorable mention, on account of the practical tendency of their catechetical writings, may be made of Matthew Oargon, minister in Vliessingen, Simon Molenaar, minister in Vlaerdingen, John .D'Outrein, minister in Dordrecht and Amsterdam, Justus Vermeer, and of the Professors Her- mann Alexander Roell, John van der Honert, and Albert iSchulteus. Among the commentators of the Heidelberg Catechism in the eighteenth century, the first rank belongs to the moderate Coccejian minister John D'Outrein, a pupil of Vitringa, Professor at Franeker. After the example of his renowned teacher, he sought to effect a desirable change in the mode of preaching as it then prevailed, and, instead of the dry, sterile, pointless, emotionless, and taste- Q 167 A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE S less preacliiEg, which was full of learning but without ap- plication, he sought to bring upon the pulpit the pure truths of the gospel, and to enforce the practice of true piety. One of his works* was translated into the French, English, German, Portuguese, and Malay languages ; others were at ^-arious times republished. His catechetical work with the title: Ilet Goude Klcinood van de Leer dcr Waarheid, die naar die Godsaligheit is, vervaitci in den Ilelddb. Catcch. nader uitge- breidt, apgeheldert en hetragt, was also nine times reprinted, translated into German, by renowned poets celebrated in verses, and by his cotemporarics praised to the skies. I nowhere find that this commentary met with any opposi- tion in Holland, but that the German translation prepared by Frederick Adolpli Lampe, professor in Utrecht, was violently assailed by Esdr. Henr. Edsardus, of Haraburg,t chiefly on account of one word which had evidently been a misprint crept into the text through the carelessness of the translator. How highly this work was prized in Germany may be learned from the testimonies drawn from the Heidelberg Catechism, and D'Outrein's Commentary on that Cate- chism, in regard to some doctrinal views of the German Evangelical Protestant Church in general, and in regard to the proposed reformation of their cultus by the General Synod of Baden in the year 1843 in particular, presented for the hearty consideration of the clerical members of the Diocesan Synods of Baden assembling in the year 1846, by John Hormuth, Evangelical Protestant minister in Altlass- heim. The compiler, taking the best Holland edition of John D'Outrein (that of 1770), compares his explanations of doctrinal points with the documents which formed the original articles of the Baden Union, and shows how much these last deviate from the Confessional books and the teachings of the Reformed Church, and that they are com- posed in the spirit of the Lutheran Church. In our father- * Korte Schets der Godlyke Waarheden. fBibl. Brem. CI. ii, p. 378. 168 HEIDELBERG CATECHISM IN THE NETHEIILANDS laud the Goude Kleinood itself also belongs to the litc'i'ary history of the Catechism. It is antiquated, and, as it embodies the Coccejian spirit, it is not held in high esti- mation by the orthodox. For a long time, however, it was the hand-book of the earnest Coecejians. The catechetical works of John van der Honert, profes- sor in Leyden, a zealous Coccejian and true champion against the errorists of his time, are less read, and are merely intended for the study of the learned. Besides the Treasure of Ursinus, which we have already mentioned, and a work on the Catechism, he also wrote a Preface to the JSTetherland translation of Johanu Rodolplms Rodolphi Oiicchesis Palatina in usum audiiorii sui illustrata. The Explicaiio Qitechesis Ilcidelb. of Herman Alexander Roell did not meet the general expectation based upon his fame for great learning. It is confused, obscure, and in- complete. Better are the Lucubrationcs in Catechismiim Pala- tlnwn of Peter van der Hoeke, and the Didata of Professor Albert Schulteus, translated by John Bazeuth, minister in Dordrecht. In the eighteenth century the Heidelberg Catechism still continued to be used as a book of instruction in schools, and no less large than in the seventeenth century was the number of little books prepared according to the scheme of the Catechism, and published for the young. Religious instruction was, nevertheless, in a sorrowful condition, and for the most part was left in the hands of the school- teachers. The children learned little beside the dogmas ,of the Church, and those in their controversial aspects, but not the least in regard to morals. At the close of the eighteenth century a commencement was made to bring about an improvement in religious in- struction. Books of instruction were published which did not only contain the doctrine of faith, but also the princi- ples of morals, and that were at the same time adapted to serve the purpose of imparting instruction in biblical his- tory, which had been so long neglected in the schools. 169 A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE The events which followed on each other in wonderfully quick succession, — the misery which the revolution of 1795 brouo-ht in its train, and which affected also our father- land,—the oppressive chains which were laid upon civil and moral liherty,— the heavy offerings of property and blood which were repeatedly demanded, filled all hearts to such a degree that room was left for no other thoughts than those pertaining to the misery of the fatherland and their own personal tribulations, and all other interests had to vanish before those of the present moment. What a host of writings on tolerance and brotherly love could not effect was brought about by the common sorrow,— frater- nal union. Tlie controversies which for years had wrought confusion in Church and State were forgotten, and when here and there a faint echo of them was still heard, it soon died away. Opinions and utterances which before had set the Church in fire and flame, and were condemned by ecclesiastical tribunals, were not even noticed,— or were heard, discussed, and answered with forbearance. The wall of partition which had been erected between the different ecclesiastical parties tottered, and gradually fell to pieces. Even toward the Roman Catholics was the brotherly hand extended; and when the controversial points were still touched on in the handling of the Catechism, it was no longer done in the spirit of the luthers. After the restora- tion in 1813, tolerance was the key-note in all that was discussed and resolved upon by the prince and his coun- ' sellors. It held the first place in the assemblies of the nobles, and in the convention which met to organize the ecclesiastical interests which had been thrown into con- fusion by the French supremacy when the Church lost its indepcndf.nce, and it shone forth in the new Constitution, by which the old was renewed to suit the spirit of the times, but in which especially the State was granted more influence over the Church than was before the case. By this Constitution the symbols of the Netherland Church were not set aside ; even the preaching on the ) 170 HEIDELBERG CATECHISM IN THE NETHERLANDS. [ Heidelberg Catechism was prescribed, and subscription to it required. This, however, was not done by professors of theology, rectors, and other teachers, as previous to 1795, but only by those who, after having stood an examination, were admitted into the office of the public ministry. These were not required to subscribe themselves in the way of promise that they would preach the doctrine of the confes- sion of faith, the Heidelberg Catechism, and the canons of the Synod of Dordrecht, explain them faithfully, and de- clare that these in all points agree with God's word, but only that the doctrines which agreeably to the word of God are comprehended in the received formularies by unani- mity of the Netherland Reformed Church, were by them sincerely received and heartily believed, that they would faithfully teach and advance them, and that they confirm this by the subscription of their names. In the year 1835, when the Separatistic disturbances aroused the Church from its deep sleep, it was discovered (was it intentional, or accidental ?) that there is an ambiguity in the expression " agreeably to the word of God;" and one explained this expression so as to mean that they believed the doctrines and the formularies because they [quia)^ the other in so far as they (quaienas), the third as those which (quippe), agree with the word of God ; and when the Synod was earnestly asked for a definite explanation of the controverted expression, it declared, after careful consider- ation, that it was not its privilege to accede to this re- quest, because such declaration transcended the limits of their privilege. This was merely a plausible pretext; for if the Synod had the right, by royal permission, to amplify or change the Constitution, it also possessed the right to furnish an explanation of several words in an article of the Constitution. The true reason was anxiety for the rest and peace of the Church ; for whatever explanation they might have given, it could only have become the source of bitter disunion. In 1841 the applicants went further, and asked for the abrogation of the new and the restoration of 171 A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE the old subscription formulary, adopted in 1618-19. The Synod declined satisfying this request, but now gave a more definite explanation of the subscription formulary : "that it was not suiRcient to adhere to this or that truth contained in the formulary-article, but that in general the doctrines prescribed therein, as they, according to their sub- stance and spirit, constitute the substance and principal contents of the Reformed Confession of Faith, are to be received by the ministers of the Reformed Church." Here it remained; and the theologice candidaii still subscribe the formulary prescribed in 1816, without definitely knowing to what it obligates them, whilst the Separatists subscribe the old one prescribed by the Synod of Dordrecht, in which the doctrinal formularies are explained as agreeing with the word of God. The Catechism in the ^Netherlands, as before the new,| organization, was still explained from the pulpit on Sunday ^ afternoon ; but soon complaints were heard here and there that the catechetical sermons were poorly attended. Some attributed this to the Catechism itself, which, as it was thought, the congregation did not wish any more to hear; but the Synod properly judged that this evil lay rather at the door of the ministers and their handling of the Cate- chism in the pulpit, and admonished them to exercise more care in their catechetical sermons. Since then nearly thirty years have passed, during which this matter of the Catechism has not been mentioned either by the congrega- tion, the Consistory, or the Synod. The congregation went on attending upon the catechetical sermons more or less regularly according as they were conducted; the Synod continued to exercise care that they were regularly held, till in 1861 it came to the conclusion that the obligation to hold the catechetical sermons did no longer exist, and > resolved to leave it to the free choice of the ministers ^ whether they would preach on the Catechism or not. This, however, created opposition in such measure that Synod 172 HEIDELBERG CATECHISM IN THE NETHERLANDS. was necessitated the following year to recall this resolution, and anew to make the catechetical sermons obligatoiy. In the Netherlands, sermons on the Catechism are preached to this day. Some explain it word for word; others take the questions as motto, and preach in a free way upon the truth contained in them. Explanations and sermons on the Catechism are also still published. Toward the end of the eighteenth, and in the nine- teenth century, appeared the Commentaries of H. Ferre, C. Brinkman, Bartholomew Outboter, minister in Wonbrass'c, John Carel Salier, professor in S. Hertogenbosch, Peter Cartenius, professor in Amsterdam, of which the last- named especially is still hckl in high estimation by the Separatists; further, those of Gerard Benthen Reddingen, minister in Arsen, F. Liefsting, minister in Rauwcrd and Ecrnsun, T. van der Linden, minister in Kantus, S. II. Koorders, minister in Maarsen ; also the Guides of Red- dingen, of Maslin, minister in Bern, and the catechetical sketches of Scheffer, minister in Leyden, were used by the ministers in the preparation of their sermons on the Cate- chism. As a general thing, the Catechism was very highly prized in our fatherland by the Orthodox; and the Liberals, although they did not fully agree with its teach- ings, still regarded it as a venerable memorial of the hoary past.* * See Geschiedenis van den Oorsprong, de Invoering, en Lotgevallen vaa den Heidelbergschen Katecbismus, door G. D. F. Schotel, Phil. Theol. Mag. Litt., Doctor, uistend predikant van Tillburg te Leyden, Ridde van der Nederl. Leeuw. Amsterdam, by W. H. Kerberger, 1863. 374 Bladzyde. 173 FREDERICK III. ELECTOR OF THE PALATINATE. By B. S. SCHNECK, D.D., CIIAMBERSBURG, PA. FREDERICK III., ELECTOR OF THE PALATINATE. ig §. §». gc^ntth, §.§., Cbambtrsburg, |a. INTRODUCTION. Among tlie "spoils" whicli the spirit of ancient prophecy promised to the Redeemer, belong also the " great" and the " strong" (Isa. liii. 12). And at no time do we behold 80 large a portion of this class becoming decided disciples of Jesus as during the pentecostal da^-s of the Eeformation. After a long period of night and gloom, the clear, bright sunlight of the blessed gospel arose with cheering beams upon Germany, and a new day dawned in the history of Christ's kingdom on earth. It was then, under the movings of the Si3irit of the Lord, that children were really born unto Ilim like the " dew of the morning." And among these "children" there were those who were among the "great" and the "strong" of the earth. A line of German princes, the best and noblest of that select class, were raised up as guardians and defenders of the lieformation. Accessible as their consciences were to evangelical truth, their hearts were soon favorably inclined, and the positions which they occupied enabled them to operate eifectively against the opposing influences of the Emperor, Charles V. Germany had long ceased to be a political unit, such as it was in the days of Frederick Barbarossa. It was cut up into a number of separate governments; and the princes had already come into possession of considerable inde- pendent power, which in certain circumstances they could bring to bear against the Emperor himself. Hence we 177 FREDERICK III. behold in the history of the Reformation this interesting, and in its way singular, spectacle: on the one hand an Emperor, a decided opponent of the Reformation, who left no effort untried to crush out Protestantism; and on the other an array of German princes, faithful friends, strong protectors, and zealous guardians of the Reformation, ready to introduce it and further its progress in their dominions to the utmost, in spite of all expostulations and threats from Emperor or Pope. In glancing at these evangelical princes of the Reforma- tion-period more in detail, we behold a galaxy of mag- nificent and most engaging characters. Look, for instance, upon those three princes of Saxony:— the noble, the univer- sally esteemed, the sagacious and conscientious Frederick the Wise (148G-1525), the earliest protector of Luther in the darkest days of his trials ; next, John, surnamed the Constant, the brother of Frederick (1525-32), who, with the living faith and firmness of the Christian, remained true to the cause of the Reformation till his death, and was instru- mental in accomplishing a great work by establishing, as well as disseminating, the pure gospel in his dominions; and, finally, the gentle and devotedly pious John Frederick, who became a martyr of the Reformation after the battle of Miihlberg, in 1547, bearing the terrible calamity in the spirit of the primitive confessors. And then, turning your eye away from these Saxon princes, you behold at their side the imposing figure of the impetuous and energetic Landgrave Philip of Hesse, with heart and soul wrapped up in the Reformation, not only forthwith introducing it into his own country (1526), but by his political sagacity and dexterity laboring with mio-ht and main to obtain for it political existence and acknowledgment elsewhere, in order that a foothold might be secured to the renovated Church in the future. Take a glance at another picture. It rises up before you from the more southerly portion of Germany. It is a prince, also, and, mentally and morally, head and shoul- 178 ELECTOR OF THE PALATINATE. ders taller than his predecessors. For he is not only, like these, a protector and promoter of the Reformation, nor merely its witness and representative before the Em- peror and the world, but he is himself a Reformer, richl}'- endowed with all the attributes of head and heart for so important a mission. It is Prince Frederick Til. of the Palatinate. "What those Saxon princes and that young prince of Hesse were to the young Lutheran Church, that, and much more, Frederick III. became to the JReformed Church. He is not merely a protector and promoter, nay, he is the founder, of the Reformed Church in Germany, and as such his form looms up before us in grave and exalted proportions. So pure and true, so eminently devout, and so fully animated by the Spirit of Jesus Christ is he, that scarcely any one of those Lutheran princes can be regarded as his equal. The confessional position on which the Reformed Church stands at this day was not eliminated and prepared by others for him. On the contrary, he was personally active and aided in the work llimself, and then defended it, in 1566, before the assembled princes of the Empire, with an assurance of faith and a Christian heroism that not only challenge our admiration, but force on the mind the con- viction that he was indeed a star of the first magnitude and of the brightest lustre in the constellation of Christian confessors. And now that the Reformed Church in the New and in the Old World gives expression to her joy, as she does this day by her Tercentenary Festival, and in view of the elevated and sweetly evangelical doctrinal position of the Heidelberg Catechism, remembering what a treasure was committed to her three centuries ago, she is simply fulfil- ling a debt of gratitude and filial love by remembering in this connection Frederick IH., through whom, by God's favoring mercy, that venerable symbol to which she adheres with unswerving devotion was called into being. 179 FREDERICK III., n. FREDERICK III. TO THE BEGINNING OP HIS REIGN. Frederick III., surnamed the Pious, was born in Sim- mern in 1515. The possessions of his father. Count Pala- tine John 11., La}^ westward from the central province of the Khine, between the IsTeuse and Moselle. In addi- tion to the beautiful valleys between these streams, he possessed a large portion of the picturesque mountains of that region. His son Frederick was, as a matter of course, educated in the Roman Catholic faith, to which the father was zealously attached. He received his educa- tion at the courts of the Cardinal of Lorraine, the Bishop of Liege, and the Emperor Charles 11. Amid these sur- roundings not a breath of evangelical air was permitted to be felt, and hence the young count could not fail to give himself up to the only system of faith which was pro- fessed by those in whose society he moved. God had endowed him with high and noble qualities both of head and heart, a clear and vigorous understanding, a sound judgment, and great moral earnestness. His conscience was as active as his head was clear; and, as he had no diffi- culty on the one hand in perceiving the wrong, so he felt it to 1)6 on the other his conscientious duty to protest against it. And hence it may be said that he was a Protestant in his conscience before he was one in his faith. But the Pro- testant conscience was soon followed by a Protestant faith. The young prince had seen, as well in Metz as in Liege, the voluptuous and immoral life of the higher orders of the clergy, and had besides heard the doctrine of "good works" preached up as the sole ground of salvation, ac- cording to the system of the Roman Church. This con- tradiction between the preaching and the practice of the priesthood made him pause, and awakened in his mind the first doubts in regard to the doctrine of the merits of so-called good works. In order to satisfy his mind on ISO ELECTOR OF THE PALATINATE. the subject he had, whilst yet at Liege and the court of Charles V., sought counsel from that eminent evan- gelical preacher, Albert Hardenberg, and the celebrated Re- former of the Netherlands, John de Lasky. From them he received, as it would seem, his first religious impressions, although the circumstances in which he was placed pre- vented him from taking a decided stand at that time. Western Europe was threatened by the Turks. The wild sons of Mohammed swept like a hurricane from the East through Hungary, and threatened the very heart of Chris- tendom in Germany. Then it was that Frederick, obey- ing the loud call to arms, went forth to meet the arch- enemy on the field of battle. And nobly, honorably, did he distinguish himself there. On the successful termination of the war and his safe return he was united in marriaire with the Margravine Maria von Anspach, a pious princess of the Protestant faith. Her example and iuiiuence led him to the final step in favor of the evangelical fiiith. Frederick was then Governor of the Upper Palatinate, that portion of country bordering on the Bohemian forest. His moderate income and the cares of a large family of children, whose training gave him much concern, had the effect to deepen his serious impressions, and to drive him in fervent prayer and supplication to the throiie of his heavenly Father. A most sad and deeply painful family afiliction, which befell him at this time, served a3 an additional means to lead him to seek help and con- solation from God. A beloved son, whilst attempting to cross the Euro, near Bourges, in France, fell into the stream, and was drowned. A young man, seeing the perilous condition of the boy, threw himself into the water for his rescue. But in vain: the young man himself escaped with difficulty a similar death. This calamity, which occurred in 1556, was overruled for good in another way. Between the young man referred to, who in that perilous situation had vowed to God that 181 FREDERIC^ III., if his life were spared he would preach the blessed gospel of Christ in liis own country, and the sorrowing father who wept over his lost boy, a bond of friendship was esta- bhshed never to be broken, and resulted in large blessings to the Reformed Church. That young man was Caspar Olevianus, of Treves, in Germany. lie was then twenty years of age. Shortly after this sudden bereavement of Frederick, his honored father lay on his dying bed. The son had ere this become a decidedly evangelical Christian. Through his unwearied instructions and entreaties, he had succeeded in gaining over the father to clearer views of the evangeli- cal faith. And when the venerable sire departed this life in a living faith in the Lord Jesus, resting with full assur- ance on His merits (1557), his son was called to expe- rience indeed a new source of sorrow, but he was permitted at the same time to rejoice in the death of that father as a fellow-heir of immortal glory and blessedness. After governing for two years the hereditary possessions of his father, Otho Henry, his uncle, dying without issue, Frederick succeeded (1559) to the Electoral throne of the Rhenish Palatinate. He had now attained a vigorous age, and was a man of great knowledge and experience in tem- poral as well as spiritual things. But the best of all was that he was a firm and decided Christian, whose faith had stood well the test of affliction, and who had grown up to the stature of a vigorous disciple, full of joy and hope in his Saviour. From all his antecedents it was reasonable to expect that he would, "as a most benevolent, courteous, and pious prince, endeavor conscientiously to promote the glory of God and the welfare of his subjects to the best of his ability.' 182 ELECTOR OF THE PALATINATE. III. FREDERICK AS A REFORMER. The condition in wliieli Frederick found the Chnrch in the Palatinate was by no means encouraging. It was trembling with commotions, and the aboniinations of ex- cited theological controversy had usurped even the sacred desk. Roman Catholicism had indeed been abolished, but amid the storm of fury which had been conjured up by the fanatical ultra-Lutheran Ilesshus, the tender plant of evan- gelical faith and piety could not thrive. At first Frederick attempted by gentle means to reconcile the contending parties. But when Ilesshus still continued to rave and bluster against the "Zwinglian devil," and when Klebitz paid back his antagonist in the same hard coin, until the feud had become a public scandal, the Elector at once in- terposed, by suspending both belligerents from office and ordering them out of the country. This energetic course on the part of the Elector had indeed an immediate effect so far as the restoration of peace was concerned, but it did not restore the Church from its condition of uncertainty and fluctuation to security and permanence. Three parties existed in the Palatinate Church at the time: the extreme Lutheran, the extreme Calviiiistic, and between these the Melanchthonian party. This last party was anxious to effect a compromise on the points of difference held by the two extreme parties just named. The Elector was necessitated to make a decision in favor of only one of these tendencies, if he wished to do any thing decisively toward the consolidation of the Church. His mind had already been made up to this course, and hence (in 1559) he sent his private secretary, Stephan Zier- ler, with an autograph letter to Melanchthon at Witten- berg, that eminent son of the Palatinate, requesting his views in regard to the organization of the Church and the best means of settling questions at issue. Under date of R 183 FREDERICK III., Nov. 1, 1559, Melanclitlion expressed his views to tlie Elector at length. It was one of the last acts of his life, — he died in April of the following year,— an act by which, m the eventide of his pilgrimage, he rendered the most beautiful tribute of gratitude to thai country in which the sweetest pleasures of his childhood had been enjoyed. The tenor of his counsel in the matter bears the impress of the mild and peaceable spirit of that great and good man, not- withstanding the anathemas which were fulminated against him by those who pretended to be more Lutheran than Luther himself. In regard to the administration of the Lord's Supper, he advised an adherence simply to the words of the apostle (1 Cor. ix. 16): "The bread which we break, and the cup which Ave bless, is it not the com- munion of the body and blood of Jesus Christ?" He fur- ther advised the Elector to adhere to a fixed doctrinal j)osition, and that he should call to his aid, from the Churches of various countries, learned and pious men to take into consideration ques- tions of controversy. The closing portion of this counsel was, indeed, not fol- lowed; but when the Dukes of Gotha and Weimar, both sons-in-law of the Elector, visited him with their Lutheran court-preachers, Morlin and Stossel, in the spring of 1560, and proposed a theological disputation to the Elector, he acceded to the proposition, and the celebrated professor at Heidelberg, Peter Boquin, was chosen to represent the Reformed side. He took the position, that "the true sub- stance of the true body of Christ was indeed received in the sacrament, but not in a corporeal way, nor by all, but alone by believers through faith." Boquin triumphed; for he was on the side of truth. The Elector was more firmly than ever resolved to establish the Reformed doctrine in the Palatinate. After he had thus come to a decision him- self, he lost no time in organizing the Church according to the Reformed doctrinal position. This he did with energy and zeal, and would not allow himself to be moved from his convictions of truth either by the hue and cry of a few 184 ELECTOR OF TUE PALATINATE. Lutheran zealots, or by the letters of Prince John Frederick of Gotha and Duke Christopher of Wiirtemberg. The at- tacks of the former he met with silence and pity ; to the remonstrances of the latter he replied by letters which evinced that he knew full well what he was about, and that he was acting only in obedience to that which he be- lieved and knew to be the truth. As early as the 12th of August, 1560, he issued a proclamation, in which he re- quired every minister to subscribe to the expression of views by Melanchthon. Those who refused were dismissed from oflice, — which was the lot of a considerable number. Their places were supplied by ministers of the Reformed Church, mostly refugees from the Netherlands, France, and the German territories. Among the most distinguished of those newly appointed w^ere Caspar Olevianus and Zacha- rias Ursinus. The former, like Calvin, had studied law. But the vow made amid the waves of the Eure gave a new direction to his after-life. He went to Geneva, and became a pupil of Calvin and a devoted friend of Theodore Beza. William Farel exacted a promise from him that he would preach the gospel in his native city of Treves. In 1559 this promise was redeemed, and with favorable results. An Evangelical Church was founded there, which increased from day to day. At this juncture Archbishop John V. arose, and by force of arms and starvation conquered Treves, banished the Protestants, and cast Olevianus and other prominent leaders of the movement into prison. Only through the earnest efforts of the Elector Frederick and other Protestant princes were they released from their confinement by paying a fine and at once leaving the city. The Elector now called Olevianus, as court-preacher and professor, to Heidelberg. Ursinus was a native of Breslau, in Silesia. He was a warm friend and admirer of Melanch- thon. But on this very account the ultra-Lutherans looked upon him with suspicion. They rendered his life burden- some in his native city, where he held the post of rector in the Elizabethan Gymnasium. For the sake of peace he 185 FREDERICK III., turned his back upon Breslau and went to Zuricli. From here he was called by the Elector to the theological pro- fessorship at Heidelberg. Olevianus and Ursinus soon became the principal organs of the Elector in renovating the Palatinate Church, They stood side by side, like Luther and Melanchthon, one being the complement of the other.. Olevianus, a pupil of Calvin, and withal a practical and energetic man, was not so profoundly learned, but an able preacher, and possess- ing administrative and governing talents of a very high order. Ursinus, a pupil of Melanchthon, was rather un- practical and without any preaching talent, but a close stu- dent, a man of varied stores of knowledge, great clearness of mind, and a good University teacher. The same divine providence which placed Melanchthon by the side of Luther in Wittenberg is visible also in placing Ursinus by the side of Olevianus in Heidelberg. In addition to these two master-spirits, many others were called to Heidelberg, among whom were Emanuel Tremellio, a native of Italy, and Peter Dathenus. More important, however, than these appointments — at least so far as a direct effect upon the iKopk was concerned — was the change which Frederick now undertook in the outward forms of worship. The remains of Romish pecu- liarities were banished, — altars, pictures, crucifixes, and the like. So, too, the sounds of the organ were hushed, and the Latin chants were abolished. Instead of these, German hymns were sung by the whole congregation to the praise of God. If it is objected that Frederick went too far in some of these reforms, in that he seems to have ignored the signifi- cance of art in the kingdom of God, it should not be for- gotten that he was not impervious to the spirit of the age in which he lived, any more than others, but was borne on the flowing tide of opposition against all kinds of images and ceremonial worship. The abhorrence against Catholic "idolatry" led many a sincere Christian heart to the ex- 186 ELECTOR OF THE PALATINATE. treme of an ultra-puritan hatred of legitimate art. To purify the worship of God from all remains of a papal age was, however, a merely negative work, which had no power of itself to renovate the Church. To eficct this, something 'positive is required. The weeding out of the old tares must he succeeded by the implantation of a new seed. IV. THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. Frederick III. was fully aware that in order to a tho- rough reformation it was not enough to tear down, but to build up also; not the weeding process only, but the planting process, — not the removing of the old only, but also the laying of new foundations, — were requisite. Hence he had, with commendable forethought, determined to provide the Church of the Palatinate with a neio and solid doctrinal basis. But why a new basis? it might be asked. The Elector had good grounds for not adopting any of the existing confessional books. There were, as we have seen, Lutheran and Calvinistic elements at hand in the Palati- nate Church, and they w^ere at war with each other. By adopting either of the old symbols, the Elector would have given oftence to the other party. The great matter was, therefore, to reconcile and unite the old parties. To ac- complish this, a new symbolical book was demanded. But to attain this end such symbol must be of an irenical cha- racter,— must present the pure truths of the Bible without obtruding the sharp corners of polemics, and draw from the doctrinal controversies of the past the precious metals of truth, which alone are of permanent value. Accord- ingly, Frederick III. in 1562 commissioned Olevianus and Ursinus with the preparation of a Catechism of the Chris- tian religion, which should serve as a Confession of Faith and doctrinal basis of the Reformed Church of the Pala- tinate. Such is the origin of the Heidelberg Catechism. The Elec- 187 FEEDERICK III., tor himself took tlie liveliest personal interest in tlie work, which, more than any thing else, lay near his heart, and upon which he constantly and freely bestowed his aid and counsel. He made several changes in the plan with his own hand, and in the second edition the eightieth question was added at his instance, the answer to which concluded with the words : " so that the mass, at bottom, is nothing else than a denial of the one sacrifice and suiFerings of Jesus Christ." But when, about that time, the Council of Trent promulgated its anathema against all who would not acknowledge the mass to be of divine authority, the Elec- tor used every efl:brt to suppress the previous edition, and added the clause which pronounces the mass "an accursed idolatry." Before the close of the year 1563, the Cate- chism was published in the form in which it has ever since appeared.* "We see from this that his whole heart was engaged in the work, and hence it may justly be regarded as his work. As soon as the Catechism was finished, Frederick called together at Heidelberg a Synod composed of the superin- tendents and principal pastors of the Palatinate (December, 1562), for the purpose of examining and reviewing the Catechism, and, in case of approval, to give to it their ecclesiastical sanction. The Synod met, examined, and sanctioned it. In January, 1563, the Elector caused it to be published in Latin and German, with an ever-memorable preface drawn up by himself. "It is the sacred duty of princes," he says in this preface, " not merely to be mind- ful of the temporal welfare of their people, but also to see to it that they are instructed in the knowledge of God, and imbued with due and becoming reverence for His holy word." He then expatiates upon the efibrts of his prede- cessors in reference to the Palatinate Church and the neglected and confused condition of the schools, in which * Leben der Vater u. Begr. der Ref. Kirche. VIII. Theil. Von K. SudhofF, pp. 108, 109. 188 ELECTOR OP THE PALATINATE. Catechisms had hitherto been used according to the whims of the teachers, and in this way argues in the most forcible manner in favor of the introduction of the new Catechism, whose sole use in churches and schools he earnestly recom- mends. "We exhort and earnestly command," he con- tinues, "that you will gratefully receive this Catechism or method of instruction, which is designed for the promotion of God's glory and the good of our subjects and the salva- tion of your souls. And, moreover, that you will duly impress upon the minds of the young, both in schools and churches, and upon the people generally from the pulpit, a proper understanding of its teachings, and that they will profess and live according thereto; fully assured, that if our children are early and faithfully instructed and trained according to God's holy word, the Almighty will bestow reformation of life and conduct, and thus dispense tem- poral and eternal blessings upon them." The Catechism soon had an extensive circulation. Three editions were called for in the same year. The questions and answers in these editions follow each other in unbroken succession, without division or number. The proof-passages from the Bible are cited in the margin, and refer simply to the chapters. It was not till 1573 — ten years later — that it was divided into fifty-two sections or Sundays, and furnished with specific references. Much might be said in regard to the character and value of this Catechism ; but this is foreign to the subject in hand. Let it sufiice, therefore, to say that it is the common con- fession of faith and text-book of the entire German as well as Dutch Reformed Church from the Palatinate to the Netherlands, and from the Netherlands to the United States of America. It combines German heartsomeness with theological acumen and clearness, biblical simplicity with evangelical power and fulness. "It is deserving," says a Lutheran historian of Germany in our own time,* * Dr. J. Henry Kurtz, Lelirbuch d. Kirch-Geschichte. Third ed. p. 490. 189 FREDERICK III., "of the estimation in whicli it is held not only by the ^Reformed in Germany, but in other countries also." Thousands upon thousands have been told by it "what is their only comfort in life and death," and it will tell the same to thousands upon thousands in coming generations, until the militant lieformed Church, meanwhile resting upon that platform, shall be gathered into the great triumphant Church of her Lord in heaven ! V. FREDERICK AS A DEFENDER OF HIS WORK. The commotion which the Catechism occasioned through- out Germany was extraordinary. The high-toned Lutheran theologians, with Ilesshus (now of Bremen) as leader, at once opened with a violent attack upon it. He sent forth into the world his "Warning," and was followed by the celebrated champion Matthias Flacius, with his "Refuta- tion of the Calvinistic Catechism of Olevianus." The duty of meeting the attacks of these and other theologians devolved upon the excellent Ursinus, and in the capacity of a defender he proved himself to be a worthy pupil of his master Melanchtlion. ITot only the theological world, however, but the Lutheran princes, became alarmed. The brother-in-law of Frederick, Margrave Charles IL of Baden, the Duke Christopher of Wiirtemberg, and Count Wolfgang of Zweibriicken, jointly addressed Frederick in two several letters in the months of Ma}^ and July, 1563, in Avliich they direct his atten- tion to the danger of excluding himself from the com- pact of the Peace of Augsburg. But all this did not move him. Conscious of acting in the fear of God, he regarded not the frown of man. ^ov was he willing that his Catechism should be submitted to the judgment of the Evangelical States of the Empire, to obtain thus a legal sanction for it, — a measure whicli the princes referred to had urged upon him. Failing in this, they proposed a 190 ELECTOR OF THE PALATINATE. theological discussion. This, too, was resisted by Frede- rick for a long time, because, as he said, he did not wish to have any thing to do with these captious theologians. At length, however, he yielded the point during a personal interview at Ililsbach with Duke Christopher. The debate was held in April, 1564, in the convent at Maulbron, near Bretten, the birthplace of Melanehthon. Olevianus, Ursinus, and Boquin, the professors at Heidel- berg, accompanied their prince. On the other side were John Brentz, the Chancellor James Andrea of Tubingen, and other divines, with Duke Christopher. Besides these, a number of secular counsellors were in attendance from both sides. These last were to keep the peace, if unhap- pily " the theologians should act unseemly toward each other" I The question proposed was again the Lord's Supper. Andrea and Ursinus were the chief disputants. The AViirtembergers intrenched themselves behind their favorite dogma of the ubiquUy of Christ's body, which had been brought forward four years ago at Stuttgart as a result of the ^o-cdXlcdi '•^ communicatio idiomatum.'" It v/as, to be sure, very easy to unite this doctrine of the ubiquity with Luther's position of "m, iciih, and under;" but the question to be decided was, whether this doctrine of the ubiquity itself was founded in Holy Scripture, or whether it was merely a human invention. The debate continued a whole week. When the third day was reached with no better prospect of coming to a result than at the start, Frederick was heard to say, "I am not yet tired of the debate ; for I came here to learn, and I want to learn my whole life-long." But when the debate had continued an entire week without any advance toward harmony of views, it was resolved to separate. Previously, however, " on Tuesday, the 18th day of April, toward morning, just as the clock struck the hour of three" (so reads the history), " Frederick subscribed his name to the views held by him on the subjects in controversy, as these were drawn up by himself on the previous night. Duke Christopher did the 191 FREDERICK III., same. The conference then separated, without having arrived at any results." Alas! what a commentary on the imperfection and weakness of man, even in his best estate, that the very feast of communion and felloioship should become an apple of discord and disunion ! By previous arrangement, the proceedings of this con- ference were not to be published. As, however, then as now each party claimed the victory, full reports were soon issued and spread broadcast over the land. The fires of theological controversy received fresh fuel and raged more fiercely than before. Controversial books and tracts fol- lowed each other in quick succession. Mutual animosities increased. The peace of the Church was disturbed. The Emperor Maximilian 11. ascended the throne in 1564. He clearly saw the consequences threatening the peace of his empire from the commotions produced by this Reformation in the Palatinate. In the persuasion that God only has rightful authority over the consciences of men, he was disposed at first to abide faithfully by the terms of the "Religious Peace" of 1555. But the ques- tion arose, whether Frederick UL was still entitled to the claim of being a confederate under the Augsburg Confession. To these the "Religious Peace" secured full liberty in matters of religion, whilst " Calvinists" were excluded from this privilege. True, Frederick had, at a meeting of the Protestant princes in ISTaumburg, subscribed the Confession of Augsburg. But, in the estimation of Roman Catholics and high-toned Lutherans, the publica- tion of the Heidelberg Catechism was an apostasy from that " Confession" and an adoption of Calvinism, and, con- sequently, it was held that Frederick had forfeited Ms rights under the Peace of 1555. There were not wanting those who insisted upon the ex- clusion of Frederick from the Articles of Peace. The papal nuncio was specially active in the matter. Roman Catholic and Lutheran princes made common cause with him, and did all in their power to incite the emperor 192 ELECTOR OF THE PALATINATE. against Frederick. In the estimation of many, tlie Elec- toral dignity was already- regarded as a foregone conclu- sion, and tlie hard lot of John Frederick of Saxony* was believed to be in store for Frederick. All kinds of rumors were afloat on this subject, especially in view of the dangers which threatened him in the Imperial Diet which was to meet at Augsburg in 1556. So threatening did the danger appear, that his brother, Count Richard of Sim- mem, earnestly besought him not to attend the Diet. But to this advice he would not yield. There are yet on record two letters which he wrote on that occasion to his anxiously concerned brother. They bear a noble testimony not only to his unshaken confidence in God and his Christian hero- ism, but also to his manly courage in standing up before the world as a witness for Jesus. How rare are such ex- amples of decided, witness-bearing piety among the great and noble of this world ! "There may be danger in store for me at the Diet," he wrote; "but I have a comforting hope and trust in my heavenly Father, that He will make me an instrument of His own poAver for the confession of His name in these latter days, not in word only, but also in deed and verity, before the Roman empire of the German nation, as did my late brother-in-law, John Frederick of Saxony, of blessed memory. I presume not, indeed, to compare myself with my honored relative ; yet I do know that the same God from whom he derived his strength still liveth, and can easily uphold me, insignificant as I am, and even if it should come to the shedding of blood, — an honor for which, if my God and Father should be pleased so to use me, I could never be sufficiently thankful in time or in eternity." In this spirit of the witnesses of the earliest ages Frede- * In the battle of Muhlberg he was defeated and taken prisoner by the Em- peror Charles V., and condemned to death, but was afterward pardoned. He was deprived of his Electoral dignity, however, and continued a captive in the emperor's camp for five years. 193 FREDERICK III., vick went to the Diet, accompanied by his son John Casi- mir. His position was a most trying one. The Imperial Vice-Chancellor Zasius now arose before the assembled princes, and read a lengthy and severe accusation against Frederick, closing with the distinct imperial command, that the Elector should remove all Calvinistic ministers and teachers from the Palatinate, and to conform to the Augsburg Confession in every respect; otherwise he should be deprived of all the privileges guaranteed to him by the terms of the "Religious Peace." The Elector with- drew for a short time, and then returned to his place with his son John Casimir, bearing the Bible and the Augsburg Confession. These, under God, were to be his weapons of defence. His reply to the charges was brief, bold, clear, con- vincing, and overwhelming. When reviewing the charge of having fallen away from the Augsburg Confession, he reminded the emperor that in matters of faith and con- science he could acknowledge but one Master, even the Lord of lords and King of kings. In regard to the charge of Calvinism, he said he could testify before God that he had never read Calvin's books, and hence could not know precisely what was meant by Calvinism. On the other hand, he had signed the Augsburg Confession, as a num- ber of the princes present could testify, and he still held the same faith as then. He moreover challenged any one who could convict him of having done aught to show his departure from that faith, to come forward and testify against him. "As regards my Catechism," he said, in conclusion, "I believe it to be so well fortified with proofs from the Bible, that it has not been, and I believe will not be, overthrown in all time to come. If, however, any one can show it to be wrong by proofs from this Bible which I now hold in my hands, I am ready to hear and answer him from out of that holy book. Meanwhile, I trust in your majesty's gracious forbearance. Should this, nevertheless, not be granted to me, I shall still comfort myself with the 191 ELECTOR OF THE PALATINATE. certain promise which my Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ has made to me and all ITis saints, that whatever I may lose for the honor of His luiine -will he restored to me an hundredfold in the world to come." Tliis nohle testimony of the pious prince made an over- powering impression upon the assembly. The silence of death reigned during the delivery and after the close of his address. All were struck with amazement, ^ot a few were in tears. It was felt that a CJirlstian hero stood before them, whose strong tower was God, whose weapon of de- fence was God's holy word. As he thus stood forth in and for Christ, many felt their own inferiority in the com- parison. AVTien he had finished, the eyes of all were silently fixed upon him. Only the Jjishop of Augsburg murmured something about the eightieth question of the Catechism, the answer to which calls the mass an "accursed idolatry." But no one heeded him, for just at this point Augustus of Saxony approached Frederick III., and ex- claimed, tapping him on the shoulder, "Fritz, thou art more pious than the whole of us !" And at the close of the session the Margrave of Baden said to the princes, " Why trouble ye the Elector ? He has more piety than all of us together." The victory over the machinations of his enemies was complete. And when the emperor finally submitted the question, whether the Elector Frederick III. should be re- garded as an ally of the Augsburg Confession, the mem- bers of the Diet replied, that he was sound in the faith according to the essentials of this standard, and, as regarded the article of the Eucharist, whilst he showed some varia- tion from that confession, they believed in the possibility of coming to a satisfactory understanding with him on that point; but in no event should he be excluded from the terms of the "lieligious Peace." Frederick now returned unmolested to Heidelberg. Stories of his having been imprisoned, and even beheaded, had already been spread over the town. The joy at seeing 195 FREDERICK TIL, him safe and sound in tlieir midst was, therefore, the more heartfelt and universaL The day after his arrival he at- tended the preparation service for the Holy Communion in the Church of the Holy Ghost. Olevianus officiated on the occasion. The Elector grasped his hand in the most cordial manner, and exhorted him to continue steadfast in the faith of the Saviour. The congregation were deeply moved at this impressive scene, and many a heart over- flowed with joy for having such a prince. And well might they rejoice and thank God; for it is rarely that princes are found of the same elevated piety and decision of Christian character as this Elector of the Palatinate. He has become a shining mtness and confessor for the truth as it is in Jesus, without shedding his blood. The Reformed Church may justly be proud of such a man. Even the Emperor Maximilian seems to have been favorably impressed to- ward him at the Diet; for in 1570, when on his way to Spires, Frederick had the honor of entertaining the empe- ror at Heidelberg. When about to leave, Frederick pre- sented his imperial guest with a copy of the Bible in the Spanish language, with these words : " The treasures of all wisdom and knowledge are contained in it, namely, that heavenly wisdom by which only emperors, kings, and princes are directed how to govern wisely and well." Maximilian received the book kindly; nay, more, he pro- mised to read it diligently. VI. Frederick's efforts to advance the church internally. Frederick HI. not only maintained the cause of the Church in the face of the Emperor and the State, but was ever concerned for its growth and welfare. We have already seen his diligence in calling pious and learned men from abroad to Heidelberg. The revenues from the monas- teries and convents which had been abolished, he did not apply to his own use, as was the wont of other princes, 196 ELECTOR OF THE PALATINATE. but set aside the entire amount for the use of the Church and of schools, and added from his own purse the sum of twenty-four thousand florins. He took special pains in the establishment of good schools. Thus, he enlarged the jueda- gogium at Heidelberg, and endowed it with the income of an abolished foundation elsewhere. The Collegium. Saimniice. at Heidelberg was also increased, so that in place of twenty seminary students seventy were sustained. A portion of the property belonging to monasteries he appropriated to the erection of hospitals and orphan-houses. And, above all, he watched Avith assiduous care that the gospel in its purity should be preached to the people, and the Catechism dili- gently expounded and impressed upon them on every Sabbath afternoon. The introduction and exercise of a wholesome constitu- tion and church discipline devolved upon Olevianus. He had already in 1560 requested Calvin to send him the ecclesiastical laws of Geneva, On receiving them, Ole- vianus prepared and endeavored to introduce a discipline which should be independent of the temporal power. But it was some time before he succeeded. When, however, in 1567, the Englishman "Withers, on taking his theological degree, defended the thesis, " that the minister is in duty bound, in connection with his consistory, to carry out Church discipline, and, if necessary, to pronounce even upon princes the sentence of Excommunication," a power- ful impression was produced, not only on the members of the University, but also on the court and the whole city. The subject was fully discussed ^^ro and contra, and not with- out much acerbity of feeling. The Elector himself became deeply exercised on the subject, and was moved to take a decided stand in favor of the views of Olevianus. In 1570 he promulgated the decree, which ordered all congregations to appoint consistories ['^ Presbgterien"), to whom should be committed the independent exercise of church discipline. These consistories or presbyteries were called censors. They were, however, not chosen by the congregations, but 197 FREDERICK III., were appointed by a liiglier Church judicature. This mea- sure proved most salutary for the Palatinate Church. As might have been expected, the introduction of a new Church government called forth violent opposition, and estranged many excellent men from Olevianus. Among these were such men as Sigismund Melanchthon, (a nephew of the Reformer, who was then professor of ^Natural Science), the Chancellor Probus, and especially the excellent physi- cian Thomas Erastus. The latter was suspected of Arian- ism, and remained suspended from church privileges for several years, without being proved guilty of the charges alleged against him. As in his case, so also was discipline brought to bear upon others who came under suspicion of the same heresy, and, it must be acknowledged, in a manner at once harsh and extremely severe. This was the case in regard to the pastor of a church in Heidelberg, Adam I^euser, Pastor Suter of Feudenheim, Pastor Vehe of Kaiserslautern, and Inspector Sylvanus of Ladenberg, who were accused of being in consultation with the embassador of Transylvania, with a view of taking refuge in that asylum for Arians and Socinians. Suter, Sylvanus, and Vehe were imprisoned in Heidelberg, July 15, 1570, and N'euser fled the country. The Consistory pronounced the prisoners guilty of blas- phemy. The jurists, however, hesitated to pronounce sen-' tence against them. But their hesitation was cut short by Frederick himself, who banished Suter and Vehe and ordered Sylvanus to be executed. This order was carried into effect in the public square of Heidelberg, on the 23d of December, 1572. The Genevan auto da fe was thus re- enacted in Heidelberg. Frederick HI. honestly believed that he was acting for the glory of Grod when he signed the death-warrant of Sylvanus; and yet in what contrast does it stand to that noble declaration made and defended by him at Augsburg in 1566, " that in matters of faith and conscience man is accountable to God only"! But let us not judge him too severely. He, too, paid a tribute to the 198 ELECTOR OF THE PALATINATE. weakness of human nature in that form which the spirit of the age demanded. VII. FREDERICK S INTEREST IN THE WELFARE OF NEIGHBORING CHURCHES. Frederick HI. did not restrict himself merely to the Church of the Palatinate, hut took a lively interest in the prosperity of neighboring Churches. He lived at a time when the Protestants of France and the ^Netherlands were persecuted unto death by Homan Catholic governments, during the bloody period of Bartho- lomew's night in Paris and the murderous reign of Duke Alba. From both these countries hundreds upon hundreds came, as exiles, to the adjoining Palatinate. Frederick kindly received and aided them in their distress. They were for the most part a skilful and industrious people, and hence they proved a blessing to the country in which they settled. This was especially the case in Heidelberg, the valley of Franconia, Schonau, and St. Lambert, where large numbers of them found a home. If Frederick's own kindness of heart had not prompted him to assist these poor sufferers, his second wife, the former Countess of Neuenar, and sister-in-law of Count Egmont,* would doubtless have encouraged him to such deeds of Christian charity. It is not strange, therefore, that he should deeply sympathize with every passing event in France and the Netherlands. The news of the terrible slaughter in Paris in 1572 (Bar- tholomew's night) filled his soul with horror and amaze- ment. "Without a moment's delay he called out an army to the aid of the Huguenots in France, with John Casimir, his favorite son, as commander-in-chief. His efforts were crowned with glorious success. His army was victorious, and aided the Huguenots in obtaining peace. Another son of Frederick fought and fell in the battle between the * Executed at Brussels in 1508. S 199 FREDERICK III., Netherlands and Spain. On hearing the sad tidings, Fre- derick consoled himself with the reflection that his son had died on a bed of honor, inasmuch as he was engaged in the cause of God and religion. So also he took a lively interest in the formation of the Reformed Church in the Lower Rhine. Among other evi- dences of this, the simple fact may here he adduced, that he commissioned his court-preacher, Dathenus, to the first Synod held in Wesel in 1568, who became its president, and in other ways essentially contributed to the organiza- tion of the Reformed Church in that country. vin. Frederick's character and death. Amid such indefatigable activity, Frederick gradually advanced to old age. Some of the children by his first marriage, as well as their mother, had departed this life. Like many an aged sire before and since his time, he began to feel a greater degree of loneliness as his pil- grimage drew to a close. When informed of the death of Maximilian 11., which took place in October, 1576, he exclaimed, "Verily, as a sexagenarian prince, I also am weary of life, and would say, with Simeon, 'Lord, now lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace,' if I had only first been permitted to converse witli the young emperor, and to have seen my young prince Louis once more before my death, in order that I might communicate with both in reference to the religious condition of the country." This last wish was not realized. Two weeks after the emperor's death, the good and noble Elector was also ' called to his reward. When he felt his end approaching, he drew up his last will with his own hand, in which he embodied a full and thorough confession of his faith. In this faith, he said, he expected to appear with joy before the judgment-seat of Christ. To those who stood around his dying bed, he said, "I 200 ELECTOR OF THE PALATINATE. have lived long enough for you and the Church; I am now called to a better life. I have done for the Church all I could; but my power was limited. God, who can do all things, and who has cared for His Church before I was born, liveth and reigneth in heaven still, and will not for- sake us; nor will He allow those prayers and tears which I have offered up in this chamber upon my knees for my successor and the Church, to be without a blessing." To his court-preacher he said, "The Lord may call me hence whenever it pleaseth Him; my conscience is at peace in the Lord Jesus Christ, whom I have served with all my heart. I have been permitted to see that in all my churches and schools the people have been led away from men and directed to Christ alone." And again, "I have been detained here long enough through the prayers of God's people; it is now time that I should be gathered into the true rest with my Saviour." He then requested Tossanus to read to him the thirty-first Psalm and the seventeenth chapter of the Gospel of John, the former commencing with : "In Thee, 0 Lord, do I put my trust; let me never be ashamed: deliver me in Thy righteousness. Bow down Thine ear to me; deliver me speedily; be Thou my strono- rock," &c. * And the latter containing that great prayer of the Son of God, sometimes called the Intercessory Prayer: "These words spake Jesus, and lifted up His eyes to heaven, and said, Father, the hour is come," &c. After this, he once more engaged in fervent, audible prayer, then sunk, gently and full of joy, into the embraces of death. It was the 26th of October, 1576. Frederick HI. is in every respect the model of a Chris- ' tian prince, and as such he is one of the most engaging characters of the sixteenth century. His religious convic- tions were clear and well grounded. He was able to give a reason of the Christian hope that was in him. His faith was not a mere traditional one. His was the faith of a 2W FREDERICK III., living, personal experience, — a faitli that "purifies the heart and works by love," and which was interwoven with his very life and being. And hence his faith was life and divine power in him. His external life was but a faithful mirror of the light and power of God m him. He was a tender husband, a good father, an excellent ruler. The pre-eminent characteristics in his politics were his 'prayers for his people. Just because his whole exterior life and outward actions flowed forth from the harmonious unity of an internal life of faith is it, that such a quickening and pleasing impression is made upon us in the contemplation of his character. Before God he was like a little child: before man he was a hero. Thus we behold him at the Diet of Augsburg beaming with the brightest lustre of a Christian confessor in behalf of the truth. Surrounded by many enemies, some of them waiting for his ruin, he stands up unappalled before the emperor and the world, and witnesses "a good confession" of his faith. It was a great deed which Frederick then and there performed ; it was a deed of Christian heroism, — a deed which will never be forgotten in the history of the Christian Church, and will command the admiration of coming generations, espe- cially in the Reformed Church. ISTot only his appearance at the Diet of Augsburg, how- ever, but his whole life and all his activities are of the greatest significance to the German Reformed Church. He is, in the full sense of the word, Us founder and father. She rests, next to God's holy word, upon the Heidelberg Catechism as her foundation. And this Catechism, as we have seen, owes its existence to Frederick HI. He ex- amined, supplemented, published, and afterward defended it before the emperor and the representatives of the whole German empire. And hence a large share of the untold blessings which have been experienced by thousands, and will be experienced, we may hope, by thousands in the future, are due, under God, to this most excellent prince. And now that the German Reformed Church, after the 202 ELECTOR OF THE PALATINATE. lapse of three Imnclred years, feels called upon to record her gratitude to God for this invaluable and precious trea- sure, she cannot, and dare not, forget the Elector of the Palatinate, Frederick IIL, who was the chosen instrument in the hands of God to present and commit it to her trust. So long as this Catechism shall tell an immortal soul what is its only comfort in life and death, so long will the memory of Frederick III. continue to live, and his name be called "blessed," even to the latest generations. 203 THE AUTHORS OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. By rev. prof. T. C. PORTER, A.M., LANCASTER, PA. THE AUTHORS OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. ^jT ^tb. |vof. %.