*7.2-7. /S'. ***%u DPTMrTTTnM NT T PRINCETON, N. J. % Presented by ~Y^(SaS. \jSrSt) . tb\ni&c\ Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/reportofphilippi02unit_0 0.6. TV >Ve. cowiwi iss iovn. 1899*16 R E P 0 R T OF THE SEP 07 J9I5 & PHILIPPINE COMMISSION TO THE PRESIDENT. VOL. II. (TESTIMONY AND EXHIBITS.) WASHINGTON: GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 1900. To the Senate and 1 house of Representatives: I transmit herewith, for the information of the Congress, Volume II of the Report of the United States Commission to the Philippine Islands. William McKinley. Executive Mansion, May If 1900. n LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL Department of State, United States Commission to the Philippine Islands, April 27, 1900. Sir: We have the honor to hand you herewith Volume II of our report, being the testimony taken by this commission during its stay in Manila. Other volumes containing various papers on scientific, commercial, and other subjects of general interest will hereafter be transmitted. There will also be transmitted a volume of maps of the Philippine Islands prepared in Manila by direction of the commission. We append hereto a statement signed by the commissioners, bearing date March 29, 1900, which more particularly explains the work of the commission and the contents of the papers above referred to. Owing to the assignment of Mr. Worcester to other duties, the plan therein outlined has been to some extent departed from. Instead of original papers being furnished by him, as therein contemplated, translations have been made of various papers prepared for the com- mission by the Jesuit fathers in Manila. These, together with such other papers as the commission may have to submit, will in due course be transmitted to the State Department. We have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, yours, Charles Denby. John R. MacArthur, Secretary. The President. hi Washington, D. C., March £9, 1900. To the President: Sir: In issuing the remaining volumes of its report the commission desires to make some explanations in regard to the method of its preparation. Soon after the organization of the commission in Manila the work of investigation was divided among its members, each being assigned a subject or number of subjects to report upon, with the understand- ing that all their reports should be read, criticised, and passed upon by the commission as a whole. To Mr. Schurman was assigned the sub- ject of “ The government of the Philippine Islands;” toAmiral Dewey, “ The condition and needs of the United States in the Philippines from a naval and maritime standpoint,” and to Colonel Denby, “ The judicial system,” “The secular clergy and religious orders,” “ The registra- tion law,” “The currency,” “The Chinese in the Philippines,” and “Public health.” The papers prepared upon these subjects by the members of the commission just named have, after examination and adoption by the commission, been published in the first volume of this report: Mr. Schurman’s as Part IV (pp. 43-121), Admiral Dewey’s as Part VI (pp. 127-130), Colonel Denby’s as Part V (pp. 122-127) and Parts VII, VIII, IX, X, and XI (pp. 130-163). To Mr. Worcester was assigned the subject of the “Peoples of the Philippine Islands and the nature and resources of their country.” Parts II and III of the first volume, dealing with the inhabitants of the archipelago and their educational condition, are Mr. Worcester’s first contribution to this subject. His remaining contributions consti- tute the greater part of this volume and the whole of the next volume of the commission’s report.1 The work was done as follows: While Mr. Worcester was engaged in gathering information as to the peoples of the Philippines and the physical characteristics and resources of the various islands, members of the Jesuit order were repeatedly requested to testify before the commission. It was sug- gested by them that such information as they were able to furnish 1 As stated ha the previously printed letter of transmittal, dated April 27, 1900, the plan herein set forth has been to some extent departed from. VI LETTER OF TRANSMIT TAL. would be of more permanent value if embodied in formal papers upon the various subjects under consideration. An arrangement to this end was accordingly entered into with them by Mr. Worcester whereby it was agreed that they should furnish treatises on the following subjects: I. Orography. II. Hydrography. III. Geognosj". IV. Phytography. V. Zoograph}r. VI. Climatology. VII. Cyclical variation of terrestrial magnetism. VIII. Seismic foci. IX. Ethnography. X. Chorography. XI. State of culture. XII. Chronology. The work of preparing these treatises occupied a much longer period than was at first anticipated, and they were not available at the time the first volume of this report was published, but the additional time was employed in the securing and collating of a mass of most interest- ing and valuable information, which could hardly have been brought together prior to the date previously provisionally agreed upon for its transmission to Washington. The papers, as finally received, cover a very wide field. In many instances the subject-matter and the method employed in treating it have been such that they could be freely translated and utilized as they stood. Some slight condensation has been deemed advisable in certain cases, and occasionally sections have been omitted, either because they covered ground already gone over in the first volume of our report, or because the subject-matter treated was not sufficiently pertinent to our purpose to warrant its inclusion. Additional information has been inserted where it was deemed necessary. While the papers on “climatology,” “cyclical variation of terres- trial magnetism,” and “seismic foci” are somewhat technical, the information contained in them is so extensive, detailed, and accurate, and much of it is of so much practical value, that it has been thought it should be published in full, and thus be made available for purposes of reference. The commission wishes to express its indebtedness to the fathers of the Jesuit order at Manila for the whole admirable series of treatises, which have made available a large body of information, not a little of which is new, and much of which could not possibly have been gath- ered by us in the time at our disposal. The way in which the various treatises have been utilized is indi- LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL. VII <-ated in connection with each. Where condensations or omissions occur their nature and extent may be determined by comparison with the original text, which is published verbatim in Spanish. The translation and adaptation of these treatises for the purposes of this report have been in charge of Mr. Worcester. In addition to these treatises of the Jesuit fathers, the present vol- ume contains a paper on “Mineral resources and geology,” for which the commission is indebted to I)r. George F. Becker; a paper on “For- eign population,” by Colonel Denby, and papers on “Commerce,” “Means of communication,” and “Land tenure and mortgages,” by Mr. John 11. MacArthur, secretary and counsel of the commission. In preparing their several papers the members of the commission have derived data not only from Spanish books and documents, which they found in unexpected abundance in the Philippine Islands, but also from evidence taken from witnesses, who were interrogated on all phases of the Philippine question, each commissioner tending by his interrogatories to develop facts and views on the topics in which he himself was specially interested. This testimony forms the conclud- ing volume of the commission’s report.1 It is believed that it will be found of unusual interest to the American public. The witnesses came in freely, pursuant to the invitation of the commission in its proclamation of April -I, 1899, from all classes of the people, and the}T represented all varieties of opinion. They voice the sentiments of the Filipino peoples on all the great questions of political, civil, and reli- gious liberty. There are interviews with emissaries of Aguinaldo looking to the establishment of peace. There are instructive talks by business men on the resources, industries, finances, and means of com- munication in the Philippines. Every witness said what he wanted to, and the commission cordially invited all kinds of witnesses to appear. This volume of testimony tells the causes of the insurrection, the forces which inspired it, the ideals of the Philippine peoples, and the kind of political arrangement their leading men desire to see estab- lished with the United States. The volume of maps, or atlas, now in course of reproduction by the Coast and Geodetic Survey, if not issued with these volumes will appear shortly thereafter. The commission desires to thank all who have assisted it in its labors; and its especial gratitude is due to the loyal Filipinos who, all over the archipelago, aided it in accomplishing the object for which it was established. Thanks also are due to Mr. Rutherford Corbin, the assistant secretary, and to all the clerks and members of the staff for their loyal, efficient, and helpful services. 'Owing to the change of plan, this testimony forms Vol. II (the present volume) of this report. vm LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL. In concluding our labors we beg to express to you, sir. our high appreciation of the uniform kindness and courtesies, official and per- sonal, which you have constantly shown the commission. J. G. ScHURMAN. George Dewey. Charles Denby. Dean C. Worcester. John R. MacArthur, Secretary and Counsel. MEETING OF THE COMMISSION HELD AT THE AUDIENCIA. Manila, April 12 , 1899. Present: President Schurman (in the chair), Hon. Charles Denby, and Prof. Dean C. Worcester, commissioners, and Mr. John R. Mac Arthur, secretary. There appeared before the commissioners Air. J. F. Alacleod, who, at the request of the commission, made the following statement: TESTIMONY OF J. F. MACLEOD. I think that the policy of the United States in barring importation of rice and thereby threatening a famine in Tacloban is both inexpe- dient and opposed to humanity, as 95 per cent of the natives are not rebellious. B}r President Schurman: Q. Do you refer to the Tagalogs? — A. AVell, no; to the people all over the islands. Ninety-live per cent of the people arc not rebellious. What they want is good government. Q. You think they do not care what kind of government it is, so long as it is good? — A. I think so. I was present in Negros when they were drawing up their constitution, and they all seem satisfied with it. They want a good government, these people. They want honest government. They don’t want to be squeezed. They have got an awful want of confidence in a white face, because the Spaniard has squeezed them terribly during the last ten years. He has alwa}Ts squeezed them, but more so during the last ten years than ever before, and they have been told by the priests and by Spaniards that the Americans will do the same. Your case has been prejudiced by those people. They were told that the Americans were the same as the Spaniards and would do the same sort of things, and they thought this revolution was their only means of gaining their object. AVell, of course, you know what these native people are. Ninety-five per cent are a mass of ignorance, but they are obedient to anything that is correct. AA7hen the Spaniards went away they delivered the govern- ment over to these principal men and they established a revolutionary government. Q. Now, may I ask, is that revolutionary government run in con- nection with the Tagalog government up here? — A. Yes. Q. As part of it? — A. They are all waiting to find out what the resistance of Aguinaldo amounts to. AA7hen he is conquered they will all draw out. Now, of course, they will give him some information, p c 1 1 2 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. naturally. I prefer to state my views in writing, as 1 think I can write you out a better report than I can make orally, now. Q. Will you please do that, too? (Written report handed to the commission and read by the secretary, and is hereto appended.) Mr. Macleod. I say that it is a pity to starve the people, because I can’t see why 95 per cent should pay for the sins of 5 per cent. Q. Are they starving? — A. I think they are in a pretty bad way. Q. In Albay? — A. In Albay and everywhere else. They are all sick of it. The principal men down there told me that they were sick of this sort of thing and want to know when the Americans will come in. One of them said the}' had got sick of it and to tell the Americans for God’s sake to come down here quickly, because we can’t stay here under present conditions. Q. How many men would it take? — A. About 1,500. I think that would clear them out. Q. And that is only down in Albay? — A. That is in Albay. By Colonel Denby: Q. Do you think there will be any fighting down there? — A. No; they will scoot to the hills. Wo arrived in Calbayog (Samar) about 8 o'clock. The Indians saw the lights on our boat and they said this is some Government steamer. They are rather suspicious about a light. There was a little steamer, the San Bernardo , which used to visit there. The people made for the mountains, the soldiers and everybody. By Professor Worcester: Q. Where was that? — A. Albay. By Colonel Denby: Q. What is the population of that place? — A. Thirteen thousand. I must say that the native officials are very courteous when we go around, pleasant, affable, nice, fair-talking men, but then their actions belie them a little. There is a general in Samar called Lucban, who chased the Spaniards out. I went over to Sorsogon in September. I arrived there the day after the Spaniards had cleared out. General Lucban had come, and was stationed about 10 miles out of town with IT men. He sent a messenger in to say that General Lucban was coming with 3,000 men. The Spaniards crowded onto their boats and promptly left. I was in the Uranus and saw the last of the Spaniards leave. I went down to Legaspi and I didn’t find a Spaniard. I wouldn't let the steamer go into port until I got assurances from the provisional government of her and our safety; and while the Uranus was loading they transformed the provisional government into the revolutionary government; in fact, into the Aguinaldo government afterwards. Soldiers appeared on the scene, and General Lucban with his 47 men went from Sorsogon to Samar and did the same trick there. He cleaned the Spaniards out in the same way with 47 men. I was in Calbayog a week. The same thing happened in Leyte. By President Schurman: Q. Where did the Spaniards go ? — A. They went to Ilo-Ilo and Cebu, anywhere to get away from these 3,000 imaginary soldiers. Lucban told me all this at Catbalogan. He said, “Here are these 47 men; I rhased the Spaniards out with them.” REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 3 Q. Where is he now? — A. He has got $100,000 buried away in the mountains. The soldiers are dissatisfied, because they have not been paid and have been treated as they should not have been. Lucban found this out, that they were dissatisfied, and be went to the officers and told them to call the men together and tell them that they could have a holiday, but to leave their arms there. They went away, and when they came back his 47 men had the arms and he gave them twenty- four hours to leave the place. They left. They went to Calbayog, where a Mr. Scott very nicely got away with them. From there they went farther north to another place, where Mr. Gibson appears to have got rid of them by giving them a larcha to take them across to Luzon and a heifer to eat. Lucban is in Catbalogan with his men. Q. That is, these 47 men ? — A. Yes, these 47 men. He has a body guard and sends scouts out. There is another defended place, Taclo- ban. I went out there and saw Colonel Majica, who is one of Agui- naldo’s men. He was an aid-de-camp and friend of Aguinaldo. I think they are pretty strong. I think that is about the strongest place. He has about 500 men there. Q. You say it is in Samar, too? — A. No; in Leyte, just across the strait. There is this strait between them. I asked him, “What are you inclined to do when the Americans come here?” He said, Oh, ho didn’t know; he supposed he would have to tight; but I don’t think he and his men have any real intention of fighting. He is under orders from the Manila general, Belarmino, who puts on more pretense and bravado and flowers, but it would take about 500 Americans to knock him out. From my personal knowledge of the man I must say he would be about the first man to run away. Q. Where did you see him; where did you say he was? — A. In Albay and Lagaspi. When we arrived there in Lagaspi and down in Albay, the men were all down behind the trenches. Mr. Whiteman and Mr. Easton, both Britishers, were not allowed to go out to the boat. Mr. Whiteman came out to the end of the pier and told us they were awaiting the general’s permission, and as the\r were talking along came four armed soldiers and marched Whiteman off. That was a little too much for Captain Green to stand. Pie said “I am going ashore.” I said, “ Look at those fellows behind the trenches; they are an undisci- plined lot and may shoot.” He said “ I can’t stand by and see that sort of thing. I must know why these men came out.” As I didn’t like to appear to be a coward I said I would go. I went on the beach and there was an armed man jumping about whom I did not know. The lieutenant-colonel went out to the trenches Q. What flag did you carry ? — A. The British naval flag. I don’t think the natives know the naval flag. These fellows have never seen it. Tobaco is overland, I suppose, about 14 miles, or 90 miles around. They telegraphed over to give us a good reception there and not to show us any hostility, and in Tobaco they were very pleasant. Q. When were you there? — A. This trip, last week. We arrived here on Sunday. Q. When were you last in Samar and Leyte? — A. About the 30th or 31st of last month. Q. You were four or five days in Albay? — A. Four or five days in Albay. I left Tobaco on the 7th, Gubat on the 8th. I was in Legaspi on the 4th. 4 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. By Professor Worcester: Q. Are there any insurgent forces at any other place in Samar than at Catbalogan? — A. There are insurgent forces at Catbalogan, Legaspi By President Schurman: Q. Any in Samar? — A. No; I don't think so. At Calbayog there are about 40 men, some of whom have wooden guns and wooden bolos, in the main, I believe. Q. You suggested that perhaps it woidd be better to write this out ? — A. Yes; I think so, because it would be more full and accurate than anything T could now give. By Colonel Denby: Q. Haven’t our ships been down there ? — A. The Bennington, was at Sorsogon and in Cobias. I believe the Bennington went down there and asked the natives to hoist the American Hag, and they said they couldn’t do it without orders from Aguinaldo. Q. Do you think it would be beneficial for our ships to go down there ? — A. Not unless you are prepared to occupy the place. If you go there with any show of force and then retire they will say that it has improved their cause. That is what they have been saying about the Bennington. Q. Then you think we ought to delay our naval operations until we are able to conduct our land operations?- — A. I think if you occupy Legaspi, Tobaco, and Sorsogon with a small force of men the insur- rection would very soon die out. And you woidd cut communication at Tayabas. By President Schurman: Q. Where in that province? — A. I am not a strategist, but I would put enough men there to cut off all communication with Aguinaldo. Q. So this southern province with some Tagalogs prevents it? — A. Yes; put a gunboat on each side, and then you could very easily pre- vent communication. Q. If we sent soldiers to all these places there wouldn't be enough, would there? — A. I don’t know; very few would be required. By Professor Worcester: Q. In the case of the Spaniards, they scattered small forces of troops through the islands and the insurgents whipped them in detail? — A. I don’t think that there is the same feeling against the Americans that there was against the Spaniards. They captured a very large number of them. The Spaniards could have kept this place very easily. I stayed in Legaspi long after the Spaniards went out. The people there have been governed to a great extent by the priests. The priests have great influence over the natives by reason of the superstitions which they have got into the Indian mind. By Colonel Denby: Q. How would it do for a peaceable commission to go down and talk to these people in the various islands? — A. I don't think a peaceable commission would be of any use unless you had physical force with you. Q. Would it be possible to get an opportunity to talk to them and say that we did not want to enslave them, but we wanted to make REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. them free citizens, that the)' were to govern themselves, as everyone is presumed to do in our country? — A. Unfortunately they would not understand you. I think the Americans ought to pursue this policy which I have outlined. Q. Have you read our proclamation ?— A. 1 am sorry to say I have not. I have read General Otis’s, but that does not satisfy them. I saved you a tine row over in Negros about two or three weeks ago. By President Schurman: Q. What was that? — A. There was another rebellion getting up against the local government. You know Negros itself has no gov- ernment apart from Aguinaldo’s. Colonel Smith is there. Some of the people were discontented and all Spaniards had left, abandoning their property. If they were to leave permanently it would mean a lot to us and to a great many other people. W e had 6 soldiers and 6 sailors and Lieutenant Davidson in our party. We told Colonel Smith what our object was, and he handed me the constitution of Negros in printed form. We went over and saw the ringleader, and we told him that was just what }'ou were going to do; but it would have to be approved by Washington first. We brought back the ringleader; that is. I brought the ringleader, who was perfectly satisfied. He was right in it with all his men, and he actually apologized for not having a band of music ready to receive us. Q. When was that ? — A. About three weeks ago. Q. What was the condition of Negros then ? — A. Good; very good. Q. What is it now? — A. It is not so good, because a lot of the people in Panay have brothers and cousins in the army; but I think if Panay can be quieted, I think Negros will be, too. They have a line drawn down there which I attempted to cross, and they would not let me cross that. I told him I would go out some other night; I was not going to sleep out there that night. I came back the next day and left in the Pigmy. Q. Have you been in Cebu? — A. I was there about a month ago. Q. What was the condition of Cebu? — A. Yerv good; I was there when the Pennsylvania arrived. Q. If we could get peace here, Mr. Macleod, how much self-govern- ment could these Indians be trusted with? — A. Well, there are men not in the government who are tit to be intrusted with the govern- ment. In fact, the people who have gone into the revolutionary move- ment are not the representative people; they are the canaile, the exploiters; the good people have largely left. Q. Are there good people in all the provinces to which you have referred?— A. Yes. Q. Fit to elect their own representatives? — A. The question of election would be a difficult one; you see there are a lot of feuds and family jealousies, as among the okl Scotch tribes. Q. Could they run their own municipalities? — A. They might run their own municipalities. Q. All the provincial governors were appointed? — A. Yes; they came from Spain, and I think they were the most cultured men in the Philippines, generally speaking. Q. Were these people allowed to make their own local laws ? — A. No ; the}' were not allowed to make their own local laws. 6 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Colonel Denby: Q. For instance, if they wanted to build a road? — A. They had to get permission from Manila. By President Schurman: Q. If they wanted to build a schoolhouse ? — A. Well, the priest had something to do with that. Q. Could it be done by the people there? — A. Yes; they were built by the people there, but they had to send up the estimates to Manila to be approved in the way the directory saw lit here. Q. That went through the local government — the gobernadoreillo ? — A. First it went to the local authority, next to the gobernadoreillo or the civil governor, because the gobernadoreillo always had supervision of it. Q. Suppose you had a town of live or ten thousand people, and they wanted to build a schoolhouse ? — A. They would arrange their plans and send them down to Manila. Of course, the priests would have to do with it. Q. How is the money raised ? — A. That was taken out of the poll tax. Q. Which came to Manila? — A. Which came to Manila. Q. They never retained any special funds? — A. No. Q. The money was sent to Manila and then went back again? — A. Yes. Q. There was a poll tax, you say?— A. Yes. Q. This cedula, you mean? — A. The cedula; yes. Then if (for example) work was wanted on the road he had to pay an extra tax — contribution money. There were licenses for carrying on businesses, all granted at Manila. Q. If a man living in Negros wanted to carry on business he would have A. He would have to go to the capital of the province to get his license. Q. He would get that license, then, in that place? — A. Yes. Q. And not send to Manila for it ? — A. He would send to the capital of the province. Q. What would be done with the money ? — A. It would be remitted up there. Q. Would it come up here and then go back to be used for local purposes? — A. If it was required, yes; because they used to remit, as soon as they got any money, to Manila. Q. You see, under our system we would change all that. When they received any money there they would spend it themselves. — A. On the other hand, they had these trade taxes, which made the Spanish Government very unpopular, especially with the poorer classes. Per- haps the whole stock in trade of some trades man or woman would not be worth more than $10, and he or she would be paying $12 or $15 a year tax on it. There is no doubt but that the continuance of these taxes by the United States made the Americans very unpopular. Q. AVhat, abolishing it ? — A. No; collecting these taxes — collecting taxes from all these peddlers. Then the Spaniards immediately turned around and said: “These people are going to squeeze you as much as we did; no difference.” It was a great mistake for the Americans to collect these taxes. Q. Do you think there would be a sufficient number of good people to organize a government and send members to the legislature for REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. i themselves 2 — A. I think they are quite up to that if you can get the proper people to go in for it. Q. But do you think they could be found in every locality ? — A. Yes; even although they do not know Spanish very well, there are very good men who speak the native language. By Professor Worcester: Q. How would it be in Mindoro ? — A. Well, in Mindoro I don’t know. You see, Mindoro has been a neglected island, and used to be a sort of rendezvous for all sorts of criminals. Nor in Leyte would it be prac- ticable; I do not think they are educated enough there. By President Schurman: Q. How many troops would it take, do you think, to suppress the insurgents in those places you have mentioned? — A. Not very many. By Professor Worcester: * Q. What do you think about the province of Mindoro? Wouldn’t it take a great many there? — A. I don’t know much about Mindoro, and the same thing would hold with a good many other places. By President Schurman: Q. What would be the effect on these people if we established a military line across the island at Tayabas ; I take it for granted Agui- naldo would be shut off, wouldn’t he? — A. They wouldn’t hear any- thing from him. Let it be known that the gunboats are around and you wouldn’t see any of these fellows crowding about. They are inclined to give up now, the real people of the country, the residential people. Q. I understand that Aguinaldo is in here. — A. Yes; in there [re- ferring to map, and pointing out place to the commission]; and if he has to go south he will very soon get disheartened himself. Q. What do you think of the idea of offering terms to these peo- ple?— A. It depends; it is a very difficult question that. What kind of terms ? Q. Suppose we issued a proclamation to-day that every man who laid down his arms and came in should not be punished, do you think that would be the end of it? — A. I don’t know how it would be taken. It probably would be taken as a sign of weakness on your part; I think it would. Q. Not as a sign of clemency? — A. They don’t understand clem- ency. They would consider that it emanated from fear. Q. You think we better destroy Aguinaldo? — A. I don’t think that Aguinaldo is to blame as much as some of his people. Q. His troops? — A. I think you ought to give them a regular good trouncing. Q. You think until that is done there is no use talking about terms ? — A. No. Q. We should give them the beating first and then offer terms? — A. Yes; it is better to put them in the position of taking the initial part in proposing terms than that you should take it. Q. Your plan would be to send troops to all these places? — A. Five hundred men in Legaspi, and 500 might be sent to Sorsogon, and 500 to Tabaco. Q. That would involve, then, only 1,500 men?— A. Yes. 8 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. If successful in that province that would have the effect of quiet- ing- the feeling in the other provinces? — A. Probably. Q. But these 1,500 men would be placed in that one province? — A. They would be pretty near to each other you see [indicates on map] Q. Then, as I understand it, your idea would be to have 500 men at Tabaco, 500 at Sosogon, and 500 at Legaspi? — A. Yes; I think that would be the idea. By Colonel Denby: Q. You would do that even if you had to establish a line across the narrow point? — A. I would do that, too. It is not the 1,500 men there Q. But this latter 1,000 or 1,500 men might have to fight the whole of Aguinaldo’s army. They might then turn around and try to go south. By President Schurman: Q. The r •my could not go down, because we control the roads. — A. They might cross over and go down by sea. Q. Have they the means of transportation? — A. They might go down the coast. I notice a great many more Indians in Manila than when I was here before. Q. How long ago was that?— A. In February, about the 11th, I think. Q. You notice a change? — A. Yes; a tremendous change. Manila is looking more like itself again. The battle of Caloocan, when was that ? Q. The 1th or 5th of February. Were you here at the time of the conflagration? — A. No; I was not. Q. When the town was burned, that is, the lower part of it. — A. No; I have been all over the provinces, and 1 haven’t seen any skir- mishing. Q. Do these people know anything about the United States and its form of government? — A. No; nothing. Q. Don’t they know it is a Republic? — A. Oh, they have a hazy idea about it, but it does not suit these people to tell the natives that the United States has a good government, and I don't suppose they believe it. They believe w hat their compatriots tell them and they are trying to sustain this constitution; and the Spaniards — I mean the bad Spaniards — help along this idea. There are a great many Span- iards, good Spaniards, who desire that the Americans should remain; people who are interested in the place and who desire good govern- ment as much as anybody else. The priests, the bad Spaniards, and these exploiters are the people who have made all the trouble. Q. Are there any Spaniards who are business men? — A. Yes; a great many. Q. Are they still carrying on their business? — A. Yes. Q. Are there many foreigners, Englishmen or others, in these vari- ous parts 3rou have mentioned? — A. In Albay we have one who assures us that the Spaniards there are all good people. They are the agents of houses here in town. Smith & Bell have an agent in Cubas, one in Legaspi, and one in Cebu. Q. Do you know the sentiment of these Spaniards toward the United States? — A. It is very good indeed; I w ould sw-ear for our lot; we have four of them. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 9 Q. Do you think there is the least hope on the part of the Spaniards or the natives that Spain will ever get control of these islands again?— A. No; the natives would never permit that. Q. Among the well-informed people is there any idea that the United States is going to leave the islands and give them up ? — A. They have no such idea. They think you are going to stay and settle the country. Q. It is best for them to have that idea, for our interests? — A. Yes; I think so. The good people of the country desire the United States to keep the country, but they dare not say so because every man is afraid of his life. We hear a great deal more than anybody else, because they know they won’t get into trouble through us. Q. If intelligent people could go around and get up a meeting of the better class of these people and explain to them the objects and purposes of the United States, and that its intention, the intention of their Government, was to give them in every possible shape and form all the liberty that is consistent with order, would that fact have a good effect ? — A. It is very dangerous going around the way the people are at present. I would rather get a man to invite them to come to Manila — to have representatives from all the provinces come here and treat with you here. Q. You think that would be better ? — A. Yes; I think so. By Professor Worcester: Q. Would they come, Mr. Macleod? — A. That is just the point. They might not. By Colonel Denby: Q. Of course, that might be a military question. Wouldn’t they be afraid to leave their homes? — A. The people I am speaking about have not had anything to do with the revolution. By President Schurman: Q. Wouldn’t the insurrectionary authorities try to impede them? — A. These people would not talk. By Professor "Worcester: Q. They would be apt to take vengeance on them after they got back, wouldn’t they ? — A. Yes; probably. By President Schurman: Q. To go back to the conversation we started a moment ago: The question was raised by Colonel Denby that, in attempting to govern here, we naturally think in terms of our own experience. At home we have a General Government for the United States, a State govern- ment for each State; then we have a county government in connection with each county, and of course a municipal government for the cities besides. We ask you if jrou think these people are capable of self- government? We want to know whether these men to whom you refer would be capable of conducting the business of a municipality, of a county, or of the entire archipelago? What amount of self-govern- ment are the best people you know capable of? — A. In the different provinces there are lawyers, and doctors, and professional men who are very well educated. Q. But do you fear we could not trust them with self-government? Could they run the provinces without American intervention? — A. I 10- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. think they could afterwards; but at first, no. I should say. first, get rid of all the cumbrous Spanish methods; start something new and simple. I think afterwards they would be quite able to run the provinces them- selves. Q. Govern what ? — A. Provincial government and the government of the islands. Q. Now, besides the provincial governors there has been here in the past, and must be in the future, some general government for the archipelago. To what extent are these people you know of capable of conducting such a government ? — A. I think on the same basis as your own Government, a senate and congress. Q. And elect their members? — A. Yes. Q. And a judiciary filled by local judges? — A. Yes. Q. An executive, consisting of a governor-general and heads of departments — would these be natives or Americans ? — A. You would have to have an American governor-general. Q. What powers ought that American governor-general to have by way of controlling legislation in the islands? — A. Absolute power. Q. You mean absolute veto power ? — A. A veto power just the same as the Spaniards had, of course, to be used judiciously. By Professor Worcester: Q. N ow, Mr. Maeleod, the natives have practically been independent for some time past and have been running their own affairs in a good many of the provinces in this island, and there has been absolutely no control over them at all. So far as you know, what has been the result of that attempt of theirs to run their own affairs? Do you know, for instance, any man who is governor of a province who has shown him- self capable, who has shown himself honest and fair in his dealings with the citizens of his province? — A. I think I know of some. Q. Do you know of one single provincial governor who has shown himself able and willing to give a good government to the people under him, as a matter of actual experience, now? — A. Well, there is nobody who has had any great experience in governing; that might be the difficulty; for instance, to obtain an experienced governor would be very difficult ; but you could hardly blame him for not being; he would want to learn and would learn gradually. A lawyer should always take the place. You know what this Indian business has always been. You know that the Spaniards have paid him inade- quately. and we shall have to pay him properly if we wish him to do his work well. Q. What I am getting at is the abstract capacity of these people, under existing conditions, to conduct the affairs in the provinces where they now are, and I ask you whether you can put your hand on one concrete example? — A. Yes. I have seen in Albay affairs conducted very well during the temporary government before the military people came there and took hold. I think Domingo Sampson a very capable fellow and quite capable not only of conducting his own government — that is, the government of the province — but of wider powers. Q. Is he honest? — A. That is a different question. Q. Do you think he is honest? — A. He belongs to a very good fam- ily. 1 think the Indian is dishonest from the bad example that he has had set him. With a good example, he would be honest and if espe- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 11 cially he were paid sufficient remuneration. You can not expect under- paid men to be honest. Q. I share with you your opinion of the Indian. I have a great deal of faith in the Indian out here. I have been out here three or four years and have seen a great deal of him, but the Indian has had a certain example set him in the matter of government in the Philip- pines. We have had recently one of the Indians of very good family who wanted to bribe our Secretary of State in Washington. The ques- tion is how we are going to start him aright and try to bring out what is best in him, and whether there would be any prospect at all of his starting oft' on his own hook if he were given a good deal of liberty and running a decent government from the start. The impression we have gained is that there has been a great deal of corruption among these new native officials; that they have been worse, if anything, than the Spaniard^ before them. — A. That is true. The natives themselves say so; the good people who could run the government are not in it now. The reason of the dissensions down in Albay is that General Belermino is collaring all the money and there is nothing left for public works and improvements. Q. The question is what sort of means or methods we can devise bv which these competent people can be gotten in the places they ought to get and occupy there. — A. I think you will have to occupy the places militarily from head to foot first. Q. You mean until we can establish a government? — A. You must get the people disarmed. All arms must lie taken away. The natives can not be trusted with arms among themselves. Q. 1 want to know whether you, as a business man, having an interest in any pueblo of 5,000 or 10,000 people, would really believe that such a people capable of self-government if under American super- vision?— A. Oh, yes. Q. Suppose that pueblo to be in a certain province and that province to be under American supervision. — A. Yes; with supervision from Manila. Q. You think there ought to be a supervision even of the pueblo? — A. You would have to give them as much latitude as that. Q. What would be the nature of the intervention from the Manila — veto power ? — A. Probably in public works and things of that kind. Otherwise I would let them run their own show. Q. Where would you intervene? — A. Well, when things got too far. that would be done by lighting among themselves. Q. Well, if it could be done by lighting among themselves. I don’t know whether you understand what I am getting at. I want to find out how much absolute self-government these people are capable of without any intervention on the part of our Government; what part are the people capable of taking in the government of the province, the general government, the government of the archipelago. I ask whether they are capable of governing themselves without any inter- vention?— A. I think there are men capable of doing it. Q. Without supervision ? — A. Not at first. I think they ought to be supervised for a certain term. I have the same opinion of the Indian that you have. I rather like the Indian: he is not a bad fellow. Q. Do you think he can be educated? — A. He is very susceptible to attention, and is a man who is anxious to learn. I think the Indian is capable of governing by himself if you can find him honest enough; 12 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. he has the ability, but he should not have anything to do with the financial matters. Americans must have control over that. All the funds must be controlled from the center. Q. Mr. Macleod, what is your opinion as to the honest}' of the Indians?- — A. I won’t say that they are absolutely dishonest. I think they are more dishonest than during the Spanish regime. Q. But you would not leave it to the Indians themselves to dis- tribute the funds? — A. No; you couldn’t leave it to them; that is, so far as my opinion goes from what I have seen of them in all the prov- inces I have visited. Q. So in each province you would need control from Manila? — A. Yes. Let us say an officer similar to the American Secretary of the Treasury. You would require officials to see how the money was distributed on the spot. Q. You think we would require inspectors? — A. You would require one inspector in each province to go about through the different vil- lages and see that the administration of the funds was carried on there in a proper manner. By Professor Worcester: Q. In your opinion, in regard to the general fitness of these people for self-government you certainly would not include the island of Mindoro? — A. No; that requires a military occupation. 1 have never been around there. By President Schurman: Q. You are thinking of Luzon and the Visayans? — A. These islands here (indicating on map), Samar, Leyte, Negros, Panav, Cebu. Luzon. Q. You think that in Legaspi, for instance, you could find people who are capable of governing? — A. Yes, I think so; they are very good people. Q. Marinduque, I suppose there would be no doubt about? — A. There are good people there, too. Q. In the province of Romblon? — A. It is such a small place, the Tagalogs went there and made it a military depot. Q. You say it is a military depot? — A. It was their halting place on their way to Iloilo. I was there in November. There were two steamers recently there from Capiz and Concepcion, and the Spaniards were leaving the place then. On the appearance of the Americans I have no doubt that the insurgents would fly in all directions. Q. You haven’t been in Romblon since November? — A. Not 'since November. Q. To go back to the military question; I understand it is your view, although you don’t claim to be a military man, that in addition to fight- ing the Tagalogs here about Manila — that is, in their own province — we ought to send out soldiers to the provinces you have mentioned, and that recommendation applies to the provinces in which your business interests are, or do you think that ought to be the general policy ?— A. I don’t say it from motives of self-interest, but 1 think if you can cut off communication with Aguinaldo they will very soon get dis- heartened down there, and they will very soon give up. Q. Wouldn’t the same apply to Ilocos; wouldn’t they quiet down if we cut them off in the same way? — A. Yes, I think so. Q. My point is whether it would not be just as practicable to send a small detachment up there, and take these provinces, as to send men down from here? — A. Yes. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 13 Q. You would require a great many troops? — A. No. Q. You spoke about these people being in danger of famine, and that danger being the principal cause for alarm. Before it comes to actual starvation wouldn’t the 90 per cent of which you spoke rise up and stop this rebellion A. The 90 per cent have only bolos and daggers, while the insurgents have firearms. Q. Even if the 90 per cent have only bolos and daggers might they not control these other people (the insurgents) ? — A. Possibly ; but they have a great deal more dread of the report of a gun than of the wound of a bolo or dagger. Q. It wouldn’t do to raise native forces now? — A. No. Q. It would be regarded now as a sign of weakness? — A. Yes. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. If it took a certain number of men to take these places, couldn’t that number be pretty soon reduced? — A. Yes, in two or three weeks. Q. After peace and quiet were restored a smaller garrison would be sufficient? — A. 1 think so. Manila, April 12, 1899. STATEMENT OF EDWIN H. WARNER IN RESPONSE TO QUESTIONS OF THE COMMISSION. President Schurman. We should like to hear any statement you would like to make to us. If you have any ideas which you would like to communicate we would be very glad to hear them. Q. In regard to the capacity of the natives for a government, what do you think of their having a senate and house of representatives? — A. The idea would be very flattering to them, no doubt. Q. Would it do to have such a house as that ? — A. Subject, I think, to the governor-general, with an absolute veto power, at any rate for some years to come. You see, the whole Indian character is satu- rated with this Spanish idea of making all that he can. A generation would have to pass before this example can die out. Q. Would you give them such a parliament as I have suggested — a senate and house of representatives — or do you think the races as well as the provinces themselves would have to have different houses? Woidd the different races — that is, the Tagalogs, the Visayans, the Negritos, the Moros, and others, each have to have their different houses of representation? — A. No; you will find Tagalogs all over the islands. Q. But they are mostly in this central province? — A. Y^es; it is where they came from. Q. But you mean, I suppose, that these provinces which are not solid Tagalog are nevertheless overrun by them, and in some provinces they are not the predominant race? — A. That is so. Q. If we sent a proclamation to these people to lay down their arms, saying that Malolos is already in our hands, and if this procla- mation was in both Spanish and Tagalog, what effect do you think that would have? — A. I would say that Malolos has ceased to exist and that Aguinaldo has fled, and give them this proclamation, and at the same time say that later on you will go down there and see what they have to say. 14 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. There has been some discussion about troops. Please tell us what you think about the matter of troops? — A. About troops, I think you can do with a good deal smaller number of troops, provided you have a proper patrol of gunboats to see about taking Leyte and Samar, than if you have not. Really, they scarcely require any troops here in Manila. The people here are perfectly docile and peaceable as long as they are allowed to have commerce. Probably 4,000 troops would be amply sufficient around here. It is absolutely necessary, I think, to put into Bulacan 200 or 300 men, which place is fortified. It is pretty well agreed that General Lueban will leave there in a very short time, and practically as soon as he leaves the whole province is in the hands of the natives themselves. The Tagalogs have nothing more to do with it. and with a patrol of gunboats to see that the people are looked after I don't think that there would be any further trouble. Q. That is the island of Samar? — A. Yes; and I think the same applies to Leyte. In Albay, of course that is a different province. I don't know anything about it just now. There are troops down there, I don't know to what extent. In Tarlac and Pampanga the people are not in sympathy with the insurgents. In Pangasinan the same condi- tion prevails, because, as far as we have heard in Malolos, the people didn't have any extra supplies of rice. By Professor Worcester: Q. There is a good deal of rice produced there. I saw, in the differ- ent houses that we were in, the Avhole lower floor stacked with rice. I would have to go over the whole place systematically to make an esti- mate, but I rather thought there was a good deal of rice. — A. li e learned from the people who came down — from the Chinamen. The}7 said. No; that they were pretty badly off for food. Q. Of course, we can't have the starvation of noncombatants, if it comes to a place where they need it and we can secure a supply of it. — A. What I was trying to get at is that the people in Bataugas are keeping their rice there, and that they won’t allow their rice to come out unless they are paid for it. Q. What is the area in Luzon that produces the rice? — A. Bataugas and Sorsogon, Neuva Excija, Bulacan, generally south in Camarines, Mariquina, Cavite, and Manila. By President Schurman: Q. Do they produce rice in Cavite ? — A. Very little. Q. Hocos? — A. Some, but not very much. Isnagos, Maranduquc, and Nueva Caceres, that is the great rice center. Then there is a province off to the north, Ilocos, that produces a great deal of rice. Q. Albay, I think you said produced rice? — A. No; that is hemp Bv Professor Worcester: Q. What do you know about rice in other places? — A. In Capiz there is a very poor crop this year. The tremendous floods have washed everything away. Some years they have been able to export from there besides supplying themselves. Mr. Macleod. There is rice grown in Negros and in Panav. By Professor Worcester: Q. There would be a great deal of rice to be supplied? — A. Yes; the second time I was there I thought that they Avere principally rais- ing sugar cane. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 15 By President Schurman: Q. Are there any extensive centers in these islands? — A. No; I don’t think you will find a lot of rice. You will find that it will have to be imported into the islands this year. The crops are very poor up north. By Professor Worcester: Q. Isn’t it true that for some years rice has always got to be brought in here?- — A. The last two or three years it has amounted to 80,000 to 100,000 piculs, 16 piculs to the ton. By President Schurman: Q. Wasn’t it true that in the old days rice used to be one of the exports from these islands? — A. That was before there was any export of sugars, during the 40’s to GO’s. Q. And it has been true since that rice has been imported ? — A. Only the last few years. In the last few years, practically since the railway has been in operation and has opened up the northern provinces, it has been made use of, and they have begun to cultivate it in the northern provinces, but before the railway was open it cost as much to get the rice down from Tarlac and Batangas as the rice was worth. Q. Do you know anything about that railway ? Has it ever paid ' — A. It has never paid. Q. What is the reason ? — A. The Spanish Government made an esti- mate on the line that it would cost a million dollars, and it really cost the shareholders two. The Spanish Government made a guarantee that they were to get 8 per cent interest. In the first years it didn’t make 8 per cent, so the Spanish Government had to pay. The last two years it was making over 8 per cent, which had to be returned to the Span- ish Government. Everything up to 8 per cent goes to the stock- holders and everything over that to the Spanish Government, Those were the terms of the concession. Q. Is there a time limit to the concession? — A. I think sixty-nine years. Q. They have been obliged to pay taxes and contributions? — A. Yes; there are taxes. By Professor Worcester: Q. What do you think of the desirability and practicability, when things quiet down a little, of starting public works in these various provinces for the purpose of employing the natives who are not other- wise engaged? — A. In the Tarlac province it would be absolutely nec- essary, otherwise you will have a large population starving, and around here it will be necessary or you will have a population starving here. The annual crops will have to be planted within the next two or three months. They plant rice in the rainy season. It is too late to plant sugar, and there has been no sugar produced this year. By President Schurman: Q. Are they planting rice? — A. No; the time has not yet come. They commence to sow and prepare the fields in May and June. Q. How many crops of rice are raised in these islands each year? — A. Only one. Q. When is it harvested?— A. In December. They don't get to harvesting before December, and this year there is going to be a great scarcity on account of the flood, 16 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. By Professor Worcester: Q. Wouldn’t that be the time to convince these people of our good intention by bringing in rice and feeding them? — A. The difficulty will be to get to the people first. If the war still continues into the wet season you will have to take into account the fact that the longer the war continues the more people will be centering in Manila, Bulacan, and Cavite, and the cities and towns. Q. What do you think of the railroad’s commercial prospect if it were decently administered? — A. It would be very profitable. By President Schurman: Q. Take this island of Luzon. What lines would pay? — A. Any lines almost. Q. A line from Manila to Santa Cruz? — A. It would open up from Manila right to the center of the island. Do you know where Aparri is on the north It would open up all that country; it would be a tre- mendous thing. Q. In the rice country? — A. Yes. Q. Into Bulacan? — A. No; Bulacan is open. Q. The country down here? — A. Yes; it is really Bulacan; what you want is to get around north of the hills in Bulacan. Q. What you mean is we want to open up to Bulacan and the hill country? — A. Yes; so they could get supplies into Manila. Q. What would that country produce ? — A. Sugar, coffee, and rice. Q. IIow is sugar as a business proposition at present? Mr. Macleod. Bright. They get the best prices. By Professor Worcester: Q. When times are normal — for instance, not at present as it is to- day, but in normal times — would it justify a man going into that busi-. ness ? — A. It would pay him handsomely. Labor is going to be higher in this country than it has ever been before. The Indian on an estate is getting a less wage to-day than he ever did before, but things will eventually adjust themselves so that he will get back to his old scale of living. Q. What about coffee ? Haven’t the Batangas plantations been pretty much cleaned out by the borer? — A. Yes; there is a place called Orbera where they are planting it. All the center of the island is given over to it. Q. It would not be difficult to run a line from Zegan to Orbera? — A. No. Q. Of course you could operate electric roads on greater grades than you could steam roads, and then you could do away with the coal problem if you could get water power? — A. Yes; you could get plenty of water power to generate your electricity. Q. Private capital will go into that, you think? — A. Yes; when a good government is established. Q. Under Spanish rule, suppose anybody promoted such an enter- prise; could he get a concession for a railway? — A. Yes. Q: What would that concession mean — just permission to build \ — A. Well, the permission to build, and the Government would allow a guarantee of interest for a certain number of years — that is, for rail- roads; that is what the Spaniards did, but, then, the railroad now here was built under the Government supervision and was run under Gov- ernment supervision. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 17 By President Schurman: Q. A capitalist would want more than permission to invest his capi- tal ? — A. Yes. Q. He would ask for franchises as they are given in England or the United States?— A. Yes. Q. The country gets nothing for these franchises? — A. No. Q. You spoke of the money question a moment ago. Have you any idea that this place is to come to a gold basis? What would you say as to that ? — A. I hope not for the benefit of agriculture, for I believe in cheap money. Q. What is your reason for desiring the retention of the silver basis? — A. Agriculture, of course, is the chief industry of the Philip- pine Islands. They have to compete all the time with their neighbors, and especially with Mexico. Hemp is one of the great exports here, and in that the}' have to compete with the sisal grass produced in Mexico, and, as you know, Mexico is on a silver basis. Q. The laborers, they get the same wages whether it is paid in silver or gold? — A. Yes. Q. It is fixed by custom? — A. Yes. Q. Does the fact that they have a silver basis in Asia — in India and China and Hongkong— affect you? — A. Yes; that influences the situa- tion. Q. Are you a part of that monetary system? — A. We are now, because they allow the importation of Mexican dollars. Q. Weren’t they excluded by the Spaniards, who only allowed the Mexican dollar up to 1878 to come in here ? — A. Yes; consequently they were often at a premium in Hongkong, and here, sometimes, they reached 64 to 78. By Professor Worcester: Q. I would like to know your ideas about what restriction ought to be placed upon bringing Chinese into this country, if any? You are a business man here, and I would like to know your opinion from a business man’s standpoint. — A. It is a very difficult problem, that. The first thing that you have got to take into consideration is that in this province you will find that the Chinese are very unpopular. On the other hand, in other provinces they are popular. The Chinaman is very useful, so far as Manila goes — that is, from a business stand- point. He is a very useful man, because he does most of the coolie work. Q. That same remark would apply to Iloilo and Cebu. I mean the general desirability of admitting him there ? — A. If you take the China- man here as a rule he is a very good distributor of merchandise; that is to say, they have had the whole of the import business; that lias all been in the hands of the Chinese. On the other hand, the Chinese are a great drain on the country. By President Schurman: Q. In what way ? — A. All the money and all the profits that a China- man makes he remits it to China, and that is so much money out of the country; that is to say, suppose you are in favor of having the Chinese in here, it would be a much bigger drain on the country; they would remit all their earnings; all their earnings go to China. Q. You mean they do not add to the wealth of the islands?— A. No, they invest nothing here. ■2 p c- 18 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. By Professor Worcester: Q. I want to know whether you think well of them; whether it would be necessary to have them here. Suppose the mines were opened up and railways built and large undertakings in the planta- tions started, would it be practicable to get native labor that would be able to run these things without the Chinese? — A. We have a mine in Bulacan, and we were never short of men. By President Schurman: Q. You used Indians entirely?- — A. These Tagalogs. When the railway was built there was never a lack of laborers, and they used natives. In some parts of the islands there is a shortage of labor. Q. I have read in books that the natives are lazy, and that if yrou started a large industry you might any day find yourself short of laborers. How is that? — A. No; some of these men have been work- ing for ten years and never have missed a day. They are the most docile men to work with. Q. Is that true of the Visayan as well as of the Tagalog provinces?— A. Yes. Q. How is it at Tarlac? It is easy to get laborers there? — A. Yes; sometimes it is easy, and iit other times it is difficult. Q. Would you say they' are a lazy lot? — A. Yes. By Professor Worcester: Q. Sefior Montenegi'os, a friend of mine, told me that he often found it necessary- to go over to the other islands, and especially to Bohol, to secure laborers, and then he had to pay them a large part of their wages in advance before they' would work for him; that then they would work for him a certain length of time and would leave him; that the pay was pretty good, and they accumulated money very rapidly, and they soon got to a place where theyr were ready' to retire from business and would leave. — A. The greater part of Samar and Leyte are really supplied from Bohol. Q. The Bohol natives have a pretty good reputation for industry, have they not? — A. Yes, and the Ilocos people. In the harvest time they' go down south and take in all the crops. Q. They are a very hard working people ? — A. Yes; and then they go up north and do the same. Q. I have been told that you could not get natives to do coolie work, such as unloading steamers, etc. — A. Oh. yres, you can. By’ President Schurman: Q. Are the Chinese unpopular? — A. The Chinese are, especially of late in Samar. They are very much given to cheating. You go in one of their shops to buy something by weight, and their scales are all fixed up; and the Filipinos are afraid of Chinese competition, for the Chinese are educated very well. In many places they won’t have the Chinese. In Batangas they won’t have them. The Chinese were originally allowed by' the Spaniards to come only as coolies for work- ing in the fields. Q. I?i your judgment, would it be well to exclude them hereafter? — A. I would carry' on the same laws as the Spaniards had — that every Chinaman who came in had to pay $50 or $100. It keeps a good many out, and the place would not be overrun. Q. It would not prevent any' exploitation of the country, such as you REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 19 speak of; they would continue to send home their earnings? — A. You see the Chinese coolies, some of them who have been coolies nearly all their lives, get a little trade and employ other coolies. As soon as a coolie can save a little money he goes out somewhere and establishes a small shop. Q. He is a Jew? — A. He is the Jew of the East, and any money he makes is remitted at once to China. That, I think, is an unfortunate element of the situation, and I don’t see how you can prevent it. By Professor Worcester: Q. My observation was that in all the little villages the Chinese were the distributing agents, and that the merchandise that came from the outside had to be got from the Chinamen, who, as you say, set up little shops. The question is whether or not if the Chinamen were excluded the work would be done by the natives? — A. Yes; there are not Chinese enough and they all want to go home. By Colonel Denby: Q. Do any Chinese women come here? — A. No; they are not allowed to. That is the trouble. Q. That promotes a half-breed population ? — A. Yes. Q. What kind of citizens do they make? — A. The Chinese half breeds are causing all the trouble. Q. Who are? — A. The Chinese half-breeds. Q. Aguinaldo is not, is he? — A. He has Chinese blood in him. His sister is married to General Paua, who collected $200,000 down at Sorsogon the other day, contributions from the natives and the Chinese, principally. Q. Who is he? — A. He is one of Aguinaldo’s staff officials. Q. What is his status down there? — A. He is a general now. He was a colonel here and fought with Aguinaldo against the Spaniards. He married Aguinaldo’s sister. He is a young chap, only 27. Q. Have you any further suggestions to make to us? — A. No; I think not. President Schurman. We are very much obliged to you for the information and suggestions you have given to us, and if any ideas occur to you in future we shall be very glad to hear from you. Manila, April 7J, 1809. TESTIMONY OF SEN0R CAYETAN0 S. ARELLANO. Present : President Schurman (in the chair), Colonel Denby, and Professor Worcester, commissioners; John R. Mac Arthur, Esq., secretary. Seiior Arellano appeared before the commissioners by request and made the following statement through an interpreter: By President Schurman: Q. What is your name? — A. Cayetano S. Arellano. Q. What is your profession ? — A. I am a lawyer. Q. How long have }Tou been in Manila? — A. I was born here. Q. Have you been engaged in the administration of public affairs as well as in the practice of law? — A. Not in an official character; but 1 was a magistrate of the audiencia and a professor in the university. 20 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. How long were you magistrate and how long were you a profes- sor'— A. I was magistrate two years and professor fifteen years in the university here. I was professor of law. Q. We don’t want to interrupt you with questions now, but we want you to stop occasionally so that what you say can be translated and taken down; and we would esteem it a favor if you would give us in a general way' a description of the Philippine Islands as they were under the Spaniards before the war. — A. In the political branch there was a general governor, assisted bv a council of authorities, which was composed of the president of Manila, the general of marine, the military governor, director-general of the civil administration, the superior judge of the audiencia, the president of the audiencia, the general manager of the administration of the treasury, and the fiscal of Her Majesty, or what in other countries would be attorney-general. These gentlemen are each one the heads of different administrative branches of the organization of the island. Thus we have the head of the civil administration, who is the director of the civil administra- tion. There is likewise one who is called the chief of the treasury, the head of the treasury. The head of this department is the chief in general of the treasury. There is, further, the administration of jus- tice, whose head is the president of the audiencia of this court, the supreme court. An integral part of this administration is the fiscal administrator or attorney-general, who is the procurador-general of Her Majesty; but this fiscal administrator as chief is independent of the president of the high court. This is the organization of the civil admin- istration; there being in addition the chief of the military and the chief of the navy, and the archbishop. These are independent of the civil administration and in addition to it. Now we are going to speak of the purely civil administration, which is the most important. The supreme chief is the governor -general himself. This one exercises his functions in certain matters by means of different agents, as, for example, byr the direction of the civil administration in certain cases, in other cases by means of the general - intendente of the treasury, and in other matters by a means not here- tofore mentioned, namely, a secretariat of the general government. These above mentioned are the central official bureaus existing in Manila, Apart from these central departments of Manila there is a govern- ment of the provinces. In each province there are authorities subordinate to those which we have already mentioned; that is, in each province there is a gov- ernor of the province; there is an administrator of the local treasury; there is a judge and a fiscal agent, or deputy attorney, subject, of course, to the superior fiscal agent. This is the political organization of the islands. The attributes, powers, and functions of these several officers, or functionaries, are very large and ample, and are set forth in extensive laws relating to the provinces. I do not set forth these attributes and functions, because there are very many and they are set forth in the laws. By Colonel Denby: Q. How are those laws passed? — A. Thej" are made in Madrid, at the initiative of the minister for the colonies in the Cortes, and signed by the Queen. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 21 By President Schurman: Q. Is no law made by these islands, by the governor-general? — A. No law is made here; they come, all, from the office of the minister of the colonies. By Colonel Denby: Q. Do 3rou mean that no local regulation is made here? — A. Of the three powers — the legislative, judicial, and executive — the governor- general has absolutely no power whatever over that of the legislative. His sole power is that of being executive. In the constitution of Spain, as well as of the colonies and the islands, the executive has the power to make regulations relating to the exercise of his executive function. There are regulations for the application of the laws which are made in Madrid; these sometimes come with the law itself from Madrid, and sometimes the laws come on with an authorization to the local authority here to make proper regulations for their application. Although the governor-general has no legislative powers, he may, nevertheless, and is given power to, dictate bandos, circulars, and proclamations for the execution of measures of good government, but he must thereafter submit them to the approval of the Government in Madrid. Over the judicial system, the judicial department, the gov- ernor-general has no power. Q. Who appoints the judges? — A. The judges and the magistrates are named b}T the secretary of the colonies at Madrid, but in the exer- cise of its functions the judicial department is entirely independent of the executive. In the Guia Oficial of the Philippine Islands for 1889, which has been brought here by me, there stands a brief account of each one of these departmental centers which I have spoken of. At the beginning of each one of the accounts in the book of these several departments there is a little recital of the department followed by the personnel of the officials. It also contains information in regard to the races, the dialects, and the languages, and with regard to the religious corporations, and it is generally a book of governmental information in regard to the Philippines. The laws which have to do with the application and functions of the several departments which have been mentioned are very, very numer- ous, but an idea of the general application of them can be had from this other book which I have brought entitled Derecho Admin istra- tivo Colonial. This is a very excellent book. There is not a word too much or a word too little in it, and it can be translated literally. It can not be bought here. Q. Was there no local legislature or council of any kind; that is, a parliament or a diet? — A. There was no legislative body at all, but there was a consulting body. By President Schurman: Q. Please explain to us what that bodjr was? — A. It was called the council of administration — the administrative council. Q. And did the officials which you have already mentioned compose that body, or who did compose it? — A. It was composed by men named by the Government at Madrid, separate and apart from those that have been mentioned, and they were individuals whose duties were of an honorary nature. Q. What wei’e their duties? — A. Their functions were those of ad- vice and consultation on certain points, which are set forth in the law governing the matter. 22 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. They were simply advisory ? — A. Yes; nothing more. Q. How did the church come into this government? Did it have any intervention or power in it? — A. Yes, indeed; all of the superior functionaries of the church had a particular and integral part in this consultative body, and the heads of the religious orders and archbishops took part in this council. Q. How large was that consultative body ? — A. This body was com- posed of two classes of members; those who were such, ex officio, by virtue of their position, and those who were elected. Q. Were the members of the clergy the actual holders of any offices in the Philippines? — A. As public administrative members, strictly speaking, no; but as honorary members with consultative functions in government, yes. There were honorary presidents of local bodies having to do with agriculture, with the schools, and with the inspec- tion of local affairs, etc. Q. Was the government honestly administered? — A. The govern- ment system was good, but the officials were bad, Q. 1 don’t think you quite understood 1 1 1 \* question. Was tne gov- ernment honestly administered? — A. It is necessary to make a distinc- tion in replying to this question. So far as the laws themselves were concerned the government coidd not have been better. As far as the officials are concerned there was much to be said a'nd much to be desired. By Colonel Denby: Q. In what respect did the people object to the government? — A. As a matter of fact there were complaints in all branches of justice and in the administration of the treasury. By President Schurman: Q. I want to find out particularly what the complaints were, what were the defects in the general government and the provincial govern- ments and everywhere. I want to find out what in particular were the complaints; what particular things were complained of ?- — A. The par- ticular cause of the revolution I can not say, because I do not know, and because there are different opinions in regard to it; but it is said that one of the causes is the aspiration of the people themselves to secure reform and to take an active part in the government. By Colonel Denby: Q. What reforms do you think the people desire, and what do you think would be advisable? — A. They desired, for example, to have a representative in the Cortes in Madrid; they desired, furthermore, a part in the administrative government of the islands and the enjoyment of liberty, of which they were deprived. The question of independence was not then raised among them and not until just now, of late. * By President Schurman: Q. Can’t we give these people a local self-government? — A. In my poor opinion, no. We do not believe them capable of themselves form- ing a government of themselves, an autonomous government. That is my opinion. By Professor Worcester: Q. I don’t think he understands that question. I think he understood you to refer to the general government instead of the local government. Colonel Denby wishes to ask you whether they would be capable of a REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 23 small amount of autonomous government in their towns, for instance, or in their provinces? — A. Oh, yes; a considerable amount of it is provided for under the present law. By President Schurman: Q. Please state whether they are capable of governing their pueblos without any intervention on the part of the general government at Manila. There are pueblos, there are provinces, and there is the gen- eral government at Manila. I am beginning with pueblos, large and small, and 1 ask you whether the people are capable of governing them without any intervention on the part of the government at Manila?— A. No. Q. Do you think the provinces are capable of governing themselves without any intervention from the Federal Government at Manila? — A. To a certain extent, yes. In certain provinces, as, for example, Pampanga, the people are sufficiently enlightened to govern themselves in a certain manner; but independent general government, no. By Colonel Denby: Q. I wish you would bear in mind that in my questions I do not contemplate the independence of the Philippines. What I contemplate is, and what I inquire of you about is, whether under the direction and control of the United States Government, which would have a governor here, judges, a secretary of state, and various other officers, these people are capable of meeting intelligently in a legislative body and passing laws subject to the approval of the governor. — A. Given the sover- eignty and the superior direction of the United States, yes; very emphatically, yes. I consider these people thoroughly worthy of hav- ing that power intrusted to them. By President Schurman: Q. Do you think that form of government would be better than the old form of government simply of a colon}'? — A. Yes; under this direction I consider them tit and worthy for the reforms which thev have asked for. Q. If there were a property qualification which would secure the election of respectable, well-to-do, and intelligent men to the legisla- ture, do you think or not that such men could be found sufficiently numerous to operate a legislative body? — A. In my judgment, I think there are sufficient. Yes; in my judgment, there are enough to form a body of this kind. Q. Could there be found in all the islands capable men sufficiently qualified to be sent as representatives to a general parliament? — A. I think so; yes. Q. In all the islands? — A. I do not know all the provinces, but I think it very probable that in each of them there would be found one or two men of sufficient enlightenment. Q. I could well believe that in the civilized provinces, the provinces inhabited by civilized natives, you could, but how about Palawan, for instance, where there are only savages and criminals? — A. Yes; because that is not a true province; it is really a separate penal colony. The same thing applies to Tawi Tawi and in certain parts of Mindanoa, Surigao, and Misamis. Q. Do you think that many reforms would be needed in the Span- ish system? — A. I believe so, yes; principally for the purpose of 24 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. simplifying the system, because under it, as it stands, there is an immense amount of legislation. Q. Is the system good, as a whole? — A. Strictly speaking, yes; but we believe it would be easy to adopt a better system. Q. What changes would you make in the executive branch of the government? — A. First of all, and as one of the most important reforms, I would recommend a change in the judicial procedure, not only criminal but civil, and in the administrative functions; likewise a great change in the formalities for doing business, which are now very dilatory. Q. Would you make any change in the constitution of the council? Do you like that advisory general council? — A. It should be sup- pressed; it is completely useless. Q. What should take its place ? — A. The old one should be done away with, because it was composed chiefly of Spaniards. The natives had no representation in it, and it was useless, but a new one might be formed, with the functions that are laid down in this book here, “Derecho Administrative Colonial.” Q. Could that consultative body be replaced by the administrative heads of the general government we should set up here? — A. This might be done: Instead of the administrative council, which has here- tofore existed, there might be established a council composed of the heads of the administrative departments, adding to it representatives of certain of the chief interests of the country, as, for example, a rep- resentative of the commercial interests and of the professions, etc. Q. I ask you whether in addition to such a council so constituted it would be well to have a legislature, in your opinion? — A. If there should be this legislative body it. would seem to be useless or super- fluous. The former consultative body of which we were speaking, I was thinking of as a little senate — as a sort of legislature. Q. If you added representatives of commerce and the professions and other interests of the islands, were you thinking of making that council a legislative body ?— A. If there were to be no legislative body in the islands it would be well to have this advisory council at the side of the governor. If, however, a legislative body were to be established in which the natives were given representation there wouldn’t be the same need of this advisory body. It would not, however, necessarily be superfluous, because the functions of a little senate might be accorded to it. Q. I want to come back to the courts. I have finished with the executive and legislative. I want to come back to the courts, and ask you if you have any other reforms to suggest in addition to the reforms of procedure? — A. 1 can not very well point out what reforms should be made in this particular branch of the department, because I do not yet know what system of government is going to be established here. Professor Worcester. We are asking these questions because we wish to make use, as far as possible, of all the good features of the old system. By President Schurman: Q. Would you deem it desirable to retain the Spanish laws in gen- eral as they now exist? — A. As it is now constituted, of course, there arc judges of the first instance, judges of the peace, judges on appeal, REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 25 of the higher court, of the audiencias. Of course 1 do not know whether it is the intention of the United States to form a supreme court over all these, or what its intention is; but under the circum- stances in which things now stand, I do not think that the formation of the courts is bad. That which is bad and which needs reformation is, as I have said, the judicial procedure. In further explanation I may say, that, for example, in order to qualify a person to occupy the position of judge, the law is explicit as to his qualifications, as to what studies or what experience he must have had, and the preliminary prep- aration he must have had for it. Such laws as those, relating to the constitution of the judicial body, I think are good. But the law of procedure, as, for example, the information of witnesses, the manner of presenting proofs, and the manner of making complaints, and all the papers relating to the procedure of the courts are antiquated and very long, cost much to prepare, and in all these matters reform should be had. The form of pleading should be changed. By Colonel Denby: Q. Would there be anything to prevent the legislative body, acting in accordance with the governor, making reformation in judicial pro- cedure?— A. There are two manners of proceeding to make these reforms — by means of legislative body itself or by means of a special technical commission for that purpose. By President Schurman: Q. Which do you prefer? — A. My preference, in order to expedite the matter and to make it the most certain, is for a commission. By Colonel Denby: Q. Under our system commissioners are appointed by the legislature to get up codes of law, and do you not think that we might find suffi- ciently qualified legal gentlemen among the Filipinos who could act on such a commission? — A. Yes; I think that there could be found in the Philippines men capable of serving on such a commission. Q. Would it be possible for you to act on that commission yourself as the head of it? — A. Not at the head, but I could help on it. By President Schurman: Q. Is it desirable to retain the present code of laws, or should we undertake to change them in the sense of American laws? — A. I think that the penal code should be reformed in certain particulars, but I find the civil code very good, and likewise the commercial code. That which we need most to reform in the American sense, in the Anglo- Saxon sense, is the law of procedure, in order to simplify it. Q. What language would you use in the courts of Manila? Could we use the English language? — A. For the present generation it is, I think, difficult to change the language, and for a court it would be very embarrassing to have an interpreter all the time. By Colonel Denby: Q. We have a territory where everything is done in Spanish from top to bottom, and there is not a word said in English that is not put into Spanish. Q. What change woidd you make in the relation of the church to the state? — A. That is a problem almost too complex, too complicated, for me to give an immediate answer to; and likewise it is quite neces- 26 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. sary to know in advance the principle or system which it is the inten- tion to establish here. That is one of the most complex and difficult questions here. By President Schurman: Q. Well, in my opinion we couldn’t have the archbishop, or any other clergyman, as such clergyman, a member of any branch of the Government. 1 speak of fiscal or legal relations.— A. There should be none. Q. Now, 1 want to ask a word about the tariff and the taxes. How did the existing tariff and system of taxes please the people? All taxes, I mean. Have there been many complaints?- — A. Yes; there have been many complaints in regard to that — as, for example, in regard to the cedulas that have been referred to. Q. What other complaints? — A. Likewise in regard to the indus- trial and commercial taxation. There is need of study and reform. I believe that much more money can be got from the tax, but that it should be obtained by a greater consideration of the difference between the well-to-do and the poor producing classes, those who are really poor. There should be study in order to determine more explicitly the degree of poverty that should exempt the poorer commercial classes from taxation on their industry. By Colonel Denby: Q. If this commission announced to the Filipino people that we intended to give them a representative republican government, giving them the power to vote — to people who had certain property qualifica- tions; that a governor and other officers would be appointed by the President of the United States, some of whom, of course, would be Filipinos and some Americans, what effect, in your opinion, would that fact have upon the followers of Aguinaldo? — A. Among the more enlightened classes of the Filipinos — and it is difficult to interpret the opinion of the other classes, because the enlightened class stands, as it were, a little separate — I believe the system, as Indicated, would be agreeable to the more enlightened. By President Schurman: Q. The particular question is, what effect it would have on the fol- lowers of Aguinaldo in shortening the war? — A. As to what effect it might produce upon the forces of Aguinaldo 1 am not able to say, because they wish heaven and earth. Q. What effect would it have upon the general Filipino public, good or bad? — A. I have already said it would have a good effect upon the better part of the Filipino public, and the other part can not be spoken for. Q. Will you state whether in your opinion a government, being con- stituted of the kind we suppose, with a governor-general appointed by the President, and a legislative junta here — such administration as that being presupposed — you would give to them all functions of govern- ment in the Philippine Islands, or whether some should be reserved to the United States; as, for instance, the management of the post-office and the management of the finances? — A. In my own opinion it would not be disagreeable to the Filipinos, if the matters which have to do with foreign relations or with foreign considerations should, like those mentioned, emanate from or be governed by the home Government at REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 27 Washington, but all those relating to interior matters should be gov- erned by the special or interior government. Q. Do you consider the post-office and custom-house as exterior mat- ters or as interior matters? I want to make this difference. Questions of foreign policy would, of course, be dealt with by the Government at Washington; questions affecting other States — international relations they would belong to Washington, and we would also assign to Wash- ington, along with those international relations, the management of the post-office and the custom-house. — A. I rather, in my thought, con- nect these functions which you mention with external relations than with the internal relations; but, of course, there are inferior functions of these general functions, which are necessarily to be exercised by sub- alterns here. Q. If it is agreeable to you, woidd you be willing to come to us again another day, after the stenographer has had time to transcribe your remarks to-day and we have had an opportunity to read them? Diffi- culties may arise, or there may be other points about which you have not been examined to-day which may occur to us, and we may desire to have your opinion. — A. I should be very glad to do as you desire. I am at your disposal. TESTIMONY OF MR. NEIL MACLEOD. Manila, April 17, 1899 — 10 a. m. Present: President Schurman (in the chair), Admiral Dewey, Colonel Denby, and Professor Worcester, commissioners, and John It. Mae- Arthur, esq., secretary. Neil MacLeod, who appeared before the commission, stated as fol- lows in response to questions put by the commissioners: By President Schurman: Q. We may have to ask you some questions later on, but we would be very glad to have you make a full statement of your views in regard to the Philippines. We are here to learn all we can about these islands and their people, the proper methods of governing them, and so on. — A. The first thing to do is to get these natives, those who are causing the trouble especially, and give them a good thrashing. Q. Such as they have been getting? — A. Yes; a little more. There are only a handful of men who are really troublesome, and they are that Malolos crowd. Aguinaldo is a mere puppet, and does not amount to a row of pins. They have got a very bad crowd about him, lawyers and others, who are putting him up to all kinds of mischief, and of course he is a little god among the people. They work upon his vanity to spread about this defection among the natives. Q. Y on were saying that Aguinaldo was a puppet and that these ambi- tious men were using him. — A. That is what I have gathered from my own observation. In fact, I have written the papers here, and I have written the papers in Hongkong an article that has been reproduced here, which }rou may find it interesting to read. I brought five copies of the Times, the paper in which the article appeared. I think this gives the situation in the Philippines. The article was written before the Paris Commission met. 28 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. We should be very glad to have those copies and file them. You sent it to the Times on what date? — A. The 8th of March. Q. Last month ? — A. Last month. That gives you my view of the natives as they present themselves to me much more concisely than I can give it to you now. Q. So far as that information is concerned we shall take it as you have it there and file it in our records. — A. In regard to the other paper, I have only two sheets here; the other is promised to-morrow. Q. That is the article in the American ?- — A. Yes. Q. What is the date of the article in the American ? — A. October, 1898. It appeared to me to be a good resume of the situation. A copy of it was sent to a paper in New York, but theyr would not publish it, because they said it would not suit their politics at the time. Some gentleman sent it to them, he wanted them to publish it, and they said they could not publish it at that time, so I don’t think it has appeared in any papers except here. Q. In addition to these articles in the papers, which fully set forth the situation here of the people themselves, we would be glad to hear what else you have to say. — A. I have dealt with the history of the natives here and the history of the Spaniards and the probable future of these islands under decent government and the observations I had to make. If I were to express all my views on the subject there would be no end to it. The resources of the country are so rich and varied and plentiful that it would take a long time to go into them. Q. Well, talk away freely. — A. For instance, we have coal mines. We have plenty of coal in these islands suitable to the wants of this place. Q. Genuine coal or lignite? — A. It is lignite coal, like Japan coal, although it is rather better in quality than the Japan coal. In fact, 1 have an engineer’s report which you may be interested in perusing. Q. On what island is that? — A. Cebu. By Professor Worcester: Q. Do you know anything about the coal in Mindoro? — A. The coal in Mindoro is very much the same as the Japan coal. 1 have had it analyzed in Hongkong, both coals, what we got from the sur- face of the mines which have been worked here. I suppose as you go farther down you get the better coal. The coal I had analyzed in Hongkong by the Government analyst was 2 per cent better than the Yubani coal; that is, the analyst in Hongkong made it out to be 2 per cent better than the Japan coal. I have a concession. Here is an article you might peruse — these two sheets of this article — and ask me any question you like about anything that occurs to you. Q. I wanted to ask you a little more about the coal, Mr. MacLeod. Do you know anything about the deposit in Masbate? — A. It is a small thing, comparatively, but it has been found, and we have a line of steamers here, and we have burned the coal in our own steamers and found it better than the Japan coal. Q. How far are these Masbate deposits from Palanog? — A. They are on one side of the island. There is a fort there, and there is another fort called the Catangan. Q. Is that on the same side of the island or on the other side ? — A. It is on the northwest of the island as far as I can remember. Have you a chart of the islands ? REPORT OK THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 29 Q. Yes. — A. The engineer’s report says, as far as he can see Q. I make that inquiry because I knew a British syndicate was oper- ating the coal holds on these islands, and there was a statement that there was 160,000 tons in sight in one concession in Masbate? — A. The report I have, which was made seven or eight years ago, does not bear that out. I think it is a smaller quantity than that. Those figures were too large. I have got a concession for ninety -nine years of these lands, and I have been waiting to get a decent government here to go to work, and I propose to bring a railway down here to the coast, then to Cebu. Port Cebu, you know, is a very good port. Q. You mean you woidd run a railroad to Cebu? — A. I would run a railroad from the mine to the coast and from there to Cebu for other traffic and other purposes; that is about 16 miles of railroad, I think. Q. What is the name of the place where the mine is? — A. Yuking; it is in Cebu. Q. Will you state the area where coal is principally found through- out the archipelago? — A. Well, the principal island is Cebu. So far as we have seen there is coal in the south of Luzon, in the straits, Santa Granada; there is coal in the southeast, in Mindoro, and this Masbate mine; there are several smaller places, but the country has not been explored thoroughly. We do not know for certain, but I think there is coal all over the place. Q. Is there any ground for thinking there might be genuine coal here as well as lignite? — A. There is good enough coal for steaming purposes. I believe those coals gone into would be as good as the coal of New South Wales. At present we buy that within 10 per cent of the same price. Q. What does coal sell for per ton? — A. $15 to $16 per ton — Mexican. Q. Native coal? — A. Yes; if we had this coal it would sell just as well as Japan coal. Q. Do you mean to say that the coal mines in the archipelago have never been worked? — A. No; not under any scientific plan; just a little lot taken out. Q. Enough to satisfy the locality in which the mines are, or for export? — A. I don’t think the whole thing would amount to 25,000 tons taken out in the last twenty-five or thirty years. These Cebu mines were being worked by the natives during 1860 to 1864, and they took out 3 or 4 or 5 thousand tons. At that time there were no steam- ers in the archipelago, and there was no demand for it; there was no railroad, and there wras great difficulty in getting coal from the mine to the beach, and it wTas so expensive and the lack of demand together there was no occasion to mine it. Q. Where are the mines located from the city of Cebu? — A. Six- teen miles by railway from the mines to the beach and about 6 miles direct. Q. Would the harbor of Cebu be the best place? — A. It woidd be the natural place. Q. You have concessions you say. From whom?— A. From the Spanish Government. Q. Are there other mines in the island of Cebu? — A. Yes; I am on the south end of the range of mountains and there are mines in the north which I have the refusal of. I can merge them into my company 30 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Concessions have been granted? — A. Yes. Q. Have concessions been granted of all the mines in the island of Cebu? — A. Yes. Q. What is the nature of those concessions, what is the quid pro quo? — A. The concession I have got is a very favorable one. I am under an obligation to take out 100 tons a day only; of this 100 tons I am obliged to give the government the half of it at a reduction on the market price, which reduction has been fixed at 51 cents a toil (Mexican). Q. That is, the government gets half of the output each day at 51 cents less than the market rate? — A. Yes. Q. That is, if you put out 1.000 tons A. The government would have the right to take over half of this 1,000 tons (500 tons) at that reduction. Q. Is that 51 cents fixed in the concession? — A. It is. This conces- sion was put up at auction, and the man Avho bid the most as the government portion got the contract. Q. What is the period of that concession? — A. Ninety-nine years is fixed: and then these concessions are generally carried on indefinitely. There has not been a case otherwise — in fact, it is a new thing altogether. Q. What it means is that the government gets a small royalty on half of the coal produced? — A. Exactly; and the coal mines, the gov- ernment is entitled to have its engineers go in and inspect the mines from time to time. Q. What do they inspect them for?— A. That is a part of the con- tract. to see that everything is going on properly within the latter. Q. How long has that concession been in operation ? — A. It has not commenced jTet. It was granted a little less than a year ago; about May of last year. Q. After the 1st of May? — A. Well, I got it in January really; that was the option, but I only got the concession definitely granted to me on the 18th of May; it was notified to me in May. There has been no possibility of operating since, because there was a clause in the con- tract which operates only when things are settled. Q. What was the date of that option ? — A. The 18th of January, I think. Q. 1898? — A. Yes; I have got the whole thing in printed form, which I may give you by and by. Q. What is needed for the development of these mines, Mr. Mac- Leod?— A. The only thing that is wanted is a railway there — skill, capital, and a railway. Q. Your company proposes to build a railroad from there to Cebu ?— A. Yes; that is part of the contract. Q. When, by the terms of the contract, has the railway to be com- pleted?— A. Of course, from the time I commence I have got three years. Q. That is, by the concession? — A. That is, by the concession; but of course T should propose to do it in a much shorter time; they gave us plenty of time; I should not take more than twelve months. Q. What gauge railroad is called for? — A. Oh, that is a matter of arrangement. Q. No specifications? — A. No; I have got to make a proposal that I should make a railway suitable, of say 3 feet <5 inch gauge or there- abouts— the same gauge as this Manila and Dagupan Railway. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 31 Q. Is there any provision found in the concession as to the method of determining- the gauge or nature of that road ? — A. Yes; I make a proposition to them and they accept or modify it. I take it that the American Government have stepped into the shoes of the Spanish, and that 1 am dealing now with the American Government just as 1 was dealing with the Spaniards in this case. Isn’t that so? By President Schurman: Q. 1 suppose the nature of this concession is a thing that will have to be inquired into by our Government. — A. The concessions are sim- ply the ordinary concessions that one government succeeding another government would have to take over on the same terms. Q. If we choose to recognize the telegraphic concessions which have been made in this island we could send all our Government mes- sages for a third of what it is costing us, but we are paying full rates at present. That is a question left open for future consideration. — A. In regard to acquired rights of property of all kinds, I take it that by your treaty in Paris you respect them as they were. Isn’t that so? Q. That is a question — the determination of rights, I take it. Those duly ascertained and determined would, of course, be respected. — A. Rights that would be recognized by the Spanish Government would be recognized bv you? Q. As I say, I think this question of the determination of those rights is not a question that concerns us here. Do you say that there are other islands besides Cebu in ivhich coal is found? — A. Yes; the island of Mindoro in the south, and in Luzon, in fact. There is really coal all over the place. By Admiral Dewey: Q. Is Professor Becker again here? — A. He is still here. Q. He was sent out to examine those? — A. He made a little mineral report, a copy of which I have got, sent out from Washington. By President Schurman: Q. I think that is in the Paris treaty report. I have read it. Q. Are there any other natural resources of the country in which you are specially interested, Air. MacLeod ? — A. I have got a lot of land in and about the port of Iloilo, around and about that port, which I am developing into buildings and wharves, and the only thing that is wanted is to let us get in ships of 20 or 25 feet draft. At present ships have to load in the roads, and they take about six weeks, some of the ships, to get away, from the time they arrive until they go away, and by letting them into the river they get away in about ten or twelve days; and the only thing that is wanted, I think, is to dredge out the bar 5 or 6 feet. The bottom is of sand and mud, not stones, and it is an estuary which the action of the tides only affects; it is not like a bar formed by a river coming from the mountains, which forms a bar constantly; this bar once cleaned would keep clean for years, as it is only affected by the action of the tide. Q. Wasn’t there some action on the part of the business men to get work done on that bar, and wasn’t there a subscription raised for that purpose? — A. What they called work, a little. The merchants there subscribed a lot of money which went as a sort of tax on the produce; and the Spaniards didn’t do much — they got out some dredges and 32 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. started work, but the rebellion stopped it, and really there has been nothing done since; but I believe they have got a good deal of material and a plant down there now, the dredges, etc. ; but it is a very simple matter, making this port available for big ships to go inside. Q. Is that a private plant you spoke of? — A. The plant that exists in Iloilo belongs to the Spanish Government, to the port works; it is the same sort of arrangement as here — the}' had port work here which never was carried on — but this was taken up by private people, among them the merchants, and the}' agreed to take up the tax money on pro- duce to cover the outlay. They had secured about $80,000 when it stopped. Q. Does your business or experience make you conversant with any of the other produce?- — A. My business is to buy produce and ship it over to the States, England, China, and Japan, and we handle all kinds of produce that is to be had. Q. Sugar, hemp, tobacco, and coffee?— A. Sugar very little, and coffee very little of it. Q. Do you send out raw tobacco ? A. The tobacco output is principally sent by the government to Spain; they pay a better price than any other European country, and they ship through the agents, the concessionairs, to Spain. Q. Do you send any to the United States ? — A. No. Q. Do you send any cigars to the United States? — A. Very, very few. I think the duty stands in the way. Q. Do you send any hemp? — A. A large quantity of hemp. Q. Do you send much sugar? — A. Sugar also. Q. What else? — A. Hemp and sugar, hides and hide cuttings, and little objects of that kind, but hemp and sugar are the two principal staples. Q. What proportion of the hemp production goes to the United States? — A. A good half — 60 per cent, I should say. Q. How about sugar? — A. About 60 or 70 per cent. The States’ market is more adapted to the class of sugar we have here than the other markets. Lately the sugar has been going principally to China and Japan. Q. What is the peculiarity of the sugar that adapts it to the United States market? — A. It is a low class of sugar, which goes through the refinery ; it is a sun-dried sugar, natural sugar, and put up in light bags. Q. What does it sell for here? — A. Five dollars, Mexican, a picul. Q. What is a picul in pounds? — A. One hundred and forty pounds. Q. That is wholesale ? — A. Yes; by cargoes. Of course it fluctuates according to the market, sometimes more and sometimes less, but I think now about $5 a picul. Q. Is sugar raising a profitable investment under the conditions that have existed for the last three or four years? — A. Very profitable to people who look after their own interests and have Europeans in charge to keep the natives from pilfering and to keep them at their work. Q. Do the natives do most of the work in connection with the pro- duction of sugar, hemp, and these other products of which you have spoken? — A. Yes, in the southern islands they do ; the natives are the principal workers ; elsewhere Chinese work the hemp plantations. Q. Do you mean in the island of Luzon? — Yes; also in Mindanao. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 33 They own hemp plantations. They are a very industrious people, the Chinese, and we want a few more of them. The fact is, the native here is an unreliable and useless being'. Q. What makes the great difference in the natives of Luzon and the natives of the Visayas? — A. I refer principally to these fellows who have taken up arms; they have demoralized themselves and oth- ers', and they live on the earnings of their wives, principally. Q. What do their wives do to make money ? — A. They traffic, and they do a good deal of hand weaving — hand-loom weaving of different native fabrics, you know. Q. They are doing that at present? — A. Yes; you see some here in the stores. They ship it to the States — dress and dress lengths, that is all made by hand-loom weaving. By Professor Worcester: Q. That is, from Samar— made in Samar? Or is Samar the port from which it is shipped? — A. It comes from the southern islands, too, but from Calamianes principally. We ship certain gums to the United States. Q. Are you under the impression that that is produced in Calamianes or that it is produced in the southern islands and brought there ? — A. It is produced in both places. We have obtained more from Calamianes than from anywhere else. Q. I have been all over Calamianes Islands without seeing any there. There are no forests where it could be produced. — A. It might be pro- duced on the surrounding islands and shipped there; because in use we call it “Calamianes gum,” because it is shipped from there. Q. Is any camphor produced in the islands? — A. There is one island near Leyte where a good deal of camphor is produced. Q. Is that Beleron ? — A. Beleron. Q. In the production of these commodities — -hemp, sugar, gum, and the like — is machinery used to any extent? — A. In the matter of hemp, it is the most primitive thing, the way these natives operate. They have an apparatus composed of a board, and there is a knife strung under a loop, and the man that is feeding it brings down his foot on the fiber and pulls it through, and separates the vegetable from the fiber; but it is the most primitive thing. I have in London photographs of the whole operation, from the time the tree is cut till it is finished. I am speaking now, of course, about hemp. Q. Is not the tree from which hemp is extracted very similar in appearance to an ordinary plantain tree? — A. It looks so much like a plantain tree that by looking at the two growing together only the practiced eye would know the difference, but the hemp tree has got a darker green leaf and it is corrugated. Q. It is in corrugations ? — A. But the edible plantain has got a plain, lighter green leaf. Q. And not corrugated? — A. And not corrugated. Q. Would there be any demand for better machinery here under favorable conditions ? — A. If a machine could be invented adaptable to cultivating hemp it would be a very, very valuable thing, but we have merchants here who have spent thousands of pounds in experi- menting, and we have had American engineers, Scotch engineers, and other engineers all experimenting, and we have never yet got a ma- chine that would answer all purposes, that the natives would take to. p c 3 34 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Is machinery used in the production of sugar? — A. Yes; both machinery driven by cattle and by steam; and there is some centrifu- gal machinery in the island of Negros, where they make a very good sugar. Q. Isn't it in Negros that the best sugar is produced? — A. Yes; Negros is further advanced than any of the other provinces in the matter of sugar. Q. It is a large sugar producer — A. Sugar is a very large staple there. They grow a little hemp, too. Q. You spoke a little while ago about the Chinese. You said that the Yisayans were industrious, and in other parts of the archipelago, especially in Luzon, the Chinese were needed; that the natives could not he relied on. — A. I am referring especially to the Tagalogs. The Tagalogs are the disturbing element. In the north there are indus- trious people that work for their living, and they don't bother them- selves about taking up arms and all that; they are all working peo- ple that would like to get rid of Aguinaldo, because he sends gangs of his men to get those fellows to join him. He has promised them all sorts of fancy things. The}’ take them up to the top of a hill and say, “All that your eye can see is yours if you follow me,” and they are induced to follow him. Q. And was this defect in the Tagalog people — their laziness and other objectionable qualities — noted before the rebellion was started? — A. Not nearly so much as now. There used to he about ten years ago — ■> in fact for the last two or three years it was noted particularly. By. Colonel Denby: Q. Before you get off the question of population, weren’t the Chinese imported here continuously? — A. The coolies were allowed to come here, and were charged so much a head. Q. Were they imported every year ? — A. They came and went by every steamer. Q. They came here and worked on the sugar plantations? — A. Yes; and some went back and some remained. Q. Did they come and go? — A. They went and came, and some set- tled here. Q. After they had made some money here? — A. Yes. Q. Was there any sentiment against their coming and going? — A. They did all the coolie work, and the natives had no chance, because the Chinese did twice the work the Indio would do. Q. Did the Indians make any fuss about it? — A. Never spoke about it. Q. They supplanted the Indians in hard work? — A. Yes. Q. To-day they do the work of the army? — A. Yes; and they do all the work. You can’t get anything done in any shape or form except by Chinamen. Q. Should the Chinese be excluded, in your opinion, from this island? — A. They should not be excluded. They should he allowed free entrance. Q. Why should they not be excluded? — A. Simply because we have no people to work, and we would have no people to build roads and railways. Q. Wouldn’t these people work — the natives? — A. They will work a little, but you haven’t got enough of them. You see, the island of REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 35 Luzon, which is the largest in area of these islands, has only 3,000,000 of inhabitants, all told, against 35,000,000 in England, which is an island of about the same size, and that is only 10 per cent. Only a small fraction of the land has been explored and brought into use. Q. Well, you think that you would have to continue indefinitely this Chinese immigration? — A. I should make immigration for the Chinese perfectly free. Of course, the question of supply and demand would regulate it. Q. Are the}" orderly and good citizens?— A. The Chinamen? Q. Yes.— A. Oh, yes; very easily governed. Q. Have they taken any part in this war? — A. None at all. Q. Have they continued to do their work as before? — A. As long as they are allowed to, but, of course, the Indios have been maltreating them very much. Q. The Indios- are hostile to them ? — A. Yes; now hostile to every foreigner. Q. Do they kill Chinamen when they get them? — A. Yes. The Chinese is the most important question that we have to labor with connected with these islands. Q. I understand your position to be that the Chinese should be given the same rights as other people. — A. Yes. Q. Were they allowed the same rights under the Spanish Govern ment? — A. No; there was a head tax of $20 to $50. Q. Were they allowed to bring their wives and children ? — A. Their wives were not allowed to leave China. They do not like the women to leave China. Colonel Dexby. The women very rarely emigrate. When they go abroad they go for immoral purposes. The Chinaman never takes his wife because he never intends to stay anywhere he goes. He loves China better than any other place, alive or dead. By President Schurman: Q. Doesn't that very fact explained bv Colonel Denby make a dif ference between the Chinese and other people. They don’t bring their wives and families; they come to exploit a country in order that they ultimately may go back to China.— A. That has been the modus operandi up till now. The Spanish did not give them free entry, because they very heavily taxed them and made the place unbearable for them. Q. Were special taxes levied on the Chinese? — A. Yes; very, very heavy. They were a big source of revenue to the Spaniards. By Colonel Denby: Q. Wherever the Chinese go in the world they supplant everyone else. You go to Singapore and you find twenty or thirty thousand there; you go to Colombo and you find the same thing. They under sell everybody and they work cheaper than any other person, and after they have made a certain amount of money they return to China. Under this statement do you think that the Chinese should be allowed to come in without restriction? — A. He should not be excluded, but I think special legislation is wanted to let a large number of Chinese in. They should be obliged to work in the fields or do coolie work, and licenses for trading Chinese should be restricted. Q. Have the Chinese who have come here in the past developed into traders? — A. A great many of them have. As soon as they get a few dollars, if they are coolies, they develop into something else. 36 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. How many of them ? — A. In Manila now a very few according to what it used to be; 80,000 here in Manila. Q. Is that the normal number? — -A. We have had half a million Chinamen here in my time. Q. What, in Manila? — A. In Manila and the provinces. We have had 129,000 here in Manila and half a million all over the islands. Q. You have had 120,000 Chinese in Manila? — A. Yes; in Manila alone in my time. Q. In what years? — A. The 60’s and 70’s. I am quite an old stager here. Q. Any Portuguese here? — A. Very, very few. By President Schurman: Q. If the Visayan natives will do their work and the natives of the southern and northern sections of Luzon will do the work in those sections, you would need Chinese only to take the place of these Tagalogs; isn’t that so? — A. Yes. Q. Isn’t it quite likely that the Tagalogs will become industrious under new legislative and industrial conditions? — A. Yes; if you keep them in place and at work — as long as they are kept at work. I think after you have read this paper which I handed you, you will be able to ask me some questions relating to the Chinese question. Of course I am talking of going ahead with work on roads and railroads. You have got to make roads where they do not now exist, and you have to make railways where they do not exist. This is the finest country for railroads that I ever saw. Q. What effect has an earthquake on this railway ? — A. None what- ever. Q. The only effect has been that produced by typhoons, etc. ? — A. Yes; and that is because they have laid it too low. The whole thing is a mistake. They went on the plans of the Spaniards, and they actually began to build the line on the Spanish plan. In some parts they went and laid the rails for a mile, and they found they couldn’t go any further, and then they had to go another route, expending three oi four times the money that they ought to have with a proper survey. Q. They couldn’t keep their grades? — A. They had to change their direction and go around another way. For instance, they brought the line down to a big river at Calumpit where, after going down 60 feet, they couldn't find a solid foundation for their caissons, and they had to get a solid foundation, and they couldn’t get any bottom there. However, they put the bridge down there and the first flood carried it away. They had to change the direction of the railway and go up the river where they could find a bottom, and that one mistake cost $300,000. Q. Do you know what the entire cost of putting in that road was? — A. I was told, I think, the other day, that it was £2,000,000. It is something under £2,000,000. I think it must be about £1,600,000. Q. Sterling? — A. Yes. Q. Sixteen million, Mexican ?— A. The capital, yes; £1,600,000. Of course at that time the Mexican dollar was worth about 1 shillings here. That would make it about $8,000,000 gold. Q. Sixteen million dollars, Mexican? — A. Yes; at the present gold ex Lange. Q. Now, Mr. Macleod, you were speaking about roads REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 37 By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. When was it completed? — A. It was completed about 1894. I had been in Europe from 1890 to 1897, and it was completed while I was awaju By Professor Worcester: Q. In your enumeration of needed works on the island you began first with railways. Which do you consider the most needed railroads, and which do you consider the most likely to pay on this island? — A. Well, you will have to go and find out by the statistics the different villages according to population; wherever there are big populations it is a certain thing that a railroad would pay, and the traffic would very, very immensely increase. Q. If you would excuse me a minute; you said, I think, to Colonel Denbv, that this road was built with private capital? — A. the Govern- ment gave out the contract to an English company under a basis of $5,000,000, which at that time was equivalent to £1,000,000 sterling, with a guaranty of interest at the rate of 8 per cent, or such portion of 8 per cent as the earnings of the company would fall short of 8 per cent. I haven’t the resolution with me, but that is the substance of it; that is to say. if the company could by its earnings make 4 per cent the Spanish Government would be called upon to pay the balance to make good that 8 per cent. Q. Would the Government pay that now in gold or silver? — A. Silver, unfortunately, now. Q. The road didn't make 8 per cent? — A. I fanc}T lately the road has been making that. But the Government had to make it good. Q. The other subject is railroad building in general. Please give us your views on that subject. — A. I consider this the finest country in the world for it, by running your lines around the populous vil- lages, from Tarlac. The present lack of communication is the reason for the country being so far behind, and the moment you put in a net- work of railroads there will be an enormous improvement. Q. Are these villages nipa villages or have they good houses ? — A. Many of them have good houses. Q. Such as you see around Manila? — A. Yes, and better. Among the rich natives their great idea is to have a nice house, a costly house. Q. Have certain lines of railways suggested themselves to you as preeminently desirable ?— A. Yes; I could give you a list. Q. Will you name some of the routes ? — A. Well, I told you we had an idea of taking a line up to the mountains, where we could have a sanitarium. Q. What mountains? — A. Oh, these mountains about here. Antipolo from Manila, as the crow flies, is about 6 miles. We were going to take a line from Manila to Santa Ana, crossing the river at Santa Ana, and going up to San Juan and to Mariquina, and from there to Anti- polo. By that means we take in the populuous villages, where there is traffic all the time. Then in May it is a great place for pilgrims. It is the shrine of the virgin, and crowds of people go there from all parts of the country to worship. Our calculation was that we could take this line; it was a private company which I was interested in. We calculated that we, without any assistance from the Government at all, could make it pay from this pilgrim business; but when the Gov- ernment saw that we were going to put down the line they exacted a deposit of a large amount, much larger than we had ever contemplated. 38 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. As security? — A. Yes; as a guarantee that we should carry out our project, so we stopped there. Q. Do you know the height of the Antipolo elevation? — A. I should say Antipolo would he 600 feet above the sea level — the village of Anti- polo. Q. How do you propose to climb up that elevation ?- — A. It is a very easy ascent. I have gone up on horseback, even. Q. Any special arrangement required for trains? — A. They could take a zig-zag course. Q. You mean to say they could ascend a height of 600 feet without any special arrangement? — A. The hills back of it are three or four times that height. Q. Do you propose to extend your lines to those hills? — A. Yes, we intended to in time. The idea was the pilgrim business. Q. That is farther than 6 miles as the crow flies. — A. Six or 7. Q. You would make your road longer than that? — A. By the road it would be perhaps nearer 20. Q. You would lay down railways according to population rather than production? — A. Population and production go together in this coun- try. You may take that as an axiom. Q. What other lines have you in mind? Or have you ever thought of it? — A. For instance, the continuation of this Dagupan line on the north as far as you can go. Q. Along the coast ? — A. Most of the way along the coast, then a little wav in the interior to get to Cagayan province. The villages — the coast all along is full of villages. Q. The population is along the coast there? — A. Yes; not very far from the coast. By Colonel Denby: Q. What would be the distance from the terminus of the road now to a point at the end of the island? — A. About 120 miles, I calculate. I have heard it calculated at 150 miles. Q. From 130 to 150? — A. Yes. By President Schurman: Q. In order to tap the tobacco provinces where would you stop, at Aparri ? — A. Oh, you need not stop there, but that is one of the prin- cipal points, but you could go farther into the Isabella province, where there is a very large production of tobacco. Q. Is Apari a big town ? — A. Yes; a seaport. Q. You would go through the Isabella province? — A. Following the Bio Grande to Baguyan. By Professor Worcester: Q. Is there a necessity for a railroad along that river; couldn’t the river itself be used?- — A. It is now the only means, but railroad traffic would be much quicker. Q. Is it practicable to navigate that river during the rainy season ? — A. At times masses of trees are carried down in the flood and they stop all navigation. I hai'e been all through there by a steamer. Q. Twenty-five miles or so up?— A. No; 15 miles, perhaps. Q. Do you know how far one can go by that river in a launch? — A. Yes; when there is no flood. Q. Do you know how far one can go? — A. Pretty far in a shallow, light-draft boat. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 39 By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. One hundred miles? — A. No; 30 or 40 miles up any way. I went on horseback from that point to Lallo and to Tuguegarao. Q. That is the capital of the province of Cagayan? — A. Yes; and beyond that there is a very populous and very rich village. Q. How large is the population ? — A. I should say about 50 or 60 thousand inhabitants, with the suburbs. Then beyond that you go into the province of Isabella. Those are the two great tobacco provinces. Q. Which do you say are the places where tobacco is produced ? — A. In the provinces of Cagayan and Isabella. Q. How do they get that tobacco to Manila? — A. They bring it down the river in those boats. They have large boats, covered with matting. Q. Called a cascoe? — A. No; bigger than cascoes. They are called barangayanes. The}' bring the tobacco down, the natives bring it there, and our steamers bring it to this port. Q. What other road would you suggest from Manila? — A. Well, you can branch out feeders from the present line to Dagupan. Feeder lines covdd be extended. Q. East or west ? — A. Some of them north and some south. Q. To what points? — A. The line goes very nearly northwest, doesn’t it. Q. That is right — northwest. — A. On both sides are big villages. Q. Will you name some of those villages? — A. Nueva Ecija, San Isidro — that is a very important village — and then to the south again you would tap some of the big pueblos in Pampanga; then after going- up along the coast with the line as far as San Fernando, in the province of Union, of which San Fernando is the capital, we get in high ground at a place where there is a fine location for a sanitarium above the sea. Q. Named? — A. Benguet. Q. The railroad may then be laid from San Fernando to Benguet? — A. An electric line should be run from San Fernando to Benguet. It would take from Manila to Benguet about twelve hours. Q. Isn't it nearly 30 miles from there? — A. No; 10, I think; but then, of course, it is pretty steep climbing. Q. How high do you say Benguet is ? — A. Four thousand five hun- dred feet. Q. You would have to have a special road to reach there? — A. Yes; an electric road. I have got a chart in my office. Q. Don’t they use chairs in any part of this island? — A. No; no chairs are used. Some luxurious Chinese gentlemen who came out here had chairs and sixteen coolies. Q. And they don't use rickshaws? — A. No; they don’t use them. We are very far behind the times. When I first came to this country there wasn’t a steam launch in this country. I myself brought the first steamer and the first steam launch. Q. What about carriages ? — A. There was an American here called Carls who started a carriage factory and he made a lot of money. He had a very big business, and he brought in all these American-shaped carriages which you have seen out here. They have changed the style since I used to be here, but I suppose there are twelve to fifteen thou- sand carriages of all styles in the place. Q. They tax them, don’t they? — A. There is a tax put on them to keep up the road, but the tax does not go to the roads. It all goes somewhere else, and the roads are not attended to. 40 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. ’What roads would you run south of Manila through the lower half of the island? — A. I would have other railroads all through from Manila to Cavite; then to Santa Cruz and take in all the pueblos. Q. And the villages along the edge of the lake? — A. Yes; and then take the line up the mountain called Majayjay. Q. Why ? — A. For a sanitarium for Manila. It is an excellent place for a sanitarium, for the climate there is superb. Q. You say it possesses a fine climate? — A. Yes; it has a pine forest, which makes it extremely healthy, and they grow all the products you can care to have. Q. When you speak of a sanitarium do you mean merely a place of escape from the heat?- — A. No; a health establishment for the troops. Q. Or for the people of Manila to go to during the hot weather — A. Yes; this was an establishment provided by the Spanish Govern- ment for their soldiers. Q. The one on Majayjay ? — A. No; that is a new one; and one I have been having in mind. The one in Benguet was projected by the Spaniards on account of the excellency of the climate; but it remained projected; it didn't go beyond the stage of projection. Q. Do you know anything about the people up there in Benguet? — A. They are very friendly, the mountain fellows. The}r come within the pale of civilization more than the others. They are quite friendly to the whites. There is quite a little village there. Some of the mer- chants have built bungalows; but the difficulty of getting out of there is enormous. It will take two days to go by steamer to San Fernando, and then half a day to go up the mountains. Q. Y ou say you would continue the road to where ( — A. To Tayabas, thence to Nueva Caceres, and possibly to Albay. A trunk line would pay all the way along from the extreme north of the island to the extreme south; and then feeders, }'ou really have to calculate on them. Q. Of all these roads, which do you think the most urgent and the most likely to pay? — A. Well. I should think the north one, and that one through Cavite ; and then, of course, it is a question of continuing it, as you find trade pointing up. You know a line never shows its full capacity until it is finished. By Colonel Denby: Q. The people here, are they like the Chinese and the Japanese; are they fond of traveling; would the road have many passengers ? — A. They are very fond of traveling. As 1 say, when I came here first there wasn’t a steamer or a launch here. I got a little boat, which I called the Pasig. It has been seized by the admiral here under the name of th eJJk That is the first boat we got, and she got too small for the traffic, and they took her to China, and she is on the Canton River. She paid for herself the first year we ran her. Now there are plenty of boats here. There are about 50 here to-day. Q. She is the first boat that ever ran in the province? — A. Yes. Q. There were no Spanish boats here? — A. No. Q. No steamboats here at all ? — A. There were five or six little rotten gunboats that went out in the daytime, but never went out at night; little things of 2 or 3 feet draft of water, in bad condition. Q. What seems to be the situation in the Tagalog provinces among the insurrectos? What are the Tagalog provinces? — A. The Tagalog provinces are Bulacan to the north, Nueva Ecija — of course they branch REPORT OE THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 41 out beyond their own provinces, but those are the provinces properly belonging to them — Bulacan and Nuera Ecija, the lake district, Cavite, and Batangas ; and in that radius you have got the Tagalog proper, but they have spread themselves all over the place. Since this insurrec- tion they have sent out bands all over the country, even down to Iloilo and Cebu — small bands. Q. Small numbers? — A. Bands of 20 or 30 or 40; and the wa}r to deal with this people, I should think, would be^to drive them out of the other provinces back to their own. Q. Drive them out of Negros, Iloilo, and Cebu, where they are now? — A. Negros, Iloilo, and Cebu, principally, and when you have them thoroughly subjugated here on their own grounds, keep them here. Q. Did you hear anything- regarding their present state of mind in these two big provinces ? — A. There is but a handful of them. They are very boisterous, and they talk about lighting to the last — to their last drop of blood, etc. I think if you got hold of about 20 or 30 of these fellows and deported them in some way the whole thing would fall to the ground like a house of cards. Q. Did you hear what kind of government they are giving to their people? — A. No government; none — its all rubbish. There is no government. Q. What is the relation between the people and the so-called govern- ment?— A. The rank and tile are terrorized into taking up arms for a thing they don’t care a rap about. You will see by the article which I have written that the whole thing is a question of money. The few benefit by the money that is forthcoming. For instance, the Spaniards wanted to buy them out; the few benefit, and they would leave the rank and file to take the responsibility. The disturbing element is really of mixed blood — the Chinese and Japanese and Tagalogs — and the people have been ruled by Spanish priests for three hundred and fifty years, and you can’t conceive of a people where there is a worse mixture. Q. Do you consider the Chinese meztizos all bad? — A. The Chinese mixed with the Japanese and Tagalogs, that mixture is all bad. Q. Do the Chinese intermarry with the Tagalogs? — A. Yes. The Chinese leaves his wife at home, and he is like the sailor, who has a wife in every port. He has a Tagalog wife here and his native wife at home. Some of them raise large families, and a great many of these families are among the insurrectos. Q. Is there any considerable number of Japanese families on the islands? — A. Very few. By Colonel Denby: Q. Do the Japanese work in the fields, the sugar fields? — A.' There are so few of them they are hardly worth considering, but they are more given to traffic than to anything else; there is only a handful of them. By Professor Worcester: Q. I never have seen a Japanese merchant here. — A. Only within the last few years. It is only within the last ten years that we have had a Japanese consul here. Before that I don’t think we had any Japs at all. You know these half-castes are very much like the Japs to look at — some of these mixtures, the Chinese and Tagalog mixtures — little, short, stout fellows, and just as ugly as they make them. 42 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. When the war comes to a close — that is, under peace — are these hard people to govern? — A. Hitherto the Spaniards up to 1896 — up to the outbreak of this rebellion in 1896 — never had more than 3,000 white troops here. Q. You say the Spaniards never had more than 3,000 white troops here? — A. That is the maximum number. Q. Of Spanish troops? — A. Yes. They have governed the country for three hundred and fifty years with from 1,000 to 1,500 troops. Q. But these peo*ple loved the Spaniards, didn’t they? — A. The only difference between them, I would say, was the priests. The priests were the disturbing element. They got particular taxes because of the priests, and the priests misbehaved with their women, and squeezed them, and from these priests has spread their ill will to the Spaniards, and from the Spaniards to the whites generally. Q. Do you know Mr. John Forman ? — A. Very well. Q. Mr. Forman, in his book, has given the Tagalog native a better reputation than the Visayan. What have you to say as to that?— A. Up to the time they began to fight they were considered more ener- getic and a more moral people, but now they are demoralized, and it is peculiar the way they have changed. Q. Was his statement true at the time it was written ? — A. Yes; partially true. These people, since 1896, have got up a commotion against the priests, and 500 or so of them went to the civil governor to have the priests turned out of the country. Q. They have more wars here than in any other island of the group? — A. Money was at the bottom of the whole thing. It was a tremendous source of revenue for the priests. Each priest had 10 ox- 20 or 50 priests about him, squeezing the natives and bringing in rev- enue to each church. For the burial of each child that died the parents had to pay from $16 to $20. Q. That was under government law? — A. No; the pi'iests had a gov- ernment of their own, the ecclesiastical government, which is a practi- cal despotism, and they made the civil government make laws which were necessary for their maintenance — they made the civil government believe that the}" were necessary for the maintenance of the loyalty of the natives, and that the Spaniards would be kicked out of the islands but for them, and they have practiced this deception on the Spaniards for three centuries. They had everybody subsidized, and the priests were so powerful that they ruled the country. Q. W ere the different ordei’s equally objectionable? — A. No; I believe there are degi'ees. I think the Dominicans are about the worst — - the Dominicans and the Recoletos. I judge by the money which they have. Q. What would you consider the superior class among them ? — A. You see, you have the Augustinians, which I used to consider the best. They are also “grabbers,” and they have very large estates and very large possessions, but we consider them to be less unscrupulous than the others. Q. The Augustinians? — Yes. Q. Wei-e they Spanish, or what? — A. Spanish. Q. The Augustinians and the Benedictines? — A. The Augustinians, the Benedictines, the Dominicans, the Recoletos, and the Franciscans. Q. The Franciscans are not Spanish, are they?— A. Yes. Q. They are all over China ? — A. They send missionaries every- where. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 43 Q. I understand the priests of these orders are Spanish? — A. Yes; they were Spanish. Q. What about the Jesuits, what do you think of them? — A. The, Jesuits are to me like the locust; you know where they settle down they eat up the roots of the grass, they don’t leave anything to anybody. Q. The Jesuits? — A. Yes. Q. Well, they are the most intelligent and the best educated, aren’t they? — A. They are the most intelligent and best educated, and appar- ently the poorest. Colonel Denbv, you have seen locusts in China. They light upon a plantation and they leave their eggs there and in a week where those eggs have been deposited it looks as if a fh-e had passed over the ground, the very roots of the grass are eaten out. Q. That is the condition where these Jesuits have carried on their operations? — A. Yes. Q. Where have the Jesuits carried on their operations? — A. Down in Mindanao, principally. You know they have a plan, these Jesuits — I don’t know how they manage it now — but it is for each local cure when he gives up a parish or dies or gets incapacitated his parish is taken hold of by a Jesuit, and in that way a good many of them have spread in the last few years all over Mindanao. Q. Have you read Forman’s book? — A. Yes; I know him personally. Q. You know him personally ? — A. Yes. Q. Was he a Catholic? — A. I do not know. Q. He says so? — A. Yes. Q. He is an engineer, isn’t he ? — A. He has been here frequently traveling all over the country selling machinery. Q. You know he attacks the church? — A. He attacks the church very much, and he ought to be very thankful to the priests, for they have been very good to him; and they would like to shoot him if they could get hold of him, these priests, because he has written against them. I don’t know that he said anything much beyond the truth, but considering that he availed himself of their services and hospital- ity all over the country he should have thought twice before putting a thing like that in print. Q. He attacks the friars in particular? — A. The fathers are at the bottom of the whole trouble. By President Schurman: Q. What amount of self-government do you think the Philippine people coidd be safely intrusted with on the restoration of peace ? — A. I think a very minimum amount. Q. Could they govern their own provinces ? — A. Their own villages, perhaps, not provinces. Q. Pueblos, large and small ? — A. Under supervision. Q. From Manila? — A. Well, supervision on the spot and from Manila. Q. Supervision by whom? — A. By the powers that be. Q. By some American authority ? — A. By a white man. Q. You would not intrust them with the government of their own provinces, then? — A. Certainly not. Q. How would you have the governors of the provinces, elected or appointed ? — A. What the Spaniards did was a very good system. Q. The people had no say ? — A. Not a bit. Q. You think that a very good system? — A. That is the only sys- 44 ■REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. tem. In my article I gave them one hundred years to begin to learn something about proper government, but I see by an article in the Spectator that it is put at live hundred years. In other words, in the year 2400. Q. Five hundred years ? — A. Yes. Q. Then you would have the general government at Manila purely American? — A. No. Q. But you wouldn’t have the Filipinos in it? — A. Not except in subordinate positions. Q. Should there be a congress here, a parliament in which they should make laws? — A. No. Q. How should the laws be made ? — A. The supreme government should make the laws. Q. The governor-general and council? — A. Yes. By Professor Worcester: Q. What would you say about the fitness of the people, the Filipinos, to be put in charge of the collecting and disbursing of taxes? — A. That would be very weak policy to intrust them with money. You know the more you keep money out of their way the better it is. You want responsible people and reliable people to do that. The native is not either. The native at the bottom of his heart is a gambler, and a gambler you know will waste any money you can put before him. You know there have been very big deposits in the treasury here, and the natives having access to the books $1,000,000 was lost. There was a hue and cry but nobody could find out who was guilty. By President Schurman: Q. Is it your idea that whenever public money has to be collected and disbursed. even in the pueblos there should be an American in charge? — A. Yes. Q. How about the courts, would you appoint Filipinos judges ? — A. I don't think so, that would be the very place where they woidd abuse, you know. Q. Would you appoint them magistrates in the local districts? — A. In subordinate positions where you can control them, a few of them might be useful on account of their local knowledge of detail, but to give them an}’ voice in sentences, the native is not educated up to that. Q. What do you think the chief reforms that our government ought to effect here? — A. Well, the chief reforms would be a new lock, stock, and barrel. I don’t think I could put it more explicitly. Q. How many troops, Mr. Macleod, under your form of government would it take to hold these people? — A. I don’t think it would take very many if you once got conditions settled. I think over the whole island 20,000 at present, and you could reduce that afterwards to half that number. Q. How many did you say the Spaniards had? — A. The Spaniards, up to 1896, never had more than 3,000. Q. Why would it be necessary for the United States to have so many more troops than the Spaniards had? — A. You would have to have that for the first few years, because they have an enmity against the white man which they never had before. The way the country has stuck out shows that. There never was such a thing before. Q. How many revolutions have you seen here? — A. Only one, and that lasted only a week. It was put down in 1872. Q. And this last one? — A. Was commenced in August, 1896. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 45 Q. When you were in England? — A. I was in England from 1890 to 1897. You can judge from seeing what they are doing in Negros now. Q. Did the Spaniards till all the offices; were all the judges Span- iards?— A. All Spaniards. Q. And all the local officers, were they Spaniards? — A. Yes; every post of trust. Q. The notaries, were they all Spaniards? — A. At first. Afterwards some of the natives were notaries. A native notary if he was qualified was considered quite as good as a Spaniard; he couldn’t do any harm as notary. Q. Did the Spaniards have any native troops? — A. Yes; they had 14,000 natives with these white troops. Q. Were these men true to the government, these Filipinos?— A. Some of the natives were and some were not. Q. When the rebellion occurred in 1890 did these men go over to the Filipinos? — A. About two-thirds of them. Q. Two-thirds fought against the Spaniards and the other third remained true ? — A. Y es. Q. Something like the Indian mutiny ? — A. Yes. Q. Are there any other points you think of, Mr. Macleod, that you deem it of importance for us to know ? We have covered the ground pretty fully. — A. M}t beginning in taking this country would be to build roads and railroads; to admit Chinese for coolie labor and work in the fields, and then free religion and free schools. Q. When you speak of roads, do you mean ordinary highways? — A. Yes. Q. We haven’t talked of roads at all, and you put them first now? — A. Roads would be the beginning only. Q. In the United States we would begin with the railroads. — A. I think that both are wanted simultaneously. When you get that rail- road there done you want the road, but there are roads in only one or two sections. Q. Do you deem the building of roads as important as the building of railroads? — A. No; railroads come first. Q. You must have roads running to the railroads in order to get your produce to the markets? — A. Yes. Q. You have roads here now, haven’t you? — A. Very few and far between. There are roads, but they are not kept in proper order. Q. Do you mean that you advise the building of a new kind of road — for instance, the Telford or Macadam road, something like that — which they never had before? — A. I would build roads with good solid foundations, with curbs, so that the water would run off. Q. Would that be an expensive road to construct here? — A. No; not with the system which here prevails. You could get the village people, each man to make a section. Q. Is the stone here good for road making? — A. You could get the stone in other places. Q. Suitable for that purpose? — A. Yes. Q. Where do they get the stone to use on these roads? — A. They take it from the beach on the other side of the bay principally. You know there is a patentolip over in Cavite, and about 30,000 tons of stone was put underneath that — all taken from Marivetes. Q. Did the Spaniards construct any good scientific roads? — A. The 46 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. king’s highways were in some eases very well constructed and in other places very badly constructed. Q. How were the well-constructed king’s highways made? — A. Made of this stone I told you about. Q. Any of it about here ?• — A. Yes. Q. Is the road to Pasig one? — A. No. Q. Do you recall one? — A. The road to my place, to Santa Mesa; that is an ideal road. Colonel Stotsenbcrg has rented that place off- hand. There is this little bit of road, which would be better if it were a bigger one. Q. You spoke of schools in this country in your summary. Would you have those schools supported by local taxation ? — A. Yes. Q. Each village would support its own schools? — A. Yes; the}’ all pay for their schooling. Q. I would like to make that more definite.- — A. I think it would be better to make them free. Q. Would you make any change in the subjects taught in the schools or not? — A. My remark about a new lock, stock, and barrel applies, and it applies especially here. You would have to bring in an entirely new system — the American, Scotch, or English system. Q. Would you consider manual training important in this country ? — A. I would indeed. Q. Would you consider high schools necessary along with elemen- tary schools? — A. Yes; colleges. Q. After a certain time? — A. Yes. Q. But the important thing is elementary schools? — A. Yes. You see the difficulty now. The other day I touched upon it in that article in the paper of which I have spoken. There was a man turned up in New York and reported to the Sun that the natives of these islands — the peasantry — could read and write to the extent of 75 per cent. Well, I reduce that and I would not make it 5 per cent. I think 5 per cent would be the extreme limit. Q. Aren’t there schools now in all the important towns — pueblos? — - A. There are schools of a kind, but the priests who are in charge of the education of the people are interested in keeping the people in the dark as much as possible. Therefore there is nothing taught. Lists were sent home to Spain by the village that so many pupils were taught to read and write, but they taught them as little as they could. Q. Who have charge of it? — A. To a certain extent the priests are paid by the government. Q. By the local government or by the Manila government? — A. The local government. Q. And a tax was levied for that purpose? — A. The priests — they are the judge; education was entirely in the hands of the priests. Q. In the municipal form of government here was there any coun- cil of local government? — A. Yes; what they called the consejo, administrative council. Q. Are you speaking of the municipal government — the govern- ment of the peublos? — A. Yes; I mean the government of Manila. Q. How did they govern this city of Manila? — A. They governed it from this consejo; they had meetings. Q. Did they have a mayor? — A. Yes. • Q. Was he appointed by the Governor-General? — A. Yes. Governor-General. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 47 Q. And then the}' had councilmen from each ward or district in the city? — A. Yes. Q. Composed of whom ? — A. The principal inhabitants. Q. Were they elected or appointed? — A. The governor did all that. Q. The governor named all the people to represent the city ? — A. Yes. Q. Then they made the laws as to water, the laying of streets, and the establishment of schools? — A. The schools were entirely in the hands of the priests — that is, church business, as I say. Q. And there was no election of all these municipal councilmen at all? — A. No; the governor was supreme; and that is the only govern- ment that at present can be made a success of here. Q. A benevolent despotism ? — A. As benevolent as you can afford. Q. You mean, primarily, a just despotism ?— A. Yes; my idea is that the Spaniards were too lenient with these natives; while undoubtedly unjust, they should have been severer in discipline and more just in treatment and they would have managed them all right. Q. They combined injustice with leniency? — A. Yes; and for that for some years to come you will have to be more severe than the Spaniards were. The natives, as I told you, have swollen heads at present, but they have no heart; the heart has never been cultivated at all. Q. Suppose we gave them an independent government here. What would then happen ? — A. We should then all migrate. We should all clear out. There would be no thinking twice about that. By Colonel Denby : Q. Couldn’t you get along with exterritoriality, such as you have in China, Japan, and Siam ? — A. We could do with such a government as they have at Hongkong. Q. I mean by exterritoriality that every foreigner is governed by his own laws, by the laws of his land; that an Englishman who is tried for a crime, for instance, is tried by the English consul, and when he owes a man money suit is brought before the English consul; that is exterritoriality as it exists in China, and under that system each for- eigner would be tried by his own consul. Wouldn’t that work? — A. I don't think it would work at all, because, first of all, you would have to have a head of the government. These natives, they haven't got the education, nor the experience, nor the capacity to start that govern- ment in which you could have branches of that kind. In this case you Avould have to start a strong government, to govern everything. By President Schurman: Q. Do I understand you to say that if we gave them independence there would be chaos here ? — A. It would last about a month. I give them about a month to upset the whole thing themselves. It wouldn’t last a month. Q. Have you any impression as to the capacity of these people for political education? — A. s There are some of them very clever, you know. I don't know about politically. They are not educated quite up to that yet, because their idea of politics is to have in the hand, to rob and steal, and, in fact, to loot all around. A government of Filipinos would simply go to work to make money for themselves under the government, and it would be a case of each fellow for bim- self and the devil take the hindermost: each man would fill his pockets 48 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. as much as he could. These fellows are not fit for independence yet; thej' may be in the year 2400, according to the Spectator. Q. Or, according to you, in the year 2200 ? — A. Yes; I let them down as gently as I could. Now that you are on the spot you are bound to start a solid foundation, and if you start this country on a sound basis it will go ahead of itself, of its own accord, without any hitch. Q. AY ill you state what you would consider a sound basis ? — A. F ree education, religious and secular, roads all over the place, and railroads. Q. And as to government?— A. AArell, you know the Queen of Eng- land was once asked bv an African despot the secret of England’s greatness. She presented him with a beautifully bound copy of the English Bible, and she said. “That is the secret of England’s great- ness.” The fact that the peoples here are deprived of free education, religious and otherwise, has reduced them to the condition in which they are. Free education is most important. Q. And as to the form of government, you would advocate a cen- tralized government? — A. A centralized government, entirely in the hands of the Americans. That would correct bad ideas and rebellion, because the fellows would have nothing to complain about; they would have plenty of traffic, and you know we could increase the produce of this country fourfold in five years by letting in plenty of labor of the proper kind. Q. The product could be increased what extent?— A. At least four- fold. Q. How would you raise the revenue to support the government ? — A. I put it in that paper there. I would put a heavy tax on the Chinese. I have talked about it there how you could raise money for two years if you would give it a trial. I put in there if you would seize the priests’ property, but I see you have given it back to them. Q. As we have come to this question, now I want to know whether you think it would be wise to tell these people that some day they can have an independent government of their own ? — A. The Spaniards have promised all sorts of things and they have never fulfilled them and it would do no good to say anything. They would say the same thing about you Q. AVouldn’t you collect customs duties? — A. Oh, yes; of course if you could do away with the customs that would be a grand thing for trade. If you had a free port like Hongkong or Singapore, but then you would have to raise the tax internally and the tax would be a great source of discontent. Q. Wouldn't it be less felt by the people here to raise most of your revenue by customs? — A. It would be easier on the producers of the country, but it restricts trade a great deal. I fancy Hongkong is about the model. Q. AVell, if we had the same system here as they have in England. They raise half their revenue in England from duties? — A. Yes; they raise a large amount. Q. AATiat does England tax to-day ? — A. Liquors of all kinds, teas, tobacco, and wines, and the luxuries, you may say. Q. From these customs duties, as I said before, she raises about half her income, and they are not restrictions of trade? — A. No; I suppose not. By Colonel Denby: Q. She does it to protect the people that are engaged in those various occupations? Those people have to pay taxes and licenses, REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 49 and all that sort of thing, and she equalizes it by levying duties on these foreign liquors? — A. She puts taxes on liquors for revenue principally, and she taxes alcohol and spirits principally for reve- nue and also to reduce drunkenness, but of course revenue is the prime motive. By President Schurman: Q. Would the people of the Philippine Islands need protection in a tariff ? — A. I don’t think so. Q. They do not produce anything in which there would be compe- tition with other nations of the world? — A. Of course the way that customs duties would affect them would be on the produce. Q. Export duties ? — A. That is the way it would affect them directly, and indirectly on imports of European commodities -that they import and use here; but of course they never feel that. This indirect tax would never be felt at all. Q. Has Spain kept up customs duties? — A. Yes; there is a duty, very small, but an import duty on almost all products. Q. Are there objections to export duties on hemp and their prod- ucts?— A. No; there are no special objections to these duties so long as they are not too heavy, and the lighter the duties are, both import and export, the quicker trade would extend. By Colonel Denby: Q. The main objection would be that the Constitution of the United States prohibits export duties ? — A. You are beginning to colonize, and you would have to add a clause to that Constitution to tit in there and to allow other things. Isn’t that so ? By President Schurman: Q. You said that the wealth of the country would increase fourfold under a good American government. Wherein would that increase of wealth be manifest ? — A. In the production of sugar, hemp, tobacco, and coffee. Q. Isn't the production of hemp at the present day determined bv the demand for hemp in the markets of the world? — A. Yes; it would always find its level, but with improved labor it would increase. Q. That is, the world would take more than it is now getting ? — A. At lower prices they would take more. Q. And you think the price could be lowered? — A. Yes; we could produce hemp in these islands at one-third of what is paid for it in the market to-day at a profit. Q. How would you effect that economy in production? — A. By increasing the labor. There are forests of wild hemp trees which have not been touched. Q. And by invention? — A. That would be another element which would increase it. Q. I understand you to say that labor would increase it? — A. The hemp plant is growing wild, as I before said, in these islands. There are whole mountain sides where hemp is growing wild, and on account of the place being uninhabitable, from jungle fever, no one can stop there. Q. How would that be changed by a good American government there? — A. Your men could cut down the jungle and make the place p c 4 50 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. habitable. We have had men over there, and they were trying to cut hemp, but they all died of fever. Q. 1 suppose what you mean is that under a good American govern- ment there would be enterprising men who would do that sort of work? — A. Yes; there would be enterprising persons to do it, and instead of hemp being §16 a picul it would be down to §5. Q. A picul is 100 pounds? — A. One hundred and forty pounds; and hemp, instead of being used exclusively for ropes for ships, would be used for a lot of things. Q. Would the cost of production of hemp be reduced by having bet- ter transportation ? — A. Decidedly. That is one of the principal costs of hemp. It is carried in these bullock carts from village to village in the mountains where it is grown, and occupies days instead of hours by the present means of transit. The most important thing in this country, to my mind, is increased means of communication. That is the great thing. Q. Lack of means of communication and justice? — A. Yes. Keep the Filipino in place with a strong hand. I want to give you an idea how things ought to be done in order to start, and 1 can not do so bet- ter than bv asking you to read the articles to which I have referred and the testimony I have given. To the above testimony there is attached an article by Mr. Macleod in the Manila Times Wednesday, March 8, 1899, page 2, entitled “The situation in the Philippines from an observer,” also an article written by “Americus.” Meeting adjourned. TESTIMONY OF ENRIQUE LOPEZ. Manila, Tuesday , April 18 , 1899. Present: President Schurman (in the chair), Colonel Denby and Pro- fessor Worcester; Air. .John R. MacArthur, secretary. Enrique Lopez, in response to inquiries of the commissioners, stated as follows: By President Schurman: Q. What is your name? — A. Enrique Lopez. Q. What is your profession? — A. Physician. Q. How long have you been in Manila? — A. All my life — forty- eight years. Q. We received a communication from you the other day, and we are much obliged to you for it, and those of us who read Spanish read it with much interest. — A. The pleasure is mine to be of any aid that I can. President Schurman. Many thanks. Q. Please state briefly the scheme of government which you recom- mend for the Philippine Islands. — A. I have seen in many of the proc- lamations the word “autonomy.” Autonomy is a word that covers a. great deal of ground; it is a word of very large scope. The Ameri- can commission undoubtedly has the greatest desire to give proper liberties to the people, and I wish to present my plan to you. If it is not exactly what the commission desires, of course, there will be vari- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 51 ous changes in it — modifications, but that is for the commission and and not for me to meddle with. The plan is to have five governors, under the sovereignty of America. The governor-general should be an American, and the sovereignty undoubtedly should be in the United States, without speaking of the Army or Navy, or anything else. Q. The political sovereignty? — A. The political sovereignty and the immediate government of the islands should be a government of the country itself. Q. In what way ? — A. My plan is to have five ministers. A minis- ter of the treasury, of internal affairs — five different ministers of the general government, and they are to be Filipinos partly, Filipinos according to the amplitude of -the autonomy. According as the com- mission decides, the number of employees, Filipinos and Americans, would be raised. By Colonel Denby: Q. What commission do you mean ? — A. This commission. By President Schurman: Q. How would you have the governor-general appointed? — A. An American, from the United States, by the United States Government. Q. How would you have the five chiefs appointed ? — A. My private opinion is that for the first time the five ministers should be appointed by this commission. Q. And after the first time, how would you have them appointed ? — A. Afterwards the five ministers should be elected by the people — the intelligent people, and people capable of casting an intelligent vote. Q. What qualification would you have for voting? — A. People in a good station in life, well-known people, people who have property. I do not mean the peons or lower classes. Q. That is, not the lowest people ? — A. No. By Colonel Denby: Q. How much property ought they have to entitle them to vote? — A. Enough for a guarantee. By President Schurman: Q. How many dollars ?- — A. I would not place a limit in actual dol- lars, but decent people. Q. Can't you name a figure that would be a basis for voting, Si 00, Si, 000, or So00 ? — A. A person that has property, any property bring- ing in an income, or any diploma of a profession, or license to practice a profession. Q. If we said all the men who own S500 worth of property should vote, how many of them would vote here in Manila? — A. My idea was to have 50 men to choose the ministers, 50 men to represent the people. By Professor Worcester: Q. We are not after that idea now. We want to know what pro- portion of the people could vote on that basis By Colonel Denby: Q. What proportion of the people are worth S500 — 10 per cent. 20 per cent, or 30 per cent? — A. I could not sav what proportion, sir; but I am sure that there are over 200 people in Manila that have S500. 52 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Professor Worcester. Another point he takes up on which I do not think we are going to get much information is the question of races, different races. Do you want to pursue these investigations further? Colonel Denby. Oh, yes. His idea was only certain races should vote. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. When you speak of 50 men to represent the people, what sort of representation do you mean ? For what purpose would they be chosen and how are they to be elected ? — A. The 50 men could be named by the governor-general, the captain-general, so that the captain-general would be the commanding power. By President Schurman: Q. Where would you take these 50 men from— from Manila or from the provinces or from where ? — A. It would depend upon the governor- general. From Manila and half of them from the provinces or what proportion he saw fit. Q. Is it your scheme that these 50 men should make laws for all the islands; if not, for what island? — No, sir; the 50 are only to elect the 5 ministers. They are to appoint the 5 ministers. Q. But these 5 ministers are to conduct the affairs of all the islands, are they? — A. Yes, sir; acting as a central government in Manila. The minister of Gobernacion to appoint local presidents in the differ- ent towns and provinces to collect the taxes and tributes and turn them in to the central government in Manila. Q. You don't give the Philippine people much voice in their own affairs? — A. I have noticed that the lower classes, the poor, in the Philippine Islands will obey the orders of any government as long as it is a government; that they will follow whatever they are told to follow by authority. By Colonel Denby: Q. If it doesn't make much difference whether it is one government or another, why not have the ministers appointed by the government in the first instance?- — A. That is my plan. Mine was simply a sug- gestion, though if that seems best I see no objections. Q. Why not have the governor appoint these 50 men who are to elect the 5 ministers? — A. That is my plan. It might be better for the people to nominate the 50 representatives under the approval of the captain-general — subject to the approval of the captain -general. Q. You would not give the Philippine people more representation than that in their own government? — A. I will draw up a detailed plan of the government I propose in regard to provinces and all details there, and will take great pleasure in presenting it to you. This is only my plan which I shall submit to you to change, of course, as you may see fit. Q. I wish you would tell us something definite in regard to the property which is owned by families in the Philippines, how it is held. We know what the holdings are in France and what they are in the United States. If you can give us a description of what the holdings of property are in the Philippines generally as regards money, whether they are worth §5,000 or §1,000 or §500. I would like to know how many people you could find who are worth §500? — A. In Albay, for instance, there are some 300,000 inhabitants, and I only know of one man who is worth §40,000, one native. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 53 Q. How many people are there there who own their own farms?— A. A great many, almost all have a little piece of ground. Q. Do they rent generally or do they own their farms? — A. The}' are owners. By Professor Worcester: Q. How is it near Manila in that respect? How is it in Bulacan? — A. I don’t know in Bulacan, but it is an entirely different thing. Albay is much richer, for there it is all hemp; Bulacan is all rice; Bulacan is a poor country, Albay is very rich. They have large towns, but the people are not hard workers; it is a poor country, although they have large towns. Q. These men who are fighting for Aguinaldo, do they own prop- erty. or are they absolutely worthless? — -A. No, sir; they are vaga- bonds, people who make what they can wherever they go, except some that go because they arc forced. If they do not go they are killed. Q. Will you give us some account of the different races of the archi- pelago ?■ — -A. I will speak principally about the Tagalogs. The people of Manila are people of mixed blood, not pure Tagalogs. They are mestizo people, half-castes and mixed, some with Chinese blood, some with Spanish blood. The true Tagalogs are the Tagalogs of Bulacan province, genuine Tagalogs of Morong, also those of Tayabas, Batan- gas, and Bataan. Q. And Cavite? — A. Cavite, except the port, where there is also a mixture. These are the genuine Tagalogs; and Nueva Ecija; and Zam- bales, is inhabited by a mixture of people from llocos and Pampanga. Q. The inhabitants of Pampanga and Panay are entirely different from the Tagalogs?- — A. They are entirely different. By Colonel Dexby: Q. Do you mean by that that they have a different language in each province By President Schurman: Q. A language different from the Tagalogs and different from one another? — A. Yes, sir; each one has their own language, distinct from each other and from the Tagalog language. Albay, Amboscamarines, have distinct languages, different from each other. Q. Has Albay a language and Amboscamarines also a language of its own? — A. Amboscamarines and Albay have the same language. They call it Bicol, Avhich is different from the languages in the prov- inces above mentioned. Speaking of the Yisayans, the three provinces in Panay — Iloilo, Capiiz, and Antique. In Panay, which contains these three provinces, and in Samar and Leyte, the same language is spoken, namely, Yisayan. By Professor Worcester: Q. Do they speak the same language in Samar and Panay? — A. Yes, sir; in Samar and in Panay they speak the same, only a dialect of Visayan. Q. I asked him the question because I know that there are many dis- tinct idioms spoken in the Visayan islands, that the idiom of Negros and that of Cebu differ. Colonel Denby. His reply to that statement is that all of those idioms are Visayan, only the idioms differ. 54 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. By President Schurman: Q. Does a man in Panay understand a man in Levte? — A. Yes. Q. And of Samar? — A. Yes. Q. And of Negros? — A. Yes; and a man from Cebu would be understood, but not so well in Masbate and Tigao ; they speak a mixture of Bicol and Visayan. By Colonel Denbv: Q. Don’t the better classes speak Spanish? — A. In some places. By President Schurman: Q. W e have another gentleman coming here in a few minutes with whom we have an appointment, and we are very anxious to hear you in regard to the races now. M ill you kindly give us your views of the Tagalog ? — A. In my opinion the Tagalog is the worst race in the Philippine Islands. Q. Why ? — A. They differ in different places in their customs. In Batangas they don’t care to have anything to do with anyone except themselves. If a foreigner comes in, they close their windows and peep out; they are very adverse to having anything to do with anyone except their own race. Q. Have you anything further to say to us regarding the Tagalogs ? — A. I would like to describe the customs of the Tagalogs in their differ- ent provinces. In the province of Taal there are two towns on differ- ent sides of a river. In one there are a great many Chinese; in the other there are no Chinese at all. In the town of Taal the natives do not like to have anyone there except the natives of the place itself. Across the river from Taal, in Lemery, the people are mixed with Chinese, and during the day are permitted to cross to the town of Taal, but not at night. President Schurman. We are very much obliged to you for your information. We have found it exceedingly instructive, and we would like to listen to more of it for the next hour, but, unfortunately, we have an appointment with another gentleman, and he is now here. I should like, however, to ask you one more question: Q. Why are the Tagalogs the worst people in the islands? — A. I could not say why. I do not know that. Q. But it is your impression? — A. Since the year 1896, when the insurrection began against the Spanish, they have been perfectly demoralized. President Schurman. The commission desires to thank you very much for your information. When you write out the paper of which you spoke with regard to the government we would be glad to have it, ontaining the details which you promised to us. TESTIMONY OF SENOR MARTINEZ. Pablo Antonio Martinez, on request, appeared before the com- mission, and in response to the inquiries of the commissioners stated: President Schurman. We are very much obliged to you for coming before the commission, Sefior Martinez. Senor Martinez. It is nothing more than fulfilling a duty. I am glad to do it. President Schurman. As we know the value of what you are about Report of the Philippine commission. 55 to say to us, it is important that we record what is said, and therefore we have our stenographer present. Q. What is your name? — A. Pablo Antonio Martinez. Q. What is your profession? — A. Lawyer. Q. Do }rou practice law in Manila?— A. In Manila. Q. How long? — A. I have been a resident here twelve years. Q. And before that time where did you live? — A. In Madrid. Q. Do you know any other parts of the archipelago besides Manila from personal experience ? — A. Personally I have only been in Camar- ines on business. Q. We have your communication here regarding the registration of property and have read it with much profit and we are much obliged to you for it and will file it with our records By Colonel Den by: Q. We suppose that you have thoroughly discussed the question of the registry of property, so we need not ask you any questions about that, but if you have anything to add to your paper we shall be glad to hear it. — A. The law of mortgages in force in the Philippine Islands, with slight modification, is the same as similar laws in Spain, which are the most perfect in the world, whereas the civil law in force is very complicated and presents great difficulties in doing any kind of business and needs great reformation. The law of mortgages I con- sider the best in existence, as it gives opportunity for realizing with great rapidity. Q. How many courts were there in Manila, and by whom were the judges appointed? Please describe to us the courts, civil and crim- inal.— A. In Manila there were four courts of the first instance. Q. By whom were the judges appointed for those four courts?— A. By the minister of Ultramar in Madrid. Q. What salaries did these judges get? — A. I think $3,000; I am not certain, but I believe it was about §3,000. Q. How many of these courts had civil and how many had criminal jurisdiction? — A. They united both functions. For instance, the judge of the court of first instance of the district of Binondo had jurisdiction in both civil and criminal matters. Q. Did you say anything about the others? You have spoken only of one court in Binondo? — A. For example, only; that applies to all four courts. Q. Have you had any jury system where they have twelve men to tryT a case? — A. No, sir. The jury system is a system which we have not used as yet. We are a hundred years behind the times in this respect. Q. Did the judges of these four courts themselves hear all the cases without a jury? — A. Personally, yes; without a jury. Q. Did an appeal lie from the judgment of these four judges? — A. There could be an appeal made from them. Q. Now. please tell us about the appellate court, the higher court. How many they' were and byr whom yyere the judges appointed? — A. The courts of second instance or appellate court are called the audi- encia of the territory. Q. Was that the supreme court or the appellate court for the island? — A. Up to a certain amount this court yvas supreme ; beyond that amount there was an appeal to the supreme court at Madrid. Q. How many judges were there of that court? — A. It had a bench 56 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. composed of a minimum of three magistrates and a maximum of five. Q. What salary did they get? — A. I think 84,000. Q. Did they try admiralty cases, equity cases, and criminal cases? — A. There were eight magistrates in the audieneia. There were two departments, one for criminal cases and one for civil cases, and the bench in each department had a minimum of three judges and a max- imum of five, and the president distributed the personnel between the two benches. Q. How do you think the system of having twelve men or a less number of citizens to try the facts of a case, with a judge presiding, which we call a jury, would do here in the Philippines? — A. In civil cases I have my doubts; the jurymen would have to be educated; the people would have to be educated to be fit to serve as jurymen. In criminal cases it would be very suitable — the jury system. Q. If }'ou could find sufficient intelligent men to try a criminal case, why can’t you find sufficient intelligent men to try a civil case? — -A. In criminal cases the jury has nothing to do beyond ascertaining the facts, they only treat with the facts. In civil cases the facts are made plain and the jury has a great deal to do with the application of the facts. Q. Under our system in general the jury in a criminal case tries both the facts and the law and passes on all the facts that arise before them, but the}' are instructed by the judge. — A. In Spain, also, the juries are instructed by the judge, but here in the Philippine Islands there are no juries in the courts, for the reason that there are so many that do not speak Spanish— all business would have to be done through interpreters, and great difficulty would arise. Q. I)o you think that there ought to be a property qualification for jurors? — A. I think it would be a good thing to exact a qualification according to the amount of taxes paid; that it also would be well to make a jury largely of professional men, or intelligent men, without regard to property qualification. Q. What proportion of the people here, in your opinion, own prop- erty up to the amount of $1,000 Mexican? — A. In Manila? Q. Here in Manila. — A. It is difficult to estimate it here in Manila, because the statistics concerning the great mass of natives are very deficient. Q. Can’t you give us your own opinion on that subject? — A. I am unable to give an opinion. Q. To put it in another way, what proportion of the people here pay $100 taxes? — A. I believe that there are 2,000 property owners who pay $100 in taxes, but as there has never been any accurate statistics of the population of Manila made, I am unable to state the proportion that those represent. Q. Are those 2,000 people intelligent or otherwise? — A. I consider them sufficiently intelligent to serve as jurymen. Q. If we had an election system here, would they be intelligent enough to vote for officers ? — A. I think so, sir. Q. If we establish a municipal government here with aldermen representing the various wards, could you find enough intelligent peo- ple in each division of the city to elect those aldermen ? — A. I think so. Q. Don’t you think that these same ideas would apply to the prov- inces, to the interior; that is, could you find intelligent people in the interior? — A. That is more difficult. In the capitals, the more impor- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 57 tant capitals, such as Iloilo and Cebu, I think so; but in other parts of the provinces, no. Q. Have you entirely described to us the judicial system, or have you anything to add to that? — A. Only that there are, in small cases, where less than §200 is involved, judges of the peace; the \* are munic- ipal judges. There is one judge of the peace for each district. Q. Are the opinions of this supreme court reported as they are in other countries ? — A. They are not published, they are sent to Madrid. Q. Are there any Filipinos in these courts? — A. There have been — for instance, Florentino Tores, in Cebu. Q. Was there a body of Filipino lawyers here who practiced before the courts? — A. Yes; there are many. Q. Will you tell us whether these Filipinos made good judges and lawyers? — A. There are some who turned out well, but I could not say that they did well in general. Q. Were the fees of the lawyers taxed by the court and paid by the losing party, or did each party pay his own lawyer? — A. The general rule was that each party to a case paid his own lawyer. Sometimes, when a person losing a case was not satisfied to pay the fee charged by his attorne}*, the judge had power to reduce the fee. Professor Worcester. We are losing the point of his answer. I think he said: In certain cases, the man who loses a case is condemned to pay the cost, and if he then complains that the costs are excessive the judge can settle the matter. Colonel Denbt. Did this involve attorney's fees? Professor Worcester. I so understood him. The Interpreter. I was going to add I understood him to say that the judge would reduce the honorarium, which was the fee. A. The lawyers’ fees are taxed, and if they are complained of the judge has the power to review them. By Colonel Denby: Q. Will you have the kindness to write a paper on the courts? — A. Yes. Q. With any suggestions you may think proper to make suitable to the condition of these people, considering that in our country we always have juries. — A. Certainly. Q. I wish you would bear in mind that this jury system does not prevail in admiralty and does not prevail in equity, but in ordinary civil cases and criminal cases no man can be tried in the United States except by a jury. Admiralty and equity cases are tried by a court without a jury, but cases for debt and all criminal cases must be tried by a jury? — A. Will you be so kind as to name to me some particular State which I can refer to in making my suggestions, for I have the laws of a number of different States which I have looked up. Q. The State of New York would do as a model. New Yoi'k is our “■biggest” State and we have generally copied our constitutions from New York. President Schurman. We have now finished with the courts, and I will ask you some questions on other subjects. By President Schurman: Q. What scheme of government would you recommend for this archi- pelago?— A. I hesitate to speak of a plan of government, because I uuderstaud only the administration of the laws. 58 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Do you think the Spanish system was well adapted to the needs of the people? — A. The fundamental laws of the Spanish system I con- sider very good, but the manner of applying them and the laws of procedure should be reformed immediately, because they are very much behind the times. Q. I speak of the political, administrative, and financial branches of the government. Do you think the laws of Spain were well adapted to the needs of the people? — A. The financial branch I do not consider was suitable to the people or to the country. There should be a reform started in this direction immediately. Q. What is the nature of that reform; what suggestions would you make? — A. In the matter of taxation, the taxes should be smaller, and should be very small on the industries of the country; much smaller on the industries of the country, particularly in the matter of agriculture. Q. Any further suggestions?— A. As to what? Q. The administrative, the financial, and political branches of the government of the Philippines as they existed formerly? — A. As to the political branch I could not give an opinion, as it is outside the scope of my profession. Q. Do you think the Philippine people capable of self-government ? — A. I do not believe they are at present. Q. Do you think they are capable of govering their own pueblos ? — A. No, sir.. By Colonel Denby : Q. Don't 3’ou think that there could be elected to a legislature to hold its sessions in these islands enough intelligent men to pass local laws? — A. How large an assembly? I can answer your question if you will name me the number. Q. Sa}r 100 for all the islands. — A. I think the}* might be found by a careful search. By Professor Worcester : Q. Do you think they would be found scattered over all the prov- inces or whether would there be many in some provinces and few in others ? — A. They wouldn’t be equally distributed. Q. What I want to get at is the distribution of these 500 — whether we could find 100 in Luzon, 50 in Mindoro, or 75 or 100 in Luzon and none in Mindoro? — A. You would find them distributed more or less in that wav, with a large number here and none in some of the islands like Mindoro. By President Schurman : Q. How were laws made formerly for the Philippine Islands? — A. Formerly we had the laws called ‘‘The laws of the Indies.” They were made in Madrid. They were different laws made at different times and afterwards compiled. Originally the laws of the Indies applied here. Q. How did they get laws subsequent to that time ? In other words, did the governor-general have the power to make decrees which had the force of laws? — A. Afterwards the laws of the Peninsula of Spain were applied here in the courts with certain modifications, thus gradu- ally making an assimilation of the laws of the islands with those of the Peninsula. The several codes of the Peninsula being applied here in the islands, some of them — as, for example, the civil cocle— integrally, REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 59 entirely, and the other codes being applied with certain modifications and changes adapted to the condition here — as, for example, in the penal code, where crimes are committed by Chinamen, etc., the punish- ment was slightly modified. Q. But still you haven’t answered whether the governor-general had the power to make decrees which had the force of laws. — A. No sub- stantial laws; no, sir. Q. Where did substantial laws come from in the latter years of Spanish government here? — A. They were published in the Gazeeter, of Madrid, and the}' were sent here to the captain-general with a com- mand that he fulfill them. He ordered that they be published in the Gazette, of Manila. Q. Now, had he the power to modify those laws— had he the power to do that here? — A. They came here already modified to suit the country, from Spain. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. Were they laws made bv the Cortes, and ratified by the Queen, or did the minister of Ultramar himself make the laws? — A. They were made in the Cortes. Q. In your opinion, would it be a good thing to have a legislative body in the Philippine Islands themselves? — A. I think so; yes. By Colonel Denby: Q. Don’t you think we ought to give these people a freer form of government than they formerly had ? — A. I believe so — a greater par- ticipation in public affairs. By President Schurman: Q. In what directions would you give them this intervention — in what particular point? — A. In municipal affairs a much greater par- ticipation; in judicial affairs more participation, but under certain restrictions. While there are undoubtedly people in Manila, Fili- pinos. honest and capable of forming an audiencia — a court — I doubt whether a court composed of Filipinos would secure the confidence of the general public. At the same time, inasmuch as these offices would not be permanent, and the personnel might change, I doubt whether a Filipino court would inspire, either in the natives or the foreigners who were to have cases to bring before them, sufficient confidence unless there was a considerable intervention or intermedia- tion on the part of the Americans. Q. Why, these facts being so, do you desire to give the Filipinos more intervention in the courts? — A. I spoke under the supposition that there would be established here Filipino courts, but it would be better, of course, to have courts carried on by Americans. Q. What would you think of mixed courts, partly American and partly Filipino? — A. It seems to me a very good system. President Schurman. I desire to say on behalf of the commissioners that we are exceedingly obliged to you for the very valuable informa- tion you have given us. Senor Martinez. It is nothing. If the commission would like me to write anything in regard to the questions I should be most happy to do so. President Schurman. We will be making some arrangement before long for such work, and we would be very glad indeed to keep your 60 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. kind offer in mind. Of course the particular writing which you have promised us regarding the courts we would he very glad to have at your convenience. The meeting adjourned. TESTIMONY OF SENORS TAVERA AND TOLENTINO. Manila, April 21, 1899. Present: President Schurman (in the chair), Colonel Denby, and Prof. Dean C. Worcester; John K. MacArthur, esq., secretary and counsel. Also Dr. Pardo de Tavera, and Sefior Aurelio Tolentino. President Schurman. Gentlemen, we are very happy to receive you, and hope that you will state freely to us whatever you have to say. Dr. Tavera. Mr. President and gentlemen of the Commission, there has been a commission formed of Filipinos to meet the American Com- mission and see what would be the most efficacious and rapid way of bringing peace to this people. I am a member of this commission and I have the honor of knowing Sefior Aurelio Tolentino, who has asked me to present him that he may meet you. Colonel Denby. Is he a member of the commission ? Dr. Tavera. Sefior Tolentino has been one of the most active mem- bers of the Filipino revolution against the Spanish and naturally he preserves the prestige among the Filipinos of being a decided patriot. President Schurman. Is he a member of your commission ? Dr. Tavera. Yes, sir. Now that I have spoken the words present- ing Mr. Tolentino, the commission can speak directly to him. President Schurman. Perhaps we can proceed in a more orderly manner if you will permit us to ask you a few questions. Sefior Tolentino. Certainly, sir. Aurelio Tolentino, stated as follows, in response to inquiries by the commission: By President Schurman: Q. What is your name? — A. Aurelio Tolentino. Q. From what part of the country do you come? — A. I have never gone out of Manila. Professor Worcester. I don't believe that is what he means. Question repeated. — A. I am from the town of Guayo, in the province of Batangas. Q. How long have you resided there ? — A. 1 was born there, but at the age of 23 I was employed in the Spanish offices. Afterwards, as a notary in Morong. Q. How long did you stay in Morong ? — A. One year. Q. And since that time where have you lived? — A. In September. 1896, two weeks after the breaking out of the revolution, they took me out of my house, arrested me, applied an electric machine to me and put chains upon my feet. Q. They tortured you? — A. Yes, in Manila, in Bilibid, the presidio, in the penitentiary, in the central police station, and everywhere. Q. How long were }Tou a prisoner? — A. Nine months. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 61 By Professor Worcester: Q. Why did they torture you? — A. Because when an educated Fili- pino was not a friend of the priests they always put him in prison, and in Morong I was not a great friend of the priests; and the}' tortured me for the purpose of getting a confession from me in regard to the occurrences of the revolution. Q. Have you been engaged with the insurrectos? — A. At first, no, sir; afterwards, yes, sir; because my heart demanded vengeance for having taken me to jail when 1 was not to blame. Q. Of what profession are you? — A. A notary. Q. How long were you a Spanish official altogether? — A. From 1891 to 1896. Q. What have you done since 1896?— A. They put me in jail. After that I lived in my house, because I did not wish to take the field, having m}' family with me, m3’ mother and m3' wife; and then there were secret police of the Spanish living opposite my house, and con- sidering that I was not safe with the Spanish secret police living just opposite to me, I thought it was necessaiy to take to the field. President Schurmax. Dr. Tavcra. I would like to ask you a ques- tion. I understand there are certain matters about which this gentle- man would like to speak to us. Is that so? If it is, I would think it desirable to give him the word and let him state what he wishes to say. Senor Tolextixo. Mv opinion is as follows, Mr. President: As a true Filipino, alwa3's desiring the well-being of mv native land, as a son desires the welfare of his mother. I see that war is the same thing for a nation as sickness for a man. It is not an ordinary sickness, but a severe and dangerous sickness, and I being a true Filipino and a true son, and one that loves his mother, naturally love 1113' native land, the Philippines, and desire whatever means may be taken to cure this sick- ness. I do not consider that I have the right to give a remedy to my native land, because, in the first place, I am only one, and, in the second place. I have not the capacity to do so; but, nevertheless, a commission of Filipinos has been formed with the object of administering this remed3T, and whatever the opinion of the commission will be, it will be mv opinion also. I bow to that opinion always, when the opinion does not lengthen the war, but if the opinion of that commission tends to lengthen the war. I am not agreeable to it, for my desire is to administer the remedy to cure this sickness. In view of what I have said, and, finally, of the fact that I have been chosen b3' the commission to be the member to carry their messages and letters to the Filipino government — that is, the Filipino commission has named me to carr3' their messages and letters to the government of Aguinaldo Q. To Aguinaldo himself ? — A. To Aguinaldo and others who con- stitute the government. By Professor Worcester: Q. When do you expect to start ? — A. The sooner the better, for every da3’ of war is a great damage to our country; if I can go to-day, so much the better. 1 do not wish to see another drop of blood spilled. President Schurmax. Your mission is a most important one and we wish you all success in it. Senor Tolextixo. Main' thanks. When I come to Aguinaldo it is probable that he and some of the persons there will ask me about these questions, and what answers can be given? If they should ask me — 62 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. and they will ask me — “ What does the American Government want of the Philippine people?” I wish to ask the gentlemen who form the commission, if they see lit to tell me, whether in reply to that question I am to remain with my mouth closed and answer “I do not know,” or whether they will give me some answer to make. President Schurman. Our answer to this question is already con- tained in our proclamation of the 4th of this month. — A. Yes, sir. (At this point in the proceedings the following members of the Fili- pino commission entered the room and were presented to the United States commissioners by Dr. Tavera: Senors Tomas G. del Rosario, Florentine Torres, Luis R. Yanco, and F. R. Yanco.) At the suggestion of President Schurman, the Filipino commission- ers were informed of the interview which had previously taken place between President Schurman and Senor Tolentino. Colonel Denby. Senor Tolentino, will you, or one of your confreres, tell us what you want to know which is not contained in the procla- mation ? Senor Torres. Last Sunday there was a meeting of citizens of Manila — lawyers, doctors, business men, etc. — for the purpose of com- ing to some arrangement with the Philippine government, in order to secure peace, and of sending a communication to them so as to arrange to meet some delegates of theirs. Letters will be sent from various influential persons in Manila to the Filipinos, with the idea of coming to some arrangement with them by which they will arrange peace with the American commission. President Schurman. Your mission is a very important one and we wish 3tou all success in it. Senor Torres. Seiior Tolentino will carry the letters and also will talk to them with the idea of seeing if some understanding can not be arranged. Senor Rosario has written asking permission that he may also go. President Schurman. Senor Rosario, would you like to say some- thing ? Senor Rosario. Yes; I am writing two letters, one to Mr. Luna, who is chief of the army, and the other to Mr. Buencamino, who is the secretary of Don Emilio Aguinaldo. I say in these letters that the most influential citizens of Manila have come together to try and secure peace. I have stated in these letters that if they wish more details I will not find it inconvenient to go to them. I have also asked them for a pass, for in time of war many people are suspected and there is danger, and I woidd also like to have the American commis- sion tell me something that 1 may say to them before I go. President Schurman. We desire to assure you and your confreres once more that we hope you will be successful in bringing about peace. Senor Rosario. I, as vice-president of the congress of Malolos, shall express to the congress the impressions which I carry from here. President Schurman. We give you to take to them, as expressing our views and sentiments, copies of our proclamation. We issued a proclamation on the 4th of this month, and we thought that was suffi- cient. Senor Rosario. I said that T wished to take some expressions from the American commission, because the first thing that they will ask me will be, “What sort of autonomy is this that the American com- mission offers us ? ” REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 63 President Schurman. It is the autonomy described in paragraphs 1 and 2 of the proclamation. Senor Rosario. Very well. I have read this (referring to the proc- lamation), but perhaps they will want some further detail. I wish to say to your commission that 1 have come to you as the vice-president of the Filipino congress, and I make this as a personal statement, that what they wish is independence under the protection of the United States. President Schurman. It is not possible to discuss the question of American sovereignty — that is an established fact. Senor Rosario. It is not to discuss the sovereignty of America; I only wish to inform the commission of the political atmosphere which exists there, and I perhaps may be able to convince them that the autonomy which your commission offers will be a greater advantage than the independence which they desire. President Schurman. We are studying the question. We desire to get information from leading Filipinos in all parts of the country, and if a conference were held, that would be the time for details and not now'. Only we can say this, that we do look forward to giving them an extremely liberal form of government. Gentlemen, the question you have asked us is one w'hieh we w'ould like to consider, and we must, therefore, ask you to excuse us for a few minutes for consultation. The United States commissioners here retired from the room. The United States commissioners, on returning to the room, pre sented to Dr. Tavera a written statement, which is as follows: ■ “We have to inform the gentlemen that this commission is com- posed of five members, only three of whom are present to-day, conse- quently it is impossible to answer in detail the question as to the exact form of government to be established by the United States in the archi- pelago; but we have to say that we are studying the question, and. as indicated in the proclamation, desire to consult with prominent Fili- pinos from all parts of the archipelago, and in the meantime can assert that an exceedingly liberal form of government is contemplated, the commission being opposed to the system of colonial servitude. The commission desires also to inform these gentlemen that we shall be glad to consult with them at any time hereafter, or with other prom- inent Filipinos, and that we shall be pleased to participate in a formal conference when such has been arranged.” The above paper was translated into Spanish by Dr. Tavera, and by him read aloud in Spanish to the Filipino gentlemen, after w hich Dr. Tavera returned the paper to the stenographer. Senor Torres. On account of some remarks of Senor Rosario, I think that the most practical method would be to establish an autono- mous constitution. Some days ago I secured a meeting with General Otis, in which I gave an account of the meeting of Sunday, and after having told him what happened on last Sunday I told him of the spirit of the meeting. I told him that the predominant opinion was lack of confidence, as the first question w hich was asked me, as president of the meeting, was: “ What sort of autonomy is this that the American proclamation offers us?” and, therefore, I told General Otis that the best thing would be for the commission to give me an organized project of the laws which they intended to propose; but General Otis said that it was impossible to do this without consulting the authorities at Washington. General Otis said that he would admit of no other gov- 64 EE PORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. eminent, but what I proposed was that he give me a form of the organic law, which would be held in abeyance at present, and that, given such a scheme, if the commission saw fit to listen to us, and if the scheme fulfilled our aspirations, we now, with arms in our hands, would not find it impossible to recognize the sovereignty of America. This sug- gestion I again make to-day, and think that the intended laws should be made up and put into shape. I make this suggestion before the commission, with the supposition that the Filipinos who are present agree with me; and I may add that a number of people who are out- side. and with whom I have talked, are agreeable to this, and are awaiting for this. By Professor Worcester: Q. When you say outside, do you mean outside of the building or outside of your junta? — A. I mean in Manila and its suburbs, people outside of our commission; and the suggestion being made, I ask the commission to have the goodness to listen to the Filipinos in regard to this. Colonel Denbt. Please explain what you mean by an autonomous government. Senor Rosario. The government of the Filipinos by the Philippine people under the direction or intervention of the United States. By President Schurman: Q. Would you contemplate a governor appointed by the President of the United States? — A. Yes, sir; that is the recognition of the sovereignty. Q. And the cabinet? — A. It should be of Filipinos. By President Schurman: Q. Appointed by the President of the United States?- — A. By the American governor-general. By Colonel Denby: Q. Do you mean by that cabinet, a secretary of the interior, a sec- retary of war, postmaster-general, secretary of the navy, and such officers as we have in our Cabinet? — A. Ministers of the interior, of war, of public instruction, and everything except of justice. Q. Why do you except justice ? — A. For we wish to have the admin- istration of justice apart from the government — separate from the government. By President Schurman: Q. You do not include the ministers of war and marine? — A. The management of war and of the marine will be under the immediate direction of the United States. B}' Colonel Denby: Q. Who would collect the customs ? — A. I should wish that he might be a Filipino, but I do not know what are the intentions of the United States Government. Q. We don’t ask 3*011 what should be the nationality of the col- lector, but I ask you to whom should be paid the customs, to the Government of the United States or to the government of the Philip- pines ? — A. To the treasury of the nation — to the treasurer. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 65 Q. Not to the United States ? — A. For my part — I only speak for myself, and I have not talked with my companions over the details — I am willing personally myself to agree to anything jostand reasonable. By President Schurman: Q. Does the autonomous form of government which you have in mind contemplate a legislature? — A. A chamber of representatives elected by suffrage. Q. Universal suffrage or limited suffrage? — A. I, myself, would say universal, but considering my colleagues I am willing to sa}r it should be limited for the present. Professor Worcester. When you say for yourself “universal suffrage” would you include the Igorrotes in this island —Luzon — the Manguianes of Mindoro, and the Moros of Mindanao? Senor Rosario. Among these Moros and Igorrotes there are many unenlightened people, and for this reason they should have limited suffrage; but at the same time there are many of them enlightened people. In my province there are Igorrotes called Aetas, who have European cast of features, but are very black and have curly hair, and these have a government to themselves and have always been com- pletely independent of Spanish rule, which government might serve as a model. When the commission wishes to go there I could accom- pany them, for I take many people there to show them these people. President Schurman. Many thanks. Senor Torres. I am now going to answer the argument of Mr. Wor- cester in regard to universal suffrage as applied to the Igorrotes, the Moros, etc. I think that if universal suffrage were conceded to the Moros and Igorrotes under certain conditions it would lie the means of bringing them to civilized life. President Schurman. I understand you gentlemen to favor a limita- tion of the suffrage. In what way ivould you limit it? Senor Rosario. That all who know how to write should have the right to vote. Professor Worcester. Even if they have no property and are thieves? Senor Rosario. It is difficult in the Philippine Islands, and in all parts of the world, for I have traveled a great deal, to find anybody who owns property who does not know how to write. Professor Worcester. It is sometimes easy to find people who know how to write, but who do not know how to vote. Senor Rosario. But these people — thieves and such people — could not vote anyhow, because they are incapacitated by law. Colonel Denby. In your contemplated form of government have you made any arrangement as to who should be charged with the foreign relations ? Senor Torres. The United States. President Schurman. And the post-office? Senor Torres. That is a detail, too, although a very important one; but I think that it might be administered by a secretary from this country under the direction, of course, of the United States, as all other postal matters. The governor-general would hold the veto and also intervention. Colonel Denby. Could you draw such a form of government and submit it to us in writing as your views with regard to that question, p c o 66 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. and, of course, the views of those who join with you? I ask you pri- marily because I understand you are a lawyer and perfectly capable of drawing such a paper. Senor Torres. We will form a small commission among ourselves to draw up such a plan, and we appreciate the deference of the com- mission in allowing us to do so. President Schurman. We will have much pleasure in receiving it. Colonel Denby. Because wc would like to compare it with our own views. Senor Torres. The plan which I shall present will not he simply my plan, but it will he the plan of several of us, because I have no confidence in the small man that I am. Colonel Denby. We want it to compare with our own views and to see if we can not come together. Senor Torres. The reason that we did not put in a plan of an autono- mous government was that we were waiting for the commission to indicate a plan to us. Colonel Denby. The object of the commission is to find out the views of all the respectable and influential people whom we can get to tell them to us, and when we go over them we will come to some conclusion. Senor Torres. I beg the commission that they will not wait to listen to all the ideas and plans of the people in the provinces of Luzon and Vi say a. President Schurman. We see a good many of them here in Manila without going to these provinces, of course. Senor Torres. I wish to say one word. I know more or less the opinions of those who are in the provinces, and I have confidence in saving that they will be agreeable to what we decide upon, for the}' think that we know a little something about affairs. Professor AVorcester. Will you include in that number those who have arms in their hands at the present time ' Senor Torres. For that reason we wish something in writing, to be able to convince them of the granting of what they consider right and proper by the American people. The last thing I have to say is that the greatest enlightenment among the people will be found in Manila and not in the provinces. Professor AVorcester. For just that reason we need to see some- thing of the provinces, because we must make a government that will answer for the enlightened people and for those who are not enlightened. Senor Torres. I will answer that. In respect to the people who are not enlightened, I think that a government may be arranged for both classes, for the enlightened and the unenlightened, so that the enlight- ened may be satisfied, and those who are not enlightened may be educated. Senor Rosario. General Otis spoke to me about this question, and I gave him an easy solution — that the American commission come to an understanding with the Philippine Assembly, for they are the repre- sentatives of all. Professor AVorcester. Is there a representative there from the province of Calamianis? Senor Rosario. I think so; yes. By President Schurman: Q. Is there a representative there for Palawan or Paragua? — A. I REPORT OP THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 67 could not say. But General Otis said it was inconvenient, because he asked, “Where are we to consult with them, in Malolos?” 1 answered him, “No; but let them come to Manila.” I asked General Otis not to go all about into all the provinces; that it would be easy to convoke an assembly here in Manila. I should wish that such an assembly should meet here in Manila; and, if the commission will give me permission, 1 will convince them that it is the best thing to come here; I will persuade them to come here when I go. President Schurman. That is a question which the commission will consider. Senor Rosario. It might be inconvenient for the commission to call them as an assembly, such as they are, for it woidd be a sort of recog- nition of the Philippine government,- but I suggested to General Otis that to summon them as private persons, one by one, and to give each a guarantee of safety that he would not be molested in the city would answer. Senor Torres. I wish to add a last word: That there will be no diffi- cult}^ over the question of money. I speak not only for myself, but for others whom I have heard talk; that the enlightened people will be content if their aspirations are fulfilled, even if they spend more or less. The complaint of the people was not that Spain took the monejq but it was that the employees took their money and spent it. There are many towns which are able to pay taxes to an intelligent and moral government. And if the commission wishes, I will tell the legislative assembly that they come as private persons to meet the commission here in Manila. President Schurman. That is a matter, as 1 said before, which the commission will consider. Senor Torres. And in regard to the plan of an autonomous govern- ment, do you wish to wait or shall we do it? President Schurman. Go to work at it now. Senor Torres. 1 shall, then, visit my friends and neighbors who are interested in this thing, but we will need some days to do it. President Schurman. I want to say with regard to the constitution, to the project of an autonomous government, that the object of our procuring such a draft from you is to compare it with our own ideas and see if, in our opinion, an adjustment can be made. The meeting adjourned. TESTIMONY OE SENOR CALDERON. Manila, April 27, 1809 — If. j>. in. Present: President Schurman, Professor Worcester, and Senor Felipe Goncalez Calderon. Senor Felipe Goncalez Calderon. Examined by Professor Worcester: Q. What is your profession ? — A. Lawyer and farmer. Q. Where do you live ? — A. I have always lived in Manila, but I have property in the provinces of Batangas and Cavite. Q. What proportion of the people of Batangas can read and write ? — A Seventy -live or 80 per cent. The province is the most cultured 68 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. in the Archipelago. I have some 600 laborers on my plantation in Batangas, and of those there are certainly not more than 20 who can not read and write. Q. If you have anything to say to us concerning the bettering of conditions in your own province and concerning the general state of affairs here in the country, say it to us frankly. — A. What do you desire — my opinion as a private individual or gathered from what I have seen, or the impression that I have gained from what 1 have heard, here in Manila since 1 have arrived here? Q. Both. — A. It is necessary to know the character of the archi- pelago as a whole and of Batangas in particular. The archipelago as a whole is composed of three classes of individuals: The rich and intelligent element; the poorer element of the country — the element that is willing to devote itself to work — and an element that may be called intermediate, made up of clerks and writers, who have a habit of stirring up the town. The first of these elements, the wealthier class and the diligent class, that by its work produces sugar, tobacco, etc. , wishes, by whatever means, peace and quiet. They have certain wrong ideas which result from their complete ignorance of the char- acter of the, Americans. The Spaniards have given them wrong ideas on this subject. The third, or intermediate class, do not wish for peace under any circumstances, because it goes against their individual interests, and, apart from that, they also have these wrong impressions of Americans. This is the idea that I have heard expressed by the general public; it is not my personal idea. I will now explain my per- sonal idea. The first and second classes wish peace by any means what- ever, because they are weary of the state of anarchy which exists, but they are disturbed as to the conduct of America in the future. The most important thing is to show them actual deeds. The common people now lack confidence in the Americans because there has in the past been enacted laws which have never been carried out. The Spaniards made them promises which have never been fulfilled. Q. It is very natural that they should wish for demonstrations of what we intend to do. — A. That is what is wanting — actual deeds, because the town is wholly skeptical about promises; what they want to see is fulfillment. And there is this to be remembered also, that the Filipino, like other Orientals, is not a man who can be compelled by force. I am going to give you an illustration of this: When he once gets an idea in his head he wishes to carry it out; he is determined to carry it out. The revolution of 1896 would not have been developed unless it had been for the illegal and iniquitous acts of the Spanish Government, and lam going to give an illustration to prove it. Gen- eral Polavieja came here with the reputation of being a man who was going to put everyone to death. He distributed in all of the tribunals a great many ropes. I do not know for what purpose, but the com- mon people believed that those ropes wore to be used at the appointed moment for tying up all of the common people in order to shoot them. For this reason the insurrectionary force was augmented more than 100 per cent by people who took to the fields, believing that the ropes were distributed for this purpose. Q. That must have been simply a wrong impression. — A. Yes; it was a stupid idea, but nevertheless it had that effect. This is an Ori- ental people, and when they get an idea it carries them away. Q. Imagination predominates over reason, controls reason? — REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 69 A. They do not stop to consider an idea, but once get it into their heads and it will run awa}^ with them. The shooting of people drove some of them to the field; the detention of others had the same effect. So that the acts of the Spaniards contributed to the revolution. I say all this to prove that it is difficult to dominate the Philippine people by force. It is easier to dominate them by leading them on by attraction. Furthermore, it is to be remembered that they are very suspicious, and being, as they are, very suspicious, they wish to see actual acts. (At this point President Schurman entered the room.) By President Schurman: Q. And what acts are possible now? — A. Taking, now, as a concrete example the province of Batangas, the third crowd, namely, those who wish the war to go on — they say that vessels do not come there because the Americans do not allow them to come. I have maintained that this was not the cause; that the Americans were willing that ships should go there, but were afraid that if they did go they might meet with some injury at the hands of the insurgents, and, not wishing to make themselves responsible for any such injury, tin* Americans have not allowed them to go. The people to the southward hold the idea that the conflagrations and crimes committed in Manila are the acts of the Americans, and it is necessary to prove to them by kind deeds that this is not the case. Q. And what acts can we perform to give them a different idea? — A. When a town is captured, for example, give to the people who have lost all that the}- have a little something for food, a little something in compensation for their houses, so that they may escape from their misery. By Professor Worcester : Q. But don't you know that the insurgent leaders themselves give orders to burn houses and destroy property — A. Yes; I know it. Q. Do you not know that when Santa Cruz was taken there was no burning and no robbery? — A. Yes. By President Schurman: Q. You wish more examples like this? — A. Yes; that is what we want. And when it is necessary to take a town which can not be defended, a thing which the exigencies of war may demand, burn it, but give to the people something to recompense them for their loss — not as indemnity, but as an aid, as a testimony of friendship or succor, as an evidence of good will. By Professor Worcester: Q. But do you not know that this is difficult, because the people run away ? — A. Yes; I know it is sometimes impossible; but after you have taken a town the people soon begin to come in, and then jrou can treat them in this fashion I have described. By President Schurman: Q. 1 think myself that this is very desirable. We ought first to have a place where those who wish can come in and live and work in peace. — A. Even in the existing state of affairs let business go on as a political measure. Yesterday, when talking to General Otis, I sug- gested to him that he allow a steamer to go to bring up the families that wished to come from Leyte. He asked me whether the steamer 70 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. would he in danger, and whether they would be likely to commit acts of violence against it. I told, him no. He asked me further what percentage of export duty they would charge on the cargo. I told him 5 per cent. He said it did not seem feasible to him to allow the steamer to go, because that would result in increasing the resources of the insurrectos; but, according to my idea, the little that you would lose by this means would be of small importance, for all they could do with the money would be to get a little more rice, whereas the politi- cal effect of having business going on freely might be very important. Whether they have many or few resources they can not stand up against you, and if you can win them by such means it would be better than it would be to light them. Q. But do you not know that this might have another effect? If the insurgents were to see the steamers making their trips as usual, might they not say, ‘*Oh! things are going very nicely, just as they did in time of peace; we are not incommoded in any way; we are not losing anything; let the war go on?” — A. No; I do not believe it would. The Indian always occupies himself with the present moment. Let business go on until you are ready to take Batangas, then bring on your squadron and bombard the place if it is necessary, destroy the houses, and show to the natives you are indulgent up to the point where you can be indulgent, but if they continue to commit acts of hostility against you they must pay the penalty. Another reason is that the subject of business affects most severely the wealthier classes, because the poor can go and live in the fields with a handful of rice, and we know that the wealthy class is the class of all classes that wishes peace. Q. But might they not feel, if they themselves were not losing, that it was a matter of indifference to them whether the war continued or not, so that they would fail to exercise their influence in stopping it? — A. Oh, no; because if you were to pursue this policy the result might be that wealthy men would have confirmed in their minds the idea that the common people now hold, and a few might lend their influence and their resources to furthering the cause of the revolution. The Indian can ’not lie overcome bv force, and it is better to employ a politic course in dealing ivith him. It is also desirable to avoid, so far as possible, robbing, burning, and killing on the part of the soldiers, because the people have not forgotten the vile deeds of the Spaniards, and they believe that you are going in the same way, and the doing of these things but strengthens this belief, and it is desirable to avoid such a state of affairs as far as possible. Meeting adjourned. TESTIMONY OF SENOR ANGEL LOPEZ. Manila, May 8 , 1899 — 11 a. m. Present: President Schurman (in the chair), Admiral Dewey, Colonel Denby, and Professor Worcester, commissioners, and Mr. John R. Mac Arthur, secretary. Angel Lopez appeared before the commission, and in response to the interrogatories of the commissioners stated as follows; By President Schurman: Q. What is your name? — A. Angel Lopez. REPORT OP THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 71 Q. Where is your home? — A. 50 Gastambide street, Sampaloc, Manila. Q. Where was it formerly ? — A. The same. Q. Have you not lived in Ilocos? — A. Yes, sir. Q. How long? — A. I came to Manila in October of last year. Q. Before that time did you live in Ilocos ? — A. In Ilocos. Q. In what town? — A. In the town of Bacnotan, in the province of Union. Q. Did you not also live in the province of Ilocos Sur? — A. Yes. Before coming to Manila we were in Yigan, in Ilocos Sur. Q. How long did }rou live in Yigan? — A. This last time, three months. Q. How long were you a resident of Vigan? — A. 1 was born in Vigan; I lived in Vigan; I left Yigan at the age of 20, and came to Manila and studied telegraphy, and afterwards returned to the province of Union. Q. What is your profession ? — A. In Union I was the agent of the tobacco factory finally. Q. Have you ever held any government position? — A. I was chief of the town, captain of Bacnotan. i Q. How long were you captain of the town ? — A. More than one year. The insurrection broke out, and I left Bacnotan. Q. How do the people of Union and Ilocos stand at the present time; how are they affected toward the Americans and toward the insurrectos ? — A. In Yigan there is no insurrection; there are Philippine troops, but they are not insurgent troops. Q. Where do those troops come from? — A. They are from Vigan itself; they are recruits, new troops, reserves. < Q. Are there any Tagalog troops in Vigan? — A. There are no Taga- log troops — Ilocanos. Q. Who conducts the government? — A. A man from Vigan. Q. Are there Tagalog troops in other pueblos up there ? — A. There are none; all Ilocanos, because all the Tagalogs come from here to Malolos. Q. Were there Tagalog troops up there formerly? — A. Yes. Q. When did they leave? — A. It is a long time now. In November and December of last year they left for Malolos. Q. How does the government of Ilocos stand affected toward the United States? — A. They are all well disposed, because they do not like the Philippine government. Q. If Admiral Dewey sent ships up there would they welcome them? — A. I am willing to go with Admiral Dewey in the ship, and I shall send a message ashore, a proclamation of my own, that we be well received, and we would lie well received; and we should be, because everyone there wishes a recognized government — an American gov- ernment. Q. Do the same conditions obtain in Aparri, and in Cavite? Are they friendly to us there? — A. In Aparri the people are undecided. If the American Government prevails, why they will be friendly with them; but if the Philippine government wins they will be friendly with the Philippine government, because they have no arms. Q. There are many pueblos in Ilocos besides Vigan; name some of the other pueblos, large pueblos? — A. In Ilocos Norte there are large towns; for instance, the capital, it is a large town — Laoag. 72 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. It is the capital? — A. Yes. Q. Do you know how the people in Laoag are disposed toward the United States? — A. In Laoag there is no disposition for trouble. Laoag is peaceable and wishes peace, just as Yigan does. Q. Can ships of war go to Laoag? — A. In Urimao it is said that a war ship could go there. In Laoag also. In Dirigue a war ship could go in. Into Union a war ship could very well go also. Q. What are the other pueblos in Union to which they could go? — A. The capital: the capital is a good port. There are no others. In Union there are insurgent towns, but there is no resistance in the capital. Q. What is the capital? — A. San Fernando. Q. And in what condition are they now? Have they peace and order in all those towns now? — A. There is no order or peace. The American Government should put a strong government there. It is necessary to have a strong government, for the insurgents and those who are not insurgents are quarreling among themselves. In a town of 9,000 people there are not 1,000 insurgents. Eight-ninths are opposed to the insurgents. Q. The great majority of the people desire the Americans ? — A. Yes. In a town of from eight to ten thousand people there arc not more than 1,000 insurgents. For that reason, by the sending there of the proclamation of the Government, and another proclamation to arouse good will and good faith in the people, an American govern- ment can be established without trouble. Q. Would the people of Ilocos and Union desire much change in their form of government if the Americans came in and set up a gov- ernment?— A. They wish to change their government. The honest people of the country do not wish that the chief man of the public should be an insurgent. Q. Are the Ilocanos contented with their present form of municipal government? — A. Yes; with a little further change. Q. What variations do they desire? — A. Such variations as are pro- posed in the proclamation ; those would please them very much. Q. Are they contented with their present form of provincial govern- ment--the provincial junta? — A. The}" are very well content with it; but it should be changed, as stated in the American Proclamation. Q. Can you mention any particular details — can you specify details in which they would like their provincial junta changed? — A. There should be people placed in the provincial government from other towns, for at present they have in the provincial government men who have not sufficient intelligence. Q. At present the members of the provincial junta all come from the capital towns? — A. Yes; they all come from the capitals. Q. Was there much corruption — much waste of public moneys — in the old days?— A. There was a great deal. For that reason they need an American for the chief of the province, as governor of the province. Q. How would you have the governor appointed ? — A. The governor of the province should be appointed by the Government at Washington. Q. Should that governor have charge of all the finances of the pueblos? — A. There should be one named as chief magistrate in each town— a man of good antecedents — of good character. Q. Elected by the people? — A. By the town itself. Q. How could you secure a nomination of so good a man? — A. The REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 73 governor-general of Manila, knowing the governor of the province, and the governor of the province, knowing the chiefs of the towns, could arrange that. By Colonel Denby: Q. What is the system of judiciary that they have in your prov- ince?— A. In every town there is always a justice of the peace. Q. Is there but one justice of the peace in a town? — A. In each town there is one, and a chief of the town, who undertakes the execu- tive branch. Q. How are those justices elected? — A. They are named by the governor of the province. Q. And they are not elected by the people ? — A. No, sir. Q. Now what has this chief of the town to do with the matter of justice? — A. The chief of the town does not mix in judicial affairs. Q. What judges have you above a justice of the peace? — A. The justice of the peace is only considered in criminal matters. His superior is the chief of the pueblo, who exercises executive functions, who collects taxes, all the taxes and contributions, and enrolls soldiers, takes charge of prisoners, and of the police. Q. Suppose a man commits a murder, where is he tried ? — A. Before a judge of the peace. Q. Well, who is the judgeof thepeace? — A. The justice of the peace and the justice Tn the capital afterwards. Q. What do you mean by “a judge of the peace;” do you mean these people you have been talking about, justices of the peace? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Have these magistrates you have been talking about the right to try murder cases? — A. The}T have only the power to examine the accused and indict him and send him to the judge in the capital. Q. Is there no court of superior jurisdiction except in the capital? — A. There is none. In the capital is the superior court. That is the superior court over all the towns. Q. Suppose a man wants to sue another for a thousand dollars, where would he bring his suit? — A. In the capital. Q. Suppose he wants to sue for a smaller sum, say, up to $200, can he sue before these justices of the peace? — A. Under the approval of the judge of the capital you can sue for a small amount in the justice of the peace’s court in the town. Q. What is the jurisdiction in amount of a justice of the peace? — A. Up to $200 — from $5 to $200. Q. How many judges do the3r have at the capital to hear these cases? — A. One. Q. Who was he appointed by under the Spaniards ?- — A. He was sent from Spain. Q. Do vou know what salary he got? — A. They vary, for there are different classes of judges — the judges of entrada, ascenso, and ter- miuo. The judges of the first class get $125; of the second class $150, and of the third $200. Q. A month? — A. Yes. Q. Does any appeal lie from these judges to any other court, and where is the court? — A. To the superior court of Manila. Over here in Manila there is the supreme court. Q. How many judges ? — A. One in Manila. 74 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Do appeals lie from all the islands to that one judge? — A. They appeal from all the islands to this judge in Manila, and the}" appeal from him to Spain. Q. Were the people satisfied with that form of judicial procedure? — A. They were all satisfied. Q. Would you suggest any change in it? — A. It seems very good to me. I am satisfied Avith it. Q. What do you think of introducing the system of juries? — A. No. Over here in the Philippine Islands the Indians can not govern them- selves. Q. What do you think about introducing the system of juries in these islands — that is of having 12 men to try a case? — A. It would be a very good thing, one juryman for each town. Q. How would it do to have 0 men sit Avith the judges and hear a ease, and ha\Te those 6 men pass on the facts and the justice pass on the law in criminal cases? — A. It would be a very good thing, for here in the Philippines it is often the case that the Avrong party Avins the suit bv bribing the judge, and under a system like that of juries there would not be the opportunity for bribery. Q. IIoav Avould it do in civil cases; not only in criminal cases, but civil cases Avhere money is involved? — A. It would do very Avell. By Professor Worcester: Q. How do people in Ilocos Norte and Ilocos Sur get their living; Avhat do they do up there? — A. By raising sugar, tobacco, and rice. There is only a little anil raised there now. Q. What kind of rice do they raise up there, lowland rice or mountain rice? — A. There are three classes that they groAv. Q. Does abaca grow up there? — A. No; there is maguey; it is not abaca, it is like abaca. Q. Do they raise large quantities of tobacco there? — A. Yes; a great deal. Q. Is it of good quality? — A. In Ilocos Norte and Union it is of good quality, and in Abra also. Q. Is there very much forest there? — A. There is a good deal. Q. In all the provinces; in Ilocos Norte, in Ilocos Sur, Union, and in Aparri? — A. There are a great many forests and a great deal of lumber. Q. What kinds of woods have they there that are particularly valu- able?— A. Narra, molave, dao, and contingan. Q. Is the timber still to be had near the sea and the rivers, or has it been cut oil there, so that it is difficult to get it out? — A. In the greater part there is no more near the sea and near the rivers, but there are some parts where you can get it with great ease by means of the rivers. Q. What are those parts?— A. In the province of Abra. Q. What about that large river, the Abra; about the navigation of it; what sorts of boats can go up it ? — A. The river is very swift. For that reason it is very hard to go up it. Q. How far can you go up ! — A. From Vigan to Abra. They ha\’e got up a little more or less than 2 miles. Q. Hoav far can they go with bancas? — A. You can go up the dis- tance that it takes to go from 0 o’clock in the morning to 3 o’clock in the afternoon. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 75 By President Schurman: Q. To what towns can they go? — A. To the capital; Abra. Q. Are there mineral deposits — copper, or gold, iron, coal, and sil- ver?— A. In Abra there arc a great deal, and in Bontoc and in that district. Q. More particularly A. Copper, iron, and gold. By Professor Worcester: Q. Is gold found in the sand or in the rocks? — A. In the forests and in the mountains, in the rocks. Q. Are there wild people in the mountains? — A. No. Q. What name do the people go by in the mountains there? — A. lgorrotes; and there are also Catholics. Q. The lgorrotes and the Catholics are friendly, then, are they? — A. Yes; the lgorrotes come down from the mountains and do business selling copper, gold, and iron, and do business generally. Q. Suppose white men go up among the lgorrotes; would the}' be friendly to them or not? — A. Yes. Q. Are there any Actas? — A. There are no Aetas. White men can go up there, many Spaniards, and they ai'e not molested. Q. In times past there were many Tulusanes? — A. There are no Tulusanes now. Q. During what months does it rain up there? — A. It begins in May; from May to October. Q. Does it rain steadily during a good part of the time? — A. No, not always; there are some years when there is a great deal of rain, and there are some years when there is very little. Q. How many days continuous rain do they ever have up there? — A. One week; sometimes one week without stopping; not more than that. Q. Can one travel on horseback through this province during those rains? — A. Well, even in time of rain you can travel on horseback or in a calesa or a carriage. They have got good roads. Q. Are there any high mountains up there? — A. There are high mountains in Lepanto, in Benguet, and in Abra. Q. Where do these people live that they call Gaddanes, that hunt heads? — A. In Nueva Ecija, in Isabela, Ilocos, and in Nueva Viscaya. Q. Do the lgorrotes bring down a great deal of gold? — A. The Ilo- canos bring some. Q. Is it tine gold or is it in large pieces? — A. Sometimes a great deal of gold. They used to bring more than they do now, because a good many Spaniards have come in, and Germans, and French, and others. In Benguet, in the province of Union, there are gold mines which have never been exploited, never been worked; but they are beginning to work them now. Q. Is the gold that the lgorrotes bring down in powder or in fair size pieces? — A. There is dust and also nuggets. Q. Have they mineral plants up there that are useful in case of sick- ness?— A. In Benguet there are many. Q. Is the Mangadlao plant found there ? — A. Yes. Q. What is that good for? — A. For wounds. Q. Do they mix it with cocoanut oil when they use it? — A. No. Q. How do they use it? — A. They cut the branch and take the sap and apply it to the wound. 76 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Give me the names of any other important medicinal plants they have there, and what they are used for. — A. There is the Allogoa, for fever. By President Schurman: Q. Are there other people here from Benguet or Ilocos besides you? — A. There are others. Q. Men of prominence ? — A. Yes; they are deported men, deported for rebellion. Q. Deported by Spain? — A. Yes. Q. Where are they now? — A. They arc in Manila, but I don’t know where. Q. Are they men of political influence in their communities? — A. In their towns; yes. Q. And what are some of their names ? — A. Mena Cristolog. Q. From what district did he come? — A. From Benguet. Q. What official position did he have? — A. Secretary of the palace. Q. Does he know the disposition of those men at all with respect to the Spaniards or Americans? — A. He is probably better affected toward the Americans than toward the Spanish, because his self- respect was wounded by the Spaniards. He was appointed governor of Benguet by the Filipinos, but did not accept it. Q. What is his profession ? — A. He is a lawyer. Q. What other men of importance do you know of in that district or in Ilocos Norte or Ilocos Sur? — A. That are here? Q. Yes; or around here? — A. In Yigan there is Estanislao Donato. Q. What position has he held? — A. He was mayor of Yigan. Q. Under the Spanish regime? — A. Yes; under the Spanish regime. He has never mixed up with anything in reference to the Philippines. Q. I would like to ask you something about local taxes. You were a municipal captain? — A. Yes; of Bacnotan. Q. In what province, and what is the population of Bacnotan? — A. From nine to ten thousand. Q. Do you know what the local funds amounted to per year?— A. The sum total was $10,000. Q. Was all this money used by the people, or did part of it go to the province? — A. It was all sent to the capital. Q. But it came back for use in the pueblo? — A. No; none came back; never was used for the pueblo. Q. From what sources did this money come? — A. From the cedula personal. Q. How many cedulas were there in Bacnotan? — A. Three thousand eight hundred cedulas at $2 each, and 800 at $5 each. Q. The others?— A. There were no more cedulas. There were two classes of cedulas: $2 for a man and woman, and $5 each for a man alone. Q. What other local imposts were there? — A. There was a tax on fishing. Q. Describe the fishing tax? — A. Net fishing paid a certain amount. Q. For what? — A. For the right to fish. Q. That is with a net? — A. Yes. Q. How much did they pay for the right to fish? — A. There were four classes. The first ciass paid $2.50, the second class $1 each, third class 50 cents each, and the fourth class 20 cents each, per year. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 77 Q. Do you know how much revenue that tax brought in Bacnotan? — A. One hundred and fifty dollars. The fishing tax, altogether, pro- duced £150 a year. There was another tax on slaughterhouses that amounted to $125 a year. Q. What did each one pay for the slaughter tax you mention; how was it levied? — A. Every man that killed a carabao paid $1.25. Q. Was there a tax on killing a cow or any other animal? — A. For killing a cow they paid the sum stated, or for any other animal, except a pig or hog, for which they paid 25 cents. By Professor Worcester: Q. Did they pay $1.25 for killing a goat? — A. For a goat they paid 25 cents, and the same for a sheep, 25 cents. By President Sciiurman: Q. What other sources of local income were there? — A. There was a toll tax on bridges, which paid $500 a year in Bacnotan. Q. Was that collected by the pueblos as a toll? — A. The Spanish Government collected directly from every foot passenger, 1 cent; for every horse or cow, 1 cent; a calesa paid 10 cents, and a carriage 20 cents. Q. What other local tax was there? — A. There was a tax on the certificates of property in animals. Q. Was it necessary for every owner of animals to possess a certifi- cate of ownership?— A. Yes. Q. Why? — A. To make them pay a tax. Q. What was the tax? — A. If a man had 50 animals he had to have 50 certificates of ownership, and he paid 20 cents for each certificate. By Professor Worcester: Q. Could he get a certificate for a horse for that amount? — A. No; 25 cents. By President Schukman: Q. The same for a hog? — A. It was not necessary. The only animals for which the owner paid were carabaos, cattle, and horses. Q. The tax was the same on each ? — A. It was 25 cents for each of these. Q. Do you know how much the town of Bacnotan receives from this source? — A. In one year I took in more than $100. Q. And what other sources of local taxation were there? — A. The direct tax on house property. Q. Did every house pay a tax? — A. Yes ; every house of boards or lumber — wood. Q. Houses of nipa? — A. No. Q. About how many houses of wood were there in Bacnotan? — A. There was not more than $10 paid for those taxes. It was not all the same. Some houses paid $5, some paid $4, and some $3.50. Q. According to the size? — A. Yes. Q. What other sources of local taxation were there? — A. There were no others. By Professor Worcester: Q. Do cocoanut trees grow up there? — A. Yes; many. Q. Is there a tax on them ? — A. No. Q. If a man wanted to make cocoanut oil, had a mill for squeezing out cocoanut oil, would there be a tax on that ? — A. No. 78 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. There used to be such a tax ? — A. No. Formerly we paid taxes on sugar mills. Q. Was a man at liberty to cut trees, lumber in the forests, without paying a tax? — A. Under the Spanish Government they paid a tax. Q. 1 am asking all these questions concerning the conditions which prevailed under the Spanish Government. — A. Yes; so I understand. Q. If one wanted to keep a shop and sell things — sell bananas and rice, and things generally — a license was necessary, wasn’t it? — A. Yes; there was always a necessity for a license; they had to pay a license. By President Sen nor an: Q. What licenses were necessary? — A. In the administration of the treasury they had a tariff, a graded tariff, for different shops, an internal-revenue office; for selling different articles there were differ- ent licenses; for selling clothes, for selling cocoanut oil, there were different rates. By Professor Worcester: Q. Was there a tax on weights and measures? — A. Yes; there was also one. Q. How did they keep order in the pueblo of Bacnotan? — A. By the chief of the town. Q. Could the captain of the town alone do it in a town with a popu- lation of 10,000 people?— A. No; I had bailiffs and I had the police, the guardia civil. Q. You had, then, the guardia civil, bailiffs, and policemen? — A. There were 30 police in Bacnotan. They had their first and second chiefs. Q. What pay did the ordinary policeman get? — A. One dollar and fifty cents a week, the policemen there. Q. Did these policemen have work of their own, any other work? — A. They were only in reliefs of ten for a week at a time, and when they were off duty they worked. Q. Did the ten men who were policemen in any one week give their entire time to policing? — A. They were always busy. Q. They could do no private work in that time ? — A. They could not. Q. Was there a department or branch of the guardia civil there? — A. In each province. Q. Where? — A. At the capital. Q. So they had none in Bacnotan? — A. No. Q. How many were there at the capital of the province? — A. The guardia civil (the civil guard) went out from the capital, visiting all the provinces enforcing laws. Q. How many members of the civil guard were there in the province of Union? — A. Fifty; in the capital there were 25, on one side of the boundary of the province 12, and on the other side 13. Q. Were there any other soldiers in the province of Union? — A. There were no more. Q. These men you have mentioned were the only ones required to maintain order in the province? — A. Yes. Q. Who owns the land in the province of Union — individuals?- — A. Private persons. Q. Docs the State own any land in the province of Union? — A. The wild lands arc the property of the State, the realcugo. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 7(.) Q. The realengo, that is the uncultivated lands? — A. Yes. Q. Belongs to the State? — A. Yes. Q. Was much of that land in Union? — A. Very much. Q. What does the State do with it? — A. In every province there is much of this wild land. Q. And this wild land is always the property of the State? — A. Yes. Q. What does the state do with it ? — A. The state sells it. When a private person wishes to buy this land he buys it from the state. Q. Are there surveys in the province of Union which show what land is owned by the state and what by private individuals? — A. When anyone wishes to buy it the engineer or aid of the government meas- ures the land and makes a map of it. Q. Is it possible in the province of Union to-day to mark clearly the state lands and the private lands? — A. You can distinguish this wild land. Q. What portion of the province of Union belongs to the state; half of it. or a quarter of it ? — A. More than half the province is wild land, and among the mountains or rough lands there is a great deal of land that is very useful for growing rice and other crops. President Schurman. The commission is very much obliged to you for your instructive information, and we shall be very glad to see you at any time. TESTIMONY OF THOMAS COLLINS. Manila, May 12, 1899. Present: Colonel Denby, Professor Worcester, and Mr. Mac Arthur. Thomas Collins, in answer to the questions of the commissioners, testified as follows: A. I have been here in this country thirty years last February, and have been engaged in the timber business some twenty-five years. M y nationality is American. I was engaged in the timber business in the island of Tablas and was working the whole island pretty much. I have handled all the following kinds of woods in those days: Ipil, dungan, and manganchapuy. It is now so long ago I almost forget the names of the woods I used to ship. These are Visavan names. Oyagcee is one wood. I think it would be better if I had one of those government lists giving the names of the timbers. The government issues a list with the different districts and the different classes of woods and where they can be found. It is published by the govern- ment, by the Inspeccion de Montes. I forget the name of the book now; it dealt with the woods in the Philippines and the general condi- tions that were to be found in the forests, pretty much — forest prod- ucts like damar and gums and that sort of thing. I was sending out woods principally for shipbuilding and house construction — all kinds. For shipbuilding, molave that grows in logs about thirty feet in length, but which is a crooked wood, is much used; it is used for the crooks and curves in steamboats. The gross diameter of a 30-foot log is sometimes 36 to 40 inches. It is not an extra hard wood; it is a nice wood for cutting, but it rusts — that is, it is hard on iron, it eats 80 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. the iron; sea worms bore in it and barnacles fasten on it; it is gener- ally used for inside work, however, not for outside. We used ipil and gijo for house construction. Ipil grows straight; it is a straight wood. The logs are from 100 to 120 feet long, and square about thirty-six inches; it is used in beams and scantlings, or anything of that kind; it is a very hard wood; it is used generally for house building in Manila; the white ants do not eat it much; it is also used for corner posts and different parts in the construction of houses and in masts for ships or anything of that kind; it is something simi- lar to teak, only a better wood than teak; it is scattered through the woods, here and there. You do not find groves of any one kind of wood except the mangrove along the beach, and the mangrove is only good for firewood, although it is used for house building, for these native houses. By Professor Worcester: Q. When I was in Tawi-Tawi there was mangrove growing there in great, big, wild trees, and the governor of the island told me it was very valuable. I do not remember for what he said it could be used. — A. There is one kind of wood found among these mangroves. It is a splendid wood, but it does not grow much bigger than a foot and a half in diameter. I forget the name of the wood now, but it comes the nearest to mahogany of any wood I have seen on the island. It is to be found on the river Paracale in Calamianes and it is also to be found in the mountain districts, too, of the Philippines. You will find the river banks are crowded with these mangrove woods on each side for miles and miles up the river. Q. As a matter of fact, what is used most for firewood here in Manila? — A. The mangrove wood. There are two kinds. It comes in here every day pretty much when things are quiet, and the split wood — the cord wood — sells for about $22 a raja, $22 a thousand pieces, ind sometimes only $12. The pieces are about 3 feet long. Q. Is there any regular system for supplying this place with fuel at present? — A. Well, they always used to fetch it bv sailing vessels or steamers supplying the market here in Manila. It came ch iefly from Tayabas or Masbate, or anywhere down south; sometimes from Mindoro. Q. Was there a permanent supply, so that people could depend on getting it? — A. Yes. The Chinese all pretty much run the wood yards, and there is another supply that comes from the coast, by the the bay. Those mangroves are allowed to grow seven or eight years, then they split it in rajas and sell it in Manila. The Chinese used to cut the old stock, and the Spanish Government used to do it also for military purposes. That is where the army got its wood. Q. What kinds of woods are most used in Manila in the everyday general work here; what kinds are mostly sold in the market here? — A. Molave, ipil, nara. Q. Tell me a little about nara, we have not discussed that. What sort of trees are they? — A. Nara runs about 35 or 40 feet, perhaps a little more, and sometimes if they are shorter they are thicker, and sometimes they run up to about 60 feet, but not very often. Q. What would be the greatest diameter of a log like that? — A. Well, I have seen logs in the round, the square of which would give you about 50 inches. 40 inches sometimes. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 81 Q. Is there more than one kind of nara hero? — A. Two kinds; there is the white and the red nara. Q. Whieh is the more valuable? — A. Both are sold exactly alike — the same price. Q. Of what sort of wood is this table at which we are sitting (table in commissioners’ reception room in the audiencia, Manila) made, Mr. Collins? — A. This is red nara. By Colonel Denby: Q. Is this one piece? — A. It is one piece. To get a piece like this the}' have to sacrifice a whole tree, so as to get the wood from bark to bark. Q. How much is a good average log worth when it is laid down here in Manila? — A. It is always sold by cubic measurement, 25 cents to 50 cents, according to the market, that is 25 to 50 cents Mexican, per cubic foot. Q. How much do these other woods run, ipil for instance? — A. About the same. Cedar is the wood that brings the highest price around Manila; sometimes it is up and sometimes down, but they myst have it in the cigar factories. Q. Where does it come from principally ? — A. From Mindoro. Q. Where do the cedar trees grow, on the level ? — A. Sometimes on the level and sometimes on the mountain sides. Q. Is their foliage like the foliage of our cedars at home? — A. Just about the same. Q. What size stuff can be cut from the cedars here? — A. Well, in the lower part you will get sometimes 3 feet, 36 inches diameter, a square of 36 inches. Q. And how long will the logs run? — A. They run about 60 or TO feet. But this square of 36 inches, that is from the lower part of the tree, and that is generally pretty hard. The upper part is what the cigar-box makers use; they prefer that to the lower part. Q. In what shape is it sent here? — A. In logs; they work it up here. Q. How does the price run on that? — A. It generally runs about 35 cents a cubic foot and sometimes a great deal higher. Q. Are there any hard woods like ebony here — that is to say, that would be valuable for inside finishing of handsome houses at home?— A. Yes; any quantity. They have a wood here that is better than those, it is called Alentato. Q. What is the nature of the wood? — A. It is a wood that is a fit wood for the best furniture, or for any other purpose you have a mind to use it for; it is a lasting wood. Q. What is the color of it ? — A. Dark red, with a fine grain. Q. In what shape does it grow ? — A. Straight, pretty much; straight timber. Q. Here is this list of woods here, Mr. Collins, and we can go over it, but before we come to it, tell me what you know about some of the best places at present to get timber ? — A. That I could not exactly tell you. Q. Suppose we start down in Tablas, where you used to do business. Do you know the present condition down there? — A. It is some years since I have been down there. Tablas is a district of Romblon; it . belongs to Romblon. Q. I was there in 18113, and there was a great deal of timber on the p c 6 82 RKl'OKT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. hills toward Iloilo- A. That is the extreme end — the east end of the island; there is timber there, but you have no safe port for it. Loay is the best port, and Oneingan is another, but it is not a safe port; still, you will get some splendid timber right there, along the coast, right down to the point. Q. Are there any hard woods there valuable for inside finishing, furniture, etc. ? — A. Yes; you will get some very splendid woods down there. There is a very hard wood down there called Dao. Sometimes it will square 40 to 50 inches, but it is very seldom you get it, because they have no way of sawing it; but it is big timber, and runs over 100 feet — that is, up to the lower branches. It is a splendid furniture wood, and a very heavy wood. Q. What is the method of cutting these trees — cutting them down in the forests, Mr. Collins? — A. It depends on what you have to cut. They cut with axes always. They commence cutting one way, the way they want the tree to fall; they then cut on the other side, and then return and cut the way they want the tree to fall, and then they cut from the back and get it to fall where they want it. After that the timber is squared. They put a nose on the log and round it up, and hitch these carabaos on it. They generally use blocks and tackles and get a sufficient force of carabaos on it. An average log will take from eight to ten caribbaos. Q. You find the timber scattered through the forests here and there. How do you get the logs through the woods? — A. They will cut a road for it, and sometimes they will get three or four logs over one road, sometimes more. They never go to get but one tree, unless it is of the best class of wood. Q. What wages do the average woodcutters get? — A. I pay my men different from others. I pay them so much a fathom of, say, 13 or 14 inches square. I give them 25 cents for each inch above 12 inches. Q. That is, you pay them according to the timber and the tree they cut? — A. Yes. But in Tayabas it is different; they cut the wood and it goes through two or three hands before the merchant gets hold of it, but I deal with the men direct and furnish my own tackle and apparatus. Q. There are middlemen in Tayabas? — A. Yes; but I manage that differently. I treat directly with the wood cutters themselves. Q. What about the other men — you have to have carabao drivers to handle the logs ? — A. No; the wood cutters have to do the hauling. I give them all the tackle they want. Q. Do you give them so much a log delivered at a given place? — A. Yes; the nearest beach they can get it to. Q. Do the prices vary according to the hardness of the wood or anything of that sort? — A. No; only according to size. Q. How is it about cutting that timber, Mr. Collins, do you get it off the public land, or do you have to have concessions? — A. I get a license — a government license from the government — for twelve months, which is subject to be renewed within twelve months. Q. You have to get an option? — A. Yes. Q. Is this a license to cut over a given area? — A. No; it is a license for any province. One or more provinces. One license may be for three or four provinces, although they may be a long way off'. Q. Is there any way to learn the amount of timber a man cuts under this license? — A. No. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 83 Q. What does such a license cost? — A. About a dollar just for the license only, hut then you have to pay before you ship your timber the inspector of the mountains; you have to pay so much a cubic foot, according to the group — they have them arranged in groups — first, second, third, fourth, and fifth. Q. Tell us something about that, please. — A. Some would be 5 cents a cubic foot and some would be 6 cents a cubic foot, I can not tell you exactly now. Q. That was a tax on felling timber, not an export tax? A. When I was in the timber business that is all I had to pay, but before the war the}- had to pay, besides that, a duty — they had to pay a tax to the Gov- ernment, like what they call an industrial tax — that I don’t know any- thing about. I never paid that. Q. Do you know the office at which that was levied? — A. It is the same as any other merchant here in Manila; they had to pay so much taxes, according to the amount of business. Q. A sort of income tax ? — A. Yes. Q. Suppose you wanted to export your timber, to send it to China, did you have to pay an export tax? — A. Yes; so much a cubic foot. Q. Suppose you were not going to send it to China, but from Ta- blas to Manila? — A. Just the same. Q. That is Infrdly an export duty, for it applies to these islands. If vou wanted to send it to China you would not have to pay any more ? — A." No. Q. Was it your experience in getting wood cutters that you had to make them advances ? — A. Yes; about 85 or $10 to each man when I employed him. Q. After that you used to pa}r the men along from time to time? — A. Well, after that the}- would keep in debt the whole time, because they would have to be supplied with dry goods, drugs, and things of that kind.- I kept generally a lot of dry goods, so as to keep their families supplied. In fact, I always expect to lose a certain per cent by my advances to them. Q. Have you any idea how that percentage of loss would run through your advances to them? — A. Well, I would say about 2^- per cent. Q. That came from people running oil' and leaving you? — A. No; from people requiring more advances than the work they were doing. Q. Did they saw this wood or cut it with axes ? — A. They cut it with axes. There was only one large steam mill here in the islands. Most of the timber here is cut by the Chinese, and is cut by a saw in their hands. They object to the sawmill, because it wastes timber. The way the Chinese cut it they can cut a straight board out of a crooked log. They cut with a curve, which they say if cut by a saw- mill there would be so much loss. There was a sawmill in Jalajala. Q. How long ago was that? — A. Within five years ago. Q. When was that established"? — A. Many years ago. I suppose over thirty years ago, but it was only for common timber. It did not do a great deal of business there. Q. How did you find the health of the people you were using for timber felling? — A. Splendid; they kept well. Q. When you cleared timber off a place that was heavily wooded, did you not create fever? — A. I never noticed it. Q. Did you ever have anything to do with getting timber out of Mindoro, Mr. Collins? — A. No. 84 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Do you know how the people who have worked there have come off in the matter of fever? — A. I don’t know, but I don’t suppose any different from elsewhere, except the natives. Take them on the whole, they are pretty clean. They daily take their baths after their work is done, and a bath again, sometimes. Q. What kind of timber are these immense big cascoes cut from? — A. An inferior kind of timber — Tangali. Q. I have seen cascoes that would take sixty to a hundred men, made from logs felled in North Panay? — A. Yes; I have seen some here, too. Same kind of timber; also Loan. Q. Is there any money in it? — A. I never went into that. The natives used to make them. Q. I have seen them take a. crew to get them out from a distance inland ? — A. They were worth a great deal on account of the difficulty of getting those big trees down to the beach, to the bank. Q. Do you know those big, long canoes? — A. Yes; these big, fiat boats; these flat, open boats, jmd these big ones. Q. Those long canoes are cut out of one tree? — A. Yes, 1 have seen canoes here much wider than this table, about half as wide again (alluding to table in audience room of commission in Audiencia, Manila.) By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. This table is about 50 inches wide, is it not? — A. About 50. By Professor Worcester: Q. What do you know about the Chinese market for wood, Mr. Collins ? — A. Well, the Chinese market — especially in Hongkong — they have got a union between them, and if you go to one firm and they offer you a price for your wood, and then you go to another firm they will offer you less than the first, and if you go back to the first firm they will cut down the first price that they offered you. Q. Is there a fair demand for timber over there? — A. There used to be a fair demand, but it is some years since I have had anything to do with it. From the Philippine Islands there .has not been a great deal of timber recently on account of the heavy tax. Q. What sort of timber do they want there, principally ? — A. For house building and shipbuilding. Q. Does that timber have to pay a tax? — A. In Foochow. Q. Is there any timber in these islands suitable for railroad ties? — A. Yes, sir; quantities. Q. Then why did they import railroad tics for this railroad?— A. I suppose they thought they could get them cheaper and better; not better, but cheaper in larger quantities at once. Q. Why was that, because there was nobody here A. On account of the bad faith of these contractors. Q. Would’nt the contractors live up to their bargains after they had made them ? — A. Sometimes they would, but generally it was likely to be a toss up whether they would or not. Contracts were not bind- ing. Q. Do you know why this sawmill at Lagumtmoc failed ? — A. Well, it failed on account of bad management. Q. It paid as long as Mr. Brown was in charge of it, didn’t it? — A. Yes; he made it and went away to England years ago to get out of the responsibility of it; and another thing in which Mr. Brown’s REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 85 policy was different was because his wood was cut by . steam he wanted higher prices than were generally paid for hand labor, but he could not get them. Q. I was told that his business prospered; that it was a good busi- ness as long as he kept it in his own hands; but that after he left it it failed to pay, and I was told that by Hongkong people who were interested in it, and that the men died down there; that they could not keep their men alive in that country. — A. There is only one man that I know of who has died down there, and that was from sickness he got in Manila. Q. Not fever? — A. Not fever. Q. Did Mr. Brown have any difficulty in getting saws that would cut this timber here? — A. No. Q. Did he use up-and-down saws or circular saws? — A. Both. Q. Do you know whether he used gang saws ?— A. There is a saw- mill in Manila which uses gang saws and circular saws, but it does not pay to-day. There is another mill in Guneo. Q. Did I understand you to say that they had sent Brown’s mill to Hongkong? — A. Yes. Q. If I understbod you correctly, you said that there was no way in the old days of a man getting the control of the cutting of timber on big pieces of ground except by buying the ground on which it was grown — A. No; you could get concessions from the Government to cut timber on the land anywhere, but you could not cut on private property without making an arrangement with the man who owned the land; but there were very few people who owned timber lands. Q. The land owned by private individuals was mostly under cultiva- tion?— A. Mostly under cultivation, or without being under cultiva- tion the good timber has been cut off; for instance, when he bought the mountains and the hills the timber was on it Q. How would that be, Mr. Collins; suppose a man had a license to cut in a given province, could someone else with another license come in and cut alongside of him ? — A. There is no help for it; they could not prevent him from doing it. Q. They never try using saws to cut trees out here? — A. No. Q. And the}' don’t use saws for the squaring ? — A. No; that is done with the ax. Q. What about the shipping woods in the provinces; what sort of conveyances are best suited to them ? — A. We have to get a house — either bamboo or some of these cheap native woods and build a house. The ships have to have ports to enter, and there has to be rig and tackle and a purchase in order to get the timber into them. Q. What did this system of inspection of mountains amount to; suppose a man started to work cutting timber in Mindoro, would anyone have known about it ? — A. Yes; the local authorities would have a copy of the license, and if you went to cutting without a license these fellows could stop you unless they had a copy from the government. Q. Could you always have an inspector? — A. He kept lookout after that, because they would never allow a ship to go out without having custom-house officers aboard to see that there was no smuggling. There was no possibility of there being. Nevertheless, the inspection of moun- tains generally had a man there — an agent. Besides, the custom-house officer would be aboard the vessel. Q. What do you know about the various provinces in Luzon, where 8C> REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. timber can be found at the present time ? Take Tayabas, for instance. — A. In every port in Tayabas you can get timber. The principal thing is to get a port where the vessels can lay off — where you can load your timber. The townships are only those on the east coast and in the interior on the mountains where your get your timber. Q. Of good variety ? — A. Yes. Q. Is that, you think, the best place in Luzon at the present time? — A. I would not say it is the best place. In some parts of Zambalez, in Subig, is very good; and in Santa Cruz up the coast, in the province of Romblon, there is very good timber up there, and also in parts of Cagayan, in fact all through tin1 island of Luzon there are places where there is plenty of good timber to be had. Q. Do you know any places up any of these big rivers? Take the Rio Grande del Norte. — A. 1 never was up there, so I could not tell you. I know about Cagayan; there is good timber up there, and a vessel can go to the river and lay there and load. Q. What happens to this cleared ground after the forest has been weeded out, Mr. Collins, does it grow up readily to forest again? — A. Very seldom; never, except one kind of wood, the mayapes, or another kind of wood that bears seed. Here after the tree is once cut down it never grows up again. You might get a shoot off from the roots, but it takes some years before it gets to a size tit for use. The land grows up in a jungle generally. Q. Is any of it upon the hillside tit for planting sugar or coffee or anything of that kind? — A. Yes; they plant the places where timber was. In fact, you generally go in and get timber, pick out the best timber and you leave what you don't want, and there is a lot of the woods here not even tit for firewood. You have such a large variety to pick from. If you want a hard wood you can get several kinds; if you want a soft wood you can get it; some of the hard wood isn't tit for firewood; some of it wouldn’t stand three months in wet, it would decay, so we try to get the best. Q. After timber is felled is it likely to be injured before it is sawed? Does the weather affect it or do insects go for it? — A. Sometimes insects do. Some kinds of wood are better for being laid by. The bark will decay and leave the solid trunk. Q. Do these very hard woods, suitable for inside furniture, furnish- ings, take fire readily ? — A. Yes; but not as the pine wood nor as the fir. Q. As quick as pine? — A. The same as pine, but it is harder here. These woods will burn, but they require a lot of tire to make them. They would not burn as quick as pine does, but once they take tire they will burn down to the last piece of it. Q. What about acle? — A. It is a splendid wood, used for most any- thing. No particular use for it; anything; building, constructing. Q. What color is it ? — A. Dark red. Q. Is it hard ? — A. It is hard; it lasts well; it is one of the best Luzon woods for outside work you can have. Q. Is it handsome enough to use for furniture or anything of that sort? — A. It is; it has a tine grain; it is not quite as tine as nara; it takes a good polish. Q. The trees — of what size are they? — A. They run up to, say 10 or 50 feet in length — the logs — and they square about 24 to 30 inches. Q. Is it a common wood? — A. It is common, but it is a good wood and is generally sought after. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 87 Q. Alintatao? — A. That is a tine wood for furniture or any other purpose you have a mind to use it. It is a good, serviceable, hard wood. Q. Tell me how that grows. — A. You have got it there, I guess. By Mr. MacArtiiur: Q. Is it abundant? — A. In some provinces, not others. Perhaps if you go to Tabayas you would not get a tree in the whole place. In other places you will find a pretty good lot of it. I know in Antique — that is on the west coast of Panay By Professor Worcester: Q. Amuguis?— A. There are three or four different kinds of wood bv the same name. The amuguis proper is a hard red wood and very useful; but they have a white and a red and some other inferior wood that they call amuguis. Q. Is amuguis good for flooring? — A. Yes; some of this here (refer- ring to floor in audience room of commission) is amuguis, but you have got the white and the red. Q. What about anagap? — A. I don’t know that wood. They have got another wood something similar to that. Anagap — I don’t know that wood. Q. Antipolo ? — A. That is a very good wood. It is a yellowish sort of wood, very hard; it is very hard on a saw. Q. What is it used for? — A. Well, it is not generally used. Well, they use it, of course, for these native houses, but it is so hard they don't care about using it for constructing buildings or anything of that sort, Q. It would turn the edge of an ax, T suppose? — A. Yes; and of saws, too. Q. Will it take a good polish? — A. Yes; I guess it will take a good polish. I have not seen it polished. Q. Has it a fine grain ? — A. Between coarse and fine; I don’t know. It is a good furniture wood. Q. Apiton? — A. Very big timber. You get balao from that, which is a local gum, good for coarse varnish, paints. You mix it with paint, and by heating it and mixing it up a little you make putty for cascoes. They get that from living trees by bleeding the tree. They make an incision into the trees and this gum runs out of itself; but it is not the greatest gum-giving tree. They have other classes of trees that give more gum. Q. What are those other trees ? — A. I forget now the names of those trees. It is so many = Q. Does almacega grow here in Luzon? — A. Yes. It comes from such trees like apeton, trees of that kind; but they have good big names, which I forget now. Q. Is the apeton to be found in any quantity here in Luzon ? — A. Farther back in the forest. The biggest part of the musical wood comes from Mindanao, Davao, and this place. Q. Balao — here is another wood. — A. That is about the same as apeton. Balao and apeton are pretty much the same. Q. Banaba? — A. It is a fine wood for planks, for planking ships, or for any purpose at all. It is never used much for furniture, but it is a fine lasting wood for ships, for construction. Q. Baugcal ? — A. It is a yellow wood, and is used for ceilings or for most any ordinary purpose. It it used generally in these harps, musi- cal instruments, guitars, banjos, and things of that kind. 88 REPORT OK THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Is it hard wood? — A. It is not extra hard; it is soft compared with the hard woods here. Q. Bansalaguy ? — A. It is one of the hardest woods we have here. It is straight timber, and the natives like to make their ax handles out of it. Straight grain and hard, and great for construction. Q. While I am reading from here, if I come to any wood that is particularly fitted for furniture or inside furnishing please tell me. Baticulin i A. That is used for making saints; they make images out of that. Q. Would it be suitable for furniture, etc. ? — A. Not much, except for carving. 1 have never known of it being used for furniture. Q. There is another thing to think about, whether this wood would be good for machinery for agricultural implements. You have spoken of one wood that was good for ax handles. Batitinan? — A. That is a very good wood for construction; it is very much used here in Manila in housebuilding. ** Q. Betis ? — A. That is a hard wood that list'd to be used for the keels of big ships or vessels of all kinds. It is a hard wood, straight grain, and cut in pretty long timber. Q. Balongita? — A. It is a wood something similar; it is a wood of which there is no large amount anywhere; it is a hard wood; it is black and white in color, and generally it is used mostly for firewood. Q. Calan tas? — A. That is cedar. Q. Have you told us about it? — A. Yes: Q. Calumpang? — .V. I don't know; it is not a commercial wood. Q. Calumpitf — A. It is not a big wood, and it is not much used; you might use it if you can not get another wood. Q. Caniogon? — A. That comes next to ebony, but it is a different colored wood; it is along in streaks, white and red. Q. Very hard? — A. Pretty hard. A good furniture wood. Q. How large does it grow ?- A. I have never seen any big timber; never seen any over about 12 inches. Q. Does ebony grow here? — A. Yes; plenty of it. Q. Camuning? — A. That is a small wood, only fit for walking sticks; it is the best walking stick you can get. Q. Can that lie had here in town sometimes ? — A. Yes; but it is rare, especially just now. It is hard finding it: you can't get it. Q. Where does it come from? — A. Nearly all over the island. Q. What is its color, dark or light? — A. It is hard and hard to work; it is a hard wood and yellowish in color. Q. Does it take a good polish A. A very good polish, but does not grow large. Q. Is it anything like our hickory? — A. No; not exactly. It .is a hard wood; harder than hickory. Q. Dinglas? — A. I am not acquainted with that wood. Q. Dungol? — A. Well, that might be denigon in some places, which you have mentioned already. If it is denigon you have got that down. It is a wood used for most any purpose. Q. General construction? — A. General construction. Q. Ihlang-ihlang? — A. That is only fit for floors; you have got some right here in this place. Q. Now as to coffee trees; how long does it take to grow from the plant? — A. Some three or four years; two to four years. Q. Is there anything in it in a commercial way ? — A. Yes. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 89 * Q. Is it a safe thing to raise; is there anything that kills the trees ? — A. Well, 1 guess it is safe; a good many have been planted in the province of Bulacan. Q. What sort of culture do you have to give? — A. Well, I can’t give you much information about that, because I never had any prac- tice in it at all. Q. Do you know anybody who has had much experience with it? — A. No; it is growing all over the place, so that they must handle it; they just plant the stem, or something of that kind. Q. Do they pick the flowers by hand? — A. Yes. Q. Do you know how they get the oil ? — A. By distilling. They pick the flowers, and put them in a vat; I don't know just how they do it. These druggists here in Manila may tell you. Q. Ipil? — A. You have information about that already. Q. Lanetc? — A. It is a small wood; hard, light wood. It makes nice chairs, nice furnishing. Q. It is a common wood ? — A. Not very common; it is not commonly used, but they make some very nice furniture out of it; that is, where they don't require very broad pieces. Q. Is there any place in Manila where they use these finer woods in making furniture ? — A. Yes; the Chinese up the San Jacinto way — the furniture makers — they use that wood pretty much. Q. What would you say was the very finest of the Philippine woods for furniture, regardless of cost and difficulty of working or anything else? — A. I would recommend alintatao and nara; of course, there is calamang and ebony. Q. I have heard a good deal about lauan ? — A. A very poor wood. It is used for building bancos and cascoes and things of that kind. It grows very straight. Q. Luyan ? — A. 1 don't know the wood. Is it ebony ? In different provinces they have different names for the same wood. Q. Is that banton ? — A. It is to be found nearly all over the islands. The trees grow to be about 12 inches in diameter. It is only the heart of the tree that is black. You can get about 8 or 10 inches of wood, which I have seen without the bark. Q. How long do you let the wood lay after it is cut before it is sea- soned?— A. I don’t know that I can tell you. Q. AVhat do they do with their woods in seasoning them here; do they use acids, or do they let them la}r on the ground till they are sea- soned?— A. They never take any trouble; they just get it to the ship, or anywhere else they can get it. Q. Malabonga ? — A. A very poor wood indeed. Q. Maladujat? — A. 1 don’t know the wood. Q. Tabay? — A. That is a very good wood. Q. What is it good for? — A. It is good for furniture, too. Q. What size ? — A. I can’t tell }rou exactly what size they grow. That book there gives a description of these woods. Q. It does some of them, but I would rather have your statement in regard to them than that in the book. Malatapay ? — A. That is a very good wood, it is something similar to oak, similar but not as good as oak. It has a straight grain. Q. What is it used for, construction ? — A. Used for making barrels and staves and for most anything. Q. You say it is used mostly for barrels and staves? — A. Yes; that is magachapuy. 90 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Managasoro ? — A. It is not a very good wood, still it can be used for a good many things, for bunkancas, dugouts. The Spaniards used it instead of mangachapuy, as it cost less; they used to pass it for that. Q. Mayapis? — A. It is a very light wood, used for inside work, for ceilings and things of that kind in houses, and for making cases, pack- ing cases for cigar boxes, and things of that kind, that is, cases for packing cigar boxes in — square boxes. Q. Molave? — A. That is one of the best woods on the island; used for general purposes. Q. (Mr. Mac Arthur.) What about banaba? — A. There is always a market for that. Q. Nato? — A. Nato is a good wood. I believe. I have shipped that wood, but I forget now the description of it. Q. Palomaria? — A. It is a very good wood, somewhat similar to mangachapuy; it makes tine masts for ships. There is another wood they call palomaria, plia, which makes splendid hubs for carriages. It is a tine wood, and it is to be had on the beach between salt and fresh water. Q. Is there any sap in this wood. It says here that they make oil from it? — A. From the palomaria? Q. It says that they make balsam to cure wounds? — A. Well, there is another wood that you can get oil from ; I forget the name of it now. But palomaria that I know is a very good wood and something similar to mangachapuy. Q. Palo-pino? — A. I don’t know the wood. Q. Pasag? — A. That is a very hard wood, next to dungan anci used for pretty much the same purposes. Q. Palayen or roble? — A. I don’t know the wood. Q. Sampalog? — A. That is the tamarin tree. What is it good for ? — A. Well, they don’t use it for anything else to get the tamarins off. The fruit is very good, too. The natives use the grown fruit for boiling with their fish and meat or things of that kind. The dried tamarins are also used for food. Q. Santol? — A. That is a fruit tree. They have got another wood called Malay santol, which is a better wood than the santol itself. Q. What sort of fruit grows on this? — A. Fruit about the size of a pipin, red, with big stones inside; they make a sort of preserve out of it. Q. Sibucoa? — A. That is a dyewood. Q. Wliat sort of dye? — A. Red. They call it callecampechee in Mexico, and here in Manila they make lots of wine out of it, vinotinto. Q. They use it as an adulterant for the wine? — A. Yes. Q. Tangile? — A. Used for building cascoes or bancas. Q. Teca? — A. Well, I have seen what they call taka here, but I never had anything to do with it. Q. They haven’t the taka wood in China? — A. In China — they haven’t it there, they have to import it from other places. Q. Tindalo? — A. Very fine wood, dark-red wood. Q. What is it used for? — A. It can be used for furniture, but they use it for general construction, too. Q. Yecal? — A. A very good wood for construction. Q. Anusep? — A. I don’t know the wood. Q. Aranga? — A. A very fine wood used for construction. Q. Cubi? — A. 1 don't know it. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 91 Q. Macasin ? — A. A good wood again for construction. Q. Malacadios catmon? — A. That is an ordinary sort of wood; it is used for different purposes; 1 don’t think it has much value fpr com- mercial purposes. Q. Marang? — A. A light hard wood used sometimes for carving purposes, but it is a better wood than baticulin. Q. Do 3rou know any of these trees that do produce gums or juices that are specially used ? — A. The one that produces most of the gum and most of the oil is the pajo. It gives a fruit something like the mango, and there is another that produces a fruit about that size, too. This they crush and get the oil out of it. Pajo; that is the name of the ti’ce that this oil is got from. Q. Do you know any plants around here that they produce and use for medicinal purposes? — A. Yes; there is a tremendous lot of them. I could not begin to tell you. Q. Do you know any that are really important? — A. Some are very good. There are people who know all about that business. There are lots of plants that the natives use that are actually worth nothing for medicinal purposes, and there are some here which they use for blisters — just touch your hand and, by George, in a short time you have a blister raised up like a fly blister. Q. Do }tou know the name of it? — A. I don’t know the name. Q. Can you tell me anyone who has taken an interest in these medicinal plants who would be likely to know about them ? — A. There is a book published Q. By Dr. Tavera? — A. I think it is. There is a priest that pub- lished a book, who seemed to know a good deal about it; he is about the best authority. I forget the name of the book now, but there are a Jot of fibers, lots of woods of different kinds and different kinds of vines that grow on the islands. The fibers, if they had a different way of getting them out so that they would not cost so much labor, they would be very much more useful; indeed, lots of them for differ- ent things, very likely most of them for the same use that you put hemp to, and there are some even finer than hemp. Q. Do you know anything that has a longer fiber than hemp has ? — A. I can not tell 3 011 truthfully about that. Q. Do 3'ou know of any that are stronger? — A. There are some which are stronger. There is one that they tell me about up in Palte, up in the mountains of San Antonio — I forget the name of it now. But the3T have got different kinds that can be used for the fibers, anyway. R3r Mr. MacArthur: Q. As a whole, are the islands well wooded — is there a quantity of wood upon them ? — A. Well, the islands are pretty well wooded, but the difficulty is that it is such a haul to the shore from where you get the timber. That is the greatest work that they have to do. You always have to look out for a good port, and have the timber hauled in such a wa3r that there wouldn’t be very much difficulty about it. By Professor Worcester : Q. There is a great deal of wood that is not accessible? — A. Yes. Q. Most of the timber has been shipped in the form of logs? — A. Yes. Q. Wouldn’t it pay to cut it on the spot in the shape in which it 92 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. would be used ? — A. Yes. There is a place in the interior where they could get timber and make roads, and it is much better to have the timber cut in proper shape— it is more easily transferred. Q. You could use a portable mill?- — A. Yes; and 3tou would not have to go far — Malolos; there is splendid timber up there. Q. Across the bay ? — A. Yes. Q. Do you know how far they have to go to get that timber now? — A. No. Q. Do you know anything about how the fever is there? Is there very much ?— A. Why, there is no more fever there than there is else- where. There is any amount of coal and iron in Mindoro; and gold, too, by all reports. I have seen coal from Mindoro; it is very good, too. Since 1 saw you last I was up in the gold districts of Paracale. Q. Can you give us any information about that? — A. There is plenty of timber up there, up that way, too, and you take pretty near the whole of the Calamianes, north Calamianes, and you have got any amount of mines of quartz; alluvial quartz mines are about the prin- cipal mines there are up there. Q. How are the people in Calamianes Norte? — A. They are even more civilized than those down here in Manila, better to get along with, and they will work. They were getting, when I was down there last, 37^ cents a day and finding themselves, but now, since Aguinaldo has raised the wages, they will want more, very likely 50 cents or Si a day. Q. Do you know this man Rudolph Yon Bosch? — A. Yes; for only a few years. I have heard of this man. Q. He has been in the timber business? — A. He has started in the timber business; 1 don't know that he has done a great deal at it. Meeting adjourned. TESTIMONY OF SENOR MELLIZA. Manila, May 1S00. Present: President Schurman (in the chair), Colonel Den by, and Professor Worcester, commissioners, and Mr. John R. MacArthur, secretary, and Senors Rosario and Melliza. President Schurman. The commission would be glad to hear what you have to say on the situation in general and have it taken down in writing for future use and for reference. We understand you are here as private individuals. Will you kindly proceed to make any state- ment you wish. We want to take notes of it. Will you kindly repeat what you have already said in order that we may have it recorded for future reference. Senor Melliza. I understand that it is possible to make peace without violence or without force of arms by two means — one of them by calling the enlightened natives of tin* country together, in order that they may explain to the natives who have arms the good feeling which America has toward the Filipinos; and the second is to publish a constitution, in order that the people who are under arms may see that they are safe to enter the city and to discuss an arrangement, and that some of them may have a part in the government of the Philippine Islands; and L think it expedient to pay no attention to the Spanish at all, and, REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 93 if possible, to send them out of the country. The reason is this: That the friar is the man who has tried to dominate the people, and the people have a great repugnance to the friars. One of the reasons that resistance to America was decided on in the Philippine Islands was the fact that the friars’ property was seen to be respected, and they remained here. You know in the treaty of peace it was promised that the property of the church should be respected. President Schurman. It was property rights in general that should be respected, and the reason for that is that under our Constitution and laws all private property is to be respected. It was not to satisfy the friars. Senor Melliza. There are means, if the Filipinos are to be per- mitted to take part in the government, to take away the property of the friars from them by pacific means, and to get them out of the country. Furthermore, the property of the friars is not really theirs. The properties that they have were properties given them by the people, not for the friars themselves, but for the welfare of the givers’ souls, and for purposes of benefit to the people and purposes of educa- tion and other benefits to the people. President Schurman. If that is a fact that can be established by law, of course they must lose their property. It is a matter of proof in the courts. Senor Melliza. Furthermore, this property was legally acquired by the revolutionists; for they; the friars, were the enemies of the revolutionists; they took up arms against the revolutionists for the Spanish Government. The reason that it would not be well to leave the Spaniards here is that they might make parties among themselves and among their descendants and among the natives against the United States, and against its republican institutions. The reason for this is that the Spanish live very well in the Philippine Islands, and for that reason they need them, and for that reason they will not be willing to leave here. F urthermore, the treaty of peace did not insure the Spanish people, but the Spanish Government alone; and according to the Spanish constitution the Spanish people can not lose any territory without their own consent; and for this reason many Spaniards who remain here will endeavor to get their government to come here again and make trouble about their pretensions. Now I would like to have a few questions put to me in relation to whatever difficulties the members of the commission may see, so that I may answer them. By President Schurman: Q. Down in Iloilo and Panav are the prospects for peace good ? — A. Yes; they are making it known that the desire of the Americans is the peace and well-being of the archipelago. Q. We have already announced that in our proclamation. — A. The people look upon this proclamation as somewhat obscure and fear that they may be deceived, because the Spanish Government has been accustomed, even when stating things more clearly than this proclama- tion states them, not to fulfill their promises. For this reason it is necessary to publish a proclamation more clear than this, stating the articles of the constitution that will be made, and assuring the natives that the Americans are their friends by giving them a part in the government. 94 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. There arc two points raised by Sefior Melliza. One is that our proclamation is not clear. The other is that the Philippine people do not trust us. The answer to that is that the natives of the country who are convinced that the proclamation is clear and in good faith will cause their fellow-natives to distrust the revolution and announce themselves as friends of the American side, and when they see that the country is divided they will not give confidence to the revolution. The commission wants your confidence and the commission assures you that this is the intention of the United States. — A. I believe that, but I do not think the people now believe it. Q. You can be a missionary, then, and assure the people of the good intentions of the Americans. — A. Yes, sir. Q. In the second place A. I have acted in this manner in Iloilo also, and have held conferences with General Miller, and General Miller has taken note of it Q. Coming to the second point, the question of obscurity; arc there any points in our proclamation which you think obscure about which you wish information? — A. Yes. It seems to me it is absolutely nec- essary that the law should be published. The law which will direct the Philippine people should be set forth in detail. Q. We can only announce general principles now. No law can be announced until Congress acts.- — A. Then the policy would be not to advance further, and in case the Philippines should advance, why, the Americans would be in a position to punish them well, being in greater force. Q. That is a question with which the commission has nothing to do. It is a military question. — A. I have said this because in these times of war there is an intimate relation between military and civil affairs. Q. Do you think that the Philippine people are ready to accept American sovereignty? That is the important point. — A. The people are so accustomed to being deceived by the Spanish that when a thing is told them they wish to be told all about it. For my part, I under- stand what sovereignty is, but they do not, and they think that sov- ereignty might be something bad for them. Q. What do you think of this form of government being put into effect at once, supposing we had peace to-morrow, to wit: A governor- general for the archipelago, appointed by the President of the United States; heads of departments (secretaries) appointed by the governor- general: all the important judges appointed by the President of the United States; these judges and heads of departments to be either Americans or Filipinos, or both; and, lastly, a consultative or general advisory body which should be elected by the people; the governor- general to have power to veto without waiting for the action of Con- gress; the suffrage of the people to be hereafter determined. — A. For our part — that is, for the more enlightened people — the form of government does not make so much difference as the acts of the gov- ernment. For example, the monarchy of Great Britain, under the rule of Queen Victoria, is much more desirable than the Republic of Chile. Q. You have asked us for a scheme of government, something that would satisfy you. Now I ask you, as a hypothesis, how that form of government would satisfy 3Tou, supposing it went into effect to-morrow and lasted until Congress took action ? — A. For the enlightened people the form of government itself would not make much difference, but for the common people, Avho are very much inflamed and arrayed against REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 95 the Spanish Government, and have the idea of not being governed at all except by themselves, the plan will be very difficult. It will be very difficult to get this plan into their heads. Q. But, in the first place, if we can satisfy the enlightened people, we shall expect them to convince the masses of the people that it is good; and, secondly, under this scheme of government as outlined, Filipinos may have positions as heads of departments and as judges, and 1 suppose all the positions in the general advisory council. — A. I. have said what I have simply with regard to the truth, and for no private interests on my part, for I now live a very retired life on a plantation of my own, and in order to make me president of Visayas they had to threaten me with a revolver. General Miller asked me to be provost-marshal-general of Iloilo, and I refused. I simply wish to tell the truth as fairly as I know how. Q. Of course this plan is a scheme of* general government for the Archipelago. The plan of government for the various provinces and islands we are not prepared to suggest even as a hypothesis yet. We are studying it. — A. I am now going to tell the commission, in order that they may understand fully the causes tor the resistance in this country. Q. We want just that and will be much obliged to you for it ? — A. AYhat the country wants is that the country itself shall be the one to dictate its laws; it wishes to be the one to execute its laws by means of functionaries who shall be natives. It furthermore wishes that the United States should only appoint a governor here who shall watch the country and see whether the country fulfills perfectly what the laws have promised. Q. What powers would you give that governor-general ? — A. The power of a protector and the power to interfere in case the country does not fulfill its laws as it has made them; to dictate the fulfillment of the law in internal affairs, that is what we want. We are willing to leave international affairs to the governor-general. In international affairs we are willing to leave everything to America. By Colonel Denby: Q. Would }Tou not have with that form of government a council to assist and advise the governor-general, which council would be com- posed in part of Filipinos? Would it not lie a good thing to have a council composed of Filipinos oi Americans, or both, to advise him what to do ? — A. Yes, it would be a very good plan. It would be expedient, but the question now is a question of power. The country has been so oppressed by the Spaniards that now they wish to be perfectly free in internal affairs. Q. As I understand from what you have told us, this governor- general is to see that the laws are properly executed, and I suppose, of course — as in all forms of government — this governor would have the right to veto any bill that he thought, or his council thought, was not for the good of the country ? — A. Of course he would have the veto power; if he did not have the veto power he would amount to nothing. Q. As regards the courts. There would be very great trouble if there was no tribunal in which a foreigner could bring his suits, and as these courts exist in all the countries of the world, notably in China, Japan, Siam, Korea, and all the other countries of the East, what would you think of having at least one court which would have the 96 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. right to try a case in which foreigners would he interested, whose judges should he appointed by the President of the United States? President Schurman. I am very sorry that we are unable, owing to an appointment which we have with other gentlemen at this hour, and who have arrived and are waiting for us, to continue this interesting interview, which has been very instructive. We are anxious to know when it will be convenient for you to resume it, when we shall be delighted to conclude our talk. After some discussion it was agreed that Wednesday next at half past nine would he a convenient hour, at which time the commission expressed the hooc of seeing Senors liosawo and Melliza. Adjourned. TESTIMONY OF SENOR MELLIZA (continued). Manila, May 17 , 1899. Present: President Schurman, in the chair; Colonel Den by and Pro- fessor Worcester, commissioners, and Mr. John R. MacArthur, secre- tary, and Senors Rosario and Melliza. President Schurman. Senor Melliza, will }rou have the goodness to go on with your talk, informally? Senor Melliza. Let us go on talking about the consular jurisdiction, and I will explain why this war seems very natural to me. Consular jurisdiction in this country can not he admitted for two reasons. Under American sovereignty here consular jurisdiction can not possibly be in force here, for the American sovereignty, which is independent, does not admit of this. If the country is to he governed by autonomy, the consular jurisdiction can not he admitted either. Furthermore, there is no reason, there are no grounds, for the existence here of the con- sular system which exists in China. The intelligence in this country is greater than in China, in Japan, in Bombay, and perhaps greater than in Spain itself. The natives in this country are more intelligent than the natives in those countries. Q. Consular jurisdiction results from the demand of foreign powers, and that is made when they are not contented with the government of the country, and unless the United States had not only sovereignty, but efficient control of the courts and administration here, the foreign powers would demand consular jurisdiction, and although Japan is a sovereign state, and has been for many years, up to this time the great nations of the world have had consular jurisdiction there; and what we want to avoid is the possibility of foreign nations making any such demand here. — A. It would take a long time to speak of consulates here, for we would have to refer to histories and treaties of times gone by. Q. But, referring to the present state of affairs, consulates did exis- here under the Spanish Government; but those consulates had no jurisdiction or intervention in the affairs of the country, hut only over their own subjects, and that was because Spain gave the people of the Philippines no liberties, no liberty of person, or government. — A. This may be a political reason, but it is not a metaphysical or philo- sophical reason, and when aws and conditions are not based on REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 97 philosophical reasons they produce revolutions like this, and if they are not founded in reason they are not practical. What is desired is a union of the ideal and the practical, just as a man is composed of soul and body. That which I desire corresponds with reason. The institution of consulates has been a matter of courtesy among nations — purely a matter of courtesy — because in times past, when there was no such thing as courtesy among nations, each ruler was absolute in his own country, and consulates did not exist. Q. International intercourse and relations, of which the consular system is a part, require the organization in the Philippines of a gov- ernment which, in its courts of justice and in its administration, will be satisfactory to the nations of the world; otherwise they will demand consular jurisdiction. Isn't that a fact? — A. For this reason we think the Filipinos should not be separated from America, and that we ought to go hand in hand with America, and associated with America; and as America is perfectly responsible we do not see the necessity of admit- ting the consuls of other nations into the affairs of the government. Q. That is presisely what we desire to secure, and the only condi- tion we desire is that there shall be here established an economical government, such as is set forth in paragraph 2 of our proclamation: ‘‘The most ample liberty of self-government will be granted to the Philippine people which is reconcilable with the maintenance of a wise, just, stable, effective, and economical administration of public affairs and compatible with the sovereign and international rights and obliga- tions of the United States.” — A. We have understood in this discus- sion that the idea is to permit these consuls to intervene in the matter of the government of the islands, and for this reason I have spoken of this matter. Q. That is precisely the thing we want to shun. The sovereignty of the United States is not compatible with consular jurisdiction here, and we must make a government so good, so completely controlled by the United States, that foreign nations will not desire to intervene. — A. We have talked with Don Cayetano Arellano and Don Florentino Torres and have understood that the United States desired the inter- vention of foreign nations through their consuls. Q. It is impossible. That is a misunderstanding. Our government could never have contemplated any such contingency. Colonel Dexby. We intend to recommend here the establishment of courts which will perform all the functions of a consular court in regard to judicial matters; and also in the administration of internal affairs, we desire so good a government that foreign nations may never have an excuse for asking for consular jurisdiction. — A. This is the very same feeling that we have; and in asking for this explanation we did it for the people. President Schurman. We hope 3-011 will explain to the people the views of the commission, which are also your own views. — A. These views we shall explain in the newspaper Democracia, which was pub- lished yesterday ; and in the constitution which we ai-e arranging and drawing up now, after it has been approved by the commission. It was not strange that war broke out here for the reasons which I shall state. One of them is that in the first place the United States appeared here when the Filipinos were fighting against the Spaniards. Colonel Denby. I think you are under some misapprehension in regard to that. 7 1’ c 98 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Senor Melliza. I am simply explaining to the commission the causes that produced this war, in order that it may not seem strange that the war broke out. Q. We understand it to be a fact that Aguinaldo had received $400,000, and that he and a number of his chief people had left and made peace, and that there was no insurrection here when Commodore Dewey came here on May 1. — A. I don't know about this, because 1 was in the provinces at the time. I only say what is said in the news- papers and what I hear. I will answer this. I understand that peace may be made at any moment when the desire of the United States of America, which is also the desire of the Philippine people, is explained. The Philippine people still are ignorant of what the United States wishes of them, and the only way the Philippine people have of judg- ing is from some Spanish newspapers and from conversations with Spaniards and friars, and the Philippine people suspect that what the United States wish is to substitute their own rule in place of that of the Spaniards. By Professor Worcester: Q. What newspapers are producing this effect ( — A. all the period- icals which are published in the islands and in 'Madrid from April of last year until peace was concluded with the United States. Especially El Comercio in Manila and the Porvenir de Visayas. In the second place, the American squadron having come, and General Otis’s procla- mation having been issued, the Philippine military element was excited and somewhat unfriendly, and put a wrong interpretation on it. And this element said that if America had to protect the Philippine Islands they should not have given them arms and taken their possession; that it would have been better to allow the Filipinos to constitute their own government, organize their own government, here in Manila, where the Americans had their administration. They could then observe this government and see whether the Filipinos carried it on well or not, and if the government went on ill they could interfere; but for the moment, this element said, America did not allow them to try whether they were able or not to carry on a good government; she showed her intention of taking possession of all the islands. This is what the people believe, but I personally understand that it is a mistaken idea. I think that we have explained all the reasons and the causes of the war. Q. War having been caused in this way, how is peace to be restored at once? — A. By putting into practice at once the good intentions of the Americans for the Philippine people, who have been accustomed to be cheated by the Spaniards. It is necessary for the Philippine people, who have seen that the Spaniards did not fulfill their promises, to see that the Americans intend to keep faith with them. Q. How shall we begin at once? — A. By publishing the constitu- tion and putting it into effect at once, immediately. Q. How can you put a constitution into effect immediately, so long as war continues? — A. By means of the inhabitants, for all of them are not encamped — those who are living in the towns that are in posses- sion of the Americans. By delaying this matter another danger may arise, for now the peaceable citizens, seeing that nothing results from the good intentions of the Americans, mav also be in doubt themselves and may take the field themselves. I myself can guarantee that the REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 99 Indian’s normal condition is peaceful, modest, and not ambitious; con- tented with little. I am going to call up another subject now— the expulsion of the Spanish and the friars. I would not say that these people should be expelled, banished, without reason, but a law of vagrancy can be passed, expelling people without visible means of support; such a law should be passed. The greater part of these peo- ple will remain in the country without working and without any em- ployment, and for this reason they should be banished, expelled, as prejudicial to the welfare of society. Those who have money should not be compelled to go, but those who have no industry, no business, no family, no stores, no shops, are the ones who should be expelled as prejudicial to the well-being of society. These people will live by eat- ing in the house of one friend one day and another another day and sleeping in the house of another friend. The Filipino is very hospita- ble, and although the}' may bother him, he entertains them to avoid trouble with them. Another reason for expelling the friar is that he ruins the archipelago by bad administration, and instead of fulfilling his sacred mission he demoralizes the people, as is shown by the facts. In the same way in which a criminal is excluded, so a corporation shoidd be banished from the country for the good of the people. Q. It is one thing to get at an individual and another to get at a class. Sefior Rosario. It is impossible to retain here the religious corpo- rations as they existed before, for they caused a great problem — one State within another State. As happens in every nation of the world in which there is clerical domination, Rome has power over the reli- gious corporations and consequently intervenes in the affairs of the nation; and it came to pass in former times here that Rome had more power in the state than Spain, for there were religious corporations here that combined and were very strong, and Rome really had more power than Spain in the country. The proclamation speaks of the separation of church and state, but this is not enough for the Philip- pine Islands. This idea, which is very well in free countries like the United States, is not sufficient here in the Philippine Islands, w'hich are very much governed by the religious corporations. If the friars remain here in the country their property must all be thoroughly scrutinized — their right to the property. If the property is returned to the friars an agrarian war will result; that is, such a war as we have now, a war of the agricultural classes against the property owners. If their property is taken away from them and they still remain here they will cause another war, for they have the protection of Rome. When I speak of Rome I refer to the Vatican, to the Papal power. Q. But their property is protected by the treaty? Sefior Rosario. It was the cause of the first revolution in the Philip- pine Islands, that the friars claimed property which was not theirs. The property which they said was theirs was not theirs. Colonel Denby. The courts will settle that. Sefior Rosario. This may be easily arranged, for everybody knows, all the world knows, that these properties were gif ts and that they (the friars) occupied them only as managers. Professor Worcester. Admitting that the old state of affairs should not be tolerated, the question is how these abuses ought to be reme- died, and it is certain that in remedying them we must employ legal measures, just measures. Now, are there not some other ways in which we could get at this result? You have said that during the 100 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. time the friars remained here they would bring about a war because the power of Rome which was behind them would still remain. We have a great many Catholics in our country, and the power of Rome is behind them, and they have produced no war there. Senor Rosario. The friar in the Philippines is entirely different from the friar in Europe and in America. Even if the promises stated in the proclamation are carried out he would not leave on account of the reasons I am going to state: The friar here is not a religious person. He is not a Catholic Avho preaches religion. He has never preached religion. The gentleman (Professor Worcester) has seen in the Philippine Islands that the friars — although friars may not marry— have large families, wives and children, in a public manner. By Colonel Denby: Q. Are they all Spaniards ? — A. All. Q. No Filipino friars? — A. No. Q. An}r Italians? — A. No. Q. All Spanish? — A. All Spanish. The friars in the Philippine Islands form a commercial company. It is a matter of business; and instead of developing the land and the resources of the country they do business in souls, which is a very good property to them. They exploit purgatory, heaven, and the future life, which is a very good business for them. President Schurman. All these questions will certainly be consid- ered, but it will be impossible at the beginning of the establishment of a civil government to settle them. Senor Rosario. I give these details to the commission because the friar here is not the same as the friar is in America, who simply enters into private life, but here the friar is a factor in public life and is capable of disturbing the public order. President Schurman. If you have anything more to say, we shall be glad to hear it. This question was taken up by the commission in its proclamation, and there are two points to which I wish to call special attention, the first in section 3, the following words: “The civil rights of the Philip- pine people will be guaranteed and protected to the fullest extent; religious freedom assured; and all persons shall have an equal standing before the law.” And further on, in section 11: “ Reforms in all depart- ments of the government, in all branches of the public service, and in all corporations closely touching the common life of the people must be undertaken without delay and effected, conformably to right and justice, in a way that will satisfy the well-founded demand and the highest sentiments and aspirations of the Philippine people.” Senor Melliza. All right. Very well. Iiyshowing all these reasons and in asking the expulsion of the priests and the Spaniards we have not expected that it would be done to-morrow, but merely desired to urge the commission to assure the Filipinos of the establishment of justice and equal rights for all and liberty. Colonel Denby. This commission or the Government of the United States can create bodies of men like legislatures and a congress to make the laws, but we can not dictate the laws in advance for this people. If we do, we take away their liberties from them, and they themselves should have the right to determine these questions. If we dictate the laws, they would not be free. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 101 Senor Melliza. For this reason we present this constitution to the commission for their approval, this constitution to serve as a basis for the formation of laws and to be presented to the Philippine people for their consideration; and if the people accept it, why, then, the United States can institute it, and it will be accepted as a fact by the people. If the commission approves the constitution which is going to be sub- mitted to it and which is being prepared by the committee of Filipinos, why, then, it will be accepted by the Philippine people at large. The constitution which we are now preparing, and which we will submit to your commission for your consideration and approval, if you approve of it, we shall ask you to publish, and when published the Philippine people will then submit themselves to you — to the American people — holding as law this constitution. By Professor Worcester: Q. When are they going to submit this constitution to us ? — A. All the Philippine people haven't arms in their hands at present, and if anyone doesn't approve this constitution when it is approved by the remainder of the people he should be exterminated, and in that case we should be the enemies of such people, namely, the Filipinos who did not accept it. By Colonel Denby: Q. The constitution does not execute itself. It is necessary to make a lawT conformable to the constitution.- — A. If we are authorized, we afterwards can make lawTs to execute the constitution, and it will be easy for us to do so, for we have all the Spanish laws as precedents. By Professor Worcester: Q. When are you going to submit that constitution to us ? — A. Prob- ably Friday or Saturday of this week, because part of it which I had to do I have finished now. Q. Who are writing it ? — A. Don Cayetano Arellano, Don Floren- tine Torres, Don Gregorio Areneta, and Don Tomas del Rosario. I am perfectly assured that the peaceful part of the Philippine people will approve of the constitution, for by this explanation which I have had with the commission I see that the desire of the Philippine people and the desire of the commission are one and the-same. President Schurman. I am very pleased to hear you say so. Senor Melliza. Regarding the people w ho have arms in their hands, when the constitution is published and approved, if they do not accept it, it will be an ample reason for exterminating them. Q. Shouldn’t we have the same difficulty wre have had with our proclamation? Won’t the Filipinos say: You have promised this, but we don't believe you will carry it out, and we wTould prefer to wait until it were put in force before we would care to yield. Senor Melliza. It is a very different thing, for a proclamation is not a law, it is only a promise; but the constitution once approved by America is a law. Colonel Denby. I would like to explain to 3*011 the legal fact that 3tou apparenth' do not bear in mind, that Congress has to put it into effect, and that Congress does not meet until December. I don’t think we ought to let you leave here wdth the impression that wTe can enter into a contract w ith you. President Schurman. The War Department could put it into effect. 102 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. but it could only become the constitution of the islands by the act of Congress. Senor Melliza. 1 am very sorry that America has to succeed Spain in these islands, for the Philippine people are apt to believe that the United States is exactly like Spain, which has no law or good legal methods. The Philippine people are like a servant who has had a bad master and therefore thinks that all masters are bad. President Schurman. We are very much obliged for what you have said. We have had much instruction therefrom and desire to tender you our thanks for the same. Senor Melliza. And 1 also desire to thank you, gentlemen, for your kind reception and candid expression. Meeting adjourned. TESTIMONY OF SENOR SASTRON. Manila, May 1 J, 1899 — 11 a. m. Present: President Schurman (in the chair), Colonel Denby and Pro- fessor Worcester, commissioners; John R. Mac Arthur, esq., secretary and counsel. Manuel Sastron appeared before the commissioners, and in re- sponse to interrogatories stated as follows: President Schurman. Senor Sastron, the commission is very much pleased to have so eminent a man come before it to give it informa- tion, and I will take the liberty of asking you a few formal questions, that we may have your answers recorded. Senor Sastron. I shall consider it a great honor, and shall endeavor to answer any questions you may ask. By President Schurman: Q. Please give us your name. — A. Manuel Sastron. Q. How long have you been in the Philippine Islands? — A. I have been here many times. This is my sixth voyage here. It is thirty years since I have been in this service. In the year 1869 I en^'-ed the service of the Spanish Government. Q. In what capacity ? — A. I have held many offices. I have been governor of provinces in Luzon seven years; e. g., in Tayabas, Batangas, Ilocos, and councilor of the administration. Q. How long councilor? — A. Four years. Q. What is the name of this council and what are the functions of councilor? — A. The council of the governor. Q. What are the functions of the council? — A. All the heads of departments who are called in consultation by the captain-general advise on any subject which he may place before them, and all subjects which the governor-general laid upon the table before them were con- sidered by them. Q. Had each man his particular department? — A. Yes; it was an advisory council composed of 26 members, appointed by the governor- general. Among the 26 there were only two salaried members paid by the Government. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 103 By Colonel Denby: Q. Who were Ohm,' ? — A. They were the two members who did all the work. When they received any matter of business, they drew it up in proper form and put it before the council for the approval of the council. The council voted upon it, and the result of the business in hand, whether it was approved or not approved, was transmitted to the captain-general as the result of the consultation. By President Schurman: Q. Did not the captain-general attend the meetings of the council ' — A. When he wished to attend. When he wished to be present, he was; but when his duties prevented he was represented by the vice-president, who was the general of the navy, or the senior councilor if the vice- president were ill. Q. How often did the council meet? — A. The council met whenever the two salaried councilors had prepared sufficient business to warrant their meeting; but they would advise the secretary of the council when he would call a meeting.. In this way we never had less than two meetings a month, and when urgent business came up we met oftener. Q. Did the members as a rule all attend, or only a small number of them? — A. As a general thing more than half of them met, because when less than half met we could not do business. We had to have more than half. Q. Did the general council make laws? — A. It proposed regulations. Q. Who executed the regulations ? — A. The council acted upon all matters that were brought to it for consultation. For instance, in my last term of office the last business which I participated in was the business of a delegation from Iloilo, who came with a proposition to bring drinking water into Iloilo. The governor-general, as an instance of how matters are carried on, proposed to put a tax of 2 cents on the dollar for each bale of goods that went through the custom-house for the purpose of bringing this water into Iloilo — this is simply an exam- ple. The governor-general sent this to the council for its action on the matter, and it devolved upon me to put it before the council in proper form, but I said, with all due respect and reverence to the cap- tain-general, that it was impossible to do this, because this means for bringing the water into Iloilo affected the laws of the custom-house, which they had no right to touch at all. Q. Who made the laws regarding the customs for the archipelago ? — A. Spain. The Government of Spain makes the custom-house laws; and for this reason I told the captain-general that he should not touch the customs regulations, for that had to do entirely with the Spanish Government; and, furthermore, that matters of the custom-house had relation to all the different countries of the world, both in reference to exportation and importation, and should lx* submitted to the Gov- ernment of Spain for decision. By Colonel Denby: Q. What became of that particular case ? — A. The governor -general decided always in complete accord with his advisory council. By President Schurman: Q. Could the council make laws ? — A. He voted for or against as he saw tit when he was in the council, but he always complied with the desires of the council in his action. 104 EEPOET OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Had he the power to act otherwise; to veto their action? — A. No; but he did consent, subject to the Spanish Government. Of 700 cases all but 17, submitted to the Spanish Government, which 1 drew up for the consideration of the' council, were approved by the Spanish Government. Q. Did you send to Spain all the votes of the council, or only those in which there was a difference of opinion between the governor-gen- eral and the council? — A. Only those in which there was a difference of opinion, because I was the executive officer here and when there was no question there was no occasion to send it. Q. Was the governor-general under any obligation to bring matters before the council, or could he act on all matters without consulting the council ? — A. He was under no such obligation. He had power to act alone on his own responsibility. Q. Did the governor-general have power to make laws or ordinances without consulting the council?- — A. To make laws and regulations ; no. The governor-general alone hadn’t the right to make laws for administrative application here except in exceptional cases of war and public order. By Colonel Denby: Q. The governor-general had to submit all his laws and ordinances to this council ?— A. Yes. By President Schurman: Q. What classes of laws were made for the archipelago in Spain and what class of laws could the governor-general and his council make? — A. The political laws, the administrative laws, the creation and regu- lation of town halls and municipal government, also courts and civil governments, organization and reform of the constitution of the Philippines, the Government in Spain enacted through its minister of Ultramar (lands beyond the sea) the laws which were expected to be passed, and applied to the colonies. For example, if the Spanish Government decided that direct taxes on house property should be placed on the islands a general law was sent here imposing a direct tax on house property in the Philippines. The governor-general with his council then imposed those taxes, and made the regulations for their collection. Q. Am 1 right, then, in saying that the governor-general and his council could pass no law, but could simply make regulations for imposing laws passed in Spain ? — A. The laws were made by Spain, the making of executive regulations to carry out these laws were duties belonging to the governor general and his advisory council. Q. Now I repeat my question. Am I right, then, in saying that the governor and his council could pass no law, but could simply make regulations for enforcing laws made in Spain?- — A. There is one thing that 1 must say: That the governor-general here would announce or indicate to the Government at home that such and such laws were necessary here, and taking the initiative from the governor here they would indicate or communicate that legislation on such subjects would be passed. Q. (Question repeated.) — A. No. The governor-general and his council did not have the right to pass laws, but simply regulations for the application of the laws made in Spain. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 105 By Colonel Denby: Q. What were your duties as governor of a province? — A. The governor of the province was the. supreme representative of the Spanish power in the territory under his control. He represented the governor- general. By President Schurman: Q. Who appointed him?— A. The Government of Spain; the King of Spain, by royal decree. Q. What was the term? — A. There was no lixed term. Q. What was the salary ? — A. There were three classes of governors of provinces. The first class had a salary of $4,500 a \ eai , Mexican dollars, silver; the second class, $4,000, and the third class, $3,500; they also had 1 per cent of the gross amount collected for “cedillas personates, ” which made the amount more or less as follows: For the first class, 2,000 to 2,500 pesos a year; for the second class, 1,500 to 1,800 pesos a year, and for the third class, 1,000 to 1,200 pesos a year. ' Q. Consequently, the salary of a governor of a province of the first class would be between $7,000 and $8,000? — A. 1 es. Bv Colonel Denby: Q. Did he have a house?— A. Yes; in Batangas, for example, a large house — a palace. By President Schurman: Q. Did the Government furnish him with servants? — A. The house was furnished complete by the Government. Q. Were there any other perquisites? — A. No; properly nothing more. , . Q. Was that a reasonable salary, or wasn t it enough ? — A. 1 or the interests of the country at that time, yes; but as affairs and matters now are, no, because a chicken that cost 5 coppers then costs a dollai now, and everything is in the same proportion. Q. But that is simply temporary, due to the war? — A. 5 es, cer- tainly, it ought to pass away. . Q. Were there Filipinos appointed as governors of provinces? A. No; there were judges and magistrates Filipino, but not governors. Q. Everything considered, was the salary you had as governor a fair and just salarv, or do you think it ought to be higher in a pro\ ince of the first class?— A. It might be better to be better paid, but a man who lives within the laws — the universal laws of morals — had plenty of money with $7,000 a year to live properly at that time. Q. How would it work to have Filipinos appointed governors of provinces? — A. I think, gentlemen, although we are now entering into a matter that is a very, very difficult one, that they are not capable of filling such offices. Q. Are the Filipinos, in your opinion, qualified to be judges?— A. Thev have been judges even of the supreme court here in Manila. The duty of a justice is much easier than the duties of a governor, for he has simply to know the laws and apply them, whereas a governor needs to be a man of greater knowledge and greater initiative ability and more discretion. Q. Have you anv book which details the judicial system and describes it? If you have, will you let us have it ?— A. I have published five books, but they are administrative books — books on administrative affairs. 106 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. In your opinion, should the Filipinos be given a larger share in the government than they had under the Spaniards? In other words, do you think the Filipinos are qualified to take a larger share in the government than the}’ have heretofore had? — A. Yes. The Spaniards had ottered them even as far as autonomy. If they should be allowed to take part in the government, the Filipinos, in the main, would take a share in the government, but the men who are now posing as Filipinos would not be the true Filipinos, and the true Filipinos would in time utterly retire. By Colonel Denby: Q. Please tell us briefly, in a few words, what were the courts in the provinces?— A. There was one judge in the capital— in the first place there was in each province one judge and in each town one justice assigned to the municipal tribunal, but after reforms were made there was one judge in the province as before, and in each town one justice of the peace. Q. Was there a supreme court in Manila ? — A. There was a superior court. Q. Were these judges Spaniards or Filipinos? — A. They were both Spaniards and Filipinos. Q. Do you know how much the judge in the capital was paid? — A. He had $3,000. Q. How much were the justices paid ? — A. They got fees — court fees. Q. Now did an appeal lie from this judge to the supreme court at Manila, from the judges in the capitals to the supreme court at Manila?— A. To the audiencia in Manila. The judge, in addition to his salary — that is, the judge in the capital of the province — had his house allowed him, the residence of the judge which belonged to the State. Q. Suppose a man committed murder, where would he be tried ? — A. In the place where the crime was committed by the judge in the capital of that province. He was first taken before the justice of the peace and then taken before the judge of the capital of the province. Q. Did the judge try all cases, civil as well as criminal, or was there a jury to assist him? — A. No; only the judge— there were no juries. Q. How many supreme court judges had they in Manila? — A. In the supreme tribune there were two divisions — the civil and the crim- inal; I don’t know how many there were. Q. Do you know how much those judges were paid?— A. Four thousand dollars a year. Q. By whom were all those judges appointed? — A. The president of the two divisions of the supreme court had $5,000 a year. All judges were appointed by the Crown. Q. Bv whom were the justices of the peace named? — A. The judge of the province sent in the names of three people in each town, and they were appointed by the president of the supreme court in Manila. Q. Was there any appeal from the supreme court in Manila to Spain? — A. Yes; to Madrid. Q. In all cases? — A. Yes. Q. Are you a lawyer or a doctor? — A. Doctor. I am a bachelor of laws. By President Schukman: Q. Had the governor of the province any original powers, any inde- pendent powers, or did he stand m ’ *r the governor-general ? — A. He REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 107 was dependent on the governor-general, but as he was ex officio head of the political municipality and at the same time of the junta provincial he had the right to propose different propositions for the good of the different municipalities or for the province. Q. How was the junta provincial constituted? — A. Of twelve mem- bers elected by the people. Q. Were they all elected by the people or only some of them ? — A. All elected by the people. The promoter fiscal and the priests of the capital were also members of the provincial assembly. Q. What were the functions of this provincial junta ? — A. They had administrative powers only. They had charge of roads, lights, and bridges, cleaning streets, and whatever pertained to the municipal life of the town. It was the fiscal agent of the town, as it had more to do with the money than anything else. Q. Was it a supervisory body or did its functions consist more in advising than anything else ? — A. The provincial assembly visited the different towns and reported on the condition of them. Then when they thought it necessary, they made recommendations to the gov- ernor of the province, who applied the necessary remedies. Q. There was only one junta in the province? — A. Only one; in the capital. By Colonel Denby: Q. How often did they meet? — A. When the governor of the prov- ince called them together. By President Schurmax: Q. Did they levy taxes ? — A. Only those provided for by the law. Q. Who made that law? — A. The law was made by Spain giving them the right to collect taxes on certain different things, such as billiard tables and cats and other small matters. They put in a budget and had to have it approved by the provincial assembly before they could expend the sum so collected on the town itself — on the municipality itself. Q. It was simply a body to advise and inspect the pueblos ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Please give us your address. — A. Audiencia, President of Span- ish Commission on Liquidation. Q. You have had experience as a provincial governor. Have you any improvement to suggest in the existing law and the existing organiza- tion of the provincial governments, such improvements as are adapted to the condition of the people and in accord with the fact that the United States is the owner of these islands? — A. The moral laws as they stood under the regime of the Spanish are well adapted to the necessities of the people. Q. Is there need of reforms or changes in it? — A. No; I think not. It is a beautiful law and well adapted to the people. I have said some- thing in my book on that subject. Q. You don’t think that the introduction of a new government here would necessitate serious changes in the form of the government? — A. I think none at all. It is a very liberal and comprehensible law, cap- able of great development. See p. 296 and following of mv book on “ Ba tangas.” President Schurmax. Doctor, we are very much obliged to you for your valuable information, and we appreciate it and thank you greatly for coming before this commission. 108 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Senor Sastron. I am very much honored that the commission asked me for my views, and any question that the commission may wish to ask me in the future I shall be very glad to answer. The meeting adjourned. TESTIMONY OF ADOLPH VON BOSCH. Manila, May 1899. Present: President Schurman (in the chair), Colonel Den by, and Professor Worcester, commissioners, and Mr. John R. MaeArthur, secretary. Adolph von Bosch, in answer to the questions of the commissioners, testified as follows: By the President: Q. You are a Belgian? — A. Yes. I have been here nearly ten years. I was first employed as accountant with an English firm for nearly three and a half years, and then about six years ago I started on my own account in the wood business. Before I came here I studied in Europe, at Heidelberg, in Paris, and in Belgium. We lived in Ant- werp about ten years. I was sent to Hanover first at the gymnasium, and afterwards attended the University of Paris, and afterwards at Heidelberg. Q. Have you made any study a specialty ( — A. No; I was only there for three semesters, and for four semesters in Paris I studied chemistry. Q. I see you speak English excellently. Do you speak other languages? — A. Yes; French, German, Italian, Spanish, New Greek, Holland Dutch, and Tagalog, somewhat. Q. I suppose you brought capital out? — A. No; I was employed, and I saved about 84,200. With that I started; had an excellent first year, and made about 813,000 the first year in rice, in timber, and in hemp. Q. You did business in rice. hemp, and timber? — A. Yes. I began in Dalupaon. where I am now. It is an hacienda, which belongs to me. It is in Ambos Camarines, on Gulf Ragay. Q. I suppose you have seen a good deal of the native people here? — A. Yes; I have dealt with them almost exclusively down there. The people down there speak Vicol. It is an entirely different language. I understand it a little, although I do not need Vicol there, because all my men are Tagalogs. The Vicols are not fit for timber cutting — they are too slow, too lazy, and don't understand it. They are mentally far behind the Tagalogs. The Vicol is docile and lazy and never works but one day a week, and if he has a peseta and good stealing he loafs for a week and works one day. They are easy to govern. The Span- iards had no trouble with them. It is only the Tagalogs that make the trouble. They are a separate race and more energetic. Q. Did they go down and seize the government of this province? — A. Yes; the Tagalogs did. I was down there. General Lucban passed through there with his troops. He is now in Samar. He passed north and didn't come to my place. There were two captains and a colonel, and they passed with about 1,000 troops through my place. Q. What kind of government did the Tagalogs give you down REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 109 there? — A. I haven’t seen any government at all. They only put up a military government. They didn’t collect any taxes; they did not make any rules — they left it just as it was before. Lucban took away from $100,000 to $150,000. Q. They didn’t collect money by legal methods, you mean ? — A. No; they extorted it from the Spaniards and stole it from the rich Yicols. Q. You say the Tagalogs down in Camarines did not have a regular government; they did not collect taxes, but simply extorted money from the people? — A. They had the lay of every ship that went out, and they made it pay 5 per cent ad valorem, although I didn’t pay it. They never troubled me. Q. Did the people find this Tagalog government very oppressive? — A. Yes; they did; the Vicols did. The Yicols were not satisfied with it, because even the rich Vicols were obliged to pay to Lucban. By Colonel Derby : Q. When was this Tagalog government established there? — A. It was established there on September 22 of last year. By President Schurman: Q. The guardia civil overthrew the Spanish Government there, which guard consists of natives? — A. Yes. Q. Vicols? — A. Yicols and Tagalogs mixed. I dare say a majority were Tagalogs. It was a very funny overthrow. I was there two days before, and I was told to get out, so I went. I had a row with the Spanish captain of the guardia civil, the comandante. I told the governor, “ You had better ship off the men and women who are Spanish and all your goods, because I am afraid you can’t hold it, any- way.” The captain of the guardia civil said “Where do you get this information?” Sol told him where I acquired it; and I said, “You take the government on your own responsibility.” Q. This government, then, is extorting money from the people, is it, and oppressing them in other ways? — A. It is not exactly oppressing them ; it is annoying them. Q. In what way? — A. Because if you want to have a boat come in they come to you with bayonets and ask for passports. Q. Do they enter your house without permission ? — A. No; they did not enter mine, but they entered other houses. Q. They enter people’s houses without permission?- — A. Yes. Q. Do they steal? — A. Stolen or given to them, they take what they desire. Q. You say the people would be very glad to be rid of it ? — A. Yes; very glad ; anyhow in Camarines. Q. Are they favorable to the Americans, the people? — A. The ordinary people, yes. The workmen, the lower classes and middle classes, those who have interests there, are certainly most decidedly in favor of the Americans. The leading military men and those who call themselves the governors are decidedly not. Q. The military men are against the Americans? — A. Yes. Q. Because they have something to lose ? — A. Yes; they would lose their positions. It is, according to my view, only a matter of interest which dictates their conduct. Q. I suppose the great majority of the people, then, favor the Americans? — A. Oh, yes; the entire mass Q. Eighty or 90 per cent ? — A. Put it down at 00. 110 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. You think safely 60 per cent? — A. Sixty per cent. 1 don’t think the lower classes have any idea. The}’ have no idea at all about it — no tixed idea. Q. They have not? — A. But I am sure if they get an American government Q. That is to say, they want a good government? — A. Yes; they want a good government. They want to be fairly treated. Q. A\ ould the Yicols be capable of governing themselves? — A. I don't think so. Q. Would the Tagalogs? — A. There are some Tagalogs who would be, but it would be a small minority. They would not have sufficient men to form a government. Q. But the Tagalogs would be tit to occupy subordinate places in the government? — A. Yes; and even the Vicols there would be — there are some very good men who occupied civil positions under the Span- ish Government. Q. But you think it would be necessary to have Americans at the head? — A. Yes. No government could last for six months under Tagalog rule, according to my opinion. By Colonel Denby: Q. What good port is along there? — A. There is one good port in Bureas, on the island of Bureas. There is no other on the whole coast. Q. How far is it from where you are? — A. About two days by sail. That is a good port, a safe port. Q. Any name for it? — A. No; it is called Bureas. By Professor Worcester: Q. Is there much timber left in Bureas ? — A. Yes. In Bureas there was only Brown cutting, if you recollect it. I think I have seen you, Professor Worcester, here before. Q. Well, I have been here twice. Is there any government down there? — A. No; there is no government down there. There was a governor named Marino Ravalya, a rich man, a millionaire. He goes there now. He does nothing except forming Philippine cooperative societies, where everybody has to bring him so much rice, so much hemp, so much coffee, so much cocoa, and that will be sent up to Manila under the supervision of four directors and sold in Manila and the proceeds distributed among them. It is really a society of mutual interests. Q. Would it be right to say that these provinces are under a mili- tary terrorism? — A. To-day I think they are. They were not when I was there. The foreigners were all leaving there, but only the Span- iards were taken prisoners. Q. How did they treat the friars? — A. Very badly. The friars are still in prison. They caught the bishop — he wasn’t the bishop there — he was the acting bishop. He is imprisoned, and he only gets a hand- ful of rice, and they make him work at dirty work and then go to prison again. Q. At what point are they holding this gentleman? — A. In Neuva Caceres. Q. Do you know at all how many of them they have there? — A. Maybe they have got 70. Q. Have they imprisoned Spaniards other than the government offi- cials— private men ? — A. There are even now live. One who had been REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Ill very cruel, you understand, tried to get away and they caught him on the steamer and they chained him up, and the\r make him work in the street without a hat in the sun, and they give him a thrashing every day, and they make him clean the water-closets in the prison and all that dirty work, and I have seen that with my own eyes. There are others treated just the same. Q. They have taken vengeance on all the Spaniards they could get hold of ? — A. Yes; they are very revengeful. Q. You say you were associated with Mr. Brown for some time? — A. Yes. Q. What sort of success did Mr. Brown meet with? A. He was a sort of pioneer. Q. In establishing the lumber business ?— A. Yes; he was the first. He sold his business to a limited company established in Hongkong for $300,000. The company went on and had to liquidate in three or four years afterwards. Q. Was that due to bad management ? — A. Yes; I think it was due to bad management. Q. Did they have serious difficulty with the health of their employees over there? — A. No; none. Q. Mr. Whitehead, in Hongkong, told me that one reason of their failure was that their men all died; that they couldn’t keep anybody there? — A. I have been there three years and a half and I have never experienced that trouble. The great mistake was that there was no more timber. Owing to the expense of bringing timber down they couldn’t compete with anybody. I think their want of success was more due to lack of timber than to anything else. Q. Was the business fairly successful as long as Mr. Brown was connected with it? — A. Yes; he had trouble, too. especially with a railroad company he established. Q. Did he furnish the railroad company ties ? — A. The first three years all the ties came from there. Q. And the lumber for bridge building, wagon building, and station buildings? — A. Yes. Q. In general what has been your experience as to the health of men engaged in that business — your woodcutters — the men engaged in getting out the logs; do they suffer much from fever ? — A. No. Some- times when there are very heavy rainfalls there is some sickness. When it is swampy in the roads, then of course we get some fever, but it is not common; very seldom. Q. What sort of arrangement are you able to make with your employees about paying them? Do you pay them stumpage, or do you pay them so much for what they cut, or a fixed sum? — A. No ; it is according to the Tayabas tariff; that means so much per vara. Q. Does that include longitudinal measurement? — A. The basis is 10 by 10 inches per vara, so much. In Nueva Caceres, for instance, what they call 14 by 12 — that costs according to the length of the timber and the class of timber. A certain price extra is added to it; that was the official tariff of the Spanish Government established about thirty years ago. Q. Now, don’t you find that you have to make advances to your people to get them there? — A. Always ; that’s a great drawback. Q. And the losses to some extent are a result of that? — A. Yes; I must let them have advances. 1 myself have about $11,000 owing me 112 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. from the woodcutters on my hooks, but that is guaranteed by the men and their children. Their carabaos and their property are mortgaged to me in consideration of these advances. Q. About what percentage would the loss bear to the entire sum invested? — A. I always put down the first investment as simply loss; it is only amortization through their work. Q. And as you go along; do you find A. You give, for instance, a man £100 or £150 advance and he goes on and works and brings in timber, for instance, every week. He brings in timber, say five or six logs, which are worth £50, and he will go on until he is in need of rice or in want of some cigars or any manufactured goods, or it might happen that a child dies, or they want to marry, or a child is born and has to be baptized, and that means another advance. Of course the Indian never has a cent in his house. Q. And they’ are inclined to run oil' and leave you and get out of their debts in that way? — A. Some of them, but they won't do it from me; but they get in quarrels about their wives, or a man wants to marry a girl and he can’t have her, and then he bolts with her, and that is how we lose the men. Q. When you are at work how do you proceed; do you sweep the forest clean or do you pick out portions of it ? — A. Pick out portions. There are plenty of trees which are of no commercial use. r Q. After the trees are felled you square them where they are? — A. They are squared where they fall. Q. And then you get them out of there with buffaloes? — A. Yes; and haul them down. Q. Is it ever possible to use timber saws in the country ? — A. I don’t think it is; they are not useful at all. Q. How many carabaos have to be used in handling? — A. It is according to the size of the log — from 2 to 12 or 11. Q. Is the getting out of the timber a part of the contract with your woodcutters? — A. It is; it has to be delivered on the beach; that is the contract. No timber is received except on the beach. Q. In shipping your timber do you ship it in logs or is it sawed first? — A. In logs. I had a contract with the railway company here for ties. Q. What do you think about that ? Wouldn’t it be better in general to saw the timber on the spot into the shape in which it is to be used instead of sending it out in logs? — A. Certainly; but it has never been done down here. Q. Have you had any difficulty in getting saws that would cut your hard timber ? — A. No; no difficulty at all. I only used a circular saw. I intended to work a gang saw — a gang of saws. Q. And cut up the whole log at once? — A. Yes. Q. Where is the market? — A. China and Manila — Hongkong, and Shanghai. Q. What sort of timber is the most practicable and serviceable ? — A. That for building and shipbuilding. Q. What have you done, if anything, with the very hard woods that are capable of taking a high polish; there are such woods here, aren’t there? — A. Yes; I have handled them commercially. For instance, ornate staircases and work of that kind come from those woods. Q. Have you ever sent any of these fine woods to England or any REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 113 twice and met with a bad experience. They did not care for it. One ship got lost on the route and the cargo of the other was badly sold in Bremen. Q. What sort of wood have you found best for railroad ties? — A. Molave and ipil. Q. Are there an}’ data in existence at present on which to base a statement of how long they will last in the ground? — A. Molave will last ten years. Q. And the others? — A. Mr. Higgins told me some of them last six months. Q. Does molave have to be bored in order to be spiked or can they drive the spikes into it?— A. Yes; it must be bored; it is very hard. Q. In general, what woods are the most valuable here now? — A. Molave, eacle, tindola, batitnan, mangachapuy. Q. Have you been shipping in your own vessels or in others, ves- sels?— A. I freighted always; I found that more profitable, although one pays high freight; the typhoon season here, if you have bad luck, spoils everything, and makes it cheaper to freight than to own your own boats. Q, Do you have distributing agents in Manila and in China ? — A. Yes; I have an agent here; Pipoch. Q. Do you do anything with firewood at all? — A. Yes. Q. You use a steam mill, I suppose? — A. Yes; I have got a small steam mill. Q. You use your own chips and so on for fuel?— A. Yes. Q. Under what regulations was the timber business carried on in the old days, Mr. Von Bosch ? — A. There was a duty to be paid per cubic foot, Spanish. Q. But they vary with the various kinds of timber? — A. Yes; there were four classes or groups. Q. And the different classes of trees? — A. Were classified by name. They ran from 5 cents a cubic foot down to 1 cent. Q. Did you have any inspectors to examine your lumber? — A. Cer- tainly. Q. Were they sent to survey it without any expense to you ? — A. Without any expense to us. Q. Did you have to get a license to cut timber? — A. Yes. Q. How did the license read? Did it give you the privilege for a certain limited area in a certain province ? — A. It was a license extend- ing over the province. Q. Suppose you were cutting in a particular place and some other man who had a license came alone, could he cut timber beside you? — A. Yes; but it has never been done because he would find it difficult, you see. Q. Suppose you actually owned a tract of land, could a man with a license come and cut on your land? — A. No; not on private land. Q. And in the latter case would you have to pay duty to the govern- ment if you owned the land? — A. No. Q. Is there a considerable amount of available timber left in the region where you are? — A. Enough to last for at least twenty years. There are even tracts never touched vet — virgin land. Q. Do you get any gutta percha down there? — A. No. I am not sure what you mean. Q. Do you get alamasaca there? — A. Yes; in big quantities, p c 8 114 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Do 3011 have to depend on the natives to bring that down for you? — A. Yes; the briar, called in English alamasaca. Q. Is there a demand for alamasaca? — A. Yes; there is always a good demand for it. Q. Is it of a good, clear quality? — A. Yes; pretty clear. Q. Do 3’ou know' how the price runs at present ? — A. No; I haven’t done anything in it for the last year, but L think it is between §6 and §(>.50 a picul. Q. Do the prices of timbers run pretty steady, or do they fluctuate ? — A. They fluctuate immensely. Cedar is sold at §1.50 a foot now, and formerly we sold it at 35 cents. Q. But that is owing to the interruption of trade. — A. Yes; but even that does not wholly account for it. I have seen fluctuations in one year all the way from 51 cents dow n to 21 cents. Q. Is that simply due to glutting the market? — A. It is due to glut- ting the market and to no building going on. Q. In general, Avhat do you think of the timber business? — A. I think it is the best business in the Philippines. Q. What tracts in the island are covered with timber that is acces- sible at the present time, so far as you know? — A. Luzon, Paragua, and some portions of the coasts of Mindanao and Mindoro, but in Min- doro very little. Mr. Brown thought of going there, but had to give it up on account of the hostility" of the natives. Mindoro is a very bad place. Q. Do you know whether his people suffered much from fever there? — A. Yes; a great deal. Q. And did the Tulisanes trouble him ? — A. Yes. Q. What about Tablas and Cebulon?- — A. I don't know much about them. In Bureas and Samar there is plenty of timber, and in Catan- duanes there is plenty of timber. Q. Is the timber in Samar accessible? — A. Yes, it is; many ships have been loaded there. Q. In Panay I suppose there is little left, where it can be got at? — A. Very little. Q. Do you know howr it is in the northwest part of the island? — A. No ; about here in the north of Luzon an$ Aparri, there is plenty of timber, so I have heard. Q. All along the Rio Grande, the big river, there is timber?- — A. Yes, the Rio Grande has timber. They float it down the river. Q. Is it possible to go up and down the river at all times of the year? — A. When the rain comes it is sometimes very gushing and brings down trees and makes it unsafe for any kind of shipping. By Colonel Denby: Q. The Rio Grande runs north ? — A. Yes. I know very little about that country. By Professor Worcester: Q. Has any timber been shipped from there ? — A. Yes. Q. Do you know from what particular point? — A. No, I can not tell; but I remember very well that ships have come here from that country. Q. I think it is Port Principe that timber has been shipped from? — A. Very probably. 1 guess that is right. Q. With a sufficient investment in the business by a man who under- stood the provinces and the people here, what would be a fair average REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 115 return on capital invested in the timber business? — A. Well, that all depends on chance. We calculate generally that timber ought to yield from 30 to 40 per cent, and sometimes a hundred per cent, and then a man might lose everything. Europeans and Americans can’t cut tim- ber themselves. Q. Why?— A. Owing to the climate and the heat. Q. What do you think of the use of saws for felling trees? — A. A chain saw was tried by a gentleman, but he didn’t get any result. I tried it myself but the men would not use it. You know, they will have their own way. Q. In your own experience have you had serious trouble in getting on with the native workmen? Have you had any difficulty in getting the risrht sort of labor? — A. I have never had the slightest trouble with anyone. Q. Are you able to get all the help you want? — A. If I only say I want to go anywhere there are 40 men ready to go. Q. How much a month or a year do your woodcutters average in wages, as a matter of fact? — A. A woodcutter wouldn’t earn more than between $60 and $100, Mexican, a year, and that would be paid him in part in dry goods, gin, cigars, and rice. Q. And this sum that you have mentioned is what the dry goods, etc., would actually cost you? — A. Oh, no; there is 50 per cent profit for me on that. Of course, if you want the truth I will tell you. That profit is on dry goods and cigars and manufactured goods, but not on rice. The profit on dry goods and cigars is 50 per cent. Q. I wanted to know if this statement you made as to the value of the earnings of the natives was the actual cost to you or to them. — A. No; that refers to the value of his work. Q. And what about his family? To what extent do you have to employ his wife and his children ? — A. The women make mats, bay ones; others make nipa, bejuca, and others are engaged gathering brea; and the children, the boys, even at ten years, go with the cara- baos and haul the timber and help their fathers. Q. Are the services of the family included in the wages you men- tioned ? — A. That is private. The women do that for themselves. Q. Do you assist them in marketing these goods ? — A. I did. They brought them out to my place and I bought the goods from them, giving them a certain price for them. Latterly, I didn’t want to bother with it, so they take the goods to Bassacao and sell them there. Q. Do you expect to go back and take up your business again when things quiet down? — A. Yes. I am here really now waiting. Iam very unluck}'. I made application to the captain of the port to give me a permit to go down there, having chartered two vessels — the Ilelminia and the Carolina^ — and loaded them with stuff, and I wanted go out, but 1 was stopped. In the meantime I have made promises which I can not fulfill, and I am very anxious to go as soon as it is safe for me to do so. Q. You are meaning to go back? — A. I was read}' to go. Pipoch was ready to go with me. 1 don’t fear even now. By Admiral Dewey: Q. How long ago was that ? — A. We got the permit about a montn ago, and this occurred about a week later. Of course there must be some very good reason for it. You see, my home is down there and I REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 116 am living here on friends. I have furnished a house here in Manila in order to live a little comfortably. I have an American gentleman living with me. For some months 1 have done nothing but go around to see when I can go home. Q. When was that order recalled? — A. About a week after, just when we had loaded the ships and were ready to go. Now we can’t get any ships loaded to go to those parts. Q. They were clearing ships to Samar up to ten days ago; that is, a week ago last Saturday they were. Q. In regard to planting coffee, there has been a great deal said about the destruction of the coffee plant by the borer. Have you been troubled down there b}T the borer ? — A. No; I have never been trou- bled down there. I can not speak from a large experience; my experi- ence dates only from four years ago, when I began planting therewith good success. Q. Do you know whether anyone has found any way of combating them? — A. I don’t know of any. In Batangas it has been tried with some sulphide, but without success. Q. What quality of abaca do you produce down there? — A. Very tine. Q. Do you find you can clear timber from the land and put abaca in? — A. Fes. Q. Coffee must be planted on the hillside ?— A. On the slopes of the river; that is both abaca and coffee land. Q. What height do you have to go, about, for coffee? — A. Only a few hundred feet, that is all, on the inland, sheltered by mountains, and just on the slopes of the river or the rivulets. Q. Do you find that moisture makes any trouble with your coffee ? — No; I have not met with that experience; the contrary has been my experience. INTERVIEW WITH SENORES GONZAGA, PILAR. BARRETO, ZIALCITA. Manila, May 22, 1899. Present: President Jacob Gould Schurman, in the chair; Col. Charles Denby and Prof. Dean C. Worcester, commissioners; and Mr. John R. MacArthur, secretary. Also present: Senor Gracio Gonzaga, Senor Gregorio del Pilar, Senor Alberto Barreto, Capt. Lorenzo Zialcita. President Schurman. Will you have the goodness to state from whom you come, gentlemen. Senor Gonzaga. We are emissaries of Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo. President Schurman. Of course, you understand we do not recognize any government in the Archipelago except the Government of the United States. (To this statement Senor Gonzaga and his companions made no reply, but bowed.) Nevertheless, we are exceedingly glad to meet such distinguished gentlemen and converse with you on the situation here. Senor Gonzaga. Many thanks. President Schurman. Our commission has something authoritative to say from the President of the U nited States. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 117 Senor Gonzaga. Our commission has the honor 'to salute the Amer- ican commission and fulfill its duty in doing so, and also wishes, on the part of General Aguinaldo, to state that the General is anxious to finish this war; that he knows that war is harmful to the country, and that it is his desire to terminate it. President Schurman. This commission, on behalf of the President of the United States, desires to reciprocate that sentiment. Senor Gonzaga. For this reason the gentleman whom we repre- sent has sent this commission here to hear the plan of government which your commission will propose, and which they think fitting for the country, in order that he may explain it to the people. President Schurman. I will now explain the plan definitely pro- posed by the President of- the United States: (At this juncture there was read the cablegram of May 5, 1899. See Vol. I, p. 9.) President Schurman. I received a telegram in those words from the President of the United States. Senor Gonzaga. Our general, in his ardent desire for the good of his people — for he has no other desire — wishes to present the plan of government, which the American Government wishes to implant here, to the people, in order that the Philippine people may consider it and study it well; and should they accept it he himself is perfectly agree- able. Whatever may be the form of the government which the United States may see fit to establish in these islands, and although we know that you do not recognize our government, it should be remem- bered that General Aguinaldo has established a government here, of which he is the President, which is a republican form of government, and this being- taken into account he must consult the people, in order that peace may be eternal and may be true peace. For, although he might make peace and sign it, if the army is not agreeable to this, or if the people are not agreeable to this, the peace would not be final and eternal; it would only be temporary peace. With this end in view, he wishes to be thoroughly familiar with the plan of government in all its details, in order that he may explain it thoroughly to the Phil- ippine people. Senor Barreto. I wish to add a few words to those spoken by my companion. The Philippine people have lived under an illusion in the hope of independence, and General Aguinaldo wishes that this hope may be realized in full, or that the people act by their own will in case the hope is not realized. President Schurman. What hope? Senor Barreto. The people have lived under this illusion, and in order that he may explain and make clear this proposition there should be a meeting of the representatives of the Philippine people to make plain this form of government. President Schurman. A reunion of the people in their congress? Senor Barreto. Exactly. President Schurman. Have you not just had a meeting of your congress, Senor Barreto? Senor Barreto. We have had a meeting, but there was not a suf- ficient number present to represent the people. On account of our being in a state of war, some of the representatives were in one prov- ince, some in another, and they were not able to meet; for that rea- son General Aguinaldo has to beg a cessation of hostilities, in order to call a meeting. 118 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Professor Worcester. He didn't say that. He did not say any- thing about a cessation of hostilities. He probably will. Mr. Green (interpreter). That is the substance of what he said. He said to “stop the war.” Senor Barreto. We wish to suspend hostilities, for without a sus- pension of hostilities, as the gentlemen will understand, it is impossi- ble to have a meeting. Professor Worcester. How many men did you get together, as a matter of fact? President Schurmax. How many persons were present at your congress ? Senor Barreto. Fifteen. President Schurmax. How many make a quorum \ Senor Barreto. There should be at least 32 present. There are 110 members. In order to hold a meeting they must have 55. Professor Worcester. I am free to say to them that, by the new rule, 16 can do business. We would like to know about that. President Schurmax. Haven’t they a new rule by which 16 make a quorum \ Senor Barreto. I am speaking according to our constitution. No. But General Aguinaldo wishes not only to explain to this congress, but. also to all the elements, the living forces of the people — all the people themselves, including the military force — this plan of government. President Schurmax. Who are the living forces of the country? Senor Barreto. The military forces and the most enlightened people of the towns; and for that reason we have been sent here to get the most complete and the greatest details of the plan of government which the American Government wishes to establish here; not the gen- eral lines, because we know those from the proclamation; for in the proclamation, which we have had the pleasure of reading since we came to Manila, there appeared nothing more than general lines on which the government will be established, which it is desired to establish. With this in view, we wish that the American commission would give us information about the plan of government which the President of the U nited States wishes to establish here. President Schurmax. It is here [referring to cablegram]. We submit it to you here to-day. This is a scheme which the President of the United States can put in force immediately. Of course, the final mat- ter is in the hands of Congress, but the President can set up this gov- ernment now and it will remain in force pending the action of Con- gress, and until Congress takes action Senor Barreto. That is to say, that this plan of government can be established here only for the present, but that the final plan of gov- ernment must be established by resolutions of Congress. President Schurmax. This government would remain in force until Congress acted, and this commission, after consulting with these gen- tlemen, will recommend to Congress a permanent and definite form of government. Senor Barreto. That is very true ; but, of course, the plan of gov- ernment will be a question for discussion by the Congress of the United States, and we will not be aware of what will be the definite and per- manent form of government for the Philippine Islands until Congress has made its decision. President Schurmax. Having this government in force, which can REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 119 go in force to-morrow if we have peace, the Philippine people must trust this commission, the President of the United States, and Congress. Sefior Barreto. 1 do not comprehend. (President Schurman repeated his last statement.) Sefior Barreto. That is to say that this plan of government which will be submitted to us by the commission will be the plan to be enforced until the resolution of Congress. President Schurman. Two things are to be said. First, this govern- ment will remain in force until Congress acts, and Congress need not take action this year or next year ; and secondly, this commission is here for the express purpose of finding out what form of government the Philippine people desire and then making recommendations to Con- gress regarding the permanent form of government which they desire and which they will approve. We are here to find out what form of government you desire, and then to make recommendations thereon to Congress. Sefior Barreto. The idea is, then, that you are to recommend the plan of government which you have considered here for a final plan of government? President Schurman. Yes. Sefior Barreto. This is the plan of government which is to be in force until the action of Congress? Colonel Denby. It is the plan we propose, but we are willing to listen to you and find out what ideas }mu have on the subject. Sefior Gonzaga. We can not make suggestions, because perhaps our suggestions would not be acceptable to you, but what we desire is to take the plan of government which you have studied up and have thought tit for the people, to take it into our own territory and sub- mit it to our people, and if any changes in this plan of government seem necessary or proper to bring back the plan here with these suggestions. President Schurman. We will give you a copy of this plan of the President’s for such consideration. Sefior Gonzaga. This plan is provisional, as we understand. This plan is provisional until such time as Congress acts, and we understand also that President McKinley has sent this commission here to the islands to consider and study a plan of government for them, and we understand that the form of government which you think proper to establish here will be the plan of government which President McKinley will submit to Congress, and if it meets the approval of Congress it is to be the definite form for the country, and we wish to submit this plan of government which you have thought proper for the islands to our people, with the end in view of establishing peace. President Schurman. The President of the United States thought it more important to provide a definite scheme of government for the present which should be established at once. Sefior Gonzaga. We are not speaking of the plan of government which is to be enforced at present, but of the plan of government which will be recommended as the permanent plan. President Schurman. Until a permanent form of government shall be developed, if this plan be once established and successful it will be the plan of government, and our commission and the President of the United States desire to have this form set up now in order that peace being thereby established the commission may have the benefit of the advice of the distinguished gentlemen who are now in arms against the 120 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. United States. Let us stop the fighting, set up this form of government, and then get together and agree as to a future and permanent one. Con- sequently, this scheme of the President's is a first and necessary step. It does not matter how long we fight, whether we fight one month, one year, or ten years. The settlement of this question will be on us then as well as now. You can not resist our fighting and you may as well come in at once and help us get a constitution, but you must stop fighting in order to get the question settled. The first step is for you to stop fighting, the second a provisional form of government, the third a definite form of government, and finally Senor Gonzaga. For this reason we have come here to put an end to the war, and to put the provisional form of government before the people for their consideration. President Schurman. There is a difference. We want not a suspension of hostilities, but an absolute cessation, a termination of fighting, and General Aguinaldo can bring the fighting to an end at once. That is what we want. And war being terminated, next day this form of government can be implanted ; and then, in the third place, consulta- tion between the distinguished Philippine gentlemen and our commis- sion regarding the permanent and definite form of government to be recommended to our Congress. And if you stop fighting, you run no risk regarding the temporary form of government, for the President of the United States has outlined it; and as to the ultimate form of government, you do not run any great risk, because, as you know, the President’s idea is embodied in the provisional form of government, and you know the intention of this commission ; and this commission desires to satisfy the Philippine people so far as possible. Senor Barreto. That is to say, it is always a possibility President Schurman. You must trust us, as we will have to trust you. There is the possibility of deception; but it is not the policy of this commission or of the United States to deceive anybody. Senor Barreto. But we have wished to know how the commission would cease hostilities. Our desire is that peace should be eternal, and a good feeling should be eternal between the United States and the Philippine people. President Schurman. They can terminate the war by accepting the President’s plan of government. You lie re have peace with honor. Stop fighting, and here is an excellent scheme of government provided by the President of the United States for you. Peace with dignity. Senor Barreto. You wish to say, then, that if we accept this plan of government all hostilities will be at an end ' President Schurman. We wish to say that if you stop fighting you can have this form of government. You have the word of the Presi- dent of the United States. Senior Bahreto. What I understood you to say in the first place was that if we accepted this plan of government hostilities would cease immediately. President Schurman. No; I said there were three steps we had to consider. The first was your stopping fighting; the second, the Pres- ident of the United States setting up this form of government, and the President would do it as soon as you stop fighting. Senor Barreto. Then, in the first place we must stop the war, and in the second place this plan of government will be established, and in the third place there would be the study, the consultation, and reeom- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 121 menilations to Congress. 1 understand, then, that in the first place we are to stop the war, in the second place that this form of provisional government will be established, and in the third place that this form of government being in force we are to advise with and consult with the commission about the final form of the government which they will recommend to President McKinley, and which he will recommend to Congress as the final form of government for these islands. President Sciiurman. I should want to add to that statement this other: This commission will, so far as it is by any means possible, desire to meet the views and wishes of the distinguished Filipinos regarding their permanent form of government, subject only and always to the fact of American sovereignty. We are very anxious to come to an understanding with you, but only under one condition, the fact of American sovereignty. Senor Barreto. You wish, then, to hear the desires of enlightened Filipinos about the definite form of government, always considering the sovereignty of America? President Schurman. After we have secured peace and the provi- sional form of government is established, because it is not possible to get the views of all these people until peace is settled: that is what we want. Senor Barreto. And that is why we have come. President Schurman. Why don't you stop fighting, then. Senor Barreto. For that reason we have come now in order that we may explain to the people the plan of government which you propose. President Schurman. How does the President’s scheme of govern- ment please you? Senor Barreto. We have still to consider it, to study it, and our intelligence is not sufficient to answer the question at the moment, on the spur. There are many complicated questions and you, Mr. Schur- man, will understand that we can not give an answer immediately. President Schurman. W e think you underrate your own intelligence. Senor Barreto. Mr. Schurman, you pay us a compliment, but you know that we are not capable of giving an immediate answer. What we desire is to study this plan and give an answer later. President Schurman. We have already outlined almost the same scheme to a former commissioner of General Aguinaldo. Senor Barreto. Our desire at present is to know the details of the plan of government, and to know in what manner the commission wishes the war to be brought to an end. President Schurman. When Colonel Arguelles came in he said the Filipinos “want peace with honor.” We said to him there is neces- sary for peace only this: The recognition of American sovereignty; second, an understanding regarding the form of government, which this commission would want to reach with leading Filipinos; and Colo- nel Arguelles wanted from us some definite statement regarding the form of government proposed, and we telegraphed to Washington and the President of the United States sent back this. Senor Barreto. But not in the nature of a definite form of govern- ment; only for a provisional form. President Schurman. Until Congress acts the President can not do more, and you must trust the President now. Sefior Barreto. Now, we should like to know from the commission how the war should be terminated. 122 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. President Schurman. IN e wish General Aguinaldo to stop ti^htinof immediately. Senor Barreto. NVell. we are the people attacked. How can we stop lighting !! NVe are doing nothing more than defending ourselves. President Schurman. Lay down your arms and the war will stop immediately. The way to end the war is for you to lay down your arms, and the details, that being a military question, are all in the hands of General Otis. Senor Barreto. NVe understand that this question is not purely a military question, but it is a question both military and civil; and peace once having been established and hostilities suspended we could send a representative to the commission to consult and agree about a definite form of government, meanwhile remaining in our own terri- tory with our own form of government. President Schurman. NVe could not recognize any such form of government. Senor Barreto. NN e do not ask a recognition implied or in fact of our government; what we wish is a return to the state of affairs in existence before the 4th of February. Colonel Denby. If we take a hundred years we will still have these questions with us. NVhy not settle them now! Senor Barreto. NVe wish that, for we understand that because of the generous wishes of the American commission we coidcl arrive at a definite end. President Schurman. I think he said, ** NVe want to know what form the general sentiment of the American commission will take.” Senor Barreto. For returning to the condition of affairs as they were before the 4th of February we consider that we shall be in a better position to arrive at a good understanding of the generous impulses and sentiments of the American commission than we are at present. President Schurman. That is a military question on which the com- mission could not undertake to express an opinion. This commission can tell the Philippine people on behalf of the President of the United States Avhat kind of government he is ready to give them, but we have nothing to do with the military question. Senor Barreto. But the commission could order that we may arrive at the end which we both desire — that is, peace and a definite form of government Senor Gonzaga. The gentlemen of the commission have expressed their desire to hear the opinion of the enlightened people in the country about the form of government which is to be established, and we under- stand that the good desire of the gentlemen of the commission can not be attained without a cessation of hostilities. President Schurman. Of course we can hear people who come to us, but we very much prefer fighting should cease. Senor Gonzaga. Then the difficulty arises, in the first place — the people who are fighting at present can not come into our lines, because they are in battle, and they should also be hurt. In the second place, there are many people who have retired to distant places and can not come because they are in peace there in these distant places; and in the third place, there are many unforeseen things which come up in a state of war. things which can not be foreseen by either side, and which have a tendency to cause bitterness on both sides. For instance, the American Armv mav sav we have not followed the line of conduct REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 123 which should be observed according to the rules of war, and this naturally leads to bitterness on our side. President Schurman. If General Aguinaldo and two or three of his most prominent generals came in and sat down at this table as you are here, we believe this whole business could be settled. For exam- ple, some of his military men, some of his secretaries, and some of his prominent civil advisers; for example, Senor Paterno, the head of the cabinet, whose book I have been studying. The}’ know the senti- ments of all their people and their moral influence, and sitting at this table we could settle the thing in a day. Senor Gonzaga. General Aguinaldo has no other desire than the prosperity of his country, and he wishes to settle this plan of govern- ment, and he wishes to submit this plan of government to his people in order to be exempt from any responsibility afterwards; for it is possible that if he simply says I wish this or I wish that and it does not turn out well afterwards the people may say that he is to blame. President Schurman. General Aguinaldo can not have any stronger desire for the welfare, prosperity, and happiness of the Philippine people than we. Senor Gonzaga. I thank you on behalf of myself and my com- panions. President Schurman. And if General Aguinaldo, with half a dozen of his leading military and civil advisers, sat here, I am persuaded we could end this matter immediately. Senor Barreto. To this we may answer that the wish of General Aguinaldo and of his advisers would never be the wish of the entire Philippine people. President Schurman. The answer to that is that General Aguinaldo does not begin to control the entire archipelago. Senor Barreto. We shall inform General Aguinaldo as to what the desires of the commission in this respect are. Professor Worcester. It is customary for people who have a con- trolling influence in a country to assume responsibility. They are trying to assume it in the possession of the government; and they ought to assume it now. President Schurman. General Aguinaldo and his leaders are taking the initiative in this war. If they come here and agree with us we would run the risk for all the rest of the people agreeing with him. For that reason it is not necessary to call all of the people of the archipelago into conference. It is not possible to do it. We have already had communications from many provinces saying they are waiting only for the action of General Aguinaldo; for an agreement between General Aguinaldo and ourselves. Senor Barreto. We can not give a definite answer to this, but will propose it to General Aguinaldo. For we do not know whether he would wish to come here, or would accept this responsibility. President Schurman. Of course, they would come here as private individuals, but it wTould give us the greatest pleasure to welcome them, and the communications which we have from other provinces show that the Philippine people are very desirous that General Agui- naldo should reach an agreement with the commission. Senor Barreto. We could not assume the responsibility of answering for General Aguinaldo whether he would be willing to come here and assume that responsibility, but we will lay the matter before him. 124 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. We first desire from the commission their intercession with General Otis in favor of an arrangement for a cessation of hostilities in order that this agreement may he reached. President Schurman. The commission, under its instructions from the President, could not mix in any way with military affairs. Senor Barreto. What we wish the commission to do is not to act in this military matter, but only to intercede for us, seconding the favorable desires of the President. President Schurman. We think that we have supplied the Philip- pine people with an honorable reason for laying down their arms, viz: This liberal form of government which the President of the United States offers them and the proclamation of the commission. The Presi- dent's programme and the proclamation assure the people of the Philippine Islands the most liberal form of government that the}- have ever had. Senor Barreto. Any government is more liberal than Spanish government. I do not refer especially to autonomy, but any govern- ment whatever is more liberal than the Spanish form of goverr.u:: President Schurman. The President’s programme and scheme of government is exceedingly liberal. Senor Barreto. If I am allowed to speak it is a very liberal pro- gramme of government, but more liberal forms of government could exist. President Schurman. We have promised in our proclamation an ever-increasing freedom. Senor Gonzaga. Yes; liberty very much greater. President Schurman. What more liberal form do you suggest ( Senor Barreto. I would desire a form of government more liberal than anything that has been proposed so far. President Schurman. In what respect % Senor Barreto. In all the departments named. President Schurman. Kindly explain in detail, Senor Barreto. We can not explain this in detail at present, for we have not come charged with this mission. President Schurman. You say the President's programme is not suf- ficiently liberal, and yet you won’t tell us what form of liberal govern- ment you desire. Senor Barreto. As members of this commission we can not explain ourselves in detail, but can only say for the present that while this is a liberal programme, there might exist other programmes more liberal. This is a much more liberal plan of government than that of the Spanish. It is like comparing heaven and earth. President Schurman. I think it rather hard that you criticise the President’s scheme as not liberal enough, and yet will not indicate any points in which it ought to be more liberal. Senor Barreto. The members of this commission were not author- ized to do so. We are only authorized as members of this commission to hear the proposition of the American commission. President Schurman. Then T infer the power which authorized you may think the President’s scheme is more liberal than you think it to be. Senor Baretto. As private individuals, and not as members of the commission, 1 or any one of my colleagues can say that we consider this plan very liberal and very suitable for the country. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 125 President Schurman. i want to put aside all minor questions and come to the principal point. The fundamental point is this : We all desire peace.. Senor Gonzaga. Undoubtedly. President Schurman. For you two courses are open, and only two. In the first place, you can go on fighting. In that case you will ulti- mately be beaten by the superior power of the United States, and the chances of getting good terms then will not be so good as they are at present. The second course is this : You can stop fighting at once, and in the Philippines the scheme of government authorized by the President will be set up. Meantime this commission will consult with your leading men and endeavor to reach a form of government satisfactory to you. The question for you to decide is this : Which course is it more profitable for you to pursue ? Senor Barreto. The second road is undoubtedly the better road for us to follow, and for that reason we have come to propose peace, and for the thousand reasons which we have stated to General Otis. For war being continued, the good feeling would be diminished and hatred would be increased, for the death of one individual affects all of his relatives. For this reason we desire a cessation of war. America will lose nothing by the cessation of hostilities. America knows with her power that she can annihilate all of our forces. We understand that the United States, by its superior force, can recon- quer the country, although by doing so it will cause death and cause hatred, but we have come to bring peace about, so that the Philippine people should not lose and shall not be prejudiced in the settlement. President Schufman. The Philippine people are protected by the President's form of government and by the commission's proclamation. Senor Barreto. We wish also to add that this cessation of hostilities would reassure the people a great deal; they would understand then that the United States wished nothing but their best interest. The Philippine people would so be better convinced of the lofty and gener- ous sentiments and desires of the American people, having it in their power to suppress them and at the same time coming to an amicable agreement. President Schurman. A general who makes war and continues war has also a right to stop it. Is it not true General del Pilar? General del Pilar. Yes. President Schurman. And consequently General Aguinaldo has that power. Senor Barreto. But as there are two generals, two different com- mands, although one might stop war the other might not. General del Pilar. Add also that we did nothing but defend our- selves. We are the people attacked. President Schurman. In reply to General del Pilar we must say that we do not admit that. We reject that statement, but it is a mat- ter of history and we will not discuss it here. Professor Worcester. The translation was not correct. He said there are two generals, one of whom desires peace and the other does not. President Schurman. Are there two generals, one desiring peace and the other desiring war ? Senor Barreto. No: you (turning to Professor Worcester) did not understand me. What I said was, as there were two generals in the REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 126 question, one general would not assume without the other to keep any peace until they came to an agreement. President Schurman. In such a case somebody has to stop fighting, and among civilized nations it is always the one which is beaten, as, for instance, Spain. Senor Barreto. I don’t understand that it is absolutely necessary to put an end to war that one army should be conquered. An arrange- ment can be made between both armies before one is conquered. President Schurman. Generally, one is getting the worst of it, and the general who is getting the worst of it has sense enough to knovv that they are going to be beaten and gives up his arms as was done in the recent war with Spain, especially when the conquered party, the one that is being beaten, can get all his reasonable desires. Senor Barreto. This would be a great humiliation to our army. For our army has shed its blood in order to destroy the Spanish Gov- ernment in making common cause with the Americans. President Schurman. They have dinuned the luster and obscured the glory of that by fighting the United States. General del Pilar. TVhat can you expect of us when we are attacked ? President Schurman. I have already denied that assertion. AVe do not want to go into that question here. AYe have come here to make peace and to supply and furnish a free government for the people and we want them to regard us in that light. Senor Barreto. In this way we wish to regard you. President Schurman. If you will stop fighting it is the opinion of this commission that there is no reasonable doubt about satisfying your desires. By “stop fighting ” we mean lay down your arms. Can you find educated Filipinos who are fit for counselors and judges ? Senor Barreto. I believe so. In some of the districts it would be difficult to find people from the district itself suitable, because there are some districts where there is no enlightenment — for instance in Mindanao — but doubtless in the islands would be found people per- fectly fit for these positions; for under the Spanish Government, although the chiefs of the Government were Spanish, the whole weight of the administration of these different departments was borne by Filipinos. President Schurman. The policy of the United States and of the President of the United States will be to appoint Filipinos to all offices which they are qualified to fill — post-offices, custom-houses, and other offices, secretaries, and mayors of cities. Naturally the direction M ould be in the hands of Americans, but we do not expect that a large number of Americans will be necessary at all. Senor Barreto. In all branches of the administration, then, as, for example, the treasury, Filipinos of ability will have admission ? President Schurman. Filipinos of ability and good character m ill have the preference. Senor Barreto. And how will the judicial power be organized? President Schurman. I repeat that the direction M ill naturally be in the hands of the Americans. The heads of this department will natural ly be Americans. The courts will be composed of both Americans and Filipinos. The President says either Americans or Filipinos, or both, and also the judges. And now General Otis is establishing civil courts and the majority of the judges are to be Filipinos; and I want you to REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 127 judge of the action of the United States in the future by what. General Otis is doing now and by what the President sets forth in his tele- gram and we in our proclamation; and in the same way we should desire to have, as soon as it is practicable, Filipinos for police service and fora local army, if a local army were necessary — a local militia. Senor Barreto. Are all the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands subject to the jurisdiction of these courts? President Schurman. Do you refer to the courts General Otis is about establishing? Senor Barreto. Yes; to those provisional courts when he estab- lishes them. President Schurman. All over whom we have effective jurisdiction, and the plan of the President contemplates courts with Filipinos and Americans as judges, which shall have jurisdiction over the entire archipelago. Senor Barreto. There will not be any duality of courts? President Schurman. No; we desire to have the same courts for the entire archipelago and for all citizens and residents, and that is one reason why it is necessary to have some American judges in order to satisfy the foreigners. Mixed tribunals, rather. We have had the idea of keeping, for the time being at least, the laws in force as codi- fied by Spain, subject, of course, to change whenever change is neces- sary. Senor Barreto. Of course that should done. The meeting here adjourned. TESTIMONY OF SENOR ALBERT. Manila, May 30, 1899. Present: President Schurman (in the chair), Colonel Denbv, and Mr. MacArthur. Jose Albert, in response to the questions of the commissioners, stated as follows: By President Schurman: Q. Will you have the goodness to describe very briefly your place of residence, the place of your birth, and your education? — A. My residence is No. 37 San Nicholas. I am from Manila. I studied here in the College of Jesuits. I matriculated in medicine here at the age of 14; I received a B. A. and was entered in medicine; studied medicine four years, and afterwards I went to Madrid; in Spain I finished my course and took the licentiate, and afterwards the doctor’s degree in three years, after the four years here; and afterwards I went to Paris; studied for the practice of a specialist; made a specialty of obstetrics. I was six months in Paris. Afterwards I went to Berlin, where I studied a year and a half under Dr. Olds Hansen, in obstetrics and diseases of women. Afterwards I returned to Paris and then to Marseilles and to Manila. I arrived here in 1891 and have always been in the profession since 1891 and without any relation to matters political. On account of the revolution I was prosecuted without any reason whatever, but was cleared in eighteen days. That w^as in 1896, 128 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. at the beginning of the revolution. I remained here until June of last year. At the time of the blockade 1 went to Maraquina and there 1 had reasons to meet Aguinaldo and talk with him and to be with him ever since. By Colonel Denby: Q. Did you go in the government service there? — A. In July I was nominated by them, having presented myself to the government of Aguinaldo, as his second chief of military sanitation, and I occupied that post for two months. Afterwards, at the end of that time, they gave me the post of director of sanitation; that was on the 22d or 23d of September. Q. Was that a civil or a military post? — A. A civil post. By President Schurman: Q. And you have retained that position since ? — A. Yes, until now; when I came away I had this post. Q. What were your functions? — A. Inspector of sanitation in all the provinces. Afterwards I was appointed and elected as a member of congress. Q. How many members were in that congress ?— A. About 91. Q. How many were elected and how many were appointed? — A. About half were appointed and the others were elected. All the provinces, all the members in the captured provinces, were elected. They elected their members. Q. Who nominated them?— A. Appointments were always made by the ministry of government, the ministry of the interior, with the sanction of the president. Q. AYere you a member of a commission to come here?— A. 1 was named as a member of a commission but it was not confirmed. 1 will tell you the start of it. The principal task of the revolutionary con- gress was to form a constitution. This constitution was promulgated on the 23d of January. This was the end of the task, and the congress forthwith became the congress of the Philippine republic. The con- stitution being promulgated, the revolutionary congress came to an end and the republican congress began with the same members. The day was fixed for the 15th of April for the congress to begin its labors, but as they were not able on the loth of April, the day set to meet in Alalolos, it was postponed until the 5th of May. Q. AA^as there any session of the congress of the Philippine repub- lic prior to that day in February or March? — A. No; no work at all. Q. How long did the session last of the congress of the Philippine republic after the promulgation of the constitution ? — A. Upon the promulgation of the constitution this revolutionary congress came to an end and the republican congress set the day for meeting on the 15th of April, but as I have said, on the 15th of April they were not able to meet, consequently in January, February, and Alarch nothing was done at all. So they were not able to do anything until the 5th of May. On the 5th of May they received a message from President Aguinaldo. This message you will have read. Q. How many members were in that congress on the 5th of May ? — A. There were 16. In reply to this message of the president we thought that the government of Alabina should be displaced and that the government should enter into negotiations with General Otis; that we should recognize the American sovereignty according to your REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 129 proclamation and enter into a discussion of an autonomous constitu- tion. Q. How many persons voted for that programme? — -A. Fifteen votes were east in favor of this; all but one, who did not vote. This was explained by the fact that he was a member of the government, of the treasury, and it would not be fitting for him to vote against a government of which he was a member, but nevertheless it was agreed that that policy should be adopted. That decision was trans- mitted to Aguinaldo, that a new cabinet be appointed who should appoint a committee to enter into negotiations for peace. Naturally Paterno went into power, and, as you know, Buencamino was president. Q. Why 'was Paterno naturally the head of the new cabinet? — A. Paterno was called to this duty, because Paterno was the man who negotiated the treaty at Biae-Na-Bato, and we had more confidence in him, and also to inspire confidence in the American Government that he would arrange affairs. Q. Was Paterno suggested to Aguinaldo by the Congress? — A. No. Q. Who made the selection?— A. Friends among themselves in pri- vate conversations, in which the president also joined. It is certain that if Dr. Agoncillo, when the ballot was taken, had not remained with the Americans he would have been the president of the cabinet. Q. Who were the other members of the commission? — A. I will indicate to you the membership of the commission: President, Buenca- mino, Vice-President, Florentine Torres, from Manila; Secretary, Pablo Ocampo, of Manila; Vice-Secretary, Cruz Herrera, and the other mem- bers were Colonel Arguelles and General Gregorio del Pilar, Maximo Pa- terno, the brother of the president of the cabinet, and I, Jose Albert. Q. Who named this commission? — A. The government in agree- ment with the president. Q. And why didn't this commission come to us? — A. The following is the explanation: The commission met on the 7th and we had the basis on which we were to act agreed on. On the 8th the commission was all ready, had its work all done, but it was necessary for us to get the opinions of the generals. On the 9th or 10th the generals met in session with the commission, not all the generals, but General Del Pilar and General Luna and some colonels and lieutenant-colonels were present. We had a great deal of discussion. The result was that the military men said that they would keep still; that they were nothing but military men and would allow the government to go on where it would. It was plain that Luna was not exactly agreeable, but he said nothing but that he woidd follow the government. The government consequently went on in this mode of thought until a telegram came from General Luna saying, “Stop the journey of the commissioners; 1 have revelations to make.” For six or seven days we waited, but Luna did not come; he was in Tarlac. Q. Where were you?— A. We were in San Isidro. On the 13th I was in San Isidro. General Luna did not come, and the president, Aguinaldo, went to Cabanatuan with all his cabinet (because where the president goes the cabinet goes), so I am not a witness as to what passed beyond what I know myself, which I will tell you. On the fol- lowing day, the 17th, General Luna came to Cabanatuan in the even- ing. On his arrival he sent a messenger looking for Buencamino, Arguelles, Paterno, and Albert (myself), it was said, to arrest us, to detain us. He went to the presidency, where he met Buencamino, with p c 9 130 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. whom he had a discussion, he saying that Buencamino was going to sell his native land to the traitor. The president intervened and the matter was arranged and settled. Nothing happened, and Luna went back to Tarlac, and the government, to avoid ill feeling on the part of anyone, appointed the commission which came here with what powers you know. * Q, What powers had your commission — the first commission ? — A. When we became members of this commission we exacted the follow- ing powers to arrange business with the American Government on the basis of the recognition of American sovereignty, because on the basis of such recognition of American sovereignty we were going to treat on the question of autonomy, or, to put it better, we were going to arrange the economic constitution and discuss the matter of an auton- omous constitution. The following was the basis of the autonomic constitution. Q. Did Aguinaldo give to the commission these powers which you have described, or were they simply the powers that the commission desired ( — A. He was disposed to give us those powers when this quarrel arose. Everything was written and ready and there was wanting only the signature at that time. Q. What are the bases of this autonomous constitution? — A. These are the fundamental principles, bases of the autonomous constitution: First. The government of the Philippine archipelago is to be popu- lar, representative, and responsible; three distinct powers shall exercise it — the executive, legislative, and judicial. The executive power shall reside in the governor-general, appointed b}r the President of the United States. This is the sovereignty. He shall exercise it, assisted by a council of secretaries. All the orders which the governor shall exercise shall be referred to and executed by the respective secretaries. The governor shall have a relative veto power equal to that held by the President of the United States and by the governors of the differ- ent States; for instance, the governor of Pennsylvania or the governor of New York. A ma jority of the secretaries shall be Filipinos — natives — and should enjoy the confidence of parliament. They should be named by the governor, and they shall be charged by the governor with put- ting in force the laws passed by the parliament or congress and respon- sible to the same. Legislative power: It shall be organized under the same conditions as that of the United States, and with similar functions. It shall have the power to legislate in regard to everything that pertains to the country — that refers to the Philippines — and we desire also a voice on the question of exports. Q. I don’t understand clearly what is the field of legislation for this congress. Is it proposed that this congress should legislate for cus- toms, post-offices, and foreign relations? — A. I will explain this to you by degrees. In the matter of customs we are especially emphatic on the question of exportation of the articles produced by the country. In the case of importation we would ask a voice and a vote; in the case of exports we would also ask a voice and a vote. In regard to the mails, cable lines, and that sort of thing, of course this being a matter that has to do with foreign nations and of a foreign character— an extra character — it belongs to the governing power, and we should not desire a voice nor a vote in it; but as in the sixth article of your proclamation it states that the funds of the treasury of the Philippines REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 131 shall be applied to the Philippines only and not one cent of them shall go out to America, we wish to know whether this is exactly the mean- ing of this article. To our understanding that is what it means. Of course what we have asked is based upon your proclamation of April 4. The basis of everything we ask is your proclamation of April 4. We want to know if we have rightly understood it? By President Schurman: Q. The United States does not desire to make one cent of money out of the Philippine Islands, and, as the proclamation said, all money raised by local taxes will be spent locally. — A. This matter about mails and similar things we leave to American supervision, which has more experience in such things than we have. Concerning the judicial power, it should be final, in the sense that there shall not be an appeal from the islands to any court in the United States. All cases should end here. By Colonel Denby: Q. Suppose the United States were interested in a case, would you object to an appeal to our Supreme Court? — A. In the case of an American subject engaged in a suit here, do you mean? Q. No; I mean if the United States Government itself was a party to an action. Suppose the action involved the interpretation of the con- stitution of the Philippines or of the Constitution of the United States what objection could you possibly have to such a case as that being appealed to the Supreme Court, a case involving constitutional ques- tions?— A. As the governor has a veto power to intervene in all matters of local law, but in maritime cases — admiralty cases, for in- stance— .naturally the supreme court should be in the United States, belonging as it does to the sovereign power. Q. Under our system we have the right to take to the Supreme Court any case involving a constitutional question, that is, involving the interpretation of the constitution. What earthly objection could there be if there was a case decided by the supreme court of Manila — as I presume there will be a supreme court here — if anyone wanted to appeal from that decision, to settle this question, what objection could there be to appealing such a case to the United States? — A. I think that undoubtedly on this point there would be no objection made to such cases going to the Supreme Court, arid that our commission would have been so disposed. Q. In the United States we can not appeal to the United States Supreme Court unless the amount involved is $5,000 or unless there is a constitutional question raised. — A. In thatcase, suppose twoFilipinos had a suit in which $5,000 were involved, would that go to the Supreme Court ? Q. No; they could not go there unless there was more than $5,000 involved.— A. This discussion, is of no practical importance, because there probably would not be a case here that anybody would want to appeal. The supreme court here would settle the question. It is not worth while discussing that question, because there would be no diffi- culty, for that is a question that lawyers — American and Filipino law- yers— could get together and settle, and probably there would not be more than one case from Manila a year anyway. Q. Criminal cases would be finally decided in this island. — A. The president of the supreme court and the procurador fiscal (attorney- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 132 general) shall be elected by both houses of congress. This is a ques- tion for lawyers and doubtless needs no discussion, but this was suggested there, and I mention it as enumerating our bases. Q. Is there any more about the courts ? — A. No. Q. Who would appoint the other judges, the governor-general ? — A. The president of the supreme court shall propose them to the governor-general, who shall appoint them. Q. Does the governor-general appoint these judges from the nomi- nation of the president of the supreme court? — A. Yes; when pro- posed by the president of the supreme court the governor-general appoints them. Constitutional guaranties can not be suspended upon the supposition that there will be a constitution embodying the rights and privileges of the people. It is proposed that the consent of the house of congress, or a majority of the cabinet, when congress is not in session, shall be first obtained before any constitutional guaranties shall be suspended. Supposing that you have a constitution, that these guaranties shall not lie suspended except by congress or by a majority of the cabinet, when congress is not in session. The forma- tion of the army and militia, the entering of the revolutionary army into its ranks in the most just and equitable manner, naturally with their officers and chiefs. As to the Philippine officers, all of them sufficiently instructed, to lie determined by a board of American offi- cers, a commission, as to their fitness, those passing such boards to become officers. If necessary, a military academy here for the admis- sion of Filipinos who might learn military art and science under the instruction of American officers. Q. Suppose the United States took over these soldiers, as you desire, is it your intention that the officers lie Americans, or any of them ? — A. Yes; it ought to be. That is my intention. All public offices are to be filled by natives. By President Schurman: Q. You mean so far as natives are found qualified to do the work ? — A. Certainly; if they are not fit they should not remain two months. Q. You recognize that was the idea of the proclamation, don’t you? A. We are inspired in all this by the proclamation, but under the clauses of the proclamation there are these bases of which we want to inquire. Naturally, in coming here to make inquiries we don't want to ask for heaven and earth. There is one thing more — the exclusion of religious orders; not only this, but their expulsion and the prohi- bition of their return. By President Schurman: Q. That is a question which must be left to the determination of the future government of the Philippine Islands, that being the sub- ject of treaties. — A. But this, of course, is an international question and in the province of the United States, but there might be a treaty by which at the request of the Vatican these people might be returned, and that is the least of it. It is our wish to simply call the attention of the United States Government to these people, that they may have no influence in civil affairs. Of course it is an inter- national matter and in the province of the United States; and further- more, another question arises about the property of these people, which should be paid in and become the property of the Filipino treasury, except, of course, in so far as they can show that the property is theirs REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 133 by right, in which case, as property is property and must be respected, the Philippine government should pay for it and could not avoid paying for it. Q. We have had this question of property brought before us a great many times, and we wish to say that the decision of that question must rest with the courts under the future government. By Colonel Denby: Q. The Philippine government will have very great control over that question, subject only to international obligation already con- tracted, and subject to the construction of the courts of any laws that may be passed. — A. What are those obligations which we have? By President Schurman: Q. The treaty of peace between Spain and the United States pro- tects all property rights in the archipelago? — A. What obligations had the United States contracted with foreign nations in virtue of its sovereignty ? Q. By the treaty of peace between the United States and Spain all just property rights in the archipelago must be respected. — A. We have understood that all property justly acquired shall be properly orotected and respected, and for that reason the Philippine treasury will have to pay for property so justly acquired. That is a necessary proposition. * By Colonel Denby: Q. If any man attempts to take away another man’s property he has got to go into court, and then there is a trial, and the court determines the title to the property. — A. That is the wish and desire of the Philippine people — to pay for such legitimate claims and to get these people out of the country, that they may hold no property here — and we think that this is very little to ask, for we know that in some portions of the United States it is against the law for corpora- tions to hold property of the value of more than $40,000. By President Schurman: Q. The sympathy of the American people is with the aspirations of the Filipino people for freedom. — A. I think that from this point of view the bases that I have read do not ask for heaven itself. We are not asking for heaven itself, but for reasonable things. Q. Will you report this conversation with us to-day? Do you come here with any authority now? Do you represent anybody? — A. No; I do not. I had to remain in San Isidro when the commission was formed owing to the ill health or sickness of my child. The result was I was there when General Lawton arrived with his troops, and I had a talk with him and he gave me the letter which I have brought to you. My exact position in regard to the former commission you can understand yourself now. I understood that 1 was no longer allied to them, inasmuch as the other commission had come here and I had not been with them. I considered myself at liberty, therefore, to speak my own opinion, and I am not representing anyone. What I have said here are my own ideas, but they are in s3Tmpathy with the ideas, 1 think, of the Philippine people, and if they are ideas which are acceptable to the Americans it seem to me that peace is assured, for a great many people sympathize with this view, and war is useless. 134 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. By Colonel Denby: Q. How can you utilize this interview looking toward peace ? Can you communicate it to these people? What active steps will you take now to get to these people and tell them what we have said here By President Schurman: Q. Is it your intention to communicate with the people up there ? — A. I have wished to know whether those propositions which I have made to 3-011 are reasonable. Q. What do 3-0U propose to do with the answer to my question ? I want 3-011 to know that we have a general sympathy with your plans, although on some points 3-ou have gone a great deal further than the President’s authorized programme, but we shall be glad to discuss these matters with persons authorized as the representatives of General Aguinaldo, or General Aguinaldo himself. Of course 3-011 must also remember that the military power is here and that we are not supreme. In relation to the question of the suspension of hostilities, that is one belonging to the military authorities, and has to lie determined by them. — A. This question of the suspension of hostilities is purely a political question, as I look at it, and not a moral' question. 1, 1113-self, in the place of the Americans, would not grant a suspension of hostili- ties from a military point of view, but it seems to me it would be politic to grant a suspension of hostilities from a political point of view, in order that Aguinaldo might give his people the word to recognize the sovereignty of the United States. For such time as there was a suspension, the military honor would not suffer, and it would be a matter of the very highest political importance to allow such a suspension for the animus among the people to die out. There is a great lack of confidence, and the nonsuspension of hostilities would imply a great lack of confidence on the part of the Americans. The nonsuspension of hostilities gives occasion for the opinion among the Filipinos who are in the field that the polk*3' of the United States is a policy of conquest. Naturally I think so, too. B3- Colonel Denby: Q. How can you think that after the proclamation ? You have praised the proclamation. How can 3-ou who have read that proclamation signed by Otis himself, and Dewey, and the other three commission- ers hold that opinion? — A. For the proclamation is a proclamation, and can not go into details and the details are the things which are in dispute. It is a programme and can not be more than such. Q. The question is not a question of detail. — A. 1 don't understand. You said when you came to the Philippines we should have great confidence in America. To that the Filipinos replied, We have confi- dence in America, but we want greater details. If 3-011 do not find 1113- propositions unreasonable, and if General Otis will allow it, I. as a private citizen and neutral party, will have communication with the insurgent camp. I am willing to act as a mediator to send letters to Aguinaldo and to Luna advising them to show themselves more tracta- ble and giving them my impressions; that is, if you wish; for my part I do not seek to impose un-self as a mediator unless it meets with 3-our approval. President Schurman. (To the other commissioners: It is not possible for us to do ain’thing of that kind; it is a matter to be arranged REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 135 between him and General Otis.) We have been very much interested by this interview, and we are exceedingly grateful to you for coming in, and we sincerely hope it. will promote peace, and if you have any- thing more to communicate we will be very glad to hear from you. The meeting adjourned. TESTIMONY OF FELIPE CALDERON AND ANGEL FABIE. Manila, June 5, 1899. Present: President Schurman (in the chair), Colonel Denby, and Professor Worcester, commissioners, and Mr. John R. MacArthur, secretary and counsel; Angel Fabie and Felipe Calderon, witnesses. Felipe Calderon, in response to the questions of the commis- sioners, testilied as follows: By President Schurman: Q. In conversation with us you stated that Luna is the dictator. How did Luna make himself dictator? — A. A person that came from there bringing letters to certain people gave me this news. By Colonel Denby: Q. You stated in conversation that Arguelles, Paterno, and Buenca- mino had been expelled from the Philippines by Luna. Do you know what the charges against Arguelles were? — A. Being an annex- ationist. Q. And what was the charge against Paterno ? — A. The same. Q. And what was the charge against Buencamino? — A. As to that I am not certain, but I suppose the charges against Buencamino were the same, because he wanted peace. Q. How does Aguinaldo stand in this matter? — A. We do not know. Q. Has Luna declared himself dictator? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Has he declared himself openly ? — A. Yes. Q. Has he deposed Aguinaldo from all authority ? — A. I don’t know. We know nothing, except we have news of these facts, without details. I don’t know whether you have this news or not, that a ship loaded with munitions for the rebel camp sailed from Taiwingfu, on the west coast of Formosa, and it appears that this ship has reached her destination. By Professor Worcester: Q. Do you know what port she came in? — A. No, sir. It appears that the}' had a contract with a Belgian arms maker, who had taken a contract to bring arms here, and I am not sure whether they arrived or not. There were two ships; the first one arrived with munitions, and the second one — I don’t know whether or not it has arrived, but there is a contract with the Belgian armorer. By President Schurman: Q. When did Luna declare himself dictator? — A. 1 got the news yesterday. I did not ask when. Q. What effect do you think that will have on the revolution ? — A. A bad effect for the revolution; contrary to their interests and favor- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 136 able to peace, and I will explain why. It is my opinion that the effect that this will have will be favorable to peace, for the old element of the revolution and the new element of the revolution are at odds. Luna represents the new element in the revolution. It is probable that Luna, on account of his sanguinary and arbitrary character, will do d amage — will oppress the older element of the revolution. That would give rise to trouble between them and civil war among the revolutionary party itself. Owing to this civil war there will be a perfect anarchy among the people, and discontent will increase, and consequently they will desire peace. Angel Fabie answered as follows in response to the questions of the commissioners: President Schurman. We are very glad to have you before the com- mission, and we will take the liberty of asking you a few formal questions. Q. Please give us your name. — A. Angel Fabie. Q. I believe you are from Mindoro? — A. Yes. Q. What part? — A. The west coast of Mindoro. 1 was appointed captain of the port of that part of Mindoro. Q. What is the name of the port? — A. From Palawan to Sablian — several villages. Q. How long have you been captain?- -A. I delivered my appoint- ment to the captain of this port immediately. Q. When were you appointed down there? — A. 1 was appointed, I think, on the 8th or the 15th of last November. Q. By Aguinaldo? — A. By Aguinaldo and the secretary of marine. Q. Who was the secretary of marine at that time? — A. Pascualo Le Disma, who was a comrade of mine, because I was a captain and he was a captain, too; and they wished to give me the portfolio of marine, but I wouldn’t accept it, because I found them very ridiculous. Q. What have you been doing there as captain of the port?- — A. Before I received my appointment they assured me, everbody in the ministry, that they never would fight America; first, because the coun- try was friendly to the Americans, and, second, we could not fight a nation so much larger Q. And more powerful — A. Yes; and that was my opinion, and with that condition I accepted my office, and they prepared them selves, not to fight America, but to be able to obtain the most they could. All the writers in the republic — they were friends of mine— were of the same opinion. Q. What do you mean by writers, escritores? — A. The newspapers; the}7 were friends of mine, great friends of mine. One of them— he is very fond of America — told me that they had to write against America because that was their interest — their order from the government — but no one of them believed that; and I accepted my appointment, and I went to my place. When I was there I found that the whole ministry, all of them, were a gang of robbers; they were plundering Q. You mean down in Mindoro? — A. Yes; it is a fearful scene down there. Thomas Aguinaldo, the minister of war’s brother, plun- dered Calamines, Masbate, Romblon, and Tablas — made money Q. What was his office down there; Thomas Aguinaldo? — A. He was a captain in the army, and brother to the minister of war, Barto- meldo Aguinaldo, a cousin of Emilio. The captain went to Mindoro REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 137 and organized a gang of robbers, whose names were — I can’t at the moment recall — in order to plunder Calamianes. He did not call them a gang of robbers, but they were a gang of robbers. Q. What did they call themselves? — A. An army to deliver the villages of Calamianes from the Spanish Government. By Professor Worcester: Q. Which was not there at all? — A. The gang was formed of 21 men. The head was Estaban Causatan; he was accompanied by 21 rob- bers; the names of some of them were Pascal de Silva, Alfonso de Costa, from Cavite — the others 1 don’t know, but I know that they were robbers. This Estaban Causatan in the time of the Spanish Government twice plundered Calamianes. He was condemned here in Bilibid, and he was in jail when the Americans took the capital, and he was sent away, and he went to Mindoro. Thomas Aguinaldo met him there and ordered him to go over to Calamianes and to plunder the villages there. Causatan and some others of them knew very well the conditions in Calamianes, because they had plundered it twice during the Spanish Government, and they took about $00,000 in gold. These islands are very rich. The gang left Mangaring, the harbor south of Mindoro, about the middle or the end of November they went to Cala- mianes, and in February they appeared again in Mindoro, and they brought the boot}'. The booty consisted of pearls — a flask of pearls, a large bottle of pearls — jewels, gold, and silver. By Colonel Denby: Q. Rough gold and silver, or was it coined? — A. Gold and silver. I could not ascertain the quantity; some people said about $ld,000, some said more or less. The booty they buried in the grounds of the Cavite man, who lived there, a relation of Emilio Aguinaldo; his name was Necasio Cabrero. They buried their booty on his grounds. This robber was the son of Mamierto Cabrero, the owner of the place in Mamburao, and he was charged to take care of the booty, and that booty was buried in the grounds of his house. Q. Is it there now? — A. The provincial chief of Mindoro, who was going to marry a sister of Thomas Aguinaldo, was in charge also to save for Thomas Aguinaldo that booty, but he did not go to Mamburao, because he knew I was there, and he knew I would not consent to have him enter, and he tried to make me trouble, you know, for this reason, and he tried to send against me the robbers, but I was prepared with revol- vers and rifles, and they were afraid. Q. Had you soldiers with you? — A. No; I had only four rifles and an American revolver; a nice little revolver. Well, when I was there on the 15th of April my agent there sent me two vessels loaded with cargoes of timber, and those vessels had the American flag, the Ameri- can colors, and they took action in order to plunder those vessels, and I defended them with rifles, and I loaded the vessels, and I was obliged to come with them here; and do you know why I came? Because the people of Mindoro — they know me; they were not against me, only the governor and this relative of Aguinaldo’s; and they told me, “You must get away, because that booty will not be for the provincial chief; because that booty will be for us,” and I told them, “I can not consent to that, because their intention was to kill the presidente local and give the booty to Agui naldo and take the booty. ” I said, ‘ ‘ I can not consent to that, because I am in authority here.” “Well, you must go away,” 188 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. they said, “ because we will not be able to avoid that.” Well, I deter- mined to go, because 1 saw that anarchy was beginning there. They formed a secret society called the Katapunin, and 1 determined to come back here ; and I am sure now that they killed the presidente local. They killed that relative of Aguinaldo’s; and if the chief of the province were there I don’t know but that they would have killed him also. Q. You think so; you don't know that? — A. Because I knew the position of the country there was bad. Q. They wanted to get you away ? — A. They advised me to go. They told me, “ AVe have nothing against you.” They were againstthe native goverment, because they preferred the domination of America to that of any other country. Q. Have they sent any soldiers to Aguinaldo? — A. No; only about sixty. Q. W hat arms have they down there ? — A. Remingtons and Mausers. Q. Plenty? — A. About 120; in all the island of Mindoro about 200 rides. Q. Now ? — A. Not more than 250. Q. Do you know where the arms are at present? — A. No, I do not know. By Colonel Denby: Q. What is the population of Mindoro? — A. Oh, very little. In Calapan about 1.000 only; it is the capital, one of the villages; the other villages run from 200, 500, TOO; not more than that. Q. How many in the whole island? — A. I don’t know; about 5,000 or 2,000; no more than that. By President Schurman: Q. That is, there are wild people in the interior? — A. There are 5,000 civilized people. It would not reach 15,000 civilized people. Maranduque is part of the province. Mindoro has much less people than Maranduque. Q. Where did you learn your English? — A. I used to speak it when I was captain, but I forgot it. By Professor Worcester: Q. Is there an insurgent governor for the whole island of Mindoro now? — A. Yes; his name is Sambon. Q. Where is he? — A. In Calapan. I don't know, if you went to Mindoro, that he would be there now. Q. AYhat sort of a man is he; how is he disposed? — A. Sambon, he was a lawyer’s clerk; he is of low people, vulgar. By President Schurman: Q. Are the civilized people of Maranduque friendly to this insur- recto governor? — A. No. Q. How many of them are friendly to us, do you know ? — A. I can’t tell you, because I don’t know that. I know that lie is a very clever fellow, but the civilized people prefer the Americans’ sovereignty or government to the native government. Q. AArould there be much opposition to the Americans? — A. No; never; believe me. In Luban there was formed a Katapunin, and the pretext was to avoid the arbitrary influence of the native government; but the object was vengeance. They killed live fellows; killed about REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 139 six; and they buried one alive, and that kind of Katapunin was impressed in the village of Mamburao, and from there it extended itself into Palawan, Abro, De He, and Mamburao, and their intention was to kill the, presedente local. Q. And were these six persons killed by the Katapunin Filipinos?— A. Yes. Q. Why did they kill Filipinos?— A. Because they did not agree among themselves in opinion. By Professor Worcester: Q. Do you know anything about the condition of affairs at Batan- gas? — A. No; that is a little better, because there are very few people there. When I arrived in Taal on the 1st of October from Mindoro, I met a friend of mine there, Capt. FilemenoE. Incarnacion, and he informed me that Thomas Aguinaldo was there in September or last year with an army, with the object of delivering Masbate, Tab- las, and Romblon, but he saw that Thomas Aguinaldo and his people had assembled themselves to plunder these islands of Masbate, Romblon, and Tablas, and he told me that he was ashamed of them and withdrew from them and went to Taal, because he could not bear the conduct of the government. And he told me that the Bui man was sunk; it was armed with rifles, and when it was sunk by the Spanish Government there was $40,000 taken from the Spanish Government in order to be sent to Malolos, but besides that Thomas Aguinaldo and the other chief had $140,000 plundered from the natives there for themselves, and that money sunk with the steamer. Q. That steamer was in Palanoc in Masbate? — A. I don’t know the place. Q. Have they ever made any effort to recover that money ? — A. 1 do not know. They sent a diver. They saw that the diver took a little money into his hand, and he, Captain Filomeno, was ashamed, and withdrew from Thomas Aguinaldo. The}’ were very bad people, and when I arrived here 1 thought it my duty to come to you and say what I have, because I belonged to that government — because I was the second in line. The first was La Lisma, the secretary, and the second was myself. I was obliged to protest, because I could not be a party to it, and for that reason I went to Captain — and delivered up my appointment. Q. Our captain of the port? — A. Yes; the American captain of the port. Q. 1 don’t understand. You were captain of the port down in Min- doro?— A. Yes. Q. And did that office make you second in the marine? — A. I was second in the navy, because there is no other; because I was the next one in succession, and they offered me the command of the first man- of-war, and I answered my chief, “That man-of-war you will make a present to the Americans, because the American Navy will take it.” By and by you will see, for if that vessel should arrive here the Ameri- can Navy will take it, and it w ill be a present for them; you remember that. Q. W hat business have you been engaged in in Mindoro?— A. I had an estate in company with my brother. We raised sugar. Wre had two engines, steam crushers; and Gen. Carrero Capriles was the gov- ernor of Mindoro. He was in debt and owed a great deal of money, 140 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. and he tried to get money from everybody, from Gregorio Basra, and he tried to get money from us, too, and we accepted ruin instead of giving him money. He brought proceedings against us, and the charge was that the intention was to sell the islands to Germany; that was his charge. He made many charges, but the principal charge was that of treachery. Q. That you wanted to sell the islands to Germany? — A. Yes; we have got no newspapers or letters to us from Germany, and I do not speak in German a single word, neither have we a single German friend here. It was a pretext only to ruin us. It was assumed that Daracios would help him, and because he would not he took Daraeios by the nose. He entered into an arrangement with Germany to have it appear that the Germans would take the Caroline Islands forcibly; that is, they were to sell the islands to the Germans and have it appear that the}7 were taken forcibly. Daracios gave the instructions to Capriles, written by his hand — Capriles was an officer of the Spanish Government — telling him that he must make all the delay he could in order not to reach the islands, and make every kind of pretext, but the German schooner was very late, and when the Vetis arrived there the Spanish schooner had already arrived there, had anchored, and the Germans could not take the islands, and then there arose that question that you know about. Q. What year was this? — A. 1887 or 1888. Oh, it was a scandal- ous thing, known all over Europe. Capriles kept that paper from Daracios written by his own hand, his instructions, so that Daracios helped Capriles to do his pleasure against us, and he assisted Capriles in injuring us. We appealed to Spain, and we have had there a rela- tion, a Minister Fabia, as our counsel, and he helped us. The judge also was a nephew of General Escoria, a great friend of ours here, and Escoria and Fabia helped us, and we beat Daracios. Daracios was prosecuted in a criminal action, and he could not get any appoint- ment, because the other gentlemen would not consent to him. He was to be the director of the army there. We got a judgment against Daracios for $60,000. He left here in the hands of a friend of his $80,000. His friend’s name was Ortuosti, and he was a gambler, and he lost the money, and I could not get the $60,000 from there. Capriles was a pool1 man. like a cat, and he was married to a woman who had had a child by Minister Maura, who had an affair with a woman in Madrid, and she had a child, so he called this man who had been the secretary, Capriles, and who was afterwards the governor, and he said, if you wish to succeed in your career why marry this mis- tress of mine and I will take care of the son, which he did; it was with this sort of people that we had trouble. We gained our suit against them, but there was no money that any of them had, except this $80,000, which was lost gambling, and they had also burned our plan- tation. We continued doing businessin timber only, because in timber you don’t need capital at all. We did not invest any more money for fear that the Government might take it away from us. The action of the Americans in military matters is very slow, very lenient; it is my opinion to tight them with dynamite, because from the consideration with which they have been fought they put it down as being caused' by fear. Q. How many men would it require to take Mindoro and to hold it? — A. Why, 100 men, as I told tin1 captain of the fort, and I would go REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 141 there with the first boat if they would give me a rifle, and with an honest man it will be possible to control tin' whole island, because the American army must not go to the villages, because they will get sick, and if I go with them I will tell them of some people, the honest people, about 20 or 25, to maintain order in the villages and to pursue the rob- bers; 20 or 25 men will be sufficient. A Mr. Havant, of Masbate, told me the same thing, and he offered himself to assist the American army that is there. Francisco Havant is a rich man, who lives in Masbate. Q. Where is he now? — A. He is here now. lie is a Visayan. Q. Where does he live now? — A. He lives in Quiapo. Q. Do you know the street and number? — A. I do not know; but if 3’ou wish I will request him to come here and give you his knowledge of the island. Q. When did he leave Masbate? — A. He left Masbate in October or November. Q. Where did he live when he was there, what part of the island? — A. I don't know, because I don’t know Masbate; I have not been down there. Some natives made me the same offer. They told me the same thing; they will help the American army, and they promise that order will be secured, and Americans will not be troubled there. You should give me some official character in order to give me a standing. We advised the captain of the port to take the Bashee Chan- nel and the Batanes Islands; it is very easy; it is very easy to send arms there, and to take them up in bancos; they are between Formosa and this island. All of the sound-minded people in the country are in favor of America. Q. Is there timber to be had, good timber, near Mamburao? — A. Yes; cedar and some other timber. Q. Thev tell me that the timurao on the west coast is now very scarce. I used to kill them there. — A. It is a kind of buffalo which is found only in Mindoro; no other place in the world. Q. How do the natives kill them there? I have been told they hunt them on horseback? — A. Yes; they hunt them on horseback and with lances. They feed at night, but you are obliged to take with you another carabao, and when the carabao is fighting against the timurao 3 011 must shoot the timurao. Q. I have tried that a great many times, but I have never killed them that way. — A. Where did 3 011 try to find the timurao? Q. In Baco. — A. The3r tell me thei’e are no timurao there. They7 are the samereno. Q. They are veiy difficult to kill ? — A. The timurao is on the west coast and south coast of Mindoro. Colonel Denby. What is their size ? Professor Worcester. Just half as big as a carabao. Q. How many' years have 3'ou lived in Mindoro? — A. From 1873 till now. Q. Were you there at the time those men were killed who went to save the wreckage from a ship wrecked over on the west coast? — A. Yes; I was there. The Tulisanes plundered all the villages there. In those villages were my brother and myself; we were there in Mamburao, where we lived; that never has been plundered by the robbers as long as we lived there; as I told y7ou I had a revolver and rifle, and they7 knew it. 142 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Do the Tulisanes live bv plunder? — A. Yes; they plunder the villages there. Q. Do they do anything — do they work? — A. Yes; they work some- times, and they live in the mountains. Q. What work do they do?— A. Well, what I have told you is past history; that was on aeeount of the bad government. When theSpanish government went away, they went to the villages, and they are the most honest people in the villages now. You will not believe me, but it is so. Q. The Spanish Government made them Tulisanes ? — A. Yes; became there were abuses in the Government. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. What arms have they — what kind, of arms? — A. Rifles, guns, machetes, and swords — what they can get. They plunder the villages by surprise; they never go straight, never. Q. Are there any Negritos in Mindoro?- — A. I did not see a Negrito there. No, we have no Negritos there. There are Manguianes, and their history is very interesting. Q. Is that what you call the natives of Mindoro, the Manguianes? — A. No; Tagalogs and Yisayans. Q. What language is spoken down there? — A. They speak Tagalog mixed with Yisayan. Q. What language do these natives speak ? — A. Another language, the language of the Manguianes. They have an alphabet like the alphabet of the natives here. Q. Have you it? — A. No; I have not. I know very little about natural history, but I know more about meteorology, of which I am very fond. By and by you will succeed, and the Filipinos will be more American than the Americans. They are a peaceful people, easily gov- erned. but you must never allow the people to think that the Govern- ment is afraid. Q. Are the people capable of governing themselves? — A. No, sir; they are not educated. They are not educated people, but by and by, when they are more educated after the American fashion, they will be able to govern themselves, and the people will be peaceable and orderly. Q. And how much American intervention is necessary here to gov- ern them now? — A. I don't know; but I think that they will, in my opinion, be better under American supervision; they will be better off with more American officials. Q. How many American officials would you need in each province ? — A. In each province a dozen, in each village one, and an American priest to educate them, because you must commence from the very beginning. You see the ideas of authority among the Spanish and among American and English are quite different. To the Spaniard the meaning of authority is authority over every moment of a man's life, and this man always continues in his position. It is a very frequent thing to see the presidente local going to the village of Bamba and striking everybody, because he does it to show he has the authority. That is nonsense, you know, but according to Spanish law it is possi- ble. The Spanish judge is a judge every moment of his life. Q. You say with our armies in the capital in every capital you would have a dozen officials. What offices would you have them in ? — A. You are the men who ought to know that. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 143 Q. To supervise things? — A. Yes; assisted by the natives. The more you can employ the better, because the people will be educated here very soon, and you must not fail to communicate the language. Q. The English language? — A. Yes; yes; because that is the best band of union; and my opinion is that there ought to be a school on every corner. I know that the people here are looking for English teachers. Q. Are the people ready to pay taxes for schools ? — A. The rich peo- ple; yes. 1 think tuition ought to be free, but English ought to be taught in every school. In a few years everybody in the Philippine Islands will speak English, and you may depend upon the people here. They were very fond of the Spaniards, very fond of the Spaniards, but the Spaniards made them very poor; they were very scared of Rome. The monks were the bad ones. Q. How do the people of Mindoro feel toward the friars? — A. Oh, they are against the friars; they do not want anything to do with the friars; they can not bear to see them. Here in Manila everybody, women and children, all are looking for schools where they can learn English, and they can not find them, and the few teachers who are here are asking a great deal of money; one teacher asked me $25 a month for an hour a day, and the poor people can not pay that. You will succeed, believe me, by justice and education — for the people here must be educated. They have no political education at all. By Colonel Denby: Q. We will have schools here very soon. Public schools for all the children. — A. On every corner you ought to have them. I think the country here will assist a great deal, if you have patience. Q. Isn’t there some better place for the capital of Mindoro than Paluan? — A. Yes. Q. It is a bad place in various ways; they can’t land there? — A. If it was Calapan it would be very near Batangas, but the capital ought to be Mansalay; there is a nice harbor there, and there is rich coal land in the south of Mindoro; petroleum is found [indicates on map where coal and petroleum are found]. The Spanish naval officers used to receive money for coaling their vessels down there, and they used to come and coal down in Mindoro and keep the money, and sometimes they used to sell the coal. Mindoro will be a rich country, on account of her agriculture and mines and various things. By Professor Worcester: Q. The only trouble with Mindoro is the fever? — A. Oh, never mind the fever; follow my advice and you can avoid it; believe me By Colonel Denby: Q. Do the natives suffer much with fever? — A. Yes; they get fever all the same. Q. And the foreigners get it?— A. Yes; if they don’t 'take proper precautions. Q. What is the worst time" of the 3'ear down there? — A. About November — November and December. Now is the best time Q. Runs into A. Yes; in the rainy season, but in January, Feb- ruary, March, and April there is no fever there on the west coast. I don’t know the east coast. My brother and I have been there about twenty-five or twenty -six years, and for the first ten years it was every 144 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. year, but we did not understand the remedy to use. Upon the discov- ery by us of the remedy we did not take fever from that time until the present. Q. You are a very healthy looking man. How old are you?- — A. Fifty-seven years old. My medicine is only quinine. Q. About how often have you had the fever? — A. Not for fifteen years; formerly every year. In ten years we took fever in October, November, and December, a very fearful form, but after that kind of quinine arrived here, which came in capsules, why we did not take the fever — never. Q. Do the people generally take quinine ? — A. Ah, they can’t, the poor people, but when I give them a few pills they become well. That is the only medicine, quinine, nothing more than that: don’t carry any other. One reason I am healthy is that my food is good, splendid milk. Q. Have you good cattle there? — A. Yes; the cattle grass is very rich; it is not poor; splendid grass for cattle. Q. What sort of milk do you use? — A. The milk of the buffalo, which is the best here in the Philippine Islands. Q. How is the beef of the buffalo? — A. The beef of the buffalo I do not like, because it smells; but the meat of the timurao is a first-class meat, and does not smell; it tastes splendid — better than the beef of the cow. Q. Isn't it pretty hard to get the meat of the timurau? — A. Not hard in my place. Q. Do they bring much of it in there for sale?— A. Yes. Q. What is the price of it. do you know? — A. They don’t sell it. If you want a timurau you must go out and shoot it, or pay a native 50 cents or SI to kill you a timurau. Senor Calderon. I proposed to General Otis the issuance of a cir- cular to all the native priests of the country advising them, when the Americans entered, to see if they could quiet the minds of the people, and to advise them not only at present, but when the American forces entered, that they endeavor to cause the people not only not to abandon the American forces but to understand them to be friendly, and to explain to them that the friars are not to remain here, because one of the principal causes of the rising of the people is their .saying that the Americans are friendly to the friars. The native priests are very tired of war, because the war and the revolutionists have caused them a great deal of harm, and also they have confidence in me, because they have seen that I have always defended them. I have proposed to General Otis that I thought it would be fitting to publish such a circular. Senor Fabie. When I came here I went to Mr. Barreto and urged him to write to Mr. McKinley, the President of the United States, asking him that the monks here be sent away for a few months until peace be assured, and many friends of mine also went to Mr. Barreto, but he said no, it may be a good thing or a bad thing, but I won't do* that. My intention was that they be sent away fora few months only, because I knowT that the American laws are the most free in the world. By Colonel Denby: Q. Do you not want all the priests to go? — A. No; the monks only. Q. You mean the friars? — A. Yes. Q. You want the native priests to stay ? — A. Yes. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 145 Q. And the Spanish priests?— A. Yes. Q. You want the churches still to go on? — A. Yes. Q. And you simply want the monks — the friars — to go away ? — A. Yes; because the desire is to see them leave — the Augustinians, the Reeoletos, the Dominicans, and the Franciscans; only those four. Q. How about the Jesuits? Do they hate them ? — A. No; I do not. Q. You do not object to them? — A. No; only the four I have named — the Reeoletos, the Augustinians, the Franciscans, and the Dominicans. Q. You want all four of them to go away, do you? — A. Yes; until peace has arrived. Q. And then the government will allow them to come back ? — A. I don’t know that. I can’t impose any terms. Q. What should the government do with their property? — A. If it is your opinion to shoot them, I will consent to it. Q. What do you want the government to do with their property ? — A. I don’t care for the property, but I don’t think the property belongs to them. I think it belongs to the people. I don’t care about that. I want peace, which can be secured only by American domination, and after that I don’t care. Q. If you sent the monks away, you would have to do something with the property. W ould you have the State take it or the government take it ? — A. I did not consider that question. Q. How many monks would you send out in that way? — A. All of them. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. How many of them are there? — A. I don’t know how many of them there are here. By Colonel Denby: Q. Are they all Spaniards? — A. Yes; all Spaniards. Q. You wouldn’t send out any Filipinos ? — A. There are no Filipinos among them. Q. Nor Italians? — A. No. Q. Any French ? — A. No. They should be sent away, because they work against America; they are exciting opinion against the Ameri- cans. They say you are heretical. Q. If they openly say they are our friends, why do they work against us? You said a little while ago that the Americans were the friends of the monks; didn’t you say that? — A. No. Q. Do the people say we are their friends, or not? — A. No, I did not say that. W hen I was in Mamburao I received there a circular from the archbishop saying that the American people were heretical people, and that everybody in the Philippine Islands would go to hell together. By Professor Worcester: Q. Have you got that circular ? — A. I took that circular and wrote some notes, joking comments, on it. Q. Have you one now? — A. Yes; the notes are written by me. I showed it to the people there and the}r were laughing about it. Q. What date was that? — A. The 5th of May, when the Americans came first. Q. The people ought to like us if the priests attack us. — A. Oh, yes, they like Americans. p c 10 146 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Because they don’t like the monks? — A. Yes. Senor Calderon. The friar is the principal question here, and I say to you, Mr. Schurman, that 1 am a Catholic and have defended the Catholic faith in the congress at Malolos, and I am certain that the friars must be expelled if we are to have peace in the country. By President Schurman: Q. Where are the friars now? Are they all within the American lines? — A. There are many here, others have gone to Spain, and others are prisoners; there are also a good many on the coast of China and in Macao, waiting for a favorable opportunity to come back. The President. The expulsion of any persons now would be a mili- tary question; that would not concern this commission. Senor Calderon. If this war had not been between the Americans and the Filipinos, there would have been civil war between the Fili- pinos themselves. Part of the population woidd have risen in rebellion against Aguinaldo and his party. Senor Fabia. The Filipinos have no political opinions and they get all their ideas from their leaders. Senor Calderon. They have no opinions of their own and they get all from them, and thus it is that one can easily lead them. President Schurman. Gentlemen, on behalf of the commission, I desire to thank you for the pleasure and instruction we have derived from your interesting statements. Meeting adjourned. TESTIMONY OF SENOR ARCADIO ZIALCITA. Manila, June 15, 1899. Present: Colonel Denby (in the chair), Professor Worcester, and John R. MacArthur, esq., secretary and counsel. Senor Arcadio Zialcita, accompanied by Senor Neer, appeared before the commission. Senor Zialcita requests that, as he comes from the Philippine camps, this interview be not published until the province has come into the hands of the Americans of its own accord. By Professor Worcester: Q. We never make public any of the testimony. — A. You could publish it perfectly well after the leading men in commerce and agri- culture and representative men of the provinces come in and them- selves arrange matters and ask for better arrangements. Q. 1 will ask you some questions about matters we have already discussed, in order that Colonel Denby may understand them. — A. I came here on the 15th of April as a commissioner, representing the leading business men and leaders in the industries of the province of Leyte, to look into the political situation, as much among the Filipinos as to find out what autonomy the American Government offered. I went out there in the insurgent lines to find out what impressions I might get of the situation there, and I came in here to find out about autonomy and the state of affairs in Manila, and when I saw the disa- greements that were going on out there, the state of affairs in general, I concluded that the only thing to do for the province was to accept the autonomy which was offered. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 147 Q. How long were you in the insurgent territory? — A. One week. Q. Will you be kind enough to give us the impression you derived from your stay there? — A. I was completely undeceived. A very bad state of affairs existed, and I saw that they would not succeed in attain- ing their end and that the whole matter was to the great prejudice of all the provinces. Q. In what towns were you staying? — A. I was all through the province of Bulacan in order to go to the province of Neuva Ecija, and went as far as Cabanatuan. Q. What state of affairs did you find in the territory through which you passed? — A. I saw no soldiers until 1 came to San Isidro, in Neuva Ecija, where there was a concentration of troops the day I arrived. Q. W ere the people suffering ? — A. They certainly are. The people are not at all satisfied with their condition. There is no business. There is nothing. Q. Is food scarce? — A. I saw nothing but rice. I suppose they got that from last year’s crop or from the rice which the Americans dis- tributed in Baliuag. Q. What effect has the distribution of rice by our troops had? — A. A very good impression. For that reason the greater part of the inhabitants of the town of Baliuag have returned. Q. What leading Filipinos were in Cabanatuan when you were there? — A. The only ones who were acquaintances of mine were Paterno and Filipe Buencamina. Q. Is it true that Paterno has been sent to North Luzon? — A. I could not say, but when 1 saw him in Cabanatuan he was there with his family, and he told me he had asked for passes in order that his family could come to Manila, and maybe for himself too, but I do not know. His family, I suppose, has come back on such pass, given by General Otis. Q. When did you leave Cabanatuan ? — A. Saturday. Q. Was Paterno in Cabanatuan at that time ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you know how he is disposed toward the American Govern- ment at present? — A. I do not. Q. You do not know whether he wishes for peace or whether he is disposed to go on fighting? — A. I do not; but day before yesterday the pass from General Otis came to the house of Senor Torres, and it was sent to a point in the American lines where letters would be sent from there to Senor Paterno, in order that he might come through and pass the lines at that point. Q. Was it not his family, and not Paterno? — A. His family; as far as he is concerned, I do not know; but at present his brother, Don Maximo, I feel quite sure will come in. Q. Did you have any conversation with Paterno while there? — A. Yes, sir; but it was purely personal. Q. Do you feel at liberty to tell us your impression of his feel- ings?— A. Certainly; but he said nothing. He was very reserved with me, and I also with him. We talked, but he did not tell me anything. Q. Do you know whether they have any further negotiations with the commission in mind? — A. 1 do not know; Don Pedro did not tell me; but I think myself, personally', that they are more inclined for peace. Q. Did you have any conversation with Aguinaldo when there? — 148 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION, A. No; for 1 came in Saturday night, and immediately after mass in the morning he left for San Isidro. Q. Do you know where he was when you left Cabanatuan for Manila?— A. No, sir; for when I left there he had been gone four or live days, and I do not know where he went or where he intended going. Q. 1\ as Mabini in Cabanatuan at this time?- — A. No. sir. Q. Will you be kind enough to give us an account of the killing of General Luna? — A. 1 told everything that I saw and that 1 knew about it to a representative of El Progresso. That interview tells all I know. Q. Will you be kind enough to repeat that for our benefit ? — A. I saw his death, but the occasion of his death I only know from rumor. Q. Where were you? — A. I was in a house where I was waiting, in the plaza, where the convent and the government headquarters and the church are, and commanded a view of the whole place. They say that Luna went up to ask for Aguinaldo, with Francisco Ramon, to visit Aguinaldo. Not finding him there he became angry and insulted the guard, and when the guard wanted to seize him and his companion they thought the man was half crazy and immediately began shooting, and the guard returned the fire. Q. Did the guard lire on him ?— A. All of them. They wanted to take him, but he had saber and revolver to defend himself, and they could not do anything else. Q. Was he killed by bullets, knives, or bayonets? — A. By knives, and probably by bullet wounds, too, for there were three or four discharges, and so I can not say whether entirely by bolos or bullets. Q. What was the effect of this killing of General Luna there ? — A. I could not say exactly. At first the people were much surprised, but afterwards they said it was better so, because he was very cruel; he killed a great many of his own soldiers, and officers and was a great tyrant. Q. Aguinaldo did not come back when he heard of the death of Luna ? — A. That I could not say, whether he was told of it or whether he returned. 1 did not see his return up to the time I came away. Q. We have heard his death might have been planned by Aguinaldo on account of jealousy between Luna and himself. Did you near any such stories ? — A. I could not say whether it is true or not, because I did not make any investigation. It was not my business, which was simply to find out the condition of affairs. I heard bad news here in Manila and went out to see if it were true, but the people did not talk freely to me, because the greater part of the people were unknown to me. By Colonel Denby: Q. Who do you think will take the place of Luna in the army? — A. That is a difficult thing to say. 1 do not know how many generals they have. I do not know anything of military affairs. I am a civilian. By Professor Worcester: Q. What town in Leyte have you been living in? — A. In Tacloban itself, the capital. Q. How long have you lived there? — A. Since the latter part of 1885 or the first of 1886. Q. What is your profession ? — A. Notary. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 149 Q. IIow long have yon held this position ? — A. Five years in Leyte, and afterwards I was a notary in Cebu, but I resigned to become a planter. Q. Will you be kind enough to tell us all you can of the conditions in Leyte, and about your plan for bringing about order in the island? — A. My plan is this: 1 am well known to the people; my plan is to go on your behalf, getting a pass from here, and to confer with the people and get some of them to go with me. I would like to take a certain quantity of rice for the benefit of the people who are starv- ing. 1 would like to go down there authorized by you, taking the rice, and telling them that I come authorized by the American Govern- ment, bringing them rice in order that the children and the other people should not die of hunger. Colonel Denby. Your question contemplated that he should tell us about the conditions of the island, and what he would do for their pacification. Professor Worcester. He said that he would tell his people when he returned what he had seen up here, and what ought to be done, and then make up his mind afterwards. Q. Has there been a strong feeling to resist American sovereignty in the island? — A. 1 do not think so among the people of Leyte them- selves, but only among the soldiers who come from Camarines and Batangas. The people like that, who go from island to island, are the ones, 1 believe, that feel that way. Q. What is the population of Tacloban? — A. Very small. It is the capital because it has a very fine port, but has a small population— about 2,000. Q. I)o you know what insurgent troops there are in the island at present? — A. That is a question for soldiers. I could not say. As I said, people have come from other provinces and have gone into the different towns, but I have managed never to leave the capital on account of my family, to protect them from injury, and, in case of necessity, I might be able to embark them on some ship. Q. Who is the military chief of Leyte? — A. Monjijo, an old man, very good and honest. Q. Does this general know of your mission to Luzon? — A. No, sir. Q. If you shoidd return to Leyte and tell the people there — A. I came on the part of the business men and planters and those engaged in industries to find out what would be the proper thing to do — to find out whether there would be an American fleet down there, or what we must do. Q. Do you think that if the business men, the planters, and other wealthy and responsible people would decide in favor of peace there would be danger of their being overpowered by the military leader in case American troops were not sent there to protect them, or would the military leader be reasonable about the matter and be willing to come to an understanding with us? — A. He is a very sensible man, and an old man, and I think that it would not be his part to prejudice the province in which he lives. For my part, I do not expect to have any trouble at all when I go back, but I could not give a definite answer to the question. I shall have no hesitancy in telling what 1 have seen and what I think ought to be done. After a short time, in which I could talk to the people and find out how they feel. I could then inform the gentlemen of the co» mission. 150 REPOET OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Is it your idea to hold a meeting? — A. Not at first. I should talk to them one by one. Afterwards, if I found them in the proper spirit, I would hold a meeting of the leaders, and they could talk and spread their impressions and influence among the people who were dependent upon them, or with whom they had relations, and after that resolve upon what would be the best course to take, and submit it to the Government. Q. You have doubtless heard herein Manila the state of affairs that exists in Negros, and you have seen the state of affairs that exists in the insurgent territory. What will you tell your people about that? — A. I can not sa}" now what I will say. I shall fulfill ni}r mission, tell the exact conditions, and let eveiyone follow his own conscience. My plan of talking will depend on the individual I am talking to. Q. Do you still feel it important to go to Negros, or are you satis- fied with what you have heard about affairs down there? — A. When I see the condition of affairs here, the complexion of the supreme court, and the fact that all the wisest, richest, and most eminent men are in your favor, what answer do you suppose I could give to such a question ? Q. We have heard that a large number of arms and a good deal of ammunition have recently been sold to the people of Leyte and Samar by the Spaniards at Zamboanga.- — A. That is a question for General Lueban. I wish to prevent Lucban doing any additional harm, and I wish to arrange the affair secretly, so Lucban may not know about it, because Lucban is another Luna. I do not care to talk to him. Q. Would you consider it advisable to send a gunboat to Samar, Bohol, or Leyte, while these negotiations are pending, to distract his attention? — A. That is a question for you. As for the island of Samar, you might send four or five. I have nothing to do with it, but, as for the islands of Leyte and Bohol, I should advise that no gun- boat be sent, for the people would immediately take to the mountains, and a great many would die. They have nothing to eat; they are dying of hunger, and I wish to take right down there and sell at the regular rate, on my own account, an amount of rice. I would like a pass for this purpose from General Otis, so that if a gunboat should overtake the ship I was in I could continue on by showing my pass, and I could also use it to come back. Q. What ship were you planning to go down by? — A. I have not thought of any ship. I could not very well before I had a talk with you. Q. How much rice do you think necessary to take down ? — A. There are 45 towns in this island, and this island does not produce rice. The crops down there are hemp and cocoa, and since April 1 no ship has come with any rice, and the people are eating sweet potatoes and other such vegetables. Q. Have people actually died of hunger up to the present time? — A. 1 suppose so — naturally — because there have always been two ships a week and they carried ail the way from 52,000 to 3,000 piculs of rice, and there has been none for two months, and with no rice there, I sup- pose they have. Q. How would you distribute rice through the various towns?— A. I should not distribute it. I would pick out the rich men of the differ- ent towns and say, “'Here is the rice; pay me for it in hemp, or money, or some way, and sell it to the people at this price.” That can REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 151 be done because the people are always coming to the capital in bancos, and by other means. Q. Coidd all the people get to the capital if the rice were at that one point only? — A. They could come whenever they wanted to in bancos. Q. You say that these wealthy men would pay you in hemp. Does your plan include bringing the hemp to Manila to market on your return? — A. I had not thought of that, but it seems to me the most proper system would be to bring the hemp here to Manila and exchange it for more rice. 1 am perfectly willing to be paid in money. Q. Would it not have a good effect if you would go there and tell what you have seen, and say if they were willing to put themselves in our hands with the promise of fair and liberal treatment, such as we have given the natives in other provinces under our control, we would open the ports and send them rice right away ? Wouldn’t it be the best plan to promise them that ? — A. That is what 1 am going to say. That would be a great aid in talking to these people. Q. Couldn't you say to your people: The Americans want to know whether you are friends or enemies; that, if friendly, they will open the ports and send rice; but if enemies, the ports will be blocked and importation of rice prevented; and that the Americans want to know about it? — A. That is the very thing to say. I, having been here, am in a better position to know than they are, and 1 came to the commission to get information as to how matters stood. Q. If your plan were to result successfully, would it be possible for 3' ou to bring with }Tou some of the representative and leading men, who could talk over conditions in Leyte with General Otis and arrange for a temporary form of government in the island down there ? — A. That is m}r idea; to bring with me five or six of such men, provided that 1 attain my end. If not, why I can return here and say the result was so and so. Q. Do you know that is the plan which was followed by the people of Negros? Some of them came here and decided with General Otis as to the arrangement in force at present there. — A. It is a very different matter with us than with Negros, for the Americans were in Iloilo, so the}T came up and arranged matters; but we have not been well informed, and I came up here not knowing exactly that hostilities had broken out. Of course, we had rumors; but I came to get the true state of affairs, and to arrange matters as they are in Negros. Q. How did you get here from Tacloban? — A. The ship St. Nich- olas was lost down there, and Smith, Bell &Co. sent a ship to save the hemp, and I came in that steamer. Professor Worcester. We have heard your plan with a great deal of interest, and we shall be very glad indeed to see you successful in it. A. I have simply done it for humanity and for the good of the people, and I wish, as I have said, to simply take back urv impressions to these people, and come back to the commission with a report, if I can. Professor Worcester. The carrying out of your plan involves questions over which the commission has no jurisdiction. You must have a pass from General Otis, and the Navy has instructions to stop steamers for that port, so that directions will have to be issued also by the Naiw. We shall be glad to talk the matter over with General Otis, and it is probable, after we have done so, the General would like to talk with 3011 personalty. We will explain to the General what you 152 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. have said to us, and, if you will leave your address with us, he can then communicate what he wishes in the matter. The General is a member of the commission, but is not present this morning, being busy with military operations. Sefior Zialcita. I have myself hopes that the project which I have in mind will be a success, because the people there are not like the people here. The people in Leyte and Bohol are peaceful people, as Mr. Worcester knows, having been there. My Manila address is “ Arcadio Zialcita, Tondo, 6 Aceytero.” Professor Worcester. We wish you success, for we ourselves are anxious for peace and order and good government and the prosperity of the country here, and we do not wish that anyone should suffer from hunger, the proof of which is that we are now sending food to Los Pinas and Paranaque; and 3-011 say that you need no further con- firmation of the good intentions of the American Government than the fact that the best Filipinos are on our side. Meeting adjourned. TESTIMONY OF SENOR BALBAS. Manila, June 16, 1899. Present: Colonel Denby (in the chair), Professor Worcester, com- missioners, and Air. John R. MacArthur, secretary. Bernancio Balbas, in response to the questions of the commission- ers, stated as follows: By Colonel Denby: Q. Please give us your name and address. — A. Venancio Balbas; residence, San Jose street, corner of Galleria street, Ermite. Q. How long have you lived in Manila? — A. In Manila nearly twenty-two years. Q. What is your occupation ?- — A. Director of the Spanish Bank, of the Banco Espanol-Filipino. I was a merchant. Q. How long have you been a director of the bank? — A. Now ten years. Q. That bank is still in existence? — A. Yes. Q. It issues notes, does it not? — A. Yes. Q. Redeemable in silver? — A. Yes. Q. What lines of merchandising have you been engaged in? — A. In the bank. Q. You said you were a merchant before. What business did you do ( — A. 1 was in the business of hemp, sugar, and coffee. Q. What is the currency of Manila? — A. The dollar. Q. The Mexican dollar ? — A. The Mexican dollar — the one we have got here. Q. Did the}- coin dollars here? — A. Not during my time; no, not one. The}7 did not coin dollars, but half dollars, pesetas, and half pesetas. Q. They coined the smaller coins, did they? — A. The smaller coins. Q. They were coined here in Manila by the Spanish Government? — A. Yes. Q. About what quantity was coined each year ? — A. 1 could not tell REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 153 you, because the Spanish Government has not published the statistics. 1 don’t remember; but in the time of General Blanco — at the end of the term of General Blanco in the year 1893 — I heard that they had coined three million four or live hundred thousand dollars. Q. Of subsidiary coinage?— A. Yes; half dollars. Q. Where did they get their dollars from, Mexico? — A. From China. At the time of the revolution, in 1893, we wanted money here, because in the time of General Weyler there was an exportation of Mexican dollars from here to Hongkong on account of the exchange. In the time of General Blanco we wanted money here to pay the troops. Twenty-five thousand men were brought from Spain, and then the Spanish Bank brought — I don’t remember which it was — two or four million dollars; I don’t remember now which; I could tell by the books. Then all these Mexican dollars were coined and they were marked, and those that were not coined, not marked, before the year 1877 were not permitted to enter, because there was a law here against it in the time of General Morianes. 1 think it was in the time of General Morianes, they were not allowed to bring in Mexican dollars that had been coined after the year 1877; but you will observe them here now, because the American Government has allowed them to bring in Mexi- can dollars, so that you can see the year 1899 stamped now. Before you could not see a coin after the year 1877; and there was in con- sequence a premium on those dollars in Hongkong for sending over here. The steamer Don Juan that you see down there on the beach, brought in in the time of General Blanco about five or six hundred thousand dollars; I don’t remember which. All that silver was burned. Q. Now you have here the dollar? — A. The dollar, the half dollar, the cuarto, the peseta, 20 cents, and the half peseta, 10 cents. Q. And 5 cents? — A. Not 5 cents; no. Q. And what copper currency ? — A. These [exhibiting coins to the commissioners]. They are good for nothing in Spain. This coin is 2 cuartos. Q. Is that Spanish? — A. That is Spanish of the time of Ferdinand VII, the beginning of the century. Q. What was the currency for the last year when the Americans came here — the same as that? — A. Just the same as that; the only dif- ference was that at the end of 1897 and the beginning of 1898 they brought in five or six hundred thousand cents. They were minted in Spain. Q. Did you have any copper currency ? — A. This kind. Q. But none made here ? — A. No. Q. Never had any made here? — A. No. Q. Always came from Spain ? — A. Yes. Q.. Of what does it consist?— A. Centimosand 2centimos — we have copied it from France — 5 centimos and 10 centimos. Q. One hundred centimes in France make 20 cents? — A. Make 1 franc. Q. But it is equal to our 20 cents? — A. Yes. Q. Did }rou have in your copper currency these centimos? — A. Here? No; not in the beginning. In 1897 or 1898 they put them in circulation. Q. Let me see that copper coin. — A. This is 5 cents. They are very scarce. In twenty-two years 1 don’t think that I have seen over a dozen of them. 154 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Four of these (pointing to coin in his hand) make 5 eentimos? — A. Yes. Each one is 5 eentimos of a franc. Four of these make 5 eentimos — 5 eentimos of a dollar. Q. You have no cent here, as we have? — A. No; we have 1 cent of a dollar. Now, Ave have had that from the year 1898, Avhen they put them in circulation. They Avere minted in Spain. Q. Then the money was all minted in Spain and sent out here, except subsidiary coin? — A. Yes. Q. Bank bills — did they circulate here?— A. Bank notes? Q. Yes. — A. They were in circulation all over the islands. Q. Where Avere they issued? — A. Here in Manila. Q. Did any bank bills from Spain circulate here ? — A. No; they did not allow it. Q. What bank has the power of circulation ? — A. The Bank of Spain only. We call that the Spanish-Filipino Bank. Q. Those notes Avere got here for them ? — A. No. Q. Then the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank did not issue an v notes ? — A. No. Q. The Chartered Bank of India, Australia, and China? — A. Not here; no. In Manila, no. They don't issue notes in Manila. Q. Do the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank notes circulate here in Manila? — A. No. Q. They are not brought here? — A. They are brought here as a draft, and the}’ pay you according to the exchange from here to Hongkong. Q. What is the ordinary rate of exchange on a bank bill issued by the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank; what do you have to sell it for out here ? — A. Generally a half per cent or 1 per cent. Q. Will it ever bring more than the face value? You have a $5 bill and you want to use it here; how much do you get for it? — A. To-day they will give you about So. Q. Each? — A. They give it to you in Manila money; they Avill give you about 84.95. Q. They charge you 5 per cent discount? — A. No; they charge about 1 per cent. 2 per cent. They will give vou about 84.90 or 84.95. Q. Do any American notes circulate here? — A. Yes; since you have come; since you have taken the islands I have seen a note bought in the bank; just United States notes, not gold. I bought a silver Si note, and they told me the other day down in the bank that some of them were false; not to take them. Q. You mean forged? — A. Bad money; so 1 took only the gold ones. Q. The United States note passes here the same as gold, docs it not ? — A. Just the same. Q. The currency of these islands has always been silver, hasn't it ? — A. Silver from the year 1859 or 1860. Q. Any gold in circulation here? — A. No; the gold went away from here in the year — I don't remember, I think it was about '80 or '81. Gold was at a premium then of 4 to 8 per cent. Q. What has been the effect on the exporter of a silver circulation ? — A. It has increased exportation. Q. Why ? — A. Because they get better prices for the silver. Q. They buy for silver and sell for gold, is that it? — A. No; they REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 155 buy in silver the exchange and the price in London is the same as the price here— 30 pence in London per ounce. Well, the exchange goes down on account of the silver that is here; they get more money with the same price in London. Q. Then when they sell these articles abroad they7 sell for gold, don’t they? — A. They7 sell for drafts on London. Q. When they sell in New York or London they7 sell for gold?— A. So that they7 buy for silver and sell for gold. The export houses take into account the exchange, and supposing they bought sugar here or hemp or goods in the islands, they7 know the price in New York or in London, and they7 take into account the amount in gold they7 are to receive, but the natives here receive what is due them in silver. For that reason more silver than before is required, it being at the same price. Q. The lower the exchange is the more silver they7 get? — A. Yes; being the same price in London. Q. How does it affect the import trade?— A. The natives have more money, because they sell their sugar and hemp at better prices, and they7 don’t care if they7 have to pay a little more for a piece of cloth. It is an indirect tax for them. As they7 get more money' for the goods that they7 have to sell they7 can buy more cloth. Q. But prices have gone up of late, haven’t they7; the prices of imported goods have gone up?- — A. No doubt about it. Q. Can you tell about how' much they' have gone up, what percent- age?— A. I can not tell y7ou, but not very7 much. The operation of the customs law, which the Spanish Government has made too high, has put them up. Q. Well, that affects prices, of course? — A. Yes; but that is an indirect tax, for the natives buy when they have money, and as they7 sell their sugar at a higher price, their hemp at a higher price, they7 can buy at a higher price, and can afford it. Q. Can yrou give us the percentage that foreign goods have gone up here on account of the depreciation of silver? — A. Imported goods? Q. How much have they7 gone up now; is it 20 per cent? — A. No doubt about it; perhaps more on some goods. I could not give to y7ou in detail all the goods. Q. No; 1 just wanted them in general. — A. In general they7 have gone up 100 per cent, but medicines — they' have gone up I don’t know how much. Q. Is there plenty of currency here to do business ? — A. Well, now, I think so, because there is plenty7 of money7, metal, which you have allowed to be brought over from Hongkong. Q. Did they7 bring Chinese dollars here? — A. No; Mexican dollars. Q. You know that they7 use dollars in China? — A. No; I have not seen any7. I have seen 20-cent and 10-cent pieces; what they7 call Can- ton silver, I have seen that. Q. I have seen many thousands of Chinese dollars. — A. The Chinese dollars — I have not seen them. Q. You have not seen any7 of them here? — A. No; never. Q. I don’t suppose they7 export them. — A. China wants a great deal of money7. Q. What would be the effect of introducing the American dollar here, the gold dollar or its equivalent? — A. Well, it would be disas- trous to the country, I think. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 15G Q- M by do you say that? — A. Because we have no railroads, no means of communication, and you pay here from Ilocos to Manila as large a freight per ton as you do from here to London. Q. You pay from here to Ilocos . — A. From Ilocos to Manila in silver— that is thirty -six hours by steamer — you pay as much freight per ton as from here to London; and if you bring the gold standard here that freight would not go down; it will not go down, it will be just the same, because transporting goods in the provinces awav from the harbors will be very expensive, as it is now; but now you pay in silver, but when the gold standard is introduced you would pay in gold. Q. Do you mean to say that you would pay the same price in gold that you now pay in silver? — A. Yes. Q. Suppose a man had to pay a dollar a ton, for instance, now he would pay a silver dollar, wouldn’t he? — A. A silver dollar. Q. Do you mean to say that if the currency were gold he would have to pay two silver dollars? — A. If the price now for bringing freight from Ilocos here is $5 silver, in gold it would lie just the same, §5. Q. The gold $5 would lie worth $10 in silver? — A. Yes; but the native would not accept it. With a 5-dollar piece jTou could not eat in the provinces, and with half a dollar you can eat. Q. What do you mean by that — that with $5 you can not eat in the provinces, but with half a dollar you can eat? — A. 1 know that with a tive-dollar gold piece it has happened to me — that is, with the four- dollar piece we had here— 1 wanted to buy food for eating and 1 could not get it, because the natives woidd not receive that piece. They said, “No; because I can not change it;” but you give to them a half dollar and they would give you the food. The Indian, the native, does not want to keep the gold; it is too small for them. Q. You think, then, that the prices in Manila would remain the same, do you? — A. Just the same. Q. If a man hired a native for a dollar a day he would work for a Mexican dollar a day, and he would know that if he was paid in gold he would lie paid what would lie equivalent to $2? — A. Just the same. Q. What effect would that have on the general prosperity of the country? — A. I don’t think that it would be for the good and pros- perity of the country, because supposing that I have a sugar estate, if I am going to pay in gold the same as 1 pay in silver now, the first year I would be ruined, because I could not sell my sugar at the price of its cost to me; the sugar could not be sold for the additional cost to me. If my sugar has been $5 gold, and I have paid everything in gold, why the sugar in Europe will not go up for me. Just as hap- pened in Java and Sumatra. Java and Sumatra have a gold standard, and the sugar estates in Java and Sumatra are now almost ruined. The Dutch Government is helping them as much as it can. They had a tax — a duty on the exportation of sugar. They have taken that off with a view to helping them, but they can not help them. Almost all of them are ruined. Q. Well, why isn't it possible, if you pay money of twice the value of silver, to get double the equivalent in services or goods for it?- — A. It is on account of the character of the native. He can't understand when you give him a small piece of gold that it is worth more than silver. Moreover, they don't care for it, it is too small for them. We REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 157 had here gold up to the year 1866 or 1867, and paid a premium of ■I, 8, or 10 per cent on copper coins. In a country like that do you think that the gold eoidd stand a year? The gold will come here to Manila and w ill go away immediately. Q. Heretofore you have spoken chiefly of the laborers and common people Now. I would like to know how it would affect the merchants. — A. The merchants in no way. Supposing I am a merchant, the exchange would go up. Supposing that gold was the standard here, exchange would go up in London where they fix exchange. It woidd go up to d shillings instead of 2 shillings as now, and the merchant would take his account according to d shillings, and to the natives who have made sugar the merchant would say, “Well, I will pay you, instead of $5 as before, $2.50, that is all I can give you.” He would take care of the exchange. The merchant takes care of the exchange. Q. Why wouldn’t that be all right? — A. But that is a difficult thing; the laborer would not accept it. Q. You think the difficulty is in the fact that the laborer would not accept it for its real value as compared with silver? — A. Yes; he would be ruined altogether. At the same time, just as in Java and Sumatra, freight from Manila to all over the world is dearer than from any other place. Q. Why is that? — A. Because of the distance. The principal mar- kets for this city and these islands are Europe and North America — your country — both of which are very far from here. You can buy the German sugar in New York much cheaper than you can the Philip- pine sugar. The freight from Liverpool to New York, I have read in the Economist, -or in the English press, for the year 1882 or 1883, on 3,000 tons from London to New York of iron ingots was a shilling a ton; and 1 have seen for the year 1802, I think it was, 000 tons iron ingots for 1 shilling the 000 tons. You have to pay from here to New York $5 gold, or $10 silver, per ton. I have paid just now 57 shillings and 6 pence freight from here to Liverpool. Q. Wouldn’t that be corrected by having a regular line of steamers betw'een here and San Francisco or New York? — A. No; because you can’t make the distance any shorter. No; it is the topography and the geographical situation of the Philippine Islands to the rest of the wTorld which cause these high freights. Q. What proportion of the products of these islands does the United States take as compared w ith other nations? — A. I could not tell you, but the principal part goes sometimes to America, because America takes more hemp than England. The hemp almost all goes to America and England, very little to Spain. Q. How about sugar? — A. Of the sugar, I think, a little more goes to England. I think so; I am not sure. Q. Well, I asked you what proportion do we take, one-fourth, one- tif th per cent, one-half, or what? — A. I can’t tell you. Q. You can’t give us an idea as to that ? — A. Just now, no. Q. I had an idea that we took quite a large part of the products of the islands. — A. You do of heinp and you did of sugar; but in the last few years the sugar has gone to China and Japan from Iloilo and from. here. Q. Gone to China and Japan; what is the reason of that? — A. Because the}’ have refining mills there for refining sugar. Q. Does japan do much business with these islands ? — A. In sugar. 158 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Does China do much business? — A. Hongkong does, in sugar; also a little hemp for the mill that they have there. They make ropes in Hongkong. Q. You get a good many provisions from China, don’t you — eata- bles?— A. Yes. Q. In your opinion, then, it would not be desirable to go on a gold basis? — A. No. Q. Do you think that it would ever become desirable, or is that an opinion confined to a particular period of time ? — A. There are two pre- cious metals and no more — what we call precious metals; because while there are other metals that have more value than gold and silver, yet gold and silver are the only precious metals for making coins — only gold and silver. My opinion is what 1 have said, and I have not yet changed it. If I am a man that produces something I want silver. Supposing I am a man who makes sugar, or who makes iron goods — an industrial man — I prefer silver. But if I am a professor, or a doc tor, and produce nothing, I take the gold. Q. Well, why; give us the reason for that. — A. I prefer silver if I am a man who produces something, because I get more price for it; but if I am a doctor, or a preacher, who does not produce anything, I like gold Q. You get more money? — A. I am a doctor — supposing I produce nothing. Q. Do you think that the merchants down here — the foreigners — are of the same opinion with you? — A. Yes; I think so. Q. Isn’t there a difference of opinion here on that subject? — A. No; I don’t think so. The merchant does not produce anything at all. The science of political economy will say that they produce nothing, but they transport the goods from here to there for sale. They take into account the exchange and what the}’ are going to spend from here to there, and they make their prices accordingly, but I am not on the same footing as they are. There are three kinds of producers, the economists tell us. The first is the one who produces, who makes the sugar, the second is the one who sells it, and the third is the one who transports it. The three are said to produce the sugar, but in fact only one of them produces it, and this one has to pay everything. For his goods he would get less, because the gold has appreciated. Q. How would an American bank do here ? — A. I think it would work; it could work here. Q. How were bank privileges granted here; by whom ? — A. By the Spanish Government. Q. There were no free banks? — A. There are three banks here. The Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, the Chartered Bank, but they can not issue paper, and the Banco Espanol-Filipino. Q. They came here by the consent of the Spanish Government? — A. Yes. Q. Then there is but one bank of issue here? — A. Only one. Q. Is that bank prosperous ? — A. Well, you know the Spanish Gov- ernment owes us $1,520,000. Q. Silver dollars? — A. Silver dollars. Q. If they paid you that, you would be all right? — A. Yes. Q. You think they will pay it? — A. I think so, for the last opinion that we have from Madrid, from our lawyer there, Mr. Mauro, says that they will pay in a short time. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 159 Q. Is it borrowed money? — A. They are good on borrowing, you know. Q. 1 mean was this money borrowed from the bank? — A. In 1897, in the month of November, while I was not here, the bank advanced them $2,000,000, and the governor-general, Primo de Rivera, from Madrid, wired that the bank would be repaid all the money that they used; that it would be sent from Madrid here in drafts that they would draw from Spain; but they have not paid a cent. Q. lias that affected your credit? — A. Yes; because from the 1st of May, in the year 1898, after the battle of Cavite, from the 2d to the 7th of May in that week, on the change in notes, more than $1,800,000 was paid out. Q. What do you mean by “on the change in notes? ” — A. We had a run on the bank. Q. Then you redeemed more than $1,800,000 of your notes? — A. Yes. Q. In silver? — A. Yes. Q. Well, the other banks here; they have supported you, have they not? — A. Yes; but what support did they give to me? They changed the notes till 11 o’clock, and 1 minute past 11 they changed in silver on the bank. Q. They gave you back your notes? — A. Yes. Q. Is that all the support they gave you? I thought they guaran- teed your notes up to a certain amount? — A. On the 13th of August, after the Americans entered, there was another run on the bank, and General Green asked the other two banks to make themselves responsible for $200,000 in notes that the American Government could collect in the custom-house, but they knew that I had with them in London more than $1,000,000 (£110,000). In the month of November, 1 think it was, we had another run. I think it was a good guarantee. Q. Then you think the bank, if this money is paid by Spain, will be perfectly right, perfectly good? — A. Yes; certainly. Because I have collected almost all the notes till yesterday. I have collected $2,160,000. Q. And how much is your circulation? — A. My circulation now is $1,978,000. Q. What would be the effect on the bank if we went on a gold basis? — A. On the bank, nothing. Q. It would make no difference to the bank? — A. As I said before, I produce nothing. Q. You would be obliged to pay everybody the notes in gold? — A. Of course we would lose nothing, because the bank would be bound to give it to the public. It would gain, certainly, but the exchange of a private individual would be just the same; but excepting the money itself it would be just the same. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. The Banco Espanol-Filipino is a corporation chartered by Spain ? — A. AYhat do you mean by chartered? Q. How was the bank created? — A. By the shareholders, and the only difference from the other banks is that we have the exclusive right to issue notes. Q. Are the shareholders of the bank for the most part Spaniards ? — A. Yes. 160 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Are many of them — of the shareholders — living in Manila ? — A. Yes, almost all of them live here. They are Spaniards and Indians; two or three foreigners — English. Q. But most of the stock is held here in the Philippine Islands ? — A. Yes. Q. Can you tell us what proportion of it is held here in the Philip- pine Islands — what percentage of the stock ? — A. Almost all. You can say 99| per cent. Q. Has the stock heretofore, prior to the coming of the Americans, been a dividend-paying stock? — A. Yes; but we have stopped paying dividends on account of the Spanish Government not paying us. Q. What is the authorized capital of the bank ? — A. Three million dollars. Q. And prior to the coming of the Americans, what was your note circulation — how many notes had you outstanding ? — A. Four millions, or a little more .han $400,000 — $4,400,000. Q. This capital you speak of was paid up capital? — A. No; this $3,000,000 is not paid; $1,500,000 is paid up, but we can increase to $3,000,000. Q. So that on an actual capital of $1,500,000 you had in circulation $4,400,000 of notes? — A. Yes; three times more than the capital. Q. Why was it that the Spanish Government permitted no importa- tion of Mexican dollars of a coinage later than 1877 1 — A. Because of the ignorance of the Spanish Government. Adjourned. TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM A. DALAND. Manila. June 19, 1899. Present: Colonel Denby (in the chair), Professor Worcester, and Mr. John R. Mac Arthur. William A. Daland, in response to the questions of the commis- sioners, answered as follows: By Colonel Denby: Q. Please state your name and nationality. — A. My name is Wil- liam A. Daland; I am an American. Q. How long have you lived in Manila? — A. I have been in the Philippines nearly twenty years. Q. And in Manila? — A. I could not tell you exactly. I have been in the provinces. I started here, you see, as a clerk in an old house here and have been coming and going, but my residence has always been Manila. Q. What places outside of Manila have you lived in ? — A. The prov- ince of Albav, the towns of Legaspi and Tabaco, Saragua and Iloilo. Q. What is your occupation ? — A. A broker. Q. Being a broker, Mr. Daland. I suppose you are pretty well posted on financial questions ? — A. Pretty well; t have been a broker for nearly ten years. Q. What has been the currency of the Philippine Islands? — A. When I first came here it was gold. Since it has been declining little by little. Now it is the Mexican dollar. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 161 Q. Was it due to the introduction of the Mexican dollar or to any Government action? — A. No; it was brought to a silver basis by the exportation of gold and the poverty of the Spanish Government, and they were not able to replenish it with gold money, silver coming in in its place. Q. What is your opinion, now, as to the changing in a short period of time to a gold basis? — A. I should not care for it at all. Q. Why? — A. Because it would turn the entire business of the Philippine Islands upside down, and all the country around about us. China and Shanghai, and all around us are on the basis of the Mexican silver dollar, and it would bring about a complete paralysis of trade. W e are now working on the basis of two to four. It would bring prices down and cause a great upheaval. Q. You don’t think that silver itself will depreciate? — A. Not as long as the demand and the cost are on the same basis. Things all along the coast are on the same basis. Q. All over the East it is on the same basis? — A. Yes; you have sent the American trade dollar here, and the British sent a dollar; the Japanese yen was tried, but they never succeeded. Q. Wh}^ didn’t they succeed? — A. On account of the prejudice of the Malays and of the Chinese, who, once accustomed to one coin, will not take another in its place. Q. They have never coined a Philippine dollar or Spanish dollar for this market? — A. Yes, sir; they have. Spain sent out here some three or four years ago what they called a peninsular dollar; it was all right in the Philippines themselves, because Spain in the mean- ime prohibited the entrance of the Mexican dollar made later than the year 1877. Q. And how long did that condition last here? — A. Up to about the 1 3th of last August. Q. Why did you say that the effect on prices would be disastrous ? — A. Because all goods for export are sold on a sterling basis. Q. And how does that affect the question? — A. That affects the question this way: That if a dollar is worth 4 shillings and 2 pence, say, we get $5 for it; if the dollar is worth, as it is to-day, about 2 shillings, we get §10 for a pound in the money of the country, therefore the native gets, so far as he is concerned, about double the price on the London and New York markets. Q. How does that affect imports? — A. It would decrease the price of imports. Q. Well, wouldn’t that be a good result? — A. It would be. If you speak of imports — dry goods and that sort of thing — it wouldn't amount to very much, for the ordinary native in the provinces does not wear many clothes; he is not a heavy consumer. Q. How would it affect the trade with the United States, going on a gold basis? — A. The export trade, you mean, because there is no import except flour. It would have the same effect; it would decrease prices here. Q. Do you think that the natives could in time accustom them- selves to the American dollar? — A. Oh, certainly. Q. But you think that there would be a great loss somewhere?— A. There would for certainly a year or two. Q. Who would have to sustain that loss? — A. The natives of the country — the agriculturists, the men who till the soil- p c 11 162 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COVMISSIOI . Q. You think if you made a contract with the native to pay him so many dollars you would have to pay him as many gold dollars as you now pay him silver dollars? — A. That would be the native’s idea; yes. Q. In the matter of wages and the price for labor? — A. They would expect the same wages as they get to-day. Q. The effect would be that we were paying them double ? — A. Yes. Q. Where would that loss fall? — A. Well, directly on the person employing them, but it always comes out of the people of the coun- try indirectly. Naturally it comes out of the man who pays the wages — comes out of his pocket — but he at last gets square somehow or another; he must get square. Q. How would it affect the government ? Suppose we paid out gold dollars here to-daAL the prices would he enhanced, j-ou think? — A. The prices of imports. Q. Your opinion is that we ought to continue the system of cur- rency as we have it now? — A. I would not say that, because now we haven’t anything in particular, and a little of everything. 1 would say simply a silver basis, the basis of which is the Mexican dollar. By Mr. Worcester: Q. It would simplify the currency if the old cuartos were called in ? — A. You must have the Philippine cents unless you think it would pay to take these cents and send them back to the States. The Spaniards did that last year. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. Why is it that that will pay? — A. Because if you bring out 100 cents, 100 of which will represent a gold dollar there and only a Mexican dollar here, you can see that there is a profit in sending them back. By Mr. Worcester: Q. There would be no trouble in coining fractional currency ? — A. No. By Colonel Denby: Q. Did they coin fractional currency? — A. They did; 10, 20, and 50 cent pieces, coined by the State, in this city. Q. And the copper came from Spain? — A. The copper is very old, indeed, except this new copper which Spain sent out recently; it was all Spanish, but the 2-cent pieces Q. What about an American bank here; how do you think it would do ? — A. I would say that it would do very well, indeed. In fact, it is wanted. Q. Would you make it a bank of issue? — A. Yes; the only bank of issue here at present is the Spanish bank, which is not a healthy insti- tution by any means, although that is not their own fault. Q. Have the Hongkong and Shanghai and the Chartered banks made any effort to issue notes here? — A. No. They are not allowed to. Q. Their notes do not circulate at all here? — A. They will take them Q. At a discount? — A. At a discount on the place where they are issued at the rate of exchange. Q. What is the discount on Hongkong and Shanghai notes at that bank?- — A. One and a half per cent to-day. Q. Has it been more ? — A. I have seen it up to 3 per cent, and I have seen it down to par. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 1C>3 Q. It varies every (lay ? — A. According to the price of silver. Q. W ill your concern here receive the Hongkong and Shanghai bank bills? — A. No. Q. They won’t take them ? — A. No; they don’t know of them. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. Is there a deficiency of small change coinage now in the islands ?— A. Yes. Q. What class of coins?— A. Of copper coins and 10-cent pieces. Q. And the higher grades of silver coins, the 20-cent pieces and the half dollars? — A. There are plenty of them. By Professor Worcester: Q. Would it be possible to send this old copper coinage back to Spain, or would it be worthless? — A. I don’t think that they would receive it. I think it has passed beyond the time and would not be recognized to-day. Q. What is the basis of the copper coinage? — A. Cuartos. It is on the basis of 160 cuartos to a dollar, every copper to represent 2 cuar- tos; or there are 80 to the dollar. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. Would you be good enough to state for us what is the scheme of subsidiary coinage now, and into what divisions it is made? — A. There is the Mexican dollar — there are 160 cuartos in a dollar; the dollar is divided into half reals, 1 real, pesetas, and 50 cents. Q. There are half pesetas? — A. Yes. Q. In establishing a new system of coinage would it be your idea to retain the Mexican dollar in the coinage, having the coinage on the decimal basis, with the Mexican dollar as the unit? — A. Yes. Q. And then do away with these reals and cuartos ? — A. Y"es. Q. And you think that system is one that the people would become accustomed to? — A. Yes; exactly the same as in the States, except having the Mexican dollar instead of the gold one. Q. Dollars and cents? — A. Yes. Q. Do you know what amount of subsidiary coinage is thought to be necessary in the islands for the necessary purposes of business? — A. No, sir; I do not. Q. There not being banks throughout the islands, it requires more money than in a country where there are banks and where money is rapidly turned over? — A. Yes; and a great deal is lost and disappears from circulation. Q. Buried and hidden away ? — A. I presume so. Q. Do you know where we could get statistics which would show the amount, the normal amount, of subsidiary coinage used in the islands ? — A. I should sa}T from the two English banks. By Colonel Denby: Q. I should like to ask you some questions on the Chinese question. About how many Chinese are there in Manila? — A. Before the break- ing out of the war there were supposed to be from fifty to fift}T-five thousand. Q, What were they engaged in? — A. As day laborers and store- keepers. Q. Do the Filipinos generally trade with them, or is it confined only to Chinese ? — A. The Filipinos do all their trading with them. 164 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. When you say they are day laborers, do they do the bulk of the work?— A. Yes. The natives do almost nothing, as far as carrying heavy weights is concerned, because they are too lazy. Q. Is the Filipino physically as strong as the Chinee? — A. Yes. Q. They could do the work? — A. I have had them do work for me in the provinces for two or three years, at a place where there were no Chinese laborers. Q. What is about the pay of a Chinese day -laborer? — A. That I couldn’t say. It has changed altogether in a short time. Formerly, I suppose, it was something like 40 or 50 cents, paid by the foreign houses to the head Chinaman. Q. It has gone up? — A. I should sav doubled. Q. The Chinese now do most of the work here? — A. Nearly all. Q. All the work of carrying in the city is done by them exclusively, isn’t it? — A. Yes. Q. How is it in the country on the plantations? — A. The Indians do that. Q. Don’t the Chinese work on the sugar plantations ? — A. I never saw one. Q. Or the Japanese?— A. Never saw one here. Q. Your idea is A. The Chinese remain in the cities or go to the small towns as storekeepers. Q. Is he engaged in gardening? — A. Very little. Q. Washing? — A. Never. Q. This is particularly his employment in other countries. — A. Never here. The other day I saw a laundry sign up just above here, the first one I have ever seen here. Q. As to his character as a citizen, as a resident; is it good or bad? — A. I should say a little of both; not very bad as a general thing. Q. I mean as to whether he observes law and order, and is obedient and tractable ? — A. Outwardly, yes. Q. They have here in Manila no government of their own, but there is some government by them, which they administer? — A. Up to within a few weeks ago, when the new Chinese consul came here, they were immediately under the control of a man named Palanca. Under the Spanish rule they had a separate tribunal, or a separate division, as it were, for formerly Manila was divided up into barrios, and each place like Ermita had its governadorcillo, petty governor, who controlled the natives in his place; but all of the Chinese went to one place, called the Tribunal of San Glages. This man Palanca was always at the head of it, directly or indirectly. He was called the boss of it. Q. Did the}' administer justice there? — A. No; it was rotten to the core. Q. I mean justice in the legal, not the ordinary meaning; did they try men for offenses or for debt? — A. When a Chinaman was arrested for petty crimes he would be sent to this tribunal and from there to the Spanish courts, but they would always have a Chinese interpreter with them. Q. They were sent there in the ordinary wav? — A. Yes. Q. Was there any feeling on the part of Chinese against the Span- iards?-— A. No; I don't think so. Q. The Spaniards regarded them as a desirable people? — A. Yes; because they were hard workers and cheap. Q. Any feeling on the part of the Filipinos? — A. Yes. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 1(55 Q. Why? — A. The Indian considers he has a perfect right to knock a Chinaman down or throw a stone at him; he seems to look upon him as an inferior. Q. You think it is a race prejudice? — A. Yes. Q. He regards himself as superior to the Chinaman ? — A. Yes. Q. And you think that feeling is general among the Filipinos? — A. All over the islands. Q. Then the Filipinos, from what you have seen, would not like to have the Chinaman remain here? — A. Not save as these small store- keepers, because the Filipino is too lazy to keep a store. Q. Are the Chinese coming here to-day? — A. 1 understand that some are returning that Avent away; a large number left here just before the war. Q. Has the United States Government made arnr restriction on their coming?— A. I have understood that they have, but what it is I can not say. Q. What would be your general idea of allowing the Chinese to come here Avithout restriction? — A. I should alloAV them to come here as day laborers and agriculturists only. Q. But not to remain in the city ? — A. They would fuwe to remain in the city. By Professor Worcester: Q. But not to keep shops? — A. Not to keep shops or as merchants. By Colonel Denby: Q. Why Avould you make that limitation ? — A. Because I thmk they are always inclined to swindle all they possibly can. Q. Are they successful in increasing trade ? — A. Yes. Q. You are familiar Avith the conditions in the far east generally, are you not? — A. Somewhat; yes. Q. WhereArer they, the Chinese, go they control trade, do they not, at Singapore, Ceylon, and Colombo ? — A. Their greatest fault is that they make money and take it away with them. Q. Do they return to their homes when they make money ? — A. Yes. Q. They don’t remain in the country? — A. No. Q. Do they have any rule as to sending their bodies home when they die? — A. It has not been allowed by the Spanish Government. Q. You are aware that as a general thing they insist on that? — A. Yes. Q. But }Tou say that here the GoArernment has not allowed that to be done? — A. No; never. Q. Do you knoAV whether any effort has been made to obtain that right? — A. I can’t say; it was before my time. Q. How long have they been in the islands? — A. I was almost going to say before the Spaniards; that is Avhat I have read in the books, and that is all I knoAV about it. Q. They haATe been an object of persecution at all times? — A. Not to any great extent. Q. Has there been any organized effort to exclude them ? — A. Ten years ago there Avas; it Avas mostly newspaper agitation. Q. Do you think that they Avould be desirable here for laborers and > farm hands? — A. Agriculturists. Q. Well, Avould it be possible to put such a restriction as that upon their coming? — A. Well, I should suppose it would, for the reason 166 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. that the original arrangement with the Spanish Government was that Chinamen could come here only as agriculturists. Q. How would it be to provide that Chinese might be imported here under the contract system for given work and then sent away again ( — A. It would do very well, but wouldn’t it rather disagree with Amer- ican ideas in regard to contract labor? Q. Of course I don’t care to go into that argument. 1 just wanted your opinion. For instance, in the United States, we think the Chinese must be excluded, that is, the laborer; that does not apply to the mer- chant or the scholar or the professional man. We exclude the Chinese laborer because he would compete with our laborer. Now, what reason would you give for excluding them here? — A. Because it is a very low class that comes here. The}' go into business transactions, and get into trouble, and they generally run away and make a com- plete failure. A Chinaman may have twenty names instead of one. Q. But the labor question in the city. The natives won’t work, and you must have day laborers? — A. I agree with you about that, that you must have them for laborers. Q. Then 1 inquired what you thought of bringing them over by con- tract?— A. I think it would be a very good idea for work on the plantations only. Q. It would be a kind of compromise between those persons who want to exclude them and those who want to admit them? — A. I think it would be a very good idea. Q. Would you regard it as harmful to this island to admit them just as we do other races ? — A. I think it would deprive the island of a good deal of its natural wealth. Q. The question is what you think of admitting them, just as other people arc admitted, without any restriction? — A. I should not care to see them here myself under those circumstances, although it would not interfere with me personally. Q. Would it be detrimental to the interests of the country? — A. I should think it would. Q. Of course, if the Chinese are permitted to come here, you know and everybody knows, that a million of them might come, because we are so close to China and so close to the most populous parts of China. Now, if they were allowed to come, do you think it would be detri- mental to the general welfare? — A. I think it would be. 1 think it would impoverish the country. Q. Well, if the Filipino won’t work why shouldn’t we have some- body who will work ? — A. The Filipino will work in certain places where there are no Chinese. Q. Are they taxed all over these islands? — A. Not as laborers; no. Q. Simply as shopkeepers? — A. Simply as shopkeepers. Q. In the" other islands do thev work on the plantations there at all?— A. No. Q. Then that work is done by the Filipino? — A. That work is done by the Filipino. Q. Well, do you think that if they were allowed to come as they please, that that condition would change, that is, that they would go on the plantations and exclude the Filipinos from work ? — A. I don't think they would. Q. What would be the harm, then, in allowing them to come as they have been in the habit of coming? — A. Simply as I have said before, REPORT OF TIIE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 107 they go into trade, they don’t enrich the country, and they are strong competitors against the better classes or more civilized people who come here and do an honest business. Q. Then you would have an exactly opposite idea from what we have at home. We admit the merchant, but exclude the laborer? — A. My idea is that the Chinese here would become a merchant, that is his tendency always, and he is always of the lowest class; there are none of the better class here. Q. In general do you think it would be advantageous to exclude the Chinese? — A. Altogether, no. Q. Not altogether? — A. No. Q. Then you would recommend that they might come under the contract system, and go home when their work was done? — A. I think it w ould be a very good idea. Q. Or if they were prevented from keeping store, or were kept simply as laborers, you would recommend that? — A. Yes; as laborers they arc wanted here, they are of great assistance. Q. Have you any idea of how many come here in a year? — A. No, sir. Q. A great many of them die here, do the}'' not? — A. Not many of them, because w hen they are taken sick they almost invariably ship them over to China. Q. Have they any society here, as they have in San Francisco, having charge of those matters? — A. You mean the Six Companies? I don’t think so. Q. Do they bring their women ? — A. I don’t think so. There are a few here. Q. What do you think of the policy of preventing the coming of their women ? — A. If we must have the Chinamen, let us have the women, too. Q. Don’t you think that would be better as a matter of morality ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. They have largely intermarried with the native women, and have produced the worst race in the countiy, known as the Chinese mestizo or half caste? — A. Yes; they are the worst class we have. Q. Why do you say they are the worst class? — A. Because they have always been taken so; they are treacherous and unreliable, but they are smart; the touch of Chinese blood seems to make them more cunning. 1 regard the Chinese as more intelligent than the Filipinos, saving in the upper classes. Q. I mean the lower classes? — A. In certain ways, yes; in other ways, no. The most ignorant Filipino has more ideas of civilization in him than an ignorant Chinaman. Q. How is it in the matter of education? There are Chinese chil- dren here; are they educated? — A. Yes. Q. But not a gi’eat many? — A. There must be a fair number, I would say, in the Chinese quarters. Q. Poor Chinese? — A. very few poor Chinese. Q. There are quite a number of Filipino women who have married Chinamen? — A. Yes. Q. Where do they get their education? — A. The schools are there if they care to go to them. The}r are not deprived of going to what they call the public schools here. Q. While the tuition and books are supposed to be free, however 168 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. badly managed the schools are, the Filipinos in general are somewhat educated, aren’t they? — A. Nearly all children can read and write. Q. They are taught in the public schools? — Yes; average schools. Q. And they are taught also by the religious orders?— Yes; the greatest fault heretofore has been in the provinces, where they have been taught in their native dialects. Q. Tagalog? — A. Tagalog, Yicol, or the dialect of the province in which they may be. Q. And the public school uses the language of the province, what- ever it may be ? — A. No, Spanish; it should be Spanish, but the priests won’t allow it. Indeed, they talk as if they learned too much. Q. In general, doesn’t the Chinese live by himself, isolated, taking no part in government? — A. Yes. Q. Is that the case here? — A. Yes. Q. How are the Chinese here disposed toward the United States? — A. 1 haven’t the slightest idea. Q. From the way they act have they manifested any antagonism? — A. None whatever. Q. Just acquiescence? — A. Yes. Q. Is it a mere matter of indifference, or is it because they prefer us? — A. I think it is ignorance, save the fact that they have more confidence in white men than they have in the Indian. Q. You think the Chinese would prefer that white men should rule this country? — -A. Yes. Q. Do the Chinese like going out in the world except for making money? — A. 1 don’t think so. Q. He does not bother with government? — A. No. Q. Has he any political ideas? — A. Never heard one expressed. By Professor Worcester: Q. You say we are having a lot of trouble with the Chinese mestizos now. Have you any idea which ones of the present leaders are Chi- nese mestizos? — A. Aguinaldo is. I believe there is Chinese blood in him, and I believe there is in Mariano Trias. I could not tell you the others unless I saw the long list of their names. Q. What about Mabini, do you know? — A. I can not tell. Q. Do you know about Pio and Gregorio Del Pilar? — A. They are pure Indians, both the Del Pilars. Q. Emcabalus? — A. An Indian. Q. Suppose we were to adopt this plan of allowing the Chinese to come in as laborers and agriculturists, what would we do with the people who are keeping store at present all over the islands? — A. Well, I should think the best thing to do would be to allow them a cer- tain number of years to close in; but it would have to be years, because they are all heavily indebted to the import houses here. Q. They get their goods on credit and pay for them when they are sold? — A. They get their goods on credit and they don’t always pay for them. At the present moment it is supposed to be cash. Q. You said that the Filipinos are too lazy to keep store. If you exclude the Chinese, who are to keep the stores? — A. The English, the Americans, and civilized nations will come here and keep store. Q. You think as the country improves and the conditions improve that Americans and English will come here ? — A. There used to be two Englishmen here, a man named Spring and a man named Bell; they kept dry goods and fancy goods. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 169 Q. Have Europeans and other foreigners ever gone into that busi- ness?— A. Mever, except as peddlers. Q. You said our only export here was Hour? — A. Yes. Q. I was under the impression we exported a good deal of petroleum to these islands? — A. Yes. Q. And do those two make the two only important exports now?— A. Yes. Q. Haven’t you forgotten beer? — A. That is since the 12th of August. We tried it before — 1 remember it; 40 eases — and couldn’t sell it. Q. What do you think of the prospects of American trade? — A. If they will make an inferior article, such as the native is used to, they ought to do a good business. And then they would have to make prices something about like what they are now. There is no use to give the native something better and charge him 1 cent more for it — he will never touch it. Q. What do you think of the introduction of machinery — agricul- tural machinery, etc. ? Will the native stick to his old spade or will he take a new implement ? — A. There may be a few agricultural machines of some use. For instance, for cleaning hemp there is no instrument that will do. There have been a dozen invented, and they work all right in Mexico with sisal. Q. I understand that all the different contrivances that have been brought out from every direction have discolored the fiber, even though it was wound over glass cylinders? — A. 1 never heard of it. I have seen, some time ago, a machine invented by a Spaniard that worked fairly well, but the native objected to it and could not be induced to use it. Again, you see, the machine must be taken to the tree. Q. It has got to be a thing that one or tw o men can take and walk off with ? — A. Yes; and he objects to it as it is. Now he takes some- thing similar to a bolo and a small piece of rattan. Q. Is there such a thing as a decent plow in this country ? — A. They use the old stick plow dowm in Negros. Q. Couldn’t better plows than those being used now, capable of being hauled by carabaos, be used? — A. I suppose they could be made of better material than those used now. You see, the great majority of the plows are used for rice fields. Q. They plow for sugar cane, for corn, and for rice, don’t they? — - A. I don’t know. Q. How about sweet potatoes ? — A. The}' generally use a hoe for them. Q. The hoe that they use is tremendously awkward and clumsy. W ould the native appreciate the difference between that and some- thing infinitely better adapted for the purpose? — A. I think he would prefer the old hoe. Q. He wouldn’t change? — A. I have given him a spade and shovel many a time, and he wouldn’t use them. Q. W hat about axes? — A. Axes would sell very well here, espe- cially hatchets. Q. What about imported sugar machinery? — A. It has been all English. There is a little in Negros, Panay, and Benguet. Q. WThat sort of success have the men met with who have intro- duced these recent puddling machines ? — A. One has made a fortune, comparatively speaking, every day in the year. 170 REPORT OF TIIE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. What sort of future would there be for a good sawmill ? — A. That depends a great deal on the demand for sawed lumber. Q. How has it been about that ? Has there been lumber here enough to supply the market at moderate prices? — A. Yes. Q. Couldn’t it be gotten out cheaper by a sawmill? — A. Brown tried that. He incorporated a company that went to the wall. Q. Did the company go to the wall after Brown left it or before? A. -The chief trouble was that the natives would not use his machines. Q. I understood that he had a pretty good thing as long as he was running it himself, and that he sold the company to a syndicate, and that it failed afterwards. 1 was told, too, that he failed about the time he got nearly all the timber cut off ? — A. That was the greatest trouble, the timber is so heavy, and there are no roads. Q. Of course that is no reason why portable sawing machinery could not be put in as at home? — A. No. Q. What do you think about railroads out here? — A. 1 think they would open up the country, but 1 think it would be a long time before they would pay ? Q. Do you know about this railroad here; has it ever paid? — A. They have not been able to pay a dividend. Q. But that road was very expensive in its building. Was there any need for it ? — A. Except the fact that the Spanish Government built the railroad. Q. Suppose an American company should come out here; they could build a road for very much less than that road cost? — A. About half the money. Q. What makes you think it wouldn't pay ? Suppose that road was put through to Batangas and the populous districts; don’t the people care to travel? — A. Yes; they travel a great deal on this Manila and Dagupan Railroad, but the fare is very small; very little. Q. What about freight? — A. Well, say between here and Batangas, you would only have freight part of the year, during the sugar crop, which would be six months at the outside. Q. How would it do to have electric tramways, the cost of which is very much less, chiefly for carrying passengers? — A. The electric tram- way ought to pay very well, indeed. Q. Suppose to Antipolo, taking in some of the large towns on the way? — A. It would take some time before the people would move out there and take houses. This being a center of earthquakes and typhoons foreigners don't care to own much property. Q. There hasn't been much damage from those causes recently ? — A. In 1882 was the last bad typhoon, and in 1882 was the last bad earth- quake. Q. What about hemp? Is all the hemp raised at present that there is a market for? — A. Yes; I should think there is. Q. There is a good deal of land capable of producing hemp that is not under cultivation ? — A. A great deal. Q. What would be the result if a great deal of land was brought under cultivation — more hemp would be raised?— A. A decrease of price, and the cultivator would lose. Q. Is the hemp produced on small holdings by natives? — A. Nearly all small cultivators; a few moderate-sized ones. Q. To whose hands does the hemp go first when it comes from the producer ? — A. Well, sometimes it goes direct to the man who bales the hemp; other times there is a Chinese or an Indian intermediary. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 171 Q. If there is, of course, he gets his profit? — A. Yes. Q. Aren’t there Europeans who have extensive hemp-producing inter- ests out here now ? — A. There are one or two of them left. There were a number of them (Spaniards), but they have mostly died off. Q. Do you think there is any future for that sort of thing here? — A. Certainly there is. Q. What would you think as a commercial speculation of a man going into hemp planting extensively? — A. If he has got money he will always make money. Q. But he must have money to start with ? — A. He must have money to hold on when prices fall, and not clean his hemp. Q. Doesn’t he have to clean it a certain time after the plant is gathered? — A. That is seven years. The plants are capable of bear- ing hemp at the end of four years, and they cease to bear fruit at the end of seven years, and he must be able to hold his hemp from four to seven vears. Q Under what conditions can he get labor at present? — A. The old condition was that the man who cleaned the hemp got half of what it was sold for. Q. Then a man who sold hemp would have on his estate quite a num- ber of natives to whom he was responsible for a certain definite part of it? — A. Yes. Q. But these people must live there, I suppose? — A. Not on the plantation itself, as a general thing. Generally they live outside, because they are inclined to steal. Q. You have said here that they got half the price of the hemp for doing the work; that includes not simply the stripping, but the care of the plants, that must be provided for some way ? — A. That is all paid for separately. Q. And these men are paid by the day? — A. It is according to the contract. Q. Advances have to be made to these people ? — A. Yes; always. Q. And there is more or less loss as a result of that? — A. There Is more or less loss, but it also tends to make slaves of them by keeping a hold on them. Q. Is there any trouble in actual practice in getting people in the hemp-producing districts? — A. That depends a great deal on the price of hemp; the more money they make the less inclined they are to work. Q. Well, how would it be in regard to labor; if a man were hold- ing on to his hemp for a considerable length of time he would have no laborers, or he would have to pay them in advance? — A. They would fall away and leave him unless he saw fit to support them, but that is not an expensive job. Q. At the present time what- are the best agricultural industries here from a financial standpoint — sugar, hemp, and tobacco, I suppose, are the main things? — A. Hemp. Q. Is there anything in sugar under present conditions? — A. It depends entirety on the beet crop. Q. I suppose labor conditions arc similar with sugar to those you have mentioned with hemp ? — A. I know very little about sugar. Q. Do you know anything about the work in tobacco here? — A. No; I do not. Q. You do not know the conditions under which the plantations are run? — A. No. 172 REPOET OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Do you know anything about cocoa and coffee? — A. No; in fact there is very little left of it in the islands. Cocoa comes from South Mindanoa. I know nothing about it. Q. Tell me a little about the province of Albay. You have been down there. What is the main industry there? — A. Hemp; nothing but hemp. Q. What are the means of communication down there? — A. Very fair roads, indeed. Q. Can you travel about the province incalesas or earromatas? — A. Yes; with a few exceptions. Q. Well, these people have to get their food from outside? — A. Yes; the rice mostly from the neighboring provinces. Q. What province? — A. Camarines. Q. They grow enough to keep them so; they are not dependent on the northern part of this island? — A. Yes; enough in Neuva Caceres and Camarines. Q. Have you in mind any new industries that could be started up here under a decent regime?— A. No; I have not, because I have not thought of it. Q. 1 was told that long staple cotton used to be grown a little by the Spaniards before the days when the tobacco monopoly prevented it ? — A. Nothing to what I have heard Q. Would there be a good market in China for cotton, if it were raised here? — A. Both China and Japan. Q. You don’t happen to know anything about the products of the province of Benguet? — A. No; I do not. Q. I n general, what has been the result of your observations as to the healthfulness or unhealthfulness of those men who come here and take care of themselves, not in Manila, but in the decent provincial towns ? — A. I consider the provincial towns more healthy than Manila, Q. What would you say about Manila itself ? — A. I think there is a great deal of luck about it. Only a year ago Mr. Spring came out here; he was a healthy man, but he seemed to go to the wall at once. Q. When you say “luck,” do you mean when a man is fortunate enough not to get infected with typhoid, for instance? — A. Yes. Q. I suppose a big cleaning up of the city, if it were practicable, would improve a man’s chances'?— A. Yes. Q. What, as a matter of fact, does carry oil' the most men here who die before their time? Colonel Denby. Whisky, I guess. — A. Yes; most of them. Q. That being the first cause — the active or primary cause in the majority of cases— what would be the next? — A. Well, 1 hardly know two men who have died of the same disease. Say, smallpox. Q. There must be a variety of diseases?- — A. Well, of smallpox there were one or two cases; dysentery, occasionally; occasionally diphtheria; blood poisoning occasionally, and epilepsy. Q. Wouldn’t you reckon typhoid fever among the commonest sources of death here ? — A. It was almost unknown before the Ameri- cans came here. It may have had another name. Q. They called it enteric fever? — A. But what we called typhoid fever here in Manila there were very few cases of. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. What would be the effect on the future development of the island if the agricultural and laboring Chinese were excluded? — A. It would retard it. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 173 Q. Materially so, do you think? — A. Unless some other kind of laborer took his place, for you can not depend on the ordinary native. Q. In other words, it is your opinion that the native is either incapa- ble or unwilling to devote himself sufficiently to agriculture or laboring pursuits to develop the islands according to their natural capacity? — A. Yes. By Colonel Denby: Q. 1 understood you to say that the Chinese are not agricultural- ists?— A. No; they are not. If they were they would improve matters here. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. Do you mean they would not devote themselves to agriculture even if they were admitted under that condition? — A. They never did under the Spanish law, and under that law they were admitted only as agriculturists. Q. Then, in your opinion, there would be no practical value in admitting them if they would not devote themselves to agriculture? — A. I think that with a little honest government they would do what they were told or be sent out of the country. Q. They understand agriculture? — A. Yes; certainly. Q. And if forced to obey the law would devote themselves to it? — A. Certainly. That is the way the majority of them live in China. Q. Have you any idea how that could be regulated so that a super- vision of their work could be had? Could it be done on landing; have an agricultural survey, for example, have a contract and make them stipulate that they should devote themselves to agriculture? — A. And nothing else? Q. And nothing else. Would that be a practical means of regula- tion?— A. It would certainly do a great deal to assist. A Chinaman is a man, under these circumstances, that needs watching. By Colonel Denby: Q. What is your opinion as to the necessity of having here a court intended primarily to take care of suits brought by foreigners, includ- ing Americans, who do not live here? — A. I don’t think it at all neces- sary, sir. Q. What do the foreigners, generally, think on the question of courts; do you know? — A. I understand they will be perfectly satis- fied, when the courts are open, to have them go on as before under American supervision — as they are now having or are to have. Q. As to whether a United States court should be established here for the purpose of adjudging all cases such as I have mentioned, and tak- ing care of the United States interests generally, what would be your opinion of the feasibility of establishing such a court? — A. I should really think it would be a wise move. I should think it might be well to refer matters from here to Washington. Q. What do you mean? — A. To the Supreme Court, for instance, instead of having a court here. Q. You mean simply to have the Supreme Court as the only appel- late jurisdiction, that would not be possible? — A. No, but try here appeals at the Audiencia, and then be allowed to appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States, the same as was done under the Spanish, when appeals were taken to Madrid. 174 BEPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Is there any demand here for any special court by the for- eigners?— A. 1 don’t think so, sir. Q. Have you heard any objection on the part of the foreigners to going before a Filipino court? — A. None whatever. Q. Have you heard any expressions as to whether justice would be done by a Filipino court? — A. I have heard one or two insinuations that there should have been a majority of Americans and not of Fili- pinos in the constitution of the courts. Q. But as to the establishment of a special court in which the for- eigner would have the primary right to sue, have you heard anything about that ? — A. I think last week certain American lawyers sent a circular around among the houses here with the idea of establishing a court, where, as they said, English only was to be spoken, but the houses did not seem to care anything about it. On investigation it seemed that these men were trying to earn their daily bread more than anything else. Q. Did you understand that they (the business men) were opposed to such a court ? — A. They said it was not necessary. Q. And that is your opinion? — A. That is my opinion. Q. You think justice can be administered in all its branches in these courts here ? — A. I do, sir. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. Is your opinion the same as that which you have expressed as being the opinion of others, that the American element in the court should predominate? — A. Well, I think at least it would be well to have it half and half. Q. What is your idea in general in regard to the intervention of the United States in the functions of government here? — A. 1 should think it would be badly wanted for some time to come. Q. It is necessaiy for the stability of the government that we should take a large control of affairs?- — A. Oh, yes; try and teach them honesty; that has been the great difficulty — the bad example set them by the Spaniards. Q. Do you think that under the influence of a civilized government in the hands of Americans the native could be taught to follow the same kind of government? — A. Certainly; I should say the next generation would be a marked improvement on this. Q. You think them capable of learning the methods of honest gov- ernment?— A. They are very quick to learn, and arc honest or dis- honest, as they are taught. Q. ANY would have to exercise intervention over the central govern- ment and also over that of the provinces? — A. You would have to to some extent, and if all cases in the provinces could be appealed to Manila it would not require so much American intervention. Q. Do you know anything about the former police and military conditions of these islands? — A. The police we have had in the island up to the present time, known as the Guardia Civil, have been a set of scoundrels, who have taken money directly or indirectly from all the Indians in the place, and many times have forced them, when they have seen tit, to pay off a per capita sum charged against them. Q. In time of peace would it be necessary to maintain here a very large police force, provided they were honest and good, always? — A. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 175 Not as far as the work goes. I think we must always have a certain number here. Q. You think, so far as the militia is concerned, in ordinary times a large number would be necessary, or would a small number be suffi- cient?— A. I would answer that question by presuming that in times of peace there would be a certain amount of native militia, and I should say that we ought to have two Americans to every one of them. By Professor Worcester: Q. Isn’t it true that the abuses of the guardia civil were very great, and that that was one of the causes of the recent rising?- — A. No doubt of it. Bir Colonel Denby: Q. Is there anything else you would like to say to us? — A. No; I think there is nothing else. By Professor Worcester: Q. What do you think of the establishment of a municipal govern- ment in the city? Do you know of any call for it at the present time? Do you think the time is ripe for it?— A. I don’t see any reason for civil government here as long as we are under military rule — martial law. Q. It has been said to me frequently within a short time that our soldiers could not very well, on account of their lack of knowledge of the language and their ignorance of the city in general and the ways of the people, run criminals down as they ought, and that they really need natives to help them out. Do }rou think Tagalogs could be found who, as auxiliary policemen, would run them down? — A. To a certain extent the same as before. But to have a police of that sort I would have it black and white. Q. What do you mean by that? — A. I mean that formerly the guardia civil always went in pairs — a white man and a black man. Q. General Hughes said to me that the attempt to get Tagalogs to arrest Tagalogs had been a failure; that they would run the China- men down every time, but where it came to looking after each other it did not work. — A. And for that reason I suggest have a black and white Q. Do you think that their employment at the present time would result in their using such opportunity to take vengeance for private grudges By Colonel Denby: Q. What do you think about a civil governor here — establishing a civil government? — A. In the Philippine Islands? I think the sooner it is done the better. Q. The governor to have absolute veto ? — A. Absolute veto and con- trol over all appointments. Q. You think that that ought to be done as soon as possible? — A. Yes; I think the military government ought to be a military govern- ment, and the civil government a civil government. Colonel Denby. W e are much obliged to you for the information you have given us. Adjourned. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 176 TESTIMONY OE SENOR LEGARDA. Manila, June °20 . 1899. Present: Colonel Denby (in the chair), Professor Worcester, and Mr. Mac Arthur. Benito Legarda, in response to the questions of the Commissioners, stated as follows: By Colonel Denby: Q. We will begin with a few formal questions. Please give us your name, residence, and how long you have lived in Manila. — A. Benito Legarda; residence, 16 San Sebastian. I was born here. Q. What is your occupation ? — A. I am a capitalist; I have proper- ties here and businesses. Q. What is the currency of Manila? — A. Mexican pesos. Q. You have been engaged in business a long time. Wo would like to know your opinion as to what effect it would have going on a gold basis? — A. That is a very deep question. I would not pretend to give an opinion upon that question, as it is not simply a question for a business man, it is a question for bankers and men who have made a specialty of that sort of thing. Q. We have examined some bankers, but we want the opinion of intelligent, active business men, and we hope that you will tell us whether you think it would be better to adopt a gold basis or to retain the silver basis that is now existing? — A. The opinion of the majority of Filipinos is that we should have a gold basis. Q. Is that your opinion?- — A. Yes. Q. And why do you entertain that opinion?— A. Because silver is to-day, as it always has been, fluctuating, and as gold is the basis of value of silver there is no security in business. Values differ from day to day. Q. How would the introduction of the gold basis affect prices? — A. Prices would become better, I think. Q. The chief objection to going on the gold basis made by the gen- tlemen who have appeared before us has been that the gold dollar would simply take the place of the silver dollar and the natives would demand gold dollars where they now get silver dollars, which would result in doubling the prices?— A. Everybody here knows that the silver dollar is worth just half of the gold dollar, and the introduction of gold in sufficient quantities for the transaction of business would simply be the means of fixing prices by gold. Q. But wouldn’t it hurt the exporter if the merchant had to pay gold dollars instead of silver dollars for his products? — A. I think not; he would simply pay one-half of what he pays now in dollars. Q. Would thatsatisry the producer and the laborer — to get nominally half as much as he gets now? — A. Yes; for the half of what he receives now, in gold, ne could buy the same things, and perhaps more cheaply. Q. Do you think that going on a gold basis would make silver equal to gold ? — A. Never. In the U nited States they have bimetallism, and there is one standard for a dollar, and a silver dollar is as good as a gold dollar. If you had that coinage here the American silver dol- lar would naturally be as good as a gold dollar, provided it was a REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 177 United States dollar. My opinion on this subject is influenced by the condition of things when we had the gold basis in the country. This is a very fertile country, and very rich, and everything Avas in very good shape when we had gold, and the products were at the best prices also. Q. How long ago Avas that ? — A. Before the year 1880. Q. Hoav was the change made from the gold basis to the silver basis? — A. There was a silver dollar here at that time, but very few of them, and a decree of the General Government was passed making the Mexican dollar of the same value as the gold dollar, and naturally the good money Avas witkdniAvn from the country and taken out of sight. Q. What had been the rate between the Mexican dollar and the gold dollar prior to that? — A. There were the Carlos dollars here then. Q. No American dollars here then? — A. No; they Avere not known. There was no money here but the money that Avas coined here of gold and fractional money in silver. By Professor Worcester: Q. It was said to us by our last witness that the people would not like gold dollars because they Avere too small; they would not use them. What do you think about that? — A. The only way I can explain that is that it is ignorance. The gold dollar is very small, but it is worth more. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. Were gold dollars actually coined and in circulation here? — A. There were some. I ha\Te some, but they are not in general cir- culation. Q. But at the time you speak of, prior to 1888, were they in circu- lation?— A. Yes; a great deal in circulation. Q. What other coins Avere coined? — A. There was a $1 piece, a $2 piece, a $1 piece, and a $10 piece. Q. And silver?— A. Yes; from Mexico, media-ounces — half -ounces. By Professor Worcester: Q. It has been said to us that there would be difficulty in getting things on a gold basis here, for in China and the China coast generally, and in fact throughout the East, they have the silver standard for their exchanges, and the gold standard would make trouble ? — A. We under- stand that the great difficulty has been that Spain did not have suffi- cient gold to put into circulation here; but this is a problem that America could solve very easily, because she has a great deal of gold. Q. It has been said to us that the day laborer would never accept half the number of dollars that he Avas getting at present, even if he knew they were gold dollars, and that he would be incapable of under- standing the fact that the gold dollar Avas worth tAvice as much as the silver dollar. — A. They are circulating to-dav. They are taking them at the value of gold to-day, at the present time, at double the price of silver. Q. Do you know Avhether the American silver dollar is received here as equal to the American gold dollar? — A. No; because these banks here are English banks, and they do not come up to the same value. When the American silver dollar fell below the gold dollar they took the American silver dollar at $0.90 or $0.80 — something of p c 12 178 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. that kind — and this will he the case here until American banks come here. That M ould send up the value here, because this being American territory, the United States would dictate the law concerning the money that is to circulate here. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. While the gold dollar might be used in Manila and the large cities, where the people understand the value of American dollars, M ould there not be difficulty in teaching its value to the people of the country — the people in general — M’ho are accustomed to the silver basis? — A. I should think so. Still, what is accepted in Manila will be accepted in the provinces. By Colonel Denbt: Q. You are pretty well acquainted with the Chinese, I suppose? — A. Yes, sir. Q. You have been here a long time? — A. Yes, sir. Q. What kind of citizens do they make? — A. In the commercial competition into M’hich they enter they cause a loss in all the objects M’hich they have anything to do with. Q. What do you mean by that — cause a loss? Do they undersell other people? — A. They discredit the products — they adulterate the products. Q. You think the}' are not honest merchants? — A. I think not. Q. Hom' are the}’ M’ith regard to labor — M’hether they work well or not? — A. Oh, yes; they work better than the Indian. Q. How are they as agricultural laborers?— A. Very good; but they do not engage in that, because they get greater remuneration in business. , Q. Are there many of them who labor on farms and plantations? — A. None; they are all engaged in commerce. Q. About how many of them are there in Manila? — A. I believe that there are something like 50,000 here. I am not sure. Q. And these 50,000, what proportion of them are merchants ? — A. I have used the words “engaged in business,” as applied to the Chinaman, not meaning the men M’ho are the heads of business houses, but every- body who is engaged in business in any capacity; for instance, these Chinese M'ho have their own little carts and oxen, I have said that they Mere engaged in business. They are employees of business men and depend upon them. There are about 50 M’ho have their own busi- ness houses. Q. Do they do business with other people besides the Chinese? — A. Yes; M’ith the English and with the Filipinos — with everybody. Q. What is their character as to obedience and peacefulness? — A. They are the most demoralizing people I knoM' of. The}' use their means in every way to evade the law, to get around the law, to get the better of it. Q. Do they administer the laMr among themselves outside of the regular courts, as they do in some other places? — A. Yes; they have laws of their own; and the Spaniards used to encourage that. When they introduced laws of their own here they had to pay a greater amount of taxes. Their personal tax was a great deal larger, and there were other payments. Q. You know, I suppose, that in the United States we exclude the Chinese laborer — we do not allow him to come in — and if a Chinese REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 179 laborer leaves the United States, we do not allow him to come back, except under certain restrictions, which need not be mentioned. What do you think of that system as applicable to the Philippine Islands? — A. At present you could not establish so radical a system as that here, because there woidd probably be a disturbance in business if you did. Q. Wouldn’t the Fillipino work if the Chinese were not here ? — A. Fes; but labor would be a little more dear. The Indian would not do everything that the Chinaman does. Q. Wouldn’t he do it by degrees if there wasn’t anybody else to do the work? — A. Yes; little by little. Q. What is the general sentiment of the Filipinos as regards the Chinese? — A. Terribly against the Chinaman. Q. Then if the Chinese were excluded from coming here, leaving those here who are here now, you think the Filipinos would approve of it? — A. 1 believe so; yes, indeed, it would be a very good political measure. Q. Would you take any action with regard to those that are here? — A. It would make a great deal of trouble in business to send them away, those that are here, but it would be a very good plan to limit the immigration of Chinese and to encourage their emigration. Q. Are there many Chinese born hereof Chinese parents ? A. Yes, many. Q. What class of people do they make?- — A. The mixture of Chinese and the native makes a very good citizen and a very hard worker. Q. What do you call them in ordinary phrase? — A. Mestizos — mestizo Chinese. Q. Does the mestizo mean half Chinese and half Filipino? — A. Yes. Q, What do you say when it is a Spaniard and a Filipino? — A. Espanol-Filipino. Q. Is the word mestizo confined to Chinese-Filipino parentage exclusively ?— A. Yes. Ordinarily the word is used only in regard to the Chinese mestizo. Q. When a man says that another is a mestizo, what does he mean ? — A. Ordinarily that he is a mixture of Chinese and Filipino. Q. If he were the son of a Spaniard and a Filipino woman what would you call him? — A. Espanol-Filipino. Q. And English and Filipino? — A. They call them Filipinos. There are very few of them. Q. In the distribution of political rights, such as the right of voting, would you be in favor of giving that right to the Chinese who are here?- — A. Never. Q. Would you give it to the mestizos?- — A. Yes. Q. Would you give it to the Chinese born on the soil if the father is Chinese? — A. No; because he would follow the nature of his father. Q. Do you think that the male Chinese born here, pure Chinese, ought to be refused the right of suffrage? — A. I think so, for the fact of his birth here does not affect his nationality, because they have a consul here and their birth is registered with their consul. Q. Was there any system of naturalization here under the Spanish rule?- — A. No, sir. Q. Could a foreigner by any process become a Spanish citizen here? — A. Yes; he could by a Spanish royal order. He had to ask it of the Spanish Government. 1 know a Chinese who was a Spanish 180 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. citizen, and I know an Englishman who was a naturalized Spaniard — Spanish citizens. Q. How would it do to permit the Chinese to come here under a contract to labor for a given length of time? — A. It would be a good measure. Q. Would it be better than to exclude the labor altogether? — A. Yes; it would not be advantageous to keep them out completely. Q. How would it do to exclude Chinese coming here in order to go into business, and not as laborers? — A. Do you mean to keep the merchant from coming here and to allow the laborer ? Q. To allow the laborers to come under a contract. — A. I don’t see how it could be done. Q. It was suggested to us by a gentleman yesterday that that was the proper solution of the question. — A. This was the state of affairs before, the Chinese could not come here except as laborers. Q. Were merchants excluded? — A. Yes. Q. Was that law carried out? — A. At first it was very strict, but afterwards they let them come in. I suppose because the Chinese knew very well how to evade the law. Q. How does it happen that the native Filipino will not work? — A. In the first place because he has very few necessities. In the second place because he is very lazy by nature. Q. Don't the women work a great deal ? — A. The women work very well; yes. Q. Who does all the washing here, the men or the women? — A. The women. Q. How would you correct that condition? — A. By creating the necessities that civilization brings with it. Q. Wouldn’t good wages tend to make them work? — A. That is plain; that is certain. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. Referring to the matter of Chinese labor, would it, in your opinion, be desirable to permit the Chinese to enter and devote them- selves to labor and agriculture, if a means could be found for holding them to that work? — A. Yes; it would be very well. Q. And would such a measure, you think, be satisfactory to the Philippine people ? — A. Yes. By Colonel Denby: Q. What do you think about establishing a municipal government in Manila? — A. It would be very well, advantageous, in fact necessary, because to-day the municipal affairs of Manila are administered by men who, although they merit the greatest confidence, have had no experience at all in administering municipal affairs. For instance, in a district of the size of Santo Cristo and Elcano, where everything was burned up, they are allowing people to build and put up all sorts of buildings without any municipal regulations at all. They permit them to put up anjr sort of building they care to put up. There is no restriction. Q. Would the people take enough interest in the question to vote if an election were held for municipal officers? — A. I think so; }res. The great question is about the sort of municipal government to be established here, whether it would be the same sort of municipal REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 181 government which was in force under the Spanish, or whether it would be some sort of home rule that they have in the United States. Q. Don't you think that the details of the municipal government might be left to the administrative council, after it was organized? — A. Would these municipal councils be chosen by election? Q. Not necessarily. They might be appointed by the military power, or there might be an election under proper safeguard, of course, as to the qualification of the voters. — A. To-day, at present, this municipal council would have to be, of necessity, appointed, because it would not be advantageous to have them chosen by election. Q. 1 don’t want to go into these questions now as to the qualifica- tion of voters or the mode of appointment. I simply want your opin- ion as to whether it would be desirable to establish municipal gov- ernment here now, or when? — A. I have heard the opinion expressed among people that they believed it is necessary and desirable to estab- lish it as soon as possible. Q. AVhat is your opinion as to the establishment of a civil govern- ment here, the appointment of a civil governor-general with such powers as may be accorded to him, with the appointment of the usual secretaries, a secretary of agriculture, of construction, etc. ? — A. In my judgment, it would be very good. But there are a great many difficulties about doing that at present. Q. AVhat do you think the effect would be on the body of the public as tending to produce pacification ? — A. It would be a very good thing to establish that here, for every day 1 have opinions from people who come from outside who say that they wish to see established here some- thing of what the commission has promised. Q. You spoke of difficulties. AVhat difficulties do you apprehend in the way of establishing civil government? — A. At present we are under the burden of a war, and of course military law is in force, and military law is, or ought to be, in force in time of war. That is the principal difficulty that I see. Q. You know the circumstances and you know the conditions. Taking into consideration the conditions, everything, all the circum- stances, with which you are familiar, do you think that a civil govern- ment ought to be established now, or when do you think one ought to be established, if in the future? — A. I think just as General Otis does, the miltary governor, and everybody else desires the establishment of a civil government; but how can we do it while war is going on? Q. Do you think the existence of war is an insuperable objection to establishing civil government here? — A. Not absolutely. Q. Do you think the civil government ought to lie established here under the conditions which exist ? — A. There would be many conflicts between the civil government and the military government about questions of jurisdiction. By Professor AVorcester: Q. You said a moment ago that everybody desired to see a civil government established here as soon as it could be. You then asked the question, “ How can it be established while a state of war exists ?” with the implication that it could not be established during the present state of things. And you further stated that there would be a conflict between the military and civil authorities about their jurisdiction. Taking all these facts into consideration, do you, or not, think that there 182 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. might be ii hold in which the civil government would do good here? — A. Who doubts it ? 1 have the opinion of a great many Filipinos, and undoubtedly it would be a very good political measure and very advan- tageous; but how is it to be done? Adjourned. TESTIMONY OF CHARLES ILDERTON BARNES. Manila, June 8%, 1899. Present: Colonel Denbv (in tin' chair), Professor Worcester, and Mr. MacArthur. Charles Ilderton Barnes, in response to the questions of the com- missioners, stated as follows: By Colonel Denby: Q. What is your name? — A. Charles Ilderton Barnes. Q. Where do you reside? — A. Calle Real, Malate. Q. IIow long have you resided in Manila? — A. Well, off and on, with the exception of two or three holidays, I have been here twenty- four years. Q. And you are associated with Warner Barnes & Co. ? — A. Yes; 1 am a partner in the firm of Warner, Barnes & Co. Q. Has that firm been here all that time? — A. Before that I was manager here for the Hongkong Bank for about ten years, and then for the last thirteen or fourteen years I have been in that firm. Q. What is your business; what is your firm engaged in — what busi- ness?— A. Export business generally. Q. Exporting to foreign countries and selling to the islands? — A. Principally to the United States and England. Q. What are the chief articles of export? — A. Sugar and hemp are the principal articles exported. Q. Now, Mr. Barnes, will you give us, in your own way, a talk on currency, what the currency is here, how long it existed in this form, and the recommendations that you may care to make? — A. When I first came here there was gold currency, but there was also at the same time a circulation of silver dollars, and, as the Spanish Government never limited the circulation of silver dollars to any material extent, in course of time, with the dollars that were here and the smuggling, which the custom-house officials carelessly winked at, a lower value of currency gradually replaced the gold. Q. About what year was that, Mr. Barnes?— A. Well, that change had been gradually coming on, but about, I suppose, 1880 there was very little gold left. Q. What effect did that change have on commerce and trade? — A. It had no effect, because it was so gradual. The currency here had been regulated by the exchange on London. The effect was only felt gradually, and spread over a great many years. The rates may have gone down, perhaps, 2 or 3 per cent every year until a silver basis was reached. It was a very gradual change. Q. How does the silver currency suit these islands? — A. In my opinion the silver currency suits the islands very well, indeed. We have had silver now, you may say, for ten years or more; we have REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 183 had nothing but a silver currency and all the natives are used to silver, and all the capitalists arc used by this time to value their property in the currency of the country. 1 don’t think that it would be advanta- geous to go back to gold. I think that silver suits the country better, because the wealth of the country, the wealth that it produces, is entirely from the soil. There are no manufactures or any other inter- ests except purely agricultural wealth. And you may say that the natives look on silver here as not having changed. Practically the value of the dollar is just the same as it has been for many years. Q. In paying wages? — A. In paying wages. Q. You perceive no difference ? — A. Very little. I suppose that there may be some increase in the cost of living, owing to increase of wages. I am speaking more from the point of view of the multitude. There has been an increase in the cost of food and other articles which they want to live on, but I think that is caused more by the increase of wealth in the country, as there is more taken up by the prices of labor than there is by the prices of ordinary articles of food. Of course it is largely put on the value of clothing and that sort of thing. Q. You mean the imports? — A. Imports; but to the bulk of the people that is not a very serious item in their expenditures. The native does not use a great deal of clothing. Q. As to the prices of articles that are exported, has there been any material change ? — A. They fluctuate with the markets at home, but I suppose that the gold price to-day of sugar has gone down perhaps a little, but I suppose a ton of sugar that before was worth £12 or £13 is to-day worth £10 or £11, and, considering it from the native point of view, you may conclude that the silver dollar has varied very little in value except for an increase. As I have said before, more wealth being in the country, it has had the effect of increas- ing the value of the different articles they require; but, on the other hand, they sell their products on a gold basis and they get a much larger return, gold having appreciated. That is the rule, from our point of view here. Gold has appreciated. Q. You think that silver has not depreciated, but gold has appreci- ated?— A. Yes. Q. Then do you pay higher prices for products than you did before? — A. We pay higher dollar prices. Q. The producer gets more money ? — A. He gets more dollars and he does not care whether it is a gold dollar or a silver dollar. Q. Does he get anything like the ratio between the metals? That is, suppose silver is worth only 45 gold cents, does he get more than double? — A. No. He gets the value, up to the value. You see that the competition here in business now issuch you never expect to make more than a moderate commission, and of course the commission and charges and other things for the handling of the produce go to him. Q. The exporter does not get the money? — A. No; the money is made by the populace b}T the millions— by the people. Q. If you went on a gold basis what would be the result? — A. I don't think it would have a good effect, because instead of paying the natives, as is done to-day, $5 a picul for his sugar, you would pay him $2.50 in gold. In their way of spending money $2.50 gold would not go anywhere near the distance that $5 would in silver, because their custom is to pay a man so many reals for wages, and gold dollars would have only so many reals; the gold would have the same number 184 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. of reals as the silver. You could not have a silver dollar of 8 reals and a gold dollar of 16 reals, and therefore he would have to spend more money. He would not benefit by the change. If you go into the market with a gold dollar you do not buy so cheaply as the China- man who goes into the market with a string of cash; the money is not small enough. Gold money is not small enough for the business here. Q. Wouldn’t it be an objection that the gold dollar would be too small? — A. You mean the size. Men could not change it until they had small money. Q. You have copper here? — A. Yes; but there is very little of it. We did have it here. I look at results. The country has been more prosperous on a low exchange than it has ever been before. Q. Because it has brought more money here? — A. It has brought silver dollars here. And you take the sugar grower in the Philippines to-day, and he is a wealthy man selling his sugar at $5 a picul. Q. A picul is 111* pounds? — A. A picul is 140 pounds English and 133 pounds Spanish. 1 came out with people interested in Java. The florin in Java is intrinsically worth about par with our dollar here to-day. The florin is actually but half of a dollar, but the Java cur- rency is on a gold basis instead of a silver basis. Java having a gold basis, with a silver currency, this florin, which is considered to lie gold, is just half the size and half the weight of our dollar, and circulates for the same value, and therefore these people are paid in florins for their sugar, while the people here are paid in dollars, and they get about as many florins for the same quantity of sugar as the people here would get dollars. They tell me, consequently, that these large sugar estates can not pay at the prices that they get for sugar, whereas here, on the silver basis, these natives grow sugar and get wealthy. Q. You think that same thing would happen to our silver dollar — that our silver dollar would be taken for two Mexican dollars? — A. Well, if your silver dollar here to-day is worth two Mexican dollars you see you would have to give the same man double the amount of silver that you give him to-day. If you introduced your American silver dollars you would have to give two Mexican dollars where you uow give one. Q. Our silver dollar to-day is the equivalent of gold. How would that be? — A. That is what they do in Java. It is the same thing, but I don't think it is a benefit to the country. It is more of a benefit to the country to-day to have two Mexican dollars than to have one American silver dollar of exactly the same value. Q. Your opinion is that there ought to be no change? — A. My opinion is that there can be no better currency for these islands than the Mexican dollar, unless the United States cares to coin a dollar of the same weight as the Mexican dollar and allow it to circulate at its value. Q. Are there any Chinese dollars here? — A. There are no Chinese dollars here. The Mexican dollar is current in China now. I have never seen a Chinese dollar. Q. I have paid out thousands of Chinese dollars in Peking. The}7 coin them at a dozen places. — A. They do, indeed? Q. They coin them at Canton, but they don't coin them at Hong- kong.— A. W ell, they do not circulate here. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION 185 Q. I thought perhaps they had reached here. — A. No. Tf the coun- try actually wanted more money, my opinion is that there would be sufficient cash here if the government allowed the free importation of Mexican dollars. Q. The government has been doing that? — A. It is known what they are worth. It is an honest coin. It is worth the exact value of the face of it. Q. What is the smallest denomination of bank bills issued here? — A. Five dollars. Q. There is only one bank, I understand, authorized to issue notes? — A. There is only one bank. It would be a great advantage, perhaps, if they allowed some further circulation of bank paper here. Q. How would an American bank do here? — A. An American bank would have the same prospects here as the other banks have. Q. But an American bank might have the right of issue? — A. Cer- tainly. Q. The English banks have not?- — A. The English banks have not. I mean that they could do practically the same banking business, and in addition they might have the right of issue as well. Of course, there are many people who would say that it is better to put the country back on the gold basis, but then 3^011 have got to find out whether they are speaking for themselves or for the country. As far as we are con- cerned as a firm it would be better for us to have the country back on a gold basis, and perhaps for me individually. For instance, suppose I was a partner in a firm and had $500,000 interest in that firm, and I sold out. Instead of getting $500,000 silver, as now, I would get$500,000 gold on a gold basis. But it would not benefit the country at large to have the islands on a gold basis, and you don’t want, I think, to legis- late for the rich people, the rich people can look out for themselves, and, after all is said and done, their riches depend on the prosperity of the country. If the country is prosperous, then the rich man gets better prices for his property, and prices follow values. And then if the country is not prosperous prices depreciate, and the same way with the government: if the country is prosperous it can stand a large amount of taxation, for they can pay double the amount of taxation in silver that they can in gold. That is my opinion about it. I may be wrong, but this is a producing country, and I believe the silver basis is the best. Q. That is about the argument that is made at home. There is a very strong silver party in the agricultural States. — A. The agricultural people say we want a silver basis, and the rich people, the bankers, say we want gold; we have to pay our own money out in gold and we must have it returned to us in gold, and the bankers’ interests, the rich man’s interest, is the stronger with you, isn’t that so? Q. It is a very difficult question. In this country, where there are no other interests than agricultural and the whole wealth of the country is in agriculture, you think the people themselves woidd be dissatisfied with getting one-half less dollars than they did before, even though the dollars were worth double the amount of the former dollars which they received? — A. Yes; I certainly do. By Professor Worcester: Q. The present system of fractional currency, particularly the cop- per part, is very cumbersome. You have 160 coppers to the dollar. — A. You will want a fractional currency very soon. There is a great REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 186 complaint now for the want of small money. Of course, there is a mint here. I don't know whether they can make copper coins or not. By Colonel Denby: Q. Is that mint in operation now?- — A. No; but I suppose such coin could be minted here if the mint was in operation. Q. Would you see any objection in the way of using1 a decimal sys- tem for fractional currency? — A. No; there wouldn't be any objection to that. The people are used to the system of reals and 160 cuartos in a dollar. Q. A real is 12£ cents? — A. Yes. You sec the Spaniards tried the introduction of this decimal currency when they made the 50 cent, 20 cent, and 10 cent pieces, but they did not carry it out on the basis of the Mexican dollar. If they had made 2-cent coppei’s and d-cent coppers instead of cuartos, it would have been better, I think. I don’t see any objection to the decimal system. It is simpler, and in the course of a year everybody would go into it. It is only in the markets where the reals and cuartos are still used. Q. Of course they are used to having d cuartos to 5 cents?— A. The natives, among themselves, selling goods and fish, are used to reals, but accounts are kept in decimals here now. All invoices are made in the decimal system. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. You said that in China you could buy more with a string of cash than you could for an equivalent value in gold?— A. I mean, if you go into the market with silver, and you try to get change, and all that sort of thing, it seems to disappear, whereas these Chinese can go in with a string of cash and buy things, personally, very cheap. Q. Do you use that illustration for the purpose of showing that in some manner the silver dollar does not pass for its real value? Will not products find their equivalent value on a gold basis ? — A. To a great extent. But if the agriculturists are paid in gold, they can not make that gold go around like twice the number of dollars in silver. Q. It would change, then, the value of the dollar so far as concerns the agricultural classes, and appreciate the value of money? — A. I suppose so. Q. Would what you say as applying to the agricultural classes here necessarily apply to mechanics in England or some other country ? — A. No: perhaps not. You see their currency is on a solid gold basis. Q. But, as I understand, you have not thought to put this country on a solid gold basis? — A. You might possibly try to run it on the understanding that it was on a gold basis and put silver in circulation instead of gold. In that case a man would be given the same amount of silver that he now gets and be told to consider it gold dollars, because the country was on a gold basis. Q. Then, the reason you think that silver is better adapted to the agri- cultural class is the fact that the agricultural class is one that does not appreciate the real value of the money that is given to them ? — A. I don’t know exactly how that is. I can not exactly explain how it is, except that the silver here does not seem to have depreciated, but seems to hold its value. Q. It seems to me that your reason is good. — A. If the grower of rice and the grower of cocoanuts, and the grower of different articles of- consumption, and the owner of sheep and beef all agree to consider REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 187 that silver — that a dollar in silver should count for so much in pur- chases, then it has not depreciated. Q. But it seems to me that your reason, while it would hold good with a people like the Filipinos, accustomed to money upon a silver basis, would not hold good with an agricultural people accustomed to a gold basis. — A. If they were used to having no great changes, and the country was used to a gold basis, I would not advocate their going on a silver basis, because it upsets everything. Q. If the Philippines were still on the gold basis of 1870 would you hold the same opinion that you do now, or would you deem it advisable to continue on that basis? — A. I do not know that I would recommend a change, for I consider the prosperity of the country is greater in wealth now than it was on a gold basis. Q. Is the Philippine money question dependent upon or influenced in any wav by the fact that the Archipelago is in close proximity to the other Eastern countries which are on a silver basis? — A. Very likely that has an effect, because the countries that have a lower exchange are accustomed to consider the silver dollars worth so much. They take the silver as worth so much money. And the people who are trading in dearer money — these silver people can not compete with favorably. They have shown that in the case of Java, for instance; they told me so. I don't know about Java, but they tell me that although the sugar crop there is very large they get very little out of it. They work very close indeed. They are not so prosperous as the people are here. By Colonel Dexby: Q. What is your opinion of the Chinese as a race here in Manila, as to whether they are desirable citizens or not? — A. I don't think they are desirable citizens. It is a very difficult question, this Chinese prob- lem. It is a very difficult problem, and everybody apparently has got a different opinion about it. The man who wants Chinese coolies to assist him wants you to let the Chinese coolies in, Chinese carpenters, and Chinese cooks, and Chinese servants, and so it goes on; but I don’t think they are favorable to other Chinese coming in whom they do not want. Everybody wants his own Chinaman, but I 'don’t think they generally make good citizens. They take out of the country every- thing they make; they spend nothing in the country, because they liv e on nothing, and the}” intermarry with the people here, and they produce a race which are not good citizens, either. The great trouble, I think, in the history of the Islands has been caused by the Chinese and Chi- nese mestizos. Q. Do they intermarry with the natives to any great extent? — A. To a considerable extent around about Manila. They have to some extent affected the native. The native has become, to some extent, Chinese. Q. Will you give us your opinion as to what would be beneficial along this subject — that is, as to whether to exclude the laborer entirely, or whether to admit the laborer to come in under a contract system, to return when the work is over, finished; or whether to exclude the merchant? Would it be well to limit the coming of the laborers, and especially the agricultural laborers, and what effect would these various things have on the interests of the body of the people?— A. It is a question whether it would be advisable to admit Chinese into the towns like Manila, Iloilo, and Cebu, but I don't think 188 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. it would be advisable to let them go into the country. The natives do not like them, and there is always trouble; the}* always make trouble. They won't settle down as agriculturists when they can possibly get anything else to do. They become small traders, go over the country with packs on their backs, but they won’t do agricultural work. I don't think you will find anywhere in the country real agricultural Chinese except around Manila, where they have market gardens. By Professor Worcester: Q. There are a few on the coast of Negros, so that they are noth producers and consumers? — A. Yes; there may be a few. By Colonel Den by: Q. In many places they run market gardens ? — A. Yes; near Manila, where there is demand for the market produce, but in no other part of the country, I think. My idea is that the native can open up the coun- try quite fast enough if you give him roads and railways. Relative to this railway made to Dagupan, the only railway in the Islands, I believe that the production of rice along its tributary territory has increased nearly 100 per cent owing to the opening up of the country where the railroad went through. I think the native is quite capable of developing his own country. If you introduce the Chinaman they will always tight; the native will kill him and there will always be trouble. Q. Why do the natives hate the Chinese so? — A. They don’t like the race; they don't like Chinese. They have an antipathy for them. Q. Is it because they enter into conflict with them as laborers? — A. It may be. When I first came to Manila many of the trades, like car- penters, stone masons, builders, bricklayers, and all of these were nearly all natives; now they are nearly all Chinese. You can hardly find a native carpenter or bricklayer. Now, this takes so much money out of the pocket of the Indian, for now the Chinese get all of that and they take it over to China. Q. Do the Chinese who have married native women go back to China? — A. The fathers do very often and leave families here. You know that here there are more people that go into commerce than any- thing else. The}’ are not generally looked upon as reliable. They seem to be people who seem to think themselves better than their fathers and better than than their mothers. I refer to the mestizos. It is curious. Q. It is a singular difference, because there are among the Chinese unquestionably some of the most reliable people we have. — A. There are Chinese merchants here who are very reliable, but there are very many of the lower class, the coolie class, who come over here as coolies and gradually become merchants; they are not so reliable. They go into business and then they fail and pay 20 or 30 per cent and disap- pear. They are not the better class of Chinese. Most of them are Amoy coolies. They come over as Amov coolies and gradually make enough money to start themselves in business. Q. I gather from what you say that you rather think it would be wise to exclude them. — A. 1 would exclude them from the country. If you want Chinese in townsffor labor or for different kinds of masonry and carpentry work and that sort of thing, let them come into the towns, but let them come under some kind of restriction or arrange- ment with the Government, so that you will know what you have got here, else they will swamp the country. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 189 By Professor Worcester: Q. What would you do with the Chinese already in the islands? There is hardly a place that has not got a Chinese shop. — A. I don’t know how many will be left after this war is over. By Colonel Denby: Q. No law would be ex post facto. — A. These men who are here now as merchants, you couldn’t very well turn out. You might admit a certain number of artisans and coolies to do the trade in the dif- ferent towns, but even then you would be taking the bread out of the mouths of the town people; but, as I say, it is a very difficult ques- tion; it is a very difficult thing to give an opinion on, except that I do not believe it is a good thing to let them go into the country districts. By Professor Worcester: Q. Would the town people go to work and earn their bread? You have spoken of giving them railways and highways. Could you get them to do the actual labor? — A. Yes; they did before. They built the Manila and Dagupan railway. Q. In the matter of retail business in these small towns, will the natives do that business, or are there enough other outsiders who would come in here and take hold of it? — -A. Yes; almost all the trade in Manila was within the hands of the natives in my own time, but within a short time, the time of which I have talked, it has changed. When I first came here there were only one or two Chinese firms on the Escolta and Rosario. Q. Do you know the state of affairs outside at that time? — A. 1 can not say, except that the country was possibly Q. Do you know whether the Chinese were in the provincial towns? — A. No; I do not know as to that. Q. Do you know at all how that state of affairs was brought about, because the Chinese were here before the Spaniards were? — A. Yes, they were; but two or three times there has been trouble with the Chinese, and I believe once or twice the natives slaughtered them. Q. Yes, three times. — A. That is another trouble you have with the Chinese. It is just the same in Singapore. You remember that they have had a lot of trouble with the Chinese there. They rose and the Government proceeded against them, and proceeded against them so much that there was a great outcry in England about the barbarity of the proceedings. Q. They seem to get along pretty well with the Moros down there in Mindanao and Sulu. — A. They very likely do; I don’t know about that; but in the more settled, civilized parts of the islands, where the natives are of the Christian religion, I don’t think they will ever get on. It is a question of religion, too, you know. You may wantthem in the towns; the people say we must have cooks and laborers, and I suppose you will have to have some of them. Q. Of course there is a great scarcity of labor. In the island of Palawan, for instance, there is no one to work for you at the present time. — A. No, not in Palawan; but I think it is a very unhealthy island. Q. No; I don’t think it is very unhealthy; not more so than the other islands. — A. I should put a poll tax on them when the}T did come in. I don’t think you want to till up the Islands with any kind of a race 190 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. that just comes to hand, but rather leave the opening up of the Islands to roads and railways, and then as the wealth of the country increases the population of the country will increase with it naturally, as always when a country is prosperous the population seems to increase. You don’t want to take any measures to increase it beyond the buildi ng of roads and railways. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. You think, then, that there are laborers enough already in the country to meet immediate demands in the development of the coun- try and the building of roads and railways? — A. I think so, unless there are more people killed than I know of. I think so. You know the native in the interior, where he is not contaminated by bad influ- ences, is not a bad sort of man; he is pretty honest; you don't gener- ally lose much money with the natives, which is not unusual with the Spanish and mestizos. I think he ought to have a chance to populate these islands and we should not “improve.” him off the face of the earth with some combination of Chinese and natives which we know does not produce a very satisfactory result. By Professor Worcester: Q. The opinion is pretty general that the Chinese mestizo does not make a good citizen? — A. No; he does not make a good citizen. He always wants too much. You will find out that these gentlemen up in the north who are at the front or pulling the strings are nearly all Chinese mestizos. By Colonel Denby: Q. What about the ability of these natives to take part in the gov eminent ? — A. There are some very fine natives — very good men; you couldn’t have better men; men like Cavetano Arellano, now the pres- ident of the supreme court. You couldn’t have a better man, and you couldn’t take a better opinion than his as to some of the various people around, as to whether they are suitable to be intrusted with authority or not. I would say his opinion was the best yTou could take on that point. Of course, the natives have been brought up in rather a bad school. They have had bad masters for a good many years, and naturally they have learned a good deal which they had better not have learned; and there is no doubt that the late government officials used to do a great deal of squeezing, and that they taught the native to do the same. But still, you may say there are honest men. I know there are honest men. I know there are a good man}r honest men among them who are quite capable of taking part in public affairs. In fact, 1 don't see any way out of it. You can't put an administrator into all the towns all over the provinces. You have got to appoint a captain of the different villages and make him responsible to the government, because the less government there is in the country the better. You all agree with me there, I assume. Q. That is an axiom. With thanks, the meeting adjourned. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 11)1 TESTIMONY OF EDWIN H. WARNER. Manila, June °23, 1300. Present: Colonel Denby (in the chair), Professor Worcester, and Mr. M ac Arthur. Edwin H. Warner, in response to the questions of the commis- sioners, stated as follows: By Colonel Denby: Q. Mr. Warner, will }’ou kindly state your name, age, residence, and occupation? — A. Edwin H. Warner, merchant, member of the firm of Warner, Barnes & Co.; residence, Manila, where 1 have resided since 1874 — December, 1874:. Q. You are the head of the firm of Warner, Barnes & Co. ? — A. Yes. " Q. That firm has been established here for a good many years? — A. Since 1887. Q. You are engaged chiefly in exporting? — A. Yes. Q. We want to get from you. in your own way, without putting unnecessary questions, briefly, your views of the currency here — how it is adapted to the mercantile conditions and the general good of the people of the islands, and what effect a change to a gold basis would have. — A. The first effect of a change to a gold basis would be that naturally you would have to reduce prices of wages here, because the price of exports would naturally fall 50 per cent. For example, if you take the price of sugar to-day, while sugar is not a specialty of these islands, sugar is a production of all over the world — there is a universal market for it. While here the present price in — say Iloilo, which is the chief export town of sugar— is §5.4:0 a picul, that is, $84: to the ton, silver, the price would have to be reduced on a gold basis to §4:2 a ton. The cost of producing the sugar is anywhere between §32, silver, and §36, and would be the same in gold, as the people here have no expensive plants like they have in Cuba. Of course it is all done in a very rudimentary way-, and assuming that the wages average, I think, down there about 25 cents a day, silver, the same wages as they used to get in gold. Their wages might have increased 10 or 15 per cent, but have not increased 50 per cent, consequently the people who would be the losers, would be the producers of the coun- try; they would not be able to use the difference between the gold and silver they bring into the country here, and the\T have no idea of leaving the place. Q. Well, if they got the gold couldn’t they convert it into silver? — A. Well, how? If you are going to have a gold currency the silver dollar would be of the same value as the gold dollar. Q. They would get fewer dollars, but wouldn’t they buy more? — A. They would in some things; they would be able to buy more clothes and jewelry, and things like that would be cheaper, certainly. Q. You think the prices of the products of the country would not change ? — A. They would not change. Q. And the wages would not change?— A. You know it is very difficult to put wages down. They rise with great facility, as they have done around here recently, but you can’t get them back to their old standard again. Q. Were you here when the currency was gold? — A- Yes, 192 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. And how did you get from gold to silver? — A. Well, it came about gradually. First they had gold here, and there has been what they call an intendente, a treasurer. They wanted to make a big deal, so they said there was a scarcity of gold. They could not get gold coin in the mints, consequently they got an order from Spain at the time to allow Mexican dollars in. Well, the Mexican dollar, 1 think, then was about 4 shillings and 2 pence, and that of Hongkong was at about 3 shillings and 7 pence. Well, they sent over drafts and bought up silver in Hongkong. Q. Four shillings and 2 pence would be above par? — A. It was above par then. Q. And 3 shillings 7 pence was about what? — A. Three shillings 0 pence and 7 pence. Q. That would be about 8(1 cents? — A. Yes; and they got cargoes of silver, and a great deal of the gold that was coming in here they exported and got in exchange silver, by means of some Spanish houses, as I think it was, at that time, and they made a little commission on the transaction. Well, little by little the gold went out — disappeared from here; and of course, when the gold disappeared and bad times came for the islands there was a plethora of money, and we were obliged to export the Mexican dollar, and then down went exchange to a par with China. Q. They did not coin dollars here? — A. No. Q. They coined subsidiary money? — A. Yes. Q. And how did they get their copper? — A. Most of the copper was old copper sent out from Spain. Q. They have never had any cents here? — A. No; they sent out some gold money from Spain, but that has been returned, as it was never changed. They sent out some copper, but that was changed from cents to cuartos. Q. Is there much copper in circulation here now? — A. A fair amount, but not enough for the wants of the place. Q. Then you think a copper cent ought to be coined representing the hundredth part of a dollar? — A. Yes. Q. You think that would be a good idea? — A. Yes; people would soon get in the habit of using them. Now, of course, they are in the habit of calculating a purchase in Spanish reals. A real is 12£ cents, or 1(10 cuartos of the Mexican dollar. Q. They are smaller than a cent, then? — A. Yes. By Professor Worcester: Q. There were no cuarto pieces ? — A. There were no 2-cuarto pieces. By Colonel Henry: Q. Would you approve of the idea of making a copper currency here of one hundred cents to the dollar? — A. Yes. Q. Well, in regard to the balance of the currency, how would you ar- range it — would you continue the real? — A. I would do away with the real, and make it decimal — 10, 20, and 50 cent pieces. Q. Would a 20-cent piece be better than a 25-eent piece? — A. Yes; I think so. Virtually, there have been no 25-ccnt pieces in the cur- rency here for the last eight years; they were all retired by the mint here and recoined. Q. It would make some embarrassment, I should think, to have a 20-cent piece and 25-cent piece, too. — A. Well, virtually, there haven’t been any here for a long time. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 193 Q. Well, as far as the basis is concerned, you have spoken of the effect on products, and, individually, on the people. Now, as far as general business is concerned, how would that be affected by the change? — A. I don’t think it would be affected at all. Q. What difference would it make to the exporter to go on a gold basis? — A. It wouldn't make any difference to him at all. It does not affect him one way or the other — not the exporter. The people it really affects are the people in the country — i. e., those who produce in the country. Q. How have exports been affected by the use of silver? — A. To give you a practical illustration: In the year 1879, I think it was, hemp was down to <£20 a ton, and the price here, ivith about the same conditions as are ruling now, was between &1.50 and $5 a picul gold. I was down in the provinces, then, in Albay, and the natives were paid down there about $1 gold, and they were absolutely starving. It didn’t pay them to produce hemp, but of course they had to work, but at the same time they were living on roots and could not afford to buy any rice. Two years ago, in 1897, the same quality of hemp was selling in London at £11 a ton. The price in Manila went down to $ti, and at §6 the natives could afford to produce the hemp and were con- tented, and could buy rice and were not obliged to live on roots; they would get $6 instead of $1 worth. Q. But the $1 they got was gold and the $0 was silver? — A. Yes. Q. And still they were better off ? — A. Yes. Q. Then the effect was to increase exportations?— A. Yes; this facili- tated exports. Q. How have the exports been for the last few years since silver has been down so low ? — A. I think the export of hemp has increased about 10 or 50 per cent. Q. How has it been with sugar ? — A. Sugar has kept about the same. We have also had in the last three years — for two years running there was a crisis in the sugar trades and the prices were the lowest ever- known. Q. Do you know what that was caused by? — A. By the overpro- duction of beets. Q. The condition to-dav is then that exports are flourishing? — A. Yes. Q. How about imports? — A. Imports as a rule follow the exports; if exports are flourshing imports are flourishing. Q. Your exports you buy for silver and you sell for gold? — A. Yes. Q. Thereby you make money. Now, in the imports you buy for gold and sell for silver? — A. Yes. Q. How do you manage to keep the price down here. You buy in London, for instance? — A. You buy piece goods in London and sup- ply the natives. You buy for gold and sell it at whatever it works out plus the commission. Q. You buy for gold and sell for silver? — A. Yes. Q. You can’t sell it at the same price in silver }'ou buy for gold? — No. Suppose a piece of stuff costs }Tou 25 cents a yard, then you sell it for 50 cents a yard silver plus the duties. Q. Imports are diminished? — A. Imports are diminished, but you must take into account that this is a country where there is a large balance in ti’ade in favor of the country itself. Q. It exports more than it imports? — A. Yes, P c —-43 194 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. How are imports in quantity, and what are they? — A. The im- ports the last few years have been mostly piece goods. Q. The natives do not wear many of them? — A. Not very much. Q. Do you import any machinery? — A. Very little. Q. (Professor Worcester.) How about flour? — A. There has been a growing business here in flour; there has always been some, but the last few years I suppose it is getting less. Q. That comes from California? — A. Always. Q: You don't import any wood, I suppose, from Oregon?— A. No wood has been imported here, as the soft wood does not stand the climate; the white ants get into it, and, as a rule, the price of the wood is cheaper here than you can import it. By Mr. W orcester: Q. Isn't petroleum a more or less important item? — A. Yes. Q. Where does it come from? — A. The greater part of it latterly has come from Russia. Q. Brought in tank ships? — A. In packed tins. Q. Is there any native petroleum in Cebu? — A. They have found petroleum, but they have not been working their discoveries for the last two years, and I do not think it has been a success. They have never got as far as putting up machinery. By Colonel Denby: Q. What effect on this question would the contiguousness of silver- using nations like China, Siam, Korea, and the Straits have on a gold or silver basis? — A. They are on a silver basis — the Straits. Q. How is Australia? — A. Australia is on a gold basis. Q. And Borneo? — A. Silver. Q. And JaAra? — A. Gold basis. Q. Well, you have a good deal of dealings with Java, haven't you? — A. No; none at all. Q. You have dealings with China? — A. Yes. Q. Largely? — A. Yes. Q. What do you get from China? — A. All these Chinese goods. A lot of California flour is bought in China by the Chinese and shipped here. Q. You bring over goods for the Chinese that arc peculiar to the Chinese, such as dried meats and things of that kind? — A. And salt vegetables and Chinese piece goods. Q. So that element of the contiguity of the nations with which you deal, who are silver-using nations, has no effect on the question of the silver or gold basis? — A. As a rule, gold in China commands a fairly good premium. The Chinese absorbed a good deal of the gold that was current here, and the Chinese very often, instead of taking away drafts, would take away gold and sell it on the other side. Q. To what extent was there such a use of gold by the Chinese? — A. I suppose the Chinese would take away in a year from here, in the old days — wo calculated that they would take about $800,000 in gold, outside of what they took in jars. Q. Well, you haven’t quite answered the question as to what effect the fact that you deal chiefly with silver-using nations would have if you went on a gold basis; whether it is more advantageous for you to continue on a silver basis, because you are dealing with these people who are on a silver basis? — A. I should think it would be. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 105 Q. For their business is all done in silver here, and when you do business in China in silver it would be more profitable and better than to go on a gold basis. — A. Well, there is no question about the profit. If it came to be a question of profit there would be more profit come, I think, in dealing on a gold basis. A gold basis would be more profit- able for the banks in exchange than it would be at the present time, i. e., in dealing with silver countries. Q. Would you be influenced at all by the fact that you are sur- rounded by silver using nations? — A. No; not at all. Q. The answers you have given have been dictated not by your own special interests, but by the general interests of the Philippine Islands? — A. Yes. Q. Because of the fact that they have to deal with silver countries ? — A. That element wouldn’t have anything to do with it. Q. You deal with Japan? — A. Yes. Q. And can you explain to us the difference in the case of Japan? — - A. Japan, as far as I can understand, has a gold currency that is fixed on a standard of 2 shillings. Q. That is, a silver dollar that is equal to 2 shillings? — A. Yes. Q. That is made so by law? — A. Yes. Q. So that there are no fluctuations? — A. There are some fluctua- tions; of course if the price of silver goes up every dollar goes up in price. Q. Wouldn't you consider it advantageous to have a currency that didn’t fluctuate? — A. It would be a great advantage. Q. When you make a contract, for instance, to buy goods six months ahead in silver, you don’t know what you have to pay for it? — A. If oil wish you can fix the exchange forward in the banks when you sell the products here. Q. When you buy goods in London you sell them here. You pay certain prices in London, but you don’t know what price you will get here? — A. In the import business they contract with the Chinese or the dealers in exchange on the day the contract is made. Q. That is when the contract is made in advance? — A. Yes. Q. Isn’t it a very great disadvantage for a merchant not to know — suppose, for instance, that silver is above 47. Now, if he makes his contract on that basis he loses? — A. Yes. Q. The Mexican dollar is worth 47 cents? — A. Yes. Q. Suppose you make 3rour price to buy goods on that basis, and 3’ou bring them here, and 3^011 find that the Mexican dollar has gone up to 99 cents, and then 3tou have to sell those goods for silver, 3rou would lose enormously, naturally. How can 3’ou guard against that? — A. That is impossible; 3Tou can’t guard against that. Q. You know I was in China at the time when the Sherman bill passed, which provided that the Government should buy $4,000,000 every month of silver and coin, at least with the right to coin $4,000,000. Then it was that silver appreciated, and I remember in China the Mexican dollar went up to more than 95, and it absolute^ stopped business, because the man who had bought goods in the inte- rior would take his bill of lading to the bank and would want silver dollars to pay for it, and instead of getting the rate he would have gotten before, sa3T two for one, he would get a little less than one for one, so he would say, “Then I can’t send any more goods forward;” and business stopped for two or three weeks. — A. That was in export. 196 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Then it took a turn and went down until it got something like 42 in Shanghai. — A. Yes. Q. Don’t you consider these fluctuations very disastrous? — A. Cer- tainly; they are detrimental to a country until the price of silver steadies itself. Q. You can’t really tell. I suppose — suppose the United States were to adopt 10 to 1, silver would go up? — A. It would for the time being. Q. In London? — A. Yes. Q. Then after a while would it get back to normal conditions? — A. Yes. Q. In the meantime wouldn't it prove very injurious to business people? — A. Certainly it would. Silver is nothing more than an arti- cle of merchandise, like sugar or cotton or wheat, that you can not prevent fluctuations in. Q. Would you avoid fluctuations if you went on a gold basis? — A. Yes; but, on the other hand, you would have the same condition as in China, when the man came down with his bill of lading and expected to get two for one, but only got one for one. Q. This man, then, in case he expected to get $1,000 and only gets $500 silver, is ruined? — A. Yes. Q. If you can avoid these fluctuations by a fixed currency — a fixed basis — wouldn’t it be desirable? — A. It would be very desirable, if you had a fixed currency like they have in Japan. They get away from all these enormous fluctuations and get on the gold basis. Q. Japan has estimated the ratio at 32 to 1? — A. Yes. Q. Our people at home proposed 16 to 1, which is just one-half.— A. Yes. Q. Then you conclude, Mr. Warner, that it would not do for these islands to be put on a gold basis? — A. I don’t think so. Q. You think that the natives would be benefited by remaining as it is? — A. Yes. A man naturally, if he has a piece of property that he can get $20,000 silver for, does not want to sell it for $10,000 gold. It would mean that the property would depreciate half. Q. Well, without any reference to the general question of worth, either as applicable to these particular islands and these present con- ditions. your judgment is that they should remain as they are with the introduction of a decimal currency; and how would it be about bank bills? — A. AVe should certainly have, as we have always had, bank bills. Q. But there is only one bank of issue here?- — A. Yes. Q. Suppose we had an American bank, with the right to issue, how would that do? — A. It would do very well, of course. Q. How would it do to circulate small bills here? — A. The smallest bills ever circulated here were $5 bills. Q. How would it do to introduce small bills — ones, twos, and threes? — A. AV ell, to tell you the truth. I think, as a rule, the natives prefer to have silver, because outside of the line of railway here bank notes are very little known and very little used by the natives. Q. But in Manila there would be no trouble? — A. In Manila there would be no trouble; no. Q. But outside they want the silver dollar? — A. Yes; if you got a system of railways all over the place, thejT would soon get in the habit of taking notes. Q. You think the introduction of these notes would be very desir- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 197 able?— A. T think the}’ would be very desirable here. Of course, we have always found here in buying produce up the country we have had to buy notes, and had to go into regular contracts and we always carry bank notes, in order not to load up these small carts with silver, for safety. Q. If you have $50 in silver in your pocket, it is pretty heavy? — A. Yes. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. I judge, then, your opinion is, although I don’t remember that you have clearly so stated, that you think that for the benefit of the islands the silver basis ought to be retained. I don’t know that you answered, categorically, Colonel Denby’s question in regard to the feasibility of endeavoring to fix that silver basis on a certain ratio to the gold basis in order to avoid, if possible, fluctuations. Suppose, for example, it should be endeavored to fix the relation of silver to gold at 32 to 1, do you think it desirable or not? — A. 1 should think, so far as trade goes, that it would be very desirable, because it does affect the fluctu- ations in the silver market; that is, exchange does not follow with every fluctuation in the silver market. Q. What would be the effect upon the consumer and the producer, the poorer classes, of fixing a ratio? — A. I don’t think it would affect them either one way or the other. Q. If it could be fixed and maintained, it would be well, you think ? — A. It would be very just toward them on the same ratio they have in Japan. I think the Japanese are a very practical nation, and they would not have taken up with this idea unless it were of some benefit to them. Q. When the basis changed from the gold basis, as it existed for- merly. to the silver basis, you say it was very gradual? — A. Yes. Q. Was there any marked change in wages from time to time? — A. Not until after the crisis — the Baring crisis in 1891 and 1892. That was when they stopped the coinage of silver in the States — about that time. Q. Take a given period of years, say, ten years, in which this change was made, was there any considerable rise in the wages of labor when it reached a silver basis ? — A. In the last four years there has been a slight rise in wages, a considerable rise. They got Q. Then, practically, wages have remained the same on a silver basis as on a gold basis ? — A. Practically wages have remained the same on a silver basis as on a gold basis. Where the native has benefited by the fall in silver it has not been here; it has been really in the hemp- producing district and in the rice-producing district, where the native receives his wages. For example, if he does a day’s work and receives half the profit of the day’s work Q. The former wages he received in gold would purchase more for him in the way of food and clothing than the same wages would pur- chase for him on a silver basis at present? — A. Just about the same, because the native has taken to wearing a cheaper quality of clothing than he did before. Q. Then, as a matter of fact, in quality of the clothing or in some respects, he is getting less in the way of wages on a silver basis than he did get on a gold basis? — A. Yes. Q. So that as a matter of fact his condition to-day on the silver basis 198 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. is not as satisfactory as it was on a gold basis? — A. Just about the same, if you take the greater part of the island. All down south, in the hemp-producing districts, he is getting more, really. Q. He is getting more in bulk? — A. That is, he gets more wages, because his produce gets a better price. Q. Does he himself, in return for his labor, get more purchasing power? — A. He has just about the same purchasing power that he had before; but as he receives more money he thinks he is getting more; he always has that idea. The native does not look at it from our point of view. By Colonel Denby: Q. He can pay his debts in the money, no matter what kind of money it is? — A. Yes. Q. Y ou know the Chinese as citizens and foreigners. What character do 3'ou give them in general for qualities of good citizenship? — A. Good citizenship is the general character of the Chinaman. In the provinces, I should say, take him as a rule, he is a curse to any province he goes to, as he systematically adulterates everything, everything he bui’s, and cheats the native in bargaining. He has got no system of morality at all. Q. How is he as to honesti’? — A. No idea as to honesty, either. Q. He pays his debts, doesn't he? — A. Well, if you ask some of the traders they will tell you more than I know about them. I don’t think they have been very good at that lately. Of course you have one thing to remember. The Spanish law would make them pay their debts, but the people would bear a good deal before they went to law. Q. How is the laborer ? — A. He is a first-rate coolie; in fact he is used all around hei’e as a coolie. Q. Does lie work in agriculture? — A. No; not in this country. Q. AVhat kind of work does he ? — A. As a rule the Chinaman comes here as a coolie; he saves a little mone}’ and at once goes into the country and starts a small store. Q. I understand the Filipinos dislike him very much? — A. Yes. Q. If the Chinese coolie were not here would the natives do the work ? — A. In the hemp-producing districts the natives do the work. In one place they do — in Albay ; Filipino laborers are the only ones they have in Albay. Down in Legaspi and Tabaca they found out that the}’ could not work; they could not do heavy work without taking meat. They began eating meat and they are getting a very line race down there now. Q. Physically are they as strong as the Chinaman? — A. I think so. Q. Well, as far as government matters are concerned, I understand the Chinese do not take any part in it? — A. No. Q. It never makes a particle of difference to them who rules the country? — A. No. Q. They are quiet and never get up insurrections?— A. Yes. Q. They get along well with the officials ? — A. Yes. Q. That is, they are a quiet people?— A. Yes. Q. Suppose we were to adopt the same system as in the United States, excluding the coolie from coming here, but allowing merchants, scholars, and students and professional people to come, only excluding the laboring men, what do you say as to that?- — A. 1 think you would have the same objection on the part of the Filipinos that you have got to-day. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 199 Q. Then you think the merchants an objectionable class? — A. Naturally, they are the objectionable people, because they absorb trade. In the last few years all the small businesses that the Filipinos had before have been absorbed by them. Q. Do they live altogether in one locality here, or do they scatter about? — A. Here in Manila, mostly in one locality; also in the pro- vinces and in the provincial towns they mostly live in one locality. Q. Would you advise that a law be passed excluding the mer- chants?— A. it is impossible to exclude them altogether. Q. Why ? — A. They have got every business here. Q. 1 don’t mean as to those that are here, but as to others coming in. — A. I think it would be a very good idea. The Spaniards adopted that idea. Q. It would be competent to pass a law that no Chinese should be free to come on this soil, for every nation controls its own citizen- ship and its own domiciles. — A. The curse in this country has' been that around near Manila all the sugar plantations are mostly owned by Chinese mestizos. Q. That is, the sons of Chinese? — A. The descendants of Chinese. Their idea has always been to pay the laborer as little as they can. Q. Are they popular with the general public? — A. The mestizo? Not as a rule. Q. More so than the original Chinese? — A. Not as popular. Q. What is the character of the mestizo ? — A. Usually he is a very mean sort of a man, and he is a money lender as a rule. Q. And they are always unpopular ? — A. They are always unpopular. Q. Then, Mr. Warner, what would be your idea about suitable pro- visions to be made with relation to Chinese immigration ? — A. I should think it is on a very good basis now, only allowing the Chinese who have heretofore been in the country to return. Q. What would be your idea as to admitting Chinese laborers by contract, to go back after the contract is over? — A. That would be an excellent idea. Q. Could they be introduced on sugar plantations in that way? — A. In former days, when the}’ tried to introduce Chinese as laborers, they found that the Chinaman was always escaping, and the natives around would combine against the Chinaman on these Spanish estates, and there were a lot of them murdered at the time. Q. Do you, or not, think that the Chinese coolie ought to be excluded? — A. In Manila he is all right. Q. You think he ought to be admitted here? — A. You can admit him into Manila, but not throughout the islands. Q. Aren’t you afraid if we throw open the door wide we would have 1,000,000 Chinese here within a short time? Would that be advan- tageous?— A. No. Q. You understand, of course, as I do, that the Chinese regard the United States Government with more favor than any government in the world? — A. Yes. Q. They are more inclined to come to us, so much so that it became an absolute necessity for us to prohibit them. If we open the door wide and allow these people to come from Amoy, Tientsin, and Canton wouldn't they come in enormous numbers? — A. They would, cer- tainly, because as soon as the country was settled they would have better wages here than in China. 200 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. They kill other people, but have never killed an American; not for the last fourteen years. No American has been hurt, whereas the other nationalities were hurt, and it is always so? — A. Yes. Q. They would be delighted to come here, but you think their com- ing in vast numbers would be disastrous? — A. I think it would be, because the whole of the country would be against you bringing them in; the natives, at all events, would be. Q. We are a great distance away from China, while you are only three days away from China. — A. Yes, speaking for the steamboat owners, it would be a great advantage to them to have the Chinese come in. They pay good passage, and it would make the boats very profitable, but from the country’s point of view, no. Q. The steamboat men would rather have them come? — A. Yes; but for the country, the Indian, the poor people who want work — and jtou have got to look out for them — it would be very bad. Here is one example for you: Since the railway has been established from here to Dagupan the crop of rice has increased by just 50 per cent, which is double what it was before. Q. Who built the railway? — A. The natives did the whole thing. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. What crops are produced by the natives? — A. Sugar has also been produced in increased quantities; and in fact if you take any ex- port around here you will find that they are all on the increase. The native will work as long as he is properly paid. Around Manila and Pampanga, and Bulacan, you can’t get a proper specimen of the na- tive, not the usual native of the Philippine Islands. Q. He is a workman ? — A. He is a workman as long as he is prop- erly paid; he will work. Q. You think you express the general opinion of the enlightened people of Manila in giving your opinion of the Chinese as you have? — A. I can not say that; I think you will find that people look upon it in different lights; I think if you called a number of people you would find they looked at it in just as many different lights as there were different people. By Colonel Denby : Q. In regard to the establishment of a United States court here — you understand that we have in the United States Federal courts and State courts?- — A. Yes. Q. And that a foreigner or the inhabitant of a different State — we have forty-five States — can go into a Federal court and bring his action there, and thereby do away with local prejudice, or he can have his case tried in a State court, if he prefers it. What do you think of the idea of establishing here one or more courts of this kind, where English would be spoken, that would give to the foreigner the right to bring his’ action in this court, and if he sues in a Filipino court to transfer it to this court; that is a right we have in the United States. If I should sue you in a State court, and in the United States court you filed a petition that you are a British subject, you can have the case transferred to the United States court. Suppose we gave that right to the foreigners or to the persons who do not live here; the transient American would go to the Federal court. Give them ordinary juris- diction of admiralty, and particularly of equity cases, and even if a man were accused of crime, we would allow him to be tried in that court, that is, a foreigner. Would that suit the Spanish, the British, REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 201 and Germans who are living here? — A. I think that should suit them admirably. Q. Is there any feeling here on the part of the foreign community that they might not get justice in the Filipino courts? — A. There is a great idea that they would not get very much justice in the Filipino courts run under the Spanish system. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. Run under the American system, with American supervision? — A. That would be very different. By Colonel Denby: Q. Did the Spaniards charge any head money on the Chinese coming here? — A. Fifty dollars. Q. A tax and surtax; and that was the only limitation? — A. Yes; they had to pay $50 after the}' arrived here. Q. That is about like Victoria? — A. Yes; and then of course they had to pay the cedula on top of that. Q. That means the paper that identifies them? — A. Yes; 1 think there were charges the Chinese had to pay amounting to about $50. I am not certain what they were. Q. Those were all the taxes he had to pay to come here? — A. Yes; but of course they had to pay their taxes to their own people, to the Chinese Guild. In fact, as far as work goes, in the rice mill we had in Calumpit the natives turned out the work. None of these men went back because they knew that we paid them every time. They would work up to fourteen or fifteen hours every day if it was required. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. You don’t think the industries of the islands would suffer if the Chinese were excluded? — A. No. Q. By a system of certificates or cedulas wouldn’t it be very easy to identify the Chinese? — A. It is very difficult to identify these Chinese. Meeting adjourned. TESTIMONY OF R. W. BROWN. Manila, June 26, 1899'. Present: Colonel Denby (in the chair), Mr. John R. Mac Arthur,, secretary and counsel. R. IV. Brown, in response to the questions of the commissioners, stated as follows: By Colonel Denby: Q. Please state your name and occupation. — A. R. W. Brown; agent of the Chartered Bank of India, China, and Australia. Q. How long have you been in Manila ? — A. Twelve years. Q. Always connected with the bank? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Had you resided before that time in the East ? — A. In Hongkong for three years as junior in the Chartered Bank. Q. In the same bank? — A. Yes, sir. 202 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Mr. Brown, will you give us. without questions being put to you, your views of the currency in the Philippine Islands as it exists to-day and any changes that you recommend ? — A. Well, with regard to the quantity of the currency, silver — that is, Mexican dollars and Spanish silver dollars — it is very hard to arrive at a total or aggregate of the currency spread through the whole islands, owing to the fact that there are only banks in Manila and Iloilo and no branch banks in any of the islands or adjacent ports, and then currency is often hoarded by the natives, especially in times of war. 1 have known natives to tell me that they have had as much as $20,000 buried under their houses, and it is an old custom among the richer natives to hoax'd gold, of which there must be some still left. With regard to the currency itself, and supposing a change is desii'ed to be made, I should say that the best form would be to follow the system adopted in Japan, which was carried out without interfering with trade in any way. Q. What system was that? — A. That is to say, Japan two years ago decided to go iix for gold, but instead of raising silver to the gold cur- rency she made a gold dollar equal in bullion value to a silver dollar. Q. She coined another gold dollar ?— A. Supposing silver was worth 28 cents or 30 ceixts an ounce, she made a gold dollar equal to the bul- lion value of silver. Q. She fixed the ratio at 32 to 1, so that there is no variation in Japan? — A. Except when money gets very scarce. That makes exchange go up perhaps three-fourths per cent. Thex'e should be no variation at all. That is what they call a variation of points. When the gold is so scai'ce, and the trade free or otherwise, a country has got to get gold to make more gold coins, and during that process the exchange rises owing to the bankers charges, and the interest, etc., until the gold is coined. With regard to the Philippines, it would be an easy matter to change this currency into gold by following the course adopted by Japan without interfering with trade to any marked degree at all. That is to say, make a gold dollar here equal to about 2 shillings sterling, which is the present x-ate of exchange. Q. That is equal to 50 cents of our money? — A. Yes; and then you would call in all the Mexican and Spanish dollars; you would recoin the recent subsidiary silver coinage and the rest. You would still have gradually to get out more gold, change always going on, and that can be done without causing an upheaval in trade. Q. Would you adopt a decimal currency ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. You have not got that here now, have you? — A. No; we have got cents and dollars. Of course the Spaniai'ds used reals, but in our books in the bank we always use dollai's and cents. Q. You have no actual cents in circulation ? — A. There is a one cent, copper. Q. Is that Spanish? — A. Yes. Q. Wci'e they coined in these Islands? — A. In Spain. Q. Are the}' still being coined? — A. No; they were stopped. Q. When were they stopped? — A. They caixxe out hei'e about two years — a year and a half ago — just befoi'e the war. Q. Would you recommend that system for the Philippines? — A. Yes; if it was decided to make any change. The question is whether it is desirable or not. I would say that it would be very desirable for the United States to have a gold currency; it would induce capital more or less, you know. A silver currency is more or less varying. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 203 Q. How do the fluctuations of the silver dollar affect trade? — A. Well, it is not good for trade; really, some people might be fortunate in speculating in exchange, but it does not help trade. Q. Why not?— A. Because some merchant might have bought a lot of produce on the basis of 2 shillings, and then exchange may go up to 2 shillings and a penny. That is a loss of 4 per cent — that is, they have bought their produce for d per cent too much. Q. They therefore lose? — A. They lose, and the exact reverse hap- pens with an importing merchant who is getting goods from America or Europe. He calculates what he will get in bullion when he sells his goods and collects for them. Say he calculates on 2 shillings and a penny; instead of that exchange falls, and he only gets 2 shillings for his dollar. Q. Can’t they make contracts with the banks? — A. They can to a certain extent, but they might be wrong in making a contract. There is always a certain amount of risk in a silver currency. Q. You said that if a change be made you would recommend that of Japan. Now, would you recommend any change? — A. I think it would be for the good of the country to have a gold basis like that of Japan; it Mould protect capital. Q. On the basis of two for one? — A. On the basis of two for one. You would make two silver dollars here equal to one American gold dollar, and that M ould not disturb the country. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. Would that affect the prices of labor or the prices of commodi- ties?— A. To a very small degree. Q. They would remain about the same as now? — A. Yes. B\t Colonel Denby : Q. Hom' Mould that affect the laborer? — A. 1 don’t think it woidd affect him at all. Q. Would he get as many dollars as he did before? — A. Say the silver went up, sayr, 10 per cent within six months from its present value, he Mould get 10 per cent less in actual coin, although the coin he would be getting M ould be worth 10 per cent more than his present silver. For instance, in importing rice from Saigon his gold dollar always F THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 225 ever, and on arriving here I had to learn any kind of trade that was handy. I know all about the affairs of all the people in the Philippines. Q. You have made a good deal of money, haven’t you?— A. Yes; 1 made a lot of money, but 1 spent a lot of money, too. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. Would it be possible to adopt measures by which the Chinese that come here should be identified and known to the Government and their whereabouts ascertained at all times? — A. Formerly, during the Spaniards’ time, the Chinese captain managed all that. A register of each man’s name, his residence, age, and all his connections, was kept bv the Chinese captain. Now, as there is a Chinese consul, all these records and registries have been transferred to this consul. If anybody wants to find out anything about a man he can make inquiries there, and he will be informed where the man lives, etc., and whenever the Govern- ment requires any man or wants any information it can simply write to the Chinese consul and make any inquiries, and he is bound to supply the information needed. During the Spaniards’ time the cap- tains of the ports, the chief justices, the governors, and all those other persons, if they wanted to find out anything about a certain man they simply got the man’s name and w rote to the captain of the Chinese, and the captain of the Chinese would have to forward the man up. The Spaniard only governed a very small part of the Philippines. The interior has never been governed nor brought under government, and these interior people were never baptized, especially the Igorrotes. If the Americans will take steps peaceably to pacify them, they will be able to get all of them. The Igorrotes refused to be baptized, because the}' said they woidd have to pay certain fees; that they would have to pay fees for burials, etc., to the priests, and therefore they refused to be baptized. Adjourned. TESTIMONY OF A. KTJENSLE. Manila, July 3, 1899. Present: Colonel Denby (in the chair), President Schurman (arrived during early part of examination), John R. MacArthur, secretary. Mr. A. Kuensle appeared before the commission, and in answer to its interrogatories replied as follows : By Colonel Denbi : Q. We have been getting some information from bankers and mer- chants, particularly on the question of finance and on the Chinese ques- tion, and we would be glad to have you give us such information as you may be able on these questions, and in order that the ground may be covered we would prefer it in the form of questions and answers. First, what is your name?- — A. A. Kuensle. Q. You live in Manila ? — A. Yes, sir ; I have been here nearly fifteen years. Q. A merchant? — A. Yes, sir ; importer. Q. What is the name of your firm? — A. Kuensle & Strife, Swiss merchants. 1* c 15 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 226 Q. What lines are you engaged in ? — A. Importing, exclusively. Q. Will you, in your own way, tell us what is the financial condi- tion here and suggest any modifications or changes you think desirable for the purposes of commerce of the country? — A. What you mean is about the currency ? That is a very difficult question. I think people have been working and writing on it for years and can not come to a conclusion. What importers want is a stable exchange. These dollars here fluctuate. When I came here exchange was 4 shillings, and it has gone down as far as 1 and 10 pence at four months. This has caused loss to the importer. As far as we are concerned we are unanimous on that. I should say if we had a gold currency it would be a benefit. The exporters are against it. They seem to be afraid that the price of produce will have to lie reduced, or, I should say, their idea is if they pay §16 Mexican for a picul of hemp they coidd only give §8 gold for the same, and that §8 gold will not go as far as §16 Mexican. But, as far as I can see, the currency is not what makes the price of produce, but the demand. I have seen the price of hemp in the eighties up to §18, a very high price, and exchange was three and six at the time, perhaps more; so that shows it is not exchange which makes market prices. Tobacco for another thing. I do not see how it will affect that because most is used here. Q. Do they export cigars to Europe? — A. Cigars are exported everywhere. I believe the bulk arc exported to China and Australia, very little to America on account of the high tariff. Q. How about sugar?— A. Mostly to America; second, to London. There is another country — Java, for instance, which has a gold currency and they export sugar. If one country can export on the gold basis, I do not see why we can’t. 1 believe the great objection of exporters to the gold currency is the difference in methods here and in Java. In Java there are very big mills, in the center, say, of a province, and all send their sugar there to be milled, whereas here everything is on a limited scale. Every grower of sugar has his own mill, which is a matter of great expense, and some do it in a very primitive style, and, too, means of communication here are the worst to be found in the world. All this adds a great deal to the cost, but it would simplify things if they would do as they do in Java. Q. Are you familiar with the Japanese monetary system? — A. No, sir. Q. What do you think of adopting a fixed price on gold ? The Japanese have ft fixed at 1 to 82. — A. I think it a poor thing. I should have one or the other. I do not know how it works. They have something like that in India. Q. What ratio would you give? — A. I am afraid I can not say. It is too difficult a question. Q. The importing trade, as it is, labors under a disadvantage here, buying for gold and selling for silver, doesn’t it?— A. Yes, sir. Q. How do you manage about prices? — A. We calculate prices on the basis of exchange. The prices are ruled by the demand, borne- times if the exchange is very low and business also bad you will have to get rid of your articles at a loss. We can't make the prices. If the market is short of a certain article, for instance, we can make money. Q. You have put your prices up recently, haven't you? — A. Cer- tainly. We had to put the prices up; but 1 should say, in most instances, the quality of the goods is worse. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 227 Q. Has the import trade increased recently ? — A. There are no proper statistics. I should say that during the past few years imports have fallen off. Q. Can the export trade increase without the import trade increas- ing?— A. They go hand in hand. Q. Then, therefore, the import trade has increased? — A. Certainly; if you take a certain period. Within the last three years everything has been at a standstill; but say before 1895, for ten years before then imports increased considerably. Q. What is the condition of business now? — A. Absolutely nothing at all doing. Q. But if we had peace? — A. It would be fair for exporters and importers, because for the last three years scarcely any goods have been sent to the provinces, and they must be out of everything. Q. I understand that now the}7 have opened the ports and allow goods to go in? — A. 1 have seen it in the paper. Q. Do you regard that as a good thing ? — A. Certainly, although I should say the blockading of the ports has been very impolitic. If they had done the thing1 at the beginning and blockaded all the provinces without letting them have any stuff it would have been better, because when the war started steamers went anywhere and afterwards ports were closed, and then opened later, and some ports have been open to some firms and not to others. Q. IIow would it suit you to have a decimal currency ? — A. We have the decimal currency. Q. You have 12£ cent pieces, reals? — A. There are no such pieces now. There used to be 25-cent pieces, reals, half reals, but now they are all 10, 20, 50, and a dollar. It is the language and habit of the people to speak of reals, etc., but they are not here now. Q. How would it do to introduce the American cent piece on a silver dollar? — A. I should certainly unify everything. Q. Have you got enough copper currency? — A. At present, no. Several years ago there was a great rise in copper, and the copper went away. They sent copper out again from Spain so as to meet the scar- city, and after the war, when the exchange on Spain was so very high — exchange on Barcelona was 110 or 115; that is, 115 Manila dollars for 100 in Spain, and with the war it went up to 170 — the soldiers took back the coppers and made a good profit. They have gathered up the coppers and exported them to Spain. That is why we are out. Q. How would it do to introduce bank bills, ones and twos? — A. I should say, a good idea to a limited extent. Mr. Schurman. I have been away in the south and have just returned, and have not fallen in with the investigations now being pursued by my colleagues. I am leaving for the States in two or three days. I am glad I dropped in to hear you, but I am not sufficiently in touch to ask you any questions just at present. By Colonel Denby: Q. How about the Chinese? Do you do business with them? — A. Almost exclusively. Q. Do they pay? — A. They used to be bad; that was, of course, with bad laws and bad courts, because we had no means of punishing them; but through the great losses we have sustained and those of other importers also the system has come down to a cash basis. 228 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. As to their commercial integrity, what have you to say? — A. M ith good laws they would be good people. Q. I understand they do almost the entire business; that the retail business is in the hands of the Chinese to a great extent ? — A. Yes, sir; and also the wholesale trade for the, provinces. The firms here, with very few exceptions, only sell in Manila and to the Chinese, who are the intermediaries for the provinces. They sell wholesale to the countrymen. Q. Do the Chinese do any agricultural work? — A. Not much, because the Indians in some places are against it. The vegetable gardeners are Chinese. It is the complaint that owners can't get on well with big plantations, because they haven't Chinese labor. Q. Was this due to a prohibition on the part of Spain? — A. No; it was due to resistance from the Filipinos and from the priests, who were the bosses in the provinces. Q. What race does the ordinary labor — the carrying and hauling, and all the rough labor — here in Manila? — A. Certainly the Filipinos do it now, but not to the satisfaction of anybody, because the}r will quit work as soon as they get a few dollars ahead. Q. Why, I see the Chinese doing this work. — A. You mean here in town. There have been a lot of Chinese here in the past few months, although I understand they are not allowed to come. Q. The military authorities have not adopted any strict rule about it. What would you think the effect would be upon the country to have unlimited immigration? — A. A good thing. I would allow all that want to to come, because if American capital comes here they will certainly want Chinese labor. Q. Do }’ou take into consideration the fact which I think is almost notorious, that the Chinese are very fond of the American Govern- ment, very anxious to go where the American flag is raised? — A. I think they are anxious to go to any country where a civilized govern- ment exists. Q. We are so close, if we allowed unrestricted immigration, don't you think we would be swamped? — A. At the present time there might be too many, but as soon as the provinces are opened, and the system of government changes, 1 don't think there will be too many. Q. What do you think of letting them come in under the contract system; say hire 500 to work a given number of years on a plantation and then send them back? — A. That is a question 1 have never studied, but I should say for the plantation it might be just as well to have them come over on their own account. It might secure them cheaper. Q. But that system would prevent unlimited immigration ? — A. I do not object to that. I should let them in. Q. You know in the United States we were obliged to pass an exclu- sion act because the Pacific coast would have been overrun with Chi- nese?— A. In my opinion you must look at it differently in a country where there is good white labor and in a country where white labor can not exist. In America a white man can do agricultural work, and there I should sa}T keep him out, because the Chinese will work too cheaply for the white man to compete with him. Q. Now, you come right down to the proposition, and that is — won’t the Filipinos do the work if the Chinese are not here? — A. I do not think so. Q. Why ? — A. Because they are indolent, and as a rule if they have REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 229 a few dollars they will say, I am going on a holiday, you had better look out for somebody else.” The Chinaman is happy in the thought of making money and never leaves off working. Q. Do they go out of the country after getting money? — A. Oh, sometimes they go home, but they are more happy in a civilized country than in their own. Q. Then, your idea is to allow them to come in? — A. Certainly, and I think it will benefit the entire country. For importers and exporters it would not have been possible to do any work at all; in fact, the trade of the islands, small as it is compared to what it might be, has depended entirely upon the Chinese, because on one side they sell to the men in the interior, and barter with the natives for produce in exchange for imports — they go into the interior; they have opened up communication; you will see the Chinese hawker everywhere; he will go into the last nook and corner, and he will offer his goods and sell them, because if the Filipino sees a thing he must have it. The Chinaman is the man to develop the business. A European can not work outside here for any length of time. By President Schurman: Q. What do you think would be the political effect of letting in the Chinese? Don't the Filipinos object to it? — A. The Filipinos and Chinese get along very well. Up to the time the rebellion started they were great friends, because the Chinese get into the ways of the Filipino. Every Chinaman speaks the language and the native dialects. They get well into the ways of the Filipino and get on splendidly. In one province, Batangas, there are no Chinamen, because they won't allow them there, but in other provinces I do not believe there will be any difficulty. Q. Is it not true that the insurgents came out demanding the expul- sion of the monks and the Chinese? — A. That came from these fight- ing Filipinos; they are not worth much, because the w hole movement is not the patriotic movement of the Indians, for they have no idea of a nation. They are just a few rich meztizoswho are in it with a view of making money. Q. Are they making any money out of it? — A. They did not expect things to turn out as they did. They expected to get positions as governors of provinces, etc., as the Spaniards did The Filipinos and the Filipino government would be worse than under the Spaniards. Q. Do you know any people of worth wrho are backing the insur- gents?— A. They are on lioth sides. At the beginning a great many were behind them. They are a dangerous people — those half-castes are the very worst to deal with. Q. Does that apply to the Spanish and Chinese half-castes? — A. I should say everyone ? Q. Down south in the Visayas the situation is very encouraging? — A. They never wanted to fight from the beginning. Q. Only those who are forced to fight go in with the insurgents, but the majority want to remain neutral. They want food and protection, and as we settle things in Luzon they will accept? — A. Outside of the provinces occupied by the Tagalogs, which are the provinces of Manila, Cavite, Bulacan, Laguna, etc., the}" are the worst people and and have caused the trouble which exists throughout the Archipelago; they caused the trouble in Albay and Cebu, and Iloilo, also. 1 think it wras a great mistake on the part of General Otis not to occupy Iloilo 230 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. sooner. They would have been only too glad to accept the Americans, and everybody told him so. If he had only been two days sooner — the Spaniards wanted him to come down with troops and it would have been an easy task. The Indians are easily ruled, but you must always have your thumb on them. As soon as they think you are lacking in vigilance, up they go again. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. From that you would infer they are not capable of self- government'1 — A. Certainly not. Thev would have big lights among themselves. By President Schurman: Q. Could they govern themselves in the provinces? — A. No; never. Those who would govern would simply squeeze the people, and after a while dissatisfaction and internal squabbles would come on. They are certainly unfit for self-government. Q. Are they capable of education in that line? — A. Certainly. I believe there are few natives so intelligent as the Filipinos, but a very small percentage have any education so far. It might be a possibility some thirty or forty }'ears from now for them to know what self-gov- ernment means. Q. Have the}* ever had an}' example of good government here ? — A. No; it has gone from bad to worse. Q. So that they will need both example and experience? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Do you think they will come to what Japan is?— A. I think they are intelligent enough for that. Of course Japan was never dominated by anybody. I should sa}r if America gives them a good example and the country thrives I do not think they would want anything else. Q. What would be your idea of the kind of government America should give them — a colonial government ? — A. If it could be done, a government on the British style, the same as the British govern India or the Straits Settlements. It has been proven that countries thrive under such government. Q. How long have j’ou been out here? — A. Fifteen years. Q. Where did you learn your English ? — In England and Australia. By Colonel Denby: Q. A question or two about the courts — what would be your idea of establishing a United States court ? — A. We are all hoping for that. I am sure nobody would like to go before this superior court. We have the same objection here as foreigners have in Japan. Q. Japan yesterday assumed exclusive charge of the courts — outside jurisdiction is gone. You think the government of the United States ought to establish a United States court in which the language should be English, and in which the foreigner should have the right to sue and be sued? — A. Yes, sir. Q. And if he were sued in a Filipino court, he could transfer his case to a United States court? — A. Yes, sir. Q. And the mercantile opinion agrees with you? — A. Yes, sir. The Europeans are comparatively small in number, but with the establish- ment of a good government and the consequent influx of more people it would be most desirable. Q. How about a mixed tribunal? — A. I should say there is always REPORT OK THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 231 a Sort of rivalry. There is a great need of a good police force here . Q. Let me ask you in that connection, how would it do to establish a municipal government ? Have a mayor and common council appointed bv the governor-general now, and afterwards elected by the peo- ple —A. It was a sort of municipal government here formerly. 1 should say in every civilized town improvements ought to be made, and we ought to have a civil government. Q. I mean, of course, now— ultimately there will be?— A. 1 do not see the use of it now. By President Schurman: Q. You would leave things with the military authorities for the present? — A. Yes, sir. . With expressions of thanks for the information g'iven, the meeting adjourned. TESTIMONY OF DR. SIMON FLEXNER AND DR. L. F. BARKER. Manila, July 3, 1899 , Present: Colonel Denby (in the chair) and Secretary John R. Mac- Arthur. , Dr. Simon Flexner and Dr. L. F. Barker appeared before the commission. . . . Dr. Flexner, in response to the interrogatories of the commission, testified as follows: By Colonel Denby: Q. Will you kindly give us your name, residence, and occupation ?— A. Simon Flexner, professor of pathology; residence after October 1 will be “Medical Department, University of Pennsylvania, Philadel- phia.” At present my address is Baltimore, Md. Q. You have been in the Philippines some time engaged in medical investigation? — A. About two months. Q. Will you. in your own way, give us any information with regard to the climate, the hygiene, and the maladies that prevail here, and anything else of interest to enable us to make our report?— A. Shall 1 speak of those which are general, or those which arc more particularly maladies of the natives? ... Q. Of everything. Take your own course. — A. 1 would like to leave the question of climate and hygiene to Dr. Barker. I think he has given it more thought than I. , . Q. We would like to know particularly what effect the climate and maladies would have on Americans coming here, whether they could endure the climate or not, and what course of living perhaps they ought to adopt, and what maladies they would have to encounter.— A. We have been associated so closely in our work here, and have dis- cussed matters so freely, I am afraid I shall say things that Dr. Barker might also wish to speak of. With respect to the maladies that prevail : In our experience we have found that the natives and the Europeans are subject to some diseases in common, and that the nati\ es appaiently are subject to some diseases which the Europeans, if at all, are little sub- 232 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. jeet to. The diseases that prevail generally are the fevers, including typhoid and malarial fever and a rather more indefinite fever that may be spoken of as “dengue.” Then, besides those fevers there is a group of maladies the general form of which are intestinal — the general mani- festation of which is associated with the intestines. They go under the name of diarrhea and dysentery. The former is very widely dis- seminated, but not necessarily severe. It affects the Europeans and the natives, but the Europeans more than the natives. Dysentery is also widely disseminated, and is prevalent both among the natives and Europeans, but also perhaps more prevalent among Europeans than natives. Both of these diseases probably are not more prevalent among Europeans, but assume a more virulent form in Europeans than in natives. The dysentery diseases are the most severe and most fatal ones in our experience here in the army hospital. It is possible to dis- criminate several forms which have independent causes, but whether the cause means much at present with respect to the natural history of the disease, its consequences, etc., I think it is too early to say. In our experience the dysentery diseases have arisen but to a small extent in this immediate neighborhood. Most have been in men who had been exposed to rather severe conditions, both as to living and with respect to comforts, and particularly with respect to drinking water which they had been able to obtain; but we have found in studying the dysenteries that there appears here a form of dysentery, or rather a form of intestinal disease, that runs a much more serious, severe, and rapid course than any we are familiar with at home, excepting of course that form of intestinal disease resulting from food poisoning or other poisoning. For example, we have had come under our observation in the hospital a number of instances of men brought in suffering from intestinal diseases who died within forty-eight hours, or three or four or five days; and the autopsies in these cases have been different from those in ordinary dysentery and much more extensive, involving parts which ordinary dysentery leaves unaffected, and, as far as we discovered, have differ- ent causes. We have thought, at least I have, as I have studied that group rather more particularly, that there is a bare possibility that some of those cases have been due to errors of diet. AVe have the history of some men who have come into the city after having been on the firing line for some time who overindulged in both meat and drink, and who were taken suddenly with these symptoms and died in twenty-four hours. Whether that is an accident that might happen anyway from food poisoning I can't say. We have had a number of instances in which these dy sente ry conditions have run a very long course, and when autopsies were made the lesions were extremely extensive. I think, therefore, with respect to dysentery diseases it is clear that here they are a very severe consideration. Whether it depends upon a peculiar cause in each case or whether it is due to general causes respecting a large number, the climate, temperature, and so on, I think it is too early to say. We have been very much interested here in the outbreak of “beri- beri.'5 The chief outbreak has been at Cavite, in connection with the prisoners there, and we have had opportunity of study before and after death. There have been, I think, up to the present time more than 200 cases of the disease among the 1,000 or 1,200 prisoners there. The number of deaths has been between 30 and TO, at least that was the REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 233 number on last Friday. There were 3 deaths last Saturday morning. That disease thus far has confined itself entirely to the natives; the Europeans have not suffered, but on inquiry we find that it has appeared among the Europeans in times gone by; that some of the Spaniards developed it, and that at one time it prevailed among the troops, show- ing that it is a disease that may attack Europeans, but less likely than the natives. Q. What are the characteristics of this disease? — A. It appears in several forms — in what is known as the Gedematous form, in which the person’s body becomes swollen ;uid dropsical. Then in the paralytic form, in which the loss of power in the legs and arms is the chief symptom. Then the mixed form, where both are combined. The most fatal form of the disease is probably the cedematous form. It runs a chronic course ; lasts days, weeks, or even months, but rarely acute. It has been believed that the disease has to do with unfavora- ble hygienic conditions, particularly with conditions of squalor, and conditions under which the food is improper in kind and insufficient in amount, and it seems clear that proper food and good surroundings diminish the danger of the disease. Some think the cause can be directly traced to the food, but the consensus of opinion is that it has a better opportunity to develop in persons reduced by improper food and unfavorable surroundings, although, on the other hand, it attacks especially persons in the prime of life, apparently in the best physical condition; persons under 10 are the ones generally attacked. Among the natives here it is undoubtedly a very serious disease. It is appar- ently constantly present. We have met with it in the hospitals here, and the outbreak at Cavite shows that it may assume alarming propor- tions; but it is apparently a disease Europeans need fear very little if conditions of hygiene are favorable. Q. Are there any cases in Manila? — A. Among the natives, yes, sir. Those cases in the San Juan Hospital are all from Manila. We have seen there 20 cases in our stay of two months, but we have not followed them very closely. It is proper to remark that, inasmuch as the disease is recognized as prevalent, other diseases go by the name of beriberi which are not beriberi. I should not like to have publicity given that statement, because it is a question we are still studying, and hope to find out whether it is true or not after making- some examinations; but we have had autopsies upon so-called cases in the San Juan Hospital in which the lesions we could discover were not closed, w hich is peculiar to beriberi. They are all persons who were subject to tuberculosis, and had it in a severe form, and the sus- picion w-as always in our mind whether there may not be some error as to just what symptoms constitute beriberi. In the paralytic form there is a great deal of trouble in locomotion, and in the final stages of some of these wasting diseases there is also dropsy; and inasmuch as those two groups of symptoms — the dropsy and the error in loco- motion— are also the cardinal symptoms of beriberi, it would be easy, if one did not depend upon the autopsy, to confound the two troubles. I do not think that anatomical examinations have been made in the hospital, and I think it possible that they have overexaggerated the prevalence in and around Manila of this disease; but we may change our mind after our examinations, because the lesions are sufficiently characteristic for us to make that out. Tuberculosis is apparently very common among the natives. That 234 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. has come out in our autopsies which we have undertaken hoping to find beriberi, but there are other evidences which one sees in the hip joints and hunch backs which are fairly common even as compared with America; and then upon inquiry among the natives and the phy- sicians at the San Juan Hospital we have been told that tuberculosis is common, and we have seen it clinically in many cases in the hospital. I should think that the way the}' live would be very favorable to the propagation of tuberculosis, and of course from thTc hygienic stand- point tuberculosis is the most important disease that prevails. It claims the most victims, and it is a much more distressing disease eventually than any of the great plagues, such as cholera, etc., as a cause of infirm- ity and death among all races of people. The question which comes in my mind is whether, if large numbers of Europeans should try to live under conditions anything similar to that of the natives, they would not find tuberculosis one of the most serious diseases. Large numbers of individuals closely congregated, houses badly lighted and badly ventilated, moist air, carelessness in expectorations and excrements, those are conditions which, more than any others, promote the preser- vation and dissemination of the bacilli, and practically everybody is subject to tuberculosis, and, as a matter of fact, very few people go through life without developing it in some form or other. Most people do not know it, however. So that disease seems to me an important one with respect to the hygiene of this locality. Besides being disseminated by excrements and expectorations, it can also be disseminated through the milk derived from tubercular animals and also the consumption of flesh of tubercular animals. But experience has proven that milk is a very important source of infection, so that it is the custom in the United States to make examinations with reference to the existence of tuberculosis in herds, and it is a matter that can not always be decided by a mere inspection of the animal. They have now a test — the intro- duction of so-called “ tuberculi” into the body of the animal — that aids in this matter, and we were very glad to see that they had started an inspection here at the slaughterhouse of animals before they were slaughtered, and of the flesh afterwards. I think too much stress can not be laid upon the benefits to be derived from this. Q. You say that is done here?— A. Yes, sir. Q. On that particular point would you consider that our men, our soldiers and our civilians, would be in more danger of tuberculosis here than at home?— A. I hope Dr. Barker will discuss that. He will speak to you about malarial and typhoid fever, and I am of the opinion he has come to think that Europeans are perhaps less resistant. It is hard to give definite statements as to what the factors are that determine the severity of infection in any case, but it is generally believed that, given a disease to which all persons are subject, as with tuberculosis, and to which all persons are exposed, which has been proven by the fact that all persons have it — there is a German expression, ‘"Everyone in the end has slight tuberculosis” — if that is true, and it seems likely, the progress of the disease would depend, at least in part, upon the capacity of resistance, and then any set of conditions that would reduce his capacity of resistance; and if there are general causes the person affected would develop the disease more rapidly than otherwise. That is shown by the climatic conditions upon tuberculosis in America. They send anyone who develops it in the lowlands to the mountains — to the Adirondacks — and if they go in REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 235 time they get well; and it is true they do not get well if the}' do not seek change in the climatic conditions. The question of the regulation of prostitution is a very important one to us — it is a matter which interests the commission. Q. It is also important to the lawmaker, and we would like to hear you on the subject. — A. The soldiers here have suffered severely from exposure, and it would seem something ought to be done. Now, as I understand the matter, under Spanish rule — while I am not sure there was any actual license — there was a cursory sort of examination, and it is still in force, although I do not think as effectually, but at the leper hospital they have a physician whose business is the examination of prostitutes. Those who are found diseased are detained there. We have seen a considerable number who have been detained there. It is pretty hard to effect laws covering this matter even in the United States; whether it would be easier here I do not know. Venereal diseases arc undoubtedly quite prevalent among prostitutes. Whether they are more or less prevalent among the natives in general than among us I hardly know. Q. Are they not more common in tropical climates? — A. It is the general impression that they are. Q. You know, of course, this is a very great question with the English Government. It appears that in India a majority of the troops are suffering from some form of venereal trouble. What do you think, Doctor, troubles the soldiers [to Dr. Barker] most here ? Dr. Barker. Soft shankers and gonorrhoea, and a great deal of syphilis, buboes. Dr. Flexner (continuing). Perhaps, finally, I might say a word about leprosy. The disease is common in this locality. How com- mon in the entire archipelago wre have been unable to discover. We have made inquiry, but the information is very imperfect. We had hoped to get into the interior when we came, but it seems now out of the question. At the San Rosario Hospital they have had during our lesidence here anywhere from 70 to 80 lepers, both men and women, showing the various forms of the disease, and on inquiry of the man in charge, and through him inquiring of the patients themselves as to where they came from, it has developed, almost without exception, that they are very near the immediate neighborhood of Manila. We have leprosy in the United States, althi?ugh it is not generally known. There are two colonies that I know of, one in Louisiana and one in South Carolina. In South Carolina 1 think it is very exceptional, but within a year I have seen a young lady, a South Carolina woman, who had leprosy. She did not know it, possibly. Q. A native South Carolinian? — A. Yes, sir; white, and of a very good family. Q. In Charleston? — A. Yes, sir. By Mr. Mac Arthur. Q. Had she traveled much ? — A. She had not been out of the country. She was married; under 40 years of age; had children, and had been in Baltimore a number of years, engaged in nursing. She had applied to a number of physicians for treatment of a peculiar skin disease, first on the thighs and later on her face, changing the aspect of her countenance. She was treated, but not successfully, and continued 236 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. her vocation as nurse. She turned up at Johns Hopkins last fall, and Dr. Law examined a portion of the skin and found that it contained evidences of the existence of leprosy. Q. How does leprosy affect patients? — A. It appears in a variety of forms. There are two general types of it. One is the tuberculous form, in which nodules appear under the skin, which gradually enlarge and break, and the skin and tissue just beneath are first affected, and subsequent to the development of these nodules the parts become enlarged and afterwards ulcerated. These ulcerations are followed by healing scar forms, causing a peculiar deformity, and it gives a leonine expression when affecting the face. Sometimes the parts become darker than formerly and sometimes have a white appearance. The other form affects the nerves and causes loss of sensation. That may also be attended with the development of these nodules. Q. Are all the cases here in the hospital? — A. As fast as they dis- cover them they are carried there. Q. Is the hospital in the city? — A. Out beyond Bilibid. Q. Have any Europeans been attacked by it? — A. There are none in the hospital. No Europeans have been attacked as far as I know. Q. Are they generally attacked by it in countries where it pre- vails?— A. They are subject to it. Q. It is a condition of rotting away, isn’t it? — A. Yes, sir; often causing loss of members. Q. I have seen it in Canton. By Secretary Mac Arthur. Q. Would there be danger of its importation into the United States ? — A. It has been the belief for many years that leprosy was a source of very little danger in respect to its transmission, and there are observations tending to bear that out. There is a leper colony in New Brunswick, in Canada. I have read of that, and heard people speak of it. An asylum there has been in existence half a century, and the nurses are Sisters of Charity. In the history of the hospital an attendant has never developed the disease, but on the other hand practically all of them have died of tuberculosis, and it is a well known fact that leprosy and tuberculosis exist in the same person. Leprosy seems to presuppose tuberculosis. Within two years there has been a congress held in Berlin which was attended by representatives from all the countries, and the delegates were those who had most experi- ence in leprosy, the purpose of which congress was to inquire into the communication of leprosy. 'The upshot of the discussion, which was the most important discussion ever held in the world, is to cause a considerable modification of our former belief that it is a disease where little is to be feared. It came out that evidence of the direct transmission from one individual to another was much more common than was formerly believed. I have little hesitancy in saving I believe Europeans here exposed to the disease will become affected with leprosy. I think it will appear if they put themselves into relations with the individual, and as the disease is at present confined to natives there will have to be close contact between the Europeans and the natives, but I think they are sufficiently subject to it to become a source of danger. On the other* hand, I think leprosy prevails in India, where it is confined to the natives. At this point the interrogatories were addressed to Dr. L. E. Barker, REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 237 professor of pathological anatomy, Johns Hopkins University, who replied as follows: Q. Dr. Barker, we would like to have you tell us something on the lines we have been discussing? — A. 1 have jotted down a few notes upon the subjects Dr. Flexncr has touched upon, and which I need not mention. I do not, however, remember that Dr. Flexncr men- tioned what I believe is the most probable cause of the transmission of leprosy. It is the general opinion that leprosy is propagated by sex- ual intercourse, and as long as Americans or Europeans keep away from infected women they will probably be tolerably safe. The climate, so far as we have been able to observe it, is interesting on account of the continuity of the heat rather than any extreme. That has advantages and disadvantages to Americans. There is very little danger from catching cold from sudden depression -less than in America. On the other hand, the continuous heat is very trying and enervating and probably will prove to be so on Americans. It interferes with the process of digestion, and unless one be particularly prudent in regard to food, the time and place of taking, etc., he is sure, sooner or later, to have an attack of stomach trouble. The climate, with other conditions, seems to affect Americans especially with regard to their assimilation. People who have lived here a long time grow gradually pale. Of course there are exceptions — there are those who retain their vigor. I do not think the majority do. Women, especially, grow pale, and the European children which we have seen have a tendency to anaemia. Those who are familiar with the climate tell us amemia is one of the common complaints in the Philippines and in similar climates. With regard to actual heat stroke it is apparently uncommon, while heat prostration is relatively common. The continual heat undoubtedly predisposes one to diarrheal diseases. It might be interesting, perhaps, to speak of what we consider the best mode of living for Americans or Europeans — what he should do to keep his health. In the matter of wearing apparel, it is probably best to wear very light woolen next to the skin. I wear very light-weight Yaeger under- wear. The abdominal band is necessary for perhaps 50 per cent of Anglo-Saxons. One can try to do without it, but if he develops diarrhea the best thing to do is to wear it. He may get along by wear- ing it at night, when the body is more exposed, but generally, com- mencing then, it becomes necessary to wear it during the day. Having light woolen next the skin, it is probably very important to wear as light clothes as possible. The Americans have adopted a very appro- priate suiting in khaki and drill material. One should take pains never to become chilled and to look out for changes in the temperature. If the weather turns cool after several days of extreme heat he should change his clothing accordingly, and it is probably wiser in the middle of the day to dress more lightly than in the morning and evening. With regard to baths, a great many make the mistake of taking cold baths when they are not able to bear them. Bathing is essential, at least one bath a day, but some people may not be able to bear one cold bath a day at the temperature of Manila water, although strong and vigorous. If, after the bath, the individual has clammy skin and feels depressed, has redness of the eyes and otherwise out of sorts, it would 238 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. be well to order warm water and bathe the spine. One should never bathe when very hot; that is, if he conies in tired and warm it is unwise to take a bath at that time. Nor should he bathe on a full stomach, but should take his bath on arising, if he is vigorous; but if one does not recuperate readily afterwards it would be better to take a sponge bath in the afternoon or at 11 o’clock in the morning. With regard to the diet of Americans coming here, great care should be exercised if they wish to remain well. Too meager and too free a diet are equally bad. I think the majority of Americans make the mistake of overeating, of eating too much meat and too largely of vegetables. The probability is that a breakfast of eggs and toast, a small steak or chop, with one cup of coffee, tea, or chocolate, would be good. The midday meal should be light in this climate, although many take the principal meal in the middle of the day. However, I am of opinion it would be better to take the principal meal at night, the midday one to consist of cold meat, rice, fruit, and so on, but not a very hearty meal, especially if one has work in the afternoon, for it would discommode him. The principal meal will then be at night and should not consist of too many courses. I should say a soup, fish, and one meat, certainly not more than two meats, after the fish, and a light dessert. Much coffee and much strong tea is to be avoided by Anglo- Saxons. Those who are accustomed to taking beer would find one or two glasses of beer here perhaps advantageous. Those not accustomed to it would find they would be made bilious. Most English people here take as a stimulant whisky and soda, generally Scotch whisky. Most people who drink, drink too much. As an Englishman said to me : “ The bad tropical climate comes from a climate in a glass bottle.” Certainly, an excess of any sort is more deleterious in this climate than at home. A man who could with impunity take many drinks in a day, or go to what is reasonably excessive at home in other ways, would suffer if he attempted the same life here. The origin of the excessive drinking here is attributed to loss of appetite. I am told that nearly every Spanish officer who came to the islands lost his appetite very soon after coming, and a favorite drink with the Spaniards was gin, at least I am told so — diluted gin. This began by taking a little gin for an appetizer, but the quantity necessarily had to be increased, and a great many men came to use alcohol in excess as the result of beginning in that way. Those, I think, are the main things about personal hygiene for Anglo Saxons. Q. How about the effect of the sun? Tell us about that.— A. We have come to the conclusion that the custom, which is so general, of keeping indoors from 12 to 3, is very important. Someone has said that here the sun is always dangerous, and I am inclined to think so. I have felt it very much. Q. Isn’t it bad from 9 to 12? — A. It is bad at any time, in all prob- ability, but one feels it more after noon. It may be one has become worn out or exhausted by that time. In the morning, after a refresh- ing sleep, he is able to go about without feeling it so much. Q. Do you think fish a good article of diet? — A. Very good, pro- vided it is* good fish. There would be very great danger from eating tainted fish, but if one could get fresh fish it would be a very good diet. It is very easily digested, and not nearly so apt to accumulate substances in the blood and clog the liver. Many people will probably have to limit their red meats if they remain here. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 239 Q. Is there any difference between beef and mutton ? — A. In then- digestibility; I do not know what the tables indicate, I am sorry to say. There are tables prepared giving such information. Q. I)o you think it possible for Americans to come here and live by pursuing the very simple rules that you have given? — A. For a term of years, yes, sir; provided they had frequent holidays away from this archipelago. • Q. Do you think the white race could work in the fields — pursue agricultural pursuits? — A. I doubt if that could be successfully done. Q. As a matter of fact, is it not very well known that the English- man never changes his habits? — A. So they say in Hongkong. Q. And that the English Government takes no account of climate, but from a scientific point of view you think that climate must be con- sidered with regard to diet and habits? — A. Yes, sir; and public sani- tation. I should think that if the Government sent men out here it would also be necessary to pay close attention to the public sanita- tion, water supply, drainage, removal of excrements, quarantine, and to make a special study of the diseases the same as the English, who have established a school of tropical diseases, and I imagine it would be necessary to make a special study of the mode of living. Malaria is one of the principal diseases which attack Anglo-Saxons more than the natives, and, what is more, the form is the worst — pariciousa — a very severe form. Q. Even the American living here, as you have said, for some years, would become pale unless he drank a good deal of whisky, wouldn't he? — A. I think it would depend on the individual constitution. I think a great many men would sicken, and if they tried it for two or three generations without replenishment from home, to use a slang expression, they would “peter out.” Q. And that, you say, is due to the climate? — A. Yes, sir; and the removal of home influences. Q. How long have you been here? — A. Two months. Q. In your own personal experience have }Tou found this climate trying? — A. Yes, sir; I have found that I had to be careful as regards diet and as regards work. Q. You have done, perhaps, a good deal more work than the ordi- nary man? — A. I have kept quiet from 12 to 3. We have worked in the forenoon pretty hard, and at first in the afternoon, but wre have found the longer we stay here the less capable we are of work of a high order for am" prolonged time. Q. Do you find you perspire a great deal? — A. That depends on the drink and diet. Q. Doesn’t it depend on the exertion? — A. If itou work out, of course }tou perspire. Q. Is that desirable or not? — A. To a certain extent, yes. Exces- sive perspiration from excessive exertion would soon weaken one very much. We found, when working hard mentally, that exercise did not agree with us. I began with theories and ideas about taking exercise morning and night, but I could not stand it and do mental work at the smne time. Q. What effect is the rainy season going to have on health ? — A. The probability is that dysentery will be much more common in the rainy than the dry season. Malaria will be less, unless at the end of the rainy season there should be a great deal of hot, dry weather, mak- 240 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSIN. ing the water grow stagnant and increasing mosquitoes, especially inasmuch as malaria is transmitted by mosquitoes. Q. What do you mean by malaria ? — A. We mean only the diseases which are caused by certain parasites, known as the parasite of mala- ria. of which three forms are now* recognized as affecting human beings. All other things called malaria are not regarded as malaria by those •who are students of the disease. Q. Malaria is a fever? — A. All malarial infections are accompanied at some stage by attacks of fever. Q. Is it the same as dengue? — A. No; dengue is not malaria. We have examined the blood of patients who have what we believe to be a form of dengue, and it does not contain any variety of the malarial para- site with which we are familiar and none which we can recognize. Q. Do they have regular old chills and fever here? — A. Yes, sir; and w ith the same variety of parasites as occur in America. The para- sites in blood here could just as well come from the blood of patients suffering in Baltimore. Q. Is there anything else you would like to say? If so, vre would like to hear you. — A. There is one point with regard to the health of the soldiers at present, and with regard to the mode of living. Some- thing is wrong, judging from the patients who come into the hospital. Whether it is a matter of diet, whether the ration is not right, or what is the cause of the lowering of resistance of the large number of soldiers, is a matter which merits close investigation. No matter from what disease an individual suffers in the hospital he nearly always shows signs of nonnutrition. We notice it particularly in the mouths of the patients. A large number have foul tongues, and a large number have erosions about the teeth, raw gums, etc. Part of that can be attributed to lack of opportunity for proper cleansing of the mouth, but I am inclined to think there must be some special cause, because no matter howr carefully you take care of the mouth, if subject to bad influences, these abrasions in the mouth will occur. It became so noticeable in examining patients in the hospital here that I asked one of the assistant surgeons to make a systematic examination of his wards, and he did so: went through examining the mouths of all the patients, and he told me that fully 90 per cent of the patients had this condition of the gums. I asked the individuals themselves the cause of it. They attributed it to the ration, rightly or wrongly 1 do not know. It would seem probable that the ration of the soldier in this climate should differ from the ration of the soldier in temperate cli- mates. Q. In what respect? — A. I think that a matter of investigation. Q. What do you say about beans? — A. In a moderate quantity, all right. They get plenty of beans. But they' lack, on the tiring line, fresh beef. Q. Do they" cook the beans? My army experience has shown me that oftentimes the soldiers do not cook the beans, and there was a say ing that “ beans killed more men than bullets.” How about that here? — A. We have eaten the beans in some of the messes, and I must say where we have been the beans were well cooked. In the messes where we have taken meals they had good cooks. Q. How about bacon ? — A. That is disputed. Ido not think there is any objection to the material itself. Q. They use now mostly Australian meat, don’t they? — A. Do they get that on the tiring line? REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 241 Q. Well, it is guaranteed twenty-four hours, so it would seem they might?- — A. All I know is we saw a man who asserted that for weeks they had not had any fresh beef. That may be true or not. Q. I understand that the proportion of sickness here is about 10 per cent. Is that excessive? — A. 1 do not think that we are supplied with any definite data as to the percentage of sick. Q. Well, they have 2,300 sick people here, soldiers?- — A. And how many in the army ? Q. I am counting 23,000, making about 10 per cent. There is one thing I want to ask you about, if A’ou have noticed it at all. We have been told here when a soldier gets sick he don’t get well. He don’t seem to recuperate. If he once lies down and gives up, it takes months for him to get up again. Some, of course, attribute it to homesickness, which I know was a fact during the civil war. What do you think about that? — A. I think that certain diseases are especially prone to penanty, and to slow convalescence. Of course, even with good treat- ment, convalescence isslow in this climate. Syphilis, 1 am told by army officers, is particularly pernicious, and we have a certain amount of evidence of that in the hospital. Fellows who had had syphilis in America and recovered appear to have had outbreaks here Q. Without any contact again ? — A. Yes, sir; without contact again. Of course, in America if a man is over his syphilis two years, and is subject to influences which lower his general vitality, he is very apt to have evidence of the disease break out. The army surgeons tell us that a number of men who had had syphilis in America have done badly here. Some have had to be sent home, and those who contracted syphilis here have done badly. Q. About what proportion of that character of cases have come under your observation; about how many? — A. I do not think syphilis is the most common. Probabl}' soft chancres and gonorrhea are the two most common venereal diseases here. I could not sav the percent- age, because a great many who have a mild attack do not go up fox- treatment. They appear at sick l’oll and ask treatment locally. If they develop buboes or need operations, they are sent to the hospital. Thei-e has been a great deal; I could not give figures. Q. How would it compare with other maladies; what is the predom- inant malady among the soldiei-s? — A. Distresses of digestion, includ- ing diarrhea and dysentery. After that I should say typhoid fever, then, perhaps, malaria. Colonel Denby. We have another witness, gentlemen, I am sorry to say, and unless you have something further on the subject which you can offer us I hope you will excuse us. Dr. Flexnek. 1 would like to say a word further on a subject which we consider of great importance. What we regard as a keen necessity is a public morgue. We find a great many cases of death have been unattended by a reputable physician, and the cause of death has not been made out. The objection to burying anybody without establish- ing first the cause of death is that it fosters criminality, and, too, 3-011 ma}- succeed in checking a disease which may become epidemic. It seems to me there should be established a public place to which eveiy one who has not died under the care of a reputable physician should be taken, and that it should be in charge of experienced physicians and pathologists. Q. There is a morgue hei-e. isn’t there?- — A. I do not know, sir p c lfi 242 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. There should be a place to establish the cause of all deaths. They have such a public morgue in Hongkong. Then, I should think, to this public morgue all cases of infection from which there is danger of spreading should be brought and attended under the supervision of skilled attendants, so as to prevent its spread. Now, a word about cholera, which has been here, and possibly, on account of communication with infected seaports, it might appear again. The protection against cholera is the protection of the water supply. It can hardly get a hold unless through the water supply. The protection of the water supply is the first point of consideration. 1 think the plague might easily get here, and if it did get here, I am of opinion it would do a great deal of harm. Looking at the problem in an external aspect, there would be more danger than in Hongkong. Dr. Barker is inclined to think otherwise, as he says the natives here are not so tilth}’ or closely housed as in China, but we agreed there would be a great field here anyway. I think a public morgue might be the means of discovering in their inception these diseases and in destroying them in process of germination, nipping them in the bud, and without it I think there is great danger. Q. There is no plague here now? — A. No, sir. TESTIMONY OF SANTIAGO PAYA. Manila, July 6, 1899. Present: Colonel Denby (in the chair) Mr. Worcester, and Mr. MacArthur. Santiago Paya, in response to questions, stated as follows: By Colonel Denby: Q. We want to ask you a few questions in relation to education in the Philippines, and would like to have it taken down in order to pre- serve it? — A. I wish to answer all the questions on education which you may ask. Q. Will you give us your name and residence? — A. Name: Santiago Paya, rector of the university; residence, Manila. Q. What is the name of the university? — A. Santo Tomas, Manila. It is the only one that has ever been here. Q. How long have you been here? — A. 1 have been here three times. I came here the first time in 1871, and altogether I have been here about twenty years, counting the three trips, the three visits. Q. Will you give us some account of the university, how long it has been established, what it teaches, how many students there are, etc. ? — A. Since the first of the seventeenth century it has been in existence. It was first known as the College of Santo Tomas, and it was after- wards recognized as a university by Spain and by the Pope. Q. Was it supported as a Government institution, or an institution by your order — what is your order? — A. Santo Domingo. Q. Was it established by the Government as a state institution or established by your order? — A. It was founded by the order itself. REPORT OE THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 243 Q. It was, therefore, a private institution ? — A. It has always been so, but as there was no state university the Government of Spain recog- nized it officially, but it has always been sustained by the corporation. Q. What assistance, if any, did the Government of Spain render to it? — A. It was founded by the corporation itself and always sustained by the corporation. Q. It received no aid from the Government? — A. It received no aid from the Government of Spain, as its foundation was private, and as the Spanish Government ought to have established a university and did not do so, they recognized this as a university officially. Q. Does the university charge for admission and tuition, or is it sim- ply a charity? — A. There are matriculation dues, $8 a year at present; formerly it was sixteen Filipino dollars. Q. What is the course of tuition? — A. Philosophy, letters, physi- ology, medicine. Philosophy and letters are one course, and law, pharmacy and medicine, canonical law and theology. Q. Does it teach the sciences? — A. Not the full courses of the sciences, but preparatory courses. The full courses in sciences were established, but there were almost no students. Q. Did they teach mathematics? — A. That belongs to schools of the second class, which is under the direction of the father here present with me. In those they studied mathematics and chemistry, natural history, logic, and metaphysics. Q. Do they teach the dead languages or the modern languages? — A. English and French, Greek and Latin. Q. Besides being a university, it is a college, isn’t it? — A. The greater courses which I have already mentioned, such as law, are taught in the University of Santo Tomas the others, secondary instruc- tion, as we call them, are taught in the College of San Juan de Letran, which is also under the Dominican fathers. Q. Have they regular classes in the college; and a boy graduates, does he? — A. I wish to add that in the College of San Juan de Letran they also have a mercantile course. Q. What other course did you mention besides the mercantile course? — A. An agricultural course; and the mercantile courses, and preparatory courses, and engineering courses I will furnish if the commission wishes a complete programme of all our courses. Q. Is the college open now? Are the university and college open for scholars? — A. The opening is announced, and it will be one of these days. Q. What is the prospect for students for this year? — A. The pros- pect is for very few students, which is due to the fact that many are in the provinces, many of them have spent a great deal of money and have not the means to come to Manila, and others are in the insurrec- tion with arms in their hands. Q. What has been about the average number of scholars, in the university first and then in the college?— A. In the university in 1896, for there was no revolution then, there were a little more than 1,000; in the college, 4,000. Q. Will you tell us something about the capacity? — A. The}’ were not all in the College of San Juan de Letran itself, although they were all under it, as the professors of San Juan de Letran had different schools, but all the students were matriculated and examined in the College of San Juan de Letran. 244 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Will you tell us something about the capacity of the Filipino boys for acquiring learning? — A. They have no great talent, but as a general rule they have good memories; they have not good talent. Q. How are they for acquiring languages? — A. The}' have an apt- ness for that. They will learn languages easily, because they have good memories. . Q. How are they for mathematics? — A. No; some learn it well, but in general they do not. Q. What occupation do the alumni generally follow? I mean by that the graduates.- — A. The majority of the students are members of powerful families, and they, as a rule, study that they may go into the provinces and be the most enlightened people in the province; but they don't engage in pursuits, for they have no necessity of making a living. Q. Don’t they engage in the learned pursuits, such as medicine and law ? — A. Some of them devote themselves to medicine, law, theology, and other things, but as a general thing they study the secondary education, secondary instruction, and then when they have acquired what they wish to. that is, some learning in Manila, they take a year or two in the university, but don’t go through the university. Q. Does the graduate of the law school go and practice law without any further proceeding? — A. There is no further requisite than to be a graduate of this university to practice law here, in Spain, in Cuba, and in all Spanish possessions. Q. How is it in medicine ? — A. In medicine, in pharmacy, and every- thing the same. Q. Have they to pass any examination? — A. The diploma which they get from the university entitles them to. Of course, before they acquire this diploma they must pass their examination at the university. Q. Then they have to take out a license and pay for it? — A. I don’t know, but 1 think not. Q. Do you take any charity scholars? — A. We have had in the col- lege of Santo Tomas 43 students, places for 43 students, that is, up to the last term, but they must be Spaniards. Q. Not Filipinos? — A. If they were sons of Spaniards, having Spanish blood; yes. By Professor Worcester: Q. Could Spanish mestizos bo received? — A. That is it; yes. By Colonel Denby: Q. But the poor Filipino was not entitled to one of these scholar- ships?— A. In San Juan de Letran it was for everybody. The educa- tion was for everybody and there were some three places for Filipinos, but not for Filipinos in the university. Q. At what age did they take a boy? — A. In addition to what I have stated, in the College of San Juan de Letran there was a primary course where children of six or seven years were received. By Professor Worcester: Q. Were they included in the number of students given for San Juan de Letran? — A. The boarders were; there were about 200 of those in the number of 4,000 students. Under the heading of San Juan de Letran I include those. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 245 By Colonel Denby: Q. In the primary schools did the\T have to pay any tuition fee? — A. In the primary instruction we have had only to do with the College of San Juan de Letran itself. In the secondary instruction in the Col- lege of San Juan de Letran there was a Si charge for recording — regis- tration. There is now a Si charge for registration. Q. That is all? — A. The day scholars in the primary instruction paid S2 a month in the College of San Juan de Letran. The professors, as I mentioned before, had private scholars outside and made their own terms with the parents of the children. Q. How did the institution support itself — from these tuition fees or from other sources? — A. No; for these fees were very insignificant — Si for matriculation — and other fees were very insignificant. They did not meet the expenses by a very great sum, and the schools were supported bi" the corporation. Q. The corporation, then, owned lands or property of some kind? — A. Yes; we had property. Q. How long has the order that you belong to been in these islands ? — A. Three complete centuries. Q. Can you briefly tell us what the system of public education was in addition to your own? — A. All the secondary instruction in the Islands was subject to Santo Tomas. There were, in addition to the private schools I have told of, schools in the provinces, but all the col- leges of secondary instruction were subject to Santo Tomas. In Spain every university has its own district under it and all the colleges are subject to the university, which is the head of that district. Q. I would inquire particularly what provision was made bv the city or the municipality of Manila for the public or free education of chil- dren?— A. Almost none at all — the primary school. Q. Were the primary schools — public schools — sustained by the city or the State?— A. There are primary schools in all the towns sustained by the State. Q. In which they furnish what kind of education? — A. Very rudi- mentary education — reading and writing, the catechism, a little figur- ing, a little mathematics. Q. Were there any city schools in Manila? — A. There was the Nor- mal School in Manila, which the Jesuit fathers had, and the Atheneum, which was also the property of the Jesuit fathers. Q. Were the Atheneum and this other school sustained by the city or the State? — A. The Normal School was subject to and sustained by the civil administration, and the Municipal Atheneum was sustained by the municipality of Manila. Q. About how many scholars were in this Atheneum? — A. The sec- ondary instruction in the Atheneum was subject, like all the others in Manila, to the College of Santo Tomas. Primary instruction in the Atheneum was subject to and sustained by the municipal government. I don’t think thejT had more than 60 or TO scholars in this primary instruction in the Atheneum; and there were also branch schools in all different wards of the city, which were subject to and sustained by the city. Q. And these schools were free? — A. For the scholars thejT were free, and the Government kept male and female school-teachers in each town; but there were also schoolmasters and schoolmistresses in the villages or towns of different provinces sustained by the members of the par- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 246 ishes. As the Government only kept one schoolmaster and one school- mistress, the members of the different parishes themselves supported different schools for the education of the children in the different wards of the different towns. Almost all of the education in the Philippine Islands was due to the religious orders; that is to say, the secondary instruction and the university were sustained by the religious orders and the primary instruction by the members of different parishes in different towns. By Professor Worcester: Q. Did the University of Santo Tomas give a degree corresponding to each one of the courses of study which you mentioned? — A. Yes. Q. What was the number of titles given in normal times, including all the courses? — A. I don’t remember at present. Q. You spoke of the failure of their scientific courses— their courses of scientific studies in the university. To what do you attribute that failure — to natural inaptitude on the part of the native? You said the students did not enter those courses.- — A. Because they were diffi- cult courses, very hard for them, mathematical courses. Q. What requirements were made for admission to the courses of secondary instruction in San Juan de Letran? — A. They were subject to an examination in the first instance; if they passed the examination in reading and writing they" were admitted. Q. What were the requirements for admission to the University of Santo Tomas? — A. It was necessary to have learned all the secondary instruction, to have passed an examination. Q. Were graduates from the colleges of secondary instruction in the provinces which you have mentioned admitted to the university on the strength of their graduation certificates from those colleges? — A. Yes, for there was a board formed in each place composed of two mem- bers from the university here Avho held examinations there, a board of the local faculty. Q. How many of these colleges of secondary instruction were there and where were they located ?; — A. In Yigan, in Ilocos Sur, in Dagupan, in Pangasinan province, in Nueva Caceres, that is in the province of Guinabatan, province of Albay, in Cebu, the capital, in Jaro, Visayas province, and Bacalod, Negros province. Q. Were the faculties of these colleges composed of fathers of the Dominican order, and if not, who composed them? — A. They were of all orders, that at Yigan was composed of the Augustinian fathers, that in Dagupan of the Dominican fathers, in Guinabatan of the Fran- ciscan fathers, in Bacalod of the Iiecoletos fathers, in Nueva Caceres, Cebu, and Jaro of the Paulist fathers. Q. Were the admission charges there the same as in San Juan de Letran, the tuition charges, I should say ? — A. Yes, the same; they were only 25 cents formerly. Q. Were these institutions, then, supported by the various orders that made up their faculties? — A. The day scholars only paid their matriculation fees, but the boarders paid their regular monthly pay- ments for maintenance. Q. What method was followed in the Manila institution in giving instruction in chemistry, physics, and natural history ? Was it book work or laboratory work, or both ? — A. A system of books, an oral system, and a system of practical illustration taken together, cabinets and specimens. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 247 Q. Had they a chemical laboratory where the students did this work? — A. Yes, sir. Q. What practical work had you in your course in agriculture?— A. We did almost nothing, excepting to make use of the natural examples which exist about here, but the Spanish Government had an agricultural college in Ermita. Q. What was the average age of the students at the time they entered San Juan de Letran? — A. In the secondary courses of San Juan de Letran, the youngest were nine or ten years. Q. And what was the age of the university students at the time of entering? — A. When they quitted the secondary instruction? Q. Can’t you give us an approximate statement of the average age of university students when they entered the university ? — A. Six- teen to eighteen years. Q. How long did it take them to conclude one of the university courses? — A. Six years in law and medicine, in pharmacy five, in philosophy four years, in letters and philosophy. Q. What is your idea as to the manual dexterity of the Filipino, his fitness for delicate manipulation, to use delicate instruments, etc. ? — A. They have plenty of ability in their hands to make machines, to make machinery, or to paint, or anything of that sort; to carve they are very good, or in music they are also very apt, but they will never make professors. Q. Do they show originality in art or mechanical work, or are they simply copyists? — A. Almost no originality at all. It is pure imitation with them. Q. Do the w i Id tribes here have any music of their own? — -A. They have instruments. In all the towns they have music. The Igorrotes have their own instruments and their own music, as it may be called; it is very rudimentary music. Q. Is it music from our standpoint? Are the sounds pleasant, or are they harsh, unpleasant sounds like the Chinese music? — A. It is not exactly like Chinese music, for that is very disagreeable to our ears; at the same time it is not to be compared with our music. Q. Were the students in the colleges of secondary instruction included in the estimate of the number of students receiving secondary instruction under them? — A. Yes; in all the provinces. 1 have said 4,000, and in the books which I have given the statistics are contained. Q. In the primary parochial schools in the provinces you said that they learned to read and write. What language or languages did they learn — their own dialect or Spanish ? — A. They were taught to read and write Spanish, but most of them learned it oidy mechanically. Q. Was there any law in regard to the matter, as to whether they should be taught Spanish or not? — A. There was a law. Q. Were there school teachers in the provinces who themselves did not know Spanish? — A. Some; }res. Q. W hat was the reason, then, that the law was not better carried out ? — A. Because the Indians did not present themselves. The Indians were very refractory; even the ones who could speak Spanish would not do so. The same thing is known in Manila and the suburbs. The people who can speak Spanish speak their own dialect in their own houses. Q. Who appointed the teachers of public schools; who was to blame for the fact that some of these teachers could not speak Spanish ?- — A. 248 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. The school-teachers who went from the Normal School here in Manila all understood the Spanish language, but in some towns the masters of the private schools did not understand it, and in some towns it was very difficult to find people who could talk Spanish. Q. My question is, who was responsible for the teaching of Spanish? I know that the law provided that it should be taught. Why, mani- festly, when the teacher could not speak Spanish he could not teach it. I inquire, who was responsible for the naming of these teachers, and, therefore, who was responsible for the breaking of the law? — A. I said before that there were schoolmasters appointed by the civil adminis- tration— by the government — and the masters whom they appointed did understand the Spanish language. Q. Precisely; but who made those appointments in the provinces? Was it the governor of the province, or who was it? — A. The civil administration here. The civil government. Q. And what was the nature of these schools in which there were teachers other than those named? Were they private schools, or the regular government schools? — A. They were private schools, because it was impossible to find anyone who understood the Spanish language. In some towns there was almost no one who knew any Spanish at all. Q. How much were the teachers paid in the provincial schools? — A. There were three different classes. I don’t know exactly; it was a very poor salary. I couldn’t say exactly at present, but it was a very poor salary. I don't think that the best of them got more than §20 or $25 a month. Q. From what source did this money come? — A. From the govern- ment. Q. Could you make an estimate of the total sum expended annually in salaries, etc. , on these provincial schools?— A. No; it will be found in the budget. Q. In the ‘‘Guia Oficial Filipina?” — A. It would be in the esti- mates of the local expenses of the different provinces of the archipel- ago; in the annual budgets, which were printed here, and in that por- tion devoted to the expenses of education. Q. Was there any system of inspecting these local schools to see that the provisions of the law were carried out? — A. Yes. The par- ish priest was the local inspector and the governor was the provincial inspector. Q. What suggestions would you make, if any, in order to improve these provincial schools, to set up a comprehensive system of free edu- cation ? — A. A great many difficulties will be met with; for instance, in the towns. The center of the town itself may be composed of only fifty or sixty houses. The rest of the town may be scattered about, and the facilities for instruction ought to be more scattered, more diffused; for instance, the children often have to go over bad roads to attend school a distance of 5 or 6 kilometers. Q. What part of the year are sessions held at present; what portion is given up to vacation? — A. Officially, the schools are open the whole year, hut there are certain times of the year — for instance, harvest time — when hardly any children attend school. Q. What provision is made for books, writing material, etc., for scholars in these schools? — A. There was a commission here in Manila which distributed proportionately books, ink, pen, paper, etc., to the different schools. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 249 Q. Didn't the students have to pay for such things? — A. No; they gave them to them. They have a wonderful faculty of learning to read and write. In Europe it takes children five or six years to read and write, here they learn it with extraordinary facility. Q. Going back once more to the university, I should like to ask whether they give courses of lectures there or whether the instruction is all book instruction?- — A. The students in the university have their text-books; but frequently, in many courses, as in the United States, the professors lecture on their various subjects and the students take notes. Q. Are the courses open to visitors when the university is in ses- sion? Arc you accustomed to having visitors come in?— A. It is not the general thing, but if anyone wishes to visit the class he may do so by getting permission, without disturbing the class. Colonel Denby. We are very much obliged to you, indeed, and we would like to put some other questions to you gentlemen, but we have a visitor waiting for us and we must receive him. — A. There has been a great deal of talk about education in this country — whether it was backward or whether it was advanced. As a matter of fact, consider- ing the state of advancement of the country, education in this country is very far advanced, both in the primary grades and in the university grades. TESTIMONY OF 0. F. WILLIAMS. Manila, July 6 , 1899. Present : Colonel Denby (in the chair), Commissioner Worcester, and Secretary MacArthur. O. F. Williams appeared before the commission, and, in response to its interrogatories, stated as follows: By Colonel Denby: Q. Will you tell us your name, residence, and occupation ? — A. O. F. Will iams; American residence, Rochester, N. Y. ; acting as American consul at Manila for the entire group. Q. What positions, if any, did you fill prior to your appointment as consul here ? — A. 1 was consul at Havre, France. Q. When were you appointed to Manila? — A. On the 15tli day of October, 1897. Q. When did you get here? — A. On the 24th of January, 1898. Q. Now, Mr. Williams, if you care to tell us— I don’t want to press you on the matter, but if you will give us a little history of the events that transpired here during your stay (we will be glad to ask you your views on finance and the Chinese question later) we will be obliged. — A. Well, I am not sure that I quite understand the intent of your question. %If it be what most occupied my attention during the period before the war, I can readily give that. When I left Washington there was little or no thought of war — not the least possible cloud in the sky. Q. When did you leave Washington? — -A. About the 5th of Decem- ber, leaving my home in Rochester, N. Y., for the Pacific coast on the 9th of December. Q. That was in 1897 ? — A. That was in 1897; and during my trip, at 250 REPORT OE THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Puget Sound, and later at Yokohama, and still later at Hongkong, the evidences of war increased, so that when requested by the Washing- ton Government or other parties to keep advised, 1 felt that the best service that I coidd render as a stranger here was to get all possible information of the Spanish defenses in arms, arsenals, forts, and the condition of the fleet; and I declined to make official calls except on the Spanish governor-general and Admiral Montojo, and gave every hour that 1 could well spare from my office to visiting all parts of the city and immediate environments here, and going into the arsenals and forts; and when I had the opportunity I took notes or made notes of what I had seen as to the modern nature of the ordnance and the general usefulness of the forts as defenses. I used to go to Cavite, and there conducted like examinations in the arsenal and shipyard and visited the Spanish fleet, not, however, except in one or two cases, aboard the ships. Remembering the lesson that I had had in science when I was asked to watch the Chilean ships during the trouble with the Baltimore down on the Pacific coast, 1 concluded that the proper thing was to know the draft or the change of draft of the Spanish war ships, to know if they were taking on coal or armaments or anything to lower them in the water, and I obtained in that way all the information that I could, and finally received a letter from Commodore (afterwards Admiral) Dewey asking me a number of questions in relation to the defenses here, and, fortunately, 1 had had forethought enough to have the whole thing looked up and minuted, and 1 at once sent him a large amount of information on subjects that he was interested in. And from that time to my leaving here we were in constant communication by letter, as long as our letters were safe through the mails; then by letters sent by private messengers on other ships coming and going and by cipher cables. The Admiral cabled me that he should not leave Chinese waters until I left here, and the Washing- ton Government cabled me to leave on the 22d of April, the day after the declaration of war. I had the night before packed my things, or such of them as I could take with me, and the following morning received a telegram from Washington to leave immediately. I also, on my way to the consulate, was met by a messenger with a letter from the Spanish governor-general, asking to see me immediately. I visited him and was told by him that he could no longer guarantee my safety, as a mob or an assassin might kill me at any time, and he advised me to leave as soon as possible. I went to the consulate and dispatched the last American ship. 1 had the day before gotten ready the P. li. Thomas , and that morning got rid of the Great Admiral , the last American ship in port. They both went to Hongkong for safety, and I secured from the governor-general a promise that they should not be molested under three days, so that they felt brave enough to under- take the voyage to Hongkong, thinking that they would get into the ocean and safety before they would be overtaken by any Spanish war ships. During this time and for the ten days, perhaps, preceding my departure, the Spanish fleet was very active, dividing up, one, for example, to go off to Dagupan and occupy Langayen Gulf, another to Subig, and others to the southern islands, and they would move from the anchorage over near the breakwater to Cavite and then would come back. Such of them as could find anchorage would take their places behind the breakwater, apparently to use the breakwater as a fort wall in case of attack, lying close to it in order to protect them from an incoming fleet. The entire fleet went up to Subig at one time. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 251 Q. How far is Suing from here, Mr. Williams? — A. I should think about 60 miles by way of Corregidor. It is about 25 miles, 25 or 30 miles to the north line of Subig Bay, and that was planned as a Span- ish naval station. They had expended considerable money there. An English concern was engaged when 1 came here in establishing a float- ing dock of 8,000 tons capacity, a very useful dock, indeed, one that could be taken apart and floated in sections; it could be used for raising ships or for any such purpose, and the Spanish fleet thought for a time to make its stand there, as the harbor was an excellent one. They sunk half a dozen schooners and eascoes in the southern part, the wider part, of the Subig Channel, leaving only a narrow entrance next the north shore, where the water was deep and suitable, and they united to entice the American fleet if it entered Subig Bay to get on to their sunken ships; but fortunately I had a private detective with the fleet when it went to Subig, and he came back and reported to me the conditions and gave me a map, which I afterwards gave Commo- dore Dewejq showing the position of the sunken craft, and the blue line made next to the north shore as the line of entrance and exit from the bay. So that, as is known— perhaps it may not come up in this discussion — Admiral Dewey headed out when he came down the coast and sent the Raleigh and Boston to recon noiter the bay, coming in according to my map, and directed the Baltimore to stand off the mouth of the bay and render succor if needed. The ships went in on the lines I had indicated and found things according to my map, but they found no Spanish fleet. They found it later on. But going back to the 22d of April, when 1 boarded the Esmeralda to go to Hongkong to meet the fleet — I could not live on board— it was not considered safe for me. I held communication with certain extra detectives whom I had engaged to visit forts, etc., and who had to confine themselves to communicating with me by official and other means. So that up to the moment of my departure on the 23d of April, I had communication, even after the Esmeralda weighed anchor, for my present office mes- senger came to my ship with a package of letters and maps, etc., that my detectives had prepared for me to take to the fleet. I went to Hongkong, and as we entered the harbor the captain of the Esmeralda told me the fleet had gone away, and we had a discussion as to the probabilities of its campaign and that the orders from Washington would be imperative. 1 was properly systematizing my papers. As soon as we came to anchor the Admiral’s private steamer, in the pay- master’s charge, came to see if we were prepared at once to join them. But the heavy sea prevented it. After we got to the mouth of the harbor we had to come back, and only reached the fleet at noon on the 27th of April; and within two hours from the time I reached the fleet with my maps and information, where I was met by the captains, who had been called by the admiral to hear the last news, orders were at once issued to start at 2 o’clock, and we were all under way at that hour on the voyage to Manila. Q. We won't trouble }'ou to describe the battle. Is there an}Tthing that occurs to you that you can tell us about the conditions after the battle, and before the American soldiers came and after they came? — A. Before the war — that is, before the attack — as soon as the native people here had the least idea that America was coming here, the question that seemed most prominent in their minds was not what kind of government they would have or how much freedom they 252 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. would have, but what would America do with the Chinese, and they even before I left Manila showed a very deep interest in that question, and since then, after the war, as we may well jump over that period, when I came back to my office after the taking of Manila, on the 13th of August last, for months and months, and even until the present time there is no question that seems so much talked of. Q. What day did you come ashore ? — A. I came ashore on the 20th, 1 think, of August, but I didn’t open my office until the 22d, for the reason that I left the 22d of April, and I thought I would make even months to save mathematical calculations in business. So that I left the 22d of April and I returned the 22d of August, being gone just four months. Q. Now, you were going on to tell us about the Chinese. We want your opinion on the subject. — A. I used to talk with the people, the Filipinos. 1 always endeavored to be on good terms with them. I said that it would be very advantageous to establish savings banks, in which they could put what little they could spare of their earnings, and after a time own the homes in which they lived, and so increase their wants from their half-developed state, and the ques- tion was brought up at once about the Chinese. They said that the Chinese come over here and work; that they are very strong men; that the}T are excellent servants in any department of work; that they take their money and hoard it, and that they go back to China. The Chinese women have not been admitted, so that they had Chinese wives, or girls in China whom they wished to make wives; that the}r simply hoarded what money they could earn here, or what money they could spare from their earnings, and went back to China with it. The question is very similar to the American situation, and the natives held that the Chinese took work from them which they would be glad to do if they had the opportunity. The Chinese laborer is stronger than the native, and he is preferred for that reason, and the exporters and importers here — the people who employ laborers — give these Chinese here substantially all the coolie contracts. They get them through this old man Palanca and others. They are hired out to these shippers, and they work for a very small price; they work very faith- fully, and they are model servants, without any question; but the Filipinos feel very badly about it, as it takes work from them and prevents their receiving wages and gaining prosperity, and I have become perfectly satisfied in my own judgment that there is no one question that would go further toward peace here than if it could be promulgated that America would apply Here the Chinese exclusion act as applied in America. I had written the Department of State, before your honors came here long ago in full upon this subject, and I am very deeply impressed with its importance. The coolie system is worse than human slavery, though it does not sound so badly. But the laws in America and in other countries where human slavery has existed provided more or less carefully for the protection of the slave property during childhood, during sickness, and during old age, but the coolie system makes none of those provisions. It simply uses the man as long as he has got physical vigor — that is, has got any mark of value — and then throws him into beggary. By Professor Worcester: Q. What coolie system arc you speaking of — that of bringing the Chinese here? You speak of it as if there were existing at the REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 253 present time such a system. I don't understand what you are speak- ing of. Is it the machinery of the system or really the system of which you speak ? — A. I don’t understand. They come here to Manila as coolies in the first place. The coolie system does not exist to-dav as it does in some other parts of the world, but the system as car- ried out results in the minimum price being paid for labor. When I came here you could get plenty of labor for 20 cents (Mexican) per day. It has doubled since then, but then yTou could get plenty of labor for 20 cents per day. For instance, the messenger in my office — a bright fellow, fairly well educated, and a native — was getting $8 a month (Mexican). When I came here Mexicans were worth 44 cents, and he then got $3.50, or something like that in American money — that is, a month’s wages — and he is a married man. Find- ing that the British consul paid the same price, when I left I put mv messenger, whose wages I had increased, in charge of the British consul. The British consul told me he had reduced his wages to $8 again, because he only paid his servants $8, and it would not do to dis- criminate by paying one more than another. Then there is another rea- son why 1 object to the Chinese coming here — a double reason. They are polygamists and heathens, and whatever we may say of the civiliza- tion of the Filipinos, they are Christians, as a rule. Whenever they have a religion it is the Christian religion. The Catholic fathers have taught them. And the Chinese, when they are rich, keep as many wives as their inclinations lead them to, or they can support, and when they are poor and can employ women in any way to increase their wealth they keep as many as they can so employ; and the rule is with these Chinese here that they are polygamists, and their domestic system is certainly something to be avoided by us if it is possible to avoid it. Q. You mean that these Chinese who come over here keep more than one woman after they come here? — A. Oh, yes, sir; as a rule. 1 was talking with Attorney Levering, who had his office with a leading Chinaman, who has been before you. He had his office with Ongcakwe. He was speaking to me about it, and he says there is no question but that all these well-to-do Chinese keep as many wives as they' are able to support. I understand that there is a man who has four. Q. But do they not here, as they do among some other Eastern peo- ple, sometimes have four women to one man ? — A. I have never been into their places to inspect them, and I would not like to make any statement about anything that 1 do not know; even if I think it but do not absolutely know it, I would not say so. My ideas have come from talking with these people and from general information gained from hearing others speak. There is another idea in connection with the Chinese question which alarms me, and that is this: I can’t imagine how we can exclude Chinese from America for many years if we admit them here, or if we do not apply rigidly^ the exclusion act here. I believe, and have written to Washington, that we can safely amalga- mate all the Chinese we have here. Their numbers have never been given to me as over 84,000 in all these Islands, and I have heard sev eral times since the war that there are not more than 50 or 52 thousand in the Islands, but I suppose it is largely an estimate; but they are in Manila and the towns, and I conclude that the estimate is a fair one, and that we can safely' leave them here, and give every one of them the fullest rights. I would not discriminate against them in any' way. 254 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. but I would still see that the millions of China should not swarm over here. Q. You think that there is danger that they will swarm over here ? — A. I know that the Spaniards fully understood it, and they put a large price on their coming, but changed it from time to time, I think. I don't know what their laws were. Q. Do you know what the Chinese feeling is toward Americans? — A. America is looked upon as a heaven by them, and there is not any- thing that the Chinese would not do to get into America. If they could come here and from here go to America, they would be glad enough to come here and stay a time and then go to America, and I am alarmed. There is talk of these people here who want the Chinese. They have come to me and urged and offered compensation and all that sort of thing if I would champion the free admission of Chinese, and one gentle- man wrote quite a lengthy screed on the subject of a free port and Chinese admission, and came to see me several times before lie wrote it. I never encouraged anything of the sort, and finally a few copies of the paper were dropped on my desk without any signature, but 1 knew the author, and a day or two afterwards, after I had read and reread the screed, I met the old gentleman on the street. “Well,” he said, “ did you read that article on the open port and the Chinese ques- tion?” I told him I had carefully read and reread it, and was com- pelled by my convictions to antagonize him on both points, and we have had several earnest talks on the subject. He said: “Mr. Jones, the banker, for instance, says, ‘ Why, he can’t get anything done. We can’t get houses built unless we have the Chinese.’” My judgment is that in less than three years the American mechanic will practically control the mechanical work of all sorts in the Islands, because he has got infinitely better tools, more skill, and better execution, and even with the cheap wages which prevail in mechanical work here he will successfully compete. I have no fear that we will lack servants or mechanics of any sort or laborers if we restrict Chinese immigration. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. Why do you fear that if the Chinese were allowed to come freely or without more or less limitation into the Philippines it would be disastrous? — A. If you please, sir, that rests upon this assump- tion: I believe that no other flag will ever fly here but the American flag. I believe that before the time will come that America would be disposed to give freedom and self-government to these people the peo- ple will be united against it. They will desii’e above all things to be part and parcel of the United States, under territorial or some other form of government, and that there is to be no other flag here; and if that is to be the case and we have freedom of trade and intercourse of all sorts in mails and customs service between here and the United States, then certainly there will be very great difficulty if people who are recognized as citizens here are not recognized as citizens in the United States. I can not see where we can put up the bars between these Islands and the States any more than we can put up the bars between Ohio and Pennsylvania. By Professor Worcester: Q. You are going on the assumption that the Chinese are going to be recognized as citizens, are you? — A. Yes, I think that is bound to come. 1 don't know any reason why not. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. ‘255 By Mr. MacArthur: Q. You don’t know of any good reason why the United States should not admit the Chinese as citizens? — A. I limit it to the number here. There would be less occasion for it, and that is the reason for limiting the number. By Professor Worcester: (^. Why do you say that there is no reason why these people should not be citizens here when you regard them as so very objectionable for us at home? — A. Well, that is apparently inconsistent, but I think that if they are made citizens here, the question of polygamy may be abol- ished here as we have treated the same thing, and succeeded fairly well with it in America; and not only that, T have a good idea, a good opinion, of very many of the Chinese here as business men and as individuals, and simply dislike their want of religion if you please, and their polygamous practices, but certainly they are useful people here; I don’t deny it at all. I think they are very useful indeed, but I believe the labor can be carried on successfully by such Americans as will come here, or stay here, and by such natives as are here and want to do this work, and that there is no good reason why we should allow an increase of the Chinese element. But I don’t see how we can, acquiring this territory under any sort of agreement, exclude those who were here when we came, because under our free government and the equality of races I would give them the same privileges I would give the Filipinos. They are just as much a part of these Islands, so far as we are concerned, as the Filipinos that were here when we came. Many of them have been here represented for three generations. By Colonel Denby: Q. Have you looked into the currency or financial question any? — A. I can not say yes. I am not a financier and I question very much whether I can say' anything that will be of the least advantage to your commission on the financial question here, but I see every day at my hotel, where I have boarded ever since I came here, that a man can come in with an American silver dollar and fill himself up with a dollar dinner until he is perfectly satisfied, and when he goes up to the desk, on his way out, and lays down the American silver dollar he is given a Mexican silver dollar in exchange, and he goes off with more and purer silver than when he came in. It is quite a lesson in finance, but at the same time I am not a financier. Q. Have you any special views with regard to the establishment of a United States court here? — A. I am unequivocally opposed to Span- ish courts here, except to finish, to close up unfinished business. I believe that the early future will show the English language prevalent here, and that there will never come a time when it will be so easy to adopt the English language in our courts as it is to-day. By Professor Worcester: Q. Why, if the English language is soon to become the prevalent language, not wait until it does? — A. It will become prevalent by the extension of business. Q. Why won’t that be the proper time to adopt the English lan- guage? If it is going to be the prevalent language in the future, and is not the prevalent language at the present time, why not adopt it in the future ? — A. The law business of the Philippines is a very small 256 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. matter compared with what it is likely to be with the expansion of busi- ness. If we adopt the English language in the courts it will discour- age a certain amount of litigation, and bring in its stead arbitration of the questions between the Filipinos and Spaniards and others, and, so far as I can learn from the banks and business houses — those Avho have large cases in law — they are individually in favor of the English- speaking course. I have not found a single exception, and I know that such men as Mr. Jones, of the Hongkong Bank. Mr. Brown, of the Chartered Bank, and the people of Smith. Bell & Co., and War- ner, Barnes & Co. have even gone so far as to talk of consular courts here, because they are unwilling to trust their cases in a Filipino court. Q. What is your opinion, Mr. Williams, of the capacity of these people for self-government? — A. Capacity — 1 think they possess it. Perhaps not to-day. Their education has been very narrow, not so limited as some people think in the numbers of people who have been somewhat educated, but the education of the individual person has been very narrow — confined largely to church lines — and not of suffi- cient liberality and breadth to enable them to appreciate such a form of government as we have. They have never been taught any such thing. It is a government of the few and submission by the many that the}' have been taught; but, so far as 1 can understand them, I believe they are quite as capable people as the Japanese, and the Japanese, as we know, in less than forty years have developed from a low grade of civilization to become one of the powers of the earth. They seem to me verv like the Japanese. Q. Now, in the beginning, then, you think the government ought to be educative and somewhat strong, but by degrees it might develop into a self-government? — A. Yes. By Professor Worcester: Q. You say there has been a misapprehension as to the number of people who have a reasonable education. What is your estimate as to the percentage of people who have had anything beyond a rudi- mentary or primary education ? — A. I am unable to answer that. I have not been in the southern islands at all. and have not been 50 miles from Manila on land, and my answer would be valueless, I fancy, but little things lead me to that conclusion; for example, a great many natives come to my office and ask me for letters of identification — if I will not give them a letter to General MacArthur or Colonel McCoy or somebody — so they can go through the lines and come back with their horses and carriages, and I found that almost everyone of these people could write. People who are barefooted, and almost naked, still have been taught the rudiments, and I believe that quite a large per cent of the people, so far as 1 know them, have a smattering of education. Q. What 1 was trying to get at was, whether you based your state- ment on what you had seen in Manila or thereabouts. — A. Why you have a hundred times as much information on the Philippines as 1 have. Adjourned. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 257 TESTIMONY OF SENOR CALDERON. Manila. July 7, 1899. Present: Colonel Denby (in the chair), Professor Worcester, and Mr. John R. MacArthur. Felipe Caldeiion, in response to questions, stated as follows: B\r Professor Worcester: Q. What is your name ( — A. Felipe Calderon. Q. Where do you resided — A. In Manila. At present in Ermita, San Jose street, No. 18. Q. What is your profession' — A. Lawyer; and 1 have one term to complete to graduate in literature and philosophy, and two terms to finish the course in physics and chemistry. Q. Where were you educated l — A. I have studied from my earliest years in the College of the Jesuits. Q. Have you attended any other school ' — A. No. On finishing the course of secondary instruction, T entered the university hen* in Manila. I have also studied in the Government School of Agricul- ture, when it was established here in the Philippines. Q. Will you tell us in your own words what you know of the edu- cational system of Manila and the old educational system in general, including the part of it which was in the provinces, and then tell us what suggestions you would make ? — A. It is very unfitting for me to say so, but in all the courses which I entered I always took the highest marks and stood first in my classes in all the different branches which I studied. Q. Now tell us about the educational institutions here in Manila and give us vour suggestions as to the making of such changes as vou think desirable. — A. In order to understand thoroughly the educa- tional system in the Philippines it is necessary that we tell a little of its history. Q. Go ahead. — A. We will take its history from the year 1800 up to the present time, and consider what was done in the question of education legally and what was done illegally, for, as a matter of fact, the law has not been carried out. The law is written one way, and the practice has been different; it has not fulfilled the law. Prior to 1860, at the beginning, there were here three colleges — the University of San Ignacio, which was the first one founded by the Jesuits; San Jose, by the Jesuits, and the third, the University of Santa Tomas, which was under the control of the Dominicans, but it was sustained by dona- tions made to the university. This is also true of the Jesuit universi- ties and institutions. There is nothing more to say about this system of education, for it has the same degrees which exist in Europe. There was a great deal of weight given to canonical matter and it was an education purely classical, canonical, and theological. In the year 1600 Chirino wrote the history of the Philippines, in which he deplored the fact that in the universities there were no chairs of science or mathematics. There was also a board of commercial education, Avherc they taught navigation and mercantile pursuits, which was sustained by the merchants. To understand this board of trade it is necessary to say that the only business which existed in former times here was the coming and going of ships between here and Mexico bringing gold, p c 17 258 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. and there were tickets issued to members of this board of trade for space in these ships. They divided up the freight space. There was also a little primary instruction in the towns, which was entirely in the. hands of the priests. The local priest in the town appointed anyone he pleased as schoolmaster, and the result was that the children learned to read a little and to write on banana leaves or in the sand, and nothing more. We will not consider further this first period in the history of education in the Philippines, for it is of very little importance. During this first period two of the universities, San Jose and San Ignacio, were united into one, called San Jose; and then came the expulsion of the Jesuits, and their property was all confiscated. The Government confiscated their property — all of it: but there were some of their properties which were devoted to the maintenance of the University of San Jose, and these could not be counted in among their other property, being a donation given to them for that express pur- pose. Thus the University of San Jose ceased to lie a university and became a college of secondary instruction, under the ownership of the Government, administered by clericos; consequently higher education was entirely in the power of the University of Santo Tomas. For institutions of secondary instruction we have the College of San .lose and the College of San Juan de Letran, the latter dependent on the University of Santo Tomas. Provisional instruction and primary instruction remained in tin1 same condition in which it was before. In that institute they taught three courses of Latin and three courses of philosophy. Q. In what institution i — A. That is in the two colleges, both of San Jose and San Juan de Letran, and so those who studied there understood Latin, but they did not understand Spanish; they under- stood philosophy, that is, I say they understood it. They studied, but they did not understand, geography; they did not know where the Amazon River was. or Paris was, or anything of that sort. They didn’t know anything about mathematics or history, or anything prac- tical. In 1860, from which date we may say the contemporaneous his- tory of education in the Philippine Islands begins, there was a great revolution in systems of instruction in the Philippine Islands, due to the coming back of the Jesuits— a radical change. Let us take the course from the primary grade to the higher in order to understand it. Then there was a great question arose in Manila, and two parties were formed as to whether or not the teaching of Spanish should be obliga- tory. One party, headed by the bishop, Francisco Gianza. who was afterwards bishop of Camarines and was the author of a Latin gram- mar (he was a Dominican), said that Spanish should not be taught by any means in the Philippines; and another party, headed by Jose Her- nandez Cruz, who came out at the head of the Jesuits, and whose party claimed that Spanish should be taught in the Philippines — that the teaching of Spanish in the Philippines should be obligatory. There were some terrible speeches made on this question as to which party should have the upper hand, and 1 have some of those speeches, which 1 will be glad to show the commission. The argument was made that if Spanish were taught the Filipinos would understand tin* laws, which they did not think desirable. The party in favor of the teach- ing of Spanish in the Philippines was triumphant, and then came acts making tin' teaching of Spanish obligatory, and from day to day mak- ing it more and more binding. When the obligatory teaching of REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 259 Spanish was established the normal school, for school-teachers, was established. It was maintained by the Spanish Government and directed bv the Jesuits. This is the same school which still exists and which has been the most powerful means of diffusing the Spanish lan- guage, because the teachers whom I spoke of before, who were appointed by the priests, and who taught the children to write upon banana leaves, etc., were suppressed and substituted by teachers from this normal school. The board of education was created and presided over by the archbishop and similar members in the provinces; the local inspectors were the parish priests, and the provincial inspector was the governor of the province. This is sufficient for the primary instruc- tion. We will now pass on to the secondary instruction. The Jesuits petitioned the municipality of Manila to establish the municipal ateneo, maintained by the municipality and directed by themselves, in which the secondary courses of instruction began to be taught as they were in Europe, and instead of paying the greatest attention to theology, as they had done before, and to classical courses, they gave more attention to history and sciences, as is done in Europe. And when this modification was made San Juan de Letran followed the example of the Jesuits. The university also began to bestir itself, and about this time, in the year 1870, the decree of Moret came, secu- larizing the University of Santo Tomas. This decree came from the university in Madrid, and was sent out, but the Governor-General did not allow it to go into effect. The friars, who were brought out about that time, worked against the fulfillment of the decree. This was during the Republic in Spain; and, as the Governor-General here had power then to suspend the decree, he did not allow it to go into effect. The suspension of the Governor-General was necessarily temporary, and the friars continued their work in Madrid with the hope of making it permanent; and as the decree was suspended, the friars began to change the method of instruction here, and in addition to the courses in law and philosophy, which they. had before, they added the courses of medicine and pharmacy. The college of San Jose was suppressed, and the funds which were formerly used to sustain the college of San dose were diverted to the maintenance of these courses of medicine and pharmacy by the endeavors of the Dominicans, and the number of men holding scholarships in the college of San Jose was reduced little by little, and they were segregated in the college of San Juan de Letran. In this party we had, in the first place, the normal school, which was dependent upon the civil government, as the center, and from there the school teachers went out into the towns. According to law, there should have been in every town a school for male children and a school for female children, and in every ward of 500 inhabitants there shoidd also have been a school for boys and one for girls. The instruction of girls was intrusted to the Sisters of Charity, who were examined before a commission on primary instruction, which was composed of different people, Q. They examined the school teachers? — A. The teachers were examined by this commission, the commission giving them certificates according to their merit; and furthermore, in Camarines, and in Nueva Caceres, there was a school, also directed by the Sisters of Charity, for the further instruction of schoolmistresses, the education being of the second grade. We had the municipal ateneo and the College of San Juan for instruction of the second grade, and the University REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 260 of Santo Tomas for higher education, in which there were courses in theology, and diplomas were issued also in canonical law and in civil law. medicine, and pharmacy. In about the year 1880 there were also added courses for qualifying as nurses and pharmacists and midwives. That brings us up to the year 1880. In the time of General Despujes, about 1892, the primary instruc- tion was changed in this way: The instruction was kept the "same, but the teachers were given better salaries. They were given better sal- aries and were better classified. There was a competitive examina- tion, and the system of competitive examinations was introduced among the applicants for school teachers’ positions. At this time a department of departmental and professional instruction was estab- lished by the Government; also a school of arts and trades was main- tained by the Government. The first by the Board of Trade was suppressed at this time. The school of navigation, which had for- merly been maintained bv them, and of which we spoke before, was from now on maintained by the Government. That was in Manila, and in Iloilo a school of arts and trades was established. For women there was a superior normal school established, directed by the nuns and sustained by the nuns. For instruction of the secondary order we have in Manila the municipal ateneo and the normal school. In the ateneo at this time great changes were made also. For instance, courses which formerly took five years were made to consist of six years, and there were only three courses in mathematics, and great attention was given to mathematics, and there was a course in physical and chemical science. The normal school, for schoolmasters, also amplified its system, so that it became a superior normal school, and the university also, in 1896. established courses in science, and in physics and chemistry. This is the history of education in the Philippines in its legal aspect. Let us see now what happened in practice. There were also schools of secondary instruction established in different provinces, directed by friars and subject to the seminaries. These institutions had origi- nally been for the education of friars and priests, but their functions were enlarged at this time so as to take in and educate people also who wished for education but did not wish to become friars. In addi- tion to these schoolmasters of secondary instruction, there were also in the provinces certain schoolmasters known as Teachers of the Trinity, who were the greatest calamity that could happen ; they were subject to the university and were scattered about in the provinces, and they had to examine their students at the university. By Colonel Denby: Q. Was there any tuition fee paid by any of the scholars ?— A. No; by those who could well afford it, yes; but it was not obligatory. The teachers were paid by the Government. Q. Do you know how much a teacher was paid in the common schools? — A. According to his class and category. Q. What was the lowest salary paid? — A. Twenty -five dollars a month, I think. This is the legal aspect of the case. Now we will consider the practical side of it. We will begin with primary instruc- tion. We will begin on the subject of Spanish. How can it be explained that in spite of so many provisions made for the teaching of REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 261 Spanish since the year 1860, or thereabouts, there are only about LO per cent of the population who speak Spanish; and how does it happen that, the Government spending as much money as it did spend, and working as it did work, so few speak Spanish, and that it may be said that there is scarcely any culture in the Philippines? In saying cul- ture I do not mean the simple knowledge to read and write, for there are perhaps 75 per cent of the population of the Philippines who know how to read and write mechanically, that is, they know how to make the letters only, without knowing how to read. They read, they make letters to write and to read, but only mechanically they can do it; they don't understand the material that they are read- ing. The explanation of this is found in the existence of the two parties when the question arose about the teaching of Spanish. The party of friars was headed by Gianea — and if a more eloquent witness is desired, one of them by the name of Miguel Lucio, a Franciscan friar, wrote a book in Tagalo, in which he maintained that it would not be advisable for the Filipinos to understand Spanish. Q. Do the people who do not speak Spanish all speak Tagalo, or do they speak other languages ? — A. There is a great variety of tongues. In Pampanga they talk Tagalo, the Ilocano talks Ilocano. There are many dialects. Q. How is it here in the province of Manila, what language? — A. Tagalo, but Tagalo mixed with Spanish, adulterated; it is not the pure Tagalo. In many provinces they talk Tagalo. In this book by Miguel Lucio it was maintained that the Indians ought to only learn to say their prayers, and spend the rest of their time with their water buffalo, the caribao. It is a very remarkable book. By such historic testimony it can be explained why instruction was not more diffused in the Philippines. Now for actual occurrences: The school-teachers who instruct their pupils well and in Spanish are all enemies of the priests and friars. Q. What is the difference between these friars and priests ? — A. The friars are religious orders which depend upon a general, and the priests are not members of any religious order; they do not have religious orders, but depend upon the Pope directly. This is a canonical dis- tinction; but, as a matter of fact, in the Philippines there is a distinc- tion between friars and friars — there are friars and friars. The Capuchins are friars, but they are not such low people as the Recoletos, the Franciscans, the Dominicans, and the Augustinians. Q. How about the Jesuits? — A. They are very well thought of in the country. In speaking of friars in the Philippines you are understood to mean the Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustinians, andtheRecoletos. Q. Are all the Dominicans friars? — A. All. And it is against these four orders that the Philippine people are especially bitter, for they are the ones who have done the great damage to the country. Q. Well, have these friars the right to be parish priests? — A. In canonical law they have not. Q. How did they get to be parish priests, if they did? — A. The friars came here in the first place under the guise of missionaries, and Philip II, bv a royal petition, obtained from the Pope the right for them to act as parish priests — that is to say, to exercise the functions of parish priests in these parishes and for such time as the parishes were missions. But now all these missions have been converted into parishes; there are no missions any longer; but they, by corruption, REPORT OK THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 2G2 continued acting as parish priests against the canons of the church. When you wish a conference on the religious question here in the Philippines I will present myself with the greatest pleasure. In case a school-teacher in the province wished to teach his scholars Spanish, and to teach them well, the parish priest immediately became his enemy; he would denounce him to the governor as a filibusterer or an enemy to the government; and as the Spanish priest was the ruler of the governor one word from him was enough to make it necessary for the schoolmaster to leave. And as the priest was the local inspector of the schoolmaster and the school he could do as he liked with the schoolmaster. I do not say that all the schoolmasters are incompetent, but I will say that all of them do not speak Spanish, and some of them but very little, and the friars do not wish them to teach it; and, in spite of all the acts and provisions that have been made for the teaching of Spanish, as a matter of fact it is not taught, because the friars are the ones in power. Colonel Denby. We would like to have a full and clear account of the relations of the friars to the people; how they began — that is, what are their good points and what are their bad points. Let us have it all. Examination of this witness was suspended at this time, to be con- tinued on Tuesday next, July 11. TESTIMONY OF SENOR CALDERON (recalled). Manila, July 11 , 1899. Present : Colonel Denby, in the chair; Professor Worcester, and Mr. MacArthur. Felipe Calderon, recalled, stated: By Professor Worcester: Q. At the time we closed we were talking of the parish schools and the provincial schools and the relationship of the friars, and I ask you to take up your remarks and go ahead with them in relation to the school question. — A. We were talking about the schools of primary instruction. I was asked why the Spanish language was not more diffused in the country, and my answer to that is that the Spanish Government provided for the diffusion of the Spanish language in the country, but the cause of its not having been taught generally was the opposition of the clerical party. The opposition was by the party I have spoken of before, headed by Father Guincia. 1 have the proofs of this, one of which is the speeches made by the party headed bv Father Guincia, and another proof is the book written by a priest, Miguel Lucio. Now I will go on and give you some concrete exam- ples. The principles of the opposition of the friars are as follows: In the first place, the friar being the inspector of local instruction, a single word from him was sufficient motive for the governor to cause a schoolmaster to lose his position. It is evident that when the matter of instruction is in the hands of the priests they can do as they like, and when they were; opposed to the speaking of Spanish, Spanish was not taught. I have known of cases in which the schoolmaster, because lie wished to do his duty, has been put in jail. A case was made REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE: COMMISSION. 263 against him on slanderous and false accusations, and he was put in jail with the idea of making him lose his position. I have seen in the town of Navotas, in the province of Manila, a school kept in a stable where horses were kept. In the stable of the convent, where they kept their horses, they also had a school. As soon as a man w ho understood Spanish put in his appearance to take a position as a school- master in a town, he was denounced as a filibusterer or an enemy of Spain, that he was an enemy of the priests; and, of course, if he did not understand Spanish he could not read any books except books written in Tagalog, and, as the Spanish had the right of censorship over all publications in Tagalog, they took care that the publications in Tagalog were those that they wished. The Government had the right of censorship over these Tagalog publications, but it is well known that the friars were the only ones who could censor Tagalog. A great many facts might be cited in proof of what I say. and in spite of the acts of the Spanish Government from the time of ”The Laws of the Indies,” the purpose of the laws has been defeated. As a matter of fact, the question of instruction has been in the hands of the friars entirely, and it seems a paradox that 75 per cent of the inhabitants here know how to read and write, and yet they have no culture. They understand how to read Tagalog and how to make the letters, but they have no culture, for they have no books and there are no means of intellectual communication. Both secondary and primary instruction, so far as girls are concerned, was in a state of abandonment until the Sisters of Charity came; until about the year 1870, when they began to give the girls instruction like the boys. This is all that 1 have to say about public primary instruction. I will now take up secondary instruction. Up to the jear 1860 there was no instruction of the secondary class such as there was in Europe. There were three years of Latin and three of philosophy. But since the year 1860, or thereabouts, instruction of the secondary class has been taught here in Manila after the style in which it is done in Europe. There were two different institutions in Manila where sec- ondary instruction was taught — the Municipal Ateneo and the College of San Juan de Letran. The secondary instruction given in both these institutions, in the first place, it ma\r be said, had the fault of being very old fashioned. It was entirely too much a classical course, and not practical; but in the ateneo they gave more attention to the sciences, to mathematics, and cnemistry, and other sciences. As I have said, the ateneo. giving more attention to the sciences and enlarging its courses — the result has been that between the two colleges there is a great dif- ference, the best students graduating from the ateneo; and the results of the teaching- of the ateneo have been very good, while the result of the teachings of the College of San Juan de Letran have been very bad. This would seem to be appreciated when I say that all the most dis- tinguished men in Manila, among them Dr. Rizal and other eminent men here — all of these men — have graduated from the Municipal Ateneo. And we have the result, in the year 1896, which was the last year that they graduated classes, that in that year there were matricu- lated 5,407 students, and 2,350 passed the examinations in San Juande Letran. while in the Municipal Ateneo, where there were 1,701 stu- dents, 1,362 passed the examinations; and it can not be said that the examinations are more easy in the latter establishment than in the for- mer. because there is much more severity in the examinations held in REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 204 the Municipal Atenoo than in those held in the College of San .Tuan de Let ran. The greater number of those graduated from the College of San .1 nan de Letran were studying higher courses, and they left San Juan de Letran on account of the bad teaching there. On account of the bad teaching there they don't know enough to write a letter. Since 1888 institutions of higher education have been established in the provinces, directed by the friars; but the results as to the College of San Juan de Letran have not been good at all. not only from the lack of attention to teaching, but also from the incapacity of the teachers themselves. This is all I have to say about the instruction of the secondary grade. We will pass on to the higher instruction. The university, as we said before, has courses in law, canonical law, philosophy, and letters. There are also courses in the sciences of medicine and pharmacy. The plan of study is very inadequate, because it is antiquated. As a matter of fact, in the plan of education they do not teach all the courses, though their scheme of instruction calls for it. I will give an example: One of their three courses is penal law. and political and administrative law and colonial legislation, and they have never taught in the classes more than the penal code. Q. With the other things the students did as they liked and every- body did as they liked ? — A. There is another example in medicine. One course in medicine also is in therapeutics, embracing therapeutics, materia medica, prescription writing, hydrology, hydrotherapeutics, and electro-therapeutics, but only one branch of this is taught — thera- peutics. The reason of this is that it is a personal matter, for the one who is a graduate and a friend of the friars becomes a professor. To this is due the incompetence — that whoever is a friend of the friars becomes a professor. They do not look for a man's ability, but for his sympathy or hostility toward the priests. This gives very poor results. The number of students who failed to pass their examina- tions was greater than the number of those who passed them. I have brought statistics made by them — not made by me. We find in the instruction and in professional courses: There was a school of agri- culture and also a school of arts and trades maintained by the Spanish Government, and these two have not given any results whatever. In the school of agriculture, in place of using practical means of teach- ing. they have used purely theoretical means. I am competent to speak of the school of agriculture, for I have studied in it. The pro- fessors in the school of agriculture, instead of studying the agricultural conditions here, employ themselves in discussing the agricultural questions of Spain and of Europe here, and teaching them. They have a piece of ground for experiments and for the use of this agri- cultural school, and instead of planting it in the agricultural products peculiar to the country they planted it in radishes and flowers. Q. What do you call the agricultural products peculiar to the country? — A. They might study the cultivation of hemp or of sugar cane or of indigo, which latter is almost wholly abandoned, or the improvement of cattle — all of which I consider advisable. 1 will give a practical example of what I want to say: In Batangas a disease arose among the coffee trees, and a commission was appointed from the school of agriculture. After a long time this commission made a report, but thev made the report after there were no coffee trees left: and further- more. in this report they gave a prescription for a preparation to fight REPORT OK TIIE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 265 this coffee-tree pest, ;iud it was very much like the preparation which an Italian got up to kill fleas with. The Italian’s plan was, after having made his powder, to catch the flea and then put the powder on the flea; and the plan recommended by this commission was to inject the pow- der into the coffee tree. This could be done if a man had two or three coffee trees in his yard, but where there were millions of coffee trees on a plantation this could not be done. Another example, in regard to live stock: The Government sent a commission, composed of some Spanish Government veterinary surgeons, to bring mules from Aus- tralia and other parts, and the result was that after the mules were brought here they developed the disease of glanders. Then they appointed another commission to hunt up means of combating the glanders, and they were not successful in finding a remedy for the glanders, for, after they reported, their remedy was worthless. And, as a matter of fact, after the years that the school of agriculture has been established here, they employ the same means in planting rice that were employed before the conquest. By Colonel Denby: Q. There is no school of agriculture here now, is there? — A. Not since Manila was occupied. The method of working sugar cane, too, is just the same as it formerly was. The improvements made are entirely due to individual causes and not to anything taught by the school of agriculture, and the school of agriculture has not developed any men with any knowledge of agriculture to speak of, or if they have had any they have immediately taken other employment. The people who have graduated from the school of agriculture have not put their knowledge of agriculture into practical application, but have got employment upon the spot. The reason they did not put their knowledge into practical application was that it was not practical knowledge. The school of arts and trades has not given any definite results, either, because no one entered it. The only people who make furni- ture here are the people from Paete, in Laguna province, who have never studied in the school of arts and trades, and the Chinese. There were also courses for master workmen in the school of arts and trades, but there is only one man who ever graduated from it, and he was a Spaniard, and this is his history: This Spaniard was an employee in an office and didn’t know anything about construction nor anything of that sort, and entered the course to become a master workman, and he graduated from the course, which should have taken four years, in one year. This sort of thing has also happened in the university. It was enough to be a Spaniard to get along well in the university, and the very thing 1 studied seven years for, the Spaniard would go and grad- uate in in two years; and there are many gentlemen walking on the streets' of Manila who have graduated as law}Ters, I do not know how. The system of primary instruction is very deficient and not at all prac- tical. The instruction of the secondary class is very old-fashioned and entirely too classical; there is but little attention given to physical and chemical science, and the other sciences, and as to the university of Santo Tomas, the best thing I can say for it is to put it and keep it in a museum as an archaeological curiosity. If you would like my opinion concerning public instruction, l would state simply what I think ought to be done. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 2<><> Iii regard to primary instruction I should be in favor of making it more practical, and the same thing applies to the school of agricul- ture— more practice and less theory. I would make primary instruc- tion more practical and I would multiply schools of agriculture. And in the courses of higher studies in the secondary instruction 1 would be more exclusive; I would not admit whoever wished to be admitted. At present the student in the secondary instruction is obliged to know as much of one branch as of another, but my plan would be to let a man pick out his course of study, with a view to the specialty which he meant to take up; if he intended to enter on a literary career, to study everything in relation to that. or. if he was going to take up a scientific career, to study the sciences, mathematics, etc. I would recommend the modification of the courses in higher instruction in accordance with modern progress, and open courses in engineering, mining engineering, mechanics, and similar courses — of course, not leaving the instruction in the hands of the friars. There is no need to speak of that. That is all understood. Q. Are there sufficient schoolmasters and schoolmistresses in the archipelago at the present time for primary instruction? — A. Yes. Q. The Dominicans and Jesuits have both testified to the contrary. — A. It is true that there is a scarcity of schoolmasters and school- mistresses, but it is not true that there is not enough of them. There are enough of them in the towns, but they do not appear to exercise their profession because they are badly treated; a school-teacher is treated worse than a servant, and they do not like it. In the propor- tion of one to each town there are enough. Q. Taking into consideration the number of inhabitants, there are enough? — A. If you are going to distribute them at the rate of one to each town, there are enough. Professor Worcester. Will you kindly give us a discussion, in writing, of the laws on the question of education in the Philippines?1 TESTIMONY OF SENOR FABIE. Manila, July 11 , 1899. Present: Colonel Den by (in the chair), Professor Worcester, and Mr. Mac Arthur. Sefior Anoki, Fabie, appearing before the commission with Senor Calderon, was examined and stated as follows: By Mr. Worcester: Q. Now, to begin at the beginning, because the other gentlemen don’t know anything about what was said the other day. The other day vou said something to me personally about a plan of attack on the American forces which originated with the insurgents some time before the actual outbreak of hostilities, and as that plan is of historical interest, bearing on the question of whether or not we were the aggres- sors, I should be very glad to have as accurate a statement in regard to it as possible. Will you begin at the beginning and give us an account of this movement of which you have spoken here ? — A. About 'The request was complied with. (See appendix, Exhibit vi, p. 456.) REPORT OF TIIK PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. l?<>7 the last of November or the beginning of December 1 became suspi- cious that the insurgents had bad intentions, although they had prom- ised me that they would never wage war against America, and I had accepted my appointment under the insurgent government on that condition, and the reasons that I had were, first, my regard for the nation, and. second, my knowledge that it would be impossible for them with the means at their disposal to wage war with America. With this idea 1 attempted to outwit Luna, because Luna never had confidence in me and did not explain his plans to me. So I went to him one day and said, "Why don't you attack the Americans while there are only a few of them?” I told him that I would undertake to stir up the people or to raise the forces inside of Manila, and that they and these people outside should attack in front and I behind, with bolos or knives or anything of that sort. The plan was, of course, an impracticable one. Luna told me that it was an admirable plan, and that he would give me his definite answer later. Later on he told me that the idea was premature; that the opportune moment had not arrived; that the country was not prepared and had not the necessary arms. I then offered to introduce him to an individual who was employed in the Alhambra tobacco factory whom he could depend upon for some 300 men whom we could stir up to revolution at any time that he pleased. The person whom I suggested to him was one Antonio Cavas, an employee of the Alhambra. I introduced him to Cavas one afternoon, but Luna had just given up his position as the director of war on account of trouble that he had had with Aguinaldo and he told me that it was too late, that he was very sorry, but he could not accept the proposition that I had made to him. On the other hand, I had said to Cavas and to Molena. another employee there, not to stir up the people, but to hold them in check, for they, themselves, would be the first victims by reason of the fact that they were mestizos and had the faces of Europeans. Seeing that Luna did not do anything with the matter T directed-myself to my immediate chief, the head of the navy, Paseual Ledesma, and Ledesma told me he was prepared, and he could count on a thousand men, and that he was pleased with my idea, because it was also his idea, namely, to attack from the rear. And then I went to Mindoro, because I could not pur- sue the matter further. On my return I found that Luna had been to Cavas and to Molena and had offered each of them an appointment as a captain of infantry. In February, in Mindoro, I learned that the plan was to kill every one of the Europeans, and all the small children in Ermita and the outlying districts were prepared with sacks in which they expected to put the plunder. This the Chinamen knew through a merchant who was here. The Chinese know all about what is going on, and what a Chinaman dosen't know, no one knows. Now, what 1 propose to do is to get hold of these appointments and see whether Cavas and Molena are willing to come here and testify. Q. Did they have a plan to attack at any definite earlier time? — A. No, they had only received their appointments as captains. There was a plan of attack, but the plan was not revealed to them, it being the idea not to reveal the plan until the very last moment. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. What date in February did you learn this? — A. It was the mid- dle of February, after the breaking out of hostilities, from a China- man coming here. REPORT (>K THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 268 By Professor Worcester: Q. I understood from you the other day that there was a plan thought of in December to bring off an attack at that time? — A. I suspected that there was a plan at that time, but I couldn’t find out about it. Whenever I asked Luna for his opinion he replied that he was a military man and he had no opinions on political matters, and he would not discuss the question. I, and all of my friends, among whom is the director of a newspaper, El Republica, were in favor of the American sovereignty, but we consented to stand out against America simply with the idea of getting the best terms that could be obtained. Senor Calderon. 1 have details that will go to explain and com- plete what Senor Fabie hassaid. The first troubles that arose between the Americans and the Filipinos were known to me, became known to me when I was in Cavite in May of last year; and I had heard them from General Lucban; and. as one fact, he stated that the Americans had been the cause of the detention of a shipload of arms which was to have come here; and it was his idea that at that time the Americans were likely to surround Aguinaldo in Cavite, and for this reason Aguinaldo had moved over to Bacoor, he believing that Aguinaldo had made this change on account of the fear that he might be detained. Mabini, who, from the time that the Katapunin Society was created here, had been anxious for an alliance with Japan, was trying to influence Agui- naldo to make some sort of arrangement with Japan in order to resist America. At this time Sandico arrived also in this city, clamoring for an alliance with Japan; so that in the government at Bacoor there were two elements, the element in favor of America and the element in favor of Japan. I left them and didn’t see them again until I met them at Malolos. The two elements continued, so much so that one night when I was at a dinner to which Aguinaldo had invited me, and not knowing of the difference of opinion between himself and Paterno, he said, “What is your idea; what do you think is best for us?” 1 answered him, “Today, taking into consideration the condition in which the country is. I think it is better for us to keep on good terms with the Americans.” To which he replied with the question, “Do you not think it would lie much better to have absolute independence ?” And I replied to him, “In the first place, who will lead us to attack the Amer- icans ?” And he said to me, “ We shall not lack for assistance. People of some country, which is near us, and with racial characteristics in common with ours (referring to Japan) will help us.” Things were in this condition when Sandico. who was in the habit of going back and forth between Malolos, conceived the idea of creating the so-called popular clubs, which had as their excuse for being amusement and instruction in agriculture, English, etc., but as a matter of fact were true centers of agitation for raising up the people — stirring up the people against the Americans. I say this knowing that they were truly centers of agitation against the American people, because one day I went to see Sandico and he asked me to hold a conference con- cerning political questions in one of the popular clubs. I said, “ What do you wish the character of this conference to be?" because I had my private opinion about these matters and did not wish to make it known. And he said to me, “ Bring it about that it shall have no character favorable to the Americans. Don’t under any circumstances introduce the name of America in your conferences. I speak concern- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 2G9 ing the similarity of race between the Filipinos and the Japanese, and the purport of vour conferences ought to be a Malayan federation.” Furthermore, this club formed in all towns chapters of a society which had as its object to instill into the popular mind the spirit of hostility toward the Americans, and to such an extent was this carried that even in the case of the women and children they succeeded in bring- ing about a spirit of hostility toward the Americans. This went to such an extent that the popular club of Santa Cruz suggested to the women who kept fruit stands that they sell their fruit cheap to the soldiers or give it to them in order that it might make them sick. They told everyone who could do it to prepare to make balos, and in Manila they made caps for cartridges. The result of this was that the whole country was stirred up against the Americans because the popular clubs contributed to this end. Along in December they became very hostile against the Americans, especially in the provinces occupied on the march by the American troops. The men who took photographs or made sketches were arrested. The Filipino who was sent to accompany an American was held under close scrutiny after- wards. In Manila, among other things, they were preparing for an attack. As to this time 1 had extra information from various sources, because it was a thing that was kept extremely quiet, and at that time in Manila everyone had to be very careful in regard to his attitude, for if he carried his nose a little too high he was the object of sus- picion. So far as I have been able to learn, it was planned to attack the entire line at one time, and a signal had been agreed upon for this attack. They were to discharge three skyrockets. One was to be sent up from Binondo, one from San Miguel, and one from Malate. Pio del Pilar was sleeping inside Manila, and there was a large number of peo- ple inside with bolos, and the attack was to be made in the city at the same time that it was made outside. They proposed to begin by start- ing a conflagration; they had gotten ready kerosene oil for this pur- pose; and in order to understand about this whole matter, I availed myself of a relative of mine, a second lieutenant in the Spanish Army, and put him under Jerez, who was a colonel of militia. I may men- tion in connection with this matter of Jerez, first, that this relative or friend of mine was in favor of American sovereignty, and 1 consid- ered it probable that he had been deceived. Another part of their plan was to set at liberty immediately the men who were confined in Bilibid and in the Zorilla theater, and to attack that theater. Among the persons in prison there was one Ruiz, who had joined the revolu- tionary forces in 1896; he was an anarchist and had been with the Cuban insurgents for a considerable length of time also. But the Chinese said that Lucban was one of the first to give them information con- cerning the hatred of Americans, in the month of May. My relative was to take command of the prisoners when they were set at liberty and go and make an attack on Fort Santiago. They proposed to avail themselves of the plan of setting fires, and they proposed to use dyna- mite and use bolos to cut off heads with. At that time a great many people had left the city, fearing that there was going to be a fearful massacre. If the plan had been carried out there would have been a horrible massacre. The Spaniards also were adding fuel to the flames by saving that this plan should be carried out as soon as possible, before the Ameri- cans had time to strengthen their forces, while the forces remaining 270 HEPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. here were small; and the colonel of the revolutionary army had in his possession many papers and documents. He had a sister, who said to me that they did not carry out the attack because they were waiting for reenforcements which were expected to arrive from the Visayan Islands. That was about the close of January or the first of February. She told me that her brother had knowledge of the fact that the Americans had intended to attack through a soldier; that they got into a house and got drunk and got to talking; that her brother immediately went to Malolos and told this news, and they told him to await orders. At that time, in order to aid the movement, they created a militia, including all the inhabitants of the Philippines between the ages of 16 and 50. The establishment of the militia dates from the 1st of January. As another detail in regard to this attack, one day about the last of November, after the1 session of congress was over, at the special session Buencamino presented himself with an urgent letter from Aguinaldo, in which lie made the request that con- gress would confine itself to obtaining the amount of $2,000,000 to pay for a great consignment of arms which would arrive some time during January. And inasmuch as the congress did not take the matter up, Aguinaldo proposed an issue of bonds. And this money, raised by the bond issue to the amount of $10,000,000, which the}7 accepted to obtain only $2,000,000 at first, was to go to the purchase of arms, which were to arrive here about the first of the year. I, as a result of this, seeing that things were going from bad to worse, on the 10th of January left Malolos and went to Batangas, not only to avoid the trouble, but also to avoid taking an oath to support the constitution. As another detail that may be mentioned, it was stated in the Inten- dencia that all the Filipinos in the island were sharpening their bolos to bathe them in the blood of white men. Senor Angel Fabie. In confirmation of what Senor Calderon has said, and in order to prove that this was to be a racial war, I am going to tell you the conversations that I had with my immediate chief, who was the minister of marine. I was talking to him almost every even- ing. He told me that, since the Philippine race was a very good race, a superior race, he was interested in preserving it. I told him that the idea was such a good one that they ought to surround the Philippine Islands with a wall like the Chinese wall. This man thought the idea was a good one. He was a poor Indian, with a pug nose and very black, and if you had taken his uniform off you could have mis- taken him for his own coachman. The people who were in favor of his idea were of his own type. Adjourned. TESTIMONY OF CARLOS PALANCA. Manila, July 8, 1899. Present: Colonel Den bv (in the chair), Professor Worcester, and John K. MacArthur, secretary. Carlos Palanca, recalled: By Colonel Denby: Q. Will you kindly give us your Chinese name? — A. Don Chan Ouiensien is my Chinese name, and 1 am generally known among the Chinese in Manila and the Philippines as Don Chuey Leong. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 271 By Mr. MacArthur: Q. How did you come to get the name Carlos Palanca ? — A. That is my Christian name. Q. Are you a Christian ? — A. 1 am a Roman Catholic. By Professor Worcester: Q. We understand you have something to say about the condition of trade and mining in these islands, and we would be glad to hear what you have to say. — A. 1 have written a statement about all the islands, what are the products of these islands, and the dialects they speak, which I hand to you. Colonel Denby. We are very greatly obliged to you for taking that trouble. (Statement handed to Professor Worcester.) By Professor Worcester: Q. You say that sugar is raised in Bulacan province. What sort of machinery do they use for refining their sugar there? — A. Some of the machinery is got from Europe and some from China; the grinding machinery is generally two great blocks of stone — it was formerly. At present some use water power, some use carabaos, and some steam. Q. When it comes to boiling the juice of the sugar cane, what con- trivance have they for that? — A. It is boiled in a big pan, some lime is mixed along with the juice, and from the pan it is turned into a filter. Q. Do they stir their sugar or dry it when putting it into these filters anywhere in Luzon? — A. In Batangas, Iloilo, Bantagana, Cebu, and Antique, Negros Occidental, and Mayong. Q. Are there any Chinamen here who have sugar estates in the Philippines? — A. Yes. Q. In Luzon? — A. Yes. Q. How long does it take after a field is planted before the cane is ready to cut? — A. Once a year they crush the juice, dividing the field into two parts, leaving one part barren while they work on the other. From November they work up until Ma}^ — about six months. Q. Grinding the cane? — A. Yes; grinding the cane. Q. What conveniences are there for getting their sugar to market? — A. In Negros, and Antique, and Capiz, and Amos Occidental, and Ori- ental, all these provinces send their sugar down to Iloilo and sell the crude sugar there. Q. I low do you get the sugar to the coast before you ship it?— A. By buffalo carts, into the storehouse close to the river side or seaside, up to which the steamer comes. Q. How do they get it there from the plantations? — A. By bull carts. Q. Are there sugar lands in Luzon that are not worked now that could be worked if railroads were run to them? — A. Y"es. Q. Yrou have put down here that the vino del piez comes from Bulacan. What do you mean by that? — A. The juice of the nipa. Q. What sort of a business is it? — A. Y^ou tap the nipa palms and get the juice and make alcohol. Q. How does it pay ? — A. It is a very good business. Q. What is that alcohol worth an arroba here now? — A. Formerly, before the war, from 50 cents to 62 £ cents; at present the price is up to $1.87. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. You say there are mines in Bulacan. What kind of mines ? — A. Iron for casting1 pans, at the town of Angat. Q. What else? — A. Also,, besides pans, they make it into plow heads. Q. Is that mine worked at present ? — A. At present it is not worked, because of the war. Q. Was it worked before the war? — A. Yes; the Chinese worked it. Q. What per cent of iron was there in the ore? — A. I have never been to it and don't know, but I think about 80 per cent. I have never been to it. but I have heard there is a whole hill — a whole lot of it — in Angat. There is no other produce except this and small poles for huts, for building; that is all that Angat produces. Q. Are there any other mines of any other minerals in Bulacan? — A. The only other products of importance are indigo and manufac- tured hats. Q. Tell me how those hats are made. Don’t they make many hats there of cane — bamboo ? — A. Yes; they make many hats from bamboo. Q. Have the}’ factories, or do the people take their work to their houses? — A. They make them in their own houses. Q. Could the people be persuaded to work in factories if there was much sale for those hats, if they were acceptable in America, for instance? — A. Well, if they are paid well of course they will go into a factory to work. Q. How much will they want ?— A. At present they get $20 for a hundred hats. Q. What do those hats sell for here in Manila? — A. Formerly the Spanish soldiers paid 75 cents each for them, but there are hats of different qualities. Some finer qualities get bigger prices; the price varies according to the quality of the goods. There are bigger and smaller brims. Q. I am speaking of the ordinary hats. You say they get $20 a hundred. What do those hats sell for? — A. At present these kinds of hats are bought by the people from those men at that preie to sell to the European firms for $25 a hundred, because they have to pay the little expenses and have to make a profit also. Q. What do the European dealers get when they sell to individu- als ? — A. They export them either to Europe or somewhere else. Q. Do you know to what countries those hats go?— A. 1 do not know for certain where they export them to — some to America, some to Europe, etc., but I do not know definitely. Q. You say there are gold mines in Nueva Ecija. Is the gold in the sands of the river or in quartz rock? — A. In the town of Gapan, in the province of Nueva Ecija, it is taken from the hills and from the mountains. They have got to dig down into the earth for it and then wash it. Q. Whereabouts in Nueva Ecija are these mines? — A. In the village of Gapan. Q. Are those mines worked at present? — A. No: not worked. Nobody is in charge, and practically anybody owns the mines who pleases; they simply belong to the people of the village, and when the}’ have time they go and dig the gold and wash it. Q. Is the earth rich in gold there ? — A. It is according to the luck of the people; some of them get some and some of them get less, and the\r simply go and dig it with their hands, using hoes and such like, and they can't expect to work much. KEPORT OK THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 273 Q. How do they work it? — A. I have never been up there to see the whole thing — the mines — it was brought to me by natives, brought from that place, whenever they could wash it with a certain kind of sieve. Q. You say that tea grows in Nueva Ecija. Is it good tea? — A. At Gabonatong, in the same province. Q. Is it good tea? — A. If care is taken with the plants and in the picking and other work the tea will be very good. Q. Is it native there or has it been planted there? — A. It is native there. Q. Can the Filipinos take care of it?— A. They don’t understand the care of it. The Chinese go and pluck it and they see to the drying and plucking, etc. If it falls upon the ground it is lost. By Colonel Den by: Q. IIow high are the shrubs ? — A. Some of them are pretty high, 4 or 5 feet. Q. Does the tea grow on low grounds or by the mountain side? — A. On high ground. Q. How low down: how near the sea? — A. Some distance from the river or the streams. During the wet season there will be water in the streams, but during the dry season there is no water in them. Q. You say that wood grows in Nueva Ecija. Is there plenty of good wood, and can it be gotten out: is it accessible? — A. It is not very difficult, and still it is not easy, and of course after the timber is felled the natives simply use these buffalos or carabaos, and go and drag it to the water. Q. Is tobacco raised in Nueva Ecija. good tobacco, and do they raise much of it ? — A. Formerly, when the Spaniards monopolized the whole tobacco trade, it was very good, but since the monopoly does not exist the quality has fallen off. Q. Do the Filipinos know how to take care of tobacco, and how to cure the leaves well ? — A. All this preparing, etc., is done by Filipinos. None of it is done by Chinese. Q. Do the Chinese know how to do it ? — A. The Chinese, some of them, would be able to do it. because some of them have tobacco plants up in China, too. Q. You say that rice is one of the great crops in Nueva Ecija: what is the average return for rice? — A. Twenty years ago that province produced about six or seven millions tubs of paddy in a year. Q. Is raising rice a good business to go into ? — A. There is not much work in planting paddy. That business is carried on principally by the rich men. All these people come and get a dollar from him and when the harvest is in they pay him three tubs for a dollar. They get advances from him. Q. Is it a good business? Does it pay for a man who has money to buy land and raise rice ? — A. 1 think formerly the produce was so great that it did not pay, but at present there is not much produce, and I think it will pay. Q. Do the Filipinos raise enough rice for their own people, or do the}’ have to import rice? — A. The Filipinos go in for planting rice enough for their own consumption, and have something over for sell- ing, to be exported. Q. As a matter of fact, have they been exporting rice from these r c 18 274 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. islands ? — A. Formerly — about thirty years ago — the}’ used to export rice from this place, because there was no hemp or tobacco or other crops raised; but because hemp and sugar have taken a lot of the space that was used for rice planting, the export of rice has fallen off. Q. What is coffee worth here? — A. Over §40 a picul at present. Formerly the province of Batangas had a great lot. Q. How much was it worth when Batangas grew so much? — A. Over §10; between §10 and §20. Q. Did the coffee plantations pay well when coffee was §10? — A. Those people in Batangas got rich from the planting of coffee. Q. In Tavabas, you say that copra is one of the products. How much copra will one cocoanut tree produce in a year, and how much is it worth ? — A. I can't tell exactly. A tree M ill produce one year, and then the next it M ill not; but a lot of cocoanuts come from Tayabas. Q. Which is there the most money in, to dry the meat and sell copra or to press the oil out and sell the oil here ? — A. Formerly they pressed out the oil and sold the oil; at present they confine themselves to making copra out of it. Q. So copra pays better? — A. Yes, and it takes less work. Q. How long does it take a cocoanut tree to bear after it is planted ? — A. Six years. Q. I have seen many times a cocoanut groMT where there were no nuts because they had cut the blossoms to get tuba. Does that pay better than to raise the nuts? — A. The tuba is simply for their own private use and they don't sell it. Q. All these hats that are made in Laguna Province are made in the same way, in the huts of the people Mrho make them, or have they fac- tories?— A. Just the same as in Bulacan. Q. And the sleeping mats, the pataties, the same way? — A. Yes; the same way. When the}’ make a mat they go around to the market of the day. Some of the villages keep a market on certain fixed days, so every different week there is a market in one place or another, and they take a great many mats and sell them. Q. What is the tintaron ? — A. It is M et indigo. It is not the dry indigo; aneals is the dry. Q. What arc petataps ? — A. They are cigarette and cigar pasters — holders. Q. You say that in lloeos Sur and Ilocos Norte cotton cloth is one of the products. Is the cotton grown there? — A. Yes; the cotton is planted in the fields. Q. Is it good cotton with long fiber ? — A. There are some samples which I have. I M ill bring you a sample. Q. Do they grow much cotton there ? — A. They plant a lot. They must have a lot because from that they make their blankets, their cloth. Q. But they make those on small looms in their houses? — A. Yes; their own foot looms. Q. Are there any mechanical looms, any machine looms? — A. No; but all hand looms and foot looms. Q. You say there is a copper mine there. What can you tell me about that? — A. It belonged formerly to Tomas Castro. Q. Has that mine been worked? — A. Yes; that has been worked by Castro, and the produce from the mine has been brought to Manila and sold and exported to Hongkong. Q. Is the ore rich? — A. They worked it and cast it into blocks. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 275 Q. Is it good ore? — A. I can not say anything about the quality of the copper, as I have never been there. Q. You sav that in the Batanes Islands they raise cattle. Is cattle raising a good business here; is there money in it ? — A. Yes; there is money in it. The cattle are left wild in the islands, and once in a while they give the cattle salt, and when the}' want the cattle they catch them. Q. Is there any sickness among the cattle here? — A. Yes; there is some sickness; many have murrain. Q. Don’t they have to take care of them to prevent them dying of it? — A. There is a care taker in the islands who takes care of them. Q. Do they have any foot disease among the cattle in the islands here? — A. Yes; they have a foot disease among the cattle here. Q. AY hat are cattle worth, beef cattle, put down here in Manila in ordinary times? — A. That depends on the size of the cattle; it runs from $10 to $20. Q. What pays better, to raise cattle for beef or to raise buffalo? — A. For bullocks and such like they use carabaos here. Q. Suppose you wanted to go into cattle raising; would you con- sider it better to raise cattle for beef or for carabaos for people who wanted them for work? — A. The carabao is the better for selling; it brings more; they command a better price. Q. Do they dare to let the carabao run wild, as they do other cattle, or do the carabao get ugly? — A. The same way; they are left wild; only one man looks after the whole. Q. You haven’t put any mines down in the island of Mindoro; don’t you know if there are any mines down there? — A. I know of no mines in the island of Mindoro, simply that it produces some hemp. The Chinese haven’t gone to the other side of Mindoro. Four of them went there and all of them died, saving two. Q. What did they die of? — A. Yellow fever. Q. Now, you say that there is a gold mine in Mambulao? — A. In Camarines. Q. Will you tell me about that, what kind of mine it is and how they work it? — A. It is a gold mine. Herman & Co. got up a gold- mine company to work the mine and sent some machinery up there, but at last they had to give it up. The company sustained a loss from it. Q. What was the trouble ? — A. Ever since that time I haven’t heard anything about it. Q. What was the trouble; couldn’t they get laborers? — A. They couldn't get laborers, the people didn't like the machinery and all that sort of thing. Q. Is that gold in the earth or gold in stones? — A. Both kinds. They used machinery to go and bore it out. Q. Is there anybody working that mine now? — A. I haven't heard anything about it. Q. Did Herman & Co. own it? — A. Nothing has been said about it recently. Q. What is cemanite? — A. Fine silk. Q. AY hat does it come from, what sort of plant ? — A. From the pine- apple. Some of them are used to.make Chinese silk. Q. What is the difference between cemanite and pina ? — A. Cemanite is Chinese silk and the pineapple fiber mixed, and pina is simply the pineapple fiber. REPORT OK THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 27() Q. What becomes of the baliti they get in these islands? — A. It is foresting. The Chinese like it. They export it to Shanghai. They send it to Shanghai and Canton. Balati is the local name. Q. Who goes into that business, the balati business? — A. The balati is down or 5 fathoms deep, and during the months of April or March the water is clear, when they go to the brink and some of them dive down for it. Q. Do the natives or the Indians gather it?- — A. The natives, the Filipinos and Mandayas, do it. Q. What is about the size of one of them ? — A. About a foot long, or about 6 or 8 inches. Q. You say that the pearl oyster, concha, is produced in Cebu; is that the same kind of concha that they get down near Jolo? — A. The pearls produced from these conchas at Jolo are much whiter ; the pearls are worth more from Jolo. Q. How much is the concha worth that comes from Jolo? — A. The price fluctuates from $20 to $60 sometimes. Q. For what? — A. For a picul. Q. Where do these pearl oysters go ? Do they go to Singapore or do they come here to Manila ? — A. Formerly the shells, when there was no steamer running between Jolo and Singapore, came here; but now there are steamers running between Jolo and Singapore, so they go direct to Singapore. Q. Who buys them there ? — A. Some English traders buy some and the Chinese buy, too. Q. How much are they worth a picul over there? — A. They barter. Bargain in a kind of barter. Q. They give other things for them ? — A. Yes. Q. Is anybody dredging for pearl oysters down there now, or are they brought up by divers? — A. In April or March, when the water is clear, they can see to some depth, about 2 or 3 fathoms or -1 fathoms, and they can dive down. Q. Are there any machines used — any dredges? — A. No. Q. What is algodon ? — A. Algodon is cotton for pillowcases — for making the pillows. Q. That grows on trees? — A. Yes; it is not fit for clothes; it is especially for pillows. Q. What do you know about gold mines in Cagayan? — A. The natives or any people can go there and work as they like. This is taken out of the earth, too. Q. What becomes of this gold that they get in that way ? — A. Gold dust — it is sold in Manila. It is put up in bottles and sold. Q. Who buys it, the Chinese? — A. Chinese and English buy it. Q. I don’t see that you have got gutta-percha anywhere here. Don't 3’ou know that that grows here ? — A. Yes. Q. Who is working on that? — A. The Moros, the natives. Q. Where does it goto?— A. The india rubber is more valuable. Gutta-percha does not cost much. Q. Do they get india rubber down there? — A. Formerly they had india rubber, and they used to send that up here formerly, but now they never send it. Q. And who is working the gutta-percha down there, the ( Ihinamen ? — A. No; the natives. The Chinese buy it from them. Q. Don't they send that up from Zamboanga now ? They used to.— A. At present they ship from Cottabato and Sulu, and from Sulu to REPORT OK THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Singapore. There are four steamers running between those places every month. Q. You speak of almacego from Mindoro and Mindanao. Where does it go to? M ho buys it? — A. The English firms buy it. Q. Here in Manila? — A. Yes, sir. At present they send down to Jolo. Q. How much is it worth? — A. It depends on the quality; some £4 a picul, some £7, some $8. The clean qualities will fetch most. Q. How much are the nests— the nests that they get in the Calamianes Islands — worth now ?-^-A. Three thousand dollars a picul — birds’ nests. Q. Is there a market for all they can get? — A. You can’t get much of them, but any man in China will buy them. Q. Where do the best nests come from here? — A. The Calamianes. Q. In these nests from Guiangas, they have grass in them. How do they get the grass? — A. It is only the feathers of the bird. The nest is made of saliva. Q. But in the Calamianes Islands, where they rob the nests a great deal, the birds haven’t saliva enough, and they put in grass to make the nest. I ask you how they get that grass out of them? — A. The grass, when the nest is put into the water, swells out and you can extract the grass from the feathers. Q. The nests are no good after the little birds hatch out, are they ? — - A. No; when the young are out it is no good and they won't take it. Q. What months do they get these nests in? — A. I do not know. By Colonel Denby: Q. Do they sell much here ? — A. Formerly a great many places; two or three places down there used to send nests up here, but now the Calamianes only send the birds’ nests up here, and no other places send any here. Q. You can buy them here? — A. Yes. Q. What do they sell for? — A. Sometimes we have to pay $30 and sometimes $32 for a pound and a quarter. Q. How manv plates of soup will that make ? — A. About 40 plates — 40 bowls. Q. What do you know about sharks’ fins as an article of commerce ? — A. There is a very small quantity here. The greater part of them are from the island of Jolo. Q. Are there many of them down there ? Is there much trade down there in sharks’ fins? — A. They go right down to Singapore; they don't come here. Q. Do they go to China — to Singapore — and are then shipped back into China? — A. Yes. There are two qualities — one white and one black; the white fin costs much more money. Q. How much does it cost a picul? — A. Between $100 and $200 for the white, and those that are black between $60. $70, or $80 a picul. Q. Do the Chinese here eat them ? — A. Yes; they come from Hong- kong. I would ask as a favor that the officers or the provost-marshal would send their troops up there and take care of the Chinese; they are killing the Chinese in all parts, a great many of them. Q. How would it do to have a native police here in conjunction with the soldiers ? — A. If they are exclusively natives it would not do, but if you take one American soldier and one Filipino, that would do. Q. Don't you think that the Filipinos, if they were police, would 278 REPORT <>F THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. be able to protect the people better, because they know the town and the people and the language? — A. You can’t put any trust in them; for the least money or anything of that kind, they betray you. Q. What is the reason that they hate the Chinese so?- — A. The Chinese features are something the same in color as theirs, and they want the Chinese to cutoff their queues and join them; but of course the Chinese won’t do that, and if they want contributions of money the Chinese Ayill not let them have it. Q. I hope something will be done to stop these assassinations we are having here every day. There ought to be something done, and we will use our influence in that regard. — A. A Chinese in Toroso, a peddler .of cloth, was dragged in, and after one of his knees was cut and a wound inflicted in his bowels the man was crawling out; but they dragged him in again and hit him in the head, and buried him close by a banana tree. That was only day before last. With thanks the meeting adjourned. Manila. July 10 , }S99. Present: Colonel Denbv (in the chair) and Mr. MacArthur. TESTIMONY OF SENORES PEDRO TORRA AND MIGUEL SADERRA. Miguel Saderra, in response to the questions of the commissioners, stated as follows: By Colonel Denby: Q. What is your name ? — A. Miguel Saderra. Q. How long have you been in these islands? — A. Thirteen years. Q. And in what capacity ? — A. In tin* Atheneum, engaged in instruc- tion, and in the observatory. Q. You belong to the Society of Jesus ? — A. The Company of Jesus; yes. Q. Will you please tell us all about the Atheneum? — A. The Athe- neum is an institution that was founded in 1851*. and the municipal government intrusted it to the Society of Jesus. It was at that time a primary school, with only about 30 pupils. Q. And it was supported at that time by A. By the munici- pality. Q. And then what took place with it? — A. From that time on the number of pupils was increased and the number of courses was ampli- fied. Q. What became of the Atheneum when the Jesuits took hold of it?- — A. They went to work and changed it into a school of secondary instruction. Q. Please tell us, in your own wav, the kind of school they started, and all about it. — A. They went on enlarging the establishment, adding to the courses of physics, mathematics, natural history, agriculture, and mechanics, and in the year 1874 it was made a school of secondary instruction. Q. Was it made that bv themselves or by the government? — A. By the city government. Q. How many pupils did they have? — A. At that time about 600 or 700. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 279 Q. Did they charge tuition ? — A. There were two classes of schol- ars— resident scholars and scholars by the day. The scholars who did not live in the school, the outside scholars, paid $1 a year if they belonged to rich families, and poor families didn’t pay anything. This money was paid into the city government. We did not collect it. That was the primary department. Q. And the boarders, what did they pay? — A. In the secondary instruction the pupils paid 25 cents a year for each course to the city government. Q. How much did it cost the boarders, the internals ?■ — A. The board- ers paid $220 a year. Q. How many boarders did it have in general? — A. Up to 1869 there were 100, not more than 100, but the number kept increasing until finally, in the year 1896, we had 220 boarders, 80 who were semi- boarders, and 1.000 outside scholars. Q. Who fixed the course of instruction ? — A. The plan of education was in conformity with the plan in use in Cuba and also with the plan of the university; it was modeled after the university. Q. Will you please tell us what that plan was? — A. And in addition to this we didn’t only give the official course of education, but we gave extra courses. Q. Was the teaching of Spanish compulsory? — A. Yes; it was obli- gatory in schools, and consequently the students understood Spanish, and no other language was used. Q. Was Spanish the official language of the school? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Did they have any graduation, like a college, or did the students go somewhere else when they got through the course? — A. Yes; they were graduated and got diplomas that were issued by the director of the university. Q. How many years did it take a boy to go through this institu- tion?— A. In the secondary instruction, five years. There were two departments. To get the degree of bachelor of arts it took five years, and then there were three special courses — agriculture, mechanics, and a commercial course. For the commercial course three years were necessary for graduation. The other two courses could be graduated in whenever the student could pass a fixed examination. Q. When the student graduated and got his diploma was he finished, or did he go to the university? — A. As he was examined by the director of the university it was not necessary for him to pass through the university; he was finished then when he passed his examination. Q. Did they teach Latin and Greek ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. And mathematics? — A. Yes; they taught arithmetic,, algebra, higher algebra, plane and solid geometry, and analytical geometry, trigonometry, plane and spherical trigonometry. Q. In Georgetown University very great attention was paid to the languages, the dead languages — Latin and Greek — and also to French. I ask whether, under this system here, you paid much attention to the languages or more to the sciences?- — A. Here we did the best we could in both branches, but here the teaching of the sciences has given better results than the teaching of letters. Q. What became of the boys after they graduated ? — A. The ones that graduated, taking the degree of bachelor of arts, as a rule, studied some profession. In the university they exacted the degree of bach- elor of arts in order for a student to take up the study of a profession 280 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. in the university. The graduate's in the commercial course and agri- cultural course, as a rule, got positions in mercantile houses or became surveyors or got positions which they were able to fill from the knowl- edge which they got in the school. Q. What was the proportion of Spanish boys to Filipino boys? — A. Ten per cent of them were Spaniards. Q. And the balance? — A. Filipinos and half-castes. Q. Of course they were all boys; no girls? — A. Yes. Q. Did you find any difference in the capacity of the Spaniards and the Filipinos? — A. They differed entirely in this way: That, as a rule, the Filipino is a very bright child, but as he grows older he becomes duller, while the European child increases in intelligence as he grows older. The one grows from greater to less and the other from less to greater. Q. In what branches do you find the Filipinos mostly excel? — A. In letters they did not exhibit a great deal of aptitude, but in the sciences they had a great advantage over European children, because they have tremendous patience; they have no nerves. There are some of them who have a great aptitude for the sciences. Q. Then what course of study do you think is best adapted for the Filipinos ? — A. Primary instruction is pretty well diffused throughout the country; the more widely diffused it is, of course, the better. In the secondary instruction there should be more stress laid upon appli- cation and more practical instruction given. The secondary instruc- tion consists of the classics and the mercantile, commercial, agricultural, and industrial schools, and to this latter I should think that more atten- tion should be given than to the classics. These people also take very kindly to the arts, such as painting, sculpture, and music, and natu- rally great attention should be paid to the teaching of these. Q. As 1 understand you, the money that was paid by the scholars went to the ayuntamiento, the public treasury ? — A. The money from the outside, from the day scholars, did. but from the boarders, no. Q. Did they receive nothing from the State or from the city ? — A. The matriculation fees were paid to the city, but the tuition of the boarders was paid to the society. Q. Well, did they receive nothing else except the tuition of the boarders? — A. We received money from the city government. Q. How much did the city government pay you? — A. I have a statement. Q. You can give us about the amount for each year. — A. I have it here — $10,140 a year. Q. What year does this represent? — A. This is for the last year, 1898. There is also to be added the sum of $50 a month for an instructor in English. Q. Can you leave this paper with us? — A. Yes. (Paper received in evidence and marked Exhibit A.) Q. Then, if I understand you, that is all the money you received from the ayuntamiento? — A. Yes. Q. Was that sufficient to run the school ? — A. We made this do, together with the funds that the boarders paid, but it was not enough. Q. How many professors did they have there? — A. According to this statement there were eight for the course of secondary instruction and three for the primary instruction, but, as a matter of fact, there were more, as there were many who did not draw any pay. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 281 Q. Now, in addition to the Atheneum, what other schools were maintained by the ayuntamiento ? — A. The primary schools among the people. Q. How many of them were there? Do you know whether there was one in each ward?— A. 1 could not say exactly how many there were, but I could find out. For instance, in the ward of Binondo there were three or four. I have not my notes with me. Q. Well, you say in a general way that there were primary schools all over the city supported by the city? — A. Yes. Q. What became of those schools, those primary schools, the schol- ars of those schools? Did they go to the Atheneum finally, or was there any other school above that maintained by the city? — A. A great many went to the Atheneum, but a great many of them also went to the college of San Juan de Letran, which was also a school of second- ary instruction. Q. That college is run by the Dominicans? — A. Yes, sir. Q. I want to find out whether the city had any education above the primary. — A. No. Q. Then was there no rule about it that the scholars of the city schools should go on up to the Atheneum? — A. No; there was no rule; it was optional. Q. It was free? — A. It was free. Q. Then the city can tell its people to go to its primary school? — A. Yes. Q. But the city didn’t compel them to go to the university or to the Atheneum? — A. No. Q. At what age did the Atheneum take children? — A. From 7 years up. Q. Was there any limit to their going there — any age limit to their going there ? — A. No. Q. This tuition of the city in the primary schools was free? — A. Formerly those who were able paid 50 cents a month, but this was done away with, for, as a matter of fact, they didn’t pay it. Q. Was the teaching of Spanish compulsory in the common schools of the city? — A. Yes, sir. Q. What was the language of those schools, Spanish or Tagalo? — A. According to law it was Spanish. It was Spanish by law, and it must be said that here in Manila the language was Spanish; but in some towns there was absolutely no one who knew a word of Spanish, so the school-teacher, in order to make himself understood, had to speak the language of the place; but little by little they introduced Spanish. Q. In the Atheneum did they furnish books free to the scholars? — A. Sometimes, yes; to the poor people they gave them free. Q. Then if a boy could buy his books he had to buy them ? — A. Yes. Q. What, if anything, has the United States Government done for the Atheneum? — A. The United States Government is following the same course as the ayuntamiento did. When we opened up the Athe- neum by consent of the American authorities after the 13th of August the university at that time was opened, and I asked if the courses in the Atheneum would be respected as official, and I was assured both by the inspector of schools and by the provost-marshal, by word, that they would be. Q. Is the Atheneum in operation now? — A. Yes. Q. How many students has it ? — A. Seven hundred. 282 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Are they pursuing the same plan of tuition as they did before? — A. With the exception that we have introduced in all the schools and in the Atheneum also a course in English. Q. That teacher, the English teacher, is he paid by the Government or by the Atheneum? — A. There is one. Professor Gilmore, who is paid by the provost-marshal-general, but we have others who teach English who are paid by us. Q. Do the professors in English and Professor Gilmore speak Spanish? — A. They all speak Spanish. Mr. Gilmore takes the second course-in English;*he speaks some Spanish. Q. How is the school getting on now ? — A. Very well. Q. Has the number of scholars fallen off? — A. Naturally the num- ber of those who come from outside the city has fallen off. but the number of scholars from the city itself has not decreased. Q. What proportion come from the outside provinces? — A. A half. Q. Can you suggest to us any improvements that might be made in the matter of tuition, or are you satisfied with it as it exists ? — A. There could be improvements made, and a perfect inspection of schools would be better. There were schools at one time which had nothing to do with the ayuntamiento nor nothing to do with us — the school of agri- culture. and the school of arts and trades — but they are not in existence now. They were dependencies of the Government, but the results did not correspond to the expense, the}' were not proportionate to the expense. Q. The property held by the Society of Jesus and used for school purposes, does it belong to the order? — A. It was the property of the Society of Jesus itself. Q. The city or Government of Spain had nothing to do with it? — A. No. In addition to what I have stated there was a normal school, of which the father here is director (referring to Father Torra). I would advocate a more wide distribution of primary instruction, an enlargement and greater distribution of secondary instruction, and the changes which I indicated before in the university. Q. Would you make it compulsory for the scholars of the primary school to go to the Atheneum and complete their education ? — A. According to the circumstances. It would not do for everybody, because they haven't all the same capacity. Q. Is the appropriation made by the Government of the United States, by the military authorities, sufficient? — A. The inspector of schools is studying that question now. They are increasing it some. Q. How many scholars could the Atheneum accommodate? — A. We could accommodate 1,700, but it is a great many. Q. How long has the order — the Society of Jesus — owned the prop- erty in which the Atheneum is situated? — A. The property became theirs in 1859, but they kept adding to it and adding to it until 1894. Since then there has been no difference. Q. Then, as I understand it, the Government of Spain did not give them this property or any part of it? — A. No. Q. What effect do you anticipate from the teaching of English in the school — a good effect or a bad one ? — A. At present it does not seem to me that it will have a bad effect. That is, I understand you to refer to the scholars of the college. I understand you to refer to our college. Q. Do you think it desirable to teach English, or not? — A. I should think it would be. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE: COMMISSION. 283 Q. Ought Spanish also to he taught in the schools l — A. Now? I think so. Q. Ought Tagalo to be taught ? — A. That depends upon the ends of the government. Q. Do the boys- — the Filipino boys — have any trouble in following the Spanish instruction ?— A. No. Q. Do they all speak Spanish ? — A. Yes. Q. 1 suppose you get a better class of students, don’t you? — A. We get students of all classes. Q. In the city here do the people generally speak Spanish, both high and low? — A. It is different in different parts of the city. Iu the walled city and in Ermita they speak Spanish, but in Tondo and in Santa Cruz, for example, it is nearly all Tagalo; they scarcely speak Spanish. By Professor Worcester: Q. In your instruction in physics and chemistry, do you use text- books only, or have you physical and chemical laboratories where the scholars actually perform work? — A. We have physical and chemical instruments, and use text-books also, but chemistry has not been stud- ied in the last few years to the full extent which I wish it to be studied, and the course has not the amplitude which I hope to give it. Q. I want to know whether in the actual work the students use the apparatus themselves and do work, or have they simply text-books with demonstrations? — A. They use the apparatus themselves. Q. You spoke of mechanical instruction. How is that instruction given? — A. Applied mechanics. Q. What conveniences have you for teaching that?- — A. It is explained to them; they study and we have apparatus by which we give them examples, which they study. Q. How do the natives take to that sort of work; are they successful about it or not — work in practical mechanics? — A. Some of them have great aptitude for it. As a general thing the ones that take up this branch are the ones who have already taken the degree of bachelor of arts and have some grounding in mathematics, have studied mathematics, and some of those take to it very well. Others who have not taken the degree of bachelor of arts find it very difficult. The ones who have taken their degree in mathematics take to it very well, but the ones who have not taken that degree find it very difficult. Q. But the natives learn languages very readily ? — A. It costs them work. If the}' are beginners, children, yes. Q. What sort of instruction do you think is really the most valuable for the natives; what are the}' best adapted to; what best fits them to go out into the world and make themselves useful? — A. In the first place the}" would do best, I think, as artists, and then as mechanics or agriculturists, or as electricians. Q. Have they any originality as artists, or are the}' simply copy- ists?— A. The}' have very little originality. Q. You spoke of their music. Do they write music of their own or do they simply follow others? — A. In reality it is only imitation. Q. In their scientific work are they capable of original work, orig- inal investigation, or do they simply follow what others have done?— A. They have no talent for invention; they have no originality in it. They are very quick of apprehension, but, of course, invention is another thing. 284 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Have they manual dexterity? — A. Yes. Q. Then you think the most practical, the best kind of instruction, is practical instruction in applied sciences, agriculture, and that sort of thing? — A. Yes. Q. Do you think that a school of applied sciences ora good agricul- tural school would be of great benefit ? — A. The sciences, yes ; but the agricultural school would depend on the way that the}’ took it. They don't care to devote themselves to agriculture. There was a good school here, but it was not well patronized by the people. TESTIMONY OF PEDRO TORRA. Pedro Torra, in response to the questions of the commissioners, stated as follows : By Professor Worcester: Q. Has the Jesuit order had practical work in managing parochial schools in the provinces? — A. The teachers of the parochial schools are trained in the normal schools here, but there are no parochial schools just about here. Q. In Mindanao, have they had anything to do with the establish- ment of schools of primary instruction? — A. Yes. In the parish schools the government appointed the schoolmasters and managers, and the order only had to do with the active missions among the savage people who were to be converted. At places where there were too few people for the government to consider it worth while to appoint an official head members of our order were in charge. Q. Did the Jesuit fathers have any supervision over the towns that had been long settled, the old towns? — A. No more than the other priests in the Philippines, as parish priests, for all parish priests were local inspectors of instruction. Q. Did the government in Mindanao put into the parish schools teachers who did not understand Spanish? — A. No; not as a rule, because the government appointed teachers who had their diplomas as school-teachers; but at times when there were no such masters to be appointed, the government appointed men who understood but very little Spanish, enough to read and to write, and these men were only appointed till there were more capable schoolmasters to take their places. Q. Was there any provision that school-teachers should be gradu- ates of the normal school, or something of that soi*t? — A. In this book which I have here all the laws about education are contained in a short form. This is a book which is part of the course for school-teachers in the normal school. Q. Are there any definite requirements of teachers, like that of graduation, from the normal schools? — A. In order to be a teacher in an official school, a degree as master from the normal school was exacted, either as a master or assistant master, but at times when there were no such persons holding degrees as schoolmasters from the nor- mal school, substitutes were appointed, and only at such times. For private schools this requirement was not so strict. Q. Was there then a scarcity or insufficiency of graduates from the normal school to till the places ? — A. Yes; and there is still a scarcity- — a great scarcity. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 285 Q. How long has the normal school been running? — A. Thirty- four years. Q. What salary did teachers receive who had the title of “official teachers?” — A. It depended on the kind of work that they had done in the normal school — to some extent, at any rate — the minute details concerning which are found in that book here. Q. What was done in actual practice; for I know from observation here that the law was not always lived up to, and I would like to have the general statement about what the teacher did receive in the schools? — A. As 3rou have heretofore been in the Philippines, sir, you doubtless understand the fact that there is a great difference between towns; that there are some towns very backward, where the people are not at all advanced, and where it is almost impossible to carry out those plans; and it is impossible to carry them out, as a matter of fact. Q. lam trying to get at what is behind this scarcity of teachers; whether teaching does not present a good career, or whether people are not willing to go into it, or w hether it is not for some other cause ? — A. From 1877, when the school was established, to 1890, some 1,900 masters and mistresses graduated. Of these some have died, others never cared to teach, having pursued the course only to learn Span- ish and to get a general education. Only a few of the 1,900 who had graduated cared to devote themselves to their profession. If they had all desired to teach there would have been no scarcity of teachers. The second reason is that the career is an arduous one, involving a great deal of hard work, and they do not care to undertake it. The salary, which would be sufficient in an ordinary walk of life, is not suf- ficient for a teacher. It does not compensate him for the amount of hard work he has to do to fit himself for his profession. Those who have actually taken up their profession have done it either because they have been encouraged to do it by the fathers, who have always been anxious that they should practice their profession for the honor of the institution and the good of the people, or as simply a matter of honor. If it had not been for the fathers hardly any of them would have put their learning into practice. Then, too, it must be remem- bered that in the towns there were other things which would bring them much more remuneration than they would receive as teachers. For instance, they could serve as interpreters for the Gobernadorcillos, which, without the hard w'ork involved in exercising their profession, would bring them in a very much higher return. Q. What is the remedy that you would suggest for this state of affairs? What ought we to do so that there would be a supply of good teachers here? — A. We have thought that the best way to do would be to establish another normal school in Visaya, in Mindanao, and per- haps in Cebu, so that a greater number of graduated teachers with diplomas could be furnished. Then the other difficulty of inducing the graduates to exercise their profession could be met by giving them better compensation for their work, considering that they have to be present at school both morning and night. The way to induce them to exercise their profession would be to give them better compensa- tion, more privileges, and make the profession more attractive to them. Q. Do you think those two measures would be sufficient — more schools and better compensation? — A. The government has it in its power to give them a stimulus to exercise their profession. For REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 280 instance, giving them privileges, giving them orders, and when they retire from the exercise of their profession it would be well to make some provision for them from some source. The government has a great many resources which could be drawn upon. There are a great many means of stimulating them to follow the profession of teaching. Q. During what months of the year is the Atheneum in session'- — A. From June to March. Q. How is it about the provincial schools — during what months are they in session? — A. The rule is that the provincial schools shall have two months of vacation each year. But these two months of vacation are not the same in all the different provinces, for it depends in the provinces upon the harvest times. In harvest time the scholars do not go to school; consequently vacations vary in the different provinces, but the rule is that they shall have two months’ vacation. Q. The university authorities who were here the other day included the scholars of the Atheneum as among those taking the secondary education among their own students. I want to know whether your relationship to the university helps or hampers you, or whether you could get on better alone. Could you get on better if you were free to develop your own system according to your own ideas; do you think it would be better for you? — A. It would be better. Q. I want to know what your actual experience is as to the men who have gone out. having graduated from the Atheneum; do they put the knowledge the}" have gained to practical application, or do they go back and idle around the town as Filipinos illustros, or do they do any- thing?— A. The same thing applies to the graduates of the Atheneum as to the graduates of the university. Q. We are informed that many of the graduates of the university go back to the towns and spend their lives in idleness, passing them- selves off as learned men. Is that true of both institutions — I mean of their graduates? — A. It is true to a certain extent of the graduates of both institutions, and as a remedy I would suggest the making of the courses more difficult. Some people come here to Manila to spend money, and they wanted to idle away their time, and they took this course and spent their money, and they received not a great deal of practical good from it. Q. Do you: hink there is a desire for education among these people ? If there was a good system of public schools, free to them throughout the provinces, would they avail themselves of that system and profit bv it or not? — A. Yes; there is a desire; they have a great desire to learn, and when they can not go to school, why, they enter into the house of some Spaniard to learn to talk and to learn what they can. You, Professor Worcester, have probably noticed that same fact. Q. I have observed it, — A. In teaching the arts I think that the most practical way to do would be the establishment of a building — for instance, in teaching sculpture, to build a building where they could practice sculpture and learn it practically, and at the same time sup- port themselves by their work; and with the other arts the same thing could be don’e — have buildings where they could work under the direc- tion of teachers. Q. We have in our own country schools for negroes and schools for Indians on precisely that same principle. The carpenters build houses, and the masons lay plaster, and the blacksmiths shoe horses, and the people who are to be printers take in work from outside. They do REPORT OK THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 287 the work from outside under the supervision of competent people. That works very well, and 1 have been wondering whether it would work well here. Have you any suggestions that you care to make in regard to methods of improving the system of public instruction out here of any sort whatever; we would be glad to hear them ? — A. As far as the Atheneum Municipal is concerned, I thought of adding other courses, such as electrical engineering and mining engineering, etc.; but so far as the general plan is concerned 1 have not given my atten- tion to it and have not anything to suggest. By Colonel Denby: Q. Will you please give us your name and vour position ? — A. Pedro Torra. Q. And what is your position ? — A. Director of the Normal School. Q. When was the Normal School established? — A. In January, 1865. Q. Who was it established by ? — A. The Government established it and handed it over to the Jesuits to manage. Q. Who paid the expenses?— A. The Government paid them all. The Government paid the rent of the building which the}’- occupied, but in 1880 this building was overthrown bv earthquake, and as there was scarcely a building left in Manila of any size, and certainly none suitable for this purpose, the Atheneum gave up the building that they had to the normal school for live years, and they occupied that for live years, and have since been occupying a building in Ermita, waiting for the Government to build a suitable building. There has been no building in Manila suitable for the school. Q. The object of the school w as to educate teachers, was it ? — A. To educate teachers for the Philippine Islands. By Professor Worcester: Q. To educate both masters and mistresses? — A. There was a small establishment run by the Augustinian nuns near the Normal School. On the 1st of May, 1898, when the battle of Cavite took place, the nuns all left, consequently this was discontinued. The schoolmistresses w ho came from this establishment studied in private schools or wherever they wanted to, and were examined in this school by a commission appointed for that purpose. By Colonel Denby: Q. Was tuition free? — A. Completely, entirely, free. Q. Howt long have you been director ? — A. Nine years at first, and now two years. Q. Do you educate ladies as well as gentlemen ? — A. No; as a mem- ber of the board of commissioners I examine the graduates — that is about all 1 ever have to do with them. Dr. Taderva. There was a commission formed, a superior commis- sion of education, and they examined all the schoolmistresses. When- ever there was a certain number of schoolmistresses who wished to obtain diplomas as teachers this commission met and examined them. Q. What was about the average number of students? — A. (Father Torra). From 100 to 500. There was also a school for teachers embod- ied in the Normal School, for teaching children in the first grades — for practical work by students studying to be teachers. Those, of course, were not included in the Normal School. There were some 150 of them. Q. How long did the course last? — A. Three full years. ‘288 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. How did the students support themselves ? — A. There were both boarding scholars and day scholars in the Normal School. Among the boarding scholars there were 15 who were pensioned by the Govern- ment. The Government paid 810 a month for each of them, and then there were other boarders who also paid §10 a month — that was simply for their maintenance. The day scholars didn't pay this, of course. Q. When they graduted did they become teachers ?■ — A. On the ter- mination of the course, and on passing their examination, the Govern- ment gave them their diplomas. Q. Was teaching made obligatory by the Government, or did they go into any other business they pleased? — A. Teaching was only bind- ing upon those for whom the Government paid this pension of 810 a month; those the Government obliged to teach for a term of years. I think it was ten years. Dr. Taderva. And these, as a general rule, were the ones who stood highest in their classes and examinations; it was a sort of a prize. Q. How did that system work: did it furnish sufficient teachers? Father Torra. No; in the life of this Normal School it has graduated 1.900 teachers; but one thing must be taken into account, that in the beginning there was no Spanish spoken in the provinces, and a great many of these scholars presented themselves to the Normal School without being able to read or speak a word of Spanish, without any education, and of course the course laid down had to be reduced. We had to be contented with less; but now the scholars presenting them- selves to enter the Normal School have been improving all the time. Scholars come who can read and write, and have more or less other education, and the course must be enlarged and improved. Q. What connection has the school now, if any, with the Govern- ment of the United States? — A. Only that the}’ have continued paying us the amount that the Spanish Government gave us, and the classes are continuing. Q. How much does it pay you? — A. It is set out at length in this book. Q. You can give us the general amount? — A. Eight hundred dollars for each professor. Q. How much in the total Can you give us how much in the total the military authorities agreed to pay ? — A. There are six professors, at 8800 each. Q. Does the United States Government pay for these 15 schools as the Spanish Government did — A. The Spanish Government did away with them, because they did not consider them necessary. There is a professor of drawing. Q. Can you tell us about how much the Government of the United States contributes? — A. Eight thousand eight hundred and eighty dollars. Q. Is the school in operation now? — A. Yes, sir; but in considera- tion of the fact that the necessaries of life are a great deal more expensive at present than they were before, and that everything is a great deal more expensive in Manila, an increase o this amount has been asked for through the inspector of schools, an increase of a third or something of that sort, considering them necessary for the continuance of the establishment. Q. How many students have they now? — A. Very few at present; for the scholars who come to take the course for school-teachers gen- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 289 orally come from the provinces. In Manila and about here there are plenty of school-teachers, and the career does not attract them. They prefer to devote themselves to other pursuits, consequently we have very few students at present. In the full course for masters we have only 50 students; and in the primary school, which is attached to the Normal School, there are 100 children. Q. Any Spaniards among them ? — A. No; no Spaniards. Formerly there were a few Spaniards entered, but generally of the rank and tile of the army. Q. Has this school any connection with the Atheneum? — A. No. At present a class of English has been established in all the schools. Q. Is there an English professor appointed by the military authori- ties?— A. No, sir. For one class, the teacher is a father from the Observatory, who is of Irish birth; and the other teachers of English are tin' fathers who speak English the best. Q. IV hat suggestions can von make, if any, as to the improvement of the school?— A. Some modifications in the courses, to make English more prominent than Spanish, and to change some courses in some ways and to reduce their importance in others, but not to change the system. What is done in the Normal School has to depend more or less upon what the authorities decide upon. They turn out teachers, turn out certain things, and that necessarily depends on what is to be taught. By Professor Worcester: Q. What entrance requirements, if any, have they for the Normal School at present for one desiring to enter it? — A. Only that they be 12 years of age and know how to read and write and know a little medicine, and almost nothing else. Q. How much would teachers have to be paid in order to make the profession a popular one? — A. It is a very difficult question to answer, because the situation is so different in different parts of the Archipelago. There are some parts where a man can live and get on as well as any- body in the world for $4 or $5 a month, and there are other places where he can’t. For that reason there should be different classes. The masters should be put into different categories and the salaries should be arranged according to where they are. For instance, here about Manila they should get much greater compensation, for the cost of maintaining a house and the cost of living here is much greater than in the provinces. There are some teachers here in the suburbs of Manila who receive $30, and it is not enough. It seems to me that $50 would not be too much, and yet there are other parts of the Islands where any such sum is not necessary at all; but of course it would be desirable to arrange salaries so that there would be an inducement for the teachers to exercise their profession, although to make a schedule of prices offhand is a very difficult matter. Q. Are you accustomed to have visitors come to your classes in the Atheneum or the Normal School ? — A. Nobodi^ has come to visit us, but we will receive them with pleasure if they come. By Colonel Denby: Q. Can you leave us this book? — A. Yes, sir; I will hand you all these books. (Hands the commissioners a package of books.) A. (Continued.) A great difficulty that must be contended with is the 19 r c 290 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. nonattendance of the children at the school. This comes from their natural indifference and from their poverty, and from the fact that the Indians are scattered and from their feeling of resistance. They never say “ no,” yet they never do “yes.” That is a great difficulty that must he overcome. Another thing that must he considered is the question of text-hooks, whether they are to he given to the children or whether they are to be sold, for it might happen that a schoolmaster might find himself Avith nothing hut an empty building. Professor Worcester. If you haven't any more suggestions or obser- vations to make avc are through. Fathers Taderva and Torra. No; we have nothing further. Colonel Denby. We are A ery much obliged to you for your inter- esting discussion of these questions. It has been very interesting, indeed. Adjourned. TESTIMONY OF J. T. B. McCLEOD. Manila, July U, 1899. Present: Colonel Denby (in the chair), Professor Worcester and Mr. MacArthur. John Thomas Barrington Macaulay McCleod, in response to the questions of the Commissioners, stated as follows: By Colonel Denby: Q. Will you please state your name? — A. John Thomas Babbing- ton Macaulay McCleod. Q. You residence is Manila? — A. Yes. Q. How long have you lived here? — A. Since 1880 — nineteen years. Q. What business are you engaged in ? — A. Managing La Compairia Maritima. Q. Hoav long have you been connected with that company? — A. Since its foundation in 189-1. Q. What business does that company do? — A. We used to carryall the Spanish mails, and besides we did a general commerce and coast- ing trade through all the islands. Al e also were consignees for the Nippon Yusen Kaislia — Japanese mail lines. Q. Mr. McCleod, will you ghTe us. some account of the lines of steamers running from this port, and where they go, and what busi- ness they do? — A. Do you mean with reference to mail lines. Colonel Denby. Q. We. would like a full account of the commerce as conducted by steamships? — A. In the old times avc had a mail contract under which avc dispatched four steamers every tAvo Aveeks, and one used to go — the laws are here in this book, and you could have them copied; the ports they would go to. I may leave you both these books, and this [indi- cating] gives the conditions of the mail contract in the Archipelago here. I have also marked the places with cross lines, in case you would like to study it. This is the whole thing, the full thing in the Gaeeta de Manila. Q. When Avas it in force, the old contract? — A. The provisional one came into force about January, 189T. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 291 Q. You carried all the mails, did you ? — A. Yes; we had the mail contract from the Spanish Government for the whole Philippines and the Carolinas and the Marianas; we transported all their troops, and all their civil governors and employees and cargo. Q. You do not run to Hongkong? — A. We are running a line to Hongkong, and have been since the 1st of March. Q. What boats have you on that line?— A. The Salvador; but we hope to put better ones on later. Q. Of course, we could dig that out here, but you could perhaps tell it to us better. You say you run to all the islands. J ust state each island and toll us what means of communication you have with it, and whether you have contracts with the United States to carry the mails ? — A. No; we have no contract with the United States. Q. No contract relations with the United States? — A. No; but we do the Government sei’vice. General Otis has used our boats for the Government. They take our boats from day to day as they require them. Under the Spanish contract six months’ notice should have been given on each side that the provisional contract was to be ter- minated, because we had finished the one contract, and had taken up the provisional contract, and under that provisional contract there was to be six months’ notice given on either side to rescind the contract; but we considered the contract rescinded by the change of government, and we have not entered any claim for its continuation. Q. How many ships have you got? — A. Eighteen. We have thir- teen that would suit for the mail contract, under the provisional con- tract which was in force; we just kept them running to all the ports opened by the Americans. Q. In all the islands? — A. Yes. Q. Where do you run? — A. At present from San Fernando north. We have that line open to the north; that takes in San Fernando, Caga- yan, Curiamo, Salomague, and Aparri. Q. You said from San Fernando? — A. Beginning at San Fernando; that is the most southern point they let us call at. It is in the prov- ince of La Union. Then on the south of the island we run from Sorsogon, Bulan, Gubat, Legaspi, and Tabayo; then to the Masbate cattle ports, to Ilacol; also Tigao and Burias; also the ports of Pal- anoc, Uson, Naro, and Cataingan. The Masbate cattle ports were just opened the other day, and we sent the first expedition down, but the people refused to give us the cattle; the}’’ were willing that we should take rice and money, but they would not allow the cattle to go. We are expecting our other steamers. Q What kind of cattle do 3*011 bring from there? — A. The Masbate cattle are very good. They kill from three to four hundred pounds packed meat. They are considered the second best in the Islands. They have a thousand head in the ports. Q. What is the name of that island? — A. Masbate Island. I think it was formerly under the same governor as Tigao and Burias, which are just opposite. Then in Leyte toTacloban, to Malitbog, to Bay bay, to Mansin, and to Ormoc. Those are in Leyte, and are the hemp ports. In Negros we run to Demagati, down to Bacolod, to Bais. Those are hemp and sugar ports. In Mindanao we run to Catlabato, to Davao, to Surigao, to Caraga, and to Banganga. These are hemp, coffee, and cattle ports. 292 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. By Professor Worcester: Q. Are any boats running to Zamboanga? — A. No; you see that is still in the hands of those rabid rebels, and Alvarez. In Cebu the only important port is Cebu itself: they have stopped the opposite contra costa. We used to run the steamers there, but they have stopped that on account of the difficulties with natives. In the island of Bohol we only run to Cbay. That is a cattle port, and has been supplying the meat to the troops lately. Those are all the ports that we have open at the present moment. Q. Do ships run from Manila to all these places? — A. Yes; and besides there are intermediate boats from Cebu to the ports in Leyte and north Mindanao. Q. And these boats are coming to Manila with freight from all these places? — A. Yes. Q. They transfer? — A. No; they load there, and then the produce is all delivered in Manila and repacked here, except hemp, which comes by the bale and is shipped from here as an export. But Cebu and Iloilo get a certain amount of the produce by small boats and export from there, Iloilo principally sugar. Q. You carry the mail to all these places you have mentioned? — A. No; not all of these places. The mail lines always call at the head government centers — that is. the capital of each island — and, as I was explaining to Mr. Worcester the other day, Aldecoa & Co. had a joint contract with us formerly for the mails, and because of their interests in the hemp ports they managed to get in a few ports which were not government centers. But my idea would be that in running the mail service it would be more satisfactory for the government itself to have the bigger steamers call at the principal ports. Where you have detachments of troops little lines should be made connecting cable stations with them so as to carry information — that is to say, from Cebu around some unimportant ports of Mindanao, and from Iloilo to Negros and the smaller ports of Negros, the Calamianes Islands, and the opposite coast of Antique. Because it is really a waste, taking a big steamer down from Manila and calling at all these places, where you only carry one package and get. perhaps, live letters. By Professor Worcester: Q. I wish you would give us, as well as you can. in detail, your idea of changes that might be profitably made in the new mail routes. — A. I am fairly familiar with the old routes, because I am familiar with those places. Q. Suppose you take that matter up and give us your suggestions. — A. The northern line can not be improved on what it is, because it is a straight line right around the islands. The southern line of these islands could hardly be improved either, because at none of the points on the way there is any change of route possible. But an improve- ment can probably be made on the line that goes to Romblon and Cebu, and it could leave out the ports of Ormoc, Hagan, Misamis, and Dapitan. Luzon, in that line. Dumaguete could also be put down for a small steamer. Maribojoc By Colonel Dexby: Q. You mean that some other company could furnish that steamer ?— A. We have the Maribojoc and other small steamers that could be used in the local service. Otherwise you waste on these small ports REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 203 big steamers, and it takes up fully 25 per cent of the time of the big steamers, at a much higher subsidy than would be paid for the same time for the smaller steamers. The subsidy for the small steamer might be a quarter, for instance, of the charge for the same work by a bigger steamer. By Professor Worcester: Q. .Now, suppose you drop those places which you have mentioned, what routes would you plan to take them in afterwards, starting from Iloilo and Cebu with the small steamers? — A. A great deal would depend; the Spaniards made Ilagan a very important point, on account of military operations they were carrying on, trying to subdue Mindanao. Commercially speaking, Ilagan is of no importance what- ever. The first places of importance are Cagayan and Misamis, in the province of Misamis; those and Dapitan are the three important ports. Dapitan is the principal port, but mail for there can be car- ried into Cebu. The Spaniards had a government there, but it is a place of no strategical importance, and no use to anybody at all. It was a waste. Then on the other line, the other side, you could have a line going on to Java, also calling at the Basilan Islands and all those places. Puerto Princesa is of no importance unless you wish to take up the island of Paragua (Palawan), which is only a strategical point, calling at Cagayan de Jolo also. Those are all the things I can think of modifying just now; but what I should be very pleased to do, if you will give me the time, would be to make out proposed mail routes with the callings suitable to be made, making them on the basis of the old Spanish centers of government. A great many people have wanted to make new mail calls, and they are merely new subsidized mail lines, but really the commerce itself would keep up many ports without a subsidy. A subsidy should only be required where the government necessitates steamers to go for government purposes — for the taking of troops, etc. For outside of the govern- ment's use there is no need of supporting a mail route at all. If there is commerce to be done, the merchants will take the boats there. Q. Can you explain how that will be done, and how they will be paid? — A. They have always taken them free before; by Spanish law they were obliged to carry the mails and nothing was paid, but they could be paid, taking it on a basis the same as Hongkong, say so much a letter. The account is kept in the post-office, and Mr. Vail, at Hongkong, hands over to each steamer so much at the end of each three months or six months. By Colonel Denby: Q. In China they all carried the mail for nothing. There were no Government post-offices, either. There was an imperial maritime service, but that only served the principal cities, and the mails were carried bv the steamers for nothing. — A. It is the same here, outside of the subsidized mail lines. Mr. Vail the other day offered to pay me, and I said no, we have been in the habit of carrying them around free, and all of the commercial steamers have, and wearequite willing to continue the practice, except in the case of subsidized lines, where the steamers are at the Government’s beck and call; and those steamers are practically Government boats. Q. I think it would be a very good plan for you to arrange your ideas as to mail lines, the laying out of lines, etc., and plan out the 294 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. details for us and put the routes down, and the ports of call for the large steamers and the ports of call for the small steamers. — A. There is one great trouble with the small ports. Many of them have rivers like Capiz; steamers to get into Capiz must not draw more than T or 8 feet, or they can not go south. Then you have Nueva Caceres and Daet; they require steamers of only 10 feet draft. Dagupan is not required, because you have a railway there. But there are many other ports that you can not get anywhere near; they Avould require a steamer of very light draft, a little steamer running from Iloilo to Cebu and intermediate ports. That would be a good line for a small boat, you know. That takes in all the way down to Tanon Straits, and another small line ought to be started from Cebu to the principal towns of Mindanao. Q. 1 was just going to ask whether you would start a line from Iloilo rather than from Cebu? — A. Iloilo would probably be the best center for that, I think. Q. Then, what would you do with the Calamianes Islands? — A. Tawi Tawi-Basilan to Tawi Tawi We don't use the line from Tawi Tawi. Q. Tanon is your stopping place, that is, in Tawi Tawi? — A. Basi- lan, Cagayan de Jolo. Q. And Cuyo ? — A. That is in the Calamianes Islands, and that would take in Paragua also. That could all be united in one small steamer line from Iloilo. They have never had but two steamers calling at Antique, but they wanted to start a line there, because the place is rather important, especially in military connections now a days, and that could easily be included. Q. Yes, if you started south and swung around to the west and then around to the coast of Paragua, Antique would be a perfectly logical place for your steamers to stop.- — A. Yes; it would be very little out of their way. Q. Is there anything at all. Mr. McLeod, in these Dinangon Islands ? — A. They lie off to the southwest. They are small affairs and never have had any connection with anything at all. Those are fishermen’s islands. Q. I suppose there are no regular lines there, Mr. McLeod? — A. No; we want to go where business is. For instance, you have very important ports on the east of Samar, Borongan, Guiuan. Those two ports supply the biggest part of the copra which comes to Manila and is shipped to Bremen. Cagayan was nearly totally destroyed in the big typhoon by a tidal wave, but the trees are now growing up, though it will take time to get things going once more, and then they will be very important points. They were never very important for the steamers, but in the old times people tried to mislead the Spanish Gov- ernment into going anywhere they could without reference to com- merce. Q. Did the Compania Maritime do all the business, or were there other boats here? — A. In the commercial business there were plenty of other boats. Q. Tell us something about those. A. They ran to the same ports we did. Q. Was there any other line? — A. Not a big line. Smith, Bell & Co. have two steamers now; Warner. Barnes & Co. have two; Men- doza & Co. have two steamers, and Guitierrez Brothers have three. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 295 Sycsvgion has two steamers; Juan Rodriguez has one. Angel Ortiz has one steamer; the Tabacalera — that is a company — have tive, I think, altogether. Then, besides these, there are in Cebu and Iloilo and several other places small boats. Q. Altogether, how many regular boats regularly ply from this port; can you tell us? — A. Between big and small, counting Batangas, the last census taken showed 36, but there are more now. There were 36 plying from Manila without counting the small boats down there at Batangas. Q. IIow many are there now? — A. About 4-f, roughly speaking. Q. That are regularly going from Manila to these islands? — A. Counting the little ones that carry only intermediate trade. Q. In the shipping of the islands, in the steam shipping? — A. I think about 44. I can easily send you a list. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. That does not include boats going to Hongkong? — A. No. Q. What do these boats take from Manila? — A. Rice, provisions, and piece goods. You see there is a great trade down there in Man- chester goods. They dress in cotton. The bulk of the goods going down are cotton dresses for the Indians, and the bulk of the cargo is rice. Q. Where is that rice raised? — A. Principally in the country. It used to be imported from Sorsogon and some from China; the finest kind of rice was imported from China. Then, when the Manila and Dagupan Railroad was opened up, we had sufficient rice to supply the whole wants of the Phillippine Islands; that was raised between here and Dagupan, and was brought by the railroad and also by these little sailing vessels from Dagupan and Sual. Q. Did these companies make any arrangement in reference to the trade to Manila? — A. Yes; and the reason for the companies joining together was that rates had got so low we had to join together to save ourselves. Q. What did these steamers bring back to Manila? — A. Hemp, tobacco, and copra. Copra is the fruit of thecocoanut, principally ex- ported to Marseilles. * Q. What else? — A. Coffee, gum (damar), and shells also. Q. What is damar ? Professor Worcester. Damar is gum. They make varnish from it, Colonel. A. And wood was brought in in large quantities, and wood has also been exported directly from the Philippines to China, about 100 dif- ferent kinds of woods. They used a number of woods, but molave and ipil are the principal woods used for the building trades. The white planks in this floor are made of molave, and the dark ones are ipil. They form the flooring and the framework of the house. Then, for the boards and the lighter work, dindin and padacalan are largely used. Q. Those woods are hard and durable ? — A. The best in the world. They are shipped from here to China to make temples. Nearly all the Chinese temples, I believe, have been made from this wood. Q. Besides the wood, what else do they bring ? — A. F rom Batangas they bring horses and buffaloes, and they bring buffaloes from the southern islands, from Calamianes, and from Masbate, and these buf- faloes are used in all the sugar districts, and in all the rice districts also. 296 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Do they bring birds’ nests, sharks’ fins, and deche de mar ? — A. Yes; the\T bring them here, but not in large quantities. They have even crocodile skins from down in Calamianes. Q. AN as the business profitable ? — A. The business was profitable from 1868 down to 1881. Then Burchill, Robinson & Co. started a firm here and commenced competing, and failed, but still they injured business. They only lasted a year, or a couple of years, and then they failed. Afterwards the business was profitable again, until about the year 1890, when we had the mail line and were competing very heavily against the others. AVe made, of course, our subsidies, which pulled us through, but it was not a paying business. Q. In general, were those subsidies large? — A. NAY got about $360,000 a year total on our four mail lines. Besides that, of course, we had the transport of troops and government cargo. Q. You did all that business ?— A. Yes. Q. Then your company prospered i — A. Our company prospered, yes. Q. And is prosperous now? — A. At present it is very well off, but the Spanish Government owes us $788,000. Q. AA’hat do you anticipate would be the effect of peace and good government, such as Ave propose to give these islands, on railways and shipping? — A. I think the islands would increase \rery rapidly, because there is one thing that trade has been hindered by. Take, for instance, this fact: AYe have the Jesuits in Mindanao, and it is most difficult to do business. The Jesuits, besides looking after your soul, want to look after your hemp business. Q. You take it for granted that that would be done a wav with under our form of government ( — A. Yes; I take it for granted. And also another bad thing in the old times was, that in many of the small government places — the offices — in these hemp regions a merchant Avould go in business with the governor, and if he didn’t go in busi- ness with the governor he couldn’t do any business; restrictions Avere placed on him; and the goA'ernor Aery often, in going doAvn to take possession of his post, Avould make an arrangement with some mer- chant, A\ ho would pay an outsider — that is, another man — so the gov- ernor's name should not appear, and he would buy hemp. That is especially true in Iloilo ports, and in Dapitan and Mindoro ports. Q. You take it for granted that that practice would be done away with under our form of government? — A. I don’t see how it is pos- sible to a\roid that always, because it really depends on the man; it is not really the form of government. Not only that, but complaint was made in the old times about that being done, but it Avas not stopped. I think under your form of government, if we made a complaint the man would be removed promptly. Q. Now can you tell us what lines of steamers run to other ports outside of the Philippines? — A. AYe had a steady line of steamers to Hongkong and Singapore. Q. Is that the only company? — A. No; thei’e is the China and Manila Steamship Company, Jordan & Mathieson, and ourselves — there are four of us, and Butterfield & SAvyer. The China and Manila Company have two boats — the Diamante and the Esmeralda ; the Manila Steamship Line has only those two. Shewan, Toraez & Co., Butter- field & Swyer, and Jordan & Mathieson have the command of many boats on the China coast. Q. You say that Shewan, Tomez & Co., or that the company they represent, have tAvo boats?— A. Y es. REPORT F THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 297 Q. How many do Jordan & Mathieson have running here? — A. ( )ne. The others do not run here. Q. How many have Butterfield & Swyer? — A. Only one — that is, regularly — outside of the Australian boats. The big boats on the Australian route are in the habit of calling here. If we did not have any quarantine we would have a steady monthly call of these big lines on the way to Australia and on the way back. Q. What lines would they be? — A. One is Jordan, Mathieson & Co., and the other is Butterfield & Swyer, and another is the Japanese line, the Nippon Yusen Kaisha, of which we are agents. Q. They run to Hongkong? — A. On the Australian line. They are beginning now. The first trip will be in August. They have three steamers on that route that will call here about once every three weeks going and once every three weeks coming; that is the Japanese line. They are beautiful steamers of 5,000 or 6,000 tons. Q. And they are going to call here regularly? — A. They are going to call here regularly about every three weeks. Q. They come from Hongkong here? — A. They start out from Yokohama and stop at Kobe, Nagasaki, Shanghai, Hongkong, Manila, and then go on to Australian ports, and vice versa. Q. That is the Japanese line? — A. Yes. Q. Now, take up Jordan, Mathieson & Co. — A. I think their termi- nus is Shanghai, and they come from Hongkong to Manila and then go on to Australian ports; that is. now since the American Govern- ment started here. Q. They have already commenced? — A. Yes; they have been run- ning now several months. Q. How many boats have they got in that trade? — A. Well, there are about six boats altogether. Q. And thei' all touch here? — A. Yes. Now the quarantine is on, except the call from Hongkong; of course, as they run on schedule time, they dare not waste three days here, not while the quarantine is on. Q. Take the next line, Butterfield & Swyer. — A. Including the whole three boats, they run the same as Jordan. Mathieson & Co. Q. Jordan, Mathieson & Co. and Butterfield & Swyer make two lines. What are the others? — A. The Nippon Yusen Kaisha. The three lines have nine boats in all on this trade. Q. Then you have nine boats now coming here that never came here before? — A. Yes. The first one to call here was Butterfield & Swyer; they initiated the thing. When the hemp crop was large and hemp was very plentiful, those boats stopped here, because the line had a lot of hemp for shipment to Australia. Q. Are there any tramp boats besides these regular lines; I mean running to Hongkong now, or on to Shanghai, if you please, or any- where else? — A. Not many; it is only an accident; in case some Chi- naman is not satisfied with his freight he gets a tramp steamer, but it is very seldom you have tramp boats. Q. How about the line to Singapore?- — A. The Tabacalera used to run their big boats right through to Barcelona, calling at Singapore. They went over in twenty-eight days. They ran a line from here to Singapore, a local line connecting with the French mail, which gave the Government two lines for their mail service. Q. Was that the only line running to Singapore? — -A. Yes. 298 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. And they went on to Europe, to Barcelona? — A. Yes; it con- nected; the local line connected at Singapore with the French line. Q. And the ships didn’t go on to Barcelona ? — A. No; only when the direct line made it in twenty-eight days. Q. That is the Compania Transatlantique? — A. They are the agents. Q. Was there any other line running to Singapore and on to Eu- rope?— A. No; there is one, I think, running to India; Smith, Bell & Co. have the line, the British India Company. They run, I think, something like the Australian boats, every three weeks; I think that is it. They go to Bombay or Calcutta or to whichever of those two termini the)' are making, calling at Singapore and Penang on the way. Q. Do they call at Colombo, Aden, and Bankok? — A. 1 don’t know whether they call at Penang. That is quite a line since the American Government has taken possession here; it is entirely new, and it runs regularly, but I don’t see how the line can keep up, it seems to me such a peculiar route. They are tine boats; these British-Indian boats are good, too. I think the reason for introducing that line is that they are trying to introduce Indian cattle. We didn’t find it as good as the Australian route. Q. Is there any line here from Australia? — A. There is no line here from Australia direct. There is not sufficient business to warrant a line direct. I don’t think it would pay. You see the distance is too great for a direct line for small steamers; it is about twenty-two days around. And you see we are on the wrong side. All the ports like Darwin, etc., on the west coast, are all poor ports, and all the good ports, like Sydney and Melbourne, are on the other side. I don’t think that a line which was not subsidized would pay between here and Australia. Q. What is the prospect of having a line from here to San Fran- cisco?— A. Well, I heard the other day that there was a chance of it. I forget the name of the people. Is there a line called the Govern- ment line? By Professor Worcester: Q. I don’t know of any such name. — A. I forget the name, but they told me the other day they were going to start a line, making Manila the terminus, and were going to stop at Honolulu and all the ports in Japan and the Philippines. That is what I have heard. Q. Had the Pacific Mail Steamship Company anything to do with the proposition? — A. No; it was an outside company — some enterprising man. I heard his name. He has a well-known name in the States. Q. Did you think there was any prospect of establishing such a line? — A. I think it likely. Q. Would it pay? — A. I think so. There is plenty of flour, and the western coast of America consumes a good deal of sugar and hemp, too, and that, instead of going via Hongkong as before, would go direct. Spreckels uses a good deal of sugar. Q. What articles principally have been brought in here, since the American occupation, from America ? -A. Canned goods, hams, and provisions principally are the things that have increased. Q. Haven’t you left out the chief of all, beer? — A. Yes. Beer has increased. 1 have seen cargoes of over 15,000 barrels at a time from Hongkong for one company. A tremendous amount of beer has been coming in. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 299 Q. The effect of the occupation by the Americans, then, has been to benefit the local lines of steamers? — A. No; 1 can not say that yet. We have had the ports closed so long. It has been a benefit to the local lines to Hongkong. Such ships as the Esmeralda and the Sung- Hang have done a good business. I have only one steamer running to Hongkong, the Salvadora. She is the only American boat on the line and is of about 1,000 tons gross. She is too small for the Hongkong trade; but the Nippon Yusen Kaisha promises to give me two first- class steamers to run there, each with good passenger accommodations. They have 70 steamers, you know. By Professor Worcester: Q. There ought to be a call for something that would give good passenger accommodations. — A. These steamers are very good. The Sunglciang and the new Diamante are very well fitted up. Q. These new Japanese steamers would go to Japanese ports? — A. No; only to Hongkong for local cargo, local connection. The Japan- ese company have steamers to Marseilles, and they are running to San Francisco, too. Q. Their subsidies are enormous, aren't they?— A. Yes; they could run against anybody. It is a question of mileage. The rest of the trade is done by sailing ships, and a great deal of business is done by tramp steamers as well. Q. Can }Tou give us any idea about the number of sailing vessels that come into this port from abroad? — A. I can get you the year’s statistics. Q. Are there any sailing vessels in the island? — A. Yes; through the islands; just the same as steamers, coasters; vessels, some of them, of 250 tons gross. Q. Could you give us a report on both the steamers and the sailing vessels that ply to this port? — A. Yes; sailing vessels are very impor- tant. They are very important as carriers; of course, not as regards mail. Q. These sailing vessels are manned by Filipinos? — A. Altogether. The Spaniards insisted on having a Spanish captain when the vessel was over 100 tons register. By Professor Worcester: Q. Why was that? — A. The idea of that was, the natives who were examined were a very ignorant class, and they never got certificates beyond what thei* call a patron. The patron is a man who navigates practically, but can not make the mathematical calculations necessary to take his bearings when out of sight of land. Q. Isn’t that the law of all nations? Do not all nations require that the captain should be a citizen of its own country? — A. No; it was not, because the Filipino was a citizen just the same as the Span- iard. It was because the captain of the port found that they were never able to pass their examinations. I think there were only two Filipino captains; but lately we have taken them on our vessels and taught them. The number has been increasing, and a great many are coming to the front now. Recently we have engaged two or three very smart Filipinos, very smart navigators. Q. Your company is a Spanish company ? — A. No; it is an American company now. Q. It was owned in England? — A. The bulk of the capital was English, and a good deal of it Filipino. 300 REPORT OP THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. But you flew the Spanish flag? — A. Yes. Q. Now you have transferred to the American flag? — A. Yes. Q. Of what nationality do you get your officers? — A. Spanish — Spanish and Filipinos. You see that is continued under the old law, the same as in Mexico. At the time Mexico changed its form of government they allowed all the old captains to remain under their old certificates. Q. What about your engineers? — A. They are principally Spanish. The}r insisted on us having Spanish engineers. We used to have Scotch men principally. Q. Would you change them ? — A. I would like to get the Scotchmen back. They are the better engineers. They do the ermineerino- in the whole East. Q. Would you prefer Scotchmen to Americans as engineers? — A. No; not as man for man; but I mean the Scotchmen generally have the best experience. 1 mean you have got just as good American engi neers, but you won’t get so many of them. In Scotland the little boys go into the engine shops, carrying rivets, and from carrying rivets go to hammering; then they study engineering, and when they go out of the workshops, after ten or fifteen years’ experience, they can construct an engine from beginning to finish, and if the steamer breaks down they can repair it right there. Q. Are there any dangers to navigation here? — A. Yes; very great. Q. Plow many ships have you lost? — A. Since 1894 we have lost three steamers. Q. And by reason of what? — A. One turned turtle out here in bad weather. It was bad navigation, too; the}7 didn’t take the right swing coming into Manila Bay. Then the Luzon was sunk in a collision with the Santander , and the ChisjM struck a rock on the north end of Samar. Q. Were those accidents attributable to local causes or would they have happened anywhere? — A. The collision was due to carelessness. Q. And the turning turtle? — A. That was partially due to the cargo shifting and partially to carelessness. Q. And the running on the rock? — A. That was, 1 think, due to drunkenness, a very rare case among the Spaniards. Q. Then you haven’t mentioned that in any case the loss has been by reason of storm? — A. Not since our company started. Since 1894 — 1 forgot the Gravina — she was lost at the beginning of the company in a typhoon up here by the Coponas, as far as we could find out. We could not get a very clear account of affairs, because onlytwo men were saved. She was overloaded, as Stevens mentions, but they did not bring rice from the south. The typhoon was very heavy and her forward caboose — sort of head — was carried away, and they tried to run down to the Coponas Islands to save her, hut the canvas was all ripped off and they couldn’t get it down; and then, as far as we know, a water spout struck her; she got into where the waterspout was. It simply sunk her and she went straight down, so the Indians told us. She was about miles from shore. That was in the month of May or June, 1894, or in April. Q. What are the months in which you have typhoons? — A. Prin- cipally in the change of the monsoon, October, November, and Decem- ber, and March, April, and May. The monsoon changes twice a year — spring and f 11. You see now this bad weather has-been due to the change of the monsoon to the southwest. We get the typhoons at all REPORT OK THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 301 times. We have them every month in the year and also in a lower latitude than we are taught by geography to expect. We are told by geography that they can not form below 10° above the equator, but we have had them lower than that. Q. Do you regard navigation in general as dangerous — 1 mean more dangerous than in other places? — A. No; except the trouble we have had here every once in a while of discovering a sunken rock, also many accidents from being blown up, owing to carelessness. Q. Then your charts under the Spanish rule were no good ? — A. No; there were always rocks not appearing in their charts, as a rule. The principal surveying down here was by the British Government. For instance, one man would discover a new rock and he would locate it on his chart, but they were originally all English surveys. Q. You know we have a ship en route to survey these islands. — A. I am very glad to hear it. Q. What is the path of the typhoon? — A. That big map [indicating] was made in our office. We had that made from our private chart. Q. The Hydrographic Office is sending out a ship for that purpose. I know it because I was offered passage on her. — A. The Spanish had a hydrographic station at Sorsogon, but the steamer very seldom left the port; they didn't do any surveying. I remember the instance, for example, of the Reina Cristina ; the man who had discovered the; sunken rock did not feel that he had made sure of that rock, so he went there in another vessel and ran on it afterwards. Q. What are the best months to go from Manila south to visit the islands ? — A. From the middle of December right through to March. Q. How would it do in October? — A. October is not so bad. Octo- ber and November are not bad months, except for typhoons; but the best time of the year is always from December through to March. Q. By means of the observatory here you can know when a typhoon is coming? — A. Yes; and when the cable is all right you can get infor- mation about typhoons from Iloilo and Cebu. Q. But you can go into port? — A. In former times, yes; but now that the revolution is on it is not so easy. You can go into Romblon, etc. Q. Assuming that the revolution is over ? — A. There are plenty of ports within 10 hours of Manila. The first place of refuge is Puerto Claro. Romblon is also another good refuge. That is about 20 hours from here. Then from there it is only 16 hours on to Iloilo or Cebu. By Professor Worcester: Q. What about that port in Masbate? I have heard there was a very good port there. — A. What is the name of it ? Q. I don't remember. It is a great port for typhoons. — A. I have not heard of it. Q. Forman mentions it. The name of the port begins with M. — A. It must be a very small port, I think. Our steamers have never used it, and I know they have been hunting for ports of refuge. They have discovered a great many. Tulet, in Legaspi, Canimo Island, is another port of refuge. I forget the name of the other island in the Calamianes. Q. In connection with navigation, can you give us any idea of river and harbor improvements — of rivers and harbors that can be improved and made navigable? — A. A very important one just now is the Pasig 302 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. River. We used to have vessels come and go out of that river draw- ing 154 feet, but now the river is not dredged as it should be, and ves- sels can only draw about 13£ feet forward and 2 feet more abaft. In case a boat shall be sent over the bar it makes a great deal of difference. I think if they paid more attention to putting up that north wall they could dredge this river so as to bring vessels in of 20 feet — bigger vessels and better. They could have done that with a very small expense. In case a breakwater were built Aparri could be made a good port. It is now all shifting sand. The river Cagayan, which is one of the longest rivers, runs through that very rich land where all the tobacco is produced, and it is a most important point. Well, the mouth of this river is shifting sand. They used to have a little island right in the center, and in one of the big freshets that island was swept away. One of our steamers was in the shifting sand. The only cure for that is to cut timber down, gradually building up the mouth until it gets a natural or artificial bank on each side. With shifting sand that could he done in time, though it would take some time to do it. You can’t possibly drive piles into shifting sand; it would not do; but on the interlacing timber the refuse coming down would catch, and this will always narrow the bank. Q. Is there any place where that sort of thing has been done? — A. Eads is the man who first evolved the idea of narrowing rivers, and it was done here on a small scale with the Dagupan River, but it was not done on a large enough scale to deepen it as it should have been. Q. But the trouble inside the river was with the mouth. — A. dust coming in over the bar of the river. If the bar were narrowed I think it would make a good steady current, and it would be deep enough for a vessel of 20 feet to come in. Now the deepest part is 16 feet, and that only allows vessels like our coasters here to come in. Q. How far up the river can you go ? — A. Just to Aparri. I don’t know how far it is up the river. Q. What about going farther up that river with steam launches? — A. With steam launches you can go up all the way to Tuguegarao, which was the old center of government, and they use just now wooden — that is, ffat-bottomed — boats, with a stern-wheel, like the Covadonga , which used to run up there. Q. I have heard it said that during the freshets great trees come down that stream, so that it is unnavigable. How is it about that? — A. When there is too much freshet they haul to the side of the bank and put their fenders out. They are always built with natural fenders, besides the little things which they carry. The Dagupan River could be improved in the same way. The Capiz River, also, is another where improvements could be made. That could be dredged out and narrowed, a stone wall built, and piles put in then. Q. AYhat is the distance from the mouth of that river down to Capiz? — A. Three or 4 miles. Q. Is there trade enough there to justify the expense? — A. There is a great deal of paddy — rice — grown there, and after this port I sup- pose it is the principal rice place, and tobacco also, in the country. Q. You were speaking about the river Cottabato, in Mindanao. — A. That river has a big swamp with several mouths. But most of those mouths could be closed. It could be easily done, because it could be done with piles, as the bottom is not of shifting sand, and there is plenty of timber there. T spoke with General Blanco at one time REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 303 about shutting up the other mouths of the river, and bringing all the water down through one mouth. That would deepen the bar. Just now our steamers can only draw 10 feet or they can only get off with a very light load. I think if that country was opened up properly, it is a very rich country, richer even than Luzon. Q. AY hat is the character of the population; are they peaceable or ugly? — A. If you don’t interfere with their religion they are all right. The whole trouble the Spaniards had before with them was they used to insist on shoving Catholicism upon them. Q. There is a great deal of difference in the Moros of Mindanao and those around the lake. The}r were in some parts very ugly, and in some other parts they were not. 1 was wondering what the trouble had been. — A. In Cottabato they have always been quiet people. Our steamers go down there and they are pretty well treated. With launches you can go up that stream 20 or 30 miles. There are a great many windings, but there is plenty of water. You can’t go up the lakes; there it commences to get shallow. That stream comes right from the lakes. You can go away up to Tumbao. That was the far- thest-up point the Spaniards had there, Q. Is there any other place in Negros where harbor improvements could be made so as to get in there comfortably for sugar? A. Rais. I don’t know whether that could be improved; it is before 1 loilo. Now, there is a neck on the outer bay or the inner one. It is rocky there, and it should be blown out; it only needs the opening of that. There is no stream there; it is just the tide itself, and if that was deepened it would make a nice harbor down there. That is one of the best sugar places. Q. What about Escalanta? — A. Very rocky. I don’t think that could be done. It was of no great importance except as a cable place. There was a sugar place Q. Is it a good port? — A. Rais is the only one down that coast. Q. Isn’t there a deep river at Escalanta? — A. I don’t know. Q. It is very deep after you get into it. — A. It is a very short stream, I think; more- like a pool. Dumaguate, if it could only be improved, has a nice harbor. Q. Well, those are the chief places that you think of ? — A. Yes; now. Two of them I do not think are feasible; they are too roekv. That has a river which is deep. Then you can go up the Cagayan River quite a distance in launches. Q. You spoke of the relative merits of Australian and Japanese coals. Have 3Tou had any experience in the burning of Philippine coals and lignites in your steamers? — A. Yes. Q. Will you tell us what the result of it was? — A. Compared to $127 expense in one of our steamers on getting our coal down here at the Cebu mines,' $85 about — it was about $85 to $125, taking the dol- lar value burned in one day, but the burnings were much quicker; there was much more consumption of it. The Cebu coal leaves a clean white ash, and it burns much quicker than the Australian. We get it at $6.25 a ton, Mexican, down at our mines. Q. That means increased work for the firemen; they have to shovel more of it? — A. Yes; but taking the day’s work, it is an economy for us to use it. Q. Is it a good coal for steam making? — A. Yes; the coal is all sur- face coal so far; they haven’t got down to the good coal yet. It is 304 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. very inflammable; very inflammable, indeed. They have the bunkers alongside the boiler instead of forward ship, and it is apt to catch fire. Q. It has been said that all of these coals out here have so much sulphur in them that they injure the grates? — A. Well, firebars are not so expensive. Our engineers never reported against that. Our superintendent told us that the only thing the engineers complained of was having more work with it. They have never objected to it on the basis of injuring the grates. Q. Have you ever known of any experiments? — A. My uncle, by marriage, has coal down in Masbate, and he used to use that coal in his own steamers, and then he had an analysis made of that coal here. I think I have a copy of it in the office. Q. Will you be willing to allow us to see it along with the other papers? — A. Yes. Q. Has a practical test been made of the mines in southern Min- doro?— A. les; that is where my mines are. We did not dig down; we dug out right from the top — the surface. Q. It is better than the Cebu coal, then ? — A. It seems to me to be a better coal. We used it in our steamer Balinao , and it gave a very good result as compared with Cebu coal. It was fully equal to it. The engineer said he liked the result of it. It was a brighter coal. Q. Are you making any plans looking to the development of those mines? — A. Yes; as soon as we can get things going, because Balloca is a very good little harbor in Mindoro; only 18 hours away from here. It is the best situated of the towns, but there is a little fever there. It is mountainous, and from the port of Balloca you go upstream about 5 or 6 kilometers. This stream is navigable for these small cascos, or even for very light-draft steam launches; that is, between the moun- tains. The mountains are right there, with high elevation of the coast, until the stream disappears in the foot of the mountains, and you have scenery on each side all the way up there. It is quite a healthy place, except so far as the natives are concerned. Q. What was the range of this scene? — A. One was 59 centimeters and another was 35. Q. Has an analysis been made of that Mindoro coal? — A. No; I have n't had it analyzed. I have samples in the office of the Mindoro coal, the soft coal. In Mindoro and in Cagayan de Misamis they have very good coal, and then there is Batangas coal and Sulat coal; and there is coal up here in Morong, which is up by the lake there — Tanay. Q. Have you given any consideration to the question of railroads ? — A. Yes; I have. Colonel Denbv. Q. Will you give us briefly the ideas you have as to the opening of railroads in this country? — A. I think, in a general sense, they ought to be opened in every place they can; but if the expensive system on which the Manila-Dagupan road was built is to be followed it would be better not to subsidize the railroads, but to start them as they are started in Canada, building them well enough for public safety, but allowing them to construct a cheap-built road, and then it would grow up on account of competition in the effort to get trade. I should think one of the first roads, and the most necessary, would be from here to Batangas. From here to Batangas is about TO miles. They have a plan made of that: Mr. Higgins has that. Q. That is in Ilocos? — A. No; that is around the corner from the entrance to the bay. And then as to this Dagupan railway, there is REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 305 no reason why that should not bo extended on to San Fernando in La Union. That is the most important town in the north of the prov- ince— a seaport. Q. A good port? — A. No, not such a good port now, but it would be if the railway could be continued. Q. How far would that be from Dagupan? — A. Overdo miles; I am not quite sure of the distance. Q. You think that is a pressing need, do you? — A. I think every- body is very anxious to have a sanitarium up at Benguet. San Fer- nando is the nearest place to Benguet. Another kind of railway could l)e made to Benguet, which would be in the first place a very valuable location for a hospital for troops and people. Instead of having to go home they would be able to rejuvenate up there. Q. Tell us something about Benguet. — A. Benguet is the healthiest place in the Philippine Islands; it is mountainous, very high. I haven’t been up there myself, but I think it is about 5,000 feet above the sea level. It is a place with a climate something like at home; they have pine forests up there, and the temperature goes down to a very low degree. I have the maximum and the minimum temperatures. Q. Commercially, what effect would that road have? — A. Com- mercially, the}’ have gold fields up there : they use a trying-pan for the gold. They have mines, and tobacco is grown up there in fail- quantities around about San Fernando, in the Benguet district, and beautiful potatoes come from there. It would increase their use if we had an easy transport to bring them down. Of course, commercially it would not be so important as the other districts. Q. What other lines would you suggest? — A. A line could be laid through the valley of Cagayan, which is pretty level to Aparri. This valley commences on the other side of the cordillera, which is over here by Bayombong and Mo ban. and it reaches right through — well, it does not begin at Moban, I mean these cordilleras, they cut off Moban. It begins at Bagabag and runs to the north, and if the rail- road could possibly run over the mountains to connect with this other line at San Fernando then it would be a beautiful line. Q, Would there be coal mines in that region? — A. Yes, all through the islands there is coal, and coal mines up this side of the mountain. Q. Are the gold mines worked? — A. In a sort of desultory way, but not well. The native has worked them with a pan, and gets 12^ cents a day for each working. Professor Ashburn came out here several years ago and condemned a whole lot of mines, but I think his condemnation can not be trusted altogether, for he was too short a time here to give them a fair trial, and the shafts he went into were not properly prepared; they were not sunk far enough. Q. What other lines would you recommend? — A. I think the next important line would be in Iloilo, to run through Panay. I have in the house a translation in English of a projected railway which we wanted to start from Iloilo to Bantayan; that is, through the most populated part of Panay. Q. What would be the length of that road? — A. It would not be a big one. It was just to get a start. The idea was to carry it on afterwards to Capiz. Negros, I think, is too mountainous, except for a coast line, p c 20 306 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. By Professor Worcester : Q. The best towns are always on the coast? — A. Yes. For sugar, Negros is a very important island. It produces about 3,000,000 piculs a year of sugar, besides cattle. In Cebu you could always have a coast line, and Cebu is the most thickly populated island in the whole Philippines. By Colonel Denby : Q. 1 don’t want to detain you, but if you have any views on currency and finance we would be very glad to get your views on those subjects, and to know what you think about going on a gold basis. — A. I think it would be a great mistake. Q. You have already stated, Mr. McLeod, that you had been in business here for twenty -three years. — A. Nineteen years. Q. And, of course, you are familiar with the system of currency here?- — A. Yes. Q. Have you made any study of the question? — A. Yes; I made a study of it. I was on the commission appointed for a general study of commerce and finance in the Philippines, and at that time the board studied the question of the sufficiency of the currency, and we con- sidered it a very good currency. Then they brought in the Mexican dollar, and exchange went down, and they supplied the country, and it has never been changed for the simple reason that, if we had con- tinued here the gold basis, the general producer would not have been able to carry on his labor. The native is just as satisfied with a silver as with a gold currency. Q. That arises from the fact that the products of the A. He can buy as much for it. Q. How about wages ? — A. In the towns they have gone up. In the agricultural districts, where they have sugar, the wages are about 87^ cents a week, and besides that an allowance of rice. Sugar has practically maintained its old prices on account of the exchange going down. If we had the gold basis, the picul of sugar would only have aoout its present value, because it would have to compete with Cuba and Mauritius and Java. You see, the sugar crop here is very small as compared with those other places; then the hemp would have to compete with jute and New Zealand flax and other fibers, and hemp will never go above its value on a gold*basis; it would have to come down. The other article produced, tobacco, is just the same; that would have to compete with the Cuban crop. Q. What effect would that have on the laborer? — A. A very bad effect. 1 mean your labor would cost you so much that j'ou would have to pay very little to the farmer. It would be ruination. Q. What effect would it have on business and commerce? — A. Very bad; because if all the estates were stopped, everybody would stop buy- ing. The staples used by the native for food, like rice and all those things that are found in his own country, or at least in the East, where the currency is silver, he does not have to pay so much for, not twice as much, as he would have to pay if the country were on a gold basis. Q. Does the native use many imported articles? — A. He uses cloth and such as that, but clothing is the smallest part for the native. Q. He does not wear much clothing? — A. No; you see laborers dressed in these flour sacks; that is the usual style of dress they have down in the provinces; they wear very little; they buy cheap cotton stuff. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 807 Q. What effect would it have on the export trade? That is the trade it would affect most? — A. It would be very detrimental to the export trade. Q. Do you think that would be permanent or merely local — that bad effect ? — A. It might not be permanent. Of course, it would certainly he in the immediate future, and I think it'would be permanent for fifty or sixty years at least. It is so difficult to change the native. The native gets into one rut and you can’t drag him out. Q. He would want as many gold dollars as he now gets silver dollars? — A. Exactly. He can not grasp the difference between a dollar in gold and a dollar in silver. But if instead of 87£ cents, you were to pay him 43£ cents, he would say, “No; there is something wrong here.” Q. Were you here under the gold basis? — A. I was cashier of McCleod & Co., in Cebu, just before it stopped, in 1880, and the gold went out of all the country then; it commenced going out. The change was gradual; it was 4, then 2, and as gold went out it grad- ually fell until it got to its present value, 2 shillings. Q. That is 50 cents of our money ? — A. Yes. Q. Are you familiar with the Japanese system? — A. Yes; they fixed their basis on the present value of gold to silver, silver to gold. Well, if that was done down here, and you made the American dollar piece equal to your gold, and called them $2 pieces, it would come to the same thing actually. The value always has been by the gold basis, having what we call double values. Q. A ratio of about 10 to 1? — A. Yes; take the pound; we always consider the pound the gold basis, and it would be 16 to the ounce. Q. Now, the Mexican dollar is about equal to 47 of our cents? — A. Forty-eight and one-half. Q. But fluctuates all the time? — A. It fluctuates with supply and demand. Q. It does not cause any fluctuation in prices? — A. No. If you bring a big remittance out for the troops, the price of gold goes down. If, on the other hand, you were to draw on the bank for it, it would go the other way; it is also the same with the shipment of produce, and those fluctuations could not be helped in any case. You see exchange must exist. You can not have an equal currency between two countries. If a merchant in San Francisco owes a merchant here so much money, and there is so much money in San Francisco, and that merchant goes to the bank and wants to get that money there from the bank, the banker says, “You will have to pay me to bring it out, because I haven’t any money owing to me there.” Exchange can not possibly be avoided. These fluctuations are bound to be through all time. Q. Your opinion, then, is that if we went on a gold basis it would be injurious to trade and commerce ? — A. I think so. Q. You think the present prosperity of the silver basis would con- tinue?— A. Yes; the only thing that I think requires making over is the sufficiency of the currency. There is not sufficient currency. For instance, at one time we were very hard up for currency. It is a problem how to get actual cash into circulation. You see we have no mint, and between wear and tear, and people making the Mexican dollars into silver cups, and all that, there is a tremendous demand for silver, and it would require at least $40,000,000. 308 REPORT OB' THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Ilow would you get that? — A. If there was a free importation, it would come in. The least difference in exchange between here and Hongkong always brings it in. Q. But there is not a free entry, there is a tariff ? — A. It is one that should not exist. Now is a good time to stop it. The Manila dollar is par now at Singapore. There may be 1 per cent difference, and it was half a per cent the other day, I know. So that while you have no mint here, the money could be supplied by the Mexicans, and even if the mint was started, the same as the Spaniards did with their half- dollar pieces. You could start on the American basis with the silver as token Q. How would a decimal currency do? — A. Yes, it is far the best; it was practically decimal latterly with the Spaniards. Q. Well, you would have cents of the value of one-hundredth part of a Mexican dollar? — A. Yes. Q. But you would not recommend any change at all now? — A. No; 1 should think it would be very injurious, especially in the meantime; I should think it would take fifty or sixty years for the people to get accustomed to it. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. You say about forty million dollars currency is needed for the business of the islands? — A. Yes; for actual cash. Q. For circulating medium?— A. Yes. Because when the sugar crop comes on down to Negros, you have to send down there two or three million dollars to bring up the 3,000,000 or so piculs; but that money will finally find its way back. But in the sugar season it has got to go down there, and it is about the same thing with the tobacco crop, when that is in; then you have to send money to the tobacco districts. Those are the two things that require large quantities of money, and there never used to be on hand as much as was needed. The rice crop fluctuates; the hemp crop does not, it is steady all the year round. The sugar, coffee, rice, and tobacco crops require at certain seasons of the yea r large volumes of money. Q. If there was 8-10,000,000 circulating medium here in the islands, would that quantity remain more or less permanently ? — A. Yes. Q. Isn’t there a tendency on the part of the natives, on getting a little money, to put it away and hoard it? — A. That used to be so in the old times with gold, but not with silver. The big men deposit in banks, and the smaller men with high-class commercial houses, or with the shopkeepers, and those shopkeepers circulate it; they deposit it with the bigger houses, and the bigger houses deposit in the banks. Q. That is what I wanted to find out, whether the people understood the value of depositing their money with banks ? — A. They do now, but you will never find a native laborer who has more than a dollar at a time. They gamble it away and finally it gets into circulation. Q. So eventually this currency gets into use as a circulating medium here? — A. Yes. Q. Do you think there is an opportunity for establishing local banks of deposit? — A. It would lie very good to have savings banks. Q. Could you encourage the native in the habit of saving here?— A. I think so, if a fair interest was allowed. They would want it at particular times. Q. Would they require that that interest should be paid frequently ? REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 309 Wouldn’t the fact that it became secure, a secure deposit, and that they could obtain the money at any time they wanted it A. The native thinks the money ought to be earning something, and the trouble is the}- place it on loan with each other. A poor native will charge another native 12i cents for the use of a dollar for a week or a month, and sometimes a dollar for the use of a dollar for a week or a month. Q. Would there be any security on the part of the local savings banks, or on the part of a big bank with local branches, in lending money to the natives, or would it be very hazardous? — A. You could never lend money to a native here unless you had a thorough guaranty in your bank. Q. Could you upon land? — A. Yes; if you are sure the title is right. It would be a very good thing to have a proper agricultural bank. The big vice in these islands is to contract a debt and never pay it. Q. Would it be possible to secure good titles to some of the landed property? — A. Yes. The trouble at present is that all these banks are exchange banks. The only bank that lends money on land is the Espahol-Filipino Bank, and it is limited — it is limited to so much in Manila and so much in Iloilo, the only places where they have banks; and if a farmer has a bad crop and he wants to raise money from them and the}" wont let him have it, he has got to go to some money lender, and he charges him about 18£ per cent, and that is about the cheapest interest, and they charge often 20 or 25 per cent, and then force him to sell his goods or his crop for cash under the market price here; and this has been the thing that has retarded very much agriculture in these islands, and the little men have not been given a chance to come up. Some of the big ones have been burdened in the same way. And so if we had a first-class agricultural bank, to assist within reasonable limits, it would be a great benefit. Men could get improved machinery and go to work in a modern way. By Colonel Denby: Q. Mr. McCleod, will you give us, briefly, your opinion on the Chi- nese question? You understand that in the United States we have an exclusion act that keeps out the coolies, and does not allow them to return if they go away from the United States? — A. It is a very diffi- cult problem. In the old times they gave free access to Chinese here; then they made a law that they were to be allow'ed only as laborers; then the Indians made such a fuss that they were not allowed to go into the provinces where the natives objected to them. They have been employed here in Manila principally as dock laborers. Those in the provinces all become merchants, and have worked themselves into the most influential places. They are very useful as merchants, but 1 think a limit ought to be put on them. Q. What class would you admit? — A. I think the laboring class, in limited quantities ; so that a man in a certain line of industry would be allowed to bring in so many Chinese, and they would have to go back when he was through with them. Q. You mean the contract system? — A. Yes, with regard to the laborers. I would limit the number of merchants to the present num- ber, and then as so many die I would admit so many more. There is quite a sufficient number now for intermediate men, and it is not good for them to increase, but surely they are necessary, the ones that are here. 310 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. You think it is necessary to bring in laborers? — A. Yes, for cooly work and servants. It is necessary to let them in for servants. Adjourned. TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM KLINE. Manila, July 18, 1899. Present: Colonel Denbv, Professor Worcester, and Mr. Mac Arthur. A illiam Kune, in response to the questions of the commissioners, stated: By Colonel Denbv: Q. Will you please state your name, residence, and occupation? — A. William Kline; name of firm, New York and Java Trading Com- pany; Water street, New York, and Calle Anloague, No. 10, in Manila. Q. What business are you engaged in? — A. Chiefly railways and machinery. Q. How long have you resided in Manila? — A. This last time only since the -tth of February. Q. Have you given any special attention to the delineation of new lines of railway in the Philippines?- A. My firm has applied for a franchise from Manila to Bayombong, through the center of Luzon toward the north. Q. You say it is through the center of Luzon ? — A. Due north from Manila. I have mapped it out here on this map [hands map to Colo- nel Denbv]. It is the line due north from Manila to Bayombong. Q. You say you have applied for a franchise. To whom have you applied? — A. My partner in New York was in Washington about a month ago and applied for a franchise. Q. Did he specify the particular line? — A. Yes, sir. Q. And will you tell us what that line is, where it commences, and where it ends? — A. Manila to Bayombong. The present line is from Manila to Dagupan, and this line is from Manila to Bayombong — it is the marked route on the map. Q. Bayombong is in what province? — A. Nueva Ecija. The line is to run as far as Bacolor, very likely parallel with the old line. Q. What is the length of that line, Mr. Kline? — -A. A little over 200 miles. By Professor Worcester: Q. What do you know about the country along the line, Mr. Kline ? — A. It is very difficult to give definite information. The first thing that will have to be done is, as soon as we get the franchise, to get a staff of engineers from the States and have it surveyed. Q. Your survey has not been made as yet?— A. No definite survey; it is only a globe trotter’s survey or an amateur survey; there has never been a track of railway surveyed on that line. Q. Who has been over the ground? — A. Old residents here; many men who went up shooting and that sort of thing, but nobody went over it with instruments; it has never been surveyed. Q. Are there any particular engineering difficulties in the way? — A. No. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 311 Q. Hard grades or anything of that sort? — A. After passing Caba- natuan it would not be very difficult. Q. Is the country under cultivation at the present time on the route you go through ? — A. Part of it. Q. What with? — A. Sugar. Q. And rice? — A. Yes; all the way along. I wish to make these latter statements with a good deal of reservation, for I have only to repeat what I know from hearsay. Q. Would you be opening up country that had been under cultiva- tion before, or would you be opening up new country ? — A. After Cabanatuan there is a great deal of new country. Q. You know that it is said that this Manila-Dagupan railroad doubled tin' rice crop in these Islands, that it increased 100 per cent after this line was established, because new land was cultivated; the land was good for raising rice before, but there were no means of exporting the crop in the old days. — A. Yes. Q. Sugar and rice, then, you think, are the principal things up there now? — A. Yes; it goes without saying that eventually this line will follow down to Aparri along the old river valley; that is the thing I have ultimately in view, but that is too much of a line to talk about now. Q. How would it lie to unite these two lines? There is a pretty hard spot in there between them, isn’t there? — A. At present it is impossible to get any definite information of what has been done in Washington. Personally I am inclined to oppose no existing line, for I do not think it is conducive to the good of any railway scheme that would be permitted here, to oppose a line already existing, not only for purely commercial reasons, such as opposition in the floating of the company and the taking of its stock, but I also think that by com- petition the price of labor, the native labor, necessary for tin' building of a railway here would very easily be raised in an undue proportion. The natives would avail themselves of anything of that kind. When two men are competing the price will go up nearly double. Q. You don't understand what I wish to get at. I was thinking of the eventual union of these two lines, one from Manila running south and one from Manila northward. There would be no reason to com- pete, but 1 believe that there is a difficult country in there. — A. Between Bayombong and Bagota there seems to be a swamp that is difficult to cross, but I don't know; I wouldn’t like to say that because I can only go by what people have told me who have been up there. I have not been there myself. You know how difficult it is here to get definite information about that country; one has to go by what people say and one does not know what authority they have to say so. Q. Is that the only thing you have in mind at present in the shape of roads? — -A. Railways, yes. Q. Is that the best line, Mr. Kline? — A. In my opinion it is the best line, and before fixing on that line I consulted as much as pos- sible the military authorities here, and I understood from them that from a strategic point of view it would be a very important line. I had a long conversation with General Hughes on the subject. Q. Are you interested in anything else in steam railways, electric trams, and things of that sort ? — A. Yes, I am interested in electric and in steam plants. Q. Have you any plans in regard to anything of that kind? — A. No, 312 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. sir; not that 1 could name. 1 mean I could not say. 1 would like to have a line from any given point, except that 1 think that Manila city or Manila suburbs is the spot on which an electric line or a steam plant ought to be got up. Q. Do you know the status of the franchise of this street railway company that is here? — A. No, sir; 1 have not been able to get at it. All I could hear is that the shares are held in Madrid. I can not get any information as to how the land lies. Q. It is perfectly evident that the transportation facilities are utterly inadequate at the present time. — A. Certainly. Q. Have you made up your mind at all what gauge you woidd use ? — A. Yes. I do not believe in breaking gauges, and I think that, as the Manila-Dagupan is 3 feet 6, and as a great many of the Australian, Indian, Bornean, and Java roads are of that gauge, 3 feet (1, it is a very good gauge. But even if I were not so convinced about the advisability of 3.6, 1 think the fact that the Manila-Dagupan has 3.6, and the possibility of using a great terminus or some such arrangement, would be alone a weighty argument in favor of 3.6. I suppose you have seen what a long- discussion they are having in England now about the difficulty of breaking gauges? It raises a fearful lot of compli- cation. Q. Where would your rolling stock and rails come from ? — A. From the United States, entirely. Q. Have you any idea at all of how long it would take to build a line of railroad over the route you have indicated there? — A. No. Q. Have you any estimate of the cost per mile of building it?— A. None that 1 would care to put my name to, because it is too much guesswork. Q. But you think that there is no need of such heavy expenses as were incurred in the building of the Manila-Dagupan road? — A. I think, owing to a great many petty detail regulations of the Spanish Government that had to be abided by, that the Manila-Dagupan Bail- road cost much more than it could be built for now. Q. It seems to me that this was a very expensive road for a narrow- gauge road? — A. Yes; it cost about £12.000 sterling a mile. Q. You don’t know anything about the status of your request for a franchise ? — A. I expect a telegram almost daily. Q. When would you commence operations, Mr. Kline ? — A. As soon as we got the franchise we would send our people to start surveying the place. Q. Would you start before peace was declared? — A. If we were allowed to. Between this and San Isidro one can work quite peaceably enough. Q. Why do you select this route? — A. Because 1 believe it is the future great line of Luzon. Q. You think it has commercial advantages? — A. Commercial advan- tages. as well as of great Government importance. Q. Have you contemplated at all the building of a line south? — A.. A southern line? Q. Yes.— A. No; for two reasons. One is that I believe that Manila and Batangas have too heavy a competition in the waterways — the cheaper water rates — and I know that other people have been after it. This line has been surveyed twice under Spanish law. One has only got to look at the map to see what commercial difficulties the line would labor under. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 813 Q. Did the Spaniards contemplate building this line that you have mentioned? — A. Yes; Manila-Batangas is a well-known line. Q. You speak of it as the southern line ? — A. Yes. Q. Did the Spaniards contemplate building vour line ? — A. Not that I know of; there is no record of it. Adjourned. TESTIMONY OF H. L. HIGGINS. Manila, July 19, 1899. Present, Colonel Denby, Professor Worcester, and Mr. MacArthur. Horace Loxgwood Higgins, in response to the questions of the Commissioners, stated: By Colonel Denby: Q. Mr. Higgins, will you please give us your name, residence, and occupation? — A. Horace Longwood Higgins; my residence at present is in Sampaloc, Manila; occupation, engineer and general manager of the railway company. Q. How long have you been in Manila? — A. Since 1887. Q. You are the head of the only line of railroad in the Islands ? A. Yes, sir. Q. What is its length. Mr. Higgins? — A. One hundred and twenty- two miles. Q. Where does it run ? — A. From Manila to Dagupan. Q. One hundred and twenty-two miles ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. When was the road constructed? — A. We commenced construc- tion in 1888, and it was finished, all except the Rio Grande bridge, in 1892, and we finished the Rio Grande bridge in 1894. Q. Was the engineering difficult ? — A. The bridge foundations were very bad; we had a good deal of difficulty with them: all the rest was very easy. Q. Had you many bridges? — A. YTes; especially in the first section. Q. What was the character of construction? — A. First, what we call the esterros here — the old mouths of rivers, the old mouth of the Rio Grande, very likely — the delta has been gradually formed. I think all this country is a delta formed by the Rio Grande. There is very little current in the esterros. Q. They rise, of course, in the rains? — A. They rise, of course, in the rains, but are pretty stagnant, generally. Q. Are they affected by the tide? — A. Yes; the rivers up to San Fernando are affected by the tide where the railway crosses. Q. What is the character of the country between here and Dagu- pan ? — A. Well, it varies. On the first section we have mostly rice land up as far as Calumpit, and then from Calumpit to San Fernando Q. What is the distance to Calumpit? — A. Forty-six kilometers. Q. You go by kilometers, not by miles? — A. Yres; we go by the metric system. Q. A kilometer is about two-thirds of a mile ? — A. We always count 5 kilometers for 3 miles. It is five- eighths, I think, to be exact. From Calumpit to San Fernando we have a marshy piece, marshy land, but some high land. It is planted in sugar cane. Then from San Fer- nando to Mabalacat 314 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. What is the distance from here to San Fernando? — A. Sixty -one kilometers. Q. That is about 40 miles. — A. About. Q. And what is the distance from San Fernando to Mabalacat? — A. It is about 26 kilometers, 87 from Manila. Q. Now, this swamp land you speak of, is that cultivated? — A. Part of it; yes. Q. Is there much of that? — A. No; only what we call a tion. Q. Then from Mabalacat what is the character of the land? — A. It is sugar and rice land chiefly, and there is a good deal of forest land up as far as Tarlac. Q. Good wood? — A. No; the wood is very inferior. Q. What effect did the railroad have on the land — on the cultivation ? — A. It has brought up the products of the country — of the counties served — more than 100 per cent. Q. And in what things did this development take place; sugar?— A. Increase in the rice product, increase in sugar, and, in general, increased traffic. Q. How far was the improvement felt on either side of the route? — A. I should think it extended about a zone of 10 or 15 kilometers Ten kilometers, I would say. Q. What effect did it have on the population? — A. That is veiy difficult to say. I do not know. Q. Are there towns along through that section? — A. Yes; we have several very important ones. Malolos is a rather important one, and San Fernando is another. Q. And the population has increased? — A. That I can not tell you, because there has been no census taken. I have the population of each of these villages, but I think it is from a census made in 1884. Q. Has the road been a pecuniary success? — A. No. Q. To what do you ascribe that ? — A. First, the cost of construction and then the fall of exchange. Q. Are you at liberty to state what the cost of construction was? — A. Our capital is £1,700,000. Q. And it cost that much? — A. That I do not know. Q. How much a mile did it cost? — A. Well, the length multiplied by the cost makes it about £12,000 per mile, taking the capital for which we are responsible, Q. Isn’t that rather excessive for an ordinary railroad? — A. Very costly, indeed. Q. And to what do you ascribe the excessive cost? — A. Wlmt do you mean? Q. I mean do you ascribe it to want of labor? — A. No; it is a pio- neer line. Difficulties were put in the way of construction by the Spanish Government, and there were difficulties in raising the capital to build the line. Q. Is this company chartered by the Spanish Government? — A. It is a Spanish concession, but an English company. Q. If the country were prosperous, is it your opinion that the road would be prosperous? — A. I think so. I think the little road is all very good. Q. You think the road greatly tends to develop the prosperity of the country? — A. Oh, yes; undoubtedly. Q. What kind of a place — what kind of a port — is Dagupan? — A. REPORT OP THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 815 Q. What river runs in there? — A. The Rio Agno. Q. What size ships can cross the bar ? — A. I think steamers drawing about 12 feet can cross it; I forget exactly. The old Camaguin used to go in there. Q. Can you tell us how far the bar lays out from the town? — A. About 2 miles. Q. Then ships would have to lay off 2 miles ? — A. The town is on the mouth of the river. The town is in very close to the mouth of the river; in fact, it is on the mouth of tin* river. Q. What kind of a town is it as to population ? — A. A very wretched, dirty little place; very dirty. Q. Have you ever had any intention of improving it or of improving the harbor? — A. No, we have not. There was a scheme for improve- ments under the Spanish Government. Q. If it were improved, what effect would it have on the railroad? — A. I should think it would have a bad effect on the railroad, facili- tating water competition, and I think produce would go out there. Q. What suggestion, Mr. Higgins, can you make to us as to running other lines of railroad, whether connected with your own line or not? — A. How do you mean, the best sites for new lines? Q. I mean whether }tou have in your mind now a line of railroad that you think woidd be desirable if constructed for the general good of the country? — A. Yes, I have. Q. Please tell us. — A. The Batangas line is one — that is, to the south. Q. Where would that join vour line ? — A. They would join our line in our central stations. We could cause the road to run to Pasig, which is just south of San Pedro Macati. Q. How far from Manila would that be? — A. Not more than about 3 or I kilometers. Q. How far is Bantangas from here? — A. I think it is 100 kilome- ters from the terminus. Q. Do you fix upon that as the best line that now occurs to you ? — - A. One. Well, it is one of the most necessary lines. Q. Why? — A. Because of its strategic position. It gives communi- cation with all these rich provinces, and Bantangas and Lipi are the rich provinces. Q. What do they raise down there particularly? — A. Sugar is the largest export agricultural product. Q. Is that the only line south that you think of ? — A. A continua- tion of the coast route down to the south of the island. Q. That is to a place called Aparri? — A. No; that is in the north, sir. Q. IV hat place is there in the south? — A. Have you a map? Of course, a line to Camarines would be an important line and would give communication with all those southern places. Q. (Professor Worcester.) Could a line down through there com- pete with water transportation, Mr. Higgins? — A. It could if it was far enough off the coast; it could not down here; but in the center of the province I think it could, in the transportation of hemp. Hemp is the Araluable product and it would stand a good rate. Q. Would such a line as that, Mr. Higgins, be as expensive as your line was? — A. 1 don’t think so. Q. You know the character of the country? — A. I have been to Bantangas and up as far as here. This country and Cavite are very REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 31(5 easy up as far as Calamba. Then from Calamba up to Batangas you have sharp grading, and grades of 1 and 2 per cent from here down. From Calamba down to Batangas there are heavy gradings ranging both ways. Q. What do you think such a line could be built for by the mile? — A. With rolling stock or without rolling stock ? Do you mean just the construction of the line? Q. Put it both Mays, if you please. — A. I should think that line ought to be constructed for about £8,000 per mile or less; £8,000 per mile, including rolling stock. Q. Is there any other line north that suggests itself to you? — A. Yes, sir; there is a line up here, up this coast, sir. Q. Up to what ? — A. Up the western coast. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. Through Ilocos? — A. Through Ilocos, yes. Q. Along the coast? — A. Along the coast; it would have to go near the coast, because it is very mountainous land right up to the coast. Q. That northern line would connect with you, wouldn't it ? A. Yes, at Dagupan. Q. What about Benguet? We have heard a good deal about Ben- guet; would you have a line to there ? — A. We would have a northern line to a place called Aringay or Banang. There are two routes. That would be a line of about 40 kilometers. Q. And what would be the advantages of a line to Benguet? — A. For a health resort chiefly. The place of Benguet is about four thousand and odd feet above the sea and can be reached by the common route. I visited it the other day when I was up there. Q. And what is the temperature? — A. The temperature is very low; it is like the south of Europe; you want to cover yourself well at night. Q. Do you mean that that is the temperature on the top of the hill? — A. No; either in Trinidad or Baguio. Q. About the temperature of the temperate zone? — A. Baguio is the place where the Spanish Government were about to put up a sani- tarium for their soldiers. In fact, they had selected the site. Q. Did they contemplate building a road? — A. Yes. They have most wonderful views there. In fact, I have copies of the Spanish plans here. Q. What is the name of that line that Mr. Kline told us about? Do you know about the line that the New York and Java Trading Com- pany has been talking about? — A. I know a line that Mr. Kline has been talking about, up on the west side of the central valley: that is a very important line, too. Q. What makes it important? — A. It taps the great rice district here from San Miguel to Calambatan; it is a big rice district. That is the complement of our present line. Q. It would come to Manila? — A. Yes; and join our line about Baguio. Q. And from there run over your line? — A. Yes; and run over our line. Q. Mr. Higgins, what do you find as to the transportation of freight; is that your most important business, or is it passenger? — A. Our passenger traffic has been larger than our freight traffic up to date. REPORT OK THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 317 Q. But the freight, traffic has shown a steady increase every year? — A. 1 think you will find this: 1 think it comes to about the value of $40,000 a year on the average. Q. You mean Mexican dollars ? — A. Yes. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. It has increased? — A. Yes; a steady increase. One year a bit more and another a bit less. Q. You bring down the products of the country ? — A. Yes; sugar and rice are the principal. Q. And hemp? — A. No hemp; no. Q. Vegetables? — A. No; up to now there has been no demand for vegetables. Q. Fruits? — A. Fruits; yes, mangoes. We have a very big traffic in mangoes. Q. Lumber ? — A. Lumber, very little. Q. What is the character of the lumber generally in that region ? A. A very good class of timber, but there are acres that have all been cut out, and the remaining timber is of twenty or forty or fifty different classes unknown. Q. You find the people travel a great deal ? — A. Y es. Q. More than in other countries? — A. \"es; they are very fond of the train. Q. Your rates arc very low? — A. Y'es. Q. Is it simply for curiosity, or does it increase? — A. It increases, and the same people go every day nearly; a man with a couple of fowls and a basket will come down here and make just enough to go back again. Q. What articles do you take up the line ? — A. Oh, general stores, general living stores, like cloths of all kinds, petroleum, and food supplies. Q. And liquors?— A. Liquor? A good deal of wine goes up to the native section. Bayon, they call it, and it comes from Manila. We take a tremendous lot of bayon up. It is made from the betel nut. Q. Howr does your general traffic in freight pay, compared with your passenger traffic? — A. Twenty-five per cent. Q. Only 25 per cent? — A. Yes. Q. How are the people through that section with regard to means, competence ? — A. Well, in Bulacan there are no rich people, very few. The land is priest land. There is a good deal of priest land about there. In Pampanga all the land is owned by the natives, who are very rich. In Tarlae the lands have been opened up to the railroad. In this province the}T did not produce anything at all, because the transportation charges were too great, but since the railroad has been built that province has gone ahead. In Pangasinan, which is the last province we touch, they are all small landowners, and very lazy; they do not do anything; you can’t get them to work. They live on fish and rice; they raise their own rice and live on what the}1- can get. In Pangasinan they are a bad lot. By Professor Worcester: Q. Isn’t it generally true that on the priest land the people are poor, and are better off where they have their own land? — A. All the people who work for owners here, or what we call the farm laborers, are more or .less slaves, owing to the system that they have here of loaning money on the off seasons. 318 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Do they raise any tobacco along there?— A. We have some tobacco in Tarlac. It is increasing — the tobacco crop is increasing. It is, however, very small. We have tobacco from Dagupan; it comes in by sailing vessel fron La Union. Q. Before this attempted revolution were the people contented or not? — A. Oh, yes. Q. Are they a character of people that will make any trouble if the Government treats them fairly? — A. No; I don't think so. Q. Do they take any interest in politics? — A. The educated class does. The class I have been accustomed to deal with does not. The mechanics and generally the class of men you would use on the rail- road do not take any interest at all. Q. The educated class talks a good deal about government and all that sort of thing? — A. Yes; they are very big talkers as a rule. Q. Would the people be satisfied with American rule — the body of them? — A. I think so. I think the}r would. Q. What do you think of this scheme to control their local affairs ? — A. It is very hard to say, Colonel Denby; I know less about the Indian to-day than when I first came. I do not know. Q. Can you give us a general opinion as to their capacity for self- government? — A. I do not think they have any capacity at all. Q. What produced the trouble between them and the Spanish Gov- ernment; what was the first cause of it; what was said at the time the insurrection began? — A. The insurrection began close up by my house in Caloocan, and it was all a put-up job by the priests. The priests had been warning the captain-general here that there was a revolu- tionary movement on foot for a long while, and the captain-general would not take any notice of it. He said it was all nonsense. He would not take any notice of it, and the priests got up the. fight at Caloocan. That night Padre Gil, of Tondo, went and gave the cap- tain-general a list of men he thought were implicated, and these men were promptly arrested, and the other people, to save their necks, simply went into the field and began the revolution. That is what began the revolution. There was a revolutionary movement on foot, Q. Can you tell us why the priests wanted to get up this trouble? — A. I think the priests were against the education of the people; they were against the higher education of the people. That is a very diffi- cult question, Mr. Denby, a very complicated question. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. If any new railroads were to be built in the islands would you think it necessary that they should be built on the same expensive specifications as your road? — A. Certainly not. Q. Of course a due regard for the safety of traffic and of passengers would be necessary. — A. That would be necessary, but L would not recommend anything like the expense of money that has been put into that line of ours. You see we have stations where they are not needed; we have expensive sheds where they are not needed; we have all kinds of buildings, and had all kinds of expenses in construction. This is one item: Under the plans we were compelled to use concrete instead of using lime, and all those things ran the expenses of our line up. Q. Why did you do this? — A. Because they were insisted upon by the Government engineers; they were requirements of the Government. Q. How were your rates for hauling passengers and freight estab- lished ? — A. By royal order. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 819 Q. And were not controlled by the company itself ? — A. Not except within our maximum rate limits. We had permission to lower rates, but we could not raise them. Then the Government had a rate. Every five years they revised the rates and rescinded any rate that they con- sidered exorbitant. The company had no appeal, except that they would hear the company. Q. And you charged a rate relative to the distance of hauling along the line, or was there a differential schedule? — A. We only used the differential rate in connection with the traffic in Dagupan, when we came into competition with water transportation; there we lowered the rate to get the traffic. Q. That was not contrary to the regulations of the royal order? — A. No. Q. What is the gauge of your road? — A. Three feet six. Q. Why was that gauge adopted? — A. It was the gauge generally adopted and was considered generally to be the most suitable for these islands. Q. Has your experience confirmed you in that opinion? — A. Yes; I think so. I am very well satisfied with the gauge, You can do nearly as much work on this gauge as you can on a four eight and a half, except in the question of speed. Q. Do you think that that is a proper gauge for railroads in these islands? — A. I think so. In all the British colonies — take Africa, take Tasmania, New Zealand, where we have extensive railroad systems — they are all 3 feet 0. Of course, the chief thing is the first cost of construction, to a great extent. Q. Is there a very great saving in the cost of construction of a nar- row gauge as compared with a broad gauge? — A. Yes, there is, on curves, of course; and a less amount of banking is necessary and a less length of sleeper. The rails you can put in pretty much the same; but, of course, the rails are lighter, too. Q. Where did your rolling stock come from?— A. England; it is all English stock. Q. Your car bodies English stock, too? — A. No; the bodies of the freight cars were built here. The passenger cars were built in Eng- land, but we built the bodies of our freight cars here, the iron work only coming from home. Q. Your engines are English? — A. Our engines are English ; yes. Q. You have never tested the American locomotive, then ? — A. No. I see in England we are just getting over a consignment of about 10 engines, 20 for the Midland and 20 for some other line. Q. Aren’t your locomotives here very small? — A. Thirty-two tons. We ought to have tender engines; we ought to have larger engines, really. We want engines of 10 or 15 tons. By Professor Worcester: Q. With the present communication, what is the best way to go up to Benguet, Mr. Higgins? — A. You mean at the present time? Q. No; I mean suppose we get things quieted down? — A. You can go up by rail to Dagupan, then in a steam launch up to San Fernando, down the road from San Fernando to Bauog, either in a caromatto or on horseback to Naguilian, which is a great tobacco place; then you can go from there either on horseback or on foot. Q. How long ought the trip to take under favorable circum- 320 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. stances? — A. You can go to San Fernando in one day and go to Trinidad the next day. Q. What sort of a town is Trinidad? — A. A few houses, that is all. Q. Igorrotes ?- — A. Igorrotes. Q. Decent people ? — A. Yes; quiet people. There is a Swiss gen- tleman living up at Bauog, and one Englishman, and one German. Q. Are there food supplies to be had there, chickens and that sort of thing? — A. You can get vegetables and rice enough, and all sorts of European vegetables grow in Bauog; potatoes and such things. Q. Peas and beans? — A. Anything. Q. Is there anyone in Manila who has lived up there? — A. Yes; a man by the name of Donaldson-Sim. Q. Do you know where he is living? — A. He has his office along- side Calle Anloague, on the right-hand side as you go in. Q. Do you know whether any temperature records have ever been kept up there continuously, Mr. Higgins? — A. No, I don’t think they have. I can give you temperatures, maximum and minimum tempera- tures. I have them in the office, but I forget now what they arc. The mercury goes down to the freezing point at Bauog. Q. Is Bauog higher than Trinidad? — A. About 500 feet higher. Q. And the mountains run up higher still ? — A. Yes, at Santo Tomas to about 7,000 feet — 7,500. Q. Good water up there, I suppose? — A. Very good. Q. Do they have any fever up there? — A. No, I didn’t hear of any. Q. Did the Spaniards run their road clear up to Trinidad? — A. Yes, but it is Q. Is it really practical ? — A. Yes, it is practical on horseback to go there. Q. They were not planning a railroad? — A. No, just horse roads. You might almost go in a trap up there. It is rather difficult in places; it is not wide enough. The great difficulty up those hills with a railway would be the sloping nature of the hills, the tremen- dous ranges. The soil isj made of a sort of clay and gravel mixed, the whole place sometimes slips away. Q. Is there a place where it would be practicable to run straight up on a cog? — A. I think }Tou could from Galiano. Q. Do you know whether there are rainfall records for that place ? — A. No, I have no rainfall records, but it is very heavy. There are terrible storms up there sometimes, and typhoons. There have been two in Vigan since I have been here. Q. Have you given any consideration to railroads in the other islands? — A. There is one line that would be a very good one down in Negros, a sugar line. By Colonel Denby: Q. Tell us about that.- — A. I have never been down there myself, but I know about it, though; it would bring in the sugar product. The sugar is now all transported in these carabao carts. Q. (Handing witness a map of Negros.) Will you kindly point out to us on this map where this line should run? (The witness indicates route of the line.) Q. On the west coast or the east coast? — A. On the west coast. Q. From what point? — A. I could send you a note that would show how the line should run. REPORT OF l'HE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 321 Q. I would be much obliged to you. That is the only island you have thought of in connection with a railway? — A. Yes. Of course, there are many tramways that could be built about the islands — light lines. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. Has anyone given any consideration to the running of lines by electricity, short lines?- — A. No; except here in Manila, for this horse- car line ought to be substituted au electric line, a trolley line, undoubtedly. By Professor Worcester: Q. Do you know anything about the status of this street line now? — A. No; I do not. Q. It is a disgrace to civilization. — A. Yes; it is. I think that line could be dropped on very heavily if it was attempted. I know they have got several clauses in their concession that you could pick them up very easily on, the same as we have — that is, if you wished to enforce the clauses of the Spanish concession yTou could easily do it. By Colonel ’Denby: Q. If peace were restored here, do you believe that these islands would prosper? — A. They are one of the richest places in the East. Q. And would be valuable? — A. I don’t know a thing that anybody owns which is more valuable. Q. The land is rich? — A. The land is rich and seems to produce all kinds of things without the slightest bother. Q. They have never been properly developed ? — A. Never. Q. Have you anything else you would like to state? — A. I should like to add a word to you, Colonel Denby, about the labor question. Q. Well, will you give us your views on that question? You don’t want our views; we want jrours. — A. It is a question whether the Chinese are to be admitted or not. Q. What do yTou think of that? — A. I myself do not like it. Of course it would make a very considerable difference in drawing up an estimate whether they are or whether they are not. Q. Will you give us your views on the Chinese question, whether they ought to be admitted or not, and why? We have taken a good deal of proof on that subject. — A. If the Chinese come in here and are allowed to trade, they will simply spoil everything. If admitted here the same as in Java, under the contract system of three years, and used more or less as beasts of burden, for coolie labor, then it would be all right, for contract work. It would be all right if they could be brought in here for contract work. Q. And then sent out when the contract was complied with ? — A. Yes. Because it is just a question now .whether the Indian will work, or if he does work whether he won't ask exorbitant wages — wages in excess of tne amount that his labor is worth. Q. If there were no Chinese here would the Filipinos work? — A. The Chinese are good workers, and, of course, if they came here the Filipino people would find their bread was being taken away from them and they would be compelled to work for almost nothing. Q. You think that there ought to be a restriction, at least as to con- tract labor? — A. I think so. Q. And as to the admission of merchants? — A. Yes; most decidedly. 21 p c 322 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Most of the commercial houses that you go to of Chinamen are all right, but I have seen Chinamen in the provinces that are not what you would call honest traders. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. How was your road built, by Chinese labor? — A. No; Indian labor. We tried the Chinese on one section and the}" didn’t do good work. They would not work in water. The Indian will work in water better than a Chinaman. Q. Did you have difficulty with the wages of your laborers? — A. No; our general wages ran up to about 32£ cents a day, Mexican. By Professor Worcester: Q. Do you feed the men in addition to that? — A. No; just pay them at the end of the week. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. Will the Indian do as much work as the Chinaman in the same time? — A. On a day wage they will; on piece work the Chinaman works like a slave, but put him on day work and he won't do anything. Q. Was it because of the possibility of getting Chinese labor that you were able to keep your Indians at work ? — A. Oh, I don't think so, because that was in the eighties and early nineties. We had no diffi- culty about labor, except in Pangasinan, where we had 5,000 men go out, and the next day not a soul was there. They wouldn’t come in, and we brought Tagalos up, people from this province, built the banks up with Tagalos, and gave them slightly bigger wages for work- ing away from here. Of course, the labor question is very important with us. because we were using entirely native labor. By Professor Worcester: Q. Were you able to work throughout the year in constructing your road? — A. Yes; right through the year; of course we had a good deal of difficulty in the rainy season, but we got men with suffi- cient grit to face the wet weather. There was no reason why they should stop. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. The men you employ now are natives? — A. Yes, traffic men. Q. And native engineers? — A. Yes; our native engineers get from $30 to $40 a month. Q. And your train gangs? — A. Are natives. Q. Can you trust the natives at the stations to hold the funds of the road? — A. Yes; they are all right; but here, as anywhere else in the world, you will find cheating going on. In England you will find swindling among the same class. Taking these men all through, they give pretty good results. Of course, they will have to be well looked after. Q. You have native porters? — A. Yes; all of them. I like the native. I think he is a very good man in that position. But if you give them any administrative power they won't do. You can't put native inspectors o ' ; and you can't have big gangs of natives under natives. You must have all your station men under an English in- spector, and you must have all your drivers under an English fore- man, and your shop must be under an English foreman. If you put them under a native foreman the}" go to pieces. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 323 Q. What is it, the lack of administrative ability, or do they take advantage of it 2 — A. They take advantage of it, and it generally ends up by swindling if they have any power. That is the great fault in the character of the native. Q. They abuse their power? — A. Yes. Q. Will you briefly give us your opinion on the financial question, whether we ought to maintain a silver basis or not? — A. A low exchange is good for an export country, and especially a producing country. Q. Well, how is it with the railroad ? — A. Well, the railroad has got to go with the place. If labor can be kept down the way we keep our wages down on a silver basis, the same as we are doing now, there is no reason why we could not make a profit; but if we have to pay gold wages on our line and have our revenue in silver, that would be another thing. You will never be able to employ white labor here for your train gangs or engines; it is too expensive. I think the low exchange is favorable to our traffic, Colonel Denby. Q. There is no doubt in the world that it is favorable to exporting; that means carrying more goods for you?— A. Yes; getting more land under cultivation; that results in an expansion of traffic. Q. And on the question of wages, you pay less than you would on a gold basis? — A. Yes; if we had a gold basis here we would have to pay the same wages in gold and get less traffic. It would cut both wavs. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. What is your maximum rate for carrying passengers per kilo- meter?— A. First class, 3 cents; third class, 1.03 cents. Q. Have 3rou separate cars for the foreigner? — A. We have first, second, and third class cars, but if the Indian pays his first-class fare he goes with the foreigner. We make no distinction. Would that be necessary, you think, in case we get straightened out? With thanks, the meeting adjourned. TESTIMONY OF F. H. D0NALDS0N-SIM. Manila, July 85, 1899. Present: Colonel Denby and Mr. MacArthur. F. H. Donaldson-Sim, in answer to the questions of the commis- sioners, stated: By Colonel Denby: Q. Please state your name. — A. F. H. Donaldson-Sim. Q. Where is your residence? — A. Bagujrn. Q. What province is that in? — A. Benguet. It is in the highest part of Benguet, -1,000 feet high. Q. What is your occupation, Mr. Donaldson? — A. I am a tea and coffee planter. Q. How long have you been in the islands? — A. It is over three and a half years now. Three years I have been up in Benguet. Q. Now, will you tell us anything you have to say about Benguet? — A. The Spaniards had decided on Benguet to build a sanitarium up there for all the sick and wounded troops here. In fact, they had settled on the site for the sanitarium, and they had also made the plans of the 324 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. road to go down to the lower provinces by the coast: Of course the til-stand second insurrections coming on. the whole thing fell through. Our highest temperature up there is between 65 and TO degrees on the hottest day, and our coldest day I have seen ice on the water. Q. You mean the hill province? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Is there a 113- special elevation there suitable for a sanitarium?— A. Yes; right in front, on the left front, of 1113- house, on the left of this village of Baguyo itself, it rises right from the village. Trinidad is the capital of the province. Q. What size place is it? — A. It is not a very large village. I sup- pose there are about 3,000 inhabitants in the village. Q. And this temperature exists over the whole province? — A. Yes; over the whole province. Q. Then it is cool and comfortable? — A. Veiy cool. Q. Do 3-ou suffer from the heat at, all? — A. No; and there is no fever there. Q. What is the highest elevation in the province? — A. There are some elevations of 6,500 feet. M3' house is 4,000 feet above sea lev-el. Q. Hav e 3'ou mosquitoes or any such things up there? — A. Quite free from them. The air is pure and fresh and the water splendid. The whole province is very rich, quite mountainous, and there is a very fair road going up there. I don’t know whether 3-011 have it on the map here; perhaps I can explain it. Here it is [referring to the ma}>], Ilocos Sur, San Fernando. You can go up by rail as far as Dagu- pan, then follow this road; there is a road to Bauang, and then 3-011 go into the village of Naguilian; that is about two and one-half hours’ trip; then from there you go on to a place called Sablayan, from Sablavan to La Trinidad, and from La Trinidad up to my place here [indicat- ing]. That is the site [indicating] that the Spaniards fixed for their sanitarium. The nearest way of going is by steamer; then going up by road; take the steamer to San Fernando; it will take you a da3- and a half. Q. How would 3-ou go from San Fernando on? — A. Take a team to this village of Bauang, and take the road to the village of Naguilian, and then to Sablayan, etc., as I stated before. Q. How long would it take to go from Manila >>3- the ordinary means of communication 3-ou have now, going by way of San Fer- nando, which you say is the nearest? — A. Going b3T boat to San Fer- nando and taking horses inland 3-011 can do it in two da3rs, but at the very outside two and one-half days. Q. Did the Spaniards propose to build a railroad to Dagupan? — A. There was some talk about it, but they hadn’t the funds. They were going to run it from Dagupan right up along the coast to Vigan. You see there is quite a village there, and the3r had some idea of run- ning it to Vigan, but the thing dropped through. They hud a stall of engineers up there for six or seven months. Q. What would be the length of the road from Dagupan ? — A. Well, to San Fernando, to take it there first, I suppose 50 miles. Q. And what would be the engineering difficulties? — A. There are none. The engineering difficulties to get to San Fernando from there would not amount to anything at all, because the whole of the country there is quite flat. There are splendid wagon roads up there. Q. Now? — A. Yes. Q. The ground is marshy? — A. Yes; it is from here — from San Fer- nando to Santo Tomas. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 325 Q. Have you been there recently? — A. I was there in May. They have just thrown up a lot of trenches there. Q. What does that province of Benguet raise? — A. The chief thing up there is cattle. They are almost as large as the cattle in Europe — splendid beasts and horses. You can buy a horse up there for $25 or $30 and you can buy a tine big bull for $30 or less; awfully cheap. Q. No agricultural products; how about potatoes? — A. Rice and sweet potatoes. Q. Any Irish potatoes? — A. Well, I planted some; but the rebels pulled them up for me. They destroyed a lot of property. No sugar up there. Three hours right from there you can go into the tobacco region, in Tabaco; in about three hours you get right into that prov- ince, and into La Union, and then you get into tobacco, sugar, and rice regions. Q. Do bananas grow there? — A. Yes; very tine bananas do. In some parts you will find the bananas very long and awfully sweet. Q. Any other fruits there? — A. No; that is all. Q. You haven’t tried the fruits of the temperate zone? — A. I have tried oranges and apples. I have pineapples up there. I have some apple trees coming on now from seed my father sent me. Q. Have vou frost there? — A. Oh, yes; now and then we get a frost. In a severe winter I have seen snow up there, and a very thin coating of ice on the water. We haven’t exactly a rainy season, as we have here. We have got a rainy season; it starts about the end of April, but there is very little rain until about this month of July, and it lasts until September, and after that we get the cold weather. Q. What kind of clothes do you wear there? — A. You want flannels up there; you want quite thick clothing. Q. What about the health of the province?— A. It is extremely healthy. Q. Is it populous? — A. With the class of natives called the Igor- rotes. Q. What are they? — A. They' are a kind of half-civilized people, and they are awfully quiet; very peaceful. Q. Are there many of them? — A. Somewhere between ten and fifteen thousand in the whole of the province. Q. What do you think the population of the province would be? — A. About 20,000. Q. Including these men? — A. Including all these natives; yes. Q. And all the people are chiefly engaged in raising cattle? — A. Cattle and ponies, and there are some splendid horses up there, too. Q. Did you ascertain before you left what their opinion was ? — A. They did not want to have anything to do with the insurrection or anything else. They are an awfully timid people, and good workers. They have no government at all — no government. They were under Spanish rule formerly in the towns. Q. Haven’t they any municipal governments?- — A. No, sir; nothing; but the commandant manages affairs up there; he is supposed to keep them under control; but there is no necessity for anybody at all up there, because they are very quiet. Q. No riot? — A. No; nothing like that; very peaceful. Q. Would they be glad of the establishment of a railroad? — A. I am quite certain of that. Q. Are there any men of means among them ? — A. There are some very rich men, and some of the natives themselves are very rich, indeed. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 826 Q. How about education ? — A. They are not educated. Q. They have schools? — A. No; when the}" were under the Spanish Government the Spaniards did not do anything for them; nothingatall. Q. Didn’t they have country schools there ? — A. No. Q. No schools at all ? — A. They had a small school there about two years ago, for what they called the Christian people, but they never even offered to give any education to one of those people up there; in fact, they didn’t like to have them educated at all. I believe there is onl\- one who knows how to sign his name — that can read or write. Q. Does the cocoanut grow there ? — A. No; it is too cold; it grows in the province just below. Q. Then what kind of business do you do up there, Mr, Sim ? — A. We generally go in for cattle and the planting of tea or coffee. Q. You import? — A. Yes. There is any amount of gold, iron, copper, and silver in the whole province. It is very rich in gold. Q. Do they work the mines? — A. They just pan it out in a very primitive sort of fashion in a cocoanut shell. Q. Is that pursued by the natives as a regular industry? — A. Well, that is, to a certain extent, in the villages of Antinoc and Caponga. Q. Is capital employed in the business? — A. Not all all; just among the natives themselves. Q. Has anything been done with the other mines. There is iron there, you say ? — A. No; nothingatall. Q. There are iron mines? — A. Yes. Q. And coal? — A. No. Q. Silver? — A. Yes; you find that with the gold. Q. You find that in the mountains? — A. Well, in nearly all of the mountain rivers you find gold. Q. You think that gold exists there in any quantity? — A. Yes. Q. And if properly worked it would be remunerative? — A. Yes; I am certain of that. Q. The climate changes after you leave Benguet, going north? — A. Yes; it gets hotter. Q. And of course after you leave it, coming south? — A. Yes. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. Is there much variation in the temperature during the day, or between day and night? — A. At night it gets very much colder — I suppose there is a difference of from 8 to 10 degrees in the temperature of the daytime and the nighttime. Q. In your warm season what would be your average temperature ? — A. About 65° F. Q. And in your winter season or cold season ? — A. We go down to about freezing point. Q. What would the average be? — A. Take it all around it would be about 65; that is, midday; of course some days in the hot season it goes up to 75, but never more than that. Q. Have you ever kept any systematic record of the temperature there? — A. I have, but the rebels destroyed it; I had a diary that I was keeping up there. By Colonel Denby: Q. In that connection tell us how you came to leave — if you were ordered out. — A. I was ordered out by General Luna. They said that all the Britishers were spies of the Americans. They kept me shut up REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 327 there for thirteen months, and I had nothing to eat but sweet potatoes and water. Q. Any other foreigners prisoners? — A. There were two others, Germans, foreigners, but they were mixed up with the revolution. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. Were you kept in confinement? — A. No; but I could not get out one way or the other. I asked them once or twice, but they refused to let me go through. They turned me out on the fith day of May last, and I got down here on the 18th. Q. Would you describe the climate as a European climate, as a home climate? — A. Yes, certainly; it is exactly the same as at home. Q. Is the vegetation at all like that of a European country or an American country? — A. It is very mild. Splendid views up there. Pine trees grow there. Q. In abundance? — A. Yes; there is a great amount of timber up there. Q. To a good height? — A. I suppose they go up to 200 to 250 feet. Q. Of what diameter? — A. Some of the largest ones 5 to 6 feet in diameter. There are some splendid' trees up there. We have the white pine and the pitch pine. Q. What other wood grows up there? — A. That is the only wood in the mountains, but down in the valley you get the native woods. Q. On this plateau is there considerable grazing and arable lands, or is it mostly wooded ? — A. Mostly woods. Of course, the natives have the lands planted with sweet potatoes, but on the site where the Span- iards were to erect their sanitarium there is nothing at all. Q. What is the character of the soil? — A. Gravel mixed with iron and other things. It is a sort of clay soil. Q. Is there much sandy soil there?— A. Yes. Q. Is there much moisture there, such as here in Manila? — A. No; much less. You can not compare it with Manila. It is nothing in the rainy season. It is rather dry up there. Q. Do you know the rainfall there in a year? — A. No; that I can not tell you. Q. In the rainy season have you many rainy days together? — A. Sometimes there are three or four days together; then we have two or three fine days. Last year in the rainy season for about a month it rained one day and was fine the next, and during the rainy season we had a month of fine weather. Q. What other vegetation is there that is familiar European vege- tation, if any; is the grass like European grass? — A. Yes; it is very similar, and there is a great amount of it up there. That is the only thing they feed their cattle on up there, and they let them go in the mountains. Q. Have they any wild fruits of a European character?— A. No. Q. Any berries? — A. None at all. Q. I was told that there were raspberries and strawberries? — A. There were some years ago, but that was not in Benguet; it was in another province away to the right of Benguet. Q. Where it is still colder? — A. No; slightly warmer. They belong to the priests; but there is one mountain there — I think it ought to be explored — where there is any number of strange plants. There is a petroleum plant there. 328 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. What do you mean by that? — A. It is a kind of small berry. You cut it open and light it and you get a smell of petroleum. Q. Do they use that for lighting? — A. No; they don’t use any for light at all. The natives themselves use the pitch pine for lighting everything, and of course they use this cocoanut oil or petroleum when they can get it up there. Q. The general elevation up there is about what? — A. Four thou- sand feet. Q. Does the province lay as a plateau, or is it undulating or hilly ? — A. It is undulating; but the village itself, the capital of the province, I should say was an old crater of a volcano, and is surrounded by mountains. There is a good road running around the village, I sup- pose about 3 miles in circumference. Q. Where there are no roads is it difficult to traverse the country ? — A. They have got pretty good roads to go up the mountain. From the village to my house there is a splendid road to go up the mountain. During the rainy season they wash out to some extent. Q. What are the houses built of? — A. Of pine. They have a nipa roof. It is not really nipa; it is what they call runo in Spanish ; it is a kind of rush. Q. How are those boards for the houses made? — A. The natives cut them. Q. You say they simply hew the wood with bolos? — A. With bolos and native axes. Very small axes; the blade is only about an inch or two inches. Q. Are you troubled with the white ant up there? — A. Not at all: I think it is too cold for them. Q. Do you ever have a day there as warm as it is to-day in Manila? — A. No, never; we never get up to this heat. Q. What diseases are there up there? — A. I haven’t seen any dis- eases. In fact, they go up there to be cured. Q. But people die up there? — A. I have seen them live to be 70 or 80 years of age; no young ones die up there. They are a splendid race; they are much taller. They are a splendid race physically; they are used as carriers, and the}7 will carry you up the mountains in a chair. Q. How is produce gotten from Trinidad down to the province of La Union? — A. We send it down by these natives themselves; the}7 carry it on their backs. Q. You don't use bull carts? — A. No; you can’t use them. We can’t use them unless the road is widened, and in some parts it is very steep. Q. And in bringing stuff up you do the same? — A. Exactly the same; these natives carry it up on their backs. Q. If that is the case, if the roads are so steep, it would be difficult to build a railroad? — A. They would have to resort to the blasting process. Q. But you couldn't overcome the elevation of the place by blast- ing.— A. It would be very difficult to get a railroad right up there, but you could go as far as Naguilian very easily. Q. That is only about a tenth of the distance, or a fifth of the dis- tance?— A. From Naguilian to Benguet you can go up there in about four hours. Q. Wasn’t it the plan of the Spaniards to build a railroad up there? — REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 329 A. As far as to Naguilian, and then to go up the rest of the way by bull carts or coaches or anything. Q. How far is it in miles or kilometers from Naguilian to Trini- dad?— A. I should put it down at 36 miles. Q. Which one must either walk or go in a bull cart? — A. Or on horseback; or you can go by carabao, or be carried up by these natives — they carry }tou up in a chair over the mountains. Q. Under the Spaniards, was there any established government up there in Benguet? — A. They had a commandant up there with a few of these native police — six, 1 think; that is all they had. Q. Were the people taxed? — A. They were not taxed, they were simply oppressed. Q. What do you mean by that? — A. This commandant would have a birthday, and the priests would have another one, then the com- mandant’s wife, and these natives would have to bring in presents of gold or cattle or something like that on these birthdays; and in Spanish feasts they would have to do exactly the same thing. Each chief, in fact the whole of the natives, would have to bring in gold or cattle or something else and present them to the commandant. Q. Was there a church up there ? — A. Yes; there was; but it was taken around to the other village; they shifted it from one side of the village to the other; then they pulled that down and they were build- ing up a new one when I left there; they were going on with it; I sup- pose it is finished now. The natives were doing this. Q. Are any monastic orders established there? — A. Not now. Q. Have there been any before ? — A. There was up to July of last year. Q. Was there any complaint of them in any way? — A. Well, the natives didn't seem to like the priests or the Spaniards up there at all — that is, the natives from the other provinces. These natives in Benguet, of course, were afraid to say anything at all. They dis- liked the way they were being treated by the Spaniards; they were simply oppressed by the Spaniards. Q. Have the natives, do you know, any idea who the Americans are? — A. Oh, yes; I think so. I have had several long talks with them up there. I have explained the difference between the Ameri- cans and any other nation. Q. And do you think they are favorably disposed toward us? -A. Oh, yes. Q. Except from this outside influence? — A. There is trouble from these Tagalos, this tribe down here in Manila. Q. Otherwise there would be no opposition? — A. None whatever. Q. Are they armed? — No; they have only these bolos. Q. Are they a hunting race? — A. Yes; they hunt deer. Q. How do they hunt them? — A. They get the deer into a sort of dell and then surround it, and, then, when the\r come out they spear them. Q. Are there fish up there in the streams ?<«— A. No; no fish. Q. But there is plenty of water there? — A. Yes; splendid water; the finest water 1 have seen in the islands; you might call it spring water. It comes from the mountains; there must be a good number of springs up there; it is as clear as crystal; good tasting water. Q. Have you any idea of the temperature in some of the streams? — A. No; but it is awfully cold. We have got some hot streams up there, too. 380 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. And are these streams large enough to supply villages with water? — A. Yes. Q. Enough water for all the needs of the province? — A. Yes. Q. Is there a stream near your place? — A. Yes: two. Q. One at Trinidad ? — A. A river there at La Trinidad, and a small lake as well. Q. Is gold brought into Trinidad in any quantity at all, or only in small amounts ? — A. Sometimes 1,000 or 2,000 ounces of refined gold — gold dust. The price of it up there. I think, is somewhere near S18 an ounce; that is, about the weight of a Mexican dollar; that is what they call an ounce up there. Q. Who bu}Ts that gold? — A. Any rich native up there. Q. The iron mines you spoke of, have they been explored to any extent, and do you know whether there exist any outcroppings of iron, or how is it known that iron exists there? — A. It came out like this: There was a Spanish engineer who had been exploring up there for some time, marking out this new road they were going to make, and he told me that he came across several parts of the province there where there was a great deal of iron and also copper, and from the nature of the soil I am perfectly certain that there is a good deal of iron there. Q. Where do the natives get their bolos from ? — A. The}’ get them from the Chinamen. They bring them from San Fernando, in the province of Union. Q. Are there many Chinese in the province?— A. No; only about four or five. Q. What do they do — what business? — A. They have a small shop there. Q. Are there any native shops in Trinidad? — A. No. Q. Any shops in Trinidad at all? — A. Not now. After the Span- iards left they all cleared out — came down to the lower provinces — that is, these Christians. Q. You mean that there is no shop there now?- — A. No; not when I left. I left last May. Q. What do the people wear — what is their costume? — A. Almost the same as the natives down here. They wear coarser cloth, and it is much thicker. Q. Do sheep thrive up there? — A. Yes; but I have seen very few. I have seen them up there in splendid condition. There was a Span- iard who had about a dozen, and he was breeding them up pretty well, and fattening them up beautifully, too. Q. What, in your opinion, is the extent of this high territory you speak of — how many miles are there? — A. In this province? Q. Of this high land. — A. That would be rather difficult to say. Q. Well, just a rough estimate. Is it 10 miles square, or 100, or 20? — A. I suppose somewhere between 20 and 30 miles square. By Mr. MacAkthur: Q. I see mentioned on this map as apparently important towns San Eduardo and Galiano. Are they towns of any importance? — A. Well. Galiano is an inland town there which produces a great deal of tobacco and rice. Q. Is it lower than Trinidad? — A. A great deal lower, rhatisatown in a warm province, the province of La Union. The principal towns in the province of La Union are Naguilian and San Fernando. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 331 Q. Do you know anything about the people in the province of La Union? — A. In the beginning they supported the Tagalos, but now they seem to be waiting for the American troops to go up there. I suppose they have about 500 rifles in the province of La Union. They are tired out and all they want to do is to get to planting their corn and living quietly. Q. You think that if the Americans were to appear there they would welcome them ? — A. I am pretty well certain of it. They would tire, perhaps, one or more shots; they have seen the American. soldiers; they had a few soldiers in the town, and the natives all disappeared in the mountains on sight of the American troops. Q. La Union is a rich province? — A. Very rich in rice and tobacco. Q. And has a great population ?— A. Yes; and the whole of these provinces farther north — Ilocos Sur and Ilocos Norte, Cagayan, and Isabela — are all very rich provinces, producing tobacco, sugar, rice, and cotton. Q. It would be very difficult to get any of this pine wood that you speak of as existing in Benguet out of there, wouldn't it? — A. At pres- ent, well, yes; but if we had good roads up there I don't think there would be any difficulty about it, because if you get it down as far as Naguilian just at the commencement of the wet season, or just after, you can float it right down to the coast. The river runs down nearly into Dagupan, and you can float it right down the river. Q. What river is that you speak of ? — A. I forget the name of the river. Q. Is there a good road, a highway, running from Dagupan into the provinces you have spoken of — Ilocos Sur and Ilocos Norte ? — A. A very good road indeed. When I came down last May there were some parts of the road there between Aringay and Dagupan that were cut out. They had cut trenches across the road. Q. Against whom? — A. Why, all the way down. Q. Against the Americans or the Spaniards? — A. In the insurrec- tion against the Spaniards, the last one; they had a good deal of light- ing up there against the Spaniards last year. Q. Are there many Spaniards up there now? — A. Some prisoners. Q. Any peaceful Spaniards? — A. Very few indeed; they are all practically prisoners. Q. Is San Fernando a good harbor? — A. No; you have got to go into that by a sort of canal; it is rather rocky. Q. Is there any good harbor in the province of La Union? — A. There is Vigan, in the province of La Union. I think Santo Tomas is the only one, but there 3^011 have to lay so far out from the coast, and in San Fernando only small vessels can get in; none of the large ones can. They have to go in there to load tobacco, and they have to be very careful in the canal. By Colonel Denby: Q. Has Benguet ever been a resort for invalids ? — A. Yes; a number of Spaniards and rich natives here went there. Q. So it has been a custom for the people to go up there to get cured? — A. Yes. Q. Of what diseases ? — A. Dysentery, diarrhea, and fever. Q. Do they get cured? — A. Yes; after a month or two, when they come down here quite fresh men. 332 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Did the Spaniards send any of their soldiers there? — A. Yes; they sent up two batches; in September, 1897, they sent up about 40, and in the following May the}' sent up about 50, and but 7 of them died up there. Q. What accommodations were there for them ? — A. They had them in what they called the tribunal; they had it fixed up and sent up beds from Manila, and it was after that that they decided on building a sanitarium there. Q. Was there any hotel there? — A. No; not where they sent their sick soldiers. The sick soldiers were away to the back of my house, in the tribunal — about 300 were. There was a hotel kept by a man named Camps; he had a hotel in the village, and these people here used to go to his hotel and get fixed up — I mean people from Manila who were ill. They always went up there. He is here in Manila now. Q. How many of them are there? — A. I think nearly 5,000. Q. Prisoners? — A. Yes; priests and soldiers. Q. Do they keep them in confinement? — A. No; they do not keep them in confinement, but they have taken them away up in the moun- tains. T think they are in Benguet at present. They give them about 4 cents a day. They have got to feed and clothe themselves on that. Q. That is Mexican? — A. Yes. Q. Is there a scarcity of food up there now? — A. They live on rice. No; just now they are taking in the rice crop, largely. They have plenty of food there now. Of course, beef — any amount of that. Adjourned. TESTIMONY OF JOSE CAMPS. Manila, July 26, 1899. Present: Colonel Denby (in the chair) and John R. MacArthur, esq., secretary. Jose Camps appeared before the commission, and in answer to the interrogatories of the commission, stated as follows: Q. I would like to ask you a few questions, and as we wish to make a record of them, we will proceed with questions and answers. First, will you please give us your name? — A. Jose Camps. Q. Where do you live? — A. No. 9 Calle Nueva. Q. Have you ever resided in the province of Benguet, and if so, where? — A. Yes, sir; in Trinidad. I lived there two and a half years. Q. What is your occupation ? — A. I bought there a coffee planta- tion, but I devoted myself to a sanitary hotel. Q. Was the hotel well patronized?— A. Yes, sir; many foreigners and a great many Spaniards. When 1 bought the place I paid $7,000 for it, and it was not arranged for guests at all. There were provi- sions there and 1 got along with people who came, they paying $2.50 a day. I finally came out $7,000 ahead. Q. Where did these people come from? — A. A great many foreign- ers came from here, and afterwards a great many merchants from here, and Iloilo also. Q. What did they go there for? — A. To be cured of ansemia and dysentery and also skin diseases. Q. What was the character of the climate? — A. The maximum tern perature of the year is 24° C. and the minimum is from 10 to 12 — REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 333 that is to say, early in the morning 10 to 12 and in the hottest part of the day 24. In the months of January and February the thermome- ter goes down to as low as 1 below zero. This year in front of one house it was 1 below zero, and there is at times iee. Q. What are the hot months of the year?— A. Now; in the rainy season. In these months of rainy weather the temperature goes from 15 or 16 up to 24. Q. Do they have a rainy season there as the}’ have here ? — A. Yes, sir; it begins a little earlier there than here, and ends a little earlier. It does not rain all the time, for if it rains in the morning it is good weather in the afternoon; but if it rains in the afternoon, then the morning is fair. Q. Do you know what the rainfall is in the worst months, say July ? — A. I could not say what the rainfall was, because I did not have proper instruments. I was made a commissioner of the observatory there, but as I was very busy 1 did not have time to take observations. In one house I had a thermometer, but I had no rain-measuring machine; but it does not rain as much up there as it does here. One thing we have is, that many thunderbolts fall on the high mountains. There is much pine timber, and as the pine timber contains a great deal of pitch it draws the lightning. Q. Are there any other things to induee sick people to go there besides the climate, such as springs? — A. Yes, sir; the conditions there are much better than in any place in Europe. There is clear freestone water; water containing iron; water containing sulphur; water containing magnesia, and also salt water, which is stronger and more efficacious than the carabana water. It is a purgative water. Q. How are the sulphur waters; strong or not? — A. Strong, very strong; some have a temperature of 70 degrees, and there are others cold. They smell very strongly of sulphur, and from a distance which requires half an hour to travel you can smell the sulphur. Q. Are there many of these springs? — A. Yes, sir; there are many. There is a volcano, but it is very old; there is nothing more than the smoke coming out. It does not emit tire, and there is a great deal of sulphur there. Every piece of sulphur, pure sulphur, is the size of a man’s fist. This volcano would probably cover 6 or 7 square miles, and in this area it is hot in some places and cold in others. In some places it burns your hand to put it on the ground and in others it feels very cold. Q. What is the name of this volcano; has it a name? — A. No; it is not known by any other name than that of the rancheros of Declan. At a distance of 200 meters farther on there is a spring of water, of iron water, which is very strong. Q. Do those springs run all the year round? — A. Yes, sir; even if there were two years of all dry season the water would still flow. Q. How far from Trinidad are those springs? — A. Some three hours; about 6 leagues. Q. Are there any accommodations at the springs for people to live ? — A. In the settlements there and houses; we call them rancheros; and in each of these settlements there was a family of the mayor and also of the interpreter, who were called “directorcillo,” and who were required by the Spanish Government to take care of any small num- ber of guests that might come along, in the town hall. Q. Are there any facilities for bathing at these springs? — A. No; 334 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. there are no good accommodations. The only thing to do is to dig holes and let the water in there, each one for himself, and in a quarter of an hour after the water gets in the hole it is perfectly clean. Fur- thermore, the roads are very bad. Q. About what is the size of the biggest spring? — A. I can not say exactly how big; but there is one river, the Agno, which is very large, larger than the Pasig; it comes out of the mountains in the district between Benguet and Lepanto. There are very high mountains there, and there is one place, about a kilometer square, w here the water comes out and forms rivers. The Agno River is one of them, and flows into the Gulf of Lingayen. Q. Do you mean that these rivers you mention come from the springs themselves? — A. Yes, sir; there is one place in this area I mention where the water comes up in a stream about twice the size of this basket [indicating a waste-paper basket of about 10 inches in diameter]. Q. Is the water of these streams mineral water?— A. No; it is not mineral water. Q. Is the water cold — cold enough to drink without ice? — A. Yes, sir; very cold, the coldest water in the district, because the mountains are highest. On the top of the mountains there is a plain, and in that plain is a lake which is formed by the waters from the springs, and the waters flovr out from the lake in three directions, forming three rivers [indicating with books and other desk furniture the physical conditions, etc.]. Q. What is the size of that lake? — A. Half a kilometer; small because there is not room for it, and the water immediately goes out. Q. Are there any fish in it? — A. No, sir. Q. How did 3rou get provisions for your guests? — A. From the prod- uce of the country there, and some European goods also. Up there we have potatoes, tomatoes, peppers, peas, cabbage, and all classes of vegetables, tea, coffee, etc. Q. Does the tea and coffee grow there? — A. Yes, sir, and grapes also. The grapevines do well there. Q. And oranges? — A. Yes, sir; some large, some small; all kinds. Q. And lemons? — A. Yes; a great many. Q. Melons? — A. Yes, sir; melons and mangoes, but not right in Benguet. They grow in the lower country. Q. Apples? — A. Yes, sir; everything that will grow in Europe will grow there. The country is very good for such things, and 1 was one of the first that planted all these different fruit-bearing trees and veg- etables, and 1 found they gave very good results. Q. How did you provide your guests with meat? — A. We killed beef, twice a week, and beef will keep there four days hung in a suit- able place. There are plenty of cattle. There are many cattle ranges. Q. We have heard from another witness that it is a great place for race horses as well as cattle? — A. Yes, sir; all sorts of animals. Q. How about pigs?-— A. We have many, and very good ones. Q. And sheep?- — A. Also sheep. Q. Many sheep? — A. No, there are not many sheep. 1 was the first to have them, and started with about 30; but when the insurgents came they took them away. They did well and had lambs. Q. How about game? — A. Yes, sir; there are wild boars, havary, peccaries, and deer. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 335 Q. Any birds? — A. There are ducks, both wild and tame, and there are wild partridges and quail. Q. Is there much game? — A. It is according to the locality. In some places there are many and in others very few. Q. The country is not very populous? — A. No. There are about 8,000 Igorrotes in the district of Benguet. Q. Tell us about the Igorrotes, their peculiarities, and so on. — A. I will tell you first about the capital of Benguet. It is about 1,600 meters above the level of the sea. It covers a space of ground about 15 kilometers in circumference in round form on a perfect plane, and there is a river which goes through the middle of the town. It passes right by my house. All around the town there are mountains about 100 meters high and the river comes out between two of them. Q. Is there much business done in Trinidad? — A. No, there is little. Q. Are there shops? — A. There were three; one that I had, one that a German had, and one that another Spaniard had. But now there is nothing. Q. What is the general character of the business? — A. There is a great business with the Indians up there — the Igorrotes; they do not buy clothes because they do not need them, but they are great people to drink strong drinks. There is a large business with them in liquors of all sorts, and the Igorrotes will pay as high as $5 or $6 for a bottle of liquor if it is good. In this he is different from every other Fili- pino tribe, and in every other way also. The leading business there is in gold and coffee. These are the most important branches of busi- ness, then cattle and carabaos. Q. Are the gold mines worked systematically, or simply by individ- uals?— A. No; the mines up there are worked by nature itself. There are a great many mines in Benguet that have never been opened. The gold has always been found by the Igorrotes in the rivers. The mines have never been worked. Q. Do they find nuggets? — A. Yes, sir; they find small nuggets of 5, 6, or 8 grains. The Agno River produces the most gold. When the river is high and backs up, the Igorrotes afterwards go and get the gold which is left by the waters. That is where they get the most. Q. Have the Igorrotes any schools? Is there any system of educa- tion?— A. There were two schools up there carried on by friars that were commissioned from here to do so. One was in Declan, where the volcano is I told you about, but they only had half a dozen scholars, because the Igorrote does not wish to be a Christian. If an Igorrote father finds his son wishes to learn and become a Christian, as he has a little more knowledge of the world than the boy, he casts him out of the house. Q. Have they any religion? — A. They have a religion of their own. They worship images. Their religion is to worship a piece of wood in the shape of a man or a stone in the shape of a man, and their manner of worship is to sit in a cramped position [illustrating it] and adore these idols. When an Igorrote dies they put him in this position in a chair and suspend a table above him and underneath build a fire of pine wood, and they keep that up for four days, until the body becomes dry, as if embalmed, and then they put it in the ground. They have a custom also of spending a great deal of money on their funerals. If a man is rich sometimes his burial will mean a feast that will last fif- teen days. The first signal in this feast is the sounding of music in 336 REPORT OK THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. the house where the feast is to be. This music consists of plates which they beat with sticks, and also drums which look very much like an old-fashioned mountain cannon. This is a signal, and when a large number has gathered at the house they bring pigs — about eight. The owner of the house kills the first pig with a piece of wood, which he thrusts through the heart, and with this piece of wood covered with blood lie marks a cross on each of his cheeks. When these pigs are killed they are divided among all the different houses of the neighbor- hood. A piece is left at each house. Then they kill two cows, which are divided among the rich of the country. To go on with the enter- tainment they keep on playing the music night and day, and dancing a dance which they have peculiar to themselves. The men and women all attend. The men dance with the women. Q. How do the women dress ? — A. The women are very well dressed. They wear a sort of sash, something like a shawl, which they wrap twice around the body. They also wear a tight-fitting dress with tight sleeves, and they wear a tie, or something in front of their neck. Their dress is of brilliant color and is to me the most pleasing dress of all the tribes. Q. Do they make these clothes?— A. They did make all the cloth themselves, but now they are beginning to buy it. Some still make it. But the dress they' make themselves — the sash, skirt, and vest. They wear a large turban. Q. What are these clothes made of, what material ? — A. F rom hemp. Q. They raise hemp there, then, do they ? — A. No, sir. Farther down they do. There is no abaca there. Q. Do the Igorrotes exist in other provinces? — A. They are in other provinces, but they are not the same; they have different customs. For instance, those of Bontoc are different, as I will explain to you. The Igorrotes of Benguet arc the most advanced; they are also the richest of all the Igorrotes. There are no poor among them on account of the great quantity of gold, for if a man has no money lie goes to the river and gets some gold. There are no real rich men there, for there, if a man has $1,000 he is considered rich. But there are, I should add, a half dozen rich men. 1 know of one man who has buried 50 water jars full of gold and silver. There are some who have 10 water jars, some 20, buried away. They add to this money that they bury from year to year, and at the end of five years they dig it up and count it. They make frequent mistakes in counting, and if they find that the money is more than they expected they say the money has grown, and if less, they proceed to count it again until they find the amount greater than they expected, and they then bury it again. Q. What language do these people use? — A. It is different from the other languages. Some of them speak also Ilocano, for the language most general is Ilocano, it being the largest district. The Igorrotes are in 8 provinces and 6 districts, and the Tagalogs, whose language comes next, have only 3 or -1 provinces. Q. Have they any written language? — A. No, sir. Q. Alphabet? — A. No, sir. Q. Can not read or write? — A. They have no system of reading or writing, no alphabet, and when two of them are going to make a con- tract they first get a jar of “ vasi” and put it between them, and then they call all the leading men of the different raneheros, who sit about them, and when their bargain is agreed upon they drink one glass ol “vasi,” and then the money is paid over, and then they drink another REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 337 glass of “vasi.” This is their method of making a contract. They do this also with any other contract, such as trading cattle, selling horses, etc. Q. What is the distance from Manila to this place by the ordinary route? — A. 1 don’t know exactly the distance from here to Dagupan, but that can easily be found out. From Dagupan to Benguet it is about 50 kilometers; 1 do not remember exactly. Q. How many days docs it take to go from here to Benguet? — A. I have gone in two days. I left here in the morning, arrived in Dagupan at 1 o'clock, where I had a carriage prepared, and went on that day to Arengan for the night, and the next day continued to Benguet. From Arengan you have to go on horseback, as a vehicle can not go. Q. About how many people are there in that section you have been telling us about? — A. There are about 100 of these interpreters, but there are no other natives of the soil than the Igorrotes. There are about 18,000. Q. Of these, how many are Igorrotes? — A. They are all Igorrotes. Q. Have they taken any part in this war? — A. They have not. The ones in Lepanto and Bontoc have done so, but those in Benguet have not. Q. Have they sent any recruits to the insurgent army ? — A. No, sir. The Tagalogs wished me to go up there and form a force; they wanted to make me a captain, but I did not want to go, and the Igorrotes did not. Q. Have they any arms? — A. No, sir. Q. Have they any native weapons? — A. Bolos and lances, which they throw. By Secretary Mac Arthur: Q. What are the dimensions of the district of Benguet? — A. I don’t know; I can not remember; I had a good plan of the district which was stolen from me. There are 17 rancheros. Q. How far can one travel from Trinidad, keeping on this high land you spoke of ? — A. To go over all of it and to visit all the rancheros it would take fifteen days, for it is all on horseback or on foot, because in a great many places a horse can not travel down the steep slopes, and the forests on the mountains are composed entirely of pine timber. Q. Is it open wood, or is it thick with brushwood? — A. They have nothing but pine wood. You can pass anywhere through the woods. It is very good pasture. Q. How are the roads and means of communication between this plateau and the coast — San Fernando, San Tomas — are they in good condition? — A. There is a good road from Bauang to Maguilon, from which place there is a good road on horseback up the mountain, and in dry seasons you can go in a cart. Q. To make an}' considerable use of this land it would be necessary to build good, substantial roads. Can a road be built from the coast up to Benguet? — A. A good road could be built, and, in fact, a wagon road has been surveyed, and a railroad could also be built by twisting and turning about in the mountains. Q. Do you have earthquakes up there? — A. A few; there are some, but not as many as there are here. Q. What months are best for a person to go there for his health ? — A. The first part of April. With expressions of thanks, the commission adjourned, p c 22 338 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. TESTIMONY OF HAROLD ASHTON. Manila, June 28, 1899. Present: Colonel Denby (in the chair), Mr. Worcester, and Mr. MacArthur. Harold Ashton, in response to the questions of the commissioners, stated as follows: 11}" Colonel Denby: Q. What is your name, please ? — A. Harold Ashton. Q. W hat is your occupation and residence? — A. 1 am a partner in the firm of Holliday, Wise & Co., merchants, No. 10 Anloague. Q. How long have you lived in Manila? — A. Twenty-one years. Q. And during that time you have been engaged in business? — A. All the time. Q. You are in the export and import business? — A. We do a little export business, but nothing to speak of; our business is almost entirely import. Q. What do you import? — A. Everything, except petroleum and coal. Q. Will you give us, in your own way, your views with regard to the currency here; as to what is the currency, and any changes you might think desirable to be made? — A. Well, as you can understand, an importing house is in favor of a high exchange, and of course when we started off, as you can understand, the capital which we had to put into the concern was on a gold basis, and if exchange falls we have to write our capital down, but at the same time I am fully convinced in my own mind that to make any change in the currency would be a great mistake. A low currency has been of great benefit to the export trade, and if exchange were sent back to four shillings it would be a great injury to trade, and that is speaking against our own pockets. Q. Don’t these fluctuations in exchange make the business very uncertain? — A. The}^ do; but it seems as soon as the silver went to 27i we seemed to have touched the bottom, and since this rate of 2 shillings we have had the best possible thing, a steady exchange. Q. There is a variation now? — A. A farthing one way or the other. Q. And what is that caused by ? — A. By the banks. For instance, there being but little money in circulation they have to get the metal money and they have to pay a farthing one way or the other, but I can not see how it can be possibly avoided. Just now, for instance, in Manila we want a lot of money to supply to the government, and that is keeping exchange a little over its proper rate. Q. Would the fact that you are surrounded here by silver-using countries with which you do business have any effect in your judgment on this matter? — A. Yes, it would have, because we have to compete with them in such articles as sugar. Q. You do some business with China? — A. Yes; but the business with China, with the exception of sugar, is generally importing stuff from China. Q. If we went on a gold basis somewhat in the nature of what Japan has done, fixing the price of gold, depreciating gold as it were, instead of appreciating silver — are you familiar with the Japanese system? — A. 1 am. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 339 Q. That they have recently adopted? Will you explain that to us and then tell us how you think that would work out here? If you can explain the Japanese system we would be very much obliged to you. — A. They put a gold dollar on the basis of 2 shillings. Q. That means 50 cents in our money?- — A. Yes. If the silver that comes into the island represented in gold value half a dollar, that would be about the same thing. Q. And that is fixed? — A. That is fixed. Q. Hence there are no fluctuations? — A. It is this way, take France Q. What would you think of introducing that system here? — A. 1 should think it would be extremely good, because Q. Why? Why would you adopt that here — what ratio? — A. I would have the ratio as it is to-day ; it is two shillings to the dollar, because with a gold dollar at 4 shillings you could not avoid fluctua- tions in exchange. Y ou have got to take the sterling value, for instance, between France and England, a pound is worth 25 francs — 25 to 29 — and you must take into account the exchange operations between the two countries, and it is absolutely impossible between two countries to keep the thing steady. Q. I suppose speculation would induce some fluctuation anyway? — A. Take tne difference in exchange between the States and England, it is always a few cents one way or the other. The most extraordinary thing was the free-coinage agitation. Q. Why do you think it would be a good idea to introduce the Japanese system here? — A. Because silver has got to what we consider in business to be its bottom, and we want here an exchange now that we can calculate on; that is to say, the Japanese have tried to fix their present system so conscientiously that* it would represent practically the relative value of the two metals, but if there is another fall in silver then Japan would have to change the ratio, and you would have to, too, unless you had an absolute gold basis. Q. How would an absolute gold basis do here? — A. If you put on one side the impossible assumption of silver going down to 6 pence per ounce, or some absurd fall, then it would be all right. Otherwise you would be in exactly7 the same position. If silver fell to 18 pence an ounce you would be in more or less the same position, for you never expected three years ago that it would go to 2 shillings. Q. You think somebody would lose money ?— A. les; and it woidd be the producer here who, after all is said and done, is at a disad- vantage. He would get the advantage of a still further fall in silver. But the reason that people commend the Japanese system is that peo- ple'consider that silver at 27 or 27i has about reached its lowest point. Q. They7 make their contracts with reference to that fact? — A. In Japan. Q. But here if a man buys goods that he wants to export? — A. They go to the bank and they will fix the exchange forward. Q. So that he knows what he is going to get? — A. So that he knows what he is going to get. Q. How would the gold basis affect the Filipinos themselves, espe- cially the laborers? I mean how would it affect them with reference to their wages? Would they7 be paid in gold or would they be reduced to the silver basis? — A. I think the tendency now of wages in silver- using countries is to go up, but it is not on account of the proportion- ate fall in exchange, not by any7 manner of means. 340 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. The wages of servants, ordinary wages, have they gone up since the fall in silver? — A. Very little; but at present the large influx of Americans and others has had a great tendency to send up all prices. Q. Because the demand has become so great ? — A. Because the demand has become so great. Q. Were you here under the gold basis? — A. I was; we had an entirely gold basis. Q. How did that affect things? — A. Silver was then in the region of 54 pence, and nobody felt any uneasiness about a decline in silver; but if we had kept on the gold basis, if the Spaniards had kept us on a gold basis, we should have been in the same position Jamaica is to-day about sugar. Q. Have you plenty of currency here — silver and subsidiary coin ? — A. Subsidiary coin is a little short, and especially copper coin. Q. What kind of subsidiary coin would you recommend for these islands — a decimal currency or any other? — A. A decimal currency. Q. And Arou would base it on the value of the silver dollar, or would you base it on the value of the gold dollar? — A. I should have it as it is; but it is not a matter of importance so long as it is subsidiary coin. There is, for instance, in England a large amount of subsidiary coin, but 3 011 can’t pay more than a certain amount of silver for a debt. Q. Your silver currency is as good as your gold currency? — A. Certainly; we have twenty shillings to the pound, but it is not really worth as much as a sovereign — nothing like it. Q. And so in France and everywhere else now? — A. Yes. Q. How would it do to issue small bank bills here? — A. It would be very convenient. Q. Would they have to be on a silver basis? — A. You would simply make them payable in the coin of the country — American coin — coin of the realm — of the country. Q. How would it do to introduce the American cent here? — A. Well, the American cent could be introduced if you would call it two cents. Q. Yes, but if you introduced the American cent, it being the one hundredth part of a gold dollar, how would that do? — A. That would not do. You must introduce a cent that would be the one hundredth part of a silver dollar. Q. If made the same as our cents it would go home? — A. Iteertainly would. Q. Now, you got a copper currency from Spain? — A. Yes; now it is all going away. You know the dollar in Spain, although it is worse than our dollar, is kept up by fictitious means to 54 pesetas to the pound, and we have seen it 27 pesetas to the pound. Q. How would it do to permit foreign banks or American banks, if they were established here, to issue paper? — A. It would be a very desirable thing, assuming it was done under the usual system which prevails in the United States. Q. Of course; that is a guaranty? — A. If they have good resources against their note issue. Q. We wanted to ask you something about the Chinese. I suppose you know a great deal about the Chinese? — A. I have had a very long experience Avith them. Q. How many of them are here? — A. It has been estimated that in former days there were from 30,000 to 50,000, not more than that, REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 341 about Manila, and about 40,000 to 50,000 to 00,000 in the provinces. It is almost impossible to calculate, but according to Spanish legisla- tion the number of Chinese were limited; although owing to things 1 need not mention, which used to go on under the Spanish administra- tion, that number was greatly exceeded, and the Chinese, by a sort of system, will always flourish. But they were kept so well in hand that they could not flourish too much under the Spanish rule; but then that was not altogether exactly by lawful means. Q. Can you give us any idea as to how many women there were among these 50,000 Chinese? — A. Not 1 per cent. Q. They marry Filipino women ? — A. They marry in China and here. Q. They have two wives? — A. Yes. Q. What is their mercantile character for honesty, honorable deal- ing, and straightforwardness? — A. They are the only people among Eastern peoples who can be the wheel between the import merchant, the European merchant, and the native. Q. You mean by that A. That the Filipino can not do that work. Q. How do you account for that? — A. The Filipino has not got the capacity for it. In the provinces the Filipino women are much more clever than the men. For instance, in the province of Bulaean the women there do all the business and they even employ the Chinaman. Q. He is naturally a trader, is he? — A. Yes; when they get down to doing a very small business the women can do it. We sell to the Chinamen — the merchants — and they retail again, and some of them do a business of $400,000 or $500,000 or $600,000 a year. Q. And they sell again? — A. Either to their own countrymen, or the}' sell in certain provinces, like the province of Bulaean and Cavite, largely to the natives, and that native is a woman nine times out of ten. Q. Is the bulk of the business in the hands of the Chinese? — A. They are the intermediary between the European and American importer, and the native is entirely in the hands of the Chinese. Q. You couldn’t very well get along without them, then? — A. We could not. Q. What harm, if any, does it do to have the Chinese do this busi- ness in the manner and form that you say? — A. It doesn’t do an}'. If you take away the Chinese wheel in the machinery the whole thing would stop. Q. Are these people honest; do they pay their debts ? — A. Fairly so. The thing is this: if we give them only a reasonable amount of credit they are fairly honest, but we have lost and everybody else has lost a large amount of money by them. They have their money out in the different provinces, and they can’t get their money from their men and they can’t pay us. But the Chinaman always overtrades; if he has a capital sufficient to do a business of $10,000 he wants to do a business of $20,000, so if a hard time comes he goes under, and we importers are always to blame. We have been giving the Chinese too much credit, so the blame is not entirely theirs. Q. You wouldn’t be in favor of excluding the Chinese merchant? — A. No, certainly not; but there ought to be some restrictions that 1 think might be very well imposed on them, to prevent people coming from China, getting the benefit of this place and trade, and then failing and returning to China, where you can’t get at him. You knowhow 342 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. the Chinese are, how corrupt they are; he gets back, and lie gives his mandarin a thousand dollars and you can't find him. Q. They go back to China when they make money?- — A. Yes. Sup- pose a man owes us money; he fails and goes back to China, and we have no means of finding out if he has not got $40,000 or $50,000 of money in his village in China; so that some means ought to be pro- vided to facilitate nis identification and extradition. Q. But they do go home after they make money ? — A. The}' go home for two or three }'ears. Q. And then they return ? — A. They live on here for many, many years. Q. Isn’t it their habit to go home to live in China after they have made money? — A. Oh, no; they go for a time, but they come back again. They go and visit their families, but they come back. Q. In your opinion, what action ought to be taken in regard to the Chinese coming here? — A. I think you will find that in the provinces you will have to treat the question in a different way. For instance, in the province of Cavite it would be too much responsibility to pro- tect him against the natives; the natives would murder him. Q. You are now speaking of agricultural laborers, aren't you? — A. I am speaking of agricultural laborers. Q. When you are speaking of provinces do you mean the agricul- tural laborer? — A. The Chinese, almost without exception, are not agricultural laborers here, except for market gardens around here. I am speaking about the coolie class — the man who goes and peddles around the villages with things. Q. Wasn’t there a restriction by Spain on the immigration of the Chinese coolie? — A. He had to pay a heavy poll tax to come in, which amounted to about $30 or $40. I don’t know what the actual charges of the Government were, but the Chinese used to charge him about $30 or $40, a portion of which went to the Chinese boss. Q. Was that the only restriction? — A. That was for the privilege of coming into the country. He had to pay so much Q. Do you recognize the fact — which I think is a fact — that the Chinese are quite fond of the Americans and are fond of getting on American soil, and that there may be danger, if there was no limita- tion, that millions of them might come here? — A. 1 certainly do, and 1 think it would be better to make some restrictions about that kind of thing, and particularly in certain provinces. Q. The Chinese comprehend perfectly that we do not interfere with anybody’s religion — the Chinese or anybody else’s — and that is differ- ent from under the Spanish. Isn’t there an apprehension that they would come in in great numbers if they could? — A. Certainly. Q. That would be disastrous? — A. Take Singapore; they let all who came to Singapore in. Q. Aren’t they overrunning it now?— A. I don’t think they are. Q. I think they passed a restriction law. — A. I don’t think so. Singa- pore is quite near his home. Q. At all events, your opinion is that it would not do to have immi- gration here entirely unlimited? — A. Certainly not. To begin with, I should adopt something like what is called the contract system. Q. What would that be ?— A. You have the coolie contractors here, who are responsible for the good behavior of these coolies. For instance, if a man wants 200 coolies he has got to go to somebody in REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 343 authority and say ho wants them; they thus will have the opportunity to say whether it is convenient to let those Chinese go to that province to work on the job he wants them for. If it is convenient, then he con- tracts for tive years. The Chinese here, as in Singapore, have a Chi- nese contractor to prevent any abuse on the part of the employers of the coolies. These coolies are contracted for, say, for a term of three years. Q. But never to do specific work ? — A. If they like. Q. To work on a railroad, for instance ? — A. Have it stated in the con- tract. You go to the persons in authority and say “I want 500 coolies to work on a railroad." Personally he would consider whether it would be to the interest, to the well being, of the country, and if he says yes, then he goes to the Chinese contractor and says, “I want 500 coolies, men, for three years.” At the end of these three years he guarantees to send those people back. If for one reason or another the coolies are agreeable to prolonging the contract and the man wants them to, then he will go to the person in authority and ask for such permission in exactly the same way. Q. Yrou don’t regard it as necessary in the province of Luzon to introduce Chinese labor? — A. For the making of railroads Q. For farm work. — A. There are certain things the natives will not grow, such as pepper, and the growing of tea and different sorts of spices. It is necessary to have Chinamen to grow those things; the natives will not take the pains. Q. But the Filipino would resent their coming in certain provinces ? — A. No; not so long as it does not interfere with his special industries. He does not want to grow pepper. I brought some cotton seed from the States and gave it away. What do you think? They said it was too much trouble. In the north we had exactly the same experience. One of the biggest planters wanted to establish a tobacco plantation up north. He said the style of Manila tobacco was very good, but the leaf was bad. He said to get a leaf like that of Sumatra he would have to have Chinese labor; that without Chinese labor he could not get a leaf as they have it in Sumatra. Q. Then you would be in favor of introducing Chinese labor by con- tract, but not in general? — A. By contract; not in general. Q Do you think the Filipino would do the labor ordinarily done here by the Chinese if there were no Chinese here? — A. Yes; at $2 a day. Q. Is he physically incapable of it, or is it the climate ? — A. He does not care about saving much money. His idea of happiness is to have a hut in the country, a carabao, and two or three handfuls of rice, and have his wife and children do the work; and if he makes both ends meet, what does he care for more? Q. He doesn’t wear many clothes ? — A. No. Q. What do you think of the capacity of these people for establish- ing a republican form of government? — A. Let him have his carabao in peace; don’t tax him directly, and he will sit in the sun and not bother his head about the right of taxation among other things. He doesn’t mind paying 2 reals extra for his goods so long as he doesn't know it, but he objects to a cedula which costs $5 or $0, and he wants to be left alone. Q. What is your opinion as to his capacity for self-government ? — A. He has absolutely none. 344 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Are there not a good many educated Filipinos ? — A. I am speak ing of the rank and tile, not of the people you see going about in patent leather boots. Q. Talking about the schools, there are a good many educated Fili- pinos around Manila ? — A. Yes; around Manila. Q. These men have been taught by the Jesuits? — A. Yes; mostly to be lawyers and doctors. Q. Any merchants? — A. No, sir. Q. No Filipino merchants ? — A. What you call Filipino merchants are really Spaniards. Q. Do you mean that strictly here in Manila there are no Filipino merchants? — A. You mean Filipino merchants of the same class as a house like ours Q. I mean retail stores. — A. Nearly all the shops in the Escolta are Spanish or German. The shops the natives have are down in San Fernando. Q. Aren’t there native shoemakers and tailors? — A. The shoe- makers are nearly entirely Chinese; a few very small tailors are Indians. Q. Is all this lighterage work here done for the ships, is that all done by Chinese? — A. No; the lighterage work is done by the Indian, and it is one of the few hard things which they do; but it has been the custom of the country for them to do it, and they do do it. Q. They do the lighterage work ?- — A. Yes. Q. And they drive the carabaos? — A. In the last ten years the Chi- nese have been steadily forcing them out of that business and getting it for themselves; previously, when I first came here, every carabao driver was a native; now more than half are Chinese. Q. The natives drive these small carriages? — A. Yes; that is another custom of the country ? Q. They prefer light work? — A. Yes; with the exception of this lighterage work; that is very heavy work; so heavy that even the Chinamen do not like to do it. Q. How do the Filipinos physically compare with other races — with the Chinese race, or any other race, if you please; what are their phys- ical characteristics as to strength and endurance? — A. There is such a wide variation in the Filipinos it is hard to say. The Filipinos around Manila are rather a poor lot. In certain villages in the country you find some very tine specimens. We have a gang of Filipinos which works in our godowns, and if it is a big job we have two gangs, when it is very stiff work, and we find that the Filipino gang' does better than the Chinese coolies. Q. How are the Filipinos in regard to mechanism — mechanical skill? — A. Very good indeed. They made the only railroad that is here. The head of the railroad lately said to me, “it is very surprising how thev take to bridge-making and the rest of it;” in fact, as he told me, they got far too clever for their work. Q. They have some artistic taste, haven’t they, Mr. Ashton?— A. Yes; they do quite wel 1 in carving and decorating and music. In fact our Shanghai house asked us to send over some musicians and we sent over a band, and that band is the government municipal band. Q. Altogether they are not a serious race, Mr. Ashton, are they? — A. They are volatile and frivolous. We have native clerks in our office who stick to their work and do what is called “escribiente,” cleri- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 845 cal work, and they do it as well as white men, if it is simply mechani- cal sort of writing. Such things they do uncommonly well, if it is not beyond their range intellectually. By Mr. MacArthur: Q. What is their range intellectually ? — A. Of course, you might rind here and there exceptionally bright men Q. Do }rou think them capable of intellectual advancement to a con- siderable degree? — A. No. By Colonel Denby: Q. Now, the Chinese do not go into the arts at all. He cares nothing about music, at least he cares nothing about music from what I have heard. — A. At least his music does not suit us. Q. And he cares nothing about arts except in the making of beauti- ful things? — A. No. Q. He thinks to make money before all things? — A. Yes. By Professor Worcester: Q. Would you sa}T that the Filipinos were incapable of serving as middlemen, Mr. Ashton? I recited that argument the other day and was told that it was not such a great many years since they actually did serve as middlemen, when they were not compelled to compete with the Chinese; that they sold everything that the Chinaman does now, and the fact that the Chinese were doing it was due to the fact that the Filipinos could not live and compete with the Chinese. — A. I know that Bonifacio liobalo made a mistake on just those lines. He deter- mined to get this business of piece goods out of the hands of the Chi- nese and into the hands of the natives, and I know that it was quite a failure. He gave them the support of money, but it didn’t succeed. Q. And the additional statement was made that if the Chinese wrere shut out little by little of the larger towns here, it would be worth the while of Europeans and Americans to run the business here, and that that business would eventually fall into their hands. What do you say to that? — A. These Chinamen we deal with generally will want credit on the goods they purchase; they take them into the provinces, and they sell them in such provinces as Bulacan, Cavite, Camarines, Ilocos, and Cebu, to one of their customers who owes them a little money — $200 or $300. Q. The question is whether, if they were gradually cut off, there would be business for white men, in a small way, in these same pro- vincial towns? — A. And the answer is that if you wipe the slate out and begin all over again, it is not beyond the bounds of possibility that that might happen, but in the interregnum, which would be rather long, it would cause considerable inconvenience to business. Q. Are theVe any Jew peddlers here, Mr. Ashton? — A. Yes; jew- elry, mostly — Armenians. By Colonel Denby: Q. Are they Jew merchants, or are they simply peddlers? — A. There are a few, but they do not call themselves Jews. I believe the American Commercial Company is composed entirely and exclusively of Jewish interests. Q. What is your idea as to the establishment here of a court such as we have in the United States. In the United States, you know, we call it the 346 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. “Federal court”— that is, the United States court, which is different from the State courts, in which the foreigner has the right to sue and be sued. That is the distinctive difference between the United States system and the State system. The States all have their courts and the United States has its courts. Now, in the United States courts the for- eigner or a man living in a different State has a right to bring his action, and if he is sued in a State court he can have the action trans- ferred to the Federal court. That is done in order to avoid all pos- sible local prejudice, giving the foreigner a tribunal reserved for him practically. Now, how would it do to establish courts of that kind here? — A. With American magistrates? Q. With American judges. — A. That would certainly, to my way of thinking, be the proper thing. Q. Has there been any talk among the foreigners here — the mer- cantile people — around the offices, about the propriety of having a court different from the Filipino courts? — A. I don't think anybody has realized that in case they have a lawsuit they will have to be tried by a Filipino judge and jury. I don't think it has been realized. Q. Hasn’t it been talked of ? — A. I haven’t heard it. Q. Would you be in favor of having a court of the kind I have described? — A. Yes, with American magistrates. Q. Using the English language and not Spanish? — A. Yes. Q. Having interpreters, of course, and all that? — A. Yes. Q. And let English be the language of the court?- — A. Yes. Q. And allow these Filipino courts to go on as the}" go now?— A. Yes. Q. You think that would satisfy the foreign community and that they would be in favor of it ? — A. I don't think that the foreign com- munity have realized that should they have a case it would be tried by a Filipino court. By Mr. Mac Arthur: Q. Do vou import cotton goods, piece goods, machinerv, etc. ? — A. Yes. Q. Prior to the coming of the Americans and prior to the Filipino outbreak against the Spaniards was there any tendency toward an increase of consumption of foreign goods, or was it about stable in quantity? — A. Oh, no; it has been steadily growing. One year it might fall off' a little for certain causes, but the increase has been steadily growing, both exports and imports. Q. Won’t there be an increased demand for goods owing to the increase of enterprises and industry in the provinces? — A. Enter- prises and industry in the provinces and the opening up of certain new industries, such as copra. For instance, ten years ago there wasn't a picul sent out. and now the exportation of copra in normal times is about $4,000,000. Q. Which means a corresponding increase in the amount of im- ports?—A. Yes. Q. Do you think that under a changed system of government and with the introduction of modern ideas in the country the amount of imports of the country of foreign goods will very greatly or mate- rially increase? — A. They will very materially increase. Q. Of what nature will that increase be; of what kind? — A. Of every possible description. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 347 Q. Machinery and piece goods? — A. Machinery and piece goods. Everything that you can mention. It won’t be one or two; it will be everything. By Colonel Denby: Q. Has the condition of the currency, the silver currency, favorably affected business?- — A. It has given a great stimulus to exports and imports. It has given a larger consumption of imports. Q. The country, then, has been prosperous under this silver basis? — A. Certainly. By Professor 'Worcester: Q. What has been the effect of the existing tariff on the import business; the tariff and charges, the custom-house duties, on the import business? — A. Of course there is no doubt but that the cheaper you can let the article down the more consumption there is for it. I con- sider, although 1 am an importer, that it is easier for the Government to collect their money from duties, so long as they take care that every- body pays, than by direct taxation, for a custom-house duty' is paid by everybody. It is the easiest way' of collecting the duty. Adjourned. TESTIMONY OF DR. FRANK S. BOURNS. Manila, July 29, 1899. Present: Colonel Denby, Professor Worcester, and Mr. MacArthur. FrankS. Bourns, in response to the questions of the commissioners, stated as follows: By Colonel Denby: Q. Will yTou please give us yrour name and residence? — A. Frank S. Bourns, Atlanta, Ga. Q. And occupation? — A. Practising physician and surgeon. Q. Have y'ou any position in the army ? — A. I have been since the 28th of Mayr, 1898, in the service of the volunteer army' as chief sur- geon with the rank of major. Q. When did yrou arrive in Manila? — A. With the second expedi- tion, which arrived in Manila the 16th of July', 1898. Q. And before that time y'ou had been in these islands? — A. Yes, sir; I had been here twice previously'. Q. M ill y'ou please tell us when? — A. The first time I arrived here in August, 1887, remaining here until July, 1888. The second time I arrived here in the first part of September, 1890, and I remained here until December, 1892. Q. What was y’our purpose in coming to the islands? — A. On both occasions? 1 came the first time with a large party for the purpose of scientific work in zoology, and especially in the line of ornithology; and the second time two of us, both members of the previous expedi- tion, Professor Worcester and I, came here with the same object. Q. What portions of the islands did y'ou visit? — A. On both occa- sions we visited almost every island of any importance in the group. The only' two large islands which we did not visit were Leyte and Bohol. On the first trip we made the return trip among all the islands 348 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. except these two. The second trip this was repeated, and many of the islands we visited the second and some of them the third time. Q. In general, what were you doing all that time ? — A. "We were pur- suing our work, the collection of the birds and mammals of the islands, and in order to make this collection as complete as possible we were compelled almost always to go into the interior of the country, away frequently from the settled localities, going back into the smaller vil- lages, and sometimes even away from the villages into the interior among the savages. Sometimes we would visit a single part of a given island and sometimes two or three parts of the same island to gain access to country of a different character. Q. Did you spend the greater portion of the time in any one island, or more in one island than in another; if so, which? — A. We usually spent about a month upon each island, sometimes a longer time; as, for instance, in the island of Mindoro, the island of Jolo, and Tawi- tawi. Those are the only ones, I think, in which we spent a greater time than a month. By Professor Worcester: Q. Paragua? — A. Yes. Q. Will you state the islands you visited, and state, in general, your mode of life in those islands? — A. We, of course, visited first Luzon, Mindoro, Panay, the small island of Guimaras adjacent to Panay. Negros, Cebu, and the small island of Sequijor, to the south of Cebu; Samar, Masbate, Marinduque, a small Tagalog island to the south of Luzon; Mindanao at Zamboanga, and a small island adjacent to Zamboanga; the islands of Basilan, Jolo. Tawi-tawi, Palawan, the Calamianes Islands, and in our voyages we touched at some smaller islands where we did not stop, such as Cuyos in the Mindoro Sea, Cagayan de Jolo, Balabae, and the small places in the Sulu Archipelago, Siassi and Bongao. Our mode of life was the usual life of travelers in these islands engaged in our kind of work. We would usually land at the principal town where the mail steamer stopped, if the mail steamer did stop at such a place, or we would land in small boats from some other island. If we found the adjacent country suitable for our work we would rent a house in that town, using that as headquarters, and make daily excursions into the surrounding country, taking with us guides and carriers for our work. If the country was not suitable, we would make inquiries in regard to the locality in which we thought we could work, and by whatever transportation was available, whether by animals or by boat, or by using coolies as carriers, transport our stock of baggage to that locality, take a house already constructed, or perhaps build our own house, and remain there three, or four, or six weeks, as the case might demand. In this way we were brought in contact with almost every element among the people, the better educated and more intelligent ones in the towns and villages, likewise the poorer people of the country, and also the savages of the interior. Q. Did you, in general, find the people friendly? — A. Yes; quite so. We were, however, enabled to go to many places that were considered dangerous by the Spaniards, we, being, as they called us, “English- men,’' because we spoke English, so that we could go into any region without very great danger, although many times we went against the advice of the Spanish authorities. We depended upon our belief that we would be safe among any people here if we followed out our REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 349 polic-v of treatment of the natives, dealing with them justly, and at the same time firmly. Q. Then, when you came here as a medical officer, what were your duties? — A. When I first came here I was serving as a staff officer, not doing medical work. When I came out I was appointed as a staff officer to General Merritt. In San Francisco he ordered me to accom- pany General Greene as a member of his staff on the second expedi- tion. On my arrival here General Anderson took me for a few days and held me in Cavite. Q. What time was that? — A. From the 16th of July up to about the 28th; but as soon as General Merritt arrived General Greene asked that I be returned to his staff. I served with General Greene from that time until the general left the Philippines, about the 28th or 29th of August. Q. Were you performing distinctly medical duties, or other duties ? — A. I was performing no medical duties up to that time, except inci- dentally treating the members of the staff. Q. Then you were furnishing information or acting as interpreter? — A. 1 was being utilized in the many ways in which a man who could speak the language or understood the people would lie. I was used as interpreter, and translated many papers and documents which passed between the American authorities and the insurgent authori- ties at that time. 1 was also frequently sent on excursions where again I acted as an interpreter and in an advisory capacity. During our residence in Camp Dewey, for instance, questions arising between the natives and the soldiers were referred to me for investigation and report to the general, and he would then take such action as seemed necessary in the case. On the day we came into Manila, the 13th of August, 1 was instructed by orders to accompany the general as a member of his staff. I was with him in the trenches and in the advance on Manila. When we arrived here General Greene, his adjutant, and I went into the walled city, where we found Lieutenant- Colonel Whittier, of General Merritt’s staff. These two officers then made the demand of the Spanish officials, the Acting Governor-Gen- eral Juandez, for the surrender of the city and the laying down of the arms of all the troops. In this conference I acted as interpreter. The succeeding day the articles of capitulation were elaborated. Gen- eral Merritt had drawn up a rough draft, and the Spanish Governor- General and he signed it. A joint commission made over the elabora- tion of this draft. The Spanish commission had an interpreter of its own, and I served as the interpreter of the American commission. Q. Then you assisted in preparing that draft? — A. No, sir. I was simply present as an interpreter, and, of course, was aware of all that passed. Q. And after that what was your position? — A. For a few days after General Greene left I was doing double duty, in the provost court, and as secretary for the collector of customs, Lieutenant-Colonel Whittier. Then on the 10th of September, 1898, General Otis ordered the organization of a health department for the city of Manila and its suburbs, and I was assigned to the board by General Otis, and by General Hughes was named as chief of the board. Q. You are the chief of the medical board? — A. Yes, sir; chief medical officer of the city of Manila in a civil capacity. Q. Then from that time until recently you have had charge of the health department? — A. 1 have been in charge of the health depart- 850 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. ment up to to-day, when I received my orders relieving me from this department; but since the 8th of June I have been away from the city. Q. Yes; I will come to that in a minute. In addition to performing the duties of health officer, if it is proper to state them, what other duties did you perform ? — A. After I had organized the health depart- ment a considerable amount of my time began to be taken up with outside matters. General Hughes first began to use me in various ways, treating with the Filipinos, keeping track of what was going on in the city amongst the natives and also outside of the city in the insurgent lines. It happened that in the organization of the board of health a number of the men who were taken in, in one capacity or another, were men of more or less influence among the insurgents or among the Filipino people. They were doctors, some of whom had obtained their education in Europe, men of education and intelligence. Some of them were even at that time holding important positions in the Malolos government. In my professional relations with them I, of course, became well acquainted with them, and before long found that I was more or less involved in the political situation. General Hughes took advantage of this fact and very frequently assigned to me work entirely foreign to medical work, such as the investigation of this report, or that report, in regard to what the insurgents were doing, either outside of the city or in the formation of their vari- ous secret societies and territorial militia, as they called it, in the city. He also used me in other ways in his administrative work. For instance, he would use me to ascertain the status of a given public institution here, such as the Leper Hospital, or the Insane Asylum, or the Hospital of San Juan de Dios. He would ask me to get all the facts I could in regard to such an institution and submit them to him, so that he might make the necessary disposition. Along in November, when I had become better acquainted with most of the leading Fili- pinos in the city^, they began to come to me very frequently at my office in the morning, ostensibly to consult on medical matters, but, as a matter of fact, to discuss the political situation as to what was going on. This has kept up until the present time. Q. What were your relations with the major-general commanding ? — A. During the first months — September and October — the major- general occasionally sent for me, sometimes to execute some commis- sion with some one of the Filipinos here, or to ask of me what was taking place in the city, he knowing that I was associated with these Filipinos. I recall that he sent for me each time when he removed the insurgents from the city. We expected some friction at the time, or rather were fearful of it, not knowing whether they would leave. He sent for me to ask what their feeling was and to ask if they would leave without fighting. But he was determined that they should move out, though, of course, he wished to avoid a conflict if it was possible to do so. As time went on he would send for me with greater fre- quency. Later on he gave me instructions to report to him whenever I discovered anything of interest. Up to this time I had been report- ing all matters of importance to our officers and General Hughes, and he would directly communicate what I had learned to General Otis; but in December, I think it was, he gave the instructions that I have mentioned. This was probably because there had been so much diffi- REPORT OP THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 351 culty in organizing anything in the way of a secret service here. The Filipino secret societies had created here in the city what amounted to a reign of terror. The people were afraid to speak to, and afraid of having anything to do with, Americans for fear they would be denounced as American sympathizers, and there existed here literally a season of terrorism. 1 was enabled through my personal acquaint- ance with many of the people, especially those in the lower and middle classes, to gain a good deal of information not otherwise obtainable, and finally the general gave me permission to use such funds as might be necessary to obtain information in regard to the doings of the insur- gents in and out of the city. From December 15 to January 15 I was confined to my quarters with typhoid fever. I returned to full duty about the 20th of January, at the time when the relations between the American authorities and the Filipinos were very much strained. After the outbreak of hostilities I succeeded in establishing a little spy system, by which we were enabled to keep track, especially in the city, of everything that was going on on the insurgent line, and occa- sionally we could get a man through their lines and find out about the disposition of their troops and what they were doing there. Inciden- tally, a great deal of information came to me, not through the regu- larly employed spies, but through Filipinos with whom I had personal relations. I found among these people a great disinclination to talk through an interpreter, because they lacked confidence in the inter- preter. They would say things directly that they would not say through an interpreter, and many of the Filipinos who had means of finding out what was taking place outside of the lines or in the city would come to me directly and impart information, knowing that they would not he found out. Of course all of this information was duly given over to General Hughes or to General Otis. Q. After a time — recently — you went south. Will you tell us where you went? — A. I went from here to Iloilo on the 8th of June. Two days after my arrival, on account of the assassination of a promi- nent Filipino in Cebu, the military commander asked for some troops, and General Hughes sent me over with this battalion of troops to report to him in regard to the situation in Cebu. After that I went to the east coast of Negros, visiting San Carlos, Bais, Dumaguete, and from there running along the coast of Sequijor, a small island of about 30,000 inhabitants, not yet occupied by our troops. I returned to Negros and there visited the west coast, and also the towns of Silav, Talisay, and Bacolod. Two of these towns were occupied by our troops. Q. Then when did you return to Manila ? — A. I returned to Manila on the 9th of July. Q. And afterwards you went south again ? — A. On the 12th I started south for Jolo, being ordered to accompany General Bates. I visited Jolo, being there some five days, I think, and then returned to Manila by Cebu, stopping over a day in Cebu. Q. From the account you have given us, Doctor, of your various services it follows that you have very large information as to the charac- ter and condition of these people, does it not? — A. I think so, sir, inas- much as I have always liked to talk with the people wherever I have been, and have always made it my habit to do so, when we were here on 352 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. our former trips and during the past year. I have found the natives, as a rule, very willing to talk whenever they found anyone who could speak their language, sometimes very glad to do so. Q. What can you say to us, then, as to the general character of these people, and as to their disposition toward the United States, and as to their capacity for self-government? — A. I can best answer that ques- tion by stating what my beliefs have always been in regard to the people here in the islands. The great masses of the people here are ignorant. They have a very vague idea either of independence or liberty as such. I think it is more or less a matter of indifference to them what their government is so long as it is not oppressive, so long as it allows them to pursue their daily work undisturbed and to support their families. The second class, the highly educated class, the wealthy class, I think are clearly desirous of peace here — that is, those who have money — because they wish to continue in their business and make more money; also those of education, especially those who have traveled, because they appreciate the fact that an American government here would be greatly to the benefit of the country, and they know that they them- selves are not as yet fitted for self-government. The middle class is the class that is opposed to us; it has been in the past and is so to-day. This class is made up at the present time of the military leaders, and, to a considerable extent, of the class known under the Spanish rule as the empleados del gobierno (employees of the government), salaried men who had positions paying them a greater or less salary, their work being rather light and their positions affording them an opportunity to make more or less money in addition to their salaries. In this middle class, I think, are found to-day our greatest opponents, those most opposed to American government in these islands, andathose who declare that the Filipinos are to-day fitted for self-government. Q. What is your opinion as to whether they are fitted for self- government I mean for independence? — A. I don’t believe they are to-day fit for independence. I never have believed it. 1 have pub- licly stated 1 did not believe they were to-day fit for self-government, and I think the events of the past few months in places where they have had practical control has demonstrated that my opinion is correct. Q. What would be the effect. Doctor, in vour opinion, if the United States -were to move away from here, and turn the government over to the Filipinos, giving them absolute independence? — -A. Not con- sidering the intervention of foreign powers, but considering that they would be left to themselves, I am confident that within a short space of time, sav a few months, there would be a condition of anarchy exist- ing here. Q. Are you acquainted with the opinions of foreigners with regard to current events, the English and Germans? — A. Yes; I have talked with them here in Manila, Iloilo, and Cebu, and have seen Q. What position do they occupy in regard to American sover eignty — I mean as to whether they prefer that we should establish a government here or turn it over to the Filipinos? — A. Oh. there is no question as to what their opinion is on that subject. They are con- vinced themselves that their business interests and their capital would not be safe. Q. And you share that opinion?- — A. I do; yes, sir. Q. Then what form of government would you recommend for the KEPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 353 islands in connection with the exercise of our sovereignty? — A. With- out going into details, it is my belief that a government must be estab- lished here which permits of full American control where it is neces- sary to exercise it. There are many among the Filipinos who can be given positions of greater or less responsibility, and all of the minor offices can undoubtedly be satisfactorily filled by Filipinos. I believe that they are capable of very great advancement. The race is quick to learn and has fairly good natural ability, but such a class will have to be educated before great responsibility can be placed in their hands. The entire direction of the general government, in my opinion, should remain in the hands of the United States until such time as they can demonstrate their fitness for assuming greater responsibilities. When that time will be it is difficult to state. I myself believe it will be at least a generation from now, probably more. Q. Is it your opinion that the Filipinos should be given all public employment for which they are capable ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. In the organization of a civil government here wouldyou give any Filipino a prominent position? — A. If there can be found a Filipino fitted by education and training for a post of even considerable responsi- bility, I believe that it would be safe to place that man in that office. Q. You think the idea of exploiting this country for the benefit of adventurous Americans ought to be discouraged ? — A. Entirely. Q. If a civil government were established here, what do you say, assuming tnat, for example, there would be a governor, and perhaps some secretaries in the various departments, such as we have at home — what would you say as to filling some of those offices with Filipinos ? — A. And how many of such offices could be supposed to be in existence? Q. Well, the offices, of course, would be innumerable, almost, in the islands; but, beginning at the beginning, suppose a civil governor were appointed, he would want a board of secretaries — of the interior, public health, treasury, attorney -general, etc. ; do you believe that those offices ought to be filled exclusively by Americans or by a mix- ture of Filipinos and Americans? — A. 1 believe that it would be safe to place one or two or three Filipinos in such positions, if suitable men could be found at the present time. As a matter of fact, in the estab- lishment of the courts many of the most able Filipinos are already employed, which reduces the number of available men to a very small number. The problem would, I think, be rather difficult under exist- ing conditions. Q. As far as that is concerned, of course, those men could be trans- ferred?— A. If those men could be transferred, I believe there are men here capable of filling such positions. Q. You think the most reliable men here are already in the courts? — A. Yes ; there are still two or three Filipinos of ability and integrity in the city within command. Q. Don’t you think, Doctor, that the occasion always produces the man; isn’t that an axiom in history? — A. It certainly does in very many cases. My idea in regard to the employment of Filipinos here is that if they had associated with them a sufficient number of Amer- icans who are honorable and upright in their dealings, there would be a very strong tendency on the part of the Filipinos to do as their col- leagues do. They are natural imitators ; it is a racial characteristic, and, in my opinion, if they saw that their chief or their colleagues were not just in his or their administration, and were not entirely r C 23 354 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. honest, there would be a tendency to follow in his and their footsteps. This applies not only to officers of equal standing, but always with greater force to subordinates in the different departments. Q. If we undertook to organize an advisory council, with repre- sentatives from each one of the important islands, could we find people competent to come here and discharge those duties? — A. We could find suitable men in several of the important islands. I am doubtful about being able to find men in some of the islands of sufficient educa- tion and experience to be of any great value in such a body. Q. Well, now, Doctor, taking the islands and naming them as you go along, will you tell us what you think about each one of them, in regard to the form of government which you think ought to be given it and the capacity of the individuals residing there to carry out such a government? Mention, if you please, any islands that }Tou choose, and give us, seriatim, your opinion as to what might be done for those islands in the way of government, and whether capable men can be found there to do the work, and whether those men would be faithful. Take the island of Negros, that you have lately visited. — A. Taking the islands as such: Negros, Cebu, Panay, and the island of Luzon are sufficiently advanced so that there could be found men able to carry out this proposed work. I do not mean by that putting the entire government in their hands, because I do not believe that there is an island in the archipelago where the entire government can be placed, without restrictions, in the hands of the natives. Q. Plainly, you believe the governor ought to be an American ? — A. I do most decidedly, and the government should be of such a nature as would allow the American governor to exercise control if it became necessary. Q. And that relation might be 01 might not be permanent? — A. That relation might be or might not be permanent, but, in my opin- ion, would have to continue for a number of years. Q. Do you see any possibility — you know, t>f course, about what we have done, and you know about establishing this constitution, and I presume you are perfectly familiar with it? — A. Yes. Q. 1 mean the constitution of Negros? — A. Yes. Q. In your opinion, would it be possible to carry out that scheme in regard to Negros? — A. You mean the scheme of establishing a gov- ernment within the lines of this constitution ( Q. 1 mean the scheme of government as proposed for the island of Negros? — A. No, sir; I do not believe that it would be a success. Q. You are familiar with their constitution, are you not? A. Yes; I have read it over. Q. We want to know whether that constitution as written would be adapted to the people. — A. No, sir; I do not believe it would be. Q. Give us your reasons. — A. I believed at the time it was giving them altogether too much, and 1 think that past events have demon- strated that. By Professor Worcester: Q. I would like to ask the doctor to give a statement of the course of events from the time the commissioners first came up here to turn that island over — from the time the Negros people began to organize themselves. That would demonstrate the points you propose to bring out. Q. Doctor, will you follow out that suggestion? — A. In the first REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 355 place, it is necessary to go back to the time when the Negros commis- sion presented itself here. There is a fundamental difference in the revolution as it took place in Negros and the revolution as it took place here. Here, the revolution began with the masses of the people. It began not as a revolution for independence, but as a protest against abuses, largely the abuses of the monastic orders. It was in 1896 that the first disturbance took place here, speaking of recent events, because, of course, there had been incipient revolutions in times past, usually for the same reason. During 1896 and 1897 and up to the autumn of 1898 there was no disturbance in Negros. They remained faithful to the Spanish Gov- ernment. After the capitulation of Manila, and after Aguinaldo and his troops had gained control of the greater part of Luzon and of some of the adjacent islands, the intelligent men of Negros took mat- ters into their own hands and rose against the Spanish Government as it then existed in the island of Negros. It was practically a bloodless revolution. They began it on one day and the next day the capital city capitulated. It was handed over to the revolutionary party. All of this moArement had been directed by the intelligent men, and the masses had practically nothing to do with the direction of the move- ment. A few days afterwards, as I learned from men in Negros, they sent over to the captain of a man-of-war in Iloilo Harbor a document asking for American protection. Q. Will you tell me how far that is from Negros? You say they sent over.- — A. Flic capital city, Bacolod, is about two and one-half hours’ to three hours’ run by steamer from Iloilo — about 25 miles. That document, I believe, is in the hands of our officers somewhere at the present time. I know they have a copy of it in Negros. They have refused to have anything to do with the Tagalogs; or, rather, when the insurgent army attempted to go there thejr did not permit soldiers to land in their island, claiming that they would look after their own affairs. They elected their president, also their congress and their president of the congress, and the various officers of the government, using as a model the previously existing Spanish government. They remained in this condition up to, I think, the 22d of February, when their com- mission reached Manila; that is to say, after the outbreak of hostilities between the American forces and the insurgent forces, when a com- mission consisting of four men came to Manila to ask for American protection and American sovereignty. Do you wish me to go into details in regard to that? Q. I don’t care how many details you go into. — A. General Otis sent for me. He said that this commission had arrived, and he wished me to get together a committee of leading Filipinos here in the city and get it to meet them. Then thejr were to be brought on shore and given every consideration. He asked me to get as the head of this reception committee Mr. Arellano, also Mr. Legarda, and another Filipino whom I desired to add. This I succeeded in doing, for hav- ing obtained the consent of Mr. Arellano, it was very easy to obtain the consent of the other two men, because they followed in his lead. They were somewhat reluctant to act, as that was committing them- selves out and out to the American party. We went out to the boat and had some conversation with them and welcomed them here, and told them that we were very glad they had come. Lieutenant Sladen went as the personal representative of the General, and that afternoon 366 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. they were brought into the city and lodged in one of the hotels. They were here some live or six days, during which time several con- ferences were held with the major-general commanding, and were then sent back to Negros on board of a Government boat accompanied by Colonel Smith and a battalion of the First California Volunteers. The four men on the commission were Mr. Lacson, the president of Negros; Mr. Luzuriaga, the president of the congress, and two younger men. They stated to General Otis that they had come to offer unconditional adherence to the American Government; that they wished for the protection of the American Government, and for the assistance of the American Government in maintaining peace and order in the island. They wished also some American troops to give them protection, especially against the Tagalog insurgents, because the}' apprehended that their action would cause much hatred among the insurgents, and that they would try to revenge themselves by attack- ing the island. They also asked to be allowed to organize a small body of native troops and have them armed and trained by American officers and put under the control of officers of their own. Q. The main thing for us to find out. Doctor — 1 understand that afterwards they made a start, after they had been up here — now, what I want to rind out practically is, how that thing worked, and whether it was wise for the major-general to supersede that rather curious gov- ernment they got up, and which, of course, could not be put in force except by act of Congress, by his recent order, which, I suppose, you are familiar with. Take your own way of describing events. — A. They asked for American intervention, and they got more than the}' wanted. They returned and organized their government, retaining the same officers, I think, they had previously elected in the govern- ment. At least one member of the commission stated that they wished a considerable amount of American control in the island; he thought it was necessary. They organized that government on the basis indi- cated, and I have no personal knowledge of what took place there, except from report that came here. We next heard that there had been a desertion, as it was reported, by a part of this native body of troops which had been organized; but, as 1 afterwards learned in the island, this was not true. The men who deserted with their arms were the men on the police force, which they had organized before, and they had taken for this force old members of the guardia civil, many of them Tagalogs, and, of course, some Visayans, whom they had as police, particularly in the town of Silay, where the desertion took place. These men deserted and joined themselves with the band of religious fanatics known as the Babaylanes. This is a peculiar religious sect, headed by a man known as Papa Isio, a man who a few years ago was a laborer on one of the plantations. These men descended from the mountains and began to attack the plantations nearest the mountains, first robbing and later burning buildings. Those were the reports that came to Manila. It was not a matter of political significance at all. When I got to the island, however, this movement had increased to (piite a marked extent, and especially in one section of Negros, the west central part of the island, where there was a great deal of burn- ing and lawlessness going on; and being on the ground I found that the movement had gone much further than had been reported in Manila. The discontented element on the plantations had joined with these Babaylanes, and the movement was then in reality an organized REPORT OK THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 357 movement against the existing government in the island — that is to say, against the native government, because the American authorities had practically allowed the native officials to go on in their own way, of course, advising them in regard to certain matters, especially in regard to the drawing up of their constitution. This body of native troops had been under the control of General Smith. I found that the abuses that had existed under the Spanish Government had continued under the native government, especially away from the capital city. They did not have the whole island under control that they thought they had, or that we thought they had, at least some of us. There were also outbreaks in one or two localities away from the western side where the capital is located, one at Escalante, where Captain Tilley, of the Signal Corps, was killed, another down at Bais, where the family of a wealthy planter was attacked one night and several members of the family severely wounded. This was because there existed there a law- less element which did not recognize the Negros government, and as the government had no force in that side of the island, they were allowed to do about as they pleased. To better illustrate this condi- tion, perhaps, I should state one or two instances recited to me. For example, an officer of the native police force in riding along the road met a man who was also on horseback and who had a better saddle than he had, and he compelled him to exchange saddles. So, too, sometimes attacks would lie made on plantations, the men disguising themselves as Babavlanes, when in reality they did not belong to that sect at all, but simply took this way of robbing and throwing the blame upon the religious fanatics. Then I found, even up around the capital itself and some of the adjacent towns, such as Talisay and Si lay, a great deal of discontent with the existing government. Q. I want to get from your testimony a statement of the reason for our superseding the expression of the will of those people, as stated in their congress and constitution, by this constitution and form of government which have been adopted and given to the island? — A. They were working for a change in the personnel of the government. They said they wanted a new element, so as to have other men in. Q. Well, that is revolution, isn’t it? — A. They wanted a revolu- tion— a change of government. They said that they thought if they had other persons in the government they would get along all right. I believe myself that inside of three months or six months the same condition would have been back again, and they would have wanted another change, or another change of officers, because I don’t believe that they can get any combination of officers that would be satisfac- tory to them. Q. Well, you believe, from your knowledge of the island of Negros, that the best thing to do is what the General has done? — A. I most assuredly do — to give them as free a government as poss'ble under military rule — that is to say, under American control until the time comes Q. I want to find out whether, in your opinion, the form of govern- ment which we have in that island will be satisfactory or not, or whether we may apprehend another revolution and more antagonism, instead of peaceful acceptance? — A. I believe that that government will satisfy them if the military government is able to keep watch of the administration away from the capital, and do away with the abuses which are existing at the preseut time. There will be a small 358 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. element in the capital and some of the adjacent towns which will not he altogether satisfied, but I think that the mass of the people will be very well satisfied with the government if the governor is able to stop these abuses. Q. Don't you think it very greatly depends upon the personnel of the government? — A. Very largely, indeed. Q. Do you regard General Smith as a suitable man for the place ? — A. General Smith is a very able man, in my opinion; he is a man of a great deal of tact. Q. And a great deal of influence ? — A. And a great deal of influence. Q. What do you think of extending that sjTstem to the other islands? — A. I do not believe that even as liberal a system as that can be extended to some of the islands. Q. Mention some of the principal islands. You spoke frequently about Cebu. — A. 1 believe this system could not be put in force in Cebu. Q. What is the chief town of Cebu. — A. Cebu itself is the chief city. Q. What is the next important island? — A. Pauay. Iloilo is the chief city of Panay. Q. How far is Iloilo from Negros? — A. About 25 miles. Q. Wouldn’t it be possible to have those two under one govern- ment?— A. No, sir; I don’t think so. Q. Do you know what the population of Cebu is? — A. No, sir; I do not. It is a populous island. Q. What about Panay, where Iloilo is? — A. Panay is a different proposition from any other of the islands at present. Q. What are the principal islands of the Visayan group ? — A. Panay, Negros, Cebu, Samar, Leyte, Bohol, and Masbate. Q. Would each one of these islands have to have a government of its own? — A. All except possibly Bohol and Masbate, which might be attached to one of the other Visayan Islands, although Masbate is nearer to Luzon than it is to, say, Cebu or Panay. I don’t believe that it would be advisable to attach it to any Luzon province, because of the difference in race and language. Bohol is rather a poor island. Q. What language do they speak in Panay? — A. It is known gen- erally as the Visayan language, but there are various dialects spoken in the island, just as takes place in most of the islands. In Iloilo they speak rather a corrupt form of Visayan. Twenty or thirty miles back the language varies sufficiently that we may call it a dialect. It will be somewhat different on the opposite coast or Antique. There will be a variation found in the language as spoken in the province of Capiz. Q. Do they speak Spanish ? — A. A certain number speak Spanish in all of the important towns. In Iloilo, Cebu, and Manila, for instance, the majority of the population speaks Spanish, most of them very poorly and incorrectly. When you go out into the provinces and the smaller towns you will not find more than three or four or half a dozen who speak Spanish, sometimes not that many. Q. Do you think that the difference in dialects would cause difficulty in administering the government? — A. No, sir; I do not think so. If we will use Spanish for a time as the official language, later substitut- ing English as the official language, all papers can be translated into the language of the province or locality to which they are sent. Q. In the island of Negios could we use Spanish with effect ? — A. Yes. We can use Spanish in all of the islands, because in every place of REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 359 an}r importance there will be those who can translate the document into the dialect of that particular region. Q. In the near future do you see any possibility of giving this people any other form of government than the one you have outlined; that is, a stronger form of government than the ordinary republic? I)o you think it a possibility to give to these islands a form of govern- ment approximating more nearly to a republic than the one which we have put there as a species of military government? — A. Not in the immediate future. Q. Your advice would be to organize these islands, under some such form as that down there, at once? — A. Yes. Q. You think that is a necessity ? — A. It is an absolute necessity, in mv opinion, that the present form of government here should be one which gives us as strong’ control in all matters of government as is done in this document (the Negros constitution). Q. You think by adaptation that form of government could be used in the various islands you have mentioned — the important ones? — A. I do. Q. What do you think with regard to a general government? — A. That it should be along these same lines; or, perhaps, putting it in another way, the central government should be one that gives strong control, and then from the central government could be modeled, by the making of various modifications, all the provincial governments to suit the provinces or islands where this government is applied. I do not believe you can give exactly the same degree of liberality in all places. Q. Now, perhaps I am pressing you on this point, but still we want to get a strict opinion. If you were recommending a form of govern- ment to the United States, would you recommend that form of which you have spoken ? — A. Yes, sir; at the present time I would. Experi- ence will show certain modifications that will, perhaps, be necessary. Q. In the island of Luzon— we will come to that for a while. You would have a civil government here for the whole archipelago, wouldn’t you ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Then what would you do in regard to the local government in Luzon ? — A. I think, on account of the difference in dialects and the difference in races that are found in this island, which is very large and very great, and on account of the differences in languages and racial differences in the Yisayan Islands, that there will have to be several provincial governments in this island of Luzon, modeled on the central government. Q. Could the administration of these governments be intrusted to Filipinos? — A. Not entirely, sir, in any case. Q. In the island of Luzon ? — A. Not entirely. Q. How many governments would you have in the island of Luzon; how many provincial governments in the provinces, as they were? — A. I think it would be necessary to have at least five provincial gov- ernments in Luzon. Q. And would you give to each one of these governments a governor and an advisory council and judges?— A. Yes; for the local adminis- tration. Q. You think five would be necessary? — A. I think probably five would be necessary; it might be reduced to four. Q. In addition to the general government located at Manila, would 360 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. you have any local government here, as you do in the other islands, or in the other parts of this province, or would you have the general government here have charge of local matters in Manila? There is a province of Manila, is there not? — A. Yes; there is a province of Manila and the city of Manila — the old city, the old municipality, which had peculiar privileges. Q. Would you have that administered by the general government, or would you have another government for it? — A. I would have another government for it. I think there would he sufficient to occupy the central government with the details from the provinces. Q. Then you would add some other province to Manila?— A. Yes; I would add on these Tagalog provinces; there is a community of lan- guage which would make it feasible to unite several provinces into one. Q. Then you would have the provincial local government somewhere else than in Manila? — A. Not necessarily; no. Q. You would not have two governments here, one general and one special. Wouldn't it be better to have another seat of government? — A. No, sir; I don’t think it would be necessary to have a different seat of government. Q. I was thinking of the general government here, particularly for Manila province, and the doing away with the necessity of having a provincial government for this province.- — A. I don’t think that would do; in my opinion it would not be feasible. For one reason, we are trying to establish a government here satisfactory to these people, and in the provincial governments we will give them probably more con- trol than we shall in the general government. There are a great many here, of course, who are anxious to hold these government positions, and so if the provincial government was done away with here in Manila, and the provincial government was put under the control of the central government, there would be a rather large discontented element here in Manila and in the vicinity. Q. In what form of government, Doctor, would j'ou treat the cus- toms and the post-office? — A. Those should be, I believe, under the control of the United States Government in every point. Q. The governor-general and his government should not have the power to collect custom duties? — A. No, sir; that should be done by the United States officials. Q. And the post-office? — A. Most assuredly, in the hands of the Federal officers, the Federal Government. Q. And the public lands; what would you think as to the proposi- tion that the civil government here should have the right to dispose of the public lands, offer them for sale, and survey them? — A. I think that should be under the civil government, Colonel. Q. Well, it is quite apparent, Doctor, that a new government organized here can not support itself ; where is the money to come from? — A. The provincial governments can raise at least a propor- tion of the money in their respective provinces. The rest of the money, of course, will have to come from the United States funds. Q. That would mean the customs ? — A. That would mean the customs; and it seems to me that with a good form of government here imports and exports shoidd increase to the extent that the customs receipts would be sufficient to defray the expenses of the civil government. Q. 1 would like to ask you, Doctor, what reply would you make, if REPORT Ob’ THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 361 any, if you went home and were told that these islands were worthless and that the United States would never get any good from them? With your knowledge of the physical geography and products of this archipelago, what would you say to such a suggestion as that ? — A. Well, in the first place, it is my belief, as I have just stated, that the islands can be made self-supporting from the simple financial point of view of actual expenses and actual income. I think there are very great possibilities of development of trade. 1 consider the islands very rich. The land is rich and we have here certain products which are not found anywhere else. There are immense possibilities in regard to the development of such industries, and the actual benefit that woidd come to the United States would probably be in the line of trade. I do not see why a very large trade should not be built up with the United States in all the products of the islands, and in return they taking our manufactures and other products, such as are pro- duced at home. Q. You believe that these islands will be of benefit to the United States if it holds them? — A. I do. Q. I mean financial benefit? — A. 1 do. I look at it in that way. They are capable of supporting their own government, and the trade would be of great benefit to us. Q. Do you know what the Spanish system of taxation was? A. Yes, sir. Q. Did they tax lands? — A. They taxed property of all kinds and industries of all kinds; very many direct taxes were imposed, and, of course, there were indirect taxes, such as came from the customs and internal revenue and in the way of stamps. Q. Spain got a revenue from these islands?'- — A. Spanish officials have claimed that not one cent went to the general treasury from these islands, but, on the contrary, there was occasionally a deficit. But that was not because the islands did not produce sufficient reve- nue; it was because that revenue did not go into the proper channels. Q. The people of the southern islands, for instance, would not take very kindly to taxation?- — A. Direct taxation, no, sir; their poll tax has always been excessive here. Q. If you were making a suggestion, Doctor, as to the qualification of voters, what would be your general idea ? — A. I do not believe as yet that the mass of the people is qualified. Q. You think that there ought to be a property qualification ? — A. I think there should be either a property or an educational qualifica- tion, possibly both. At least one of these qualifications should be imposed. Q. Do you believe that we can successfully inaugurate a govern- ment here? — A. I most certainly do, having great confidence in the ability of the American people to do what they set themselves out to do. I do not believe that the system of government that we are using at home will prove a success if it is applied to these islands; that is to say, the constant change of officials. Q. Do you believe that these people are peaceful and inclined to respect authority? — A. I do, and always have believed it, and I have not changed my opinion in that respect owing to past events. I think that there are explanations which demonstrate the reasons for the apparent unwillingness of these people to submit to control. Q. Do you believe the fact that they are what we might call, for 362 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. the sake of the argument, an “inferior race,” would rnakean insuperable objection to our educating them and bringing them forward? — A. No, sir; I do not. Q. What is about the proportion of Tagalogs in these islands? — A. In numbers I am unable to answer the question. The important Taga- logs, the Tagalogs of influence, are found in the six or seven provinces immediately about Manila; the provinces of Manila, Laguna, Batau- gas, Cavite, Bulacan, and Morong are found the true Tagalogs. Q. Do they constitute a separate race? — A. No, sir; but they have a separate language, or at least a separate dialect. Take the province of Pampanga, to the north, which is not a true Tagalog province, because they speak a different language. They have their own pro- vincial jealousies, and their own provincial pride. They are at present in the insurrectionary movement; but, in my opinion, largely because the great bulk of the insurgent army, the pure Tagalog army, has been either within the limits or very close to them. Q. You have had some opportunities of judging of the feelings of the people outside our lines, haven’t you? — A. Yes. Q. Now. what would you say as to the proportion of the ordinary people in Luzon that are in antagonism to the United States? In other words, do you believe that all the people are opposed to the United States? — A. I do not believe that 10 per cent of the people of the island of Luzon are opposed to the United States, and that per- centage could be greatly reduced by contact with the people. We have been unable, up to the present time, to come directly in contact with the people to disprove the very large number of false statements that have been made about the Americans by the Spaniards, and by the officers in the insurgent army. I found that to be true, not only here, but in the Visavan provinces, and saw some very marked examples of it. Take the example of the town of Silay, in Negros. I was told there, in a confidential conversation, which I had with one of the most important men, that when the battalion of California troops went to Bacolod the whole town of Si lay said that it did not want American troops to come near their place; that they had been told stories about them; that the}' were very cruel, very harsh, and unjust; that they would abuse the people and violate their women, and overturn their religious rights. Q. As a matter of fact, have there been any cases of the violation of women here? — A. None that I have known of, unless a report within the last three days is correct, of some drunken soldiers going into a house here in Manila. It is charged that they violated a woman. This is the report as it came to me. Within two days I have been unable to investigate it. I don’t know what became of it. I did not finish my statement in regard to the town of Silay. After the deser- tion of the native police force at Silay, it became necessary to send American troops there. The man with whom I was talking said that three or four days after the arrival of the troops, the people began to question among themselves, “Why, these are not the people that they were reported to be;” and that a week’s time was sufficient to demon- strate to them that these reports were entirely false. And at the time of our conversation, perhaps six weeks after the troops had arrived there, my informant told me that the people did not want to get along without our American troops; that they wanted them there right. along for their own protection. That is one instance. I could REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 363 cite several from my own personal experience. My point is, that as soon as we come directly in contact with the people who are to-day standing off, so we can demonstrate that we are not as bad as we are represented, and that in reality we are a straightforward people and honorable, that then almost all of this feeling of opposition that exists to-day will be swept away. This will apply to almost everyone, except to the officers of the insurgent army, because they will lose their positions in the doing away of such army. Q. What treatment should we give to the army, the insurgent army, when peace is declared — A. I believe that so long as they are in arms we should demand unconditional surrender, and continue our campaign against them with great firmness until the}” have surrendered. When they have surrendered I think that we can with safety be very generous to them. Q. Could we employ some of them in our own service? — A. Most assuredly we could. Q. And would that be a good thing to do? — A. If the men were fitted for positions I think that we could employ them. I have done that very thing in my own department, and with success. Q. You have employed Filipino soldiers? — A. I was instrumental in getting a Filipino medical officer out of jail, where he had been placed by order of the authorities. I immediately gave him a posi- tion in my office, having first a long talk with him, explaining our position and what we wished to do, how I would treat him, and how I expected he would conduct himself. That man has proved very faithful in his work, has been promoted from an inferior position to one of considerable responsibility, and is to-day doing as conscientious and efficient work as almost any man I have in that department. Q. Doctor, in your former visits to the islands, did you discover any antagonism to the friars ? — A. Very marked; very marked indeed, in almost every region that we visited. Q. On what was it based? — A. On the abuses committed by the friars in all places— moral abuses and financial abuses. Q. Was that general ? Was there any general sentiment against them, even as early as that ? — A. It was general so far as financial abuses were concerned, and in a very large number of cases it was general so far as moral abuses were concerned. The opposition to the friars was, I think, universal. Q. What is the condition of public sentiment now in that respect — I mean Filipino sentiment?- — A. It is stronger than ever in opposition to the friars in every place I have visited. Q. Isn’t our position a little anomalous here, that we are charged by the church with depriving them of their rights and by the Filipinos with favoring the church — A. Entirely anomalous, altogether anoma- lous. The opposition of the Filipinos is not to the church. It is to the monastic orders; that, I suppose, you understand. They can not appreciate, especially in regions away from here, that we are com- pelled to proceed in an entirely legal manner in all dealings with these orders and the property possessed by them. They think themselves — which shows their own appreciation of law — that we should simply take possession of every bit of property owned by the friars and expel the friars from the islands; and because we don’t do that they have come to believe that we are in some way hand in hand with the church and with the monastic orders. That idea is fostered every time a 364 REPOET OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. report goes out from Manila of any dealings with church property, as, for instance, the establishment of the university. While 1 was in Negros and Cebu I was asked the question as to whether the univer- sity was to be reestablished under the direction and supervision of the friars, and I told them that I supposed so, and the impression created was bad. They took it as evidence that we were protecting the friars. Q. Do you regard it as advisable to encourage American mission- aries to come here — I mean Protestant missionaries, of course? — A. Yes, sir; I think in all regions where there are no Mohammedans we should probably give encouragement to missionaries to come. I think that for some years to come missionaries should not go to the Moham- medans. They should not go to the Mohammedan regions until our own position is firmly established there. Q. What are the Mohammedan regions? — A. First, Jolo and the adjacent islands, the greater part of the island of Mindanao, the island of Basilan, and the southern part of the island of Palawan. Q. In those islands you think that the military power ought to pro- hibit the missionary from coming? — A. I do. Q. In regard to the island of Luzon and other islands, it should not interfere? — A. They should not interfere in any way. Let them tight it out between the churches. I feel quite sure that the people will take kindly to them in many places, because their own idea of reli- gion is not very well fixed at the present time. It is the observance mostly of outward form. They have no true appreciation of Catholi- cism as we understand it at home. Q. You would not advise, then, any governmental action in regard to religious questions, but would let it work itself out?- — A. So far as simply the religious question is concerned, I certainly advise that they be allowed to work that out. The question as to the property of these monastic orders is another question. Q. Well, that you think ought to be left to some form of legal gov- ernment ? — A. Y es. Q. And not to be arbitrarily settled by the military? — A. It is a question which, of course, will require considerable thought. Just how it will be worked out is difficult to foretell, but 1 do believe that these immense estates in the hands of these friars should in some way be placed on the market, so that they could be placed in the hands of small property holders instead of being left in their present condition. Q. Do you believe that the religious authorities here ought to be permitted to exercise the right of excommunication? — A. I under- stand that is a religious question. Q. Is it a religious question? — A. It is my understanding that that is a question entirely within the province of the Pope. Q. Isn’t excommunication in the nature of a libel. Suppose I am a Catholic, and suppose to-morrow morning I am damned forever by the bishop, and the people are ordered to have nothing to do with me, and I am not allowed to go to church, wouldn’t that under our form of government constitute a legal question? — A. I do not know. Q. Do you believe that these people are inclined to throw off the subjugation to the church? — A. No, sir; I do not. The subjugation to the church as such — 1 think they consider themselves good Catholics, but what they object to is the great amount of abuse which exists, and especially to the great amount of abuses and to the great power which the monastic orders have always held here. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 365 Q. Ilovr can we win the confidence of these people and make them our friends? — A. By practical examples of what we are going to do for them, and by personal contact with them. Q. They don't take much stock in promises, do they? — A. Very little. They are very skeptical. They have had promises made to them so long that they are inclined to disbelieve not only the white races, but themselves. Q. What is the sentiment of the people of Manila — I mean the natives, as regards us ? Has it become more friendly by our occupation or not? — A. Yes; it has become very much more friendly. They are at the present time somewhat discontented, because there is as yet no established form of permanent government, everything is provisional, and" they are unable to carry through, for instance, as they have done in the past, their ordinary legal proceedings, and they don’t know where to lay the blame for this. Q. Are our friends here among the Filipinos a cordial unit or are the3T divided? — A. Of course, our friends among the Filipinos can be considered as a unit, but we can not as yet number as our friends all of the important people of Manila. I think there is an element here at present that is still holding off for the purpose of observation and they can probably be held in this condition for some little time yet, but I do think if we could give a permanent form of government and establish it and demonstrate what we could do for them it would not be long before we would have them on our side. Q. Do you think that form of government ought to be at once established or should we wait until Congress acts? — A. I think it should be established as soon as is consistent with the military situation. Q. Would you have it influenced only by the military question? — A. Yes; only by that. Q. If the military thought it would be injurious to them, and only from that point of view, you would not do it? If the military thought it would not affect them one way or the other, then you would do it ? — ■ A. I would certainly put it into operation if it was possible to do so. I don’t see why some form of government can not be established here that would not interfere with the military question; but that there is need of some permanent form of government I am convinced. Q. Do you know what the sentiment of the Spaniards is here toward us? — A. Yes, sir; barring a few of them; they have done us a great deal of harm, a great deal of injury in this city and in all parts of the islands where they have been. I can except from those who have harmed us Spaniards who have property here, or other men, such as merchants, who really have large interests here in the islands, and are anxious for that reason to see prosperity return and order established. The rest of them, the unemployed element, the foreign- ers who are left here, have all worked against us for the most part in a quiet, underhanded way, largely by exciting the Filipinos and instill- ing into them this lack of confidence which we have been encountering so long, and being able to talk with them in their own language, they are able to get at them very readily, and in this way they have kept up this feeling of opposition to us and this lack of confidence in us, and that has done us a great deal of harm. Q. Has any effort been made to conciliate these Spaniards in any way ? Clearly their interests are the same as ours. They can never REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 366 hope to get these islands back. — A. I don’t know how much effort has been made to talk with them directly. I know that in some cases it has been done. The men connected with the newspapers have been called before the American authorities and told distinctly that they would have to pursue different policies or accept the results. 1 don't think that any general or organized effort has been made to talk with them. I can illustrate what I think represents the Spanish sentiment here toward us by repeating a conversation with a Spaniard I know who is still here; he represents the class of which I speak — an army officer. Having known him for a number of years, he would talk to me more frankly than the average Spaniard would. He expressed his feelings this way soon after the outbreak of hostilities. He said, “Of course, I feel this way. The Americans have made war against us and have deprived us of our colonies; the Filipinos proved treacherous to us, both in 1896 and again when the Americans came to these islands. Now, when I receive word that in a given battle 50 Filipinos have been killed I am much pleased, because they have harmed us. If the next day I hear that 100 Americans have been killed, 1 say, better still, and if the next day 500 Filipinos have been killed, I say, so much the better.” Q. I would like to know, in general, when you get home and go before the higher authorities — before the President — if you arc going to give them an account of these islands such as you have given us, and present your views in rather a prosperous and rosy light, holding out inducements that it won’t be long before we subjugate these people and everything will be right, or if you are going to be a pessimist? — A. I shall give mv honest views in regard to the situation, wherever I find myself or with whomsoever I am talking. I have always been an optimist in regard to the situation — not so much in regard to the military situation, because long before the fighting I said we would have to fight. It is my opinion, as 1 wrote home and state here, that the onl}T thing to do is to fight them, and to fight hard; but I do not think this is any reason for changing my opinion in regard to the future of these islands, so long as a good government is given to them. Q. You believe that the public good requires here that once for all we should put down this rebellion and have peace, and that in that way only can order be restored?- — A. Yes. Q. You believe we have accomplished a good deal? — A. A great deal. I believe there has been a slow though clear gain. Q. You believe that in the fall, when the dry weather comes, we will make short work of these people? — A. I believe we should have sufficient force here to put down this rebellion. That is a military question. We should have force enough to entirely suppress this revolution during the next season. Q. Do you believe that inducements should be held out to them, such as future independence? — A. I don’t believe those things ought to be held out. I don’t believe that they should be promised anything more than they merit, and they should take our history as a people and remember that we, as a people, stand for freedom and a liberal form of government. Q. If we once suppress this rebellion, from their character and their course in the past, do you believe that they would remain quiet for any length of time, or that we would have other rebellions breaking out? — A. I believe as soon as we have got our government established REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 3(‘)7 and demonstrate to them that it is a better form of government than they had before that they would be quiet. Q. Is there any doubt in your mind that the government we would give them would be a better government than the one they had — I mean as adapted to them? — A. Not so long as we did not adopt in its entirety a complete change of officers with every change of adminis- tration; that is, if this is to be on a permanent basis as a territorial government, all officers who prove themselves efficient should be retained here and not displaced every year or two. If that was done it would be better than the government here in the past. Inevitably some mistakes will lie made at the first, but I have great confidence in the ability of the American people to work out a successful form of government. Q. What is your opinion as to the admission of the Chinese? — A. I do not believe that the Chinese should be allowed to come in here with- out restriction. Q. You can go on and state your restrictions, please, Doctor; it is a serious question and one in which I am greatly interested, on account of my very long residence in China and my great desire not to do any injustice to these people. What restrictions do you recommend? — A. We have promised the Filipinos that we will establish a govern- ment here for the Filipinos. Just at the present time there are some difficulties on the labor question in the provinces on account of the erroneous ideas that the Filipinos have in their heads as to what liberty is. They consider it as license, and that equality means that the laboring man is as good as the employer — false notions, which I think can be gotten out of their heads in a comparatively short time. I believe that the result of our presence here will be to raise the price of labor to a point where it will be worth while to the Filipino to apply him- self to work and that he will lie better contented than he is now, and that we should not, therefore, admit without restriction labor which tends rather to make the Filipino’s wages less than they are at present or than they have been. Then, too, we know that the Chinaman does not leave his money in this country. His object is to acquire money and return to China, so that it is taken out of the country immediately. He is more frugal than the native, although the native is ordinarily able to get along with a very small amount. The native has higher aspirations than the Chinaman; he does like to live well if he can. I believe, therefore, if by our policy we can better the condition of the Filipino workman that it would make him so much more contented with American rule. Q. You believe he would work if the Chinaman were not here? — A. Yes; I do. There will be some difficulties for some months. Q. You believe, then, that the labor question has the same aspects here as at home? — Yes. I do not place the Chinaman on as high a plane as I do the native. Q. Don't you think our contiguity to China would result in bringing over many thousands or millions of them, if they were not restricted as to their coming?- — Yes; I do. Q. They are so close that they would come to what they regard as a new Eldorado? — Yes. Q. Now, Doctor, have you given any attention to the financial ques- tion?— A. In what way? Q. The currency question. We have here a silver basis. What do 368 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. you say about going on a gold basis? — A. Well, 1 am a strong believer in the necessity of a stable monetary system. Q. I mean as applicable to these islands; not politically, as in the United States ? — A. As applying only to these islands ? Q. Yes; what immediate action we will take about these questions now. It is not what we are going to do in the future, but now. The problem is now, should the United States Government issue an order that the cur- rency here shall be gold and reduce the silver to mere barter, or ought we to coin it as Japan does at 32 to 1, or coin it as Brown wants us to at 16 to 1; or ought we to leave the question at present to work itself out, taking into consideration that the islands are prosperous and that it would be a grand revolution to pay a man a gold dollar in place of a silver dollar. I am asking your advice not as a financier, but as a practical man here, having seen the thing work, and what you think as to the recommendation this commission ought to make in regard to any change in the currency? — A. I do not believe that at the present time a change in the currency is advisable. These people are accus- tomed to dealing with small sums of money. Their wage is small and their average purchase is made in cents, and not in dollars Then, too, the gold money if it were here at present, would be hidden away by the people on every occasion, and would be kept out of circulation. When they had gold here formerly, a great many years ago, they hid it and buried it, and if we immediately changed to a gold basis here, we would be short of currency at present. Q. Taking the business of the country as you find it, }’ou believe it would be better, for the present, to continue on the same basis? — A. Yes. Q. And if any changes are to be made, to make them in the future? — A. Yes. It is on account of the condition of the people here. The negroes in the south, during the time the crops are being moved, will make any sacrifice to hide gold, and the banks are very reluctant to let gold go out, because if the gold goes out and gets into the hands of these people they will go through any kind of hardship to save that shining gold coin. We have the fact here that the monetary medium that will continue circulating must be small. They do not buy 810 worth at a time, but 3 or d cents worth; so if we attempted to introduce the gold system at present I think there would be a great deal of trouble. Q. Don't you think, as a general thing, we ought to go slow?— A. Yes. It is new work to us all through, and we should not rush into any one thing; if we do we are liable to encounter grave difficulties. Adjourned. TESTIMONY OF SENOR LOYZAGA. Manila, August 1, 1899. Present: Colonel Denby, Professor Worcester, and Mr. MacArthur. Jose de Loyzaga y Ageo, in response to the questions of the com- missioners, stated: By Colonel Denby: Q. Will you please tell us your name, your occupation, and how REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 369 long you have lived in Manila? — A. My name is Jose dc Loyzaga y Ageo; I was born in Manila; my profession is that of a lawyer, and I have been the director of the newspaper El Comercio. Q. For how long a time ? — A. Since the year 1894. The newspaper was founded by my father. Q. In brief, what was the form of government of the Spaniards here before we came here? — A. An autocratic form. Q. Will you please tell us in general just what it was; a governor- general, and so on ? — A. The government, like all human affairs, had its advantages and its defects. Q. Did the governor-general have a cabinet? — A. No; he only had an advisory bod}’, but it was all subject to the home government, and since the existence of the cable it was absolutely subject to the home Government. Q. How was the advisory body selected? — A. This advisory body was composed, in the first place, of the archbishop, the president of the supreme court, the attorney -general, the treasurer, and the civil director of internal affairs, and the military governor of the town, who was the second in command. The secretary of this body was the sec- retary-general of the government. Q. By whom were these officials named ? — A. They were all appointed by the home government. v Q. How was the advisory council selected ?• — A. This is the advisory council, but it held very few meetings. 1 can give you the law on the subject, and you can see it plainly. Q. Then the government was carried on and decrees made by the governor-general, or were the decrees made in Spain? — A. No; by the home government. Q. Did they in Spain have a department for the colonies, and did that department manage those colonies? — A. Yes; the department of foreign affairs, ultramer. Q. Then the whole government of the islands was vested in the colonial department ? — A. It was subject to this department of ultra- mer; they had supervision over all the different departments, internal affairs, and over the different departments. Q. What connection did the governor-general have with the gov- ernments of the islands, the other islands, if any? — A. The govern- ment of the other islands was in him; they were secondary to the govenor-general in all their departments, the department of internal affairs and of the administration of justice and all other departments; all of those governments were subject to the governor-general. Q. Were the governors appointed for the island? — A. There were civil governors and politico-military governors. Q. By whom were they named? — A. The civil governors by the home government, and the military governors by the governor- general. Q. Was there in the islands any species of self-government, any government by election by the people? — A. None of the higher authorities were elected by vote; they were all appointed by the gov- ernor-general; the only officers elected were the gobernadorcillos of the towns. Q. Was that form of government satisfactory to the Spaniards who were living here ? — A. I could not answer that exactly, but my per- p c 24 370 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. sonal opinion is that instead of the Indians rising up against it the Spaniards should have risen up against it. Q. What part, if any, in this government did the church take? — A. In all the branches of the government. Q. Will you explain that; did the priest ex officio hold office or what?- — A. Yes. Q. What did they do? — A. They formed a part of the provincial council which existed. Q. The priest, by virtue of his occupation, was a member of the provincial council, was he? — A. Yes, sir. Q. And the archbishop, by virtue of his position, was a member of the advisory council or the cabinet?- — A. Yes, sir. Q. The government, then, was to some extent theocratic? — A. Yes, sir; everything was subject to the will of the church, almost every thing. Q. Was that species of government satisfactory to the Spaniards? — A. The friar has always been the enemy of the Spaniards themselves. Q. What Avas the relation between the Filipinos and the church, or rather what were the feelings of the Filipinos toward this church government ? — A. In the towns in which the Indian was the owner of most of the ground he had to submit, because if he did not he AATas subject to deportation; in the towns in which the religious orders were the owners of the land there was a disguised slavery. Q. To what extent did this ecclesiastical control exist; 1 mean as to the families and ordinary family life of the people ?- — A. It entered into the very most private affairs without regard to the means it employed. Q. How did it affect the morality of the people? — A. It had no effect. Q. Do you mean to say that the priests or the friars had no influence on the morality of the people, for avc have heard a great deal of talk to the contrary, and Ave would like your opinion? — A. You haATe as a proof of the matter the little desire for work Avhich the people have, which may be explained to a certain extent by the fact that the Indian does not have many necessities. Q. I mean to ask the question — I might as well ask it directly — whether the priests Avere immoral or not in their connection with the Filipino women? — A. The friars lived with concubines. I think that only 5 per cent of them may be calculated as being half moral. Q. Didn’t that condition create a good deal of feeling among the Filipinos ? — A. Anyone that showed any such feeling was deported, so that the feeling of the people Avas not made knoAvn. The feeling of the people was not known. Q. Didn’t the antagonism to the friars enter largely into the rebel- lion against Spain? — A. On this question the subject must be entered into at length and a somewhat lengthy explanation is necessary. The insurrection of 189(5 began over a purely agrarian question. Q. Willyou explain to us what the foundations of this purely agrarian question were? — A. A little before the year 189(5 the Order of lieco- letos, which was the owner of lands in Imus — three years before the date of the insurrection, in the time of General Weyler, 1 don’t remem- ber the exact time, they imposed the rice tax, in Calamba they took tithes of the rice — and from this dated the hostile feeling against the friars of Calamba. The protest of the people of Calamba, as well as those of Imus, started public feeling; aroused public sentiment. At REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 871 this time, before the insurrection of 1896, the number of Masonic lodges was very much increased about Manila, and was opposed by the friars, because they said it was a sect opposed to religion, and they opposed these Masonic lodges, mixing up this affair with the matter of the tithes on rice. They made a report, which the gentlemen of the Commission can judge of for themselves, that there was a ship in Santa Mesa with 2,000 arms for the purpose of taking the capital. This report was stirred up purely by the friars, and at this time (and herein is the secret history of the revolution) Father Mariano Dio paid half a dollar to each man who would meet in Balintauag. This was the beginning of the revolution. The Indians, seeing that there were men paid by the priests to meet at this point with only bolos, thought the matter over and decided that a revolution could be made with bolos; and with bolos the revolution was started. Immediately from the north of Sampalog, where Balintauag is situated, the whole province of Cavite rose in insurrection in one day. Q. Didn’t the Spanish Government appreciate the gravity of the movement? — A. Yes, sir; but the Spanish Government here was in the hands of General Blanco, a man who was in the hands of the Masons, who belonged to the Masons; and inasmuch as the proposition of the friars was to get General Blanco out of the islands, as he belonged to the Masons, they began by means of telegraph to Hong- kong, in communication with the home Government, to work against the policy of General Blanco; for in my opinion General Blanco appreciated the fact that it was not a real insurrection, but only an agrarian movement. Q. Then you regard as the cause of the insurrection this agrarian movement? — A. Yes; it had been growing for many years, from deportations, executions, and disappearances, even to the disappearance of whole families from the provinces; and the moment of vengeance had come, which appealed to the fantastic character of the Malay race. Q. Do you believe or not that the antagonism to the religious orders is one of the strong elements of the revolution? — A. In the former revolution or the present revolution ? Q. I mean the one against Spain, of course. — A. Yes, sir. Q. What advice can you give us as to the formation of a government here that would be satisfactory to the people living here, the Spaniards and the Filipinos? — A. A government purely civil — a purely civil government. Q. Could you designate some of the features of that government, according to your opinion ? — A. A civil government under American authority, absolutely separate from the military authority. The cam- paigns should be separate from the civil direction. Q. Our Government, as you know, of course, is a republic, every- body is elected by the people. Everybody, from the highest to the lowest, with very rare exceptions, are elected by the people. The people govern; they select whom they please. How would that form of government do for the Filipinos? — A. On the question of self- fovernment I have very conservative ideas. I do not think that the hilippine people are in a condition to govern themselves. The enlightened classes are in the proportion of 1 to 10,000; 1 in 10,000 have seen something of the world, and have some enlightenment, the rest have seen nothing but San Mateo and Calamba. Q. Would the Spaniards here approve of a strong government ? — 372 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. A. They would not at present approve of a repressive government. After the insurrection is finished the screw might be put on and turned, and so a strong government be introduced. Q. If you do not have a strong government temporarily, what sort of a government would you have? — A. I would separate, as I said before, the civil government entirely from the military government, in order to satisfy the self-love and aspirations of many of the natives, for there are many of them who wish to represent different towns here in Manila. Q. Conceding, then, that the military department ought to have charge of purely military matters, what I want to find out is what form of civil government you would recommend? Would you recom- mend a governor-general and an advisory council, a cabinet, composed of competent people of all nationalities, or what would you recom- mend temporarily? — A. At present the military government should not be separate from the civil government — until the results of the experiments which the gentlemen of the Commission have implanted about the neighborhood of Manila shall be seen. Q. Do you believe that it would be unwise in a short time to estab- lish a civil government separate from the military government? — A. The civil government should be established immediately'' if the country is to be pacified. Q. Now, when you say a civil government ought to be established, and you say’ that we ought not to have a republican form of govern- ment, then what form of government would y’ou have, a governor- general, some one to rule this country, with an advisory council and with the power to appoint officers, or what would y'ou have ? — A. A governor-general responsible for his acts before the people, the advis- ory' council would follow naturally, for there would be a minister of affairs and other branches of the government who could advise; but it should be more in evidence, in order to please the fantastic ideas of the Malay race. Q. Should the governor-general have the power to make appoint- ments or only' the President of the United States? — A. Yes, sir; he should, for it would be better for the needs of the people. Q. Could there be found here enlightened Spaniards well disposed toward the United States who would accept office under that Govern- ment?^— A. I do not think that the Spaniards would accept appoint- ments at present on account of a feeling of delicacy. Q. Do not the Spaniards realize that this country belongs to us, that the war is over, and that the better plan for them is to be friendly with us and carry on business the best they can? — A. That would arouse a question of great delicacy, greatly' imaginary, for you must understand that from the authorities, the Anglo-Saxon writers, which we of the Latin race have read, we have absorbed the idea that your disposition is to acquire and to absorb. Q. We have always until this war been friendly with Spain; our interests here are identical. Why can’t a public sentiment be gotten up here which would make the Spaniards, as a body, consider them- selves practically as American citizens, if they are going to stay here in Manila ? — A. Even I, myself, still remember distinctly the cannonad- ing of the 1st of May, and the three months of hunger which came to pass after that; and nearly all the Spaniards are still in a state of grief, not only on account of the destruction of property, but from other REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 373 private and personal matters, and also on account of the loss of those killed. Q. That is all very natural, but it is not compatible with the ordi- nary course of men. The Spaniards are here. They have the same interests as we have, and don't you think that in a short time this feel- ing of jealousy will wear off, and they will identify themselves with our Government and with our people? — A. This will disappear under an established authority, but it must be understood that here we have been without any business except right here in the capital Q. About how many Spaniards are there here? — A. I calculate that in Manila alone there are three or four thousand. Q. They are business people ? — A. The majority of them are engaged in business. Q. Are they leaving to any great extent? — A. Very few are leaving; some have gone to their properties in points of the Islands where there was the most peace, but very few in Negros, for instance. Q. Would it be wise for these 3,000 people to remain here as aliens, taking no part in the government and taking no interest in it ? — A. Yes; they would be content to do so. They would do nothing; there would be no hostility. Q. Yes; but they have a very great interest and a very great stake here. Why can’t they come in and undertake to benefit the country the same as the American merchants would do — by their political influ- ence, I mean ? — A. The Spaniards wTio own extensive properties here are no more than three. The rest of them are engaged in keeping shops, or something of that sort, and they do not think their business runs to # any great improvement. If any participation by the peninsular Span- iards here was taken in the government, animosity would be created against the American Government among the Filipinos, on the ground that they were protecting the Spaniards. Q. What do you think with regard to whether we could find suffi- cient Filipinos here intelligent enough to perform the ordinary duties of public office? — A. I think that the government could be filled, all the positions of the government could be filled, for the present, even if an elaborate government were established here. In the first place, the taxes should be reduced — should be lightened — for the country has been three iTears without having harvested any crop. It has been greatly to the gratification of the people that the cedula personal has been reduced to a peseta. It is a point of very great importance for the government and the pacification of the Filipinos. Q. What effect would pacification have on business? — A. Magnifi- cent. Q. Do you think that business will largely increase? — A. In one year alone it will treble itself, and if the American Government does away with the custom-house the trade of the Orient will come here from the other capitals of the East. Q. You regard the location of Manila as important to the commerce of the world, do you? — A. Yes, sir; if the Philippine markets are opened, the Americans have the ability to secure all the commerce of Singapore and the ports of China. Q. Do you contemplate making Manila a free port? — A. Yes, sir. Q. How would you support the government, then ?- — A. By means of the industrial tax, which you might double. The territorial taxes would amount to millions. 374 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Don t you think that the Spanish press could exercise a great influence here if it openly proclaimed that it would be to the advantage of the people, both Spanish and Filipinos, to look favorably upon our Government? — A. The influence of the press in the Philippines, the people having been educated according to the Spanish system, is negative. Q. Is there an idea in the Spanish mind here that by any possibility Spain can ever get these islands again ? — A. That is a question with a great many different views. I have news that there is a movement on foot at Malolos to reorganize the Philippine Islands and to ask for a Spanish protectorate. Q. That would be absolutely impossible, because Spain, by the treaty, has ceded the Islands to us. Hence, it is not only impossible, but it. is ridiculous. Then I repeat the question, why isn’t it for the interest of the press, instead of throwing cold water upon the Amer- ican Government, as some of them do — not notably your paper, but some of the papers do — why don't they openly and honorably come forward and try to take an interest in public matters, the same as other people do ? — A. On that point you will notice that there exists a regular police system and political policy which is directed against the Amer- icans on the part of the Spaniards. I will put the problem as all large problems have to be put. There are four Spanish newspapers — El Progreso, El Noticiero, La Libertad, and my paper, El Comercio. As the organ of the Philippine autonomist party, we have La Demo- cracia, the Filipino paper, El Libre, and El Bayan and another one just recently originated, the name of which I do not know. The first four papers that I have mentioned have to look for readers not to the American public, but to the Spanish public. Now, a great many of the political problems of the world center in the stomach. Each one of these papers will have more or less readers, according as it minis- ters to the sentiments which they possess. In the case of the Span- iards, the more one of these papers shouts: “Long live Spain,” and “Death to America,” the more popular it will be and the more read- ers it will have. It is a practical problem. Q. I understand that the Spaniards are the most republican people in the world. I do not speak of the Government, but of the individual Spaniard; and I can not, for the life of me, see why the Spaniards here would not go in for a free government, the same as anyone else would? — A. I am going to bring to the attention of the Colonel two points which are worthy of consideration. You may have seen how the Spaniards live in the Spanish- American republics. Not more than one in a million returns to the mother country. The reason that I assign for the attitude of the Spaniards here in the city is their daily meeting. They get together in their houses or in their shops and they keep up a constant conspiring. This is due to the preeminently ego- tistical character of the Spanish people. Q. I believe it is due to the timidity of the press. I believe that a straightforward open-talking paper here that would present to the Spaniards that they have everything to gain in supporting us and everything to lose if they do not, and while I understand this feeling, which everybody understands, that the vanquished always feel toward the victors, it does not conform to the sensible feelings of the world, and it seems to me that there is no reason why the Spaniards, who are the most republican people in Europe, would not assist us in establish- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 375 in o' a liberal form of government here. Have you anything more to say about the details of what is going on here? — A. One of the vision- ary ideas of the Spaniards who are in the country is that Spain may come back here, and that in that case they may get employment under the government; that the government would necessarily have to be an autonomy, and an autonomy very much more liberal than an}rthing that has existed in the past. By Professor Worcester: Q. Concerning the idea that Colonel Denby expressed as to the republican tendency of the Spaniards, 1 would like you to state your personal views. You were acquainted with General Arolos, who was here; he was a republican? — A. Will you explain to me how repub- lican ideas can be held by a man occupying the situation that he occu- pied? As for the Spaniards who remain here in Manila, they have just as much inclination toward republicanism as they have toward monarchy, because the people who have come to the Philippine Islands have not, as a matter of fact, been politicians. Arolos was a very noted republican in politics. To continue, I want to explain to you my political ideas, which may be very peculiar; being a republican I could not take the oath to support a monarchial form of government, as General Arolos, as a matter of fact, did, for to me it would be a con- tradiction. The explanation of the attitude of the Spaniards in Cuba is that they are the owners of the property, whereas here they are only for the most part shopkeepers; and it seems to me you have an expla- nation of the fact that, in the provinces where the Indian — the native — is the owner of the land, there is less disposition to insurrection, whereas in all the provinces where he is not the owner of the land there is a greater disposition to insurrection; so that those who are hostile to us here are men who have no responsibility and have nothing to lose. Q. What do you think would be the best plan for combating this difficulty, for conciliating the Spaniards? — A. I am going back some- time and bring one or two facts to your consideration. I think it was in the month of June of last year the Spanish Government authorized the arming of the Philippine militia to resist the American forces. I allowed myself to write to the captain-general of the archipelago an article of the following nature: “The King has given orders to arm the people of the country, to resist an invasion from without. I want to make a proposition, to say to you that most of the people, that every- body, desires or ought to desire peace, and that in order to get it we must publish the pros and cons of the various questions that can be settled, and we must consider both sides.” If I, as a result of having published an article in which there was a reference made to the exter- mination of the Indians by the Government of the United States, have been corrected by the authorities, what guarantee can you give me if 1 publish a discourse of Senator Foraker or of Mr. Hanna, with anti- imperialistic sentiments, in order to combat it in my argument? Q. You wouldn’t get those ideas from either Senator Foraker or Senator Hanna. You have got the names wrong. — A. I mentioned that fact because you will see in the collection of the numbers of the Independencia 1 from the beginning until now that they take satisfac- tion in publishing and republishing the antiimperialistic speeches 1 The Independencia was a periodical published by the insurgents and circulated among their ranks. 376 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. which are made at home, and that ought to be combated here and that ought to be fought. I made a mistake in the names. The Indepen- dence has been publishing these antiimperialistic speeches and they ought to be opposed here. The fact that none of these antiimperial- istic articles have appeared in the press here in Manila has led out- siders to believe that the old press censorship is continued up to the present time. They think otherwise those articles would have been published. Q. We do not think it is necessary to pubiisn me antiimperialistic arguments, and the authority to do so would have to be obtained from the provost marshal. — A. Taking into account the ignorance and stu- pidity of the people outside, I think it would have a good effect to' let things, even if they were tolerably strong against the existing policy, be published here, so as to convince the people that we were strong enough to do so; that we did not have to pay attention to those things; because they would say, if those things were allowed to be published here in Manila, in the sight of the American authorities, “they do not amount to anything at all or they would not let them go on.” Q. The answer to that is that we do not control that. That is a matter under the control of the provost marshal. — A. I understand that is the case perfectly well, but at the same time the point I have made is a point that it will be well enough for you to keep in mind with reference to its future effect. In fact, there is no one publishing a paper here to-dav who would dare to go against the existing authorities. With thanks, the meeting adjourned. TESTIMONY OF SENOR LEGARDA. Manila, August 1 2, 1899. Present: Colonel Denby (in the chair). Professor Worcester, and John K. Mac Arthur, secretarv. Senor Benito Legarda, residing at No. 16 Calle de San Sebastian, appeared before the Commission, and, in response to its interrogatories, testified as follows: By Professor Worcester: Q. I would like to have you give me, in your own words, an account of the causes which led up to the revolution of 1896. In the first place, tell us what the Filipinos were fighting for when that revolu- tion began; tell us about the most important events in that revolution, and afterwards go on and tell us about the events that occurred after Dewey’s coming here, and the causes which led up to the present mis- understanding between the Filipinos and ourselves. We want your account of that historical period from the breaking out of the revo- lution of 1896 to the breaking out of the present trouble between the Filipinos and ourselves. — A. The causes of the revolution of 1896 were closely related to the revolution of 1872 (there was a little manifesta- tion in 1872 in Cavite), and the principal cause of both was the great influence, which was continually increasing, of the friars, not only in the government, but in the actual administration of the affairs of the towns. The uprising of 1872 is attributed to the native priests. Ihe REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 877 result was that all the workmen in the arsenal at Cavite took possession of all the resources of the armory of Cavite and made resistance to everything Spanish. As a result of this some Filipinos were executed, and soon it appeared that everything had quieted down. But some, continuing their work, went on to Spain, where they founded a news- paper, which was called Solidaridad. In this newspaper they made known their desires for reform in the Philippines; that administrative careers should be opened to Filipinos, and that they should be allowed to enter into these careers, and should have representation in the administrative chambers in Spain, and that the abuses which had been committed here, especially by the friars, should be stopped. This society of Filipinos united itself to the Masonic society in Spain, and they established branches here; and this Masonic society, which was a true Masonic society with all the characteristics of Masonry, converted itself afterwards into the Katipunan Society. This society, the Katipunan, made great progress here in the Philip- pines, for the}' had to do greatly with the common people; they never had anything to do or mixed at all with the higher class of people here in the Philippines. As a result of this, the society gained much credit and power, and undermined the forces which were in existence, especially the native regiments of Tagalogs. This was in 1896; the revolution broke out at San Juan del Monte in August. A curious fact that must be noted was that a friar, who was the priest of Tondo, was the cause of its breaking out, for General Blanco knew of this move- ment of the people and what was going on, and General Blanco was in favor of making these concessions to the people. This friar denounced the society, for he had a very intimate friend who was a Filipino, and he caused this friend to be introduced into the Katipunan Society, and this friend afterwards became the leader of the revolution himself. This Filipino was named Andres Bonifacio, and later on he was chief of the revolution and chief of the Katipunan Society. He took refuge in Cavite, and all that province rose up. Aguinaldo, who was munici- pal captain in Old Cavite at that time, was also a member of the Katipunan. When he heard that the civil guard was going to arrest him, he revolted, too. He met a man who was his superior in the society — that is, Bonifacio — and as his ambition was his moving spirit, he caused Bonifacio to be shot. The revolution extended to the prov- ince of the north Nueva Ecija, etc. — in fact, to all the Tagalog prov- inces. The revolution came to an end because the Spanish sent large reenforcements here. They put down the revolution completely in the province of Cavite. It took refuge then in Nueva Ecija, and the whole thing wound up there in a place called Biac-na-bato. Q. Did it extend to any of the Visayan provinces? — A. Very, very little. Q. Wasn’t there some trouble in the island of Cebu? — A. Very lit- tle, especially because the Spaniards bombarded the place and destroyed everything in a barbarous manner. Q. What was the conduct of the Spaniards in this revolution? Did they treat the Filipinos in a humane manner or not? — A. Tyrannical. Q. Can you give us some illustration of the way they treated them ? — A. Certainly. The facts are public in the Philippines. Before the revolution simply on suspicion they hung people, killed them, burned them, and treated them in a horrible manner, torturing them, burning their limbs and different members of the body of suspected persons. 378 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Where did they carry on such work ? — A. I have heard that in the ayuntamiento here they have done a great many of these things, but mostly in the Calle de Anda, where the chief of police is located at present, and where the headquarters of Veterana was established. Q. How did they treat their prisoners? — A. Horribly. They scarcely gave them anything to eat and they died by the hundreds in the walls. One day they locked up in the fortress of Santiago all the people they had got in Santa Mesa, and there was such a crowd and the place so badly ventilated that in the morning they found dO or 50 dead of suffocation. By Colonel Henry: Q. W hat vear was that? — A. 1896. Q. Did they shoot any of their prisoners ? — A. A great many; a very great many. Many prisoners that were taken into town simply on suspicion were shot in the roads, on the pretext that they^ tried to escape while being conducted from one place to another. Q. I have been told that it was practically a daily occurrence to shoot prisoners during that whole period. Is that true? — A. It was true. They put the prisoners, the criminals, on the Luneta, not on the sea side of the ellipse, but on the landward side in the road, and the firing squad stood in the field farther inland and shot the prisoners that way — toward the sea. By Colonel Henry: Q. I have heard they gave notice of that beforehand and that ladies and gentlemen turned out to see the sight. Is that true? — A. It was published in the newspapers. Q. Did they have music in attendance? — A. Yes, sir; they had music present, and after the execution the troops defiled before the dead bodies, playing the March of Cadiz, which is peculiarly Spanish, and there were many cheers and much enthusiasm. Q. And ladies and children were there? — A. Yes, sir; there were many. Q. How often did that occur? — A. Almost every day there were executions when Polavieja was here. By Professor Worcester: Q. Could we get copies of the newspapers now containing announce- ments of these executions?— A. They were published in the Oceana Espanola, El Comercio, and El Espanol. Q. Did they shoot women as well as men ? — A. In the towns out- side they did so, but not here. Q. I have heard that some distance up the railroad there wei’e a great number of men and women who thought they were going to be pro- tected, and they got on their knees when they saw the troops approach- ing until the troops got up on them, and then they were all massacred. Is that true? — A. It is a fact, Q. What place? — A. I think it was in Polo, and in Melinta where the Dominican friars have plantations. Whenever there was an action they took no prisoners. They killed all they took in the field. Q. On what sort of charges were these people — these prisoners — shot that they killed here in the city?— A. The charge was generally that these people were members of the Katipunan society, or that they REPOET OE THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 379 were in favor of that society; and an accusation was all that was nec- essary, and many times these accusations were false. Q. Was any form of trial gone through with before these execu- tions?— A. Yes, sir; there was a form of trial, but they did not leave the prisoners free to testify. They established their accusations many times by torture. They dragged confessions out of them by torture. Q. Did they have regular instruments of torture for that purpose? — A. Yes, sir. The most common form of torture was to hang the accused by the hands, with their hands extended straight out behind them, and let them fall. Another one of the many most commonly employed was to use an electrical machine and to put the wires in connection with the feet or hands of the accused, and the torture was terrible. Another was tire, which was placed in a brazier. The accused had to stand over the brazier without anything on his feet. By Colonel Denby: Q. Did they beat him? — A. Yes, sir; but that was comparatively nothing. That was the first thing they did. They always did that, and a broken arm or rib was too insignificant to be worthy of mention. Q. Did they hang them suspended, so that they barely touched the ground? — A. They did, so that they could just touch the ground with the point of their feet. Q. What do }tou think about the peace of Biac-na-bato? Were the insurgents bought up? Give us a full account of it. — A. The peace of Biac-na-bato was arranged bv Pedro Paterno with Gen. Primo de Rivera. I do not recollect exactly the date — it was in 1897. The only one of the terms which I have been told, for I have not seen the treaty, was that the Spanish Government agreed to make certain reforms here and to pay a certain sum of money. The principal reforms which were to be made were not specified in the treaty, but were agreed upon by word of mouth. One of the principal reforms, which was not stipulated ;n the treaty itself, was the suppression of religious orders and the taking away from these religious orders of all intervention in the administration of towns. The sum of money which was to be paid by the Spanish Government was $1,200,000, to be divided into three payments, as follows: $100,000 to be paid on the spot; $100,000 when Aguinaldo and other chiefs arrived in Hongkong, and $100,000 to be divided among the chiefs who remained here in the Philippines upon the delivery of all their arms. Q. I would like to know how many of these chiefs there were. — A. Some twenty or thirty, I think; not more. Q. What excuse did Aguinaldo and those officers give for receiving that money? — A. He said that he was convinced that he could not make any further resistance against the Spanish and that the people, in consideration of these reforms, ought to drop the matter, and also that he would be enabled to go to Hongkong and prepare for another revolution with the money, provided they did not fulfill the reforms, as the majority of the promises were not stipulated in the treaty, but were simply promised by word of mouth. Q. Did they have at any time during the course of that revolution the idea of fighting for their independence? — A. No; I never heard this word “independence ’ spoken, nor do I think that they are capable of understanding it, even up to this time. 380 KEPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. Can we got a copy of that treaty? — A. I will ask the family of Senor Paterno and sec if they have one. Q. Was there an end of hostilities then for some period of time between the Filipinos and Spaniards? — A. Not exactly a complete ces- sation of hostilities, because there were small parties of bandits who continued to make trouble. They had more courage than a good many others and they would get together in small bands of 5 and 6 and attack the towns, and the Spanish managed to get rid of these small parties by means of money, buying their guns, etc., but sometimes shooting many of them. This $400,000 which ought to have been divided here was thus accounted for, and people say that Primo de Rivera retained part of it and that Paterno also got some of it. Q. Did the Philippine people know that war was likely to break out between Spain and the United States before the outbreak actually occurred?— A. No; there were very few, just a very few, who sus- pected it. These were people who got newspapers from abroad, Eng- lish newspapers. I myself had read it before the outbreak of war between the United States and Spain over her colonies, in the Econo- mist, of London. Q. How long before the 1st of May? — A. A very short time; it may have been about one month. Q. Was the press censorship here very strict during that time? — A. The newspapers had a great deal to say about it. The censorship was strict. Q. Was the battle of the 1st of May a great surprise to most of the people here?— A. It was a very pleasant surprise. Q. The people, then, were glad of the arrival of the Americans and the destruction of the Spanish fleet? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Will you tell us in your own way what followed — the landing of Aguinaldo, his influence over the people in getting his forces together — and give us an account of the causes which led to the change of feeling toward the Americans? Q. I would like first to have you give the relations which existed between our troops and the Filipinos- how they mutually treated each other and how and when that led up to antagonism?— A. The general in command here at the time of the destruction of the Spanish fleet was a new man, for Primo de Rivera, as soon as he found out that hostilities were likely to break out between the United States and Spain, made it his business to hurry away, and this new man was appointed. General Augustine called a meeting of all the principal people in Manila and made the proposition that they should form a consultive bodv and he promised that whatever this consultive body should propose would be listened to and given attention by the Gov- ernment. It was proposed bir General Augustine to this junta that militia be formed and that the people be armed to resist the American invasion, and, as a matter of fact, many militia forces were called in from the towns and were called Philippine militia, and both here in Manila and in the neighboring towns rifles were issued to them. About this time, somewhere between the 20th and 30th of May, Aguinaldo came to Cavite. Q. How did he come — in a man-of-war? — A. Yes, sir; an American boat, a gunboat which was very fast, the Me Oulloch. Q. Can you tell us where he got aboard that gunboat ? — A. 1 am not sure whether it was Mirs Pay, Hongkong, or some other place. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 381 I do not know. Aguinaldo had scarcely come to Cavite when the spirit of resistance decreased greatly among the Spanish, and very soon it was seen that the militia who were fighting for Spain changed their minds and went over to Aguinaldo; and soon the Filipino’s belief in the possibility of Spain’s triumph over the Americans was very rare. By Professor Worcester: Q. Did the native regiments all desert, or did some remain? — A. They pretended to attack the revolutionary forces, but they shot up in the air. Q. Now, will }rou tell us about the early relations between our own troops and those of the Filipinos? — A. When I heard that Aguinaldo had come to Cavite I went over, for I considered it a piece of foolish- ness to continue resistance here, and 1 was appointed subsecretary of the treasury in the revolutionary government. By Colonel Denby: Q. What was the date of that ? — A. June 15. And a short time after I took my position 1 became convinced of the hostile feeling which Aguinaldo had toward the Americans. By Professor Worcester: Q. A' hat reasons did you have for thinking so? — A. The first proc- lamation that he issued after his arrival here said that the war of the great American nation against Spain would be a very humane war and that the liberty of his country had been promised. A short time afterwards, as soon as he had some forces, he proclaimed independence in the few towns which he had procured, without the consent of Admiral Dewej", at whose orders he had come, and the first time that I presented myself to him I heard from his own lips that neither Admiral Dewey nor any other American had ever promised him such independence. And this hostile spirit of his became more and more pronounced all the time, and when the forces were disembarked at Paranaque and occupied the vicinity of Paranaque he became very much enraged and wished to begin hostilities against the Americans. By Colonel Denby: Q. What date was that ? — A. This was in J uly. The first expedition remained in Cavite. Q. Were they soldiers or marines? — A. Soldiers — the Oregons, Fourteenth Infantry. The First California Regiment arrived June 30. By Professor Worcester: Q. What reason was there for this change of feeling? — A. The reason was because he knew that he could not obtain independence, and that was what he wanted. Q. Why did he want independence ? — A. On account of his ambi- ion. By Colonel Denby: Q. How did he know he could not obtain it? — A. I suppose that no one promised it to him. He had no promise of it, and he had no hope of getting it, and he would not have been able to make war at all, or, in fact, get here without the aid offered him by the blockade of the American squadron. In this time the troops disembarked at Para- 382 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. naque, and he wished to open hostilities against the Americans, and he again passed the word along to resist in the different towns and give no aid whatever to the Americans. Q. Do you know that of your own knowledge? — A. I know that of my own knowledge, because I was there myself. The great question was, he did not have any cartridges, and when the Americans brought the troops to Cavite he lost confidence in the Americans and left Cavite and established himself in Bacoor. Q. When did Aguinaldo get arms, what arms did he get, and how did he get them? — A. The first arms that he got were the ones which he was able to get from the arsenal in Cavite. By Professor Worcester: Q. Tell us how they were obtained in Cavite. — A. The Admiral allowed the people to enter Cavite and rob the place, because he did not have force enough to occupy it in a military manner, and the people came there from other towns and sacked Cavite completely. There was nothing left further to be stolen in Cavite. By Colonel Denby: Q. This means that they took the arms in the arsenal?— A. Yes, sir; they took the arms from the arsenal and they took up guns from the sunken Spanish vessels. By Professor Worcester: Q. Were the guns from the Spanish ships in condition to be used? Where were the breechblocks? — A. The breechblocks were missing, but the Philippine Company fixed them up in Cavite. A gunboat, the Com.pania de Filipino , was armed with two of these guns taken from Spanish ships. Q. Were you with Aguinaldo at the time he was in Bacoor? — A. Yes, sir; and I kept on with him when he was in Malolos. Professor Worcester. Now, will you go on with your story from the landing of the troops at Paranaque which you have already com- menced? Colonel Denby. What was done with our troops when they came ashore, where were they placed, where were the insurgent troops, and what were the relations between them? Senor Legarda. General Anderson, who 1 believe was in charge of the American lines at this point (Paranaque), asked Aguinaldo, by letter, or by means of Major Bell or Major Bourns, or in some manner, for a trench — that is, the trench of Paranaque — and Aguinaldo, knowing well that this was the strongest point the Spanish had, and that it was fortified with artillery, and that he, with all his efforts, could never take it, did not find it at all convenient to let the Americans have it, and when Camp Dewey was established and this trench occupied, Aguinaldo was sorry he had made this arrangement and he took his troops and placed them behind the American troops. Q. Will you please tell us where Paranaque is? — A. On the seashore, just beyond Malate, about 3 or 4 miles from Manila. Although Gen- eral Merritt and General Anderson had telegraphed Aguinaldo a great many times not to attack, nevertheless, he had issued orders to his troops to attack Manila, as the Spanish were worn out and demoralized here, and on the surrender of the Spanish to the Americans of all their different positions it came to pass that as the American troops did not REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 383 arrive promptly to occupy these points, the revolutionary troops came in and took up the positions. Then Aguinaldo transferred his gov- ernment and his residence to Malolos and then differences arose, for in the Spanish surrender they surrendered the city of Manila and all suburbs and defenses, and some of these suburbs — a large part of them — were occupied by the revolutionary troops and General Otis ordered Aguinaldo to withdraw. Q. Did Aguinaldo expect to enter Manila with his troops witli the Americans? — A. Yes, sir. By Professor Worcester: Q. Was there any disappointment among the troops of Aguinaldo that they were not permitted to plunder the city? Was there any plan to plunder the city? — A. Yes, sir; there had been such a plan. Q. Tell us about that plan. — A. They wished, of course, to come into Manila after having robbed it, for there was a plan to rob the whole city. Aguinaldo himself, while in Bacoor, pointed out crowds of people to me, passing, carrying sacks, who, he said, were on their way to Manila to sack the city when they were able. His plan was to come in with the Americans and to make arrangements to get the arms of the Spanish prisoners and attack the Americans from the inside after the city had been occupied, if Americans didn’t give the independence of the Philippines. By Colonel Denby: Q. How far is Bacoor from Manila and Paranaque? — A. Three or d miles from Malate to Paranaque and 3 or d miles from Paranaque to Bacoor. Q. Bacoor is in the interior? — A. No, sir; on the bay. After the Americans occupied Manila he made many propositions to General Merritt, and sent a commission, composed of Buencamino, Areneta, and one other whom I do not remember, to make some arrangements with General Merritt. Among their propositions I remember, with great clearness, these: That the palace of Malacanan be given up to Aguinaldo, also the churches of Manila, Paco, and Ermita, and I think that a part of the money which was taken from the Spaniards as spoils of war was to be given up, and above all, that he be given the arms of the Spanish prisoners or troops. This commission was not able to make any arrangements, for General Merritt answered that as far as the palace of Malacanan went he wished it for himself, and that the churches mentioned were private property, and that the arms could not be given up because they were to be returned to the Spanish, and afterwards Aguinaldo named another commission, the same ones as before, and myself. So they made an arrangement to give Aguinaldo the village of Bacoor and to allow him to remain in the position which they had occupied, and in recognition of the fact that the presence of the Filipino troops had been of great benefit to the Americans in the taking of Manila and keeping the Spaniards inside, we asked free entry of all ports for ships using the Philippine hag, and asked that the positions in the custom-house and administrative departments and in the courts which, it was supposed would be established, should be tilled by appointees who should be Filipinos. By Professor Worcester: Q. Did Aguinaldo still have the idea at that time of lighting us ? A. 384 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Always; he never gave up that idea. Afterwards Aguinaldo, being in Malolos, and being obliged to withdraw his forces from the suburbs of Manila, openly showed acts of hostility repeatedly against the Amer- ican forces. One of the principal reasons for which General Otis found himself obliged to order the Filipino troops to retire was the number of barbarous acts which they committed, which civilization could not countenance, such as kidnaping, which these troops committed in Paco, done by Pio del Pilar, and robberies which were constantly being com- mitted in Manila. It was utterly impossible for police to prevent these occurrences, considering that armed bodies of men, completely as undisciplined as the insurgents, were in close proximity. Q. What was this kidnaping by Pio del Pilar? — A. He ordered people to be seized who favored the Americans, or even people who had strongly favored the Spanish. Some were carried away and flogged and others were taken off in the hills and disappeared, and were never heard of again. Then, the principal agitators of Aguinaldo, who were Sandico and others, established here in Manila the “ popular clubs,” which was a society similar to the Katipunans, and this society became very widespread here, and its principal object was to prevent Fili- pinos from getting in sympathy with the Americans. Q. What was the ostensible object of the society? — A. It was to educate the people. Sandico himself told me that the principal fear which he felt was that the Filipinos, considering the free spirit which existed in American laws and American institutions, would become more American than the Americans themselves, and that he wished to pre- vent this by this means of “ popular clubs.” Sandico and the other agitators of Aguinaldo then established militia with the same object as that of the “ popular clubs,” hoping to attract the people in various ways, and amuse them with the idea of spreading the anti- American feeling; and the militia was formed with the idea of promoting a pop- ular outbreak in the city ivhile the revolutionary forces were attacking the American lines of the advance force. This militia had bolos ready for the uprising — the outbreak here in the city. These bolos were made in all of the carriage factories and in all the iron foundries. They stole the springs of carriages in houses, which are made of steel, the principal metal used in making bolos; and he (Aguinaldo) called a meet- ing of all the chiefs in Malolos with the object of finding out their opinion on the subject of making war. By Colonel Denby: Q. Can you give us about the time of that meeting?- — A. It was in January of this year. The knowledge that hostilities were going to break out was so common among the people that one week before the outbreak of hostilities Aguinaldo sent word to all the people in the city that all who were friendly to him, with their families, should withdraw from the city, and he wrote one letter to me myself. Before that time I had given up my official relations with the government. About this time a party of Americans, without arms, who wished to make a plan of a position which the insurgents had at La Loma, were captured and taken at the point of the bayonet to Malolos. It became necessary to send Major Bell out there to say that this was a markedly hostile act, and the next day these men were released. Orders were given to all the Philippine forces not to let a single American pass. The chief of the pumping station, an American officer, who wished to go to Santolan, REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 385 was received by bayonets in Santa Mesa and made to go back. I pre- sume that on account of this General Otis issued orders that no Fili- pino soldier under arms should be allowed to pass American lines at any hour of the night, and I have heard that some Filipino soldiers tried to pass the bridge at Santa Mesa and a shot was fired, and the outbreak of hostilities was the result. Q. What date was that? — A. Saturday, the Ith of February. By Professor Worcester: Q. Do you know what effect the firing of the 4th and 5th of Feb- ruary had on the insurgents? — A. It was a horrible slaughter. Q. We understand that with the close proximity of the two lines there was a great deal of trouble between the soldiers of the opposing forces, and we would like to know the facts? — A. Hostile acts and demonstrations were the regular order of the day between the two lines, and there were disputes and other troubles continually, which did not come to blows by sheer good fortune. Q. What did the Filipino soldiers do here and on the lines? — A. The Filipino soldiers were always committing robberies here. One of the reasons for the outbreak of hostilities was the conviction that the Filipino soldier thought the American soldier was a coward. Q. Why did they have that impression ? — A. They said that when the American troops had the position at Paranaque they were attacked by the Spaniards and retired from the position, and that the Filipinos saw this and believed from this that they were cowards. By Colonel Denby: Q. Is it true that the Filipino soldier would insult the Americans, would point his gun at them, would call them cowards, would ask them if the}’ wanted to fight, would make gestures of menace toward them ? Is that all true, as we have heard here? — A. It is, certainly; and there were daily disputes for this reason, for the Filipinos thought the Americans were cowards and would never attack, and what gave them reason to think this was the fact that the Americans avoided trouble and endeavored to prevent the outbreak of hostilities here. Q. Do you know anything as to whether any day had been fixed for the commencement of hostilities by Aguinaldo ? — A. I think not. Q. Was it not understood that in a few days they would make an attack ?■ — A. It was understood, yes, sir, that in the near future. Q. Aguinaldo had been preparing for it, had he not ? — A. He was preparing for it. Q. He had been gathering troops, arms, ammunition, and getting ready for war? — A. Yes, sir; I think so. Q. Then it was understood long before February I that there would be war? — A. Yes, sir; that hostilities would be opened in the near future. Q. Everybody expected that the Filipinos would attack the Ameri- cans?— A. Yes, sir; both within the city and without. Q. At that time there were Filipino troops in the city? — A. A great many. This militia I spoke of was here. Q. M ere they not in Paco? — A. They were in Santa Ana, and that night they tried to come to Paco. Q. Isn't Paco a part of the city? — A. Yes, sir. They were in Santa Ana, for General Otis had made them retire from Paco. p c 25 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 8 Government calumniated America, saying that it was a country that had destroyed the Indians within its domain; that it was a country that destroyed religion wherever it came in contact with it, and that it was going to enslave the people here and give them a worse govern- ment than existed under the Spanish. The governor-general also addedthat if the natives would defend Spain against America they would afterwards be given complete autonomy. Further, to give strength to his promises, he issued a decree form- ing a consultive cabinet. This cabinet was formed of Spanish author- ities and twelve or fourteen Filipinos appointed by the governor- general. I was appointed a member of this cabinet, and one day when he asked me my opinion I told him that I thought the cabinet was utterly useless and that the militia would again turn against Spain. I based my opinion upon the fact that the Filipinos did not believe the promises made. I thought that the Filipinos preferred to attain their independence by arms rather than to trust to the autonomy which Spain promised to give them; that it would be a shorter road for them to gain their independence by force of arms than to await the autonomy which Spain would give them. No one could believe the promises of Spain. It was a systematic policy of deceit, and their promises were completely discredited. Then came the 1st of May, 1898, and the destruction of the Spanish fleet, which was so complete that the Span- ish forces lost a great deal of prestige, for the Indians saw that the fleet of Spain, which they had been led to believe was so great and powerful, had been destroyed in an hour. The Spanish then pro- ceeded to spread the idea that on the seas they did not have any force to speak of, but that on land it was impossible for one force to conquer another force if the inhabitants of the country did not wish it, and the press and the Spanish Government kept spreading this idea and assert- ing that no nation had ever been able to conquer another nation on land when the people thereof opposed it, if they opposed it strongly and tenaciously. Then followed the coming of Aguinaldo, and the Filipinos, when they saw that Aguinaldo came with the Americans and that he was with the Americans, conceived a great sympathy for them. Q. Can you give us the date of his coming? — A I do not remember exactly. The bombardment was in May, and I think it was in June when he came. When we "knew that Aguinaldo had come, and observed the spirit that was extant in the militia, one day the archbishop and governor-general said to me, “ We believe we are lost unless we obtain reenforcements from Spain.” Shortly afterwards we found out that the insurgent forces were beginning to attack the Spanish; that is to say, the militia which had been given arms revolted, and turned against Spain. This was the time of the surrender of San Francisco deMalabon, when General Pena was captured, with a little over 1,000 soldiers with them. A short time after this General Monet, with 2,000 soldiers, was sur- rounded in Macabebe, and while the Spanish were quiet and not 390 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. moving in Manila, the Filipino forces extended themselves, and the insurrection spread all over the island of Luzon, and the insurgents made themselves masters of the entire island. 1 do not know the moving spirit of the Filipino army at this time, for I was not in touch v i tli them, hut Aguinaldo always said, and the Filipinos always believed, that the Americans came here to give them independence and to make him (Aguinaldo) president. After the 13th of August 1 went to see Aguinaldo (for I wished to know him) to see what political system he had in mind; what ideas he had. The only set idea which he had was to come into Manila; that was his only lixed idea. He could not understand why the Americans did not immediately install him as president of the Philippine republic, for he considered that the first duty of Admiral Dewey and General Merritt. He was entirely ignorant of diplomatic proceedings and political measures, and wished that he be made at once the chief of a government. The day that I went to visit him he was occupied in receiving the homage of all the Filipinos who came to visit him. He struck me as being a modest man convinced that he had a providential mission. His presence was agreeable, for, on account of his humble manner, he spoke always in a very low voice; he spoke Spanish haltingly, for he did not speak it well, but he spoke Tagalog in a very pleasing manner, using words which were always flattering to the person with whom he was talking. He affected to speak Tagalog very well. When he was spoken to about victories he was pleased, but when he was spoken to about a foreign policy or political affairs he seemed to be entirely at a loss. Thus, when I said to him that he seemed to be very much occupied, and that 1 would speak to Mabini. he said, ‘“Yes. yes; talk over everything with Mabini." This first visit was made in Bacoor. Mabini occupied a room in the same house. Mabini is a young, pure-blood Tagalog, a lawyer, undoubtedly a man of talent, but he introduced his legal forms into everything he did. I knew him. for I had attended him as a physi- cian for a sort of paralysis of the lower portion of the body which he had suffered from. He was a very active member of the Katipunan Society, and this sickness which he suffered from was the reason that the Spanish did not have him executed — shot — for they had some con- sideration for him. Mabini was in a room near by, seated, and receiv- ing people, and it was evident that he was the man who was directing affairs and who was the source of all inspiration. From the first moment that 1 talked with him 1 saw that he was a man who hated the Americans. I made a second visit to Aguinaldo when he was established in Malolos. but was unable to talk to him at length on the question of a foreign policy. 1 told him it would be very desirable for us to make scfme immediate determination in regard to our position with America. At this time they were about to discuss the future of the Philippines in Paris, and 1 told him that 1 feared America would abandon this country, for it would not be to their advantage to retain it. I made it plain to him that it was not enough for us to desire America to stay here, but that it would be desirable for us to show America that it would be to her interest to keep the country. 1 told him that it would be a very good thing to end this separation and to bring the two peoples together in order that the Filipinos might understand what the Americans desired, and that the Americans could REPORT OP THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. mu also become familiar with the Philippine people and understand the good conditions which they enjoyed. I advised him and all his govern- ment to write to President McKinley and ask what desires he had about the country, what form of government or protectorate, and what he wished to do, and also to ask him not to abandon the Philip- pines. Dr. Gonzales and Sefior Araneta were present at this conver- sation. They are men of prestige and they furthered my ideas. At another visit which I made to Aguinaldo he told me that the ideas which I had expressed to him pleased him, and he appointed me director of foreign affairs in order that I might further develop my policy. What I told Aguinaldo was that he should write to President McKinley asking him under no circumstances to abandon the Philip- pines, no matter what kind of government should be established, whether a republic or a protectorate, or whatever form, leaving that as a matter for future discussion. Aguinaldo pretended to accept my policy, but he only intended to go on with his own ideas, and in order to keep me from forming a party he called me to him. When I recognized this attitude of Aguinaldo I wished to present ray resig- nation, but I feared one thing in particular, that is, the revolutionary forces which occupied certain important points in Manila. In fact, after I had succeeded in getting these forces out of Manila, three days afterwards, I presented ray resignation and separated myself com- pletely from the Malolos government, and have never had anything to do with them since. During the time that 1 was in Malolos I observed that all the mem- bers of the cabinet, with one exception, accepted my proposition. Q. Will you tell us who that exception was — A. This exception was Felipe Buencamino. My proposition was to ask President McKinley to allow a republican constitution in the Philippines under an American protectorate. No other course had been proposed with any hope of practical success, for the idea of independence and of a nation having its own flag was very widely diffused among the people. Aguinaldo was pleased with this idea, for it allowed him to be president, and I told him that this plan would assure his position as president for all his life, which view of the proposition pleased him very much. This idea was not only accepted by the government, but all tin*, members of congress with whom 1 talked were on ray side, and I had a very strong following in Malolos. Three opposed me, fought against me, Paterno, Mabini, and Sandico. Paterno always had the idea of again restoring the sovereignty of Spain. Mabini told me that he wished American sovereignty, but that he did not wish to ask for it; that he wished to wait until America should offer it. This idea I considered the idea peculiar to a sick man, for the sickness which he had would affect his nerves and might bias his judgment. His pride, or the desire which he had that it should be his policy and that he should be the man who dictated the policy adopted, may have been the cause of his opposition to me. Sandico was my worst enemy. He was a traitor who was working with General Otis, and who apparently was agree- able to everything said, but at heart he was an enemy, not only of the American race, but of all white people. I thought he was an American partisan, but one day he told me openly that he detested America and all whites, and that he was working for the protection of Japan. I said before that the sovereignty of America was acceptable to Aguinaldo, but it is very difficult to say what this man wanted. He, in fact, had 392 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. said this to me, but on the other hand, he was always urging the mili- tary men to prepare for war. 1 therefore thought that he was a man Avho was disposed to make war to defend certain rights under American sovereignty, but now I sometimes believe that this man iTs making war for his own benefit and to make himself more notable or more impor- tant. His character is essentially hypocritical and dissembling, so that at present it is possible that he desires peace, but still believes that it is his duty to continue war. He has not a great deal of education, nor a great deal of discernment to overcome the influence of his false amour propre. Sandico conceived the idea of forming clubs in Manila, which were called “popular €■1111)8,” apparently with the idea of disseminating information and allowing the people to educate themselves by talking of political affairs, but this was not the real motive for the formation of these clubs. Sandico saw that sympathy and good feeling between the two races were growing in the city, and he wished not only to do away with this sympathy, but to create an antipathy among the people, and thought he could do so by means of these clubs, and in fact almost all the ill feeling is due to these clubs. These clubs were the nucleus or the foundation for the body from which Sandico afterwards formed the militia inside the city, made up for the purpose of fighting against the Americans. Aguinaldo, in the meantime, abandoned all the questions of the country — only two things had any weight with him — to get money and to buy arms. He said that he wished to surround himself with men of the greatest prestige in the country, and he did so, although he never paid attention to the advice of these people, but to that of the scoundrels who surrounded him. He wished to show the Filipinos that all the men of the best reputation were with him — on his side — and he called them to him, not for advice, but only to en- hance his own strength. He never thought of justice nor of reason, but he always thought it would suffice to make it appear that he was a man of good heart. Q. Was this proposition of yours to President McKinley relating to the establishment of a government here ever sent to the President — A. The cabinet at Malolos decided to send my proposition in a tele- gram to the President, but Aguinaldo did not wish to do so. He first said that he wished to translate it into Tagalog, and afterwards that he wished to put it into cipher, and so delayed a month without sending it. Q. At the time the Malolos constitution was formed was the question of a protectorate discussed by the congress? — A. No, sir. By Professor Worcester: Q. Who wrote that constitution ? — A. It was voted by the congress. Q. But who wrote it? — A. A commission. Q. Who composed that commission? — A. Calderon, Gonzalez, Alberto Barreto, Tomas del Rosario, Pablo Ocampo, and, I believe, I was a member of this commission — I was a member of all the com- missions— also some others whom I do not remember. Q. Can you give us the date of the adoption of this constitution ? — A. The discussion of the constitution lasted some time — it began in October and ended the middle of December. Aguinaldo sent a mes- sage to congress in January proposing changes in this constitution. REPORT OF1 THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 393 The constitution was sent to Aguinalclo by the congress in December, and he returned it in January with a message proposing certain modifi- cations. Then congress appointed a commission, composed of Gonzalez, Barreto, Calderon, and myself, and it was our opinion that the con- gress could not accept the changes — the modifications — proposed in the message of Aguinaldo. Q. When Aguinaldo sent that message he knew of the treaty of Paris? — A. It had not yet been signed. Q. The treaty of Paris was signed December 10. — A. In Malolos we lived outside the world. Aguinaldo did not pay attention to what went on outside. Q. At that time did Aguinaldo make any allusion, in private conver- sation or otherwise, to the Government of the United States? — A. I do not remember. Q. Did Aguinaldo assume at that time that he did not have to account in any way to the United States? — A. He did not say so openly, but thought so. Q. Will you tell us what the conditions were in Manila at that time with reference to the troops on each side — where they were stationed and what they were doing? — A. The relations were very good between the soldiers, but bad between the officers. The officers were very arro- gant, and believed that the Americans were afraid of the Filipinos, and they certainly did a great deal of talking in this strain, and they wished an outbreak of hostilities, saying in half an hour they would drive all the Americans into the sea. They were under the firm conviction that the minute the attack was sounded they would drive the Americans before them like a regiment of children. Q. Can you give us some idea where the Filipino troops were sta- tioned in December and January with reference to the American troops? — A. I do not know where the American forces were, but the majority of the Filipino forces were in Caloocan, San Juan del Monte, Maitubig, Santa Ana, and Pa. say. Q. Practically, then, the troops of the Filipinos surrounded the city? — A. Always. Q. Do you know how mamT they had? — A. I have heard it given sometimes as 10,000 and sometimes as 16,000. Q. Were they well armed, well drilled, and disciplined troops? — A. They were well armed and well drilled, but they were disgusted men, because they were not paid. Their food was also very bad. These poor soldiers were thoroughly worthy of admiration. They said that this was the duty of a patriot and of a citizen, and they did it. It is undoubtedly true that if these soldiers had had better leaders the Americans would have had a great deal more to do than they had. Q. Do you know how they got their arms? — A. General Augustine gave the militia which I spoke of before 12,000 Remington rifles. Furthermore, the Filipinos took 7,000 or 8,000 Spanish prisoners with their arms, which consisted of Mauser rifles, Remington rifles, and some cannon. Q. Did any of the Filipino militia remain faithful to the Span iards?— A. Kone. At this point, upon the request of Dr. Pardo de Tavera, the exami- nation was postponed, to be continued upon the following morning. 394 REPOKT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. August 23, 1899. Present: Colonel Don by (in the ehair); Commissioner Worcester, and Secretary MacArthur: SENOR TAVERA (recalled). By Colonel Denby: Q. Before picking up where we left off yesterday, I would like to have you give us a history of the treaty of Biac-na-bato. — A. All the Filipino forces from Cavite, Bulacan. and from other places succeeded in concentrating at Biac-na-bato. The Spanish thought it would be very difficult to attack this place, for the Filipinos were very well for- tified. With Aguinaldo and his force remaining there well fortified for three months, the revolutionary ideas were spread among the people, for the people saw that the chief of the revolution was able to continue in his position. The idea of the strength of the Filipinos was very exaggerated in the Spanish mind. They thought there was a much greater force in Biac-na-bato than there really was, and they thought also it would require 1(>0, 000 men to take the position; so Primo de Rivera thought it would be better to attain the victory by money than by arms. Then Paterno intervened, giving the Spanish general an exaggerated idea of the strength of the Filipino forces, and offering to lend his aid, as a go-between, to find out under what conditions he could arrange for peace. Paterno was a man who was educated in Madrid, and he knew the Spaniards personally, and he also had written some books on the Philippines, in which he made various statements leading the natives to believe that a civilization had existed herein former times, similar to the civilization which had once existed in India, and also similar to the civilization which existed in Mexico among the Aztecs and Incas before the Spaniards went there. In this wav he had influence with both the Filipinos and the Spaniards, and he was considered here as a great patriot among the people. So Paterno, when he came to the Filipinos, represented himself as a friend of theirs, and also represented himself to the Spaniards as a friend of the Spaniards against the Filipinos, and in this way he was able to attain his personal ends. He advised the Filipinos to make peace, accepting this money, saying that the Span- iards would give them certain concessions, among which were good representation in the Cortes of Spain; the sending away of the friars, which was the principal question; the right of association, and a free press, lie also said that with the money they got from the Spaniards they could see from Hongkong whether Spain fulfilled her promises or not, and if not, then with this money they could buy arms with which to start another revolution. In order to frighten the Filipinos and to impress it properly upon their minds, he said it was the intention of Spain to send loo, 000 men here, and he made it appear that it was only by his personal intervention that the sending of these 100,000 men had been given up. It was not difficult to convince Aguinaldo and the Filipinos, for they were dying of hunger in Biac-na-bato, and furthermore sickness caused great losses — dysentery and fever and general sickness in the insurgent camp — the mortality was enormous. The Filipinos did not have many arms in that place; about 800 small arms, composed of rifles, shotguns, target rides, and a few cannon of antiquated models, and some ammunition. Further, Paterno exagger- ated the strength of the Filipino forces in talking to General Primo de Rivera. He made it appear that they had a great many men, a great REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 895 many arms, a groat many cannon, and good trenches in all directions, and a groat concourse of people, and that they preferred to die rather than yield — that the spirit of resistance was very strong in them. The General told Paterno that he was inclined to make the arrange- ment that they had talked over, and that he was inclined to make the concessions which had been mentioned, and that, furthermore, he had authority from his ministry to give $2,000,000, Mexi- can, if necessary, in order to bring about a cessation of hostilities. Paterno made several trips, and finally he told the General that the Filipinos accepted the conditions and that $1,200,000 was enough. The General said that this money could not be paid in the Philippines, and he stipulated two or three terms I do not exactly recollect for the payment of the money. The first term, or time of payment, was when they should arrive in Hongkong, and the other was when all the arms should have been given up — all the arms which were in the hands of the small parties in the island of Luzon. All the chiefs in Biac-na- bato also were bound to leave the Philippines. When the General had arranged everything he discovered that Paterno had only offered Aguinaldo $-100,000, Mexican. He pur this in a memorial which was presented to the Spanish Senate, of which he was a member. Aguinaldo and his cabinet, his leading chiefs, left for Hongkong, accompanied by Paterno, where they were paid the first payment of $200,000. Mean- while some chiefs, Macabulos, Isidore Torres, Pantaleon Garcia, Llaneiro, and others whom I do not remember, remained here and received nothing from Paterno or Aguinaldo, and they protested and refused to give up their arms, so Paterno told them that the General would give them more money, and under this promise they gave up their arms. The General gave Paterno $200,000 for this purpose, but Paterno has never been able to prove that he has given a cent to these people. This arrangement of peace was not accepted with pleasure by the peo- ple. They were angry because a matter of business had been made out of the revolution, and they also believed that it was the Spanish idea, as their policy had always been, to conciliate the leaders of the revolution and afterwards to do absolutely nothing. As a matter of fact, a few days had scarcely passed before the friars began their same old perse- cutions. The civil guard began to whip, and to shoot, and to abuse the people as before, and in the province of Manila the civil governor, Colonel Myrol, told me himself, “Oh, you need have no fear of another revolution, for I have secretly executed more than 200 men whom I believe were revolutionists in the Province of Manila.” Immediately the country rose, although they had no arms, in Pampanga, Bulacan, part of Pangasinan, and all of Zambales. In Batangasand La Laguna the}' also started to rise. General Primo de Rivera, seeing plainly that the comedy of the Biac-na-bato peace treaty would not last as long as he had hoped, left the Philippines. He left the Philippines, leaving here the impression that everything that he had done here was noth- ing but a farce and a comedy. Naturally, none of the promises made by the General have been fulfilled. Furthermore, the Filipino politi- cal prisoners sentenced by law were punished just the same, and were kept confined, being obliged to suffer the penalty of the laws as before. What was the greatest cause of irritation to the Filipinos (taking into consideration that both the Filipinos and the Spaniards knew and understood that the principal cause of the trouble had been the friars) was the attitude of the friars, which was one of triumph and defiance. Then a thing begun which had never happened before in the Philip- 390 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. pines — the assassination of the friars. In Malolos the priest was assassinated in the street. The priest of Kingwa was assassinated in the railway station at Bigaa. and three or four friends who accom- panied him were mortally wounded. In Zambales the friars were killed, and the cry was, “ Long- live Spain, and death to the friars.” While the country was in this condition, General Augustin came here. He was an honorable man, and a man who came full of good faith, and who believed that Spain would be able to fulfill her promises in the Philippines. He was an innocent politician. It was his mis- fortune that after he had been in Manila fifteen days or a month hos- tilities broke out between Spain and America. Here he did harm to no one, and had the reputation of being a man of good character. He was a man who was very well disposed, had good intentions, and he took the measures which I have spoken of before. He wished all the Filipinos to unite in the defense of Spain. I have spoken before of the militia and of the measures which he took. Q. Will you give us the date of the treaty of Biae-na-bato? — A. It was the latter part of December. 1897. Q. How many men. and who were they — if you can give their names — that were required to go abroad with Agumaldo, and how long were they to remain out of the country? — A. Benito Natividad de la Rosa, Anastasio Francisco, Estrella. Isabelo Artacho. Gregorio del Pilar, Belarmino. Montenegro, Viola. Viniegra. Maskardo, Diaz, Lukban, Llaneira, Ruiz and Pedro and Maximo Paterno. The government did not make any fixed time for them to be out of the country. The}" only stipulated that they should go away. Q. Then, if these promises were not fulfilled these men had the right to return? — A. Certainly; they had a perfect right to return. It is very evident. And Spain was the first party to fail to comply with the stipulations of the treaty. Q. Did Aguinaldo get the whole $400,000? — A. No: he did not receive more than $200,000. Q. Didn't he get the other $200,000 afterwards by a suit against the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank? — A. No; this suit was over another question — about the other $200,000. General Primo de Rivera says that he gave it to Paterno. and Aguinaldo says that he did not receive it. and we do not know who is not telling the truth about the matter. I do not know who it was that forgot he had this amount of money in his pocket. Q. I would like to understand that matter. When I came through Hongkong a suit was pending for this $200,000 in the English court against the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank. Professor Worcester. That was over this first $200,000. Q (Repeated to witness.) — A. It was over the question of the first $200,000. Aguinaldo put this money in his own name to his own credit in the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, and when Artacho and some others found this out they said this was not right, for the money was not Aguinaldo’s private property, but it belonged to all. Q. Was that the only $200,000 that was ever paid? — A. Yes, sir: I do not remember that they received any other money. Q. Unless you have something further to say on this, will you take up the examination where we left off yesterday? — A. No: I have noth- ing further to say on this. Q. Yesterday we had from you everything transpiring immediately REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION 397 prior to the 4th of February, 1899, and now particularly we would like to know the treatment of the troops by each other; the menaces, insult- ing1 gestures, and the general conduct of the two armies toward each other. — A. 1 also thought that an outbreak of hostilities was inevitable. Furthermore, I thought it would be useful and necessary. It was inev- itable, for the Filipinos, convinced that the Americans would not make resistance to them, insulted them daily and made disparaging remarks about them. It was absolutely necessary for the Americans to pay strict attention to discipline and to obedience to the orders of their superiors in order to avoid daily conflicts. I have said that an outbreak would be both useful and necessary, for under this condition it was necessary for America, if she wished to be the sovereign of the Philip- pines, to demonstrate her superiority. It was the only way in which she could dominate the country and maintain her prestige. The Fili- pinos continually sought to invade the territory occupied by the Amer- icans. In some cases the Americans took them prisoners, but when they asked to be released they were released. On the other hand, if the Americans went into their lines they were tried, and in fact in some cases were immediately made prisoners. The Filipinos wished to have the right to enter Manila with their arms. Q. When did that condition exist? When they first came were they not friendly, so when did they drift into this feeling of hostility? — A. It is a fact that they were friendly at first, but then antipathy and hos- tile feeling began in the month of October, after the “popular clubs” were founded. Q. Was any effort made by the Americans to come to an under- standing with Aguinaldo? — A. Yes, sir; and I remember one day on which Major Bell and I tried to persuade Aguinaldo to come to Manila and talk with General Otis, and we made him the offer that afterwards General Otis would return his visit in Malolos. Aguinaldo gave us the answer that he was not afaid to come, but that the Philippine people woidd not permit him to come, for they feared he might be assassinated by some rascal, some outlaw. Some Americans — for in- stance, General Reeves and General Whittier, collector of customs — visited Aguinaldo, and I know that they made a very good impression upon his mind; but he did not wish that Americans should come, and one day he said to me, “ Do not bring so many Americans to Malolos.” Q. Did these Americans talk to him about the political situation? — A. I was not present. I thought it very strange that I was not asked to be present at the visit of General Whittier and General Reeves. But I knew through Buencamino that General Whittier said he was going to Paris, where he would defend the cause of the Filipinos; that is, the cause of an independent republic under an American protector- ate. I knew General Whittier, for Aguinaldo sent a silver-mounted dagger which he had worn himself, with the request that I and General Garcia should deliver it to General Whittier as a present from him. Q. Will you tell us anything more you know about conditions imme- diately preceding the outbreak of hostilities, and how these hostilities commenced ? — A. It had been about a month since I had been to Malo- los, for I feared a personal attack there, but on the 31st of January I went to see Aguinaldo in Malolos. He said that he wished me to visit him, to stay with him, but I said, “No; I can not do that, for some day hostilities will break out and I shall not be able to go back to Manila.” He said that I should have no fear of an outbreak of hostilities, for 398 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. he did not wish hostilities to begin. In fact, he did not wish an out- break of hostilities, but he excited everybody as far as possible, and especially the military men. and urged them on, and when the question of an outbreak of hostilities came up, I do not think it was in his power to stop it. There was such an overbearing spirit and such a warlike spirit in the military element at Malolos that I made a resolu- tion not to go there again. On the night of the 1th of February, when I heard the shots, I supposed it was some attack of the Filipinos, for I knew that the Filipinos who went to Washington had some days before telegraphed by way of Hongkong to Aguinaldo to attack imme- diately, before reenforcements came for the Americans. It afterwards came to my notice that the outbreak of hostilities was due, as every one expected, to an act of imprudence on the part of either the Ameri- cans or the Filipinos. It was said that the aggression was due to the Filipinos in San Juan del Monte. I do not know as to that, but all the world knows that as soon as the shots were heard in San Juan del Monte tht- whole Philippine line attacked the Americans. Q. W as any reason given after the knowledge reached nere that the treaty of peace was made at Paris — for holding the Philippine army in front of Manila? — A. To attack America if the Americans did not wish to recognize their independence. Q. Had Aguinaldo in any way avowed that intention ? Had he explained why he kept his army, after he knew peace had been made ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. How did he make such a declaration? — A. In a public proclama- tion in answer to the proclamation of General Otis. Q. 1 mean after the treaty of Paris was made ? — A. After that he did not make any official manifestation, but among his own Philippine people this word passed. Q. Do you know whether any day was fixed for the attack on the Americans? — A. I do not know. Q. You think that the army was imbued with the idea of attacking, and was going to attack anyhow? — A. Oh, ves, sir; for I had been told that the Philippine army had the order to attack whenever they heard shots, and so on the night when shots were heard in San Juan del Monte, instead of being confined to a limited area, the attack became general. There was no order to attack at any fixed time, but there was an order to attack any moment they heard shots, or at the knowl- edge of any hostile act. Q. Will you be kind enough to tell us what were the true causes of the revolution of 1896-97 against the Spaniards? -A. Spain had never paid attention to the claims of the Philippines. All the Spaniards were convinced that in the Philippines it was necessary to make changes in policy, in administration, in the department of justice, and in the manner of governing the country; all of the Spaniards were convinced that the influence of the friars was fatal, but, nevertheless, nothing was done to quiet the Philippine people, nor to grant them the things which justice demanded. It was dangerous for a Filipino to seek justice or to state his opinion in any manner. No criticism could be made, not only of the government or of the friars, but not even of individuals who were Spaniards. The press, under a strict censorship, did nothing but praise whatever tin' Spaniards did, and the evil deeds of men or of the government were hidden, in order not to hurt the prestige of Spain. A general named Despujol came here REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 399 who understood the, justice of the claims of the Filipinos and who worked for their interest, and immediately the friars and the extrem- ists here began to work against him, sending letters and telegrams to Spain, and calumnies and slanders against him, saying he was danger- ous to Spanish rule here, and so the Spanish Government took him away. Rizal had just published some political novels which presented all the abuses and horrors which were committed here. The result was that the Filipinos understood that they were badly governed, and they also were convinced that Spain would never reform. In fact, it was impossible for us to obtain justice, for if a Filipino made any criticism he was cither punished, put in jail, or even shot. I personally do not state this with any resentment, for I saw all these things from the point of view of a spectator, for I was in Europe at the time. The conviction was strong among the Filipinos that they would not succeed in attaining anything by any other means than force. This being the case, the idea occurred to some Filipinos to found a system of masonry here. There were some lodges of the masonic order here, and the idea presented itself to form a sort of political masonry, which was created and called the “Katipunan.” This Katipunan society was naturally a secret society, and had, I think, about 400,000 members, principally in the Tagalog provinces and of the people of the valley of the Pasig River. I think in Manila and the valley of the Pasig there were 80,000. Naturally, as there were so many, and as they were so strong, the idea of a revolution was a natural consequence. The principal agitator of all this movement was a man named Andres Bonifacio, who stirred up and directed it. The political movement in the Philippines was started, as was natural, by the aristocracy of wealth and of intelligence, but the Katipunan society was formed entirely of the elements from the lowest class of society. Bonifacio was a man without education. He was employed in one of the business houses at a small salary, of per- haps $30 or $40 (Mexican) a month. They went on arranging their affairs very quietly and very secretly, awaiting a proper moment for action, which they believed would be the time of General Blanco’s departure from the Philippines. General Blanco was a man who was well thought of here, for he had a great deal of tolerance for the peo- ple. He did tolerate masonry, and they believed that he also tolerated the existence of the Katipunan society. One day the priest of Tondo, Padre Gil, through the confession of a woman, learned of the existence of the Katipunan society, for the woman’s husband was a member. This Father Gil informed the General, and so the Katipunan society was discovered. Now, about the causes of this revolution. To sum the matter up, it was the policy of Spain to have here a good written system of legisla- tion, but in actual practice each Spanish governor did as he saw tit with- out regard to the written law. The Filipinos had no way of protest- ing, for whoever protested was put in jail and persecuted. Every day the exactions of the friar were greater, and every day the hatred of the Spaniard was greater, and as a natural result of this the country was like a boiler without a safety valve. By Mr, MacArthur: Q. You have said that the Spaniards well understood that it was on account of the influence of the friars that the government of the Philippines was in such a wretched state. If this was so, why didn’t the Spaniards themselves oppose this influence of the friars?— A. 400 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. There you have it. It was on account of the money of the friars. Tin' Filipinos have believed that the friars governed here only by the force of their money. This is partly true, but the friars have governed here chiefly by the ignorance and the fear of the Spaniards who came here, none of whom knew the country. Whoever wished to know anything about the country did not take the trouble to study the matter himself, but asked for information about the country from the friars, and of course the friar gave him the impression he wanted to, and consequently the friar was his master. Whenever any man carried on his occupation away from the friar’s influence and encoun- tered any difficulty, he always found the friar his enemy, and as he had not strength enough to work by himself, and had no sound personal judgment, he took the same opinion of the Philippines as the friar had, or else left the Philippines. The provincial governors, who governed by their own judgment, always were afraid that there would be public disorders, and they went to the friars as the supreme rulers of the prov- ince to calm the public mind, to keep things quiet. The power of the friar was unlimited, and his control in everything was inevitable. So the governors were partisans of the friar because they had faith in his power. Those who opposed the friar did not have strength enough to stand alone and work alone, because they did not know the country well enough and were afraid of the friar. Q. Will you please tell us what this man Rizal did. what became of him, and how he attained so much influence here in the Philippines ? — A. With great pleasure. The great influence of Rizal was due to the fact that he was the first writer to give, by his novels, a vivid picture of the Philippines. In his novels all the different types are faithfully represented. It is a collection of instantaneous photographs of life in the Philippines, and as it is all true the consequences are also true of the continual suffering of the Philippine people and the abuses of the friars and of the government. Naturally, a man who dared, in the midst of oppression, to tell the truth and to talk had the sympathy of all the Filipinos. Furthermore, in addition to his talents, he had the courage to present himself in the Philippines after he had written his first novel. This gave him great popularity. After having written his first novel, Rizal remained in the Philippines for three months, but as he was per- secuted by the Spanish Government he thought it wise to leave the Philippines and he went to Europe, where he wrote a second novel, a continuation of the first, called “El Filibustero.” The first one was entitled “Noli Ale Tangere.” During this same time he edited a new edition of a history of the Philippines, written many years ago by one Morga, of Manila. After Rizal left here the friars, because the}’ could not seize him, through revenge persecuted his family. They expelled them from Calamba, seized all their property, and his whole family was banished bv General Weyler. When Rizal returned to the Philippines in the time of General Despujol, although Despujol was a man of character, he could not escape the influence of the friars, and he ordered Rizal arrested and banished to Dapitan, in the island of Mindanao. There Rizal devoted himself to his profession of medicine and to agricultural pursuits. Naturally the Filipinos, as the}T were much interested in political affairs, visited Rizal in Dapitan a great deal, under the pretext of having some affection of the eye- sight or other infirmity, but as a matter of fact to get his advice. When Bonifacio, the leader of the Katipunau society, asked Rizal if REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 401 it would ho a good plan to start a revolution, Iiizal opposed the plan and said it would not he suitable. He said what would do the country most good would he to devote themselves to the improvement and edu- cation of the people, and to look for reformation in peaceful ways. Nevertheless, Bonifacio, instead of telling the truth, told the Filipino people that Rizal, instead of advising peace, had advised the revolu- tion. Rizal had nothing to do with the revolution, nor with the Kati- punan society. About the time that Father Gil discovered the Kati- punan society, Rizal arrived in Manila, for he had offered his services to the Spanish Government as a physician in Cuba, and his services had been accepted, and he arrived here on a war ship on his way to Madrid to put himself under the orders of the Government. Rizal then went away in a ship hound for Spain; but the friars and the Span- iards could not allow this man, whom they" hated so, to escape with his life, under the circumstances, and they used every means to get him back to Manila. They talked to the governor- general, they sent tele- grams to Spain, they' influenced the minister of war, and one Olibe, public prosecutor, undoubtedly influenced by money, succeeded in having Rizal ordered back to Manila; and, in fact, Rizal was brought back to Manila and a court-martial was held, and although it could not be proved that Rizal had anything to do with the revolution, as the public opinion among the Spaniards demanded it. he was sentenced and shot. Q. Where yvas he shot? — A. When Rizal came to Manila he yvas taken to Fort Santiago, and from there he was taken on foot to the open ground, the “ Bagambayan,” adjoining the Luneta, where he was shot. Rizal went along, showing a great deal of self -possession, and even smiling and laughing as he went along the street; not that he felt like laughing, but because he had a great deal of character and strength, and he wished to show that he could contain himself. When he fell dead all of the Spaniards and the Spanish ladies who were present cried “ Viva Espana!” Q. Was there a large crowd present? — A. Enormous. It was a Spanish national tiesta, and afterwards the band passed in front of his body playing “La Marcha de Cadiz,” which yvas the custom. Q. Was he the only man shot on that occasion? — A. On that day he was the only* man to be shot, and public opinion demanded that four Indian (native) soldiers should be the ones yvho should shoot him. Q. And was that done ? — A. That was done. As a general thing, all executions were by Spanish soldiers, except this one of Rizal. Q. Were executions generally made on the Luneta? — A. Always. Q. Did they make it an occasion of rejoicing? — A. Yes, sir; it was always a reason for joy, for merriment. It must be said, however, that these people yvent there believing that it was a just act; that these people who were shot yvere guilty. Although it seemed a barbarous thing to us, these people beliey'ed that what they saw was simply the carrying out of justice. Q. Was it known beforehand when executions were to occur ? — A. They knew that this would happen from the evening before. It was published in the Gazette. Furthermore, it was the Spanish custom to give a condemned man twenty-four hours in which to be in the chapel at confession in order to arrange his matters for the future. Spanish justice is very indulgent in this respect. Q. Was it habitual for the ladies and gentlemen to go to see r 11 p c 26 40*2 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. these executions, or only occasionally ? — A. Yes, sir; in political exe- cutions. Q. Then they were regarded as a spectacle? — A. Yes, sir; a spec- tacle of patriotic character. Q. Can you give us any idea of the number of such executions, say, in 1896-97 ? If you can not give the actual number, can you say whether they occurred every day, every week, or only once a month; whether they were frequent or not. — A. The executions were so fre- quent that when General Polavieja came, in order not to make so many executions appear to the public, he gave orders that the executions should lie made in the different towns and not all in Manila. Q. There were other executions in Manila, were there not? 1 have heard that many people wen; shot in other places besides the Luneta. — A. No; only on the Luneta. Q. We have heard to the contrary. — A. Well, they were secret shootings, and 1 do not know anything about them. Q. Was the punishment always death, or were there confinements in prison for political offenses? — A. No; many were sentenced to ban- ishment and sentences of different length in prison. Q. That condition of affairs existed during 1896-97 ? — A. Oh, yes; this has always been the custom. Q. Were these people always tried by court-martial or by civil court? — A. By court-martial, always. AYith expressions of thanks, the commission adjourned. TESTIMONY OF SENOR XEREZ. Manila, S eptu liber 7, 1800. Present: Colonel Denby (in the chair), Commissioner AVorcester. Manuel Xerez y Burgos appeared before the commission. Q. Will you please give us your name, residence, and profession? — A. Manuel Xerez y Burgos; Calle Gastambide No. 21. Sampalog; by profession, a physician. Q. How long have you lived in Manila? — A. Almost all my life. Q. AY ere you born in Spain? — A. No; in Manila. Q. You are a Spaniard? — A. No; I am a Filipino. Q. AYe would like for you to give us an account of the doings of the religious orders, especially of the friars, in these islands. 1 wish you would tell us, at the beginning, whom they call friars? — A. In the Philippines everyone belonging to the religious orders are called friars. The religious corporations are Dominicans, Augustinians, Paulists, Franciscans, Keceletos, Capuchins, Jesuits, and Benedictines. Q. Of what 'nationality are these friars? — A. All of them are Spanish. Q. Are there no Italians among them? — A. If there are any among them who are not Spaniards, having been in the Philippines formerly , they are considered Spaniards. Q. Will you proceed and tell us what part they performed in the government; how they stood toward the people; how they treated the people; how the people regarded them; in fact, everything about them? — A. They have taken a very active part as advisers of the gov- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 403 eminent. It has been known for ag’es in the Catholic countries of Europe that the religious orders have always tried to take part in t he government. Q. What particular part did the members of the religious orders take in the government of the Islands — in the municipalities as well as in the general government? — A. The part of the government in which they were evident was the part which had to do with their own par- ticular interests. They opposed any instruction to the Philippine people; opposed the order of the government. Q. What 1 want to know is, what official part they took; what offices they tilled, if any; what they did in the government itself? — A. In the first place, they entered officially into the government, and even went so far as to make governor-generals out of some archbishops. Q. Did the archbishop have any official position in addition to his clerical position ? — A. Yes, sir; when the governor-general left or died he entered the position of governor-general. Q. .Was the archbishop a member of any council, ex officio? — A. He was a member of the council of authorities. Q. What had that council to do? — A. In political affairs of impor- tance it decided them. Q. Wliat position, if any, did the friar have, ex officio, in the various municipalities? — A. As parish priests and as municipal advisers they intervened in the actions of the municipality. They acted as secreta- ries of the gobernadorcillos — the petty governors — as these petty gov- ernors themselves did not understand Spanish, and they answered the official documents which came from the General Government. Q. They did that bv virtue of their being priests? — A. This was not official, but they forced the gobernadorcillos to consent to it. Q. What control did they have, if any, over affairs in the towns ? — A. Thej' had the power to do whatever suited them to preserve their power in every town. Q. How did they ti-eat the people? — A. They always treated them with a great deal of harshness; with blows, with threats, and with deportation when they did not obey them. Q. What had they to do, if anything, with the system of taxation ? — A. They did not directly have anything to do with the taxation, but only with the accounts. They permitted the gobernadorcillos to rob as much as they liked so long as they did not interfere with the church. They allowed them to do anything that was in favor of the church. Q. Did the church make any exactions of the people? — A. Yes, sir; and although they had a scale of fees for their services to the peo- ple, they did not collect the fees according to the scale, but they took two, three, four, and even live times as much as the scale allowed. Q. Can you give us some of the items of this system of taxation? — A. I have the scale, but I could not say exactly what they charged for each different 'thing, but there was almost no friar who complied with the scale. Q. I do not want to know what they charged — the amounts — but what the items were ? — A. To marry, to baptize, to bury; and they took advantage of a great many things. For instance, devout private devotions, sermons, candles which were used in masses, and they also charged great prices for masses. Q. Was there a direct tax levied for the church ? — A. No, sir; the 404 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. church took an eighth of what the priest collected, and the rest belonged to him. The Government did not impose a direct tax for the church. But although the Government did not impose a direct tax on the people, they did whatever the priest wished. For instance, if a man did not attend mass or do what the the priest wished, when the friar announced it, the Government either deported him, shot him, or punished him in some way; so that the demands of the friar had greater force than a direct tax would have. Q. Was it the rule that everybody should attend church? — .V. It was not obligatory, but it was a moral obligation. Q. If a man did not attend church, what did they do with him ? — A. They hunted him up and had him beaten for the first offense; for the second failure to attend church they doubled his punishment, and for the third offense he was deported to Paragua, Jolo, Marianas, or to Puerto Princesa. Q. Were there many cases of such punishment — A. Yes, sir; many. Q. Did those punishments apply to women as well as to men ? — A. Sometimes. There was a case in Tayabas where a priest struck a woman in the church itself because she was not dressed as he thought she should be. Q. What had the conduct of the friars to do with the revolution of 1872? — A. The revolution of 1872 was not a Philippine revolt. It was entirely a military revolution. For seven or eight years the peo- ple had been asking the King of Spain and His Holiness the Pope to give them regularly ordained priests instead of friars; and as the friars hated the native priests, they denounced them. The friars have made it appear that this was a civil revolution, but it was a military revolution in this way — because the soldiers, employees of the arsenal at Cavite and of the fleet, revolted because they wanted their pay raised. Q. Do you mean to say that the hate for the friars did notenter into the revolution of 1872? — A. No, sir; in this revolution no hatred of the friar existed, but the Philippine people were afraid to revolt. Q. Then when was the first time that the conduct of the friars caused a revolution, or an incipient revolution ? — A. In 1891, when the Kati- punan Society was formed, which united the Philippine people. It caused a disappearance of the differences between different provinces and different races. Q. Was that based on antagonism to the friars? — A. The hatred of the friars, nothing else. The object of this society was to ask for the expulsion of the friars and so secure liberty for the Phillipine people. Q. Were the majority of the people in favor of expelling the friars ? — A. The great mass of the people; for if there was anyone in favor of the friars it was because, although secretly an enemy, he was afraid to say so openly. Q. Was there any distinction made by the people toward the native priests ? — A. The native priests were united to the Phillipine people. Q. Then the people favored the native priests? — A. Yes, sir. Q. The people only attacked the members of these orders ? — A. The people did not attack the Catholic religion; they only attacked the religions orders — the friars. Q. How did the natives become priests? Did they belong to any order? — A. No, sir; they did not belong to religious orders. In ancient times there were some Filipinos who were accepted in reli- gious orders, but that was a long time ago. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 405 Q. Then these ^native priests were entirely independent of the orders? — A. As cdericos they were independent; as priests they were the slaves of the religious orders. Q. Did the archbishop ordinarily belong to any order? — A. Almost always. Q. What order did he belong to? — A. Do you mean the one who is here now? Q. Yes. — A. To various religious orders. The present archbishop is a Dominican friar. Q. Is he an old resident of the Philippines? — A. Yes, sir. Q. He was here as a member of the order, was he? — A. He has been here a number of years. He has also been vice rector of the University. Q. What complaint did the people make against the government of Spain, aside from the mere religious questions ? — A. In the first place, because it gave too much protection to the friars, and in the second place because institutions were created here that were cruel in the highest degree to the people. For instance, the guardia civil has been an institution that has committed a great many abuses here. The administration of justice was only a name here, for everything- concerned with it was nothing but robbery and injustice. Q. Was the guardia civil a military organization ? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Then besides the mere antagonism to the friars other civil ques- tions entered into the discontent of the people? — Yes, sir; but as the friars were the ones who had the greatest influence in all of these other questions, and as they were the ones that influenced the guardia civil and all of the departments of the Government, it seemed better to attack the friars than to attack the Government. Q. I want to know whether this hatred originated from acts done by the friars as friars, or whether it was originated by acts of the friars as agents of the Government? — A. For both causes. Q. What did the friars do as friars — as religious heads of the com- munity— what did they do that the people objected to? — A. All sorts of improper things; all sorts of immorality and all sorts of abuses. Q. I wish you would specify. What do 3-011 mean by immorality ? — A. They injured women; abused the women of the country by making them prostitutes, and many times they caused women to marry men, not to make them live with these men, but to make them mistresses of the priests. Q. Was that general, or only here and there? — A. It was quite gen- eral. It is very true that there have been friars who were very good men, but the greater number of them have been men of bad conduct. Q. Did that prevail here in Manila? — A. This state of affairs existed in Manila, but not so scandalously as in other places, for here in Manila they were watched. They considered things. Q. How did these men of the orders get control of the parish churches? — A. In the first place, there were very few priests here in the Philippines, and at the time of the conquest and shortly afterwards friars came here, often as missionaries, and obtained control of the parish churches. For instance, parishes would be formed in a place where a friar had acted as missionary. Q. W ere there many Filipino priests ? Outside the orders, I mean. — A. There were very few of them in the early days of the conquest. Q. What do you mean b}’ the conquest? When Spain first came here? — A. Y"es, sir. 406 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Q. But there were none here when the Spaniards «ime ?- — A. But as the country increased and the number of towns increased seminaries were founded here, so that the number of Filipino priests increased. There were also Filipino priests in some places through the enmity that the archbishop had for some friars. In the first place, the Filipinos were not made priests to be parish priests in old parishes, but to assist the friars; but, as some archbishops had serious differences with the reli- gious orders and saw that the friars abused the people of their parishes, they took them out and put in the Filipino priests. But it came about that when these archbishops were removed the friars complained in Spain and were again put back in the parishes from which they had been taken. At one period, in the time of Archbishop Basilio Sanchos de Santa Justa E. Infina, in the latter part of the last century, the King of Spain issued an order that the friars should be all taken out of their parishes and that native priests should be substituted for them; but the friars declared that in that case they would all leave the Philip- pines, and the King of Spain was frightened at this, and although he did not issue any decree repealing the order mentioned, he allowed things to go on just as they were and said nothing. It was believed in Spain that if this was not done the friars would leave the Philip- pines; so the state of affairs was allowed to continue, and the protec- tion given the friars was increased. Q. You spoke in your last answer about abuses. Will you please tell us as definitely as you can what abuses the people complained of ? — A. Abuses; a great many. For instance, there was one great abuse — the fact that they denounced Filipinos to the Spanish Government in order to have them punished. There was another great abuse in the fact that they did not allow the Filipino people to become enlightened; and as the Filipino people wished to become enlightened they com- plained against this. Q. Will you please explain that? Did they not have schools? — A. The friars were inspectors of schools, but in the outside towns and in Manila, too, they forbade masters of schools to teach Spanish. Q. Were they appointed inspectors of schools or did they just assume that right? — A. Thev were appointed bv the Government. W1 ion a schoolmaster tried to obey the direct orders which he received from the Spanish Government and started to teach Spanish, geography, and history, the friars denounced him to the Spanish Government as a man against religion and against the Spaniards. Q. And what became of him ? — A. Then the Government, believing the friar and not the schoolmaster, deported him. Also in the schools for women they opposed the teaching of any practical work to the women or of anything that pertained to civilization. They only allowed them to be taught things which they already knew — their usual customs. There was a serious event occurred here in the time of General Weyler, when the priest wished a schoolmistress to come to church with the children; he did not allow her to answer him in Spanish, but in Tagalog. I know this schoolmistress, and cases of this nature have existed in all the Philippines. By Professor Worcester: Q. Were the natives in the small towns who were able to speak Spanish ever punished or threatened for using that instead of their REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 407 and showed that he had a little civilization, in spite of their ridicule — - and ridicule is a most serious thing- to a Filipino — they persecuted him even to death. By Colonel Dknby, resuming: Q. You spoke of other abuses. What pecuniary abuses were there; what exactions were there? — A. The rules of the church forbid a priest to collect money for burying a poor man, but in spite' of this it was a very rare case when even the poorest man was buried without a fee; and when the family of the dead person did not have all the money necessary for the fee which the priest demanded— for instance, if the family only had $3 and the fee was $4 — the priest beat them, and made them borrow the other dollar to make up the necessary fee; and in the ease of rich people, if a very large fee for burying was not paid the family was persecuted afterwards and even deported. Q. In that case did the priest represent the facts to the Government, and in turn the Government took action? — A. Yes, sir; the priest would go to the Spanish Government and denounce a man as being an enemy of religion and of Spain. Then tin* man was watched, and when the priest denounced him again he was deported. By Professor Worcester: Q. I would like to have you summarize the different ways the priests had of imposing their will upon the people. In the first place, I under- stand that ridicule was a strong weapon in their hands; that they made fun of the people, held them up to contempt, and that this was one of the mildest means they employed. — A. Yes, sir. Q. Is that a severe punishment for a Filipino — to hold him before the people of the town as an object of ridicule? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Why is it that the Filipino objects so strongly to being ridiculed? — A. The Filipino, as a general thing, is very fond of imitating the .peo- ple whom he believes are his superiors in culture; and as they are fond of culture the}r are desirous of obtaining it. When a priest met a man who had any education, any culture at all, in towns where there was very little culture, and got him before a great many people, he would say, “O! You are a Spaniard now, I suppose. You will very soon be a Protestant and a heretic, and soon you will be excommunicated;” and of course it exposed the man to great shame. And the friar would say, “ You are a very ugly person to try to imitate the Span- iards; you are more like a monkey, and you have no right to try and separate yourself from the carabaos.” A friar wrote a novel which caused a great deal of hati-ed toward the friars. In this novel he said that the Filipinos and the carabaos were brothers and should never be separated; and he also said that it was useless for the Filipinos to try to educate themselves; that their intelligence was not sufficient to enable them to learn anything that was scientific, lofty, or cultivated. Q. I understand that a second method of bringing the native to do what the priest wanted him to was the administering of physical pun- ishment. You have said that they beat the natives. Did it partake of a severer form? — A. Ordinarily they began by beating them. They would make a man take his trousers off and lie on a bench, where they would beat him until they were tired or broke their rattan sticks. Many times the friars administered these corporal punishments with their own hands, and at other times they locked people up in a room .and gave them nothing but water for six or seven days. They also 408 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. forced a man to cross his arms, taking hold of his ears, and squat down and raise himself up again for hours at a time, until he fell over faint- ing. And when they saw that these measures were not sufficient to attain their end. and that any further persecution on their part would damage their character as priests, they turned their man over to the guardia civil, which did worse things. Q. Did serious results ever follow the punishments inflicted by the friars themselves or under their immediate supervision ( -A. Yes, sir; very serious results. There have been individuals who have died from the punishment administered by the friars. Q. Were women subjected to severe physical punishment as well as men? — A. Yes, sir; the only difference was that they did not remove the women’s clothing to strike them, but struck their clothing. Q. You have said that one class of punishment consisted in denounc- ing the individual to the civil or military authorities. Will you give further details as to that? — A. The priests denounced some individual to the governor, and the governor ordered the guardia civil to take the man and examine him. Then the guardia civil compelled this man, by means of punishment and cruel measures, to declare that what the friars said was true, even when it was not true. Of course, a man would. Anally, under the punishments and cruelties of the guardia civil, admit that the accusation of the friar was true. Then he was brought to Manila; and it often happened that, in order that the governor- general and the authorities in Manila should not know the abuses which had been committed upon him, the guardia civil would shoot the man on the way, and then say they had shot him because he had tried to escape. And in case a prisoner arrived in Manila without being killed on the road he was punished again here; and furthermore he was taken to very unhealthy places like Puerta Princesa. Basilan, Jolo — to places where there are had fevers, in order that he might sicken and die, as that was what they wished to happen. Q. Were there any other ways employed by the friars? — A. The friars threatened the people with excommunication, in. the tirst place, if the people did not obey their orders, and afterwards in the pulpit, in the course of their sermons, they would call people by name and declare that they had been excommunicated, and tell the people that they should not talk to them, should not associate with them, should not give them anything to eat. By Colonel Denby, resuming: Q. Was that excommunication for offenses against the church, or for what? — A. Many times they were not offenses against the church; many times they were simply for something that the friar wanted him- self. For instance, if a man opposed the friar, or threw obstacles in the way of his committing any abuse, the friar threatened him with excommunication. If a friar wished to make love to a man’s daughter, and the man opposed it and did everything in his power to keep his daughter from being dishonored, the friar would threaten excommu- nication, and then hand him over to the guardia civil, or use his influ- ence in some other way, and make it a condition that he should have possession of the girl in order for the man to come home. If the con- dition was fulfilled the man was allowed to return home; otherwise, not. Q. Were these things done by the Filipino priests, as well as the REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 409 others? — A. Some Filipino priests who were great friends of the friars did these things also. Q. In general, how did the Filipino priests suit the people? — A. As the Philippine people are a fanatical Catholic people they got along better under the native priests than under the friars, but there have been Philippine priests enough who have committed these abuses. Q. Were there Spanish priests outside the orders? — A. Very few. Q. Do you consider that the Filipino people are really religious? — A. No, sir; I consider that the Filipino people are thoroughly fanati- cal, but not thoroughly religious. Q. Are they devoted to their church — do you mean that by calling them fanatical? — A. 1 mean to say that they are fanatical because they believe, not in the part of a religion which is practical, but in the part which is fantastic. They believe not so much in the practical part of religion as in the things which are unbelievable; and this is due to the fact that the friars in teaching this religion taught the things which are most apt to make him fanatical, because it would be more lucrative for themselves. Q. Have the Filipinos any toleration for any other religion, or are they like the Moros? — A. Which class do you refer to — the civilized or the other? Q. The civilized.— A. The civilized class of Filipinos — not the higher, but the lower class of civilized Filipinos — have a very super- ficial knowledge of religion, and although they practice the forms of the Catholic religion they still preserve a great many of their beliefs and customs which they have retained from their former religion. Q. It is said that some of the countries of Europe which are Catho- lic are not at all religious; they are nominally Catholic, but as a matter of fact the people are not religious. In other countries they are essen- tially religious; as, for instance, Spain. Now, are these people here really attached to their religion, or do they look upon it as the ordi- nary result of custom, habit, and teaching? — A. In my opinion, religion in the Philippines is of great importance in some matters; but the people of the lower class have some very strong beliefs left from their old religion, and as they have this feeling toward their ancient religion the Catholic religion is not very deep-seated, and it is not well under- stood either. In the middle class, and in the most elevated classes of society in the Philippines, religion is a secondary matter — it is more a matter of form than anything else. Q. In your opinion, would the Filipinos enter upon a war to save their religion? — A. I think not; of their own motion they would not do so, unless there was some one to stir them up. Q. Do you think that the influence of the church is antagonistic to the Americans? — A. The true Philippine Catholic Church, the part of the church which is thoroughly Philippine, is not against the Ameri- cans; but the part which is governed by the friars is. Q. How does it happen, if the Filipinos are so much opposed to the friars, that the friars on their side attack the Americans instead of taking part with them? — A. Because a majority of the American people are Protestants, and because as a nation they have separated church and state, and as this does not suit the friars they excited the Philippine people against the Americans, in order that they may pre- serve their power here, or that they may create a new power. Q. The Malolos constitution provided that the friars should be 410 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. expelled, and almost every gentleman who has come before us has advocated the idea that they should be expelled. Then, knowing that if the Filipinos get the power they will expel them, how does it happen that the friars do not throw their influence with the Americans? — A. This state of affairs is due to the fact that the friars believe that, in some way or other, the Philippines will again come under the power of Spain. Q. In the debates on the Malolos constitution there was a very strong party opposed to the adoption of the section which called for the deportation of the friars. Now, isn’t it possible that the friars believe that they will, in the end, be supported by the people, and that this odium you speak of does not go to the extent you say it does? — A. There was not a strong party opposed to the expulsion of the friars, but there was a very strong party opposed to the separation of church and state. It was so strong that the adoption of the article providing for the separation of church and state was only passed by one vote. Q. Were there a good many men in the Malolos assembly who were opposed to the deportation, or was it unanimous? — A. Out of the 80 deputies there were only 7 who were against the expulsion of the friars. The majority of the Catholic people in Malolos voted for the expulsion of the friars. There were only 7 deputies who were against their expulsion. Q. You have frequently alluded to the ancient religion. Can you give us, briefly, an idea of what that was? — A. It was purely a tribal and pagan religion, it was composed of various strange beliefs. In no two places did they have the same beliefs. The only idea which they all had in common was the belief in the existence of a God and in the existence of the soul, and, furthermore, they believed in future punishments and future rewards. They respected their dead ancestors as saints. Q. They got that from the Chinese? — A. They might have got that idea from China; they might also have gotten it from Australia, for the greater part of the Australians were savage people; or they might have gotten it from the Malay settlements. Q. Did they have many gods? — A. Not as gods; but they made secondary gods out of all things which they respected or feared. Q. Did they worship nature; the sun, moon, stars, mountains, and so on ? — A. In some parts of Mindoro there are Manguianes who even now worship the sun. By Professor Worcester: Q. In what part? — A. In the north of Abra de llog. Q. How do you know this ? — A. I have been there. Q. Have you seen their worship ? — A. They paint a sun with rays, and keep it in their houses and places of worship. Q. Did they have regular places of worship ? — A. They have certain places which are sacred to them, generally remote places; and they have dark places in the forest that they use for worshiping their ancestors. Q. IIow do the Manguianes women dress in this part of Mindoro? — A. They dress just like the men, but with a bigger clout, and some of them also wear a sort of handkerchief over their breast. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 411 By Colonel Df.nby, resuming: Q. I would like for you to give us the charaeter of the people here, as to tenacity of purpose, intelligence, courage, vivacity, gayety, dis- position, general contentment, ability, and desire to work: whether they are visionary, and, in fact, all their characteristics, in so far as they are quite distinct and national.— A. Ordinarily, the native Filipino, because he has been under the influence of the friar for a long time, is stoical. They are fond of work up to a certain point. They will work as long as it is necessary to gain a livelihood. They have not yet learned to save what they earn by their work, for they have always been obliged, whenever they had any money, to give it to the church, and in this way they have become indifferent to saving. The imagination of the Indian, when he. talks in his own language, may be easily seen to be very active and easily aroused, considering the small amount of education which he has. On account of the education in fanaticism which they have received, they regard life as a transitory state, and they are indifferent to death. Q. Do you mean by that they are naturally brave — couragous? — A. It is not that they are brave, but that they think that in the next world they will enjoy a better life than here. Watching the death of a field laborer in the Philippines is like watching the death of a saint, for, although lie may be suffering very intensely, he dies quietly, trusting in God. Q. How about their love of sport? — A. The children have their own games peculiar to children, and the full grown, but not old people, are often very fond of entering into these games of the children. They are also in the habit of holding fiestas, dances, parties, and feasts. Q. Do you think they have these traits moi’e than other nations? — - A. 1 think so; at least a little more. Q. Do 3tou think it wise to prohibit cockfighting? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Why? — A. Because it is immoral. Q. How has the prohibition of cock-fighting here been received by the people? — A. Very well. Before the revolution against Spain many towns, of their own will, without its being prohibited, sup- pressed cockfighting in their towns, in order to change the cockpit into a theater. For instance, in Pandacan they have formed a musi- cal society to produce Italian opera by men and women of the country, and the people meet in the cockpit to hear this music. Q. What are the habits of the people in the matter of drinking? — A. The vice of drinking is very rare in the Philippines. In some towns, where there are cocoanut trees, they make a liquor of the sap of this tree, and they hold meetings where they drink it; but it is only the vicious element in the community, perhaps in a town only 10 or 12, and they are looked down upon by the rest of the people. Q. How about prostitution as compared with other countries? — A. In this matter the Philippine people can be considered one of the most moral of nations. Q. Is not that due to the fact that they have the Catholic religion? — - A. No. sir; for even in the savage tribes there is no prostitution. By Professor Worcester: Q. Isn’t it true that there is less prostitution among the savage tribes than among the civilized here? — A. Yes, sir; less. In the towns where 412 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. there is more display of religion, where more parade is made of religion, prostitution is greater. By Colonel Denby, resuming: Q. W hat is the condition of the body of the people with respect to education? — A. As a general thing, the children in the towns cry when they are not able to go to school for any cause — if they have no clothes or can not go to school for any other cause. There is a thing going on in Sampalog at present, and which, I suppose, is going on in other parts of Manila. The children are going from house to house begging money with which to buy clothes in order to go to school. Q. Has that always existed or only since the coming of the Ameri- cans?— A. In Manila the people avoided going to school because of the exactions of the priests. The priests made them go to mass, and to confession, and imposed on them in such a way that they did not go to the schools; but in other towns where there were schoolmasters, who, in spite of the priests, taught them Spanish and other things according to the rules set down, the people were all in the habit of attending school. Q. Has the attendance been increased or diminished since the coming of the Americans? — A. There are a great many more children in the schools now than before the coming of the Americans, because every- body wishes to learn English, and the schools are crowded. There is not room for the children. There are 250 children in the Sampalog school, and it is not large enough. Q. Do you believe that these people, at this time, are capable, of establishing and maintaining a republican form of government, or do you think it better to wait for some years of probation? — A. 1 think it is too soon at present. Q. W ould you advise that for some time the government should be administered by persons appointed by the United States, and that, by degrees, a republican form of government elected by the people should be established, or would you advise that a republican form of govern- ment should be established immediately? — A. I think it should be a mixed government; that the subordinate positions in towns and in provinces could be filled by Filipinos, but always under tin* super- vision of another, who should be an American. Q. Then do von think, after a given number of years, this govern- ment might be turned over to the Filipinos to run themselves ? — A. Not in a few years. It would require some time, for it would be neces- sary to change a great many evil practices here. I think that the Filipinos will need the direction of the Americans for many years. They are educated very much in the Spanish wav, and it is necessary to get the Spanish ways eradicated little by little. Q. 1 would like to have your opinion as to what proportion of the people here, if the war were over, could be relied upon to stand by and favor and support an American form of government? — A. At first there would be some systematic opposition, but when the people saw that this system of government gave better results than the old one, everybody would support such a government. Q. What is the sentiment of the Spaniards residing in the Islands toward American rule? — A. The worst possible. Q. W7e can consider, then, the church and the Spaniards as against us? — A. Yes, sir; the greater part. REPORT Ob' THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 413 Q. Is that based upon the idea you have already given, that they think Spain will some day regain control here? — A. It is not only due to that, but it is also due to the fact that the Spaniards who remain in Manila are the worst of the Spaniards who have been here, and they hate the Filipinos and are afraid the Filipinos will be enabled to govern themselves through the aid of the Americans. By Professor Worcester: Q. Going back to the question of religious orders for a moment: Are the orders represented in these islands rich or poor? — A. Very rich. Q. In what does their property consist, and how have they acquired it? — A. They have obtained it by depredations on the towns, generally by threatening rich people about to die, warning them they are likely to go to hell if they don’t leave something to the church. They also gained much property by encroaching upon other people’s land. When fences were put up, instead of putting them in the proper place, they would pu*sh them over a little on the adjoining person’s land, and every year they would push a little farther, until after many years thev had absorbed all. Then, by' means of threats, they obliged people to sell them land for half or a third part of its value. They have also acquired a good deal of land byT inheritance from devout people; but all these means have been illegal, because, under Spanish law, a father of a family can not leave all of his possessions to the church; he can leave part, but not all. But here the friars took all with impunity, because the sons of 'such a father would gain nothing by bringing suit against them, as they' could never win the suit. They aiso obtained possessions legally' by buy ing them from the State. Q. How did the friars administer the estates they acquired byr these various means — justly or not? — A. They administered them very unjustly'. Q. In what did this injustice consist? Will you please explain. — A. They did this by paying very small wages to the day' laborers, and when a man made a contract to cultivate a piece of land for them, and to pay a certain amount, they' would raise the rent of the land every y'ear until they' finally took everything that he had. When a man could not pay everything that they asked, they obliged him to leave the town; and sometimes, in part payment of this money, they demanded his daughter. Q. Are there any' differences between the various orders; are some of them better than others? By' Colonel Denby, resuming: Q. Are not the Recoletos fairer in some way's? — A. No, sir; they' are the same, and y'ou might say' even worse. Q. Do they' own lands, houses, etc., like the rest? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Do they dress differently' — in coarser clothes, for instance? — A. It is different, but not coarser than the others. Q. Do they' perform the same duties as others? — A. Yes, sir. Q. Is there not an order the members of which go barefooted and walk all over the islands? — A. There are none that go barefooted. The Franciscans, the Dominicans, and the Capuchins do not wear stockings, but they wear shoes, and, so far as walking around the islands, none of them do that. Q. Is that actually the fact? Do they' really go without stock- 414 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. ings ? — A. No; that is what their constitution calls for, but, as a matter of fact, they dress in shoes and stockings and as they like. Q. When you speak of friars, are Ave to understand you mean all these religious orders? — A. Yes, sir; all religious orders. With expressions of thanks, the commission adjourned. TESTIMONY OF SENOR LUZURIAGA. Manila, September 11 , 1809. Present: Colonel Den by (in the chair) and Secretary Mac Arthur. Jose Luis he Luzuriaga appeared before the commission. By Colonel Denby: Q. Will you please give us your name and residence? — A. Jose Luis de Luzuriaga. At present I am stopping at Lala Arry’s Hotel on the Escolta. My residence is in Bacolod, island of Negros. Q. We Avould like, if you ivill. for you to tell us something about Negros; the condition of affairs in that island; ivhat they have been and what the prospects are for the future; also Avhat position you occupy there. — A. Since the revolution against the Spanish and until the present time 1 have held the position of president of the congress of the island. Q. Have you held any position under the American GoArernment?- — A. When Ave accepted the American sovereignti' I continued holding the office Avliich I held under the revolution. 1 was also one of the commission which came here to come to an understanding Avith General Otis in the month of February of this year. Q. Now, Avill you please tell us what are the conditions in that island at the present time? — A. After we accepted the sovereignty of Amer- ica, forces Avere sent there, because Ave asked for them to preserve order, and everything went along very Avell until orders came from Malolos by the way of Pa nay which excited the mountain people. These orders excited the people of the mountains, and Babaylanism was stirred up. This is a sect partly religious and also anarchistic Avliich existed in the time of the Spaniards, and as the commissioners from Panay promised these people a division of the property of the people in power they succeeded in getting them to revolt in arms against the government. In consequence of this houses were burned, cattle Avere taken possession of, and all the plantations in some dis- tricts Avere burned. 1 have heard that there were about 100 planta- tions burned. Q. Did they select particular plantations to destroy, or did they destroy them all? — A. They burned them without distinction. They burned the plantations of Spaniards and natives alike. Q. When was that done? — A. This happened when the First Cali- fornia Regiment Avas about to leave, and when the regular regiment arrived these tires ceased. 1 think the regiment thaf came was the Sixth. This regular regiment behaved very well. They went to Avork at once and their operations against the Babs Avere very successful, notably at Bobong, Avhich was a military camp in the mountains, Avhere 70 Americans killed 300 Babs, including 2 generals. This created such REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 415 an impression there that a number of Babs who were able to escape returned to the towns, saving they were forced to go out by the Babs. These were principally the laboring class. Q. Were these Babs all natives of the island, or had some of them been imported from other islands? — A. They were of all sorts. The founders of Bab were from the province of Antique, in the island of Pa nay, but this was many years ago. Q. Are the\ a religious sect? — A. In the beginning it was a reli- gous sect, but afterwards it took up socialism and anarchy, for they were promised a division of property. Q. Have they any particular cause for complaint against the Americans? — A. No; the Americans behaved very well there in Negros. Q. % Are they chiefly influenced by a tendency to anarchy, or are they influenced by political considerations? — A. Their motive prin- cipally is anarchy, and the commissioners from Panay made use of this spirit to convince them that they would give them a division of the spoils; they made use of this anarchistic spirit to secure their end. Q. Have they any well-formed organization? — A. No, sir; they are mobs of bandits led by petty chiefs. They have no organization. They existed in the time of the Spaniards and the Spaniards killed many of them. Q. Aside from the antagonism of the Babaylanes, is there any organized opposition to the Americans in Negros ? — A. No, sir; except so far as difference of opinion in individuals. In the first place, when we accepted American sovereignty, some people were not agreeable to this, but afterwards, when they came in contact with the Americans and came to know them, they changed their views, and American sov- ereignty has gained a great deal of ground and has created a very good feeling in the island. Q. IV hat portion of the island do the Americans hold? — A. The entire island, with the exception of some territory in the interior where there are some bands of Babaylanes. The east, west, and all the rest of the island is held by the Americans, and all the towns which have a civil organization fly the American flag. Q. What is the population of Bacolod ? — A. About 10,000 or 12,000 It is the capital. Q. Is it the largest city? — A. No; there are some towns which are larger, both with respect to their products and the number of inhabitants; for instance, Silay, Ginigaran, Dumaguete. They are larger in point of number of inhabitants and also in the volume of business, but they are not as advanced and have not the same civilization that exists in Bacolod. Q. Are they occupied by American troops ? — A. In Bacolod there is a battalion of troops; it is the chief headquarters and residence of General Smith. In Silay there is a detachment of 50 men; there are no troops in Ginigaran; in Dumaguete there is another battalion, and the remainder of the troops are distributed among the different towns in detachments of 20 and 25 men. Q. Are you familiar with the terms of the general order relating to the establishment of a civil government in Negros? — A. 1 am familiar with it. Q. What is your opinion of the propriety of that order? — A. I think that it is the proper order for the present time, as just nowr com- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 41C> plete order is not restored, and I think that the military government should have power over the civil for the present. Q. How is that scheme of temporary government received by the people? — A. It has been received differently by different people. The people who are in favor of peace and order have applauded this plan, but the partisans of independence desire that the civil government as contained in the constitution which they sent to Washington be imme- diately established. It is my private opinion and belief that if General Smith, with his good and correct judgment, remains there that this government will serve as a sort of education for us and teach us to govern ourselves, and those who are now opposed to the present scheme will see the desirability of it and change their present ideas. Q. You are familiar with our territorial form of government ? — A. Yes, sir; I am familiar with the way in which you govern your States, your Territories, and your districts. Q. You understand, then, that in our territorial government we have a governor and a legislature; that the country is divided into electoral districts, called “counties;’' that elections are held, and the people govern themselves? — A. Yes, sir; I understand that. Q. These people are absolutely free to make their local laws. Of course, they are governed by the general laws of the United States, as are the States. These United States laws are simply general laws, which practically affect no one in the ordinary relations of life, such as husband and wife, parent and child, employer and employee. All such relations are governed by the people themselves, and the United States simply passes laws regarding foreign affairs, the military, the navy, and such things as that. How would that form of government be received by the people of Negros? — A. I think it would be very well received. That was our idea when we drew up our plan of gov- ernment. It is our aspiration to have such a government. Q. The constitution which you drew up seemed to provide for the existence of a state. In our form of government there must first be a territory, which must remain in tutelage until it has the necessary population and the people are sufficiently fitted, when it is made into a state. We have at present 45 States and 5 Territories, which are being prepared for states. — A. In our constitution we did not con- sider one thing which is necessary for a state; that is, representation in Washington, which is enjoyed by a state. We simply confined ourselves to our local affairs. Q. ( )ur Territories are entitled to representation, but the representa- tive can not vote. Do you think that the people of Negros would be willing to go through this system until they are, perhaps, hereafter perfectly prepared for statehood ? — A. There will be no objection. Q. Can you give us some idea of the number and force of the Babay lanes? — A. Yes. sir; they have decreased in number a great deal. They have lost heavily, and outside those who have been killed by means of the recent operations and the ones who have presented themselves 1 should calculate there are about five or six thousand scattered over the country. Q. If they rob indiscriminately, all the people are opposed to them, are they not? — A. The people who have anything to lose are opposed to them, but people who have nothing, attracted by the idea that they will share in the division of spoils, are in favor of them. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 417 Q. Are those Babaylanes without education? — A. They are com- pletely ignorant. It is one thing that operates against thorn, for they ♦ do not know the difference between justice and injustice. Q. Can you tell us, approximately, the population of Negros? — A. Yes, sir; at present the island of Negros has from 300,000 to 350,000 inhabitants. At present there are more than that, for a great many have come to Negros from Panay and Cebu; but I do not count these, for as soon as order is reestablished in their island they will return. Q. Is Negros a fertile island? — A. One of the most fertile in the Philippines. It is very rich in agricultural products, especially in sugar cane. Negros is the island where the cultivation of sugar cane has been the most developed. Exportation of sugar cane from the port of Iloilo was greater than the exportation from Manila, and Negros produces more than all the island of Luzon. In addition to sugar it produces a great deal of rice and some coffee, hemp, chocolate, corn, tobacco, and has very tine timber for building purposes in the forests. It also has many outcroppings of mines. There is coal in the north and in the south. There is also gold and a great deal of sulphur. Mr. Becker, the geologist, can give an idea about the coal. He visited part of the island, but not all of it. He can not give any informa- tion about gold, because he did not visit the places where gold can be found. Q. What is the condition of the people with regard to education? — A. The lower classes are very ignorant, for we were without instruc- tion in the time of the Spanish, but the upper classes have succeeded in educating their sons — some in Europe, Hongkong, and other ports, but there is a great inequality in the lower and higher classes in the matter of education. As a general thing the country is very backward. Q. It would be a good idea, then, to introduce common schools in the island? — A. Yes, sir; it would be very desirable, as I have told General Smith, and he also agrees with me. In order to form good citi- zens it is necessary first to educate them. They are very apt scholars and are learning English very readily. Q. Are there many natives in business, or is the business done by foreigners? — A. In the open ports, where there are custom houses, the owners of the principal business houses are foreigners— English, Swiss, Germans, and others- — but as there are no ports on the west coast and all the produce comes to Iloilo, the merchants there are natives and there are also some Chinese. Q. In that island do the Chinese do manual labor or are they shop- keepers?— A. No, sir; all the manual labor there is done by natives. The Chinese are shopkeepers. Some of them are plantation owners. In Iloilo some Chinese are day laborers, but the}' were brought by contract from China. Q. Will you please tell us something about the courts ? Who practice law in the courts, natives or Spaniards? — A. At present they are all natives; formerly there were some Spaniards, but now they are all natives. Understand, I am speaking of Negros and not of Iloilo. Q. Are there many lawyers? — A. There are ten native attorneys in the island; some of them do not practice their profession, but engage - in agriculture. Q. Are they educated men in their profession? — A. Yes, sir; the}' are graduates of the University of Manila, p c 27 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 41 8 Q. As to the judges. Are they Filipinos or Spaniards at present? — A. They are Filipinos at present. No Spaniards remain as public functionaries. Q. h'nder Spanish rule were there any Filipino judges? — A. No; the regular judges were all Spaniards, but there were substitutes who were Filipinos. T myself was such a judge in Bacolod. Q. How is it as to the capacity of the medical profession, and who practices medicine ? — A. It depends upon the way they studied; some good, some poor. Q. Were there both Spanish and Filipino physicians — A. In Negros 5 Filipino and 2 Spanish physicians. Q. What is the general condition of health in the island? — A. In general the island is healthy. There are very few diseases there, with the exception of some epidemics which have visited the island at times, such as smallpox. Now they take much precaution against it, but formerly no hygienic measures were taken and smallpox prevailed every year. Q. How about leprosy? — A. That is a malady that is very well known there. There are more in Bacolod than in any other port, for those who have leprosy come from all the other towns to Bacolod, where they can lie aided; they beg, and live in a place separated from the rest of the population. There are 35 or 40 lepers in Bacolod. Q. Are they allowed to circulate among the people? — A. Up to the present time they have been permitted to come in on Fridays, when they visited the town to beg. Q. Don’t they spread the disease? — A. The people do not approach them. They stand at a distance and beg. It is considered a conta- gious disease. Q. How is the climate as compared with that of Manila ? — A. Negros is cooler and drier than Manila. Q. Have you a rainy season there? — A. Yes, sir; some years it rains more than others. For instance, this year is a very wet year. The rainy season is June to November; from December to the end of May it is good weather, and that is when sugar is harvested. Q. How far is Negros from Panay? — A. From Bacolod to Iloilo is 27 miles. Bacolod is the capital and Iloilo is the port. Vessels generally take three hours to make the trip; there are some that make it in two hours and a half. Q. If Iloilo, in Panay, is the chief port, then there is a good deal of business between the two islands? — A. Yes, sir; a great deal. Q. Can you tell us something about the conditions in Panay, the political conditions, etc. ? — A. In general, very bad. The people of the interior are partisans of Aguinaldo. Q. Is that sentiment prevalent generally? — A. Yes, sir; it is gen- eral. Leaving out Iloilo, Molo, and Jaro, all the rest of the island belongs to them. Q. These are towns you name? — A. Yes, sir; they are the business towns. Iloilo is in very bad condition at present on account of the tire of February 11 last. Q. Was that fire started by the Americans or bv the insurgents? — A. The insurgents. 1 was there and left one hour before the fire. Q. Have the insurgents in Panay a strongly organized force ? — A. Thev have an organized force, but it is not strong. They probably have 1,200 or 1,500 men armed with rifies in the province of Santa REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 419 Barbara, which is the province in which their government is located. The rest are in Antique and Capiz. The leading insurgents in these provinces are Tagalogs. Q. You mean they have gone from Luzon or are they native there?- — A. No; they are from Luzon. Q. Are there any native Tagalogs there? — A. No, sir; the Tagalogs come from here, but expeditions of Tagalogs were sent there before the Americans came. There are no native Tagalogs there. They are called Tagalogs because they come from here. The owners of prop- erty down there, the poor people and the Visayans, are thoroughly tired of the situation. They preserve the attitude they are in on account of the force put upon them by the Tagalogs. Q. Then it is a question as to whether America could protect them? If America could protect them they would be loyal ? — A. When proper operations begin actively the insurrection will be over, because the insurgents are in a bad way. Their cattle are givingout, rice is giving out, and mutiny has broken out in the ranks. There is no such thing as order any more. Robberies are committed, women are raped, and murders and assassinations are common. Q. Can you tell us something about the island of Cebu? — A. No, sir; I know nothing except by hearsay. We are not in touch with Cebu. I know in Cebu it is said they have some 400 rifles, but there is no certainty as to that. Q. Do you know anything about conditions in Mindanao? — A. I have no information about the present situation in Mindanao. I have heard reports, but they may be wrong — no dependence can be placed upon them; but I know that there are some towns which desire Amer- ican sovereignty and some which do not. As to Leyte, Samar, and Masbate, and Ticao, it would be desirable to take the islands, for the people are good people and the insurgents have very little strength, small forces, and these are islands which produce a great deal of hemp and a great deal of tobacco. There are no American troops in them now. Q. What is the feeling of the people toward the friars in Negros? — A. It is completely hostile. They are enemies of the friars. They do not wish to see a friar there. A great many people have been shot in N egros through the unjust and calumnious denunciation of t' e friars. Nevertheless, the people of Negros have behaved with a great deal of generosity toward the friars. When they took them prison- ers they did not kill a one, in spite of all. When the people of Negros heard of the treaty of peace at Paris they set the friars at liberty at once. Q. Qf what actions of the friars do they complain? — A. In the first place, they complain of the grasping spirit of the friars. The friars wished to lie the civil authority, the military authority, and they were complete owners of a man’s bod}* and soul. The friar was the personi- fication of autocracy, and had as his object the exploitation, spiritually and materially, of the native. Q. Was any objection made as to the immorality of the friars? — A. Yes, sir; they have families. There are in Negros at present six women who have been mistresses of friars and they have sons of the friars there. There are friars who have had relations with the women of honorable citizens. Q. Does the friar exercise this influence over the people by virtue 420 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. of his office? Does he have any position ex officio? — A. Yes, sir; for no complaint could he made against a priest as a priest. For instance, if a priest took a man's wife away from him, or if he made him pay an exorbitant burial or marriage fee, or if in the confessional lie had induced some dying person to leave him a legacy, no complaint could be made against him, because he was not subject to prosecution in ordi- nary courts, but in the ecclesiastical court, and there a native could never win his suit, because the judges were friars. Q. Well, did a friar, by virtue of that fact, hold any office? — A. As parish priest of each town he did. Q. What position did he occupy as parish priest by virtue of being a friar? — A. He held office as parish priest, and as a parish priest the native government gave him the right to intervene in everything officially. He intervened in the affairs of the municipality, in the administration of justice — in everything. The church acted as a sec- ular arm of the Spanish Government. By virtue of being a priest he occupied the position of representative in the common council of the municipality. More than that, he was the principal member, for no one could become local presidente nor take any office in the judicial department unless it suited the friar. Q. Apart from the antagonism to the friar, are the people of Negros attached to their religion? — A. Yes, sir; in general they are Catholic; among the higher class there are some freethinkers. Q. Then, when they attack the friars they do not profess to attat'k religion ? — A. No, sir. They attack the friars for their defects, faults, and vices; because they have made use of religion to exploit the coun- try and take money from the people. Q. Are any Filipinos members of these religious orders? — A. They never allowed it; they are all Spaniards. Q. There are some as parish priests, are there not? — A. No; there have never been Filipino parish priests in Negros, but they had them as assistant priests, with salaries of $200 (Mexican) a year. The}' were simply assistants, at the order of the parish priest. Q. Do the people understand that under our form of government all religions would lie equal and there would be no preference given to anybody on account of any religious belief ?— A. Yes, sir; we under- stand that, and when the revolution broke out we proclaimed liberty of sects and adopted the same system which you have. In each town there is a Catholic association, which has its president, secretary, treasurer, and its usual officers, and they engage the priest; they pay him themselves, but it has no official character whatever. There is complete separation of church and state in our plan. Q. Is the church in Negros in favor of the revolution, in favor of Aguinaldo? — A. In general, the native priests are partisans of Aguinaldo. Q. How do you explain it that if the Filipinos are so antagonistic to the friars — the church — that the friars — the church — should favor Agui- naldo?— A. Because they think, they say, that Aguinaldo will estab- lish Catholicism as the only religion, and they wish to become the heirs of what the Spanish friars have left here. Q. Then, it is rather a fight against Protestantism than America?— A. Yes, sir; it is a religious question. There are very few native priests in the Philippines in comparison with the number of towns. They are of very little importance, because they have very little edu- REPORT OP THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 421 cation; the friars took care that in the seminaries these people should have very little instruction. Q. Do you know tluit the religious orders in Manila claim that they will have as many rights under the Americans as they had under the Spanish? — A. For 'this reason a great many people in the Philippines are displeased with the Americans, for they say that they protect the friar, and the friar so insists himself. Q. Then is not it rather hard that the friar should attack us? — A. Their claims of American protection are made with a view of excit- ing the animosity of the Filipinos against the Americans. They cite the fact that the Americans have not yet taken away from them the Col- lege of San Jose, and 1 have read letters in Negros from friars here in Manila saying, “have no fear, we will come back again,” and, in fact, two friars did go back in order to prove it, and we gave them fifteen days to get out. Q. It seems that the friars attack the Americans because they are Protestants, and the Filipinos attack the Americans because they think they are going to protect the friars ? — A. The people of educa- tion and intelligence understand that this absurdity can not exist, but the ignorant mass of the people believe it to be true. Q. Wh at, in your opinion, is the remedy for that condition, recog- nizing the fact, of course, that we are governed by law and we have to treat all people alike, what would be the remedy? — A. In respect to this, and in considering a remedy for it, we must consider the con- duct of the members of these religious orders. If the Protestant clergymen do their duty well and do not meddle with the government, and if the friar, on the contrary, behaves badly and gives cause for his expulsion, this must be taken into consideration, and therein will be found a remedy. Q. Of course, it is well known that under our form of government no man by virtue of any religious office can take any part in the government. With us, every one is elected, and no man can assume any official position by being connected with the church, and the ques- tion is, what we could do here to aid the political situation with ref- erence to the friar, assuming that we intend to deprive him of all his official positions. Is it necessary to drive them out, or what? — A. The friars here have a great influence over the minds of the people. They have great power over the consciences of the people, especially the women, and taking this into consideration I think that the very best means would be to attack them through religion itself by oppos- ing to them Protestantism here and encouraging it. Q. The idea no doubt is a . good one, but it is entirely outside of the duty and sphere of government. Our individuals may come here and preach Protestantism, but what we wish to know is what can the Government do? — A. A governmental action which would lie well would be to take measures about the property which the friars hold in the towns and in the country, as this is one of the great complaints which the people have against the friars, and to find some reasonable and just way to adjust the ownership of these properties. Q. As far as our general government is concerned, it does not act on such questions. Now, a local government might, by a system of heavy taxation, force such a party to withdraw, but that would hardly come within the sphere of a general government. The govern- ment under general laws will allow anyone to test the right and title 422 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. to property of anyone? — A. One of the first things to he done is for them to prove their right and title to property. Q. If it were in the power of the local government to make them pay taxes on all their property it would make a great change. I understand that at present they pay no taxes. — A. No; they pay noth- ing at present. The great cause of complaint against the friar here is the tremendous rent which they charge the man who works the ground. It is purely an agricultural question, and a greater part of the tillable land is owned by the friars — the greater part of Cavite and La Laguna. Q. How would it do to allow the church — the orders — to own a cer- tain amount of property, taking all in excess of that amount? — A. But when a tax is put on they will be subject to the tax the same as any one else. But it would always be a cause of trouble in the relations between the tenant and the friar when he is the owner of the land; there will never be any peace between them. In the provinces where the friars have been the owners of the land the insurrections have always started. This may be seen by reading the history of the Phil- ippines. Even in times of peace bands of bandits have always origi- nated in the plantations of the friars. Q. Not being a monarchial government, and being bound by laws applicable equally to all, it is a great question what we can do to alle- viate these wrongs. Have you any other suggestions you would like to make us? — A. I have nothing else to suggest, but will be glad to answer any questions. I might suggest that in the matter of com- merce it would be a good measure to establish a bank here, in order to compete with the English banks, which now have a monopoly, and are somewhat tyrannical in their methods. In the island of Negros it would be well to establish an agricultural bank, and in doing so it would be necessary to reform the Spanish law on the question of mort- gages, to make it more simple. It is full of useless forms at present. 1 might also suggest the building of railroads in the island of Negros. There ought to be formed a corps of surveyors to measure our island. Q. Between what points would you build such a railroad ? — A. That would be a question for study by some competent person. He would have to go to Negros and look over the ground, calculate the amount of capital necessary to build, etc. I simply give my idea in order that you may make it known. Another very profitable business that might be established down there is interisland shipping. It would be very profitable in times of peace. Between Iloilo and Negros there were two boats engaged in the passenger traffic; the}’ were very poor boats and badly handled, but yet they did a good business. Two sailings daily. With expressions of thanks, the commission adjourned. A 1 * 1 * F. XI ) I X. Exhibit I. STATEMENT FURNISHED TO THE COMMIS- SION. GIVING AN EXAMPLE OF TIIE AMOUNT OF TAXES COLLECTED BY THE REVOLUTIONARY LEADERS AS COMPARED WITH THE PER CAPITA EARNING CAPACITY OF THE INHABITANTS. Contributions and taxes collected by the Filipino revolutionary government in the seaport tonm of Gubat (Sorsogon Province) since the 1st of Ortober, 1898, to the 28th of February, 1899 — say during a period of Jive months. First expedition of General Diogoro — collected by Maj. Adivano Adriatico, including $1,000, a trust fund for a school building $6,000 Forced subscription by Chinese to General I ’ana 4,000 War contribution in lieu of “ cedilla personal” 1 peseta for each contributor. 1, 200 Statute labor, paid in cash instead 4,000 Chinese contributions to national loan 2, 000 Native contributions to national loan 12,000 Chinese to the sustenance of Sorsogon forces 2,000 Five per cent ad valorem on imports 7, 000 Municipal, or, say, property taxes 150 Trade licenses for two months 1, 400 Market rent, five months, at $25 125 Slaughterhouse tax, at $25 125 40, 000 Sundry contributions by Chinese and natives toward sustenance of forces in transit from neighboring provinces 500 40, 500 Add to this sum the cost of side arms which males over 15 years of age have been obliged to furnish themselves with, say, roughly 10,000 Also 25 cents each from 6,600 people paid to the parish priest and his assist- ant 1,650 Total 52, 150 Gubat, February 28, 1899. Note of hemp exported from Gubat during five months, showing what corresponds to each taxpayer and inhabitant, compared with the taxes during the same period. I’iculs. Exported from Gubat during 1808 43,888 Less brought in from neighboring districts 24, 888 Total production of Gubat alone in 1898 19, 000 say 1,636 piculs per month equals 8,180 piculs for the five months at a value of $8.25, which is a high average price, equals $67,485, which divided among 13,000 inhabi- tants in Gubat gives $1,038 per inhabitant per month, equals $5,190 in five months. 423 424 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Fer taxpayer, it gives $2,109 per month, equals $10,545 for five months, or per mar- ried couple, $4.4LS per month, equals $21,090 per five months. TAXES, ETC. From the note on foregoing sheet it results that each inhabitant pays $4.01 for the five months, or SO cents per month, and each taxpayer $8. 14 per five months, or $1.05 per month. For each married couple, $16.28 in five months, or $3.30 per month. Deducting what has not been collected to February 28, it comes out at $2.83 per inhabitant, for five months, equals $0,566 per month. Per taxpayer, $5.75 per five months equals $1.15 per month. Per married couple, $11.50 per five months equals $2.30 per month. In short, taking as a basis what has been collected to the 28th of February, it results that each inhabitant has a net living wage of $0,472 per month, per taxpayer $0,959, and per married couple $1,918. As paddy and rice is at 35 cents per gauta, and hemp at say an average (in normal times) of $7 per picul, it is clear that the people can not at present pay the second and third installments of the national loan, nor the statute labor tax of 25 cents, nor the war tax of 20 cents per taxpayer, not having enough for the barest means of subsistence. The defunct Spanish Government only collected in Gubat for every- thing $18,000 per year, or, say, $3,600 per five months. Gubat, February 28, 1899. George Collingwood. Exhibit IT. MEMORANDUM BY CHAN QUIENSIEN. Memorandum of Chan Quiensien, mandarin of the second class of the Celestial Empire, and baptized in these islands under the name of Carlos Palanca, who during forty-three years’ RESIDENCE HERE AS A MERCHANT HAS MADE OBSERVATIONS AS HEREIN NOTED : Hemp exported : According- to a conservative estimate, a little more or less than $15,000,000 per annum. Sugar exported : According to an estimate, a little more or less than $11,000,000 per annum. Receipts in the treasury from all sources, including the custom- house dues, amount to, perhaps, $16,000,000 or $17,000,000, more or less. Local funds : Receipts about $1,500,000, more or less. In all the provinces of the Philippine Archipelago the languages are not the same, among them being Spanish and Tagalog. The city of Manila and its suburbs : Tagalog and Spanish are spoken. There are no products which are exported, nearly all the inhabitants being engaged in the industries. Province of Bulacan : Spanish and Tagalog are spoken. Products : sugar, rice, cane, nipa, cane hats, wine of the country, palay, metals, and tintarron. Nueva Ecija: Spanish, Tagalog, and Pampango are spoken. Pro- ducts: Rice, sugar, gold, tea, lumber, and tobacco. Bataan: Same language as in Nueva Ecija. Products: Rice, sugar, lumber, and tintarron. Cavite : Spanish and Tagalog are spoken. Products : Rice, sugar, cane, coffee. Batangas : The same language as Cavite. Products : sugar, coffee. Tayabas: Spanish and Tagalog. Products: Copra and cocoanut oil. Languna : The same language. Products : Copra, oil, hats of calan- gut, buri, and cuntol, cancuan, lumber, rattan, rope, cabonegro, beche de mcr, sugar. Morong: The same language. Products: Mats, palay, lumber, build- ing stone, and crushed stone. Pampanga: Spanish and Pampango. Products: Sugar, rice, corn, tintarron, lumber, cane, nipa, and firewood. Tarlac: Spanish, Tagalog, and Pampango. Products: Sugar, palay, lumber, corn, and cane. Pangasinan: Spanish and Pangasinan. Products: Rice, sugar, cigar cases, cane hats, lumber, tintarron, and mangoes. 425 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 42() I loros, south and north: Spanish, Ilocano, and Tinguian. Products: Cigars, rice, indigo, cotton cloth, copper, mangoes, and sugar. Cagayan, Isabela, and Nueva Yisaya: Ibanag, Gaddan and Isinay Ifugaos, and a little Spanish. Products: Cigars, corn, and a little rice. The Batanes Islands: Batanes and Ibanag. Products: Cattle and lumber. Mindoro: Tagalog and Yisaya. Products: Hemp and corn. Gubut, Camarines, north and south, Albay, and Sorsogon: Tagalog, Vicol, and Spanish. Products: Rice, cigars, hemp on a grand scale, cloth of the country, and there are gold mines in Mambulao. Iloilo: Yisaya and Spanish. Products: Sugar, rice, corn, lumber, firewood, cinamay, pina, and jusi. Cebu: Yisaya, Cebuano, and Spanish. Products: Sugar, hemp, corn, sinamay, jusi, coal, tobacco, shells, beche de iner, coffee. Samar: Yisaya and a little Spanish. Products: Hemp, copra, corn, rice, sugar, beche de mer. Leyte: Yisaya and a little Spanish. Products; Hemp and copra. Antique: Yisaya. Products; Sugar, rice, and corn. Negros, east and west: Yisaya, Cebuano, Halagaina, and a little Spanish. Products: Sugar, corn, rice, hemp, raw cotton. Surigao, Cagayan, and Isabela: Yisaya, Samallant, and Moro. Pro- ducts: Hemp, copra, corn, gold, unrefined wax, mats. Zamboanga: Spanish and Zamboangueno. Products: Hemp, sugar, rice, corn, shells, mother-of-pearl, beche de mer, lumber, copra. Davao: Yisaya. Products: Copra, hemp, and lumbang for oil. Jolo: Joloono. Products: Shells, mother-of-pearl, hemp, pearls, beche de mer, birds' nests. Puerto Princesa: Tagbanua. Products: Resin, rice, cibucao,1 lum- ber, rattan in great quantities, shells, and mother-of-pearl. Calamianes: Calamiano. Products: Beche de mer, I >irds’ nests, lum- ber, firewood, rice, corn, cattle. Paragua: Tagbaluna. Products: Beche de mer, birds’ nests, shells. Cottabato: Maguindanas. Iliano. Products: Rice in great quanti- ties, corn, cattle, lumber, crude waxbuffalo, hemp, rattan, lumbang, nipa. Masbate andTicao: Visayo. Products: Firewood, cattle, wax, rattan, lumber, rice. Zambales: Tagalog and Pangasinan. Products: Rice, firewood, lum- ber, sugar, corn, and cattle. 1 A sort of red dyewood. Exhibit III. AGTJINALDO TO BROTHER FILIPINOS, ASKING A CHRISTMAS PRESENT FROM BROTHER FILIPINOS. Happy Christmas, compatriots! is the cry of a heart stirred at real- izing- that it is in the midst of liberty' that we celebrate the coming of the Saviour to the world. On this day of universal rejoicing I shall announce an event which I hope will increase your joy. The constitution of our people, drawn up by the congress, has been voted and is in the hands of the govern- ment, and the cabinet is asking that it be approved and promulgated immediately; but I still keep it back without the knowledge of the members of the cabinet. Perhaps you ask why? It is because I hope that first my beloved compatriots will send me a Christmas gift. What this precious Christmas gift will be which thus keeps in suspense an affair of such vital importance as is our constitution I shall reveal gradually. In the light of my own experience, and as 3-011 also may- have under- stood, I am aware of the fact that one of my humble station does not deserve to be exalted to so high a magistracy as is the presidency of the Philippine Archipelago, both on account of 1113- small knowledge, and for other causes which we shall not enumerate; but as the con- gress of representatives chooses me anew to rule the destinies of our people, it has seen proper to me to come to my compatriots asking as a Christmas gift that they- study- and consider some better man to take 1113- place, in order that when we proclaim the government of the republic we may also acclaim the new president whom we are to respect. There are some who are accustomed to ask for their dismissal from their post, sometimes because of ill feeling against their colleagues, and sometimes because their desires and aspirations have not been satis- fied, and from such we should not entirely withdraw our confidence, as these customs are as a legacy left us by the Spanish and can not be so soon forgotten; but from this number I should like you to do me the honor of accepting the undersigned, for he knows well that per- sonal questions ought not to arise to be a threat of harm to the country. My renunciation is due, in the first place, to the intense desire which I have to see the country firm in peace, and, in the second place, to my- own incapacity. I have entire confidence that, as on other occasions you have fulfilled m3- desires, you will not now fail to grant this, 1113- petition, perhaps the last that I shall make yrou; and this being so, I anticipate 1113^ heart- felt appreciation of your kindness, which I shall never forget. It seems that some may answer, “You are right, brother; it is now right to take from y-ou this burden which we put upon y-ou, but whom 427 428 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. shall we elect ? We are not very wise, and there is no one better able to carry this burden than he who has already borne it.” If it is so, thanks; I shall show you the way. You all know that there is no post of greater excellence than that of President of the nation. He is honored, he is obeyed, lie is the superior of all aside from any other superiority that he may possess, being- the personification of order in the State; he could desire no greater honor, but if he is to act rigorously for the well-being of the nation he must put no other aim on an equality with it, for if he is to seek his own private wealth there are other means more rapid to attain greater abundance in a short time. For this reason it were well to think deeply on the election of the new President whom we are to elect. His antecedents should be followed step by step, as well as the con- duct which he observes at pi-esent. Our votes should not be given to those who ask us for them until he is studied and known to the bottom; and if we can not deny the request we should appear to assent to it, and when it comes to the act to elect the one worthy, for we must not consent to any chance of peril to the country. It is not enough that he be Avise, for there are Avise men Avho are unwilling to cast in their lot with their nathe land while it is in peril, because of their A'ery wisdom, or because they are considered wise. It is not enough that he be rich, for there are rich men, and this is very common, who, although they see their native land threatened by a new slavery, are unwilling to aid her with their wealth, and, in fact, are indifferent to any danger whatever; and why Because of their Avealth itself, for, in any event, they can flee to foreign lands. It is true that they have paid war taxes and have subscribed to the public loan, but many haA'e given no more than the one-thousandth per cent of their total wealth, when they know that in their hands lies the strength of the archipelago and that they are the ones who can force the recognition of our gov- ernment, other nations seeing us strengthened. They know well that in the majority of revolutions, in the endeaA'or to obtain independence in any nation, the rich have lead, but here the contrary has come to pass; here the poor have lead, and speaking of these, they appear as true patriots. But Ave should not lose all patience Avith the rich because they do not join us heart and soul in our endeavors for our well being, for Ave can not deny that they are Filipinos, and for such conduct Ave may thank the teachings of the Spaniards, avIio, on finding themselves rich, turn to Spain, especially the priests. But in the future, to be enlightened by patriotism, the reverse shall come to pass, for the people shall go to foreign lands, and when they lm'e accumulated enough, shall return to the country. There are those who aspire to high positions and can not consent to pass through inferior grades. What do they wish in the first place? Ah! Their own well being, and notthatofthe people. There are others who are pleased with such posts, and instead of car- ing for their duties, it is plain that they seek means of introducing their most beloved partisans little by little, in order that these may elect them. But however their partisans understand that, they pro- ceed in this manner for their private good alone, and do not need to be told what Avill happen. Beware of such. The second motive for my dismissal I find in the pain it causes me to still see among some of our military companions some chiefs who, REPOET OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 42(.) to sav nothing of odious favoritism, it is clearly seen, seek to enrich themselves by taking bribes, making money an object even among the prisoners, and that there arc others, especially among the agents of the government, who still mishandle the pay, small in itself, of the soldiers. For all this the blame lies upon those who taught us such customs, consequently there is reason to hope that those alluded to will change their customs. I have a similar reason for complaint against some of our friends who till civil positions, especially those who are distant from the seat of government, who sacrifice the public weal to their private advan- tage and invent a thousand ways to enable themselves to acquire prop- erty, even to make money out of gambling. Where is the police? Perhaps it is also bribed! Money ill spent! They must know that in spite of all falsehood will never prevail against truth, and for a proof of that there are many of the rank and file who have openly told the government that they have received this or that sum of moneyas their share. When those who have received their part confess the truth, why will not those confess who were present and received nothing? And so little by little some who had their eyes closed are opening them. Nevertheless, I confess that this fault is less than that of those who govern, closely following the customs of the former rule. Of these we may hope that they will change their method of procedure and cause the light of true patriotism to shine forth. Furthermore, there are those among our military men and civil employees and pri- vate parties who show themselves brave in the extreme among the people of the country, but in the presence of the enemy are the first in flight and all who show themselves cowards and similar persons are those who suffer fighting to their last hour. And I am proud of the poor above all others — the poor who, with their insignificant pay or with none at all, knowhow to suffer that the coun- try may not -be newly enslaved, and especially of those who lend their forces to its defense without any personal interest, whom I should like to see always honored. These scarcely are aware of any fight for the purpose of enslaving our people before they advance, one and all, to seize a gun, if there are guns, or if not, to wield a bolo or hurl a stone, for they can not endure that the Philippine people should fall again into slavery while they live. Among our clergy may now be seen many lovers of their native land, and very just and righteous persons. To those, however, who have not given proofs of such qualities I wish to recommend that the}1, forget the accumulation of private wealth and cease exacting excessive parochial dues, as they know well the poverty that burdens at present the people of the country. Let us not go back to putting into force the ideas or oppressions which the priests taught us. Let us take into account that as a general thing the people of the country, although they live poorly, have their eyes open, and if we keep up the evil customs of the priests, although, in truth, they will not make much stir about it, at the same time they will censure us in their hearts. Let us remember continuously the martyred members of our clergy, Senors Burgos, Zamora, Gomez, and others, who were the first defend- ers of our native land. All of us, including the undersigned, and especially those poor who are still in the dark, hope from your charity 480 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. the beginning of our enlightenment, in order that the light may shine at once, for all have a right to it in their character of Filipinos. We shall not allow excessive duties and great fees for masses to be exacted of the poor, who perhaps have nothing to eat. Let us show the peo- ple that God has no thrist for gold and that what he expects is firm faith and good works. There is a slight exception made by some members of the clergy who are still much given to the evil habit of forming parties, availing themselves of their sacred ministry, especially among the women who confess to them, by means of whom they insinuate themselves among their respective husbands and sons. These, nevertheless, although in need, are the first to reveal it to the government, for they know how to love their native land, and understand that the appearance of parties will be the ruin of us all. We should not lose all respect for such members of the clergy, but let them absolutely change their conduct, for it is impossible to deny that they are Filipinos and our brothers, and that if they behave thus, it is only due to the long time during which they were at the side of the priests. All the above-mentioned cases of evil practices, which should be rooted out, can be believed on my word, and I hold the proofs until such time as the truth may be demanded of me, also if anyone reading the above considers himself unduly alluded to and resents it, I am willing to ask pardon. But as in general there are many who can see the mote in the eye of another and do not see the beam in their own, among which the first in rank is this self-constituted censor, I also ask of the kindness of all that they censure me with all due frankness for that which I have done, or may do in the future, unduly. Only this. I should not like indirect criticism, such as anonymous letters, and in truth 1 consider them useless, for perhaps the writer may be mistaken and may not understand the motives of my conduct, and not knowing the author, how can I answer the charges which he brings against me? Let no one think that this criticism will cause ill feeling on my part, as is the case with some who are revengeful on being censured, for it has always been my desire to conduct myself in the most correct manner possible toward my neighbor, deserving your favorable obser- vations that I might receive them spontaneously as my due and as a Christmas gift which I must appreciate, and in this you will greatly honor my position, to secure which I have always striven to follow in the footsteps of my companions of unquestionable conduct and honor whom 1 envy. Why should we seek to establish unity of purpose if we know that we can never attain it, as was the case under the former rule, when their bad customs forced us to open our eyes? I earnestly beg that when we observe any wrong conduct that we shall be the first to expose it, for as I have said above we have some companions of strange conduct, who for love of money strive to dis- simulate concerning that which the}r have hidden or are about to hide and to divert suspicion from themselves when spoken to about it. They do not understand that thus they drag their honor in the dirt, for their own companions, being brave men, are the ones who betray them to the government, and surely neither a brother nor a father should be recog- nized when lie is lacking in love to his native land. And once having denounced them, their denouncers will be the first to excuse their faults. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 481 Let us never say “ It is too late to do it now,” for to-morrow the harm will be greater. Truth will always prevail, and your neighbor has always good eyes for sudden changes. Perhaps among the readers of this there may be someone who will blame me for not having given their deserts to those who are lacking in the department of justice. He will say that it is the duty of the superior to administer justice and cause it to be administered. That is the truth, but what is a man such as the undersigned, of small ability, and upon whom such a responsibility is imposed to do? It may also be said that those who elect me, or are about to elect me, are only trying to curry favor with me, and this is the reason why I beseech you all that you grant me the Christmas gift which I ask, viz, dismissal from my post. I should only ask the people to give me a document by virtue of which I may count myself one of the military reserve, and whenever the country may call upon me I shall be anxious to fulfill any duty they may put upon me. All of us of the reserve, if we see that anyone dares to attempt to enslave anew our native land, shall present our- selves voluntarily to defend our people, although the government may not notify us, for truly our consciences can not allow our native land to again suffer the toils which she has undergone. For aside from the intrinsic justice of her aspiration, she has sacrificed many lives for it, and has endured sufferings which we will not go into at length. I earnestly hope for the Christmas gift which I beg of you, for I do not wish to remain in this position, and in addition to what I have said before, I do not wish that it should come to my ears that among my companions there is anyone who does not conduct himself worthily, and in truth there is nothing more bitter to mv heart than to see any such Filipino punished, especially if he is honored with some public position. It is the truth which is told in a refrain which says that there is no isle without its serpents great and small, but I wish our Philippines to be freed from such serpents, or at least from the great ones, for my honor goes hand in hand with theirs. I also beg all the Filipino brothers that, no matter who may be elected to take my place as presi- dent of these islands, they pay him at once the respect due him in con- sideration of the dignity which he represents. I also hope that in all branches of the government that custom left us by our ex rulers of idling about here and there in pride may be discontinued, and that there may spring up a keen desire to correct anything that may, at no distant day, lead to the ruin of our race. So then, as we have resolved to abandon our ex rulers, let us also abandon all those vices which they practiced. To-day the government is ours, and we should be the first to show it entire respect, and if we follow out this idea we may entertain the hope of one day counting our governments among the governments which we admire for their peace, their strength, and their unity. Aguinaldo y Fami. Malolos, Decembei — , 1899. Exhibit TV. MEMORANDUM ON THE CHINESE IN THE PHILIPPINES. [Presented to the United States Commission by Gabriel Garcia Ageo, 1899.] THE CHINESE IN THE PHILIPPINES. I. HISTORICAL REVIEW. — VARIOUS OPINIONS ANTAGONISTIC TO CHINESE IMMIGRATION. Since very ancient times the Chinese have had commercial relations with the Filipinos, said relations having existed before Spanish domin- ion in the islands. It was the custom of the Chinese, as they had no personal security when they disembarked in order to trade on land, to perform their commercial transactions with the Filipinos from aboard their sampans, and even so some of their ships were boarded and plundered by pirates, who navigated these waters with their ships with impunity. When Legaspi founded Manila, the Chinese secured personal security when they disembarked on some coasts of the archipelago, although it was still necessary to administer severe punishment to ungovernable crowds who killed and robbed them. When the Chinese became able to live safely in the Philippines and to do business with the natives, they began to immigrate in greater numbers, and this invasion was the first cause of the difficulty of the Spanish rule. As the number of the Chinese was continually increasing, and also as it was necessary for the security of the colony to segregate them from the rest of the population, a large building, or market, with numerous habitations was built for them as a measure of governmental policy. This market was called the “ Market place of San Fernando.” This market place served as a home for the Chinese, so that they could not diffuse their religion among the natives, and it was situated on the other side of the Pasig River under the fire of “Citadel,” as Fort Santiago was formerly called. At that time, in which one of the main objects of the Kings of Spain was the dissemination of the Apostolic Roman Catholic religion, the Chinese were separated from the remainder of the population for fear that the natives would change their belief, and the Chinese were only tolerated in the Philippines in order not to deprive Manila, then a grow ing Spanish colony, from the great advantages which the services of the Chinese afforded it, not only by their active participation in all sorts of manual labor, but also by the benefits which the people derived from the cheapness of some of their small manufactured articles, although their extensive entrance into foreign and domestic trade could not be avoided. The}* made good profits, and in a few years the market place or 432 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 433 “aleaiceria,” which was theirs exclusively, proved too small to accom- modate all who came from China, and another building' called the “Parian” was constructed fora like purpose. “ Parian” is a Mexi- can word, which means market place, and the new building, which was made for the Chinese was situated where at present the ruined botan- ical gardens are, although some historians confound this “Parian” with the one which existed in Intramuros, at the end of Victoria street, where the municipal school for girls is at present. The Chinese immigration kept on growing in numbers and became a sort of invasion, and the time came when there were not enough habitations in both the alcaiceria and the parian to accommodate them. In the middle of the seventeenth century there were some 30,000 in the neighborhood of Manila alone. Although historians affirm that at this time the principal occupation of this great number of Chinese was agriculture, nevertheless it is to be supposed that many of them did not have any visible work or means of acquiring it, and they audaciously revolted against Spanish sover- eignty in the islands. Although there were, as has been said, some 30,000 of them, they carried their audacity to such an extreme that they had Manila in a state of siege for some days, and, although they were repulsed a number of times, they persisted in their project of taking the capital of the archipelago by assault. After various futile attempts they were convinced that they could not conquer in the Philippines and finally withdrew, raising the siege, and then those who had been besieged pursued them to a point beyond Kainta, slaughtering them without pity until they were in a state of complete and shameful defeat. As a result of this Chinese revolt against the sovereignty of Spain in the archipelago greater restrictions on their immigration were imposed. In spite of these restrictions the Chinese colony gained in strength what it had lost in extent, because these restrictions gave the Chinese the undeniable right to manage their own commercial affairs and enabled them to always corrupt the administrative elements in the Philippines, and this was the natural consequence of the Spanish rules’ and royal orders referring to the Chinese. Some years back a Spanish historian, referring to this continual corruption, said: A very curious custom has been established, which was regarded as a lawful profit and did not seem strange to anyone in the times which we may call the times of depression in Manila — that is, the time between the government of Corcuera (1644) and the English invasion (1762), which produced the effect of a' revolution in that cramped society. The result of this custom was that, at the expense of the Chinese, all people of official rank who came to Manila had their own houses, with good house- hold furniture and suitable to their respective positions. On our part we may say that this custom, although it continued to be in force until the 1st of May, 1898, was principally limited, as far as the giving of household furniture and things of value is concerned, to a few persons, those who had the highest official rank and who were capable of receiving such attention. These presents were principally made to the Governor-General, the general director of civil administration, the controller of the treasury, and other chiefs of the army, and also to officers of the guardia civil and the veteran guard, and to judges, magistrates, etc. It was necessary to punish the Chinese for their attempt to take p c 28 434 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. Manila and for the -innumerable acts of treason which they were accused of, and consequently, in the time of Don Simon de Anda (1762-1764), it is calculated that someS, 000 died in the central provinces of Luzon, who were exterminated in those towns by the order of that Governor-General, only those who lived in Manila and its suburbs remaining alive. As a consequence of this anti-Chinese campaign many of them who survived this assassination emigrated to their own country, and the number of Chinese established in these islands diminished little by little. Only those remained in the Philippines who were secure in doing their business and making a living freely and with more security than in their native country. This noteworthy diminution continued, until from 1840-1846 there were only 5,000 in all the Philippines, a small number as compared with other times. According to statistics which have been made there were 500 natives of Macao among these 5,000 Chinese, and these natives of Macao devoted themselves exclusively to the trades of cooks, shoemakers, and cabinetmakers. We may note as a curious detail that the natives of Macao have always been completely separate from the other Chinese and that up to the present time they have always had better public and private customs than the others, and as yet they have not given cause for any restriction by the governments of the Philippines. Lastly, the Chinese have always been the preeminent question with the Governors-General, and when Senor Norzagaray gave up his com- mand in the Philippines in 1859 he wrote an extensive paper, in which, among other things, the seven or eight thousand Chinese who were in the archipelago were spoken of. This Governor-General, referring to the Chinese, said : One of the most difficult questions remains to lie solved on my giving up of my command — that of the commerce carried on by the Chinese in the provinces. The clamor against these Asiatics is general in the country, because competition with them is not possible; Spaniards, Mestizos, Indians, all give them a free field in retail business when they enter. Their few needs, their patience under every insult and vexation and sacrifice, and per- sonal labor which they can utilize, except agriculture, the ease with which they adapt themselves to the customs of the natives and to the exchange of produce and to all the needs of the consumer; the insignificance of their personal expenses; the manner of their life; the close cooperation which they maintain among themselves, all place them in a situation advantageous to them, hut not always to commercial progress. The truth is that they have monopolized retail business; they make the employ- ment of capital by individuals of other races impossible. It is also true that they do not start any enterprise nor undertaking of importance. They hoard by instinct, and hide or take away their capital from the country, which capital in other hands would he a powerful element of progress and advancement, but is it possible and would it be prudent to at once reverse the customs of the country which is now accustomed to the services of the Chinese in the retail business referred to? Are the complaints of thousands of individuals of other races sufficient warrant for the prevention of their invading activity in all industries? An energetic reaction against the Chinese has existed during the last two years in Java, in Australia, and in California. In the voluminous report, to which I referred in the beginning, it is set forth by approval and by some royal orders that they be protected. I believe that it would be possible to establish a means of quieting these complaints and at the same time avoiding tl\e consequent setback in business, to wit, to take the prohibitive meas- ures which have been adopted in the countries mentioned. The commercial invasion of the provinces by the Chinese could only be advanta- geous under certain restrictions. The gathering of the fruits of the country for exportation, which up to the present REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 485 has been done by Spaniards, natives, and mestizos, should continue in their hands, for this tendency to fraud, to adulteration, and to monopoly, which is characteristic of the Chinese, would be prejudicial to their production. The industrial tax is called upon to establish a just balance in trade and protection in favor of the national races in the Philippines. The industrial tax which the Chi- nese pay at present is insufficient for the purpose, on account of the insignificant rates which it fixes. One of the greatest difficulties which this question presents is the great amount which has been written upon this subject and the impossibility of the superior authorities of the best judgment understanding it in all its phases and all the details' which should be known. This is the most interesting part of the paper of Senor Norzagaray, in which he makes it clear that it would be better for Spain to be impoverished by taking energetic and saving measures against these Asiatics than that these Philippines should be ruined by foreign com- mercial absorption, of which one Spanish colony was the victim. Since the administration of said Senor Norzagaray up to the begin- ning of the war between the United States of America and Spain, the influence of the Chinese in the Philippines has been increasing, both in commerce and industry, and in their wealth and the volume of their production. When any individual or collection of individuals opposed or thought of opposing the superior power of the Chinese the latter were always provided for by powerful friends and were able, by means of their valuable presents, to overcome any opinion unfavorable to them, both in the government of the islands and in Madrid. By means of this peculiar policy they triumphed over the anti-Chinese report which was sent to the Government of Spain, signed by many merchants and manufacturers of the Philippines, both natives of the islands and of the peninsula, in June, 1886. The anti-Chinese report referred to said among other things: Legislation relative to the Chinese, being superficial, confused, and contradictory, offers in this country a singular motive for reflection. While the former colony, daughter of costly experience, acquired by much bloodshed, restricted immigration, limited it and did not wish it to exist unless confined and under our cannons in Manila or scattered about the country in agricultural pursuits, the modern colony, the daughter of vague ideas, essentially narrow-minded, impressionable, impetuous, recommends the encouragement of this immigration, whose growth can not be prevented. The undersigned, natives and persons from the peninsula, on having the honor of presenting this report to Your Majesty, are inspired by the most ardent patriotism and a desire to better and consolidate the sources of wealth of this country, being identi- fied with its interests, which are also the interest of the metropolis, and with the immense majority of the inhabitants. In setting forth the difficulties by which the natural march of progress is impeded, it is not their intention to deprive the Chinese of certain liberties compatible with their manner of life, with natural right, and also compatible with the mutual bene- fits derived from commerce between Spain and China. They are only moved by a desire to modify those excessive liberties, through which evil conditions generally among the middle and lower classes of the -country are visibly being established — evil conditions which will continue increasing irre- sistibly according as Chinese immigration increases, which is stimulated in China by a large number of business men, whose sole occupation is collecting them and shipping them to Manila, from which business they derive great profits. There is no room for doubt that the Chinese merchant corrodes and sterilizes the most valuable germs of national wealth everywhere, being the personification of the ignorant man in the fable who killed the hen that laid the golden eggs. When the signers put forward what they believe to be an echo of the people, they sound the alarm to the public power in order that a preventive measure may be adopted to attack, at an opportune time, the excess of Chinese and the excessive liberty with which this soil is exploited by a race which, although it is called indus- trious, refuses all productive labor, such as agriculture or any other day labor; a race which corrupts and dries up every place through which it passes, whose enumeration 480 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. lias always defrauded the administration, for by fraud only about 25 or 30 per eentof them are calculated; a race which is excessively stubborn in persisting in maintain- ing their own peculiar customs and manner of life; which is stubborn in resisting everything pertaining to good government, public hygiene, and the police; which threatens us within a few years with a radical transformation in our population and customs; which, altogether, is a permanent menace to all the principles of the eco- nomic vitality of the country. Therefore the undersigned, at the royal feet of Your Majesty, ask that a law to sus- pend Chinese immigration shall be put in force in the Philippines, and that in this law provision shall be made (and this provision constitutes the true reciprocity of the treaty) that Chinese shall not engage in manufacture and in commerce except in the open ports of the Philippines, they being granted a short space of time to liqui- date their business pending in the interior and in ports which are not open; also that in the interior Chinese shall only be admitted to engage in agriculture and mechan- ical trades exclusively; and that the Chinese shall not be bidders for contracts for the administration; and, finally, that strict provision shall be made for Chinese merchants to enroll themselves in the public register, and for them to present their accounts and other formalities of their affairs according to the prescriptions of the commercial code. In this same year, 1886, the press in Manila published spirited polemics in favor of this report against Chinese immigration. Complaints to the Sovereign, the campaign in the press, and other manifestations against Chinese immigration reveal, it is certain, a unanimous aversion to these Asiatics, hut it is true that this aversion was caused by a passionate spirit which deprives its arguments of the appearance of impartial judgment which they should possess. The investigation made was always directed by the idea ot looking for arguments antagonistic to the Chinese, and the contrary was never the case, nor was any investigation made to bring out arguments in their favor. Thousands of defects which are attributed to the Chinese, as well as their supposed faults, are only faults which may be attributed to the ignorance, the idleness, the venality, and the unscrupulousness of the Span iards themselves. La Oceania Espanola, a daily paper which pretended at that time to be the official organ of the anti-Chinese party, after presenting the disadvantages which the Chinese brought to the Philippines, concluded its polemic against their defenders with the following paragraph: We, convinced that it is our duty to indicate urgent measures to remedy the pres- ent alarming state of affairs which has resulted from the considerable Chinese immi- gration, and in order that no one may consider them a collection of improper measures when they are set forth, with the most profound conviction that we are inspired by a desire for the national good, and with a clear conscience because of the great gulf which separates us from any other idea, and from passion and improper interests which might cloud our clear judgment, point out the urgency of the following meas- ures as an absolute need of the moment, and as the fruit of observation during many years, conducive to better administration of this country and the welfare and pros- perity of its inhabitants unless the legislative power agrees upon more radical measures. First. We believe that the Chinese should not be permitted to bid upon public con- tracts or services of any description, and especially those of local administration, to wit, the collection of taxes on and rearrangement of weights and measures, public markets, street cleaning and slaughterhouses, fords and bridges, taxes on horses and carriages, etc. These antiquated taxes and ill-considered bases for taxes have by their very existence a great effect upon trade, and the Chinese, perfectly organized for the purposes of investment, produce conditions in these matters which completely alter their nature and distort them for the sake of increasing their own profits, to gen- eral disadvantage. Furthermore, it is a fact that the Chinese are making their rela- tions more intimate with the subaltern members of the administration and munici- palities, who are generally susceptible to the corrupt means which constitutes the greatest reliance of the Chinese to overcome obstacles in the way of their interests. Second. The employment of Chinese laborers upon public works, which has never been necessary, should be absolutely prohibited, notwithstanding the convenience which results in keeping the pay rolls, the Chinese always receiving their pay through a foreman instead of being paid man by man according to the list, as is the custom REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 437 with the natives. In this way the lower classes are defrauded of their livelihood, and the small industries which they maintain are ruined. The employment of Chinese laborers causes the head men of that race to bring coolies into the country in great numbers. They make contracts with these coolies in China, from which they derive great profits, and afterwards the coolies remain in the country, which is not desirable or advantageous in any way, as the Chinaman does not devote himself to agriculture, nor does he bring here the industries of his own country. Third. It is very necessary to reform, as soon as possible, the organization of the Chinese population in the capital, which to-day places forty or fifty thousand men under the orders of the so-called petty governor of the Chinese, which special admin- istrative office has no right to exist. In his place headmen could he appointed, as the natives have, or perhaps it would be better to have lieutenants of wards, so that in each street or ward in which 25 or more Chinese live there should be someone responsible for their register and in charge of the collection of their personal taxes. The same could be done in each town to keep account of deaths and births, thus leaving to the administration only the direct dealings with those enrolled in the lists of taxpayers under industrial patents. These lieutenants should be subordinate to the governmental authorities in the town. Furthermore, a commissioner of Chinese should be created in charge of the general register, and chief of all the lieutenants or municipal chiefs of the Chinese. This commissioner should be directly and immediately responsible to the governor-general to keep him informed of the movements of these immigrants and to give to the public in the Gazette statistics of the number of Chinese in the capital and in the provinces. Fourth. Every Chinese who comes to the country should, as well as anyone who leaves the country, pay one or two dollars for a special fund to be kept in the Chi- nese department, and a subtax of 10 or more per centshould be charged all taxpayers who hold industrial patents for the same purpose. The object of this fund should be to pay for [daces in the hospital for Chinese who are paupers or sick, of which there are always 70 or 80 in said establishment ; to procure aid and return passage to their country for poor and vagabond Chinese, and for those who have completed terms of sentences in penal establishments, and to indemnify the treasury for the taxes of insolvent Chinese taxpayers. The condition of this special fund should be published weekly in the Gazette. If these measures are not adopted, Chinese maybe required, for the same purpose, to furnish a resident bondsman before he is allowed permission to remain and reside in the country, as is done with Spaniards and foreigners. Fifth. The Chinese must be required, with the due strictness and perseverance which is so difficult to maintain here, to observe general rules of good public order and hygiene in their houses in which neither the accumulation of people nor the filth which exists should be permitted, and to remove from the populous places the unde- sirable, perilous, and unhealthy industries to which many of them devote themselves. They should be made responsible to the owners of houses, not only for the crowding together of the people, but for the lack of whitewash on the walls and for other care which neutralizes the evil effect of Chinese shiftlessness which is so perilous to pub- lic health. In addition to these permanent regulating measures and whatever pro- visional measures may be adopted, the supreme government might dictate other measures more or less radical to counteract the attraction which this country has for the Chinese. This attraction will grow from day to day, since Australia and Califor- nia shut them out. With slight differences this has been the opinion of the most advanced classes concerning the Chinese in the Philippines, to maintain the status quo of Chinese immigration, and by means of this immigration to increase the income of the treasury even at the cost of converting the archipelago into a Chinese colony with the Spanish Hag. II. THEIR CUSTOMS — IMPORTANCE OF THEIR COMMERCE IN THE PHILIP- PINES— THEIR RECIPROCAL PROTECTION. The Chinese have never had any theoretical, much less practical, idea of colonization, and for that reason when they emigrate to foreign countries to gain a livelihood they only seek their own gain, without considering that it is sensible and necessary to protect, even indirectly, 438 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. the commerce and industries of the country which is their second home. If the Chinese had been inspired by this elementary principle of political economy, perhaps China might be to-day one of the most powerful nations of the world, and by its excessively active commer- cial spirit and its never-failing unity of purpose it might have absorbed some of the colonies of the European powers. The Chinese have very few necessities, and endure with patience any insult or persecution whatever if they can turn it to any use or can escape thereby any greater harm. They have a great love for their native land, where they hope to live when they have obtained their fortune, that they may not be separated from the remains of their ancestors. This sentiment of remembrance and veneration for their dead ances- tors is so deep seated that many of the steamers of the lines of the Pacific Ocean carry cases of Chinese who have died in America to China, the bodies having been specially prepared. It is seldom that one is found who does not know how to read and write, and the facility with which they learn to speak the language of the country to which they emigrate is worthy of note. This shows that they were able to become what they wished in the Philippines, for they counted upon their own ability and the protection of their countrymen, and also upon the well-proven forbearance of the Spanish administration. Although the Chinese are fond of their native land, this has not been an obstacle to some of them forming homes here, although those who have been married here according to the forms of the Catholic Church have naturally been obliged to first become Christians. The Chinese who have made the Philippines their home have been considerate of their new families, for in addition to being model hus- bands and fathers they have in all circumstances of life known howto keep their words like gentlemen in regard to what they promised before marriage. A Chinese had two principal motives for entering the Catholic Church: That of possessing a godfather in baptism, who became a sort of protector for him; and also marriage with the woman whom he loved and who would refuse to live with him without the guarantee of Christian marriage. Becoming a Christian might be considered a luxury with the Chi- nese, for in order to do so it is necessary for the Chinese to have a considerable fortune in order to give his godfather, as is the custom, handsome presents, and to pay the dues of the church, and afterwards to pay the expenses of his house in his new condition. Once a Christian the Chinese found himself in favorable circum- stances, on account of the influence of his godfather, who was always chosen from among the Spaniards of most prestige and best position in the country. To be a Christian was enough to insure that his business would progress with greater security. All the Chinese who have obtained importance in the Philippines have been Christians; their baptism was their initiation into power. Those already established in the country with families take no part, although they are Christians, in the prayers and devotion of their wives and children, although they respect their customs with that tolerance which is usually met with in individuals of the highest education. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 439 Furthermore, the Chinese is very superstitious, and although he invokes his divinities whom he worships even when he has become a Christian, allot them, with very few exceptions, have a certain respect for the Virgin of Antipolo, and many of them join in pilgrimages to her shrine and to the shrine of the Virgin of Guadalupe for the pur- pose of dedicating candles to them in these Christian festivals. There is another curious thing: That in a certain place in the suburbs there were many Chinese, not Christians, who maintained in turn the illu- mination of a Catholic image because, according to tradition, a Chinese who maintained this light once won the capital prize in the Philippine lottery. The Chinese engage in a variety of industries and mercantile pur- suits in the Philippines, and in 1830 the administration classified them as follows: (1) Wholesale merchants; (2) retail merchants with dry goods shops; silk merchants, shoemakers, druggists, ink manufactur- ers, soapmakers, barbers, blacksmiths, carpenters, and dealers in notions; (3) water carriers, boatmen, cooks, and dealers in firewood; (4) workmen and servants of all those comprised in the three preced- ing classes. Those of the first class paid a tax of $10 a month; those of the second, $4; those of the third, $2, and those of the fourth, $1. It requires but little study of this classification to perceive one of the many stupidities committed by the administration. That of mak- ing a carpenter, for example, pay the same as a barber, when the former makes some hundreds of dollars more than the latter. The Chinese are very expert in the business of money changing, especially as the Spanish administration gave them an opportunity of speculating in the different sorts of coin in circulation. A profit of 1 per cent was sufficient inducement for a Chinese to devote all his energy to this business, and the Spaniards unjustly accused them of being responsible for the monetary crisis which existed here from 1855 to 1861 and in the year 1876. The Spanish administration was to blame for these crises. The business of trading in rice is very profitable to the Chinese and they are especially adapted to it, both in its importation and in the coastwise trade and in dealing in it at retail. The}’ have the same skill in classifying foreign rice, procuring a large portion of the rice of a class which is common in Saigon. They whiten it and sort the grain, mix it with superior classes, and sell it. thus making good profit. They buy up hemp in the towns which produce it with great dili- gence, especially in Albay, Leyte, Cebu, Camiguin, Misamis, Marin- duque, etc., and nearly always get the better of other buyers who are not Chinese, for the Chinese are in the habit of exploiting the ground where hemp is grown (lates), both advancing money to the producers of this fiber and furnishing them with necessary articles, taking a lien on the future crops. Indigo, sugar, coffee, tobacco, dyewood, mother-of-pearl, tortoise shell, shellac, and elemi gum are other products of the country from which the Chinese derive profits by collecting them and by the rapidity with which they sell them. As if these industrial and commercial advantages which they enjoyed were not sufficient, the Spanish administration gave them the right to farm out the provincial taxes and other services offered for public bid- ding belonging to the State under the former sovereignty, such as 440 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. public markets, slaughterhouse privileges, fords, the inspection of weights and measures, taxes on cart sand horses, cockpits, places for smoking opium, etc. What we have said is enough to show that the Chinese took good advantage of the commercial and industrial privileges and preroga- tives, which the fact that they were born in China and the Spanish dominion afforded them, and the concessions granted them by the lat- ter appear all the more censurable when we consider the treaty which Spain made with China October 10, 1864, signed in Tientsin. The treaty, referring to Chinese immigration, reads as follows: Art. 47. Chinese merchant vessels, without limitation as to their number, shall have the right to go to the Philippines and to do business with them, and shall be treated as those of the most-favored nations. If Spain should later grant other advantages to the merchants of any other nation, Chinese traders shall also enjoy them as traders of the most-favored nation. Is there anything in this article which explains, in the slightest degree, the concessions which were granted here to Chinese immigrants who came to the Philippines bv thousands, and in ships which were not Chinese ships? We shall now make a short study of the importance of Chinese commerce in the Philippines, especially in some of the richest provinces. In Isabela and Cagayan, a short time before the governmental tobacco monopoly was abolished, there were very few Chinese, and their action in business was insignificant, and the Spanish Government paid the owners of the tobacco crops punctually. Nevertheless, a time came in which the Spanish administration was behind in nearly all of its payments — principally in the most impor- tant ones — and the planters of these provinces were among the many victims of these delays. The Chinese then took advantage of the precarious situation by mak- ing usurious loans to those who lacked the means of realizing on their crops, thus securing the business of those fertile provinces, both by means of the capital which they advanced, and in the handling and monopoly of tobacco. Their commercial supremacy reached such a point that once they had monopolized tobacco, almost every leaf which came to Manila from Cagayan and Isabela was their property, and they stored it in ware- houses and sold it later to the factories already established in the capital at a good profit. They were not contented with the sale of tobacco in the leaf alone, but they also established factories to manufacture it, thus causing other factories which had been in operation to close up by the ruinous competition which the Chinese raised against them. As they had monopolized tobacco in the leaf, they raised the price of that commodity to a fabulous height, thus insuring the ruin of the other manufacturers, their commercial adversaries. Nevertheless, it must be mentioned that cigars made by Chinese factories soon lost credit in foreign markets through the poor work- manship and the detestable manner in which the}r mixed the different classes of leaves. The Chinese were not discouraged by this, and although the sales of the products of their factories did not gain them the profits which they expected, they continued acquiring lands in the provinces mentioned, both by loaning on mortgages and by making contracts of sale in advance. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 441 Ii) the provinces of llocos and Pangasinan the Chinese, by their com- mercial influence, succeeded in paralyzing to a certain extent the prog- ress which was noticeable some years before in the production of said provinces. All the interior trade of Camarines Sur is monopolized by them, and both that province and llocos Sur seem, for this reason, to be stationary as regards the ordinary march of commerce and industry. In Batangas the Chinese have not been able to overcome the natives in this unequal struggle for life, for although the inhabitants of Batan- gas were beaten in the trade of the interior they did not lose heart on this account, and devoted themselves with great diligence to the pro- duction of coffee and sugar, and to the breeding of beef cattle and swine, and the Chinese were not able to outdo them. In Albay, also, the Chinese extended their business, especially in hemp, and were the cause, as some merchants assert, of the discredit which that valuable fiber suffered from in the markets of America and Europe by the bad faith with which they separated the different classes for which there was a demand in the foreign markets. Since ISfiO the Chinese have been prosperous in Iloilo and the island of Negros, which islands have always been of great commercial and agricultural importance, even before the Chinese came there. In Jolo, Cottabato, and Zamboanga the Chinese have also done business, both in trading with the natives of said islands and with the Philippine and Spanish troops in garrison there, and in dealing with the Moros in shells, pearls, and other valuable products. The town of Taal merits especial mention, for the natives there have not allowed the Chinese to establish themselves in that town, in spite of their vigorous persistence. The Chinese were assassinated there and the criminals were never detected, for which reason the Chinese decided not to oppose the determination of the people of Taal, who carry on a comparatively prosperous commercial life without necessity for foreigners to trade in the products. We can now judge how it is that the Chinese were always successful in the commercial competition which they raised in the Philippines. To put it in one word, they were successful because there exists among them a cooperative protection incapable of being destroyed either by law or by any measures which may be taken to counteract it. In fact, they succeed everywhere in obtaining a monopoly of whole- sale and retail trade, becoming by the unity of purpose which they possess the proprietors of mechanic arts and trades in the country. They lend each other cooperative aid and all work together for the same end, thus forming a vast commercial society with which it is impossible for other merchants who work separately to compete. Some foreign business houses established in Manila import dry goods from Europe and turn them over for prompt and certain sale to a small number of Chinese merchants, in whose power to collect the value of the merchandise they have confidence. These merchants divide the articles received among the shops of their countrymen and also send quantities of the goods to their principal agents in the provinces, who in turn distribute them among the differ- ent Chinese who have open shops in the towns and provincial capitals. They previously mark the prices on the articles and the shopkeepers are not allowed to reduce them under any pretext. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. U2 Under this system the result is that although there may be many Chinese establishments in one town, the same article exists or may be secured in all of them, and the price is uniform in high and low alike and only follows a general rule, whether the article is plenty or scarce in the place. When a Chinese immigrant lands in Manila he comes under the management of .a headman, who lends him §30 or more and to whom the future merchant is directly responsible. He then begins to work in the most laborious and humble employ- ment, but in spite of his small compensation he is able, by force of self-denial, to saye a quantity sufficient to free him from the power of the headman, to whom he returns the quantity advanced to him. From that time on he works on his own account, protecting and being protected by his countrymen, until he accumulates sufficient capital to return to his country and there enjoy his savings for the rest of his life. The principle of political economy is well known which lays down the rule that in order for a country to obtain advantages from immi- gration the immigrants should bring in capital, new industries, or superior knowledge to perfect industries already in existence, or at least that said immigrants should apply their energies to pursuits pro- ductive of gain, not only to the immigrants themselves, but to society in general in the country in which they have established themselves, or that they finally become assimilated with the people of the country, thus giving, although indirectly, stimulus to certain professions and industries, whose progress is a consequence of the increase of the number of the inhabitants of the town. Chinese, on coming to the Philippines, do not comply with any of the conditions of this well- known principle of political economy, which are desirable points to be looked for in immigrants. Why, then, should they be allowed to immigrate in such groat num- bers. when their presence in the Philippines is not a guaranty of pros- perity and progress for tin* rest of the inhabitants of the archipelago? III. STATISTICS. According to the census which was published in 1876, there were 30,797 Chinese in this archipelago. In ten years this number grew to 99,15!?, as the following table shows: Fluctuation in Chinese immigration, according to the office Of the captain of the jiort, from 1870 to 1886. Register. Entries. Depar- tures. Increase. 1875 30, 797 2,066 3,462 7, 569 7,574 5,412 4,208 5,292 11,621 10, 415 7,122 3,614 1870 (1, 410 7, 582 11,907 10,352 8,994 9, 111 9,903 16,809 1 1,881 11,893 5,513 4,344 4,120 4,338 2, 778 3,582 5,203 4,611 5,188 4,466 4,771 1,899 1877 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884 1885 1880 (May 23) 99,152 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 443 Statisticians attribute this increase in immigration to the facilities for doing business in the Philippines afforded the Chinese since tobacco has ceased to be a government monopoly. The monopolization of tobacco, according to some authorities, has been a source of many thousands of dollars clear profit to them. In 1886, both in Manila and in the most populous suburbs, there was a great decrease in the native population, which was attributed to the commercial and industrial supremacy of the Chinese, who by monopolizing business made the struggle for existence more difficult for the lower class and forced them to go to neighboring provinces to gain a livelihood. The following table shows how the Chinese population was distrib- uted in the archipelago in the year 1886, and how they were classified according to their occupations: Number of Chinese. Contributors of industrial tax. Provinces. First class (3100). Second class (SCO). Third class (330). Fourth class (312). 18 8 Albay 1,329 120 53 313 90 22 Antique 13 5 1 Batalin 107 14 Batangas 171 1 49 19 109 Bulacan 1,072 GO 19 37 97 6 9 2 100 37 4 5 Cagayan 563 21 26 1 10 28 87 Cebu 983 22 96 17 Capiz 151 32 5 19 153 13 i 3 824 182 8 113 86 13 43 9 i 29 231 n 19 22 I locos Sur 85 8 17 15 Iloilo 1,154 501 18 72 138 26 39 40 26 ii Laguna T 717 •> 57 24 1,316 47 6 198 215 6 13 4 3 21 347 1 49 1 52 51,348 194 15 410 871 10 17 40 12 138 40 42 2 1.317 538 48 46 138 i 71 9 27 17 625 102 10 117 400 44 13 92 86 i 14 3 112 10 3 27 500 75 45 29 According to these figures the total number of Chinese was 56,504, while according to the statistics taken in the office of the captain of the port there were 99,152. This great difference brings out two facts: First, the great difficulty which this administration encountered, on account of bribery, in making an exact census of the Chinese in order to collect their tributes and contributions. Second, the considerable losses which the treasury sustained bv not collecting these deficits. The following shows the number of Filipinos resident in Manila and 444 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. its suburbs during the years 1855 and 1876, according to the registers furnished by the parishers: Census: Mestizosand natives. Totals. Census: Mestizosand natives. Totals. 1855. 1876. 1855. 1876. Binondo 31.455 10, 439 5,079 G, 4:10 0,941 23,467 11,500 0,480 3,943 7.090 30,271 7,551 10,983 5,823 21,058 7,051 17. U8 4,020 Santa Cruz Quiapo San Miguel Malate and Pineda Sampalog The decrease in the number of souls is notable, especially in Tondo and Binondo, where the Chinese have preferred to establish themselves and their commerce and industry. This decrease calls attention to the fact that, according to other statistics, in the same length of time the number of inhabitants in other towns has been doubled, especially in the provinces of Luzon itself. I also add that this decrease of the population is not noticeable in the registers of Iloilo, Batangas, and other provinces where there are fewer Chinese established and where their commercial operations are comparatively less extensive. In every society there is an unfailing balance established between services and remuneration by the economic laws of supply and demand as well as by professional necessities. The harmonious application of this balance brings about public order and general prosperity. The deficiency or excess in any of the num- ber of either employers or employees disturbs this balance, which, under proper conditions, makes the social edifice symmetrical. In a people like the Filipino people, whose wholesale business is almost entirely in the hands of the Chinese, one can not hope for the creation of small capitals, which, being added to by labor and economy, serve as a means of improving city property, and for the extension of agriculture, and many for useful undertakings which are not known in the Philippines as yet and which undoubtedly will never be known through steps taken by the Chinese capitalists. Those who devote themselves to retail business are, in all countries of the world, those who are stockholders in small enterprises which promise profits to small capitals when associated, and here this class of merchants is almost entirely Chinese, and consequently hostile to the most useful projects for the material progress and general improve- ment of these islands. The Chinese are one of the principal causes of the commercial and industrial backwardness of the archipelago. It is impossible here, on account of the competition which they make, to attain a position in the middle class of society. This class is the protector and promoter of great enterprises which do not promise immediate dividends and which must be perfected by means of shares which represent a great capital, that is to say, by the collection of the funds of many contributors. IV. CONCLUSIONS. After having read what we have set forth in reference to what was formerly called “the Chinese problem,” the following conclusions, briefly, may be deduced: (1) The Chinese were protected here with undue liberality by the Spanish Government to the prejudice of Spain herself and of the Philippines; (2) furthermore, the losses which the REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 415 Philippines suffer arc considerable, because it is the custom of the Chinese to consume, as far as the necessaries of life are concerned, the food, clothing, and other articles which they import from their own country for this purpose. The first of these conclusions is now a matter of history, for the American Government, on taking the place of the Spanish Govern- ment here, will not allow the Chinese or their attorneys to bid upon contracts with the State, nor will it tolerate frauds upon the adminis- tration, which the Chinese commit by concealing their industries or their numbers. The second conclusion which refers to the losses which the country suffers by the spirit of monopoly of the Chinese, which is shown by their use of imported articles from their own nation, must also be taken into account, and these losses may be counteracted by the following means: (1) To make all articles coming from China, which are designed for the individual consumption of these Asiatics, such as fresh or preserved provisions, fruit, clothing, shoes, and others, pa}’ heavy duties in the custom-house. (2) To raise the customs duty on opium to a very high rate, in order that the smoker of this extract may pay the country indirectly for the use of it. Opium smokers will be done away with in this manner. (3) To prevent the Chinese from engaging in agriculture, which the Spanish desired them to do, for they would not perceive that apart from the cultivation of the soil it is the surest guaranty of the future of the Philippines, since the sov- ereignty of Spain and the absorption of this colony by the friars has ceased to exist. Horticulture and floriculture alone should be allowed to the Chinese. Better still, obstacles should be put in the way of the Chinese to prevent their entering into agricultural pursuits. Such pursuits are beneficial in a high degree. They develop sentiment of ownership, economy, and of individual liberty. They are beneficial to health and constitute a firm basis for public wealth. The Filipinos should devote themselves to these pursuits, and on the other hand should leave the work of the cities — that of workmen in the industries, of doers of odd jobs, of laborers of all sorts in occupations which impair health and strength — to the Chinese; thus it would be, so to speak, a disgrace for those who found it necessary to gain a liv- ing in this manner, for such persons are like human machines. This sort of occupation being left to the Chinese, and the Filipinos engaging in the work of the fields, industry and agriculture would progress rapidly, and social crises, which are the more terrible in pro- portion as the number of discontented and unoccupied workmen is greater, would be avoided. We have shown the disadvantages which the Chinese question pre- sents, and the way to avoid them. Before concluding this memoran- dum we ought to point out two necessities of the present historical period, which are worthy of consideration: First. Chinese immigration to-day fills a need in the Philippines. Second. Nevertheless, it is absolutely necessary to limit this immi- gration, and a plan should be made for this purpose from the data given by statistics and a careful consideration of supply and demand in the labor market. It is also urgently necessary to establish a sys- tem to make personal identification of the Chinese possible, for which purpose nothing appears as efficacious as the anthropological method employed in Paris by M. Bertilon, which has been adopted by the police everywhere. Exhibit V. MEMORANDUM ON THE PHILIPPINES. These islands, large and small, number, if we take in the Sulu Archi- pelago and Paragua, over a thousand, the largest and most important being Luzon. Mindoro, Panay, Negros, Cebu, Leyte, Samar, and Min- danao, with a population variously estimated at eight to nine millions, not including the unsubdued semisavages that inhabit the interior of almost all of them, particularly Luzon, Mindoro, and Mindanao, of which no census has been possible, as they acknowledge no civilized rule, paying no tribute to anyone. The first European of whom there is any authentic record to land in the Philippines was Magellan, after his celebrated discovery of the straits called by his name. In the spring of 1521 Magellan reached the Butuan River, north coast of Mindanao, and being Easter week, and finding the natives very friendly, he celebrated his first mass on the river bank, formally taking possession of the islands for King Charles of Spain. After this, he, accompanied by the chief of the district, set sail for Cebu, where early in April he appeared, but find- ing the Cebu men in strong force to oppose his landing, the Butuan chief was deputed to explain that Magellan’s mission was peaceable and mainly seeking supplies of provisions. The king of Cebu received him favorably and a treaty was entered into between them. Mass was said in a hut on the beach, the king, queen, and headmen adopting the Christian religious rites, receiving baptism, and at the same time swear- ing allegiance to the King of Spain. Cebu was at war with the Maetan men just opposite, and Magellan, who was bound to the former, went over the strait to Maetan, and was mortally wounded bv an arrow three weeks afterwards. From the north entrance to Cebu a monument is visible, showing the spot where he was supposed to have fallen and was buried. His second man, named Barbosa, who succeeded to the command of the expedition, did not keep up the friendship very long, and he with over twenty of his followers, who were invited by the king to a banquet, were massacred in cold blood. The survivors con- sidered it prudent to leave the place, finding their way home via Bor- neo and Mollucas by the Cape of Good Hope, arriving in Spain in about three years after date of their departure. No further attempt was made to take the Philippines until late in 1561, when Legaspi, with Ordaneta, an Augustinian monk, and five other Spanish priests set sail from Mexico in November of that year, reaching these waters in the spring of 1565, and calling for provisions at the islands of Camiguin and Bohol, to the northwest of Mindanao. From there a small vessel of their fleet was sent to Cebu, where the natives were found to be still hostile to Europeans, one of the crew 446 REPORT OF' THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 447 being murdered while bathing. This notwithstanding, Lcgaspi made for Cebu, making calls on his way at Limasaua, south of Leyte, and in Dapitan, west coast of Mindanao. Here they were amply supplied with provisions in exchange for European goods, and the chieftain gave valuable information respecting Cebu, which Legaspi had made up his mind to annex to Spain if possible. He landed there in April, 1565, occupying the town by force and sacking it. They, however, had their work cutout for them in keeping off the hostile tribes, each with its little king (Reyezuelo) and occupying its own little plot from time immemorial. Legaspi, little by little, got to be on good terms with the natives, who were eventually declared Spanish subjects. The pacification of Cebu and the surrounding islands went on apace, “the confidence of the natives was assured, the king accepting Christian baptism and giving his daughter in marriage to a Spaniard.” Here- upon the Spaniards, powerfully aided by their priests, began to mark out the most desirable plots of land for residences, no doubt without consulting the convenience of the holders, and at this early stage of their domination began the very causes of subsequent and recent rebellions against Spanish rule in the islands. Legaspi’s men continued their conquests, ' taking Manila shortly after, naming it the capital of the archipelago, and proclaiming the sovereignty of the King of Spain over all the islands. A conquest so easy, apparently — the Europeans under Legaspi were under 500 — ought to have given a more permanently peaceable result, but the capacity of the priests in squeezing the poor native was overdone, bringing about in the end the present deplorable state of things. The priests meantime accumulating wealth rapidly, became governors each in his province, practically of the whole archipelago, and they persuaded the governments of Manila and Madrid to believe that their permanent domination over the Indian constituted the only guaranty of the natives remaining loyal to Spain. Being all-powerful in money power, they arranged at headquarters that the ruling authorities should be of their way of thinking, a policy which they pursued successfully for over th ree hundred years. At length, however, their abuses became intolerable, criminal in fact; so much so that their acts and acts committed with their con- nivance have often been too horrible to put on paper. It is, then, lit- tle wonder that “the worm turned,” and the animosity of the natives against the priests extended itself to the Spanish ruling power for their persistence in maintaining the clergy, which did everything but their duty to the church, in the country against the strong remon- strances from all. The power of the priests is now gone forever, and Spanish rule fol- lows in its wake as an impossibility under the present circumstances. From the foregoing, and owing to the innate corruption in the admin- istration of the colony’s resources, the rebellion of August, 1896, in progress for ten years previously, broke out, and might have over- turned the government then but for weak leading and the unprepared- ness of the rebels to tight, as the Spanish in all the islands, a large proportion of them in Mindanao, only numbered about 3,000, their other forces consisting of some 14,000 natives all told. A strong hand could, however, have nipped the thing in the bud there and then, but the governor-general, Blanco, was mildly disposed, and with the few whites at his command, and fearing a rising among his natives, he 448 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. looked upon discretion as the better part of valor until he should get reenforcements from the mother country to enable him to dispense with the services of the native troops, the disaffected among them being in the meantime disarmed. His policy was not universally approved, and his opponents plotted at court and got him removed. Shortly thereafter his successor, Polavieja, turned up with some reinforcements, but they were raw recruits that had to be drilled into shape, and while they were being prepared the rebels were strongly intrenching themselves, chiefly in the province of Cavite. It required energetic measures to dislodge them, but Polavieja was equal to the occasion, and after going at them vigorously, a hue and cry of “cruelty” was put forth by the priests and their friends, and he in his turn was recalled. Then followed the famous Primo de Rivera, Avho arrived in April, 1897. He took effective measures to quell the insurrection and suc- ceeded well, but his finishing stroke was most unfortunate. He got tired of the country and wished to go to Spain, but with a feather in his cap for effectually closing up the rebellion. He got instructions from Madrid to adopt, at his discretion, one of two alternatives, force, or buying off the rebels for laying down their arms. As bad luck would have it he chose the latter, while the other was quite feasible, the few undisbanded insurgents having been reduced almost to the last extremity, no food, but few arms, and no money to go on with. A more favorable opportunity to settle the thing for many years couid rarely present itself; but, as is “charitably” surmised, the paying off suited Primo’s pocket better than the other alternative, and he con- cluded the celebrated “Pacto de Biac-na-Bato,” the full text of which was kept a secret, but the contents oozed out gradually, the principal item being, after the expulsion of the friars, a cash payment of 8800,000, one-half in Hongkong and the balance in the Philippines, upon the few remaining rebels laying down their arms, the leaders, 35 to 40 in number, agreeing to reside outside the islands and not to return with- out the consent of the Philippine government in due form, six months from December, 1897, being allowed to either side to complete the contract. The Government placed the Hongkong half of the money at Aguinaldo’s disposal in due course, but how the other half went seems not to have been satisfactorily explained; possibly Primo or some tarry -fingered gentleman in his confidence could tell. Anyhow', the money is said to have left the treasury, and many of the rebels are said to have complained of not getting their share. The expulsion of the friars was vetoed from Madrid (by filched Philippine money, of course), and the Hongkong portion of the “bribe” was used, partly at least, by the rebels to purchase fresh arms with which to prosecute the rebellion. A more unfortunate result could not well be imagined. Before the six months were up, each side accusing the other of non- fulfillment of the compact, the rebellion started again with more vigor than ever. Meantime Don Primo was relieved, but ordered to await the arrival of his successor, Signor Augustin, and after Augustin’s arrival was, in view of his having cried “peace, peace, when there was no peace, ordered to await further instructions from the Supreme Government before quitting the country. Don Primo telegraphed, asking if the order was imperative, but without giving time fora reply he embarked by the direct boat for Spain, leaving poor Augustin in the pickle of having to cope with the rebels and the declaration of war REPORT OK TIIK PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 449 by America a few hours later. The man naturally considered himself “sold,” and Primo landed in Barcelona “incog,” his present where- abouts being uncertain. He is said to have denied, at home, having made an alleged compact with the rebels, but that he did make it there is no doubt whatever, while he funked facing the consequences. The next big mistake made in this rebel business was by the Ameri- cans in having had anything whatever to do with Aguinaldo, and the mistake will at once be apparent when it can be demonstrated as clear as daylight that the Americans could have done all they did without any rebel aid. Now, however, it is not quite so easy to get rid of the incon- venient connection — Aguinaldo, a deified, ignorant Indian, with a swollen head, but empty for all practical purposes. Timidity verging on cowardice is his chief characteristic. He never fought a battle in his life, and is afraid to leave his room for fear of being “knifed” by some kind countryman whom he has wronged. A further mistake was in letting him have any part in reducing the Spaniards in their trenches or in the entrance upon the taking of Manila on the 13th of August. Before this day the rebels should have been ordered away at least ten miles and their arms taken from them, fastening them down to accom- plished facts, as they are no more fit to govern than “a flock of goats” would be. The chiefs of the rebels are pettifogging lawyers, known among themselves as “abogadillos,” hangers on at the petty courts, stirring up strife among the litigants to encourage suits, and considered a “pest to the colony,” as their aifn is to squeeze as much money as possible out of the iieges with the least possible labor to themselves. This life has inured them to the idea that as they are of the “learned pro- fessions,” and therefore it would be infra dig. to work. It •would be a fine thing to have a native government with a post in it where the}' could rob and steal ad lib., and live on the fat of the land at the public expense. It is needless to say that the end would be very shortly that of the “Kilkenny cats,” without a doubt. It would be "a mistake to temporize with people of such low intelligence, as they can not understand leniency from Europeans unless on the supposition that it is due to fear. In the great Indian mutiny the British were severely criticised the world over for blowing rebels from the cannon’s mouth, but it was the only way, and their sway has been ever since undis- turbed, practically governing 250,000,000 with an army of only 70,000, including Sepoys, Sikhs. Goorkhas, and Europeans. The Spaniards should have been severer in discipline w hile just in treatment, and then these wretched semisavages would not have got the upper hand. The proportions reached by the present rising is without a doubt due to encouragement at the beginning from the Americans, and the situation thus created imposes upon them the obligation of restoring order and of not leaving the islands unless replaced by a strong gov- ernment of Europeans, that of Spain being out of the question, and the natives might be ripe for such a responsibility about the year 2000, i. e., when the present and three more generations shall have disap- peared, it being calculated that this time is necessary to eradicate the pernicious effects of priestly rule, a uniformly immoral administration in church and state, and to spread sound education and teach habits of honest industry among the people. A great writer described the Spaniard generally as “full of honor without honesty, full of religion without morality, and full of pride p c 29 450 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. without anything to be proud of," and the average native may be said to have picked up and appropriated all that is bad in the European and nothing of the good, being an adept at lying, stealing, gambling, and all other vices imaginable, with indolence to a fault, good dancers, and a very good ear for music. There are a good few, it is true, who are peaceable workers, and these are an exception to the general descrip- tion here given. Many make useful and efficient clerks in merchants’ offices, banks, and other places of business. Some are capital imitators of European art in silver and gold work, wood carving, etc., and there are thousands of good agricultural laborers throughout the islands. As a tighter not much can be said for him in a face to face encounter, his “forte” being the “bolo" and stabbing in the back, and why the Spaniards did not put down the rising at the outset can be only due to the latter having forgotten, if they ever knew, what modern warfare is, as in the last live months their bravery, so much lauded, consisted in their hiding in trenches, much of their time up to their hinder parts in water, to be “sniped" by the rebels, who from behind clumps of bamboos drew their fiercest fire by letting oil' Chinese crackers at night- time, never showing face during the day. The Spaniards at starting, in the most innocent fashion, allowed themselves to be surrounded by the rebels, who made prisoners of the big half of their force of about 12,000, and then they “had too few left to attack, and could only be on the defensive," and retiring from trench to trench before the Indian, the cry of the latter being, “ the Spaniards retreating, retreating — the natives advancing, advancing. To eyewitnesses this “guerilla warfare," in the circumstances when Spain had to “do or die," seems most ridiculous, and a Kitchener with a handful of Soudanese would have driven these niggers before them like “mosquitoes before the wind.” All that can be said is that a country that will not tight in defense of her colonies has no right to have any and deserves to lose them if she has. Now the Americans are in possession of these much coveted islands, the problem comes to be how best to turn these valuable acquisitions to account, and at a glance it will be seen that the rebellion once got under and the rebels disarmed, a sine qua non — as at present there are two governments in full swing, the rebels ruling and collecting all taxes from the outskirts of Manila into the interior, and the Americans the few taxes of the city and port, a state of things that can not be allowed to last much longer — it will not answer to attempt a government on western lines and ideas right off, as habits and customs of over three centuries old can not well be changed in a day, and it will be necessary in introducing western reforms to do so gradually and in the light of acquired expe- rience, dovetailing such as far as possible with existing systems. What would, of course, suit this country is the “open door” so much insisted upon by Great Britain in all her acquisitions, and which has given such admirable results in Singapore, the Straits Settlements, and Hongkong, the last named, though only fifty -five years in the hands of the English, and at the start only a barren rock, being now the third shipping port of the world. No custom-house means, of course, no restriction to traffic, no coast guard, and no expense, opium being the only valuable article in small bulk imported, being reduced to rev- enue by “farming it out.” as is done in Hongkong and has been done all along here. To put an import duty on it of so much a pound as at present proposed would, it is feared, bring little or no revenue, owing REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 451 to the great facilities for smuggling in so extensive a coast line an arti- cle of little bulk, and if the suggestions further on as to the ingress of Chinese be adopted, the consumption of opium would, at once, be largely increased to make the contract in a short time worth two or three times its present value. The policy recommended would, there- fore, be no custom-house, no coast guard, thus saving considerable money involved in keeping up the required machinery, everything being done to facilitate the promptest dispatch for all vessels arriving and departing, time, if “money’’ in Europe, being worth 40 shillings to the pound sterling in these parts, where the natural span of life may be reduced by one-half. Port and light dues would be collected from all vessels on an equita- ble scale, and for revenue, internal taxes of, say, $2 to $5 on all natives and Chinese, or on the latter only, a land, stamp, and license tax on Hongkong and Singapore lines, and opium farming, with a tax on tobacco, manufactured and exported, but freedom for export of all other produce. Additional revenue could at once be raised by demol- ishing the obsolete city walls, tilling up the moat all around, and dis- posing of all the available ground and material for building purposes to allow of city expansion. This would produce a good many millions, land in this position being very valuable. There is also all the land and property in the hands of the religious corporations, virtually the property of the Government, that would bring in a very large amount, and which, with $5 or $10 a head on two or three millions of Chinese laborers, that will be found necessary for cooly work, road-making and railroad building, farming, and other employment that is now completely neglected, as soon as the place is in full swing. These resources would enable Government to give the open port plan a year or two years trial for a test. Now, to come to the question of importing foreign labor. There is no question of competing with American labor here, there being no such in the country, nor can there be, the climate prohibiting that, so the reported prohibition of Chinese immigration seems inexplicable, and the law in force in the States is certainly misapplied in the Philip- pines, where cheap labor and plenty of it is their lifeblood. This will be seen when it is every year the same; a large proportion of the crops, sugar, and other produce is left in the field from want of hands to gather them. This year it is especially the case, and as the opera- tions of cutting the old cane and planting the new shoots are simulta- neous, it follows that when it is impossible to harvest the mature cane no new planting takes place, thus diminishing the next crop’s yield as well as losing so much of the present — a double murder, so to speak. These islands, as will be seen, are very sparsely populated, Luzon, of a larger area than England, having only about 3 .j millions all told, or a, little over one-tenth of England’s figure. Panay will have some two millions; Negros and Cebu about one and a half millions, and Mindanao and the rest some two millions among them. There is room for three to four millions of Chinese comfortably, whilst only about 200,000 are the present estimate. Chinese coolies and the buffalo are two essen- tials. The place can not get on without them, and were any roadmaking, railway, or agricultural work being done, at least a million of Chinese would be absorbed right off, and next year another million, and so on until the population be half Chinese, to make the natives come to their senses and work for a reasonable “living wage.” It seems ridiculous 452 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. that when the Hongkong scale of wages is about as follows, viz, coolies, 25 to 30 cents a day; carpenters, 50 to 60 cents; mechanics, blacksmiths, and engine drivers, TO to 75 cents; engineers and boilermakers, 80 to 90 cents; the rates are for these classes, respectively, 75 cents, $1.25, $1.40, and $1.50 since immigration has been stopped. Before April we were about the same as in Hongkong, and it speaks volumes for the admi- rable management of labor in that colony, the fact that while in the past twenty years or so silver has fallen bv one-half, or some hundred per cent on present value of the Mexican dollar, the currency rate of wages has not advanced more than 25 to 30 per cent all round, the employers of labor getting a benefit of 70 to 75 per cent more than would be the case on a gold basis. This, however, has been made possible by the almost stationary value of commodities of- Chinese consumption from year to year, and it is no hardship for the Chinaman to work cheaply, as his living runs into very little money, and he is happy. A first-class Chinese cook at the moment requires $12 to $15 a month in Hongkong. Here an indifferent one gets $30 to $35, and a good one $40, $45, and $50. This state of things can not last, but there is no cure for extortion except solid competition, and coolies, mechanics, and cooks will have to come in, and quickly, or the place will be ruined instead of going ahead under the new regime. Availing of the present abnormal circum- stances, the native, who, as a rule, lives upon his wife’s earnings, will not work at all, and the few that will condescend to do anything light and easy that is going, demand a dollar a day pay against 25 to 374 cents last April. As before said, cheap labor is the lifeblood of this country, and the natives being few, and these few being disinclined to work, there is no solution of the difficulty except a free admission of Chinese labor, and the Chinaman is the most industrious and most economical of known Asiatics. Special legislation must, of course, be adopted for Chinese, traders’ licenses being restricted and confined to those already established, all new arrivals being admitted on condition of their being or becoming coolies, agricultural laborers, mechanics, carpenters, and other skilled workmen, cooks, servants, house boys, nurses, etc. The Chinaman is a good sailor, stoker, and steward on steamers, and gener- ally useful and willing to work, and as soon as it be found that a suffi cient number for all requirements shall have been admitted it will be easy to lessen the import by gradually increasing the head tax as may be found necessary. To give a faint idea, however, of the very large number that can at once be employed on the works that will, to a go-ahead colony, appear to be peremptory, the following must at once be attacked: Road making on scientific lines, street cleaning, and everything in this line required to improve sanitation, demolishing the obsolete city walls, filling up of moat, planting of trees, gardens, plants, and flower beds, and then a network of railways all over the islands, as a 20-mile line in any direction from Manila will give a climate “to order.” A hy should there be any sickness in this most healthy of tropical climates when by an hour morning and evening in the train one can sleep in a temperature of 40°, 50 y or 60“ Far. to his liking 'i The river Pasig, dredged out to the mouth of the lake and points cut down to make the navigation easy for decent passenger steamers, would immediately attract capital to put on daily, morning, and even- ing service, which the populace could and would gladly avail of to REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 453 pass their nights in the many cool spots fringing the lake, enjoying the freshest of country air the larger half of tin' twenty-four hours. No heat in the daytime would he felt after a cool night, and in a very short time this desirable basin of water, the “Laguna de Bay,” 25 by 20 miles in its greatest dimensions, would be studded over with yachts and pleasure craft of every kind, to afford pleasurable recrea- tion to all who could afford the time and expense. With capital and enterprise the nearest approach to an earthly paradise is here at beck and call, and it is perfectly amazing the strides made by progress in the past 30 years since province steamers began to run in the islands. Some of the promoters, now in the country, can recall the time (up to 1863) when it took two weeks or more in one of the small schooners then employed in bringing in outside produce to the shipping ports, to make a voyage of 250 miles, and in that year a group of 12, prin- eipallv foreigners, got together a sum of 860,000, $5,000 each, to bring out a small boat to make trips to the open ports of Iloilo and Cebu, the result being so satisfactory that boat after boat followed until they now number over 50 province steamers, large and small, running in the islands. There was not a solitary steam launch in the place and the Government had only half a dozen craft, obsolete gunboats, in the whole of the archipelago. So much for what steamers through private enterprise have done under a rotten dog-in-the-manger government. What more could not have been done under an enlightened administration 2 The short 120- mile railway put down by English capitalists gives but a faint idea of what a network of railroads could do, but quite enough to show what a profitable investment such roads can be in this country under a liberal up-to-date government. What applies to Luzon applies equally to all the other islands, where the produce, as already said, is in many cases left in the field to rot from want of adequate means of convey- ance. Roads — good roads — and railroads would send these islands ahead by leaps and bounds and material progress would be the sure precursor of the light of civilization shut out from these unfortunate parts by the most selfish and despotic of governments, that of the priest and his dupes. Why European governments who have been for centuries opening up and civilizing the darkest countries should have overlooked the Philippines without having a look in to, if necessary, force reform upon the ruling powers, seems inexplicable, and now that at last an enlightened power has taken hold it is fervently to be hoped that they will open up the country until the light of the age shall have penetrated the remotest crevice of these most fertile and valuable islands. There would then be no rebellion nor the thought of one, and the vast resources of the country, still dormant, would be utilized for the benefit of mankind far and wide. These resources are practically unlimited, and when the islands shall have been fully explored and brought under subjection to modern rule, the country will probably be found to be the richest unexplored territory in the known world. When we think of the immense sums constantly being spent in prospecting unknown lands, and in many cases wdthout locating a “find” worth following up, it is simply amazing that here, where untold riches are staring us in the face, cap- italists should have so long held aloof and fought shy of the place. The explanation is the cursed priest-ridden government that sucked the lifeblood out of the ccuntrv, now happily driven out forever, but 454 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. unfortunately to enjoy the stolen millions securely invested in every safe country we know of. Let us take Luzon first to give a faint idea of known resources. In the north a rich and extensive tobacco country, where qualities equal to Cuba can he produced, and coining south the two Iloeos provinces are rich sugar and rice lands. Indigo used also to he largely pro- duced, and with more labor could no doubt he done again in increased quantities and better quality. In the long range of mountains practically unexplored, copper, iron, gold, and other metals and minerals are known to exist, and without doubt in considerable quantities. Copper has been worked for many years in the mountains of South Iloeos, Mancayan, Lepanto. want of communication being the great obstacle to the mining not being on a larger scale. In this neighborhood we have the district of Benguet, over 4,000 feet above the sea level, with a climate not to lie beaten in Europe, in winter bordering upon frost and in summer never over 65 Far. There is an extensive pine forest there, and exquisite potatoes and home vegetables of all kinds can be grown to any extent. The Spanish Government had arranged to put a sanatorium up there to save sending invalided troops and employees to Europe to recruit. A mountain line of railway for the ascent and a short, level line to connect with the terminus of the Manila-Dagupan line would take passengers from Manila in about 12 hours to this desirable retreat. In the provinces of Union, Zambales, Pangasinan, and Bulaean, tobacco, sugar, rice, etc., are largely produced, and in the Angat Mountain, Bulaean, and Bosoboso, only a fewr miles from Manila, iron ore yield- ing 75 per cent of pure metal has been worked, unsuccessfully, owing to the opposition of the priests and obstacles by the Government, who would not have the mines worked by Chinese laborers because they were infidels. Some iron ore from Angat is stated to have produced 85 per cent of pure metal, and it exists in very large quantity, only requir- ing capital and enterprise to develop a big production. Lead, silver, gold, and coal are to be found in many parts of Luzon, while hemp and sugar and some coffee are produced, the two first in large quantities, and the last capable of being developed of excellent quality when suit- able localities are chosen for the plant. Mindoro, close to Manila, is only occupied by Europeans in small spots here and there, and this large island is practically unknown in the interior. It is covered, as well as many parts of Luzon, with valuable timber, from the water's edge to mountain top the varieties of hard wood and other kinds num- bering about seventy of known good woods. The highest mountain in the group, Halcon, 8,868 feet above sea level, is in Mindoro, where valuable coal beds exist, but undeveloped. We next come to Romblon, which is all over marble and covered with cocoanut trees, only partially explored. A number of islands, Tablas, Masbate, Burias, Marinduque, etc., are good timber producers and excellent pasture lands. The large and fertile island of Panay pro- duces sugar, rice, sapanwood in abundance, and there are indications of petroleum and coal in some places, but the island is so destitute of roads that it is next to impossible to bring the produce to the shipping port, Iloilo, unless at an exorbitant and prohibitive cost. Much of the land is thus left to waste, uncultivated. This, of all others, and its neighbor, Negros, are a most promising field for railways, the port of Iloilo bidding fair to be tin' principal exporting center of the archi- 455 REPORT OK THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. pel ago at no distant date. In 1850 Negros and Iloilo exported about (300 tons of sugar. In 1807 the production was close upon 200,000 tons, and rapid communications would increase the yield fourfold very shortly. Now we come to Cebu, Leyte, Samar, and Bohol, all producing sugar, hemp, rice, maize, and tobacco, several giving excellent cattle. Cebu is very full of coal, and in one mountain side, Cling, the outcrops indi- cate an existence of millions of tons, at least a couple of millions being extractable with very little mining, according to the best authorities. This is the'largest coal bed so far discovered, and with 15 miles of rail- way the mineral can be put down in the port of Cebu at a cost of rather under than over os. sterling per ton, of a good steaming quality, found by the local steamer owners to he fully as good (2 per cent better) as the best Japan lump. With abundance of cheap labor, coal and iron within reach, many enterprises, having the raw material on the spot, could be at once proceeded with, such as rope works, sugar refineries, cement and brick works, docks, wharves, reclamations, port improve- ments, dredging, etc., for which there is almost an unlimited field all over the group. Most of the above industries give handsome returns in Hongkong, etc., even after payment of freight and charges on raw material imported from Manila, Java, Japan, etc. And last of all comes the large island of Mindanao, practically unex- plored and unconquered, and occupied by the Spaniards only to a small extent, a fringe in a few spots around the coast. It is timbered from water’s edge to mountain top (the highest, Apo, 8,800 feet), produces hemp, gold, etc., and coal exists at different points, but so far unworked. . Am i. uicls. Octohkk, 1808. Exhibit VI. PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN THE PHILIPPINES DURING THE TIME OF SPANISH SOVER- EIGNTY. Public education in the Philippines is one of the branches of the administration which was most neglected by the Spanish Government. It is, without doubt, a fact that this is not demonstrated by the state in which education has been for some ten years past, for it must be admitted that, although no great amount of progress has been made in instruction, still it has advanced considerably. Still, the sort of education given can not in any way be considered proportionate to the length of time in which Spain has been governing tin* Philippines and the degree of aptitude shown by the Philippine people. One of the few good things which General Weyler did here was to increase the number of primary schools to a suitable number, whether for his private ends or not we do not know. In order to make a thorough study of this subject we shall examine the different studies which were taught in the different official and private centers of education. For the better conduct of our investigation on this subject we shall arrange the studies under the following heads: Primary instruction; secondary or second education; higher education, or education in pro- fessions; the education of schoolmasters in the normal school; educa- tion in arts and trades, or courses in skilled labor; education in agri- culture. in the school of agriculture; nautical education in the nautical school: education in painting, sculpture, and engraving in the academy or superior school. This is all that there was that could be considered civil education. As regards religious education, there were various seminaries, and in the military profession there was a preparatory academy. I. PRIMARY 'EDUCATION. Primarv education or instruction, which is the first instruction that a child reecives as soon as it attains the age of reason, is conducted in the Philippines by schoolmasters, teachers of both sexes, from the nor- mal and superior school, except in Intremuras, where it is administered by Jesuit fathers and Sisters of Charity, which is an inexplicable anomoly. The number of primary schools in the whole archipelago, according to the statistics of the year 1896, is 2,167 for both sexes, there being two schools for each sex in every town of 5,000 inhabit- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 457 ants, three for each sox in towns of 10,000 inhabitants, and so on, the number of schools increasing in the ratio of one schoolmaster and one schoolmistress for each 5,000 inhabitants. The schools were classified according to the importance of the towns in the following manner, the corresponding salary being given: Masters: Per month. Highest grade (first class) §40 1 1 ighest grade (second class) 30 Intermediate grade 25 Lowest grade 20 Assistants 15 Mistresses: Highest grade (first class) 25 Highest grade (second class) 20 Intermediate grade 15 Lowest grade 12 Assistants 10 There was competition for the position of teacher of the highest grade, both first and second class. The position in the lowest and intermediate grade were filled by means of competitive examinations between holders of teachers’ titles. Assistants, in default of others, might be persons not holding titles. The governor of each province was the inspector-general of all the schools in his province. The local inspector, or “ nato,” was formally the friar who was priest of the town; and, although in the municipal reform of Minister Maura it was provided that the municipal captain should be local inspector of schools, we have understood that this provision was not carried out, and that the parish priest has remained in his office of inspector. From this we may judge the sort of instruction that school masters and mistresses were forced to give. The courses taught in these schools are found in a set of regulations devoted to “elements of pedagogism,” a text-book in the normal schools for male and female school-teachers published in Manila in 1890. This set of regulations, approved bv the Government of His Majesty, contains the following: Art. 1. Instruction in schools for natives shall he reduced for the present to ele- mentary primary instruction, and shall consist of Christian doctrine and principles of moralty and sacred history suitable for children; (2) reading; (3) writing; (4) practical instruction, in Spanish, Spanish grammar, and orthography; (5) principles of arithmetic, comprising the four rules for figures, common fractions, decimals, and instruction in the decimal metric system and its equivalents in ordinary weights and measures; (6) instruction in general geography and Spanish history; (7) instruction in practical agriculture as applied to the products of the country; (8) rules of deport- ment; (9) vocal music. Primary education of girls shall comprise the subjects mentioned in numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, and 9 of this article, and instruction in employ- ments suitable to their sex. It requires but little reflection to see the deficiency of this arrange- ment. The first fault that presents itself to view is the mistaken idea of putting instruction in Christian doctrine before reading and writing. Regarding the instruction in Spanish, it must be said that it was purely imaginary, because the local inspectors, the parish priests, pro- hibited it for the children, especially in those towns in which, on account of their remote situation, the governor rarely intervened. The instruction in geography was so superficial that there was not a 458 REPORT OK THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. single child who was given any real knowledge on this subject, which was due, principally, to the very bad method of instruction adopted, in which a geographical chart was rarely seen, and everything was left to memory. The only history taught was that of Spain, and that under conven- tional censorship. The history of the rest of the world was, of course, unknown. The course in vocal music was only a pretense, for it was not taught. This plan did not include gymnastic exercise nor any physical exer- cise. which gives an idea of the sort of education which was given in the Philippines. The second article of the same set of regulations reads as follows: Art. 2. Primary instruction is obligatory for all natives. The fathers, tutors, or guardians of children shall send them to the public schools between the ages of 10 and 12 years, unless they prove that they give them sufficient instruction in their homes or in private schools. Those who do not obey this rule shall be admonished and compelled to do so by the authorities by a tine of from one-half real to 2 reals, when there is a school in the town at such distance that the children can con- veniently attend. The fathers and guardians of children may also send them to the schools between the ages of 6 and 14 years. This article appears to be based upon the wisest principles, but it was very far from being carried out, for this branch of administration, or to put it better, of police, was more neglected in towns than any- thing else, and there were cases in which schools had scarcely a dozen scholars. The municipal school for boys, and in particular the municipal atheneum, although it also suffered from the defects mentioned, may be mentioned as better equipped schools. In this class the schools for girls are much more numerous than the schools for boys. In Manila are the normal schools for schoolmistresses, of which we shall speak hereafter, in charge of the Ascensionist Nuns; the School of Santa Isabel, in charge of the Sisters of Charity, which has turned out to be a grotesque imitation of well-organized colleges; the Concordia School; the Santa Rosa and Lo Oban schools, also in charge of the Sisters of Charity, which turned out somewhat better than the second in point of morality and gave the same grade of instruction. In Jaro and Cebu these sisters have other schools similarly organized. The Dominican Sisters have their college of Santa Catelina in Manila, and others in Lingayen Bigan and Tuguegararo, like the others but more strictly devoted to religious instruction. In all of these, privacy like that of the cloister prevails and scholars go out on the street at certain times. To all of this it must be added that these colleges possess none of the hygienic conditions exacted from every college, with the exception of the Concordia and some in the provinces. In regard to private primary schools, there are many, especially in the capital, which are not carried on strictly according to law, and from which excessive abuses arise, but in such cases the school is sufficiently punished by the bad reputation which it acquires. II. SE( ION DA RY E 1 >U< 'ATION. Secondary education in the Philippines is administered by the Col- lege of San Juan de Letran, tin* only official institution, in charge of the Dominican Friars. This grade of instruction is under the control REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 459 of tho Dominican Friars in the municipal athcneum of the Jesuit fathers also; in the private colleges of the first class in Dagupan and Bigan, in charge of Dominican Friars; in those of Cebu, Jaro, and NuevaCaceres, in charge of the Paulists; in Guinobatan, in charge of the Franciscan Friars; and in Bakolod, in charge of the Recoletos Friars, and in the so-called private Latin schools, in charge of private or secular persons, for the most part Filipinos, which existed to the number of 25 in Manila and to the number of 44 in the other parts of the archipelago. The control or intervention exercised by the Dominicans consisted of the absorption of the marticulation fees of the schools, but not of those of the colleges, and the right to hold examinations in all these colleges and schools, including the municipal atheneum itself. It should be noted that the colleges of the first class were in charge of Spanish friars and priests, such as the Paulists, and that the schools were in the hands of Filipinos, who were required in order to establish schools to pass examinations and give strong evidence of their ability, although the friars and Paulists have never fulfilled any such condition. We pass on to examine the plan of education of the official institu- tion, San Juan de Letran: First term, one year: Spanish and Latin grammar, Christian doctrine, sacred history. Second term, one year: Spanish and Latin grammar (second course), instruction in general geography, and in particular in that of Spain and of the Philippines, Christian morality. Third term, one year: Latin analysis and translation, rudiments of the Greek language, and Christian morality, universal history and the history of Spain and of the Philippines, arithmetic, and algebra. Fourth term, one year: Elements of rhetoric and poetry and social ethics; elements of geometry and plane trigonometry; psychology, philosophy, and logic. Fifth term, one year: Physics and chemistry; natural history. The first thing that is apparent in this plan is the scarcity of courses, considering that the idea is to provide studies intended to prepare the young for higher studies. Even so, the Philippines might have been considered fortunate if this plan of study had been scrupulously followed out. The subject of letters in this plan is comparatively well handled, and yet the students live in complete ignorance of them, excepting the little knowledge that they acquired of rhetoric and history. The study of the sciences was entirely neglected — to such an extent that scholars were graduated as past in natural history, physics, and chemistry, without ever having seen a museum, nor studied apparatus, nor observed a chemical reaction. In more than strictly educational matters were scholars neglected, for the only text-book in use on Christian doctrine and Christian and social ethics is the catechism of Father Astete. The same course of instruction was followed in the other colleges. The municipal atheneum of the Jesuits may be said to have given more thorough instruction, although it suffered from its somewhat exaggeratedly old-fashioned methods. It must be noted, also, that all these friars and Spaniards occupying professorships were not required to pass any examination in order to take their position as masters, while the Filipinos were required to pass strict examination in order to teach courses assigned to the first two. three, or four vears. Thev wore not allowed to teach the courses 460 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. of the last year, under the pretext that no school here had a zoological museum nor a physical laboratory. In concluding this chapter we may say that the number of scholars attending schools of this grade was from 18,000 to 19,000 youths or boys, for these studies were forbidden to women, except by special license of the governor. In none of these colleges was gymnastic exercise given except to boarders. As an appendix to this chapter on secondary education we copy the studies which the university, as well as other colleges and schools, prescribe for scholars in secondary education, although the rule for their management was less strict than the rules in the department of higher education. ARTICLES OF THE REGULATIONS. Art. 94. From the day on which the scholar matriculated he is subject to scholastic authority both within and without the establishment. Art. 95. Every scholar is required to attend classes punctually and to conduct himself therein with due application and circumspection. Anyone committing sixteen offenses in attendance on a class holding daily recita- tions, eight in a class holding recitations on alternate days, or four in a class holding less than three recitations (?) shall be stricken off the list of the class, and the pro- fessor shall immediately bring the case to the knowledge of the director, that he may make it known to the guardian of the scholar. Offenses in attendance caused by sickness or other causes which in the judgment of the professor are sufficient to excuse the scholar, shall be considered involuntary offenses, and shall count only as half offenses in respect to the operation of the pre- ceding article. The professor shall take care, being responsible, not to give the character of invol- untary offenses to offenses which are not of this sort. If the scholar wishes the rector to exercise in his case the power given him in article 3, No. 10, he shall put in a statement within three days after his name has been taken from the list of his class. Art. 96. Involuntary offenses and ignorance of lessons shall be reputed half offenses for the effects of the preceding article. Art. 97. Scholars are obliged to obey and respect the rector and professors, both within and without the establishment. Art. 98. Scholars are forbidden to address their superiors collectively, either orally orin writing. Those infringing this rule shall be considered guilty of insubordination. Art. 99. Students shall dress in a proper manner, wearing the Spanish dress from their fifth year, inclusive. The director and professors are authorized to forbid any garment prejudicial to good conduct and decorum, such as shirts of pina and other materials unduly transparent, rings, f«-hes, and other valuable jewelry. We believe that these articles need r.o comment, for no matter how superficially they may be examined, despotism, absorption, arrogance, and intolerance are apparent. III. HIGHER EDUCATION. The only higher education which has been taught in tin' Philippines has been in the higher sciences and professions, which were taught in the university at Santo Tomas, which was royal and pontifical, and in the royal college at San dose. These courses were as follows: Theology, canonical law, philosophy and letters, jurisprudence, and physical and chemical science in the university, and medicine and pharmacy in San dose. In this chapter we shall not enter into the study of theology and canonical law in the seminaries. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 461 The course in philosophy and letters, we ought to say, has only lately consisted of both branches, it having been formerly called sim- ply philosophy, and, although in the first place in was opened to all, afterwards only friars could become graduates and doctors in it. However, since the year 1896, this course, like the courses in physics and chemistry, has been embodied in the plan of education and all have been permitted to matriculate in it, although it has been observed that few did so, because students in philosophy had no other future than a professorship, while those studying the sciences, on the other hand, could get employment as chemists and analysts. Let us study the plan of education in other branches: I.AW COURSES. One year preparatory course: Chairs. Metaphysics 1 General Spanish literature 1 History Of Spain (thorough) 1 First term, one year: Elements of natural laws 1 Institutions of canonical law 1 Economy and statistics 1 Second term, one year: Institutions of Roman law 1 Patronage of the Indies and ecclesiastical discipline 1 Third term, one year: Common and statute civil Spanish law (first course) and general history of Spanish law - 1 Penal law, political law, administrative law, colonial legislation 1 Fourth term, one year: Common and statute civil Spanish law (second course) 1 Mercantile law of Spain and of the principal nations of Europe; elements of finance 1 Fifth term, one year: Law of procedure; civil, criminal, canonical, and administrative law (first course) 1 Theory and practice of the drawing up of public instruments (first course) and public international law 1 Sixth term, one year: Law of procedure; civil, criminal, canonical, and administrative law (second course) 1 Theory and practice of the drawing up of public instruments (second course) ; personal international law 1 In this plan, when courses are assigned singly to one professor, a text-book is not used, but if two or more are assigned to one professor a comprehensive text-book is used. It may be judged in what manner the courses in the third and fourth terms were taught, which, although so many, were in charge of only four professors. Again, we ought to notice that the courses of the fifth and sixth terms were in charge of only two professors, so that in these two terms the scholars attended only one class of one professor and another of the other, and from this we may judge how much instruction was given in these courses. We shall better see these deficiencies more readily by examining the plan group by group. Thus, in the third group we find a course in the general history of Spanish law, of which only the most superficial notions were taught, and not one word of political administrative law or commercial legislation. Of finance and international law very vague ideas were given, and in regard to the other courses it may be said, speaking conscientiously, REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 462 that instruction in the material which a term ought to cover was never tinished in one term, which was due to the fact that the professors (with very few exceptions) never observed the hours for classes and were obliged to resort to the excuse that the duration of terms in educational centers in charge of friars was discretional with them and they shortened them more or less accordingly as Holy Week came early or late in the calendar. The result of this was that some terms lasted scarcely eight months. Assigned to this department is the study in the business of a notary in which, although it is not a profession, nevertheless examinations must be passed in all the courses of the secondary instruction. The courses studied by notaries are the same as the plan from the second term until the last, with some exceptions, such as ecclesiastical disci- pline, international law, and one other. The professors in the law faculty conducted their courses in person. From 1,200 to 1,400 young men attended the school of law and for notaries. THE MEDICAL SCHOOL. Its plan was as follows : Preparatory term : Chairs. Advanced physics 1 Advanced chemistry 1 Mineralogy, botany, anti zoology 1 First term : Descriptive anatomy (first course) ) Histology and normal histo-chemistry 1 Technical anatomy (first course) ) Second term : Descriptive anatomy (second course) Embryology; technical anatomy 1 Human physiology; personal hygiene 1 Third term : General pathology and clinic; pathological anatomy; therapeutics and materia medica 1 Fourth term : Surgical pathology 1 Medical pathology 1 Obstetrics and gynecology, and course in infant disease with clinic 1 Fifth term: Topographical anatomy; operative medicine and clinic; art of applications and bandages 1 Obstetrical and gynecological clinic 1 Surgical clinic (first course) 1 Medical clinic (first course) 1 Sixth term: Public and statistical hygiene, sanitary legislation, legal and toxilogical medi- cine 1 Surgical clinic 1 Medical clinic 1 We must t^ke into account the fact that, in addition to the courses set down as taught by a single professor, there are other courses in which this is not mentioned. For example, obstetrics and clinic, sur- gical clinic (first and second courses), and the medical clinic (first and second courses), have only one professor. In regard to the instruction given, we may say that it was deficient in the highest degree. This was due in the first place to tlv fact that practical instruction was not given, except in a very poor wav, as was noticeable iu technical anatomy, in classes in which, until lately, the REPORT OP THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 463 use of women's cadavers was prohibited, and in the second place to the fact that the scarcity of supplies in the surgical stores prevented the surgical clinic and operations from amounting to anything, and in the third place, to the lack of permanence in their positions of the professors and their unfitness for the duties imposed upon them, for they took their positions by favor and not bv merit. Examining the courses of this school in detail, we may divide them as follows: (a) Courses which are not taught, although they figure in the plan and in matriculation. These are normal histology and histo-ehemistry, embryology, personal hygiene, clinic of general pathology, pathologi- cal anatomy, diseases of children with clinic, sanitary and toxicological legislation. (b) Courses which were taught as follows : Easy technical anatomy, first and second courses; gynecology with its clinic, obstetrical clinic, operative medicine, and applications and bandages. (c) Courses which were studied during the whole course, but which, for the reasons hitherto expressed, did not finish the whole matter of their subjects, and these comprised all the remaining courses. In the medical school instruction was given by medical practitioners, or assistant surgeons, and the four groups of courses, which were given in four terms, were in charge of one chair of medicine, the holder of which was always a man well recommended, or of great influence, for the chair carried with it an additional salary of $30 per month. The case is the same with the midwives, whose courses of study were arranged in the same number of groups, required the same time of study, and were also under the direction of another chair. Let us now pass on to the examination of the school of pharmacy. The preparatory course is identical with that of medicine: First term : cnairs. Instruments and apparatus used in physics and their operation Mineralogy and zoology as applied to pharmacy; pharmaceutical materia, and laboratory work 1 Second term: Descriptive botany; pharmaceutical materia; investigations of plants; labora- tory work 1 Third term: Inorganic chemistry as applied to pharmacy and laboratory work 1 Fourth term: Organic chemistry as applied to pharmacy and laboratory work 1 Fifth term: Chemical analysis 1 Practical pharmacy, pharmaceutical law 1 We ought to state that chemical analysis and instructions in the use of physical instruments were taught by one professor. In this school also there were courses of instruction which were not taught, as fol- lows: Practice in the study of plants and mineralogy and pharmaceu- tical law. The first because the professor in charge absolutely lacked time, and the other two because of the ignorance or negligence of the instructors. The other courses were taught as far as the course of an always incomplete hour per day permitted. The professorship of pharmacy has always been very badly filled, on account of the persistence of the Dominican friars in appointing Span- iards, and in justice it must be said that with few exceptions all were REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 404 very ignorant, and as proof of this the fact may be cited that the last incumbent i:i the chair of inorganic chemistry still used double and not single notation. The only very notable men whom this faculty has contained were Senor Anacleto del Rosario, an eminent chemist, now dead, and Senor Leon Guerre ra, a notable botanist, both Filipinos. In the Philippines six or seven hundred students attended the department alone, and only about 170, more or less, the department of pharmacy alone. In closing this chapter I wish to add two words in regard to the capacity of the persons who occupy the chairs of the faculty. These must be divided into two classes — friars and secular persons. The friars on taking assignments in the faculty, as general knowl- edge was attributed to them, were required to pass only one final examination, in philosophy, although the laymen were obliged to pass examinations in all the courses, course by course, and two final exam- inations. This was also the case in the departments of canons and theology. After one year, without taking any course of study nor passing any further examination, by virtue of an article in the regula- tions of the university, approved by the Spanish Government, ai 1 by virtue of a concession from the same, they (the friars) assumed and wore the distinctive hats of doctors in one or more branches, and became in fact governing professors of the branches indicated, but that was a matter of indifference. They were not compelled to meet laymen in competitive examinations. A strong recommendation from any author- ity, the general, the second in command, the archbishop, or the presi- dent of the supreme court, or intimate friendship with the friars, were enough to secure appointment to a chair in the faculty. It must be kept in mind, nevertheless, that the regulations of the university make express provision, as follows: Art. 5. Vacancies in the other faculties shall he filled by the colonial department, after competitive examinations before an examining board of professors constituted in the University of Manila. Art. 9. Professors holding chairs shall receive the following salaries: Those of the lowest grade, 5,000 pesetas per year; those of the intermediate grade, 6,000 pesetas, and those of the highest grade, 7,000. (Royal order dated October 29, 1875.) We ought above all to say that no occupant of a chair has ever re- ceived a greater salary than $1,000 per year, for all held their positions provisionally until the sovereighty of Spain ceased to exist, and com- petitive examinations were never held, for reasons hereinafter stated, although the royal decree cited was of an obligatory character, as is shown in article 3 of the same. The reasons why competitive examinations should have been held in Manila and not in Madrid may be understood by reading the follow- ing paragraphs of the memorial presented at the general Philippine Island Exposition in Madrid in 1887: The special reasons which prove the necessity of holding the competitive examina- tions in Manila, and not in the Peninsula, are so worthy of the attention of the supreme government of the nation that it will suffice simply to state them in order to convince the most prejudiced mind. The Philippine Islandsare a count ry reclaimed from barbarism by the Catholic religion. Catholicism is the only religion of its inhabitants, and also has been the aost. effective cause of the submission of the dif- ferent races to the metropolis. Liberty of creeds is not permitted here, and for these reasons it is absolutely neces- sary that the Government which is called upon to look upon this country from the lofty position of a father should, for the best interest of the Philippine Archipelago, adopt all necessary measures to prevent its ideas from drifting away from the Catholic REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 465 faith and the professors from converting their position into a school of systems or opinions contrary to Catholic dogma. We can confidently assert, judging from other grave evils in social and private affairs sufficiently apparent in 1870, when the secularization of education was considered, that from the moment in which education is put in the hands of agnostic professors the Philippines would take gigantic strides toward their separation from the metrop- olis and perhaps toward their disappearance from the list of civilized nations. For this reason it is necessary to make an express or implied rule that every person who wishes to compete for any vacant chair in this university should profess the Catholic religion and be known to hold ideas in complete accord with the dogmatic decisions of the church, a condition which can not be made in the Peninsula for con- stitutional reasons. Furthermore, as all the expenses of the university are defrayed by the funds of cor- porations or establishments which owe their origin or existence to theCatholic faith, it is just that the professors conform to the religious character of these institutions, and that the Government grant these institutions intervention in the appointment of the professors and in the formation of the examination board, regulations, etc., and this can only be done by holding the competitive examinations in Manila, for said corporations are situated there. In conclusion we may add another reason worthy of consideration. There have always been in the Philippines graduates of the university engaged in scientific professions who have been distinguished for their talent and culture, and without doubt some of them have been fit to fill professorships, and as the university is situated in the Philippines it is not just to shut these graduates out of competitive examinations, as they would be practically shut out by the great expense which they would be under if obliged to take the examinations in the Peninsula. This can not be said of persons from the Peninsula, foi they either come to the Philippines in an official capacity, or when private persons are of such a grade of special fitness that the success of their journey is assured. It is a fact, nevertheless, that there have never been competitive examinations held in the Philippines, and in all the time in which these courses of study have been in existence onl}r one Filipino has occupied a chair in medicine and only one in pharmacy. This shows us that all the reports forwarded by the Dominican friars have been nothing but clever evasions of the laws made by the Spanish Government (which never protested) designed to operate to their own advantage. As an appendix to this chapter let us set forth the subject-matter which was (hypothetically) required of aspirants to the position of practitioners in medicine and pharmacy and of apprentices to midwives. On page 12 the fidl course for these professions is shown. Programme of studies for the school of midwives, assistant surgeons, and practitioners in pharmacy, approved bv the general government of these islands March 4, 1879, and December 22, 1879, respectively, and confirmed by the supreme government of the metropolis. PRACTITIONERS IN' MEDICINE. First term, general ideas of anatomy and physiology. Second term, general ideas of therapeutics and a general knowledge of those remedies which, on account of their easy application, can be used without trouble by assistant surgeons. The use of external medicine in its various forms. Third term, external applications and bandages and the so-called operations in minor surgery. Fourth term, dentistry and chiropody; the extraction of teeth and care of the feet. General review of all the courses. Both this term and the preceding shall be accompanied by practical work in the clinics of the school of medicine. I* c 30 REPORT OK THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 466 PRACTITIONERS IX PHARMACY. First term, preliminary ideas of physics and general ideas of phar- maceutical chemistry. Second term, general ideas of natural pharmacology or the study, knowledge of, and practical work in determining the different sub- stances in the three kingdoms of nature. Third term, studies preliminary to operations. Practical work in determining chemical products and knowledge of the principal phar- maceutical incompatibilities. Fourth term, practical work in operations, pharmaceutical tariff', and legislation. To obtain the title both of midwives and of practitioners of medi- cine and pharmacy, a final examination must be passed in theory and another in practice. The first lasts half an hour and the second an hour and a half for midwives, and each examination lasts one hour for prac- titioners in pharmacy and half an hour for practitioners in medicine. Practitioners in pharmacy can not exercise their profession without having proved in due form that they have served during the last three terms in some pharmacy. MimvivES. First term: (1) A general anatomical and physiological idea of the human body, and especially of that of woman. Conditions of a body of a woman in the different stages of infancy, marriageable age, youth, critical period, and old age. (2) The pelvis of a woman, its bones, articulations, and normal diam- eters of its cavities. The variations and most usual abnormal condi- tions of the parts adjoining the pelvis, the manner of ascertaining their proper or improper formation. (3) Functional organs of generation, external and internal, and their physiology, especially of the uterus and the breasts. (4) Functions of reproduction, marriageable age in woman, menstru- ation and its stoppage, conception, product of the conception, the embryo or fetus, successive development of the embryo or fetus dur- ing the months of pregnancy. (5) General ideas of diatetie therapeutics and pharmaeopea, and medical substances which may be employed by midwives in cases within their jurisdiction without producing serious reverses. Second term: (1) Pregnancy, uterine pregnancy, equivocal signs and certain signs of pregnancy, both those apparent to observation and those given by the fetus, difficulties peculiar to ordinary pregnancy, and the course that midwives should pursue regarding them. (2) Childbirth, what childbirth consists of, conditions which exi>t both in the mother and the fetus, practical classification of deliveries, natural delivery, causes of delivery, preliminary phenomena of dilation and expulsion, duration of natural delivery, vital phenomena of deliv- ery, true pains, pains of the kidneys and false pain, mechanical phe- nomena of natural delivery, dilation of the neck of the womb, water sack, slime, spasms, and retrocession of the head of the fetus, different presentations of the fetus in natural delivery, course to be pursued by midwife with patient m delivery, position in which she should place patient, preparations for delivery, examination of patient by midwife, care given patient by midwife, course to be followed by midwife iu REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 4(17 simple or ordinary eases, conduct of extraordinary cases of relaxation or suspension of uterine contraction and in those of excess of energy or irregularity in said contraction. Third term: (L) Artificial delivery, artificial delivery through acci- dent of the mother, obliquity of the uterus, weakness of the woman, cessation or suspension of contraction convulsions, syncope and organic lesions. The fetus, origin, shortness and twisting of the cord and location of different fetus, artificial deliveries, through malformation of the mother or of the fetus, signs showing the deatli of the fetus in the womb, conduct and duties of the midwife in said cases of artificial delivery. (2) Expulsion of after birth, circumstances which may retard it, such as binding of the placeta, hemorrhages, syncope, and convulsions; course of the midwife in these serious cases. (3) Care midwife should take of newly delivered women, phe- nomena consequent on delivery, loches, after pains and lacteal fever, hygiene for newly delivered women, care the midwife should take of newly born child, tieing of the cord, asphyxia and apoplexy in new- born children, first and urgent aims on the part of the midwife in these cases, cleanliness, clothing, and nourishment of the child during the first day; cicatrization of the cord, hygiene of the child. (4) Manner of administering baptism to new-born children in dan- ger of death, points on the duties of midwives in the proper exercise of their profession, laws of the criminal code which provide penalties for their infraction. (5) Practice or clinic in deliveries with daily attendants. Fourth and last term: (1) General review of former studies. (2) Clinic and deliveries with daily attendants. Every term provides for a course of daily lessons. IV. SCHOOLS FOR MALE AND FEMALE SCHOOL-TEACHERS. Following the order of their creation, we must first take up the school for male teachers. The normal superior school for male teachers has two different characters. When it was created by royal decree, dated December 2<>, 18t>3, and its management committed to the Jesuit fathers, it had only the "nor- mal" character, but by another decree of the General Government, dated November 10, 1893, and approved by royal order dated April 11. 1894, it entered the “superior” category. Education in this school comprises two grades, elementary and superior. By the elementary education the title of teacher of primary elementary instruction is acquired, and it is divided into three terms. More complete education is required in order to obtain the title of superior teacher. In addition to said titles the title of assistant teacher of primary instruction is obtained in this establishment by those who pass special examinations which are held four times a year. In this same school there is a school of primary instruction for boys not living in the school, which is conducted l»y scholars in the advanced courses under the direction of a professor, and thus the practice neces- sary to the profession of teacher is acquired. Article 9 of the regula- tions of this school reads as follows: “Both boarding and day scholars REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 4(18 in the normal school must possess the following qualities in order to be admitted: First, to be natives of Spanish dominions; second, to be 13 years of age. which must lie proved by certificate of baptism or other ■public document of equal validity: third, to be free from contagious disease and to be sufficiently vigorous to perform the tasks and duties of a school-teacher; fourth, to have observed good conduct, whit h must be proven by certificate of the parish priest of the town of their birth and home; fifth, to speak Spanish, have some knowledge of Christian doctrine, read and write ordinarily well, know something of Spanish grammar, including regular verbs, and to know the four fundamental rules of arithmetic, all of which shall be required of them in a previous examination held by the examining board appointed by the director.” The courses studied were as follows: FIRST ELEMENTAL COURSE. Christian doctrine expounded; elements of sacred history; the Spanish language; theory and practice of reading; theory and practice of writing; arithmetic: principles of general geography and the geography of the Philippines; plain drawing. SECOND ELEMENTAL COURSE. Expounded catechism; sacred history (third grade): history of Spain: theory and practice of reading; theory and practice of writing; arith- metic; Spanish grammar; plain drawing. THIRD ELEMENTAL COURSE. Expounded catechism; Spanish grammar; geometry; surveying; pedagogy: agriculture: plain drawing; deportment. SUPERIOR COURSE. Advanced pedagogy; legislation in force in primary instruction; ideas of religion and morality; universal history; algebra; industry and commerce; common phenomena of nature. Instruction given boarding scholars was more complete than that given day scholars, for the former had an academy of music and a gymnasium, classes in which the day scholars did not have the benefit of. Still, it may be said that the instruction was good, although the plan of studies left much to be desired, for it had the same detects as the school for female teachers, as will be seen hereafter. Between board- ing and day scholars about 500 youths attended the classes of this school, half of whom were boarders. The normal school for schoolmistresses had a double character like that for masters, but its conditions were different. Until the year 1893 the title of elemental schoolmistress was con- ferred by the director of civil administration, after an examination which was undergone by the graduates of the different colleges in Manila and in the diff erent provinces before an examining board organ- ized by the civil governor and the corregidor of Manila. These examining boards were composed of seven persons, among whom were the civil governor, who was president, the rector of the cathedral, the director of the normal school, and the directress of the REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. KVJ municipal school for girls, who was a Sister of Charity. The other two members were elected and changed every two years. The examinations were not strict, for they dealt with subject-matter which was scarce on account of the deficient programme of studies. The courses on which these examinations were held were the courses of the whole primary instruction. The education of schoolmistresses from said year 181>3 until the termination of Spanish sovereignty was very different. In fact, by royal decree dated March 11, 1892, and put into force in the following year, the superior normal school for schoolmistresses was established in Manila, in charge of the Augustin Nuns of the Ascen- sion, who came from the Royal College of Santa Isabel in Madrid. This school also issued titles of schoolmistress of two grades, elemental and superior. The ancient college of Santa Isabel in Neuva Caceres, in charge of the Sisters of Charity, can also issue titles of normal-school mistress, for this right was granted them by royal decree of the general govern- ment of June 9, 1875, and approved by royal order September 27, 1880. The college at Bigan, in charge of Dominican nuns, was granted the same right by a decree whose date we forget. The subject-matter of the instruction in both branches of this school comprises the following courses: (1) Religion and morality (expounded catechism and sacred history): (2) Spanish grammar; (3) elocution; (1) arithmetic; (5) penmanship; (6) general geography and geography of Spain in the Philippines; (7) history of Spain and of the Philippines; (8) hygiene and domestic economy; (9) practical industry; (10) geometry; (11) indoor exercise; (12) pedagogy; (13) natural science; (11) music, vocal and instru- mental; (15) practical instruction in teaching; (16) literature; (17) drawing as applied to practical work; (18) ideas of law and its appli- cation to the ordinary uses of life; (19) French; (20) English; (21) the teaching of deaf mutes and the blind; (22) finance. We shall limit our criticism of this school to pointing out the courses which should appear in the list, to point out which were of no value as some were, and finally we shall refer to the method in which instruc- tion was given in the others. This scheme of education is very pre- tentious. Thus, for example, the natural sciences and ideas of law and literature are courses which should be given much less importance than others. We do not say, however, that they are entirely useless, for their usefulness can not be denied, but they are not entirely necessary to a practical education. In regard to the arrangement of courses, we may say that in some courses, such as geography and history, it was very poor. The ideas of law were not taught, and the course was only used for the purpose of presenting an extensive plan to the public, which was also true of the courses of instruction to deaf mutes and the blind, fine arts. French, and English. Let us explain; The scholars who lived in the school — that is to say, the boarders- — say that they studied these languages, but the fact is that they rarely learned to speak any words in French and never any English. The Filipino girls who attend these colleges do not learn either Spanish or French. There is a rather good joke, which has occurred several times on feast days, that boarding scholars in this school have performed comedies in French before the public. 470 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. For the rest, the instruction given, if not complete, was sufficient. Studies for the elemental grade lasted three years and comprised the courses stated as far as No. 11. inclusive, for the first and second year, and from courses 12 to 15 for the third year. For the superior grade the courses of the former years were studied more extensively, and courses Nos. 16, 17 were added, and geometry substituted for drawing. The remaining courses. Nos. 18 to 22, are optional with scholars who have passed the fourth year, but up to the present time there has not been any case of any scholar having passed examinations in them. V. SCHOOL OF ARTS AND TRADES. This has been recently created in the Philippines, and dates from the month of March, 1891. By a superior decree of November 24. 1893, the instruction given and titles issued in this school are as follows : Some of this instruction and some titles were also in existence in the schools of Iloilo and Pam- panga. DEPARTMENT OF APPRENTICES. First group. — Elements of arithmetic and elemental geometry; plain drawing; work in the workshops of the school in the trade in which the apprentice has been matriculated. Second group. — Elements of physics; study of materials relating to the trade in which the student has matriculated; industrial drawing; work in the shops of the school relating to the trade in which the student has matriculated. Third group. — Elements of mechanics; ornamental drawing: work in the workshops (third course). General course for workmen and artisans, without reference to any particular trade: Elements of arithmetic and geometry and their application to arts and trades; elements of physics and chemistry applied; elements of mechanics; study of materials; principles of construction; industrial geometrical drawing with instruments, and free-hand; ornamental fig- ure drawing and the use of color for ornamental purposes; modeling and carving; mercantile arithmetic; bookkeeping and commercial cor- respondence; French; English; final instruction in practical work for horseshoers, molders, founders, locksmiths, wheelwrights, cutters, boiler maker, carpenter, cabinetmaker, engraver, compositor, lithog- raphers, masons, stonecutters, and potters. MECHANIC.* I. ENGINEER. First group>. — Elements of arithmetic and applied geometry; indus- trial drawing of machines; setting-up shop; and work with a tile. Second group. — Elements of applied physics; industrial drawing; setting-up shop; work with a lathe. Third group. — Elements of mechanics, comprising static, cinematic, dynamic, and hydraulic; industrial drawing; and the making of plans of machines. Fourth group. — Motive machines; management and care of machines; REPORT Ob' THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 471 repairs; practical work in the setting up and mounting of machines; visits to industrial establishments. EI EfTRICIANS. First group. — Elements of arithmetic and geometry: industrial drawing as applied to electrical machines; elemental work with a tile. Second group. — Elements of applied physics and chemistry; applied industrial drawing; elemental work in carpentering. Third group. — Practical electricity (first course); electrical unities and measures; study of plans. Fourth gj'oup. — Practical electricity (second course); industrial elec- trical motors; settingup electric plants; overhauling electrical plants. MASTERS OF WORKS. First group. — (1) Elements of arithmetic;* (2) elements of geometry; lineal and topographical drawing; practical work in stonecutting and masonry. Second group. — (1) Elements of plane trigonometry ; (2) elements of descriptive geometry; (3) elements of topography; ornamental draw- ing: practical work in carpentering. Third group). — (1) Elements of physics; (2) elements of static mechanics and study of the durability of materials; (3) study of mate- rials; architectural drawing; practical work at the forge and in setting up machines. Fourth group. — (1) Elements of stereotyping; (2) construction; (3) hygiene of construction; legislation on city property. MERCANTILE PERITOS.1 First group. — (1) Mercantile arithmetic; (2) descriptive geography; (3) French (first course). Second group. — (1) Geography and commercial statistics; (2) accounts and bookkeeping; (3) English (first course); (4) French (second course). Third group. — (1) Elements of political economy ; (2) mercantile and industrial legislation; (3) practice in mercantile correspondence and operations; (4) English (second course). Anyone seeing nothing but the handsome plan which we have just set forth would acquire an exalted idea of this school, which would, without any doubt, be a veritable illusion. In the first place, the decree creating it did not provide for a staff of more than 11 professors and 9 assistants to teach the courses enu- merated, and although many of them are mentioned more than once, it must be borne in mind that the'- are to be applied to manv different trades. In the second place, if that could be overlooked, the despicable instruc- tion of this institution was influenced and determined by the lack of ability of the faculty, and the faculty, it is but just to say, was made up of favorites of the Government, and was of a provisional character, by virtue of the order of the General Government dated November 24. 1893, which reads: Fifth. The positions of provisional professors and assistants shall, for the present, be filled by able functionaries, who belong to civil or military bodies in the service of the State, or by professors of the same course in other educational establishments, who shall receive for such services the remuneration assigned in the budget. Peritos — Graduates in a mercantile course who have passed final examination. 472 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. The result of this was that the governor gave the position of pro- fessor to anyone whom he wished to favor with a recompense, whether he had ability or not; and in the majority of eases the men appointed were military men. The amount of service which this school could render may be judged by the following: In 181*4. 2,833 scholars matriculated, and of these, out of 309 who were examined, only 268 were passed. In the work- shops 615 matriculated, and of these 76 were examined and 35 passed. In said year one title of master workman, one of a skilled man in commerce, one of a mine foreman, and two of skilled mechanics were issued. Regarding titles of men skilled in commerce and mechanics, we ought to say that they were also issued in the municipal atheneum and the University of Santo Tomas. The title of mechanic was conferred after the study of the courses in mathematics, physics, French, and one in applied mechanics, with- out any practical experience, and it may be said that scholars left both centers of education with a purely nominal skill. Regarding those holding titles of men skilled in commerce (peritos) we must do those from the municipal atheneum the justice to say that they were sufficiently expert, although they had no knowledge of languages, while the education of those from the university was very deficient. The plan of instruction in this occupation was alike in all these centers of learning. Nevertheless, from these two latter establishments about seven have graduated with the title of "peritos,” and the same number with the title of skilled mechanics. VI. SCHOOL OF AGRICULTURE. AVe must not confound this school with the agricultural society of the Philippines, an institution created November 15, 1881, and a dependency of the department of general inspection of forests, espe- cially as the separation of these two institutions was effected in July, 1884. The school of agriculture of Manila, theonlv one in the Philippines, was created by royal decree dated November 29, 1887, and its objects were, first, the necessary theoretical and practical education of skilled farmers. Second, education of overseers. Third, to promote, by means of observation, experiment, and investigation, the agricultural progress of the Philippines. In order to enter officially in the study of scientific agriculture it was necessary to be vouched for by a valid certificate, to be of healthy and robust appearance, and to have studied and passed examinations in the following courses in some establish- ment of the secondary education or other properly ac "edited estab- lishments : FIRST YEAR. Elements of agriculture; mathematical problems; practical work in topography; linear and topographical drawing. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 473 SECOND YEAR. Special methods of cultivation; element." of stock breeding; agri- cultural arts; practical work in cultivation and the industries; setting up and management of machines; drawings applied to machines and to plants. THIRD YEAR. Elements of rural economy; accounts and agricultural legislation; general practical work in cultivation, stock breeding, and industry; drawing of plans. The education of overseers was carried on in the agricultural sta- tions, also created at the same time as the school in Manila, for the purpose of doing technical work in analyses of earth, systems of irri- gation, studies of seed, acclimatization of vegetables and animals, study and treatment of epizootic, epiphysis, etc. There were agricultural stations in Isabela de Luzon, Ilocos, Albay, Cebu, Iloilo, Mindinoa, Jolo, and Leyte. The last two were abolished by royal decrees dated, respectively, September 10, 1888, and Decem- ber 7, 1891. The professors in the school were agricultural engineers and their assistants skilled farmers. In the first term of this school, which was begun on July 7, 1887, as this branch of education was a new thing, 33 scholars matriculated in the course for skilled farmers and 22 in the course for overseers. The University of Santo Tomas, both of itself and through the municipal atheneum, issued certificates to skilled farmers and sur- veyors, for which it required mathematics, physics and chemistry, natural history, agriculture, topography, and linear and topographical drawings. An equal number of skilled farmers graduated from each of these two institutions and from the school of agriculture simultaneously, and when the school was not in existence these institutions had a much greater attendance in these branches. Without guaranteeing the truth of the following detail, we put it down: Upon its establishment the school of agriculture tried to secure the exclusive right to issue titles of skilled farmers, but it seems that it did not prevail against the influence of the friars. VII. NAUTICAL SCHOOL. m This school is under the direction of the commanding general of the navy. The profession of pilot of merchant marine is studied in this school. Theoretical instruction is given in the school and practical instruction in navigation. The courses, which covered three years’ study, were as follows: Theory and practice of arithmetic (first year) ; algebra, geometry, and plane trigonometry (second year); spherical trigonometry, cosmog- raphy, and pilotage (third year); topography and topographical and hydrographical drawing (third year). The education acquired in this school was very good, for its staff of professors was excellent, the majority being Filipinos. From this school many pilots of the present merchant marine have graduated. 474 REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. VIII. SUPERIOR SCHOOL OF PAINTING, SCULPTURE, AND ENGRAVING. The reorganization, of this school, formerly called the Academy of Drawing, dates from the year 1892, approximately. From this school, in spite of the miserable artistic instruction given, young Filipinos have graduated greatly benefited, and some of them have won in competitive trials the prize of a scholarship and pension in Madrid, which the municipality of Manila gave every four years. In the new organization this school was separated from the school of arts and trades, their union being impossible, and assumed from that time the name by which it has been known since the year 1898. The courses taught were the following: Principles of the figure, including the entire body, the antique, drapery, and the nude. Color, composition. Landscape, elemental from nature. Water colors, from nature. Sculpture. Engraving on soft substances. Engraving in intaglio. Pictorial anatomy. History and theory of fine art. Perspective. Drawing. The professors were sufficiently capable personas, and some Filipinos were numbered among them. Two hundred to three hundred youths attended this school. IX. SEMINARIES. The seminaries which existed in the Philippines for the purpose of giving priestly education to the youths who desired to receive this catholic sacrament were the following: San Carlos, in Manila, in charge of the Jesuit fathers; that of the congregation of San Vicente de Paul; the Seminary of Cebu, in charge of the same; that of Nueva Caceres (Camarines), under the direction of the same; that of Jaro, under the same direction, and that of Bigan, in charge of the Augustinian fathers. All these seminaries were governed by priests, and all belonged to the secular clergy. These seminaries operated in two wavs: They taught all the courses of the secondary education, and in order to take orders the scholars were taught the following courses more or less extensively, after Inn - ing passed examinations in all of the courses of the secondary educa- tion: Metaphysics, moral theology, liturgy, rubrics, Gregorian chant- ing, dogmatic theology, and theological topics. We have been given to understand that the last two couvses were not obligatory in order to take orders. It is without doubt due to this fact that the education of the Philip- REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 475 pine priests could not congratulate itself upon any of its preceptors, but rather upon its own original spirit. Not much could be expected of it, considering the sad future of the Philippine priests and that the finished education of their future rivals did not suit the Spanish friars. It is certain that, with some very honorable exceptions, Philippine priests have not reached in their ministry the same grade of perfection which their compatriots have reached in other careers. As it is our intention to talk only of education, we refer the reader to one of the many works which have been written on this much- debated matter for information on this subject. The number of scholars in the seminaries of Manila amounted to 60 or 80, and there were a great many more in the provinces. X. MILITARY ACADEMY. The object of this academy, which has now been in existence a long time, was to allow sons of military men resident in the colonies to enter the militia, and to enable soldiers and noncommissioned officers of the army to become officers. To attain this end great influence was necessary for a son of a native — and generally sons of natives had to enlist as soldiers, more especially since the age limit has been lowered. Formerly, when the scale of ages was different in the colonies from the scale in Spain, officers graduated from this academy, but afterwards when the scales were made uniform this academy was closed, and opened again later under different conditions. The scholars who finally graduated in this academy were entered in the general military academy of Spain, in Toledo, which annually gave notice to the academy of Manila of the number of scholars which it could accommodate. . This highly liberal conduct which Spain has observed in this colony in spite of the revolutions which she has had to put down here has been duly responded to by the Philippine military men who have sworn fidelity to Spain, and a good proof of this is the increased num- ber of military Filipinos who have gone to the Peninsula. The courses which were taught in the academy, for those who had formerly been examined in any college in Spain in geography and history, were: Arithmetic and algebra, geometry and trigonometry, French, lineal and topographical drawing. The faculty of the academy was very able, being formed from offi- cers and chiefs of learned bodies, and those who graduated had been properly educated. Examinations were comparatively strict, although influence also was used in favor of some. About a hundred youths, more or less, attended this academy each year. After having read this memorial, even an unobservant mind may acquire an approximate idea of the state of education in the Philip- pines when they became subject to America. By reading this memo- rial the deficiencies of education may be appreciated, its irregularity comprehended, and its thousand anomalies observed. REPORT OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION. 47b What will 1)0 the result of reading this memorial' It would he of great benefit to the Philippines if the American Gov- ernment should establish a radical reform in education, in the first place giving it the form prevailing in America and Europe, further systematizing the secondary education, giving pecuniary aid to young Filipinos who are studying the different professions, which have been comparatively undeveloped in the Philippines, in order .that they may finish their studies in America and Europe, completely reforming the schools of agriculture and arts and trades, for in them rests all hope of the future wealth of the Philippines, and. above all, establishing, as soon as possible, schools of engineering in its different branches which would contribute greatly to the prosperity of this country. Manila, July 3-29, 1899. 1 1ST I) E X . Names of leitnexxes aypearivy before the. Commission ami the svlyects testified ahovt by each. Witnesses. Subjects. McLeod,. T. F. Warner, Edwin H Arellano, Senor Cayetano S Aguinaldo, communication with American army operations naval operations Control of islands, better element desires United States to i retain. Finances, Americans must control the Government, form of self, capacity of natives for natives should be supervised for a time Governors, provincial, how appointed capability of native I nsurgents, advisability of offering terms to Indians in Manila, increased number of character of Licenses, business Meeting in Manila, advisability of inviting better element to. Native officials, corruption of forces, not advisable to raise now provincial governors Negros, rebellion in Peace commission , advisability of Population Priests, influence of Spaniards, influence and sentiment of Subjugated places, only small garrisons necessary for United States, form of government of, unknown to natives. relinquishment of control by Bulacan should be occupied Capital, will be available when good government is established. Chinese, remarks concerning the Coffee raising on island of Orbera Currency, remarks concerning the Food, scarcity of Government, self, capacity of natives for Governor-general should have veto power Insurgents, advisability of issuing proclamation to Labor, wages of, will increase Manila and Dagupan Railway Public works, desirability of starting Railways, lines that would be profitable promotion of, under Spanish rule Rice, production of some years has to be imported formerly exported planting, crops, and harvesting Sugar, brings good prices would pay to engage in production of Troops, number of, required Water power, plenty of Administration of justice and of the treasury, people com- plained of. Administrative council, the Advisory general council should be suppressed Business forms, changes needed in Church, participation of, in government relation of, to state Cortes at Madrid, natives desired representative in Courts present system of, not bad judicial procedure, changes needed in Page. 1 4, 12 4 4 9 12 1,2 5-7-9-12 11 5 10 7 8 10,11,12 6 9 11 13 10 6 4 2 4 8 13 8 9 13 13 16 17,13,19 16 17 14 13 13 13 16 15 15 16 16 14 15 15 15 16 16 14 16 19 22 21,22 24 24.25 22 25.26 22 25 25 477 478 INDEX. .V mms iif irihii'KKin appritrini / Injure llic ( 'ommixxiiin, ile. — Continued. Witnesses. Subjects. Arellano Senor Cayetano S.. Courts, penal code should be reformed civil and commercial codes very good language used in difficult to change interpreters embarrassing administration of justice, people complained of... judges and magistrates Government, natives desired a representative in the Cortes independence, question of, not raised autonomy, natives capable of small amount. participation of church in system good but officials bad administrative functions republican form of, acceptable to Filipinos., general parliament, capable men could be found to send to provinces to a certain extent able to govern themselves composition of, under Spanish rule Laws, all made in Madrid could be intelligently passed by natives under American supervision Taxes, many complaints of question of, should be studied Revolution, how caused McLeod, Neil 1-age. 25 25 25 25 22 21 22 22 23 22 22 24,25,26,27 26 23 23 20 20,21 23 26 26 22 27 Aguinaldo a mere puppet Americas, article signed by Bar, dredging of Becker, Professor, mine report by Camphor produced Chinese, remarks concerning the mestizos Courts, Filipinos should not be appointed judges could be appointed to subordinate posi- tions Customs duties 27 446 31 31 33 33, 31,35,36 41 44 44 48 Disturbing element is of mixed blood Forman, John, on reputation of Tagalog native Government, self, natives could be intrusted with only minimum amount Filipinos in subordinate positions independence impossible natives should be ruled with a strong hand, should be entirely under American control., under Americans, wealth would increase ... municipal Hemp, largely exported to the United States Japanese, but few families in the islands Laws, how they should be made Machinery, a primitive kind used improved varieties greatly demanded used in production of sugar Mestizos resemble the Japanese Mineral resources plentiful coal mines abundant where ‘ound have never been worked . . . Mines, concessions from Spanish Government skill, capital, and railways necessary to develop- ment of Natives, necessary to subdue only a handful troublesome principal producers of hemp and sugar in the southern islands wives of, engaged in hand weaving send product to the United States I’riests, a disturbing element Railroads, country well adapted to cost of Manila and Dagupan Railway where their construction would pay lack of communication causeof country’s poor development pilgrim travel very profitable tobacco provinces could be tapped at Aparri . . . natives fond of travel Rebellion, prior to the, Spaniards governed the islands with small number of troops Religious orders, The The Jesuits Roads, much needed suitable stone available for making Spaniards constructed some good highway* 41 42,43 43 41 47,48 50 48 49,50 46, 47 32 41 44 33 33 34 41 28 28,31 29 29 29. 30 30 27 27 32 33 33 42, 43 36.37 36 2.7 , 38, 39, 40 37 37.38 38 40 42 42,43 42,43 45 45 46 INDEX. 479 .Xaiihs of irilni'vxi K iiji/iKii'iin / tirforc the ( 'oiiiiiiixsioii, i/e. — Oonliiuu'il. Witnesses. McLeod. Neil Loyez. Knriijue Martinez, Senor Tavera ami Tolentino.Senores Sulrjeets. Sanitariums at Benguet ntui Mayjayjay Sugar exported to the I'nited States Schools, a new system should be introduced manual training important general remarks eoneerning Tagalogsa disturbing clement should be kept on their own grounds have no government Taxes, Americans should have charge of collection Tariff not needed Troops, number required to preserve order Spaniards utilized the natives when rebellion occurred two-thirds deserted Government, form of governor-general should be an American ... appointed by United States Government voters should have property qualification. . . Property, amount of, owned by natives none owned by insurgents Ibices of the archipelago languages of Tagalogs, the worst race in the islands demoralized since insurrection against Spaniards began Courts, how constituted judges, salaries of magistrates, salaries and duties of criminal eases, jury system suitable to jurors, qualifications of partly American and partly Filipino, a good system judges of the peace Filipino lawyers, many practiced fees Government, fundamental laws of Spanish system good.. Philippine people not capable of self rule., a limited number of intelligent men could be found to form a legislature a freerformthan formerly could be granted. Laws, how and where made '. mortgages •• Laws of the Indies” Property, registration of amount of, owned by the natives owners intelligent enough to vote for officers .. Filipino peace commission Rosario, Scnor, vice-president of Filipino congress remarks of, relative to securing peace and autonomous government the Philippine assembly Tavern, I)r., written statement presented to, by Philippine Commission, relative to proposed form of government Tolentino. Senor, torture of, by Spaniards remarks of, on the war commissioned to carry messages t i Aguinaldo. Torres, Senor, remarks on universal suffrage form of government taxes Calderon, Scnor Felipe A rchipelago, characteristics of inhabitants Education, remarks concerning Lope/., Senor Angel Filipinos, civil war among, and rebellion against Aguin- aldo Friars must be expelled in interest of peace Luna, General, declared himself dictator effect of, bad for revolution Priests, native, proposed circular to, in interest* f peace .. Pacification of the people, remarks concerning Proportion of people of Batangas who can read ai d writ ■. Abra, the river Aparri, attitude of natives toward United States. . Cocoanut trees, many, grow on the islands Deported men .’. Government, remarks concerning form of much corruption under the old form J Gold, brought down by the Ilpcanos , , Page. 32 •16 46 16 34 41 11 44 49 44 45 45 50,51,52 51 51 51 52.53 53 53 53.54 51 51 51,55,56,57 55 56 56 56’ 59 57 57 57 58 58 58 59 59 55 58 55 56 56 60 60, 62 62,63 62,63,64 66, 67 63 60, 61 61 61 65 65, 66 67 67,135 68, 89 257,258,259, 260,261,262, 263,364,265, 266 146 146 135 135, 136 144 69, 70 67 70 74 71 77 76 72 72 75 480 INDEX. Name* of witnesses appearing before the Omnmmon, eta. — Continued. Witnesses. Subjects. Lopez, Seiinr Angel Collins, Thomas . Melliza, Sefior . Sastron, Sefior Manuel Von Boseli, Adolph. Gold, unexploited mines of, in Benguet Guardia civil, the Head hunters (Gaddanes) Igorrotes, the llocos, governmentof, well disposed toward United States. Judiciary, the system of judges, number of how appointed salaries appeals system was satisfactory to the people a jury system desirable Medicinal plants Mineral deposits Police, pay of , Products of the islands Pueblos, how the people of, are disposed Shops, licenses of Taxes, amount of, per year where sent the eedula persona! fishing tax slaughter tax toll tax on bridges certificates of property in animals house-property tax timber-cutting tax Union, province of, ownership of land in Coffee trees, period required to grow Medicinal plants Mineral deposits — gold, iron, and coal Gum trees Native woods used in house construction and shipbuild- ing firewood, mangrove used for suitable for fine furniture islands well wooded Timber cutting Catholics, influence of Church and state, separation of Consular jurisdiction Courts judges, appointment of Filipinos distrustful of Americans should not be separated from America hospitality of Friars, the cause of resistance to American authority. property of expulsion of Rosario, Sefior, remarks of, concerning Government, form of proposed constitution Indian, character of the Peace, method of securing Spanish newspapers, influence of War, causes of the Page. Courts, the judges were Spaniards and Filipinos .. salaries of how appointed justices of the peace appeals Government, Filipinos capable of larger share in. Governor, council of the regulations proposed by Governor-General, powers of the Governors of provinces, duties salaries perquisites Filipinos not appointed . Laws, no changes to suggest Provincial junta, powers of Burcas, port of timber in no government there Coffee, planting of 75 78 75 75 71 73 73 73 73 73,74 74 74 75, 76 75 78 74 72 78 76 76 7(i 76 77 77 77 77 78 78.79 79 88 91 92 91 79-92 79.80 80 81,82,89 91 82, 83,84,85, 86 92 100 99 96 95.96.97 96 94.98 97 99 93. 99 93 93 99 99, 100 94. 95. 97 101,102 99 92.93.98 98 98 102 106 106 106 106 106 106 106 102, 103, 104 103 104 105,106 105 105 105 107 107 108 110 110 110 116 INDEX. 481 Names of witnesses appearing before the Commission , etc. — Continued. Witnesses. Subjects. rage. Von Bosch, Adolph Friars, harsh treatment of Government, Vicols and Tagalogs capable of subordinate positions in Americans should control overthrow of Spanish Natives who have interests favor the Americans Spaniards, harsh treatment of Tagalogs, a troublesome race had no regular government extorted money were oppressive Timber cutting, best business in Philippines 110 110 110 109 109 111 108 109 109 109 111,112,113, 111,115 Gonzaga, Pilar, Barreto, and Zialcita, Seiiores Aguinaldo, emissaries of anxious to finish war Counselors and judges, Filipinos lit to serve as. Courts Government, proposed form of proposed meeting provisional 116 116 117,118 126 127 117,118 117 119, 120, 121, 122,123,124, 125, 126 Albert, Sefior Jos<5 Aguinaldo, position occupied under American sovereignty, vote to recognize Congress, the revolutionary purpose of was to form a constitution Courts, organization of judges, appointment of Government, proposed autonomous constitution Luna, General, movements of Mabina, government of Paterno chosen head of new cabinet Peace, committee appointed to negotiate Property rights, protection of Religious orders, expulsion of confiscation of property Suspension of hostilities Fabie, Angel Aguinaldo, appointed captain of the port by Aguinaldo, Thomas, organized a gang to plunder the towns American domination preferred all the sound-minded natives in favor of Filipino man-of-war, offered command of the first Filipinos get their ideas from their leaders Germany, reported sale of islands to Government, when Americans succeed in establishing, “ Filipinos will be more American than the Americans” natives not now capable of self-rule officials, number required Katapunin, the, a secret society Manguianes, the Manila, people of, desire to learn English Mindoro, population of rich in resources fever there quinine efficacious native cattle very good Religious orders Zialcita, Sefior Arcadio friars, opposition to expulsion of Revolution, review of Sambon, insurgent governor of Mindoro Schools should be established and English taught Timurao, a species of buffalo Tulisanes lived by plunder under Spanish rule, but are now honest people 127 128 128, 129 128 128 131,132 132 130,131 129 128 129 129, 134 133 132 132 134 136 136 136,137 138 141 139 146 140 142 142 142. 143 138 142 143 138 143 143 144 144 143 143 144 266,267 138 143 141.144 142 146 Filipinos, best element of, favor the Americans. . . Government, temporary form autonomy should be accepted Insurgent territory, description of visit to Interview with, requests that it be not published Leyte, island of, conditions in peace, how to bring about Luna, General, killing of Paterno, Pedro, meeting with Rice, distribution of 150, 152 151 146 147 146 149 149 148 147 150,151 p c — voL, 2 31 482 INDEX, Xamss of witnesses appearing before the Commission, etc. — Continued. Witnesses. Subjects. Page. Baibas. Sefior Bemaneio . Baland. William A Legat'd a, Senor Benito. Barnes, Charles Tlderton. Warner, Edwin H Brown, R. W Jones. H. B. C . Ongcakwe, A. R. M Banking, remarks on Banco Espanol-Filipino shareholders of stock, where held . capital Currency, general remarks concerning Freight, high rate of, in Philippines Hemp, almost all of, exported to America Sugar, largely exported to China and Japan American trade, prospect of Agricultural implements Banking Chinese, remarks concerning mestizo or half-caste a bad race Aguinaldo a mestizo exclusion, effect of Cotton, would be a good market for, in China and Japan. Courts, establishment of personnel of Beath, causes of, in Philippines Government, should be administered by Vnited States. . . municipal civil form should be speedily established . . Health of foreigners in Philippines Hemp, a sufficient quantity now raised Machinery ’ Police, corruption of, a cause of the revolution Railroads Typhoons and earthquakes Chinese, remarks concerning. . . mestizo, the Currency, remarks concerning . Government: Civil Municipal Chinese, remarks concerning Currency, general remarks on Exportation, sugar and hemp principal articles of . Natives, a sufficient number of laborers i > among brought up in a bad school many capable of taking part in public affairs Railway, the Manila and Bagupan, increased rice produc- tion 100 per cent Chinese, remarks concerning . Cotuts, establishment of Currency, remarks concerning. Flour, importations of Native as a workman Petroleum, importations of Railway, the Manila and Bagupan, has increased rice pro- duction 50 per cent the Manila and Bagupan, built by the natives... Banks and banking Chartered Bank of India, China, and Australia, agent of. Chinese, remarks concerning mestizos Courts, establishment of Foreigners who control trade of the islands Banking Chinese, remarks concerning . . mestizos, the Courts, establishment of Currency, remarks concerning. Hemp centers Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, in charge of . Chinese, remarks concerning . Sugar, exporter of 152 158,159 159 160 ICO ICO 152-158 157 157 157 ICO 1G9 169 162, 163 163, 164, 165, 167,168 167 168 172, 173 172 173 174 172 174 175 175 172 170,171,172 169, 170 174, 175 170 170 176 178, 179, 180 179 176,177,178 181 180,181 182 187,188,189 182, 183, 184, 185,180, 187 182 190 190 190 188 191 198, 199,200, 201 200,201 192, 193, 194, 195, 196,197 194 200 194 200 200 201 208,209 201 204,205,206 205 206,207 207 209 212,213,214. 215 215,216,217 216 217.218 210,211,212, 213,214,215 218 209 218 218.219 218 INDEX. 488 Nam fit of witnesses appearing before the Commission, etc. — -Continued. Witnesses. Subjects. Page. Palancft, Carlos Business engaged in Chinese name of remarks concerning mestizos, the Mines — gold, copper, iron, tin, and coal Products of the Philippines Knensle, A 219 219 219 220,221,222, 223,224,225, 224 223, 272, 275 271,272,273, 274,276,277 225 Flexner, Dr. Simon Chinese, remarks concerning mestizos, the Courts, establishment of Currency, remarks on Filipinos, will not work insurgents not worth much government by them would be worse than under the Spaniards Government, Filipinos not capable of self-rule could be educated for form adapted to municipal Diseases prevalent in Philippines fevers— malarial and typhoid. “ dengue” intestinal Barker, Dr. L. F. diarrhea and dysentery most fatal beriberi leprosy tuberculosis venereal Pathology, professor of Residence, Philadelphia, Pa Anaemia, a common complaint in Philippines Climate, nature of the 228, 229 229 230 226, 227 229 229 229 230 230 230 231 231 232 232 232 232 232 232.233 235, 236 233. 234 235 231 231 236 237 237 effect on Americans 237 Paya, Santiago. Cholera, protection against Health, rules for preserving in Philippines Heat prostration Leprosy, transmission of Malaria Morgue, necessity of a public Pathological anatomy, professor of Rainy season a cause of dysentery Soldiers, health of the Sun, effect of the Venereal diseases Williams, O.F.. United States consul, Manila. Municipal Atheneum, the Natives readily learn to read and write Normal school, the San Juan de Letran, College of University of Santo Tomas, rector of foundation of, and courses Chinese, remarks concerning. Education of the natives Insurrection, a review of the . Saderra, Miguel Self-government, capacity of natives for. United States courts, establishment of. . . Education, remarks concerning Torra, Pedro Education, remarks concerning. McLeod, J.T.B Banks and banking Chinese, the Commerce Compania Maritima Currency, remarks on Mail contract and routes Mines, coal gold Native woods Navigation, dangers to, very great Manila observatory an aid to rivers and harbors, improvement of. 242 237, 238, 239 237 237 239. 240 241, 242 237 239 240.241 238 241 242 245 249 245 243, 244 242 243,244 249 252,253,254 256 249,250,251, 252 256 255, 256 278, 279, 280, 281,282,283, 287,288 284,285,286, 287, 288, 289, 290 308, 309 309 290 294 306, 307, 308 290,291,292, OQQ 303, 304 305 295 300, 301 301 301,302,303 484 iNDEX. Names of vntnesses appearing before the Commission, etc. — Continued. Witnesses. McLeod, J.T.B Kline, William Higgins, H. L Donaldson-Sim,F. H Camps, Jose Ashton, Harold Bourns, Dr. Frank S IjOyzaga, Sen or Legarda, Sefior Benito Subjects. Page. Peace, effect of Railroads, building of Sailing vessels, manned by Filipinos Steamers, lines of 296 304, 305 299 291,292,294, 295, 296, 297, New York and Java Trading Company, member of firm... Railways, proposed new lines 298 310 310,311,312, 313 cost of construction Manila and Ilagupan Railway, general manager of when constructed has increased production. cost of construction not a pecuniary success. . . proposed new lines 312 313 313 314 314,318,319 314 315,316,318, 320 products carried natives fond of travel passenger and freight rates Chinese, remarks concerning Self-government, natives no capacity for Tea and coffee planter Benguet, proposed sanitarium agricultural products mineral resources temperature general description of province, its inhabitants and products 317 317 318,319 321,322 318 323 323,324 325 326 326,327 327,328,329, 330,331,332 Trinidad, province of Benguet, proprietor of sanitary hotel in a resort for invailds climate medicinal waters — native fruits population Benguet, province of, has many mines Igorrotes, the religion of furnished no recruits t o insurgen t arm y earthquakes Holiday, Wise & Co., member of firm Chinese, remarks concerning Currency, general remarks on 332 332 333 333,334 334 335 335 335, 336 335 ' 337 337 338 340,341,342, 343, 344, 345 338,339,340, 347 Courts, establishment of Filipinos, physical characteristics Importation of cotton goods, machinery, etc Jews, a few peddlers in Manila Self-government, natives no capacity for Tariff, the Chief Surgeon Volunteer Army with rank of major Chinese, immigration of, should be restricted Currency Description of former visits to Philippines Duties performed by Foreigners, attitude of, toward American sovereignty — Friars, antagonism to the Government, form of 345, 346 344 346 315 343,344 347 347 367 368 347 349,350,351 352 363 353,354,358, 359, 360 independence, natives not fit for. anarchy would result. Negros, constitution of 352 352 354, 355, 356, 357 Insurgent army, treatment of, when peace is restored Missionaries should be encouraged to come Natives peaceful and inclined to respect authority Spaniards, sentiment of, toward Americans Tagalogs, where found Taxation, Spanish system of Visayan gronp, principal islands El Comcrcio, director of Friars, immorality of _ antagonism to, a cause of the revolution Government, form of, under Spanish rule the church took part in all branches form of, suited to the Filipino Spanish press, influenceof Aguinaido, money received by, from Spain hostility of, toward Americans 363 364 361 366 362 361 358 369 370 371 369 370 371,372,373 374,375, 376 376 379 381,382 INDEX. 485 Names of witnesses appearing before the Commission, etc. — Continued. Witnesses. Subjects. Page. Legarda, Sefior Benito. Aguinaldo, proclaims independence admission of, that he was not promised inde- pendence where he procured arms expected to enter Manila with Americans planned to plunder city and attack the Amer- icans showed repeated acts of hostility called a meeting of chiefs for purpose of mak- ing war prepared for attack Biac-na-Bato, peace treaty of Destruction of Spanish fleet, natives glad of Filipino soldiers committed robberies thought the Americans cowards congress dominated by Aguinaldo Hostilities, outbreak of Americans tried to prevent signal agreed upon Independence not thought of Insurgent cabinet Katipunan Society, the Aguinaldo a member “ Popular clubs,” formation of, for spreading anti-Ameri- can feeling Revolution of 1896, causes of Spanish treatment of Filipino prisoners 381 381 382 383 383 384 384 385 379 380 385 385 387 385, 386 385 386 379 388 377, 384 377 384 376, 377 377,378,379 Tavera, Dr. Pardo de Aguinaldo, personality of American sovereignty acceptable to efforts to arrive at settlement with American protectorate for Philippines soldiers insulted Biac-na-Bato peace treaty, history of Executions, political, occasions for merriment ladies attended regarded as a patriotic spectacle Filipino revolution, review of events leading up to troops, officers of, regarded the Americans as cowards Friars a great cause of irritation to Filipinos assassination of 388 390. 392 391.392 397 391 397 394,395,396 401 402 402 389,390 393 395, 399 396 Xerez, Sefior Luzuriaga, Sefior Hostilties, outbreak of, necessary and inevitable Aguinaldo advised to start them before arrival of American reenforcements Katipunan Society, the membership Malolos constitution, the native commission prepared by government “Popular clubs” organized to promote anti-American sentiment Revolution, causes of the uprising against the Spaniards . . Rizal,a political novelist influence of arrested and banisned at friars’ instance opposed to the revolution executed by the Spaniards Physician Education Filipino priests Friars, the part taken by, in government treated the people harshly system of taxation ridiculed natives who spoke Spanish expulsion of are very rich Natives, character of are abstemious dress of the women ancient religion of, still preserved Self-government, natives not capable of Negros, island of, president of the Congress conditions in Babaylanes, the civil government constitution of education Chinese, the courts, the climate healthy 397, 398 398 399 399 392, 393 392 391,392 392 398, 399 399 400 400 401 401 402 412 405,406 402 403 403,404,408 403, 404, 407 407 410 413 411 411 410 409,410 412, 413 414 414.415.416 415.416.417 416 416 417 417 417 418 486 INDEX. Names of witnesses appearing before the Commission, etc. — Continued. Witnesses. Subjects. Page. 419 Friars, hostility to 419,420,421 property, taxation of 422 banks, establishment of 422 railroads 422 shipping 422 INDEX OF EXHIBITS. ■ Page. Exhibit I. Taxes collected by the revolutionary leaders 423 II. Memorandum of Chan Quiensien (Carlos Palanca) 425 III. Aguinaldo to brother Filipinos asking a Christmas present 427 IV. Memorandum on the Chinese in the Philippines by Gabriel Garcia Ageo 432 V. Memorandum on the Philippines by “Americus” 446 VI. Public instruction in the Philippines during the time of Spanish sovereignty 456 SUBJECT INDEX. Principal matters testified to by witnesses whose testimony is presented herein. Page. Aguiualdo, communication with 4, 12 a mere puppet 27 Albert, Senor Jos4, position occupied by, under 128 Gonzaga, Pilar, Barreto, Zialcita, Senores, emissaries 116, 117, 118 Fabie, Angel, appointed captain of the port by 136 a mestizo 168 money received by, from Spain 379 hostility of, toward Americans 381 proclaims independence 381 admission of, that he was not promised independence 381 where he procured arms 382 expected to enter Manila with Americans 383 planned to plunder city and attack Americans 383 showed repeated acts of hostility 384 called a meeting of chiefs for purpose of making war 384 prepared for attack 385 personality of 390, 392 American sovereignty acceptable to 391, 392 efforts to arrive at settlement with 397 to brother Filipinos asking a Christmas present 427 anxious to finish the war 117 Aguinaldo, Thomas, organized a gang to plunder the towns 136, 137 Administrative council, the 21, 22 Advisory general council should be suppressed 24 American army operations 4 naval operations 4 4 control of the islands, better native element desires 9 sovereignty, vote to recognize 128, 129 domination preferred 138 all sound-minded natives in favor of 141 trade, prospect of 169 protectorate for Philippines 391 soldiers insulted 397 “Americus,” article signed by 446 Archipelago Philippine, characteristics of inhabitants 68, 69 Agricultural implements 169 Banks and banking, Baibas, Senor Bernancio, remarks of, concerning 158, 159 Banco Espanol-Filipino 159, 160 Daland, 'William A., remarks of, concerning 162, 163 Brown, R. W., remarks of, concerning 208,209 Jones, H. D. C., remarks of, concerning 212,213,214,215 McLeod, J. T. B., remarks of 308,309 Luzuriaga, Senor, remarks of 422 Chartered Bank of India, China, and Australia 201 Benguet, province of 323-337 Biac-na-bato, peace treaty of 379 history of 394,395,396 Camphor produced .• 33 Capacity of Natives for self-government, etc. (See Government.) Capital will be available when good government is established 16 Catholics, influence of, in the islands 100 Chartered Bank of India, China, and Australia 201 487 488 INDEX. Page. Chinese, useful but unpopular 17 a great drain on the country 17 good distributers of merchandise 17 remit all their earnings to China 17, 187 natives will do coolie work 18 unpopular in Samar 18 much given to cheating 18 many places won’t have them 18 Spaniards allowed entry of, only as coolies for field work 18 head tax under Spanish rule 18, 34, 35, 201, 221 , 222 set up small shops after accumulating a little money 19 if excluded work would be done by natives 19 women not allowed to enter 19 troublesome half-breed population 19 Aguinaldo has Chinese blood 19 work the hemp plantations 33 are industrious people 33 more of them wanted 33 work on the sugar plantations 34 supplanted the Indians in hard work 34 to-day do all the work 34 should not be excluded 34 should be allowed free entrance 34, 223, 228, 229 orderly and easily governed 35 have taken no part in the war 35 the Indios have maltreated them 35 do not bring their wives 35 a big source of revenue to the Spaniards 35 trading licenses for, should be restricted 35 needed only to take the place of the Tagalogs 36 mestizos all bad 41, 167 resemble the Japanese 41 number of, in Manila 163, 218 day laborers and storekeepers 163, 164 pay of 164 Filipinos trade with 163 remain in the cities 164 character of 164 Spaniards regarded them favorably 164 Filipinos against them 165, 179, 188, 198 entry of, should be restricted 165, 166, 167, 179, 180 after making money they return home 165 women, coming of, desirable 167 education of 167, 168 prefer rule of white men 168 Aguinaldo a mestizo 168 exclusion, effect of 172, 173, 188, 254 not honest merchants 178, 322 work better than the Indian 178 engage in commerce : 178 number of, in Manila 178 a demoralizing people 178 have their own laws 178 should not be allowed suffrage 179 mestizo a good citizen and hard worker 179 not desirable citizens 187 intermarry and produce a bad race — the mestizos 187, 190 will not become agriculturists 188 mestizos unreliable 188 natives slaughtered them 189, 222 are good citizens generally, but dishonest 198 first-rate coolies 498 save their money and start small stores 198 take no part in government — a quiet people 198 mestizos, the 199 admission of, as contract laborers 199 INDEX. 48(.) Page. Chinese, regard the United States with more favor than other governments. . 199, 254 their exclusion would not affect industries 201 of great service to importing firms 204 many have become rich and important merchants 205 as laborers, are necessary for the country’s advancement 205 Filipinos opposed to them 205, 217 character of, in business 205 take no interest in politics 205 mestizos are very tricky 205 necessary to let the coolies in 205, 206 superior to Filipinos as workmen . 34, 206 entry of, should be restricted 215, 216, 217 more skilled than the native 215 their labor necessary 216 are great merchants 216 the mestizos a bad lot 216 are merchants and peddlers 218 are good people 218 number of, in Philippine Islands 219, 220, 339 are engaged in agriculture 219 friendly toward the United States. 219 are law abiding 219 they should be admitted 219 Palanca, Carlos, head man of Chinese under Spanish rule 20 mortality among 220, 221 number coming yearly - 221 industrious and good workmen 222 wages of, per day 224 mestizos are very wealthy 224 those coming to the Philippines are uneducated 224 registration of 225 under good laws would be good people 228 do not perform much agricultural work 228 anxious to locate under any civilized government 228 Filipinos will not work 229 get along well with the Filipinos 229 mestizos or half castes dangerous 229 character of 252, 309 cooly system 252 should be admitted only for contract work 321 are traders 340 fairly honest 340 immigration, restriction of 340, 341, 342, 344, 367 occupations of, in island of Negros 417 memorandum of Chan Quiensien (Carlos Palanca) 425 memorandum on the Chinese in the Philippines by Gabriel Garcia Ageo 432 Church and state, separation of 99 relation of, to state 25,26 participation of, in government 22 Cholera, protection against, remarks of Dr. L. F. Barker 242 Climate, effect of, on Americans, remarks of Dr. L. F. Barker 237 Coffee raising 16. 116 trees, period required to grow ’. 88 Consular jurisdiction 96 Control of islands, better native element desires United States to retain 9 Congress, the revolutionary congress 128 Cortes, natives desired a representative in 22 Cotton, would be a good market for, in China and Japan. 172 Cocoanut trees, many grow in the islands 77 Counselors and judges, Filipinos fit to serve as 126 Commerce 290 Compania Maritima 294 Courts, present system of, not bad 25 judicial procedure, changes needed in 24, 25 penal code should be reformed 25 490 INDEX. Papa Courts, civil and commercial codes are very good 25 language used in, difficult to change 25 interpreters embarrassing 25 administration of justice, people complained of 22 judges and magistrates 21 Filipinos should not be appointed judges 44 could be appointed to subordinate positions 44 how constituted 55, 56, 57, 73 judges, salaries of 55 magistrates, salaries and duties 56 criminal cases, jury system suitable to 56 jurors, qualifications of 56 partly American and partly Filipino a good system 59 judges of the peace " 57 Filipino lawyers, many practiced 57 fees 57 judges, number of 73 how appointed and salaries 73, 96, 106, 132 appeals 73, 74, 106 system was satisfactory to the people 74 a jury system desirable 74 judges were Spaniards and Filipinos 106 justices of the peace 106 establishment of 173, 200, 201, 206, 207, 217, 218, 230, 344, 345, 417 Currency, remarks of Edwin H. Warner 17, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197 Sehor Bernancio Baibas 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158 Senor Benito Legarda 176, 177, 178 Charles Ilderton Barnes 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187 A. Kuensle 226, 227 J. T. B. McLeod 306, 307, 308 Harold Ashton 338,339,340,347 Dr. Frank S. Bourns 368 Customs duties 48 Death, causes of, in Philippines 172 Deported men 76 Destruction of Spanish fleet by Americans, natives glad of 380 Disturbing element is of mixed blood 41 Diseases prevalent in Philippines 232 fevers, malarial and typhoid 232, 239, 240 “dengue” 232 intestinal 232 . diarrhea and dysentery most fatal 232 beriberi , 232,233 leprosy 235, 236 transmission of 237 tuberculosis 233, 234 venereal 235, 241 anaemia, a common complaint 237 rainy season a cause of dysentery 239 Earthquakes 170,336 Education, was under the control of the religious orders 46, 456 a new system should be. introduced 46 manual training important 46 remarks of Senor Felipe Calderon concerning 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266 new schools should be established and English taught 143 natives readily learn to read and write 249 municipal atheneum, the 245 normal school, the 245 San Juan de Letran, College of 243, 244 Santo Tomas, University of 242, 243, 244 remarks of United States Consul 0. F. Williams 256 Miguel Saderra 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 287, 288 Pedro Torra 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 290 Senor Xerez 412 INDEX. 491 Page. Education, remarks of Sefior Luzuriaga 417 public instruction in the Philippines during the time of Spanish sovereignty 456 Executions, political, occasions for merriment 401 Spanish ladies attended 402 regarded as a patriotic spectacle 402 Exportation, sugar and hemp principal articles of 182 Filipinos, civil war among, and rebellion against Aguinaldo 146 distrustful of Americans 94, 98 should not be separated from America 97 hospitality of 99 get their ideas from their leaders 146 best element of, favor the Americans 150, 152 will not work 229 the insurgents not worth much 229 government by them would be worse than under the Spaniards 229 physical characteristics 344 their soldiers committed robberies 385 thought the Americans cowards 385, 393 congress of, dominated by Aguinaldo 387 revolution of, review of events leading up to 389, 390 native priests 405, 406 character of 411 are abstemious 411 dress of the women 410 ancient religion of, still preserved 409, 410 Aguinaldo to, asking a Christmas present 427 peace commission of 60,62 Finances, Americans must control the 12 Food, scarcity of 14 Forman, John, on reputation of Tagalog native 42, 43 Flour, importation of 194 Foreigners who control trade of the islands 207 attitude of, toward American sovereignty 352 Freight, high rate of, in Philippines 157 Friars. (See Religious orders. ) Germany, reported sale of islands to 140 Government: Self-government, capacity of natives for 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 23, 43, 58, 59, 72, 142, 190, 230, 256, 318, 3.44, 352, 371, 372, 373, 412, 413 natives should be supervised for a time 11 desired a representative in the Cortes 22 independence, question of, not raised 22 impossible 47, 48 not thought of 379 natives not fit for 352 anarchy would result 352 would be worse than under the Spaniards. 229 plan proposed by President of the United States 117 proposed form of 1, 2, 59, 63, 65, 66, 72, 94, 95, 97, 110, 117, 118, 151, 174, 230, 231, 353, 354, 358, 359, 360, 371, 372, 373 autonomy, natives capable of small amount 23 should be accepted 146 constitution of Negros 354, 355, 356, 357 republican form acceptable to Filipinos 26 participation of church in 22 administrative functions 24, 25, 26, 27 general parliament, capable men could be found to send to 23 natives could be intrusted with only a minimum amount of self-rule 43 Filipinos in subordinate positions under 44, 110 should be ruled with a strong hand 50 should be entirely under American control 48 American control of, wealth would increase under 49, 50, 110 governor-general 51 492 INDEX. Government — Continued. P Former system good, but officials bad Municipal 4G, 47, 175, 180, 181, Voters should have a property qualification Spanish system, fundamental laws of, good Legislature, a limited number of intelligent men could be found to form.. A freer form than formerly could be granted Much corruption under the old form Filipinos capable of larger share in Americans should control Spanish, overthrow of Proposed meeting concerning Provisional 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, Proposed autonomous constitution 62, 03, 64, 130, When Americans succeed in establishing, “Filipinos will be more Ameri- can than the Americans” Officials, number required 142, Temporary form Should be administered by United States Civil form should be speedily established 175, Filipinos could be educated for Form under Spanish rule Church took part in all branches Civil government Governors, provincial, how appointed capability of native t Governor-general should be an American should have veto power powers of Governors of provinces, duties 105, salaries perquisites Filipinos not appointed Governor, council of the - 102, 103, regulations proposed by Head hunters (Gaddanes) Health of foreigners in Philippines the soldiers 240, rules for preserving 237, 238, Heat prostration Hemp, largely exported to the United States 32, a sufficient quantity raised 170, 171, centers of Hongkong and Shanghai Bank Hostilities, outbreak of 385, Americans tried to prevent signal agreed upon necessary and inevitable 397, Aguinaldo advised to start them before arrival of Amer- ican reenforcements proposed suspension of Importation of cotton goods, machinery, etc Insurgents, advisability of offering terms to. . issuing proclamation to army of, treatment when peace is restored cabinet of - territory of, Senor Zialcita describes visit to own no property Insurrection, a review of the 249, 250, Japanese, but few families in the Philippines Jews, a few peddlers in Manila — Judiciary. (See Courts.) Katapuiiin, the, a secret society 138, 377, 384, Aguinaldo a member “Laws of the Indies” Laws, how and where made 59, could be intelligently passed by natives under American supervision npe. 22 231 51 58 58 59 72 106 110 109 117 126 131 142 143 151 174 181 230 369 370 416 5 10 51 13 104 106 105 105 105 104 103 75 172 241 239 237 157 172 218 205 386 385 386 398 398 134 345 7 13 363 388 147 53 251 41 345 399 377 58 107 23 INDEX. 493 Tago. Leyte, island of, conditions in 149 Luna, General, declared himself dictator 135, 136 movements of 129 killing of 148 Mabina, government of 128 Machinery, improved varieties greatly demanded 33, 34, 169, 170 Mail contract and routes 290, 291, 292 Manila and Dagupan Railway 15, 188, 200, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320 Medicinal plants 75, 76 Meeting in Manila, advisability of inviting better element to 9 Mineral resources: Mines, coal abundant 28,31 where found 29,92,303,304,335 concessions from Spanish Government 29, 30 skill, capital, and railways necessary to develop 30 gold 75, 92, 305 copper, iron, and tin 223, 272, 275 Missionaries, Protestant, should be encouraged to come 364 Morgue, necessity of a public 241,242 Mortgages 55 Natives, officials corrupt 11 necessary to subdue 27 only a handful troublesome 27 principal producers of hemp and sugar in the southern islands 32 wives of, engaged in hand weaving 33 product sent to the LTnited States 33 those who have interests favor the Americans 109 capacity of, as workmen 200 many capable of taking part in public affairs 190 character of 411 are abstemious : 411 ancient religion of, still preserved 409, 410 peaceable and inclined to respect authority 303, 361 not advisable to raise forces of, now 13 Native woods 295 used in house construction and shipbuilding 79, 80 suitable for fine furniture 81, 82, 89 Negros, island of, conditions in 414, 415, 416, 417, 418, 419, 420, 421, 422 rebellion in 5 Pacification of the people, remarks of Senor Calderon 69, 70 Paterno, Pedro, chosen head of new cabinet 129 Peace commission, advisability of . 4 method of securing 92, 93, 98 effect of restoration 296 committee appointed to negotiate 129, 134 Petroleum, importation of 194 Philippines, memorandum on by “Americus” 446 Police, corruption of a cause of the revolution 174, 175 pay of 78 Population 2 “ Popular clubs,” organization of, to promote anti-American sentiment 384,392 Priests, influence of 4 a disturbing element 42, 43 native, proposed circular to, in interest of peace 144 Products of the islands 74, 271, 272, 273, 274, 276, 277 Property, amount of, owned by natives 52, 53, 56 none owned by insurgents 53 registration of 55 owners intelligent enough to vote 56 rights, protection of 133 Provincial junta, powers of 107 Proportion of people of Batangas able to read and write 67 Public instruction in the Philippines during the time of Spanish sovereignty . 456 works, desirability of starting 15 Races of the archipelago 53 Railways, lines that would be profitable 16, 37, 38, 39, 40, 170 494 INDEX.. Pase. Railways, promotion of, under Spanish rule 16 necessary to develop the mines 30 the Manila and Dagupan. . . 15, 188, 200, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320 passenger and freight rates 318, 319 lack of communication cause of country’s poor development 37 country well adapted to building of 36,37 pilgrim travel very profitable 37, 38 natives fond of travel 40 proposed new lines 304, 305, 310, 311, 312, 313 Rebellion, prior to, Spain governed the islands with a small number of troops. 42 Religious orders controlled the system of education 46,456 priests, influence of 4 a disturbing element 42, 43 Jesuits, the 42,43 friars, cause of resistance to American authority 93 expulsion of 99, 132, 144 Rosario, remarks of, concerning 99, 100 property of 93 confiscation of 132 taxation of 422 hostility to 143, 363, 419, 420, 421 a great cause of irritation 395, 399 assassination of 396 part taken by, in government 403 treated the people harshly 403, 404, 408 immorality of 370, 419, 420, 421 a cause of the revolution 371 Revolution, cause of the uprising against the Spaniards 22, 376, 377 a review of 266, 267, 389, 390 Rice, production of 14 importation of 15 formerly exported 15 planting, crops and harvesting 15 distribution of 150,151 Manila and Dagupan Railway increased the production of 188, 200, 314 Rizal, a political novelist 399 arrested and banished at friars’ instance 400 executed by the Spaniards *. 401 Roads much needed 45 suitable stone available for making 45 Spaniards constructed some good highways 46 Sanitariums 39, 40 Schools. (See Education.) Soldiers, health of the 240, 241 Spaniards, influence and sentiment of 8 newspapers of, influence 98 harsh treatment of prisoners by Filipinos Ill Spanish treatment of Filipino prisoners 377, 378, 379 Steamers, lines of 291, 292, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298 Subjugated places, only small garrisons necessary for 13 Sugar, brings good prices 16 would pay to engage in production of 16 exported to the United States 32 China and Japan 157 Sun, effect of the 238 Tagalogs, a disturbing element 41, 108 should be kept on their own grounds 41 have no government 41, 109 worst race in the islands 51 demoralized since insurrection against Spaniards began 54 extorted money 109 were oppressive - 109 where found 362,419 Tariff, the 10 Taxation, many complaints of 26 question should be studied 26 INDEX. 495 Tago. Taxation, Americans should have charge of collection 44 amount collected per year j 76 where sent 76 the cedula personal 76 fishing tax ; 76 slaughter tax 76 toll tax on bridges 77 certificates of property in animals 77 house-property tax 77 timber-cutting tax 78 taxes collected by the revolutionary leaders 423 Spanish system 361 Timber cutting 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115 best business in the Philippines 114 Trinidad, climate, products, and population 332, 333, 334, 335 Typhoons 17o United States, form of government of unknown to natives 8 opinion of relinquishment of control of islands by 9 Union, province of, ownership of land in 78, 79 Visayan group, principal islands ' 358 War, causes of the 98 Date Due Mrr- 1 D PRINTED IN U. S. A.