^ FEB 20 '^^'1 N; . i^ H flUanual of Cbutcb IHistor^ w OF rr ,^Y > ^^Q 20 ALBERT HENRY NEWMAN, D,a, LL.D. Tro/essor of Church History in "Baylor University Author of "// History of the baptist Churches in the United States " "y^ History of ^nti-Pedobaptism," etc. Volttme II ^oDetn Cburcb Bistot^ (A.D. J5I7-I903) Philadelphia Bmerican JBaptist ipubllcation Society 1903 Copyright 1902 by the American Baptist Publication Society Published January, 1903 from tbe Society's own press TO /iDar^ BuQusta limare thi wife of mj font It, to whose self-sacrificing devotion and constant encouragement I am indebted to an incalculable extent for ■whatever I have been able to accomplish as student, teacher, and writer THIS VOLUME IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED PREFACE The second volume of the " Manual of Church His- tory " is now put forth as the completion of a task assumed about twenty-five years ago, when the author was just half his present age. If it should be found measurably to fulfill the purposes for which it was planned and has been laboriously prepared, the publication of the volume will be to the author a two-fold source of satis- faction as involving relief from the pressure of a long- borne burden and a consciousness of having contributed something toward the advancement of one of the noblest departments of study. The unanimous and hearty commendation of the first volume by professors of church history and other scholars of the various evangelical denominations on both sides of the Atlantic, and the extent to which it has been adopted as a text-book in theological seminaries and uni- versities of different denominations has stimulated the author to endeavor to make the present volume even worthier of acceptance. He is well aware that the ground traversed in this portion of the work abounds in matters that are still controverted among evangelical Christians, and he can only hope that scholars of other denominations who have praised him for fair-mindedness on the ground of his handling of difficult and delicate questions in his earlier volumes will give him credit for single-minded devotion to truth even when his conclu- sions involve the censure of positions that they may cherish. The author is not conscious of having swerved a hair's breadth from his conception of what absolute truth required him to state because of devotion to the interests of his own denomination or of animosity toward another. It will be noticed that no attempt is made to sketch the history of the Oriental churches during the past four Vi PREFACE centuries. It was felt that anything like an adequate treatment of the subject would require more space than could be spared in a volume already overcrowded with the history of Occidental Christianity during the time covered. it is a pleasure to the author to express his gratitude to Rev. Joseph Leeming Gilmour, B. D., now pastor of the Olivet Baptist Church, Montreal, for the preparation of the index to the present volume. His index to Vol. 1. was appreciated by many readers. A. H. N. Baylor University, Waco, Texas, October, 1902. TABLE OF CONTENTS PERIOD v.— From the Outbreak of the Prot- estant Revolution to the Peace of West- phalia (a. d. 1517-1648J 7-412 Chapter I.— the Protestant Revolution 3-349 I. Introductory 3-22 Survey of the Reformatory Forces of the Later Middle Ages 3 Economic and Social Conditions that Favored Revolution 7 Political Relations and Conditions that Favored Revolution 10 Summary of Circumstances and Events that Pre- pared the Way for Revolution 17 Causes of Failure of Earlier Efforts at Reform . 20 The Problem of Reform 21 II. Humanism and the Reformation 22-40 Humanism as a Preparation for the Protestant Revolution 22 Erasmic Efforts at Reform 36 Erasmus an Opponent of Lutheranism and Zwing- lianism ^7 III. The Lutheran Reformation 40-122 Preliminary Observations 41 Luther's Early Life to 1505 42 Staupitz and Luther 43 Lutheranism as a Revolutionary Movement . . 52 The Peasants' War in its Relations to the Prot- estant Revolution 6g Luther in Conflict with Evangelical Parties ... 82 Demoralizing Elements in Luther's Teachings . 84 Moral and Religious Deterioration as a Result of the Revolution go vii viii CONTENTS Politico- Ecclesiastical Proceedings Affecting Prog- ress of Revolution 93 Concluding Remarks 115 IV. The Zwinglian Reformation 122-148 Political, Social, and Economic Conditions . . . 123 Characteristics of the Swiss Reformation .... 126 Zwingli's Reformatory Work to 1525 127 The Zwinglian Movement from 1525 Onward . . 138 V. The Anti-Pedobaptist Reformation 148-200 Preliminary Observations 149 The Chiliastic Anabaptists 156 Biblical Anabaptists 168 Mystical Anabaptists i8f Pantheistic Anabaptists 185 Anti-trinitarian Anabaptists 187 VI. The Calvinistic Reformation 200-248 Characteristics 201 Characterization of Calvin 202 Sketch of Calvin to 1536 203 Geneva and the Reformation 206 Calvin in Geneva till his Banishment in 1538 . . 209 Calvin's Strasburg Labors 214 Geneva During Calvin's Absence 215 The Genevan Theocracy 217 Renewed Opposition to the Theocracy 220 Calvin as a Controversialist 221 :> Calvinism in France 225 Calvinism in Scotland 235 Calvinism in the Netherlands 244 Calvinism in Other Lands 246 VII. The English Reformation 24S-291 Condition of England at the Beginning of the Reformation 248 Hindrances and Helps 250 Characteristics of the English Reformation . . . 251 Henry VIII. and the Reformation 254 Edward VI. and the Reformation 263 Catholic Reaction under Mary 265 Elizabeth and the Reformation 267 Ecclesiastical Administration of James 1 275 Ecclesiastical Administration of Charles I. . . . 282 CONTENTS ix VIII. The Reformation in Other Lands 291-307 Italy 291 Spain 294 Scandinavian Countries 298 Poland 301 Bohemia and Moravia 303 Austria 304 Hungary and Siebenburgen 304 IX. Theological Controve'rsies 307-349 General Characteristics of Protestant Theology . 307 Controversies Between Lutherans and Reformed 312 Controversies Among the Lutherans 317 Controversies Among the Reformed 328 Chapter 11.— the Counter Reformation 350-389 Attitude of the Papacy Toward the Reformation up to 1540 350 Policy of the Papacy, 1 541 Onward 354 The Council of Trent 355 The Society of Jesus 364 CHAPTER 111.— The Religious Wars of the Six- teenth AND Seventeenth Centuries and THE Peace of Westphalia 390-412 Earlier Religious Wars 390 The Thirty Years' War 392 The Peace of Westphalia 408 PERIOD VL— The Era of Modern Denomina- TIONALISM (1648-I903) 413 Chapter 1.— Characteristics OF THE AGE 415-424 Toleration and Liberty of Conscience 415 Modern Denominationallsm 419 Other Features of the Age 421 CHAPTER II.— THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH . . . 425-578 The Popes of the Modern Period 425 The Jansenist Controversy 467 The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes 480 The Banishment of the Salzburgers 488 The Roman Catholic Church and the French Revolution 492 X CONTENTS Canonization of the Japanese Martyrs 505 Encyclical and Syllabus of 1864 506 Eighteenth Century of the Martyrdom of Peter and Paul 508 The Vatican Council 509 The Culture-Conflict in Germany 513 The Old Catholic Movement 514 The Current Free-from-Rome Movement .... 517 Chapter III.— luiheranism since the peace OF WESTPHALIA 519-567 Economic, Social, and Religious Conditions in Germany at the Beginning of the Period . . 519 Syncretism and Ultra-Lutheranism 520 Pietism and the Pietistic Controversies 525 The Wolffian Philosophy and Lutheran Theology 532 Zinzendorf and the Moravian Brethren 537 Swedenborg and the New Jerusalem Church . . 542 A New Philosophy and a New Theology .... 544 The Evangelical Union of 1817 553 Lutheran Orthodoxy after the Union 555 The New Rationalism 558 The Neo-Lutheran Party 561 The Modern Mediating School 563 Lutheranism in America 563 CHAPTER IV.— THE REFORMED CHURCHES 568-623 The Swiss Reformed Church 568 The Dutch Reformed Church 573 The Dutch Reformed Church in America . . 584 The German Reformed Church 585 The German Reformed Church in America ... 587 -yrhe Reformed Church in France 589 The Churches of the Desert 593 The Camisards and the War of the Cevennes . 594 The Remnant and the Revival 595 The Reformed Churches and the Revolution . . 599 •>The Reformed Church under Napoleon 600 The Scottish Reformed Churches 603 Presbyterianism in Scotland under Charles II. and James II 605 Presbyterianism in Scotland from the Revolution to the Secession 606 CONTENTS xi The Secession and Relief Movements 608 The Free Churcii Movement (1843) 610 Presbyterianism in Ireland 614 Presbyterianism in America 615 Presbyterianism in the Dominion ot Canada . . 622 Presbyterianism in Australia and New Zealand . 623 CHAPTER v.— THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 624-659 Persecuting Measures of Charles II 626 The Act of Toleration 629 The Reactionary Movement 633 King George I. and the Bangorian Controversy . 633 The English Deists 634 High Church Defenders of the Faith 638 Condition of Religious Life in England During First Third of the Eighteenth Century 641 From the Evangelical Revival to tlie Outbreak of the Tractarian Controversy 642 Some Effects of the Great Revival 647 Parties and Controversies in the Church of Eng- land During Nineteenth Century 651 The Tractarian Controversy 651 The Gorham Controversy 653 Broad Church Controversies 654 The Church of England in America 658 CHAPTER VI.— THE GREAT Anglo-American De- nominations 660-713 English Congregationalists 660 American Congregationalism, 1648 Onward . . . 666 The Unitarian Churches 679 The Baptists 681 The Baptists of Great Britain 681 American Baptists 691 Other Anti-Pedobaptist Parties 699 The Methodists and Related Parties 703 British Methodists Since 1791 705 American Methodists 706 Some Related Bodies 707 Some Other Denominations 709 The Society of Friends 709 The Plymouth Brethren 711 General index 715-724 PERIOD V FROM THE OUTBREAK OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION TO THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA (A. D. 15 17-1648) CHAPTER I THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION I. INTRODUCTORY AN attentive reading of the chapters of Period IV. must have made it abundantly evident that the hierarchical church, while it had covered Europe with its organized activities and had constituted a leading factor in the on- ward march of civilization, had become hopelessly cor- rupt. All efforts at reform from within had apparently ended in dismal failure. Evangelical influences of many types and under divers names had been manifestly and powerfully at work since the beginning of the eleventh century throughout Europe and had shown themselves capable of enduring all the fiery tests that for centuries the persecuting hierarchy had been able to bring to bear for their destruction. New modes of thought and study and new views of life had been developed, with the good-will and co-operation of the papacy itself, which could not fail to revolutionize theology and with it eccle- siastical polity and Christian living. It seems important at this stage to pass in review the religious, economic, social, and political forces that necessitated revolution and determined its character. I. Survey of the Reformatory Forces that had been at work during the later [Middle Ages. (i) Non-political, Biblical 'T^eform. The Reformation was not inaugurated by Martin "Luther, nor by the repre- sentatives of the New Learning, nor yet by Wycliffe or Huss. It began much earlier. We have seen the so- called " heretical " (properly biblical) parties protesting with terrible earnestness against the corrupt hierarchy just as it was reaching the summit of its powers, rigid insistence on uniformity of belief and worship bringing out and greatly increasing the latent Christian life. 3 4 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. (2) Patriotic- Realistic Reform. These biblical oppo- nents of the hierarchy persecuted, scattered, and in some regions almost exterminated ; the hierarchy made still more arrogant and unscrupulous by its cruel triumph ; the papacy captured by the king of France and made subservient to French interests ; the papal schism result- ing from efforts to free the papacy from French thraldom ; the national spirit having already, from various causes, been developed ; it would have been strange if Christian patriots had not arisen in the various States of Europe to cry out against the extortions and oppressions to which their fatherlands were subjected by a foreign and un- friendly hierarchy, and it would have been still stranger if such patriotic churchmen had not met with a hearty response from all classes of society. Such movements were the Wycliiifite in England and the Hussite in Bohemia, In these movements the following elements entered : a. Pa- triotic.— Directed chiefly against the fleecing of the peo- ple by foreign priests, who performed no service in re- turn for their extorted revenues, b. %ealistic. — The leaders of these movements, being realists, believed in the reality of the one universal church, corresponding to an exalted ideal. The church of their day had aposta- tized. Financial corruption lay at the root of the degen- eracy of the age. The corrupt hierarchy represented in their view Antichrist. They sought to purge the church of corruption while maintaining a hierarchy. A reform based upon realism could be only transient. Unless the roots of the hierarchy are destroyed, it avails little to lop off an excrescence here and there, c. biblical. — The biblical element was partially apprehended, but was shorn of its power by the realism just mentioned. These movements offered, for a time, stout resistance to ecclesiastical tyranny. But they were destined to be swept away in the tide of corruption which they made no adequate effort to stay. (3) Mystical Reform. Then came the Mystics, men of profoundly speculative minds, led by despair of reform- ing and spiritualizing the church and through the study of the Neo-Platonic writings to an exaggeration of the importance and capacity of the inner life to a panthe- istic identification of man with God. Here the vital CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 5 idea, taken apart from its pantheistic setting, is the need of a personal appropriation of Christ. Outward forms are of no account. We must become united with God, God being in us and we in God. By contemplating God we become one with God. By contemplating Christ we become one with Christ. The pantheistic element was so transcendental as to affect comparatively few. The tendency toward striving after individual and conscious union with Christ had a much wider influence. But mysticism was indifferent to external church order, and could not of itself bring about a radical reform. (4) Humanistic Reform. Next came the %evival of Learning, with its contempt for scholasticism, its tempo- rary return to Platonic paganism, its restoration of the study of the Scriptures in their original languages, its contempt for human authority, and its consequent pro- motion of freedom of thought. Here, then, we have five grand elements of opposition to the corrupt hierarchy : The "Biblical, the Realistic, the Patriotic, the {Mystical, the Humanistic. From the real- istic not much could be expected, its antagonism to the biblical would be likely to more than counterbalance its power for good ; the patriotic was likely to be contami- nated by avarice and to introduce a vast amount of corruption into any religious movement with which it might be connected. The position of humanism in a re- ligious reformation could be only an ancillary one, yet its aid was absolutely indispensable. Singly, each of these elements had entered the arena, and each had failed of immediate success. The time was coming when all of these elements of opposition were to combine, and the fabric of the hierarchy might well have trembled in the face of such a combination. We might form a useful and interesting classification of the va- rious reforming parties of the sixteenth century, on the basis of the degree in which these elements entered into each. We should say, e.g., that the Erasmic movement was preponderatingly hu- manistic. The biblical element was, theoretically at least, taken ac- count of by Erasmus, but with so little moral aggressiveness as to be of minor moment— there was no mysticism, little patriotism, little fmancial interest. The Lutheran Reformation represents a combina- tion of all five of the reformatorv forces, with a marvelous capacity to shift ground from one to ano'ther, according to the exigencies of 6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. the occasion. Few religious leaders ever expressed greater devotion to the Scriptures than Luther, and in controversy with the Roman- ists he made the Scriptures the only rule of faith and practice. Yet we shall see that even the Scriptures must adapt themselves to his theories or suffer the penalty of decanonization, and church authority was of some account when rites retained by him were shown to lack clear scriptural authorization. So, also, Luther was, from the first, impelled largely by patriotic motives. Nothing contributed more to his success than the contagion of his patriotism. " There never has been a German," writes the Catholic historian Dollinger, "who so intuitively understood his fellow-countrymen, and who, in return, has been so thoroughly understood ; nay, whose spirit, 1 should say, has been so completely imbibed by his nation, as this Augustinian friar of Wittenberg. The mind and the spirit of the Germans were under his control like the lyre in the hands of a musician." Like Wycliffe and Huss he believed, at the outset, in a universal organic church, with a single head, and desired only to restore the existing church to a state of purity. Again, Luther was greatly indebted to medieeval mysticism. His personal absorption in religious matters, as well as some features of his theology, was due to this influence. Again, Luther owed much to humanism, and was himself essentially a humanist. His contempt for Aristotle and the Schoolmen, his de- votion to the study of the Scriptures in the original languages, his love of freedom (for himself), resulted directly from humanistic in- fluence. Luther's enormous power and success were due largely to the fact that he combined in his own person all the reformatory ele- ments that had comedown to him from the past. In Zwingli and CEcolampadius, leaders of the Swiss Reformation, the patriotic, the humanistic, and the biblical elements prevailed, the second in a stronger form, and the third less intensely than with Lu- ther. We see in them almost none of Luther's churchly realism, and almost no mysticism. In Calvin the patriotic spirit had become cosmopolitan zeal for the spread of the gospel. He could say, "to the French first," but he was sure to add, " and also to all the world " — at least " to all Eu- rope." He was humanistic to the extent of fully appreciating the importance of classical and philological learning ; but humanistic in- difference and humanistic liberalism found no place in him. He was intensely biblical ; yet he interpreted the Bible by Augustine rather than Augustine by the Bible. The Bible, as he understood it, — that is, the Augustinian system of doctrine as elaborated by himself, — was to Calvin no loosely fitting garment, which he could assume or doff as expediency might dictate, but rather bone of his bones and flesh of his flesh." He would have died for these views, just as he did live and labor for them. The Socinians represented humanism with its Erasmic external re- spect for authority laid aside. They had all of Luther's contempt for extra-Lutheran authority, and, in addition to this, a contempt for Luther's own. They had no remnant of realism, no mysticism. They respected biblical authority, but insisted on interpretifig the Scriptures in accordance with the requirements of reason. Their ap- prehension of the Scriptures was not profound, and their religious zeal rarely led them to court persecution. CHAP. 1.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 7 With the Anabaptists the biblical principle, apprehended on its positive and on its negative side, held the first place. This was com- bined with mysticism (in some cases a purely biblical mysticism, in other cases a Neo-platonic, semi-pantheistic mysticism), and, in some cases, with pre-millennialism : the false mysticism, when it pre- ponderated, leading to the rejection of fundamental doctrines— denial of the importance of the written word in comparison with the divine Z.oo-05 always present to enlighten the believer, indifference to external ordinances, modification of the commonly received views of the per- son and work of Christ, etc. ; the pre-millennialism sometimes leading to fanaticism, and to an utter wrecking of Christian life. Pre-millennialism, in connection with a desperate and frenzied so- cialistic movement, is responsible for the Miinster Kingdom, with its horrors. 2. Economic and Social Conditions that favored Civil and Religions Revolution, especially in Germany. (i) The Development of the Mineral Resources of Germany . As the exploitation of the mineral wealth of Bohemia in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries had been among the most influential causes of the Hussite and Taborite revolution of the fifteenth century, so the development of the mineral wealth of Saxony and the adjoining provinces during the fifteenth and the early years of the sixteenth centuries was among the most potent fac- tors in precipitating the Protestant Revolution. The following are some of the ways in which this influence wrought : a. The great increase of wealth in Germany excited the cupidity of the Roman Curia and led to the employ- ment of extortionate methods of raising money beyond what was practicable at the time in most other coun- tries. The papacy came to be looked upon by all classes of Germans as a corrupt foreign power whose chief con- cern in relation to Germany was that of exploitation. h. The extensive mining operations in Freiberg, Schneeberg, Schreckenstein, Annaberg, Joachimsthal, etc., withdrew from the agricultural population a large number of laborers. Under ordinary circumstances this fact should have redounded to the advantage of the labor- ing class, but as a matter of fact it had the opposite effect. There was so little economic freedom that the miners were unable to secure remunerative wages and were in a chronic state of discontent, while the agricultural 8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. v. laborers were compelled to work harder and were more ruthlessly exploited than before. The aggregations of mining populations greatly increased the demand for food products, as did also the growth of cities by reason of the increase of wealth and the demand for imported and manufactured goods. This increased demand for farm products stimulated the landowners to use every means for increasing production and to extort from the laborers as much as possible of the results of their in- dustry. The growth of the cities brought in many arti- sans from a distance and gave employment to many peasants. The decimation of the peasant population by pestilence had still further aggravated the grievances of the survivors. The forests, which had hitherto been re- garded as of little value and had been freely available for the purposes of the peasants, had come to be jealously guarded by the nobility as important sources of wealth. Vast quantities of wood and timber were consumed by the mines and the growth of the cities created an in- creasing demand for fuel and lumber. The increasing luxury of the nobles, who shared in the prosperity of the country, caused them to pay more attention than ever to the preservation of fish and game and to inflict upon the peasants the severest penalties for the violation of their regulations. A large and wealthy merchant class had grown up in the cities, and these, like the pros- perous nobles, looked with disfavor on the extortions of the papacy as a draining of the country of its resources without corresponding advantages. It is to be noted that all classes, except clergy and monks, however much at variance they may have been with each other, were at one in resenting the extortions of the papacy. (2) The Organisation of Artisans. The artisans, now numerous and influential, were thoroughly organized in guilds. They had their assembly halls, where they could discuss municipal and other questions, and where they were free from the intrusion of clerical or magisterial au- thority. From the early Middle Ages the trade guilds had been important means of evangelical propagandism. A large proportion of the evangelical workers among the Waldenses and related parties were artisans and as members of guilds had ready access to the artisan classes CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 9 and enjoyed everywhere the hospitality and protection of their fellow-workmen. A fresh impetus was doubt- less given to evangelical life in Germany at the begin- ning of the sixteenth century by the growth of German cities and the development of manufacturing industry. It is not to be supposed that all artisans were evangelical Christians; but it is certain that many of them were, and that the immunities enjoyed by the guilds greatly furthered the cause of evangelical dissent. (3) Diffusion of Secret Societies. Nothing is more char- acteristic of the time immediately preceding the outbreak of the Protestant Revolution than the wide diffusion of secret societies (brotherhoods, sodalities, etc.). The in- fluence of the new learning, with its skepticism and its desire to probe all questions of science, philosophy, and religion, in disregard of ecclesiastical authority, was doubtless paramount in this movement. Many of these societies were no doubt liberalistic or even infidel. Some of them were certainly made up of earnest Christians anxiously striving for higher attainments in Christian ex- perience and knowledge, and it is probable that not a few of them were essentially evangelical churches. All alike were conducted in defiance of papal authority and wrought mightily for its overthrow. (4) Communism or Semi-coinmnnism. Most of the evangelical parties of the Middle Ages were communistic or semi-communistic in doctrine and in practice, their communism being consciously based upon what they understood to be the teachings of Christ and the prac- tice of the apostolic church. This is true of the Beg- hards and Beguines, of the Brethren of the Common Life, of the inner circle of the Waldenses, of the Tabor- ites, and of the Bohemian Brethren, of the earlier time. While in some of these parties communism was not prac- tised in a complete or consistent way, owing to the unfa- vorable conditions, it was their ideal, and the obligation of sharing with brethren in distress, even to the point of self-impoverishment, was almost universally recognized. That this type of Christianity should have appealed powerfully to the down-trodden peasantry and to the artisan classes in the cities was what might have been expected. The monastic orders had preached the doctrine lO A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. of poverty, but had soon become enormously wealthy in landed estates and notorious exploiters of labor. The common people had learned the hollovvness of their pretensions and were ready to follow those who repudi- ated the papacy with all its institutions and insisted on an unconditional return to primitive Christianity. It is probable that a large proportion of those who accepted the social views of the evangelical Christians were with- out personal experience of saving grace and knew little of Scripture teaching ; but it is certain that there was a general readiness to follow any leader who making the " pure word of God " his watchword should promise de- liverance from ecclesiastical and civil bondage and the liberty and equality that they believed to be the inalien- able right of Christian men. This propagandism of revo- lutionary social and religious views was conducted as secretly as possible ; but it had accomplished its work in a pretty thorough way long before Luther appeared as a champion of Christian liberty. 3. Political Relations and Conditions thai Favored the Outbreak of the Protestant Revolution and Detertnijied its Course. (i) The Holy Roman Empire and the Hapsburgers. The organization of the empire under the Golden Bull (1356) was still in force in the sixteenth century. The Haps- burg princes, starting out with a small Swiss province, had by conquest, diplomacy, and advantageous marriages, become by far the most powerful of the political forces of Europe and had long been at the head of the empire. The imperial office, though elective and at this time pur- chasable by the highest bidder, had become virtually hereditary, few even of the wealthy princes being able to compete with the powerful Hapsburgers, and some of the wealthier being unwilling to assume the responsi- bilities of the office. Some time before the imperial throne became vacant by the death of Maximilian (Jan. 12, 1 5 19), negotiations for the succession had begun. The principal competitors were the king of France, who was distasteful to the Germans, and Charles, the grand- son of Maximilian, who had become heir not only to CHAP. I] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION II Austria and its eastern and Italian dependencies, but to Spain, the Spanish Netherlands, and the vast colonial possessions of Spain as well. All the electors, except Frederick of Saxony, are said to have received bribes from the representatives of both of these potentates ; and yet a majority of them offered the succession to Frederick of Saxony, whose territorial possessions were insignifi- cant in comparison with those of Francis 1. and Charles, but who had become, by virtue of his exploitation of the mineral wealth of Saxony, possessed of more ready money than either of the candidates. He refused to pay the price and no doubt shrank from the responsibilities of imperial administration. Besides he had committed himself to ecclesiastical reform, and would probably have hesitated to take the oath of allegiance to the Roman Catholic hierarchy required of incumbents of the impe- rial office. The invasion of eastern Europe by the Turks, moreover, made it peculiarly desirable that the Haps- burgers, a large part of whose possessions was in the East, should continue in the office. Apart from his con- trol of his hereditary domains, the emperor's power in Germany was very slight, the more important princi- palities being able and disposed to resist any interference with the internal affairs of their provinces and even the petty principalities being exceedingly jealous in guarding their autonomy. (2) Germany. Though included in the Holy Roman Empire, Germany was still in a thoroughly feudalized and disintegrated condition. By virtue of the German law of inheritance, the land had been almost endlessly sub- divided among the sons of the lords and in only a few cases was there any considerable aggregation of territo- rial possessions and political power. These petty princes claimed and exercised the right of private warfare and many of them were little better than robber chieftains. Fist-law (Faust-recht) still largely prevailed. These petty principalities were interspersed with ecclesiastical estates of varying magnitude (archbishoprics, bishoprics, abbacies, etc.), which, apart from the recognition of papal sovereignty, were governed in very much the same way as the secular principalities. With the growth of com- merce during the later Middle Ages a large number of 12 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. cities had been able by reason of tlieir wealth to eman- cipate themselves from the feudal lords and to obtain imperial charters as free cities. The imperial free cities had their representation in the imperial Diet side by side with the electors and with the princes, lay and ecclesias- tical. These cities, with their wealth, self-government, intelligence, and diversified industries, constituted the strength of Germany at the beginning of the present period. They were usually strongly fortified and pro- visioned for a year, in many of them a spirit of religious toleration prevailed that enabled the older forms of evan- gelical Christianity to flourish even in times when exter- minating persecution generally prevailed. These were the seats of the trade-guilds that did so much for the con- servation and diffusion of evangelical principles and that promoted in so large a measure the democratic spirit. As early as the thirteenth century sixty cities in the Rhenish regions had leagued themselves together for the protection of commerce and the defense of their liberties. A similar organization (Hanseatic League) of the cities of northern Germany had been formed a little later. These leagues of cities did more than any other single agency for the establishment and maintenance of law and order and for the advancement of civilization in its higher forms. The most important aggregation of territorial posses- sions in Germany at this time was the Wettin lands, made up of the electorate and the archduchy of Saxony. This territory was all the more important, as suggested above, because of its vast mineral wealth which was al- ready being exploited on a large scale. Among the other more important political entities were the archduchy of Mecklenburg, the electorate of Brandenburg (later to develop into Prussia), the landgravate of Hesse, the arch- duchy of Bavaria, the electorate of the Palatinate, the archduchy of Lorraine, the archduchy of Luxenburg, the archduchy of Brabant, the county of Wurtemburg, the duchy of Brabant, the county of Holland, the duchy of Gelders, and the duchy of Westphalia. Among the provinces in central Germany that were already depend- ent on the Hapsburg princes, besides the archduchy of Austria (including the duchy of Styria, the duchy of Car- CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 1 3 niola, the duchy of Carinthia, and the county of Tirol), were the kingdom of Bohemia, the margravate of Mora- via, and the duchy of Silesia. (3) Spain, which was never an integral part of the empire, though its king was emperor, was at this time approaching the height of its glory. By the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella, Castile and Aragon had been united (1481), and the opportunity came for the conquest of Grenada and the expulsion of the Moors (1492). Per- pignan was acquired from France shortly afterward and Navarre was annexed in 1512. Sardinia, Sicily, and Southern Italy (Naples) were added, as well as the Netherlands. The discovery of America by Columbus (1492) redounded to the glory of Spain, and the exploita- tion of America and the East was already enriching this great maritime power. The expulsion of the Moors was followed by inquisitorial proceedings against the Jews, and over a hundred thousand are said to have been driven from their homes. Many of them found a tempo- rary abiding-place in Portugal and thence scattered over Europe. Though ardent Catholics, Ferdinand and Isa- bella were far from being slavishly subservient to the papacy. They made some earnest efforts at reform and threatened to chastise Alexander VI. for his scandalous conduct. A ferocious type of Roman Catholicism had been developed in Spain, partly as a result of contact and conflict with Mohammedanism, that manifested itself in the Inquisition, in the Order of Jesuits, in the enslave- ment and enforced conversion of heathen peoples, in the uncompromising warfare with Protestantism. The am- bition of Spain at this time was boundless, but her schemes for aggrandizement were fortunately held in check by similar ambitions on the part of France, by the revolt of a large part of Germany against the Roman Catholic hierarchy, and by the aggressive attitude of the Turkish Empire in relation to Europe in general and es- pecially in relation to the eastern possessions of the Hapsburgers. (4) France had become a mighty and thoroughly cen- tralized monarchy. The application of the law of primo- geniture, fortunate marriages, and conquest had brought the feudal provinces one by one under the dominion of 14 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. the successors of Hugh Capet. Guyenne and Aquitaine were annexed in 1461, Brittany, in 1491, Burgundy, in 1477, Provence, in 1491, and Milan and Genoa (by con- quest), in 1 5 16. Moreover, a claim had been laid to Naples. This last was long one of the bones of contention between France and Spain. France was not only a mighty na- tion, second only to Spain, but she had already been mastered by the ambition to be mightiest of all. She was not content with any permanent eastern boundary west of the Rhine and aspired to the government of Savoy and the whole of Italy. France had long been in the van of progress. Educationally and commercially she occupied a leading position. Francis I. had abandoned the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, the charter of the liberties of the Gallican church, and had entered into a concordat with the pope (1516), in accordance with which the king was to nominate the prelates, and the pope and king were to share in an equitable way the advan- tages of ecclesiastical patronage. It was no doubt due in part to this good understanding between pope and king that the former supported the latter in his candidacy for the imperial throne (15 19), to the great injury of the papal cause in Germany. If France and the house of Hapsburg had been at one during the early years of the Protestant Revolution it is difficult to see how the Prot- estant princes of Germany could have maintained their cause. The French nobles had been deprived of their right to maintain armies and to engage in private warfare and had been attached to the crown by special privileges, in- cluding exemption from taxation and the frequent bestowal of royal gratuities. They constituted a distinct caste, separated by an insuperable barrier from the peasants, artisans, and tradesmen. The peasants were free, in a sense, but were grievously oppressed by civil and eccle- siastical taxation, and the tribunals of the country were so completely subservient to the crown as to render them helpless against injustice. They were as a rule ignorant, peaceably inclined, and submissive, and were little amenable to the revolutionary influences that wrought so powerfully and so universally among the German peasants. A large middle class, engaged chiefly CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 1 5 in mercantile, manufacturing, and professional pursuits, had gathered in the cities and was becoming wealthier and wealthier, and consequently more and more influen- tial. Separated as if by caste from the nobility and de- pending like these on the industry of the peasants, they were despised by the former and envied by the latter. They came to have almost a monopoly of intelligence and professional skill, as well as of manufacturing, com- mercial, banking, and capitalistic enterprises in general. It was this class which, along with certain elements of the nobility that were antagonistic to the crown on political grounds, was to constitute the bone and sinew of the Protestant revolt in France. The city proletariat in France was degraded and brutal- ized, unsympathetic with the Protestant Revolution, and ready for any kind of atrocity. Evangelical dissent of the medieval type seems to have been almost com- pletely eliminated from the middle and lower classes of the population, in which it flourished in Germany, Aus- tria, and the Netherlands, by centuries of inquisitorial activity, and to have been almost restricted to the Vau- dois (Waldensian) communities in Piedmont, Dauphiny, etc., where from fifty thousand to one hundred thousand had been suffered to survive. (5) England. Constitutional monarchy, with the dis- appearance of feudalism in the continental sense and the absence of caste barriers between the nobles and the upper commoners, had long been established in England. While the crown was nominally the sole owner of the land and all landowners owed allegiance and support to the crown by reason of this suzerainty, the right of the crown to levy and collect taxes without the consent of the people (including the commons), to imprison or dis- tress without due process of law, or in any way to in- fringe upon the rights of the individual as respects life, liberty, or property, had long since been expressly re- nounced, and comprehensive charters (beginning with Magna Charta, 121 5) had repeatedly guaranteed their rights to all classes of subjects and defined the limita- tions of royal prerogative. At the beginning of the pres- ent period Parliament, which represented the three estates of the realm, while nominally possessed of its l6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. pristine powers, was feeble and submissive, and a des- potism of almost Oriental arbitrariness and cruelty was in force. Henry VII., the first Tudor king, had come to the throne (1485) at the close of the wars of the Roses. Himself a usurper, he displaced the usurper and tyrant, Richard ill,, and secured the recognition of Parliament. The older nobility had been in a great measure destroyed during the wars and he was in a position to elevate to the peerage a large number of his partisans who were likely to be completely subservient to him. To secure himself in the undisputed possession of the crown and to make opposition hopeless he maintained a standing army, rendered all the more effective by improvements in the use of gunpowder (artillery, etc.), and was care- ful to prevent the organization of any armed force by his enemies. Economic changes of great importance had been for some time in progress. The demand for wool in the Netherlands and elsewhere had given a great impetus to sheep-raising, with the result that multitudes of peasant farmers were displaced and forced into the towns, where manufacturing enterprise was already rapidly growing. Henry and his successors did every- thing possible to further the industrial revolution, and were able by selling trade privileges and monopolies and bestowing special favors on manufacturing and commer- cial enterprise to secure large revenues hitherto unattain- able. These added to the ordinary sources of revenue enabled Henry Vll. to accumulate vast treasures and to become almost independent of Parliament. To strengthen himself still further, especially in relation to France, the hereditary enemy of England, he entered into close rela- tions with Spain, involving the betrothal (and afterward the marriage) of his son Arthur to Catharine of Aragon. On the death of Arthur, to perpetuate the alliance, Catharine was married, by papal dispensation, to Henry (afterward King Henry VIll.), a minor, who was in- structed to enter a secret protest against the proceeding, to be used thereafter in case of need. Apart from a war with France, that resulted in the loss of Brittany, the reign of Henry Vll, and that of Henry VIII. were pros- perous and peaceful. Men of influence were too much interested in money-making and in the new learning CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 1 7 patronized by the sovereigns to concern themselves very much about the maintenance of the principles of Magna Chart a. The English peasants were free (not serfs) ; but eco- nomic changes bore heavily upon them. Many peasants combined manufacturing on a small scale (weaving, etc.) with agriculture and lived in simple comfort; but the agricultural peasants, who now paid fixed money rents, were often in sore straits, and ejection often followed failure to pay. But on the whole the condition of the English peasantry was superior to that of the French and immeasurably superior to that of the German. The revolutionary spirit was almost wanting and resistance would in any case have been hopeless. (6) Italy. For centuries Italy had been in a state of complete disintegration. A wide strip through the center of the peninsula constituted the States of the Church. The popes of the Renaissance not only sadly misgoverned and ruthlessly exploited this portion of Italy, but they used their influence for the perpetual turmoiling of the entire country. Their chief interest was the enriching of their own families and the States of the Church. The very fact that these States cut Italy in two rendered a united Italy impossible. The principal political units of Italy were Venice, a wealthy commercial city ruled by a despotic oligarchy and possessing considerable territory at the head of the Adriatic ; Floreme, also a city-republic, with adjoining territory, despotically ruled by the Medici ; (Milan, a similar political entity, claimed by France and Spain, but held by the Sforza family till 1512; Naples, covering all the southern portion of Italy, for which Spain and France long contended and to which Spain with papal aid made good her claim. France was driven out of Italy in 15 11 through a combination under papal direc- tion, of England, Spain, and Germany, known as the Holy League. 4. Summary of Circumstances and Events that Prepared the way for the Protestant Revolution. (i) Effects of the Papal Captivity and Schism. The papacy had never recovered from the degrading effects of the captivity and schism. The reforming councils B l8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. v. established the superiority of councils to popes. Since the healing of the schism no powerful pope had arisen to wipe away the disgrace that had befallen the papacy. On the other hand, the popes had all been notoriously worldly and ambitious ; many of them notoriously prof- ligate ; some of them more devoted to pagan philosophy than to Christianity in any form. The papacy had for- gotten none of its expedients for raising money ; but with the increase of commercial prosperity in Europe, luxury had gone hand in hand, and the Roman Curia had developed expensive tastes for architecture and fine art. A project for the building and adorning of St. Peter's Cathedral involved the raising of enormous sums of money. The private wars of the popes were also ex- pensive to Christendom. Indulgences were now sold more shamelessly, it is probable, than ever before, to the impoverishing of the countries of Europe and to the disgust of all right-thinking people. (2) Persistence of tlie ]VdIdeiiscs and Related Bodies. The Waldenses had spread throughout Europe, and were numerous in the manufacturing and commercial towns, especially in the Netherlands, the Rhine valley, Swit- zerland, Austria, Silesia, Northern Italy, Southern France, etc. They belonged to the middle class, and were for the most part artisans (weavers, tailors, shoemakers, etc.) and merchants. They held secret meetings, usu- ally in their work-rooms. The Bohemian Brethren had in Bohemia and Moravia their hundreds of congregations, their tens of thousands of members and unattached sup- porters (many of the latter gentry and nobles), their well-equipped and efficient schools, and their extensive literature. From the date of the discovery of the art of printing to the beginning of the present period they made vastly more use of the press than Catholics and Hussites together. The semi-monastic Beghards and Beguines, who had probably derived their inspiration from the Waldenses, had spread throughout Lower Germany, and by their devout and industrious lives had greatly influenced the masses. The Brethren of the Common Life, who had arisen in the Netherlands in the fourteenth century, spread into most parts of Germany. These have been designated CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 19 as cultured, ennobled, churchly Beghards. They estab- lished numerous schools, and devoted their chief atten- tion to the study of the Scriptures, and to the practice and inculcation of inner piety. These did much to dif- fuse Christian life among the people. The Mystics (thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries) though holding to many extravagant notions, through the sanc- tity of their lives and through the profound conviction of sin and grace that were set forth in their devotional works and sermons, did much to awaken religious in- terest. The corrupt lives of the clergy caused them to suffer greatly in the esteem of the people in comparison with these classes of religious men, whose aggregate number must have been considerable. (3) Decline of Feudalism. Since the beginning of the Crusades, feudalism had been on the decline in most parts of Europe, but in Germany it was still in full force. While elsewhere the condition of the peasantry had im- proved, in Germany it had grown worse and worse. More labor was exacted of the peasants ; they were robbed more and more of their rights. The evangelical teachings of the Waldenses and related parties had made them conscious of the injustice they suffered, and a deep spirit of unrest was everywhere manifest. The peasants had made several unsuccessful efforts for freedom and were ready for revolution, should an opportunity present itself. (4) The Revival of Learning. The effect of the rise and diffusion of the new learning was, first of all, to create a disgust for scholastic theology. Many, from disgust at the scholastic representations of Christianity, lost faith in Christianity itself. Some went so far in their admira- tion of pagan literature, as to becomes pagans. Neo- Platonism was revived and found considerable accept- ance. The papal court, under Leo X., himself a devotee of Platonism, was a hot-bed of infidelity. Besides creating a contempt for scholasticism, the great bulwark of papal absolutism, it awakened free- dom of thought in general ; it caused the Scriptures to be studied in the original languages, and without ref- erence to traditional interpretations ; it diffused learning 20 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. of high character throughout Europe ; and it exposed the impostures and the rottenness of the hierarchy. The emancipation of ethics from scholastic casuistical subtle- ties and its re-establishment on the basis of eternal right was one of the most glorious achievements of the Renais- sance and one of its chief gifts to the Reformation. (5) Aggressions of the Turks. The condition of the church was becoming critical. The efforts to stay the progress of the Turks had failed. It seemed to many that they would sweep over the whole of Europe, and that Christianity would suffer great tribulation, if not utter extinction. This peril drew men's attention to the corrupt state of the church and the necessity for reform. (6) The Invention of Printing. Printing, which had now come into general use, had already contributed greatly to the enlightenment of Europe, and was ready as a powerful auxiliary in any movement in which the people were to be reached. 5. Causes of the Failure of Earlier Efforts at Reform. The earlier attempts at reformation had apparently failed. The causes of their failure were various. We may enumerate some of them : (i) Lack of Popular Intelligence. While many of the mediaeval reforming parties gained extensive popular following, there was, as a rule, not sufficient intelligence among their members to enable them to come forward boldly and combat the hierarchical church on its own ground. Such was especially the case with the Wal- denses and related bodies. (2) Inadequate Ideas of Reform. Those parties that were not lacking in culture and social standing, such as the Wycliffites and the Hussites, were prevented by their realistic ideas of the church from openly assuming the position of separatists. Their aim was to reform the hierarchial church, rather than to overthrow it and to set up a better on the basis of New Testament precept and example. This was a hopeless task ; for unless the root of the evil be destroyed, mere outward reforms are at best but exceedingly transient. (3) The Dependent Relations in which a Large Part of Europe stood to the Papacy. This enabled the hierarchi- CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 21 cal church to bring to bear immense physical force for the suppression of dissent. We have seen how rulers were forced to persecute. (4) The Exterminating Policy of the Papacy. Having the power to persecute, the papacy was not wanting in the will, and the records of the Inquisition show how im- possible it was in the Middle Ages for any party long to defy the hierarchy. (5) Feudalism in General. As the feudalism openly exercised by the church enabled it to carry out its policy of persecution, so feudalism in general, with the abjectness of spirit that it cultivated in the great mass of the people, was unfavorable to the success of any move- ment whose very essence was freedom. All of these influences were at their height in the elev- enth and twelfth centuries ; but from that time they steadily declined until the sixteenth century. It was impossible for them to disappear at once, and hence it was impossible for any great religious revolution which involved emancipation of thought from all human author- ity and the restoration of Christian life and thought to apostolic simplicity and purity to succeed until these ob- stacles had yielded to the attrition of social and religious influences working for centuries. 6. The Problem of%eform. What were the fundamental errors of the medieval system that needed to be eradicated ? I conceive that there were three : (i) Sacerdotalism. Given sacerdotalism, and what fol- lows ? If priests, as representatives of the holy Cath- olic Church, are, without reference to personal char- acter, mediators between God and man, have power to bind and to loose on conditions imposed by them- selves, men are no longer responsible to God for their lives, but to man. Holiness before God is of infinitely less importance than scrupulous obedience to the regu- lations of the priests. Religion thus comes to be a mere matter of outward form. From sacerdotalism flowed, as naturally as a stream from its source, super- stitious adoration of images, shrines, etc., all forms of ritualism, the practical repudiation of Scripture authority. 22 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. the domination of Church over State, the obliteration of moral law as founded on the nature of God. (2) The Union of Church and State. The idea that Church and State are coincident was firmly rooted. CcBsaro-papacy is almost as objectionable as papacy. We shall have occasion later to mark the disastrous consequences of such union, especially for the church. (3) The practical annulling of Scripture authority, which, as has been said, resulted from sacerdotalism. For anything like a complete reformation of Chris- tianity at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the destruction of sacerdotalism, the abolition of the union of Church and State, and the reinstatement of the Scrip- tures in their position of paramount authority, was ab- solutely necessary. II. HUMANISM AND THE REFORMATION. LITERATURE: Erasmus, " Opera Omnia" 10 Vol. fo!., Leyden, 1703-1706 (several of the more popular works have been printed separately. The "Praise of Folly," some of the "Colloquies," " Prayers," and " Pilgrimages " have been translated into Eng- lish) ; writings of Colet, More, and Ulrich von Hutten ; " Episiolce Obscitroriim yiroritm" ; relevant parts of the works of Luther, Me- lanchthon, and Zwingli ; Seebohm, " The Oxford Reformers, John Colet, Erasmus, and Thomas More" ; Drummond, " Erasmus, his Life and Character"; Emerton, " Desiderius Erasmus of Rotter- dam," 1899 ("Heroes of the Ref. Series"); Froude, "Life and Letters of Erasmus," 1895; Strauss, " Ulrich von Hutten" (Eng Trans.); Meyerhoff, '' T{auhlin unci Seine Zeit" ; Geiger, ''Joh T(eucJilin" ; Lamey, " T{euchlin, eine hiogr. Ski^^e " ; Stahelin, " Eras mils' Stellung zu Reformation,'^ 1873 ; Walther, " Erasmus u. Melanch t/ion," 1879; Eberhardt, in '' Zeitschr. f.d. Hist. T/ieolog.," iS^g, Seit 99-151 ; Chlebus, in '' Zeitschr. f. d. Hist. T/ieol.," 1845, ■^^''- S"^^ Gobel, " Gesch. des Cliristl. Lebens in der Rlienisch-lVestphjlischen Evan fel. Kirche," Bd. L, Seit. 59-92 (particularly valuable) ; Geiger, in lybel's ''Hist. Zeitschrift," 1875. Seit. 71 seq. ; Herzog-Hauck (3d ed.), Wetzer u. Welte, Ersch u. Gruber, art. " Erasmus," " Reuch- lin," " Hutten," etc. Evangelical Humanism, as represented by Colet, Eras- mus, Reuchlin, etc., may be regarded (i) as a preparation for the Protestant Revolution ; (2) as itself an attempt at reformation ; (3) as an anti-Protestant movement. I, Humanism as a Preparation for the Protestant Revo- lution. (i) The English Humanistic Reformers. In England, CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 23 under the influence of the "New Learning," a number of able scholars appeared during the last years of the fifteenth century. Linacre, Grocyn, and Colet, had studied in Italy, where they became thorough Greek scholars, and imbibed the spirit of the Renaissance ; and they had returned to England to devote their lives to the advancement of learning. They had learned to despise the philosophy and theology of the schools, and to look with disfavor upon the ecclesiastical system that rested on such a foundation. Colet was a man of genius, and added to his linguistic learning deep insight and marked spirituality. He soon came to the conclusion that the simple Bible, interpreted not according to the allegorical method of the schoolmen, but according to the grammatico-historical sense, is the only true source of religious knowledge. He delivered expository lectures on several of the Pauline Epistles, which astonished, delighted, and inspired the crowd of students and doctors who attended them. At a Convo- cation in 1 5 12, Colet, now dean of St. Paul's, preached a strong reformatory sermon, in which he bewailed the avarice, ambition, pride, and self-indulgence of the bish- ops and other clergy, and exhorted them with great ear- nestness to reformation. No reformer of the sixteenth century showed profounder insight into Christian truth than Colet. Erasmus came under his influence first in 1498, when he visited England to learn Greek, and afterward, from 1 505-1 5 14, sustained the most intimate and cordial rela- tions with him. He always looked up to Colet as his spiritual father and regarded him as the means of his own enlightenment, though he was greatly inferior to him in moral earnestness and fidelity to conviction. For the evangelical truths in which the writings of Erasmus abound, he was greatly indebted to Colet. The English Reformation that Colet was laboring for, was to a great extent swept away in the wars of Henry VIll. ; but Erasmus, a product of it, returned to the con- tinent, and by the great popularity of his writings dis- seminated reformatory views far and wide. (2) Erasmus as a Humanist and a Forerunner of the Protestant Revolution, a. Sketch of Erasmus. He was 24 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. born in Rotterdam (1465 or 1466), and was the son of a priest and a young woman of good family, both of whom cared for him assiduously until they died (one shortly after the other), when he was about thirteen years of age. They had provided for his education in the famous school of the Brethren of the Common Life at Deventer, where he had excited the admira- tion of his teachers by his quickness of apprehension, his facility and elegance in expression, and the re- markable retentiveness of his memory. If he had been permitted to continue his education there, his thirst for knowledge would have been gratified by some of the best humanistic teachers of the time. The dishonesty of the person to whom funds for the com- pletion of his education had been entrusted brought his studies at Deventer to an end. He was placed in a monastic school (1481), where three years were as good as wasted. Wearied with this life, destitute of means, and with no manifest way of earning a living, he felt himself compelled to enter a monastery (Emaus, near Gouda), and to take monastic vows, although he was thoroughly averse to monastic life. The fact that a well-educated youth of eighteen should have consented, for the sake of a morsel of bread, to bind himself by the most solemn vows to a mode of life that his soul ab- horred, shows a weakness of character that was doubtless innate and which grace never fully remedied. He always looked upon this step as one of the great mistakes and misfortunes of his life. The years spent there tended to the still further depravation of his character and, as he supposed, laid the foundations for the physical weakness that interfered with his happiness and limited his useful- ness throughout life. Yet this episode in his life no doubt led him to a deep realization of the corruptions of the church and the need of reformation ; and although the educational advantages of the monastery were not such as he desired he devoted himself with all his ener- gies " by day and by night to letters." " Without a guide, and as it were by the occult force of nature," as he af- terward remarked, "he pressed his way into the sanc- tuary of the muses." His religious guides were chiefly the works of Jerome and Laurentius Valla, the humanist. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 2$ In 1493 he was permitted by the Bishop of Camoral to go to Paris for the continuance of his studies. He soon became convinced that theological study would lead him into heresy and he had not the courage to become a heretic. He conceived at this time a pro- found dislike for the scholastic theology that proved invincible. Sickness, moreover, made his departure from Paris a necessity, in 1496 he matriculated in the University of Cologne as an arts student, but found little satisfaction there. Returning to Paris he became Bachelor of Theology in 1498. Here he sup- ported himself by tutoring a young Englishman, through whom his highly important connection with English life and thought was brought about. His association with Colet, More, Linacre, and Grocyn, stimulated him to undertake the mastery of Greek and to enter upon his distinguished literary career, while it furnished him also with such an amount of financial support as enabled him to carry out his long-cherished plan of studying in Italy (1506 onward). Colet made earnest and re- peated efforts to induce him to devote himself to bib- lical teaching in England, and was greatly disappointed that he had neither the strength of conviction nor the moral courage that would have made his magnificent in- tellectual powers and his ample learning available for the reformation of theology at Oxford or Cambridge. It should be said, on behalf of Erasmus, that he was deeply conscious of his moral weakness and constantly excused himself on the ground of his pusillanimity from undertaking tasks that required manly courage. On his return from Italy in 1509 he entered at once as a man of letters upon a career that surpassed any- thing the age had known. The successive publication of his popular and his learned works (see below) gave him a position in the literary world never enjoyed by an individual before or after his time. Wherever he went he was treated like a king. Popes, emperor, kings, car- dinals, universities, municipalities, vied with each other in showing him honor. As the mode of living into which he had been drawn was expensive and as much money was needed for the purchasing of books and the carry- ing out of his great literary schemes, he did not hesi- 26 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. tate to use his popularity in seeking gratuities at the hands of his wealthy and influential friends, nor to em- ploy flattery when seeking to establish or maintain ad- vantageous relations with the great. Nothing, save his refusal to align himself with Luther in the Protestant Revolution, has done so much to discredit Erasmus in the eyes of Protestant posterity as his shameless men- dicancy. Yet the odium of this should be relieved in part at least by what we know of the spirit of the age, when, as in past ages (the Augustan age, etc.), literary men lived almost wholly by the patronage of the great and thought it a part of their business to bestow literary compliments on their patrons. His whole career was one of dependence on friendly support, and he had had no opportunity up to 1509 to develop a spirit of independ- ence. It would have been too much to expect that when he had been conditioned by the favors of his friends to enter upon a literary career that would have enabled him to live in modest independence, he should at once have developed that sturdiness of character that depends so much on early training and constant practice. There is no reason to believe that he ever accumulated any large amount of money. For all he could earn or beg he seems always to have had the most urgent use. After spending most of five years as teacher of Greek in the University of Cambridge, he returned to the con- tinent, where his time was divided between Switzerland and the Netherlands. At Basel many of his works were published and he was surrounded by a coterie of scholars upon whom he exerted a profound influence in favor of the new learning and of rational methods of biblical and theological study, in his native Netherlands also his influence was widespread and deep. His journeys through Germany, from time to time, were like triumphal pro- cessions, and large numbers of young scholars caught their inspiration from him. His relations to Luther and the Reformation will be set forth subsequently, as will also his connection with and his influence upon the older evangelical theology and the great Anabaptist movement. He died in 1536. (3) WritUigs of Erasmus, a. His Satirical Writings. In the " Praise of Folly " the enlightenment that Eras- CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 2^ mus had received from Colet, and from the new learn- ing in general, finds expression chiefly in the ridicule in which all the abuses of the papal church are involved. The avarice of popes, monks, and clergy, their intoler- ance, their immorality, the absurd and sometimes blas- phemous nature of their scholastic disputations, pilgrim- ages to the tombs of saints, false miracles, indulgences, etc., are satirized in the boldest manner, and in such a style as to attract all classes of readers, h. His Devo- tional Writings. The " Enclieiridion " abounds in evan- gelical maxims, and is characterized by the repudiation of the ordinary monkish and papal rules of piety, and the setting up in general of true Christian principles, c. His Editions of t lie Fathers and of the New Testame7it, His Commentaries, and His Paraphrases. Erasmus shared with Colet admiration for Jerome, with his linguistic learning and his free criticism of the biblical texts, rather than for Augustine with his rigid theological system. Accordingly, before leaving England in 15 14, he had, with immense labor, prepared an edition of the works of Jerome, which was afterward printed at Basel. The publication of Jerome was probably intended as a means of preparing the minds of tiie scholars of Europe for the critical edition of the Greek New Testament which he was meditating. The Vul- gate had long been regarded as the infallible word of God. To pro- duce a Greek text different from that of the Vulgate, or to interpret the Greek text differently from the Vulgate interpretation, was re- garded as sacrilege. But Jerome had treated the text of Scripture with the utmost freedom ; had revised the Greek text by comparison of MSS., and had made a revision of the New Testament (Latin), and a new version of the Old Testament from the Hebrew, for which, however, he was far from claiming absolute correctness. In the preface to his Greek New Testament { 1 5 16), Erasmus shows that his aim was to influence two classes of minds : those who had lost faith in Christianity, and those who regarded the Vulgate as infallible. This preface is, in my opinion, the noblest reformatory effort of Erasmus, and nothing better was written by any reformer of the age. He sets forth the claims of the New Testament to the attention of the learned, over against the philosophies of Plato, Pyth- agoras, Aristotle, and Zeno ; but to be understood it must be"^ ap- proached with a pious and open heart, imbued with a pure and sim- ple faith. The New Testament is adapted to the comprehension of the weakest woman, while the profoundest philosopher finds food enough for thought. He is anxious that the Scriptures should be translated into all languages, so that they may be understood not only by Scots and Irishmen, but also by Turks and Saracens ; 28 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER v. that the husbandman may sing them as he follows the plow, the weaver hum them to the tune of his shuttle, the traveler beguile with their stories the tedium of his journey. Addressing the scholastic theologians, he shows the folly of pay- ing more attention to the writings of mediseval divines than to the simple, plain words of Christ and his apostles ; of venerating the worthless relics of Christ and the places where he is supposed to , have been when upon earth, more than the living and breathing pictures of Christ in the New Testament. He then adds a short discussion on the methods of studying the Scriptures. The Scriptures must be approached with reverence ; being food for the soul, they must permeate the very depths of the heart and mind. A knowledge of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew is necessary, and is to be acquired almost with less labor than is spent every day over the miserable babble of one mongrel language under ignorant teachers. Other branches of knowledge, natural history, geography, dialectics, rhetoric, etc., are also important. To understand the New Testa- ment, a knowledge of the history of the Jews, their character, in- stitutions, etc., is also necessary. Again, the texts of Scripture must not be taken isolated and apart from the connection, but must be studied with full reference to the context. Thus Erasmus set forth principles of Scripture interpretation which he had derived from Colet, but which were far in advance of his age. His edition of the New Testament and his paraphrases and com- mentaries, were a means of stimulating and directing the fruitful study of the Scriptures. From this time many learned humanists began to study the New Testament as never before. Most of the men who became leaders in the Reformation owed their knowledge of the Scriptures to Erasmus : to some extent, Luther ; still more, Melanchthon, Zwingli, QEcolampadius, Bucer, Capito, etc. (4) German Humanism, a. Reitclilin. He was born in 1555 (ten years before Erasmus), at Pforzheim, and was favored with early educational advantages. He was employed when fifteen as court singer in the Baden- Durlach court, and was sent to the University of Paris by the Margrave Karl as the attendant of his son, where he enjoyed the instruction of some of the fore- most scholars of the time, and learned Greek. He continued his studies in the University of Basel with a native Greek, Andronikos Kontoblakas, as one of his preceptors, and John Wessel, the great evangelical teacher whom he had met in Paris, as a strong spirit- ual influence. He was admitted to the degree of Mas- ter of Philosophy with professorial privileges (1477); but was driven from the university because of preju- dice against Greek learning. We next find him in the University of Orleans learning and teaching (1478) and CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 29 gaining the bachelor's degree there (1479). After study- ing law at the University of Poitiers he returned to Ger- many (1481) and settled in TUbingen as an advocate and a lecturer in the university, from which he received the degree of Doctor of Laws. He was appointed privy counselor to the duke of Wiirtemberg (1482), whom he accompanied to Rome on important papal business and through whom he had the opportunity to distinguish him- self in the papal court by a Latin oration ; he entered into intimate relation with the great humanist Hermolaus Bar- baras, and obtained an inside view of the great Platonic school of the Medici in Florence, with its distinguished teachers, Marsilius Ficinus, Pico de Mirandola, Politanus, etc., whereby he became profoundly interested in Neo- Platonic, Pythagorean, and Jewish Cabbalistic specula- tions. Occupied chiefly with legal and administrative duties for his ducal patron and the Dominican Order (1484-1494), he found little time for his beloved studies. He was elevated to the nobility by the emperor, and learned Hebrew from a converted Jew. He published (1494) his religio-philosophical work "On the Wonderful Word " ("Df yerbo Mirifico "), which added to his fame and passed rapidly through many editions, but also, as might have been expected, aroused much suspicion among the orthodox. In 1496 his noble patron died and he was brought into the deepest adversity, including poverty and great personal danger. He at last settled at Heidelberg on a modest salary as the counsellor of the Elector of the Palatinate and tutor to his son, and was able now to carry forward the studies that had for some years been partially interrupted. He visited Rome again on behalf of the elector (1498) and availed himself of the opportunity to perfect his Greek and Hebrew learning. As a judicial ofificer for the Swabian alliance (1502 on- ward) he devoted his leisure largely to Hebrew studies and became deeply interested in the Cabbala and other Jewish theosophical literature. Consequently, his inter- est in Jewish literature greatly increased, as did also his friendship for Jews by reason of his intimate inter- course with their leading scholars. In 1505 he published in German an inquiry : " Why the Jews are so long in Tribulation.^ " The reason assigned was their persist- 30 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. ent rejection of Christ and their blaspheming of his name. He exhorts Christians to seek to win them to Christianity by love and instruction. This was followed by a Hebrew grammar (1506), the first ever prepared by a Christian. He gloried in having erected for himself a monument more lasting than brass, being, as he claimed, the first who had understood how to regulate in a book the whole Hebrew language. in 1509 a converted Jew, Joh. Pfefferkorn by name, conceived the project of a wholesale conversion of the Jews of Germany by the destruction of all their litera- ture, except the canonical Scriptures, and the infliction of severe penalties for refusal to accept Christianity. Having published a number of exhortations to rulers to take the matter earnestly in hand, he visited the Em- peror Maximilian and procured from him a mandate re- quiring all Jews to surrender their books to Pfefferkorn and providing him with the authority to execute the mandate. Pfefferkorn visited Reuchlin at Stuttgart and showing him the mandate requested his co-operation in the great enterprise. Nothing could have been more disgusting to Reuchlin than the proposed proceedings ; but he was not courageous and he contented himself with pointing out some legal defects in the scheme, it soon became evident that Pfefferkorn and the theologians were laying a snare for him. The next year he was re- quired by an imperial mandate to give his opinion re- specting the advisability of destroying the books of the Jews. His answer was temporizing in a high degree ; but he could not conceal his dislike of the proposed meas- ure. He even defended the Talmud as an exposition of the Mosaic law and the Cabbala, which he characterized as " the great mystery of the speech and words of God," that beyond any other art " assures us of the divinity of Christ." The Jews' ceremonial books, he thought, should be preserved, as their worship was tolerated by papal and imperial laws. He knew of only two works, " Niyii/ion" and " TliolcJotli Jesc/m," that were blasphe- mous in their character. His advice was: "if any book be found in the conscious possession of any Jew that with express words insults, mocks, or dishonors our Lord God, Jesus, his worthy mother, the saints, or the Chris- CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION $1 tian ordinances, let it be burned, in accordance with the imperial mandate, and the Jew punished, but not until he has been properly tried and sentence pronounced." He concludes with the advice that the literature of the Jews be not burned, but that " by reasonable discussions they should be gently and kindly, and with God's help, per- suaded to embrace our faith." To this end he suggests that the emperor require every German university to institute and maintain for ten years two chairs of He- brew, the books needed to be supplied by the Jews. Reuchlin stood alone in his view of the matter, the other corporations and individuals consulted being all in favor of more drastic measures for the extermination of Judaism. Pfefferkorn, when he had ascertained the contents of Reuchlin's paper, issued a scurrilous pamphlet in which he charged Reuchlin with having been bribed by the Jews to pronounce in their favor, and disparaged his He- brew scholarship. Reuchlin defended himself in a coun- ter-pamphlet, in which he accused Pfefferkorn of get- ting money out of him by selling him behind his back at a bookstall (referring to the pamphlet). " He has made more florins out of me than Judas made pence out of our Lord." Reuchlin's apology was sent to the Uni- versity of Cologne for criticism. Having learned of this, he wrote obsequious letters to some of the professors, seeking to minimize the gravity of his offense in taking the part of the Jews and promising to retract whatever might be found in his writings contrary to the teachings of the church, " Have patience with me, and 1 will pay thee all. Give but the command, and I will sheathe my sword ; when the cock crows I will weep ; thunder first before thou lightenest." Hochstraten and his colleagues in the university, thus assured of his cowardice, pro- ceeded to demand a complete recantation of his favorable opinion regarding the Jews and their literature, and the withdrawal of his objectionable writings from the mar- ket. This was more than he was prepared to yield, and encouraged by some of his humanistic friends, he again assumed a defiant attitude and entered into a sharp con- troversy with the Cologne theologians. An imperial mandate was secured by Hochstraten for the seizure and 32 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. destruction of Reuchlin's polemical tracts. Reuchlin ap- pealed to the pope, whose humanistic sympathies led him to quash the proceedings, notwithstanding the most de- termined efforts of the Dominicans and other friends of the Inquisition against him. This papal decision aroused a furor in Germany. The Cologne extremists denounced Cardinal Grimani, who had advocated Reuchlin's cause, disparaged the pope by calling him a schoolboy, and threatened to appeal to a General Council. The effect of this controversy was to arouse the evan- gelical humanists of Germany to polemical zeal and to multiply the enemies of blind intolerance and bigotry. Many of the young men who were to play a prominent part in the Protestant Revolution, such as Vadian, Me- lanchthon, Capito, and CEcolampadius, championed the cause of Reuchlin and were thereby prepared for the more radical work of later years. The decision in Reuch- lin's favor occurred in July, 1516, the year before the posting of Luther's theses. These proceedings greatly emboldened the German humanists and the press teemed with publications in which liberty of thought, speech, and the press was ad- vocated and obscurantism reprobated and mercilessly ridiculed. The most noted specimens of this kind of literature are the writings of Ulrich von Hutten and the " EpistolcB Obsciironim yirorum " (see p. 34). The quashing of the proceedings against Reuchlin in the Roman Curia was far from putting an end to the persecuting measures of the Dominicans, in 15 19 Franz von Sickingen, who was at the head of the Swabian League, peremptorily demanded of Hochstraten and his associates that they cease to annoy Reuchlin and that they reimburse him for the losses he had suffered through them ; and he backed up his demands with such a dis- play of force, that after many efforts at evasion, Hoch- straten resigned his offices as prior and inquisitor and Reuchlin received his damages in good gold ; moreover, the Dominicans wrote, at Sickingen 's dictation, a letter to the pope commending Reuchlin and requesting the perpetual suppression of proceedings against him. In these transactions Sickingen had the influential support of Ulrich von Hutten. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 33 The death of the Emperor Maximilian I. (January, 1 5 19) and the accession of Charles V. (June, 15 19), fol- lowed by the excommunication of Luther and the publica- tion of his defiantly evangelical works, changed the tem- per of the Roman Curia, and strengthened for the time the hands of the Dominicans. Hochstraten resumed his offices, a fresh appeal was made to Rome against Reuchlin, and a papal brief was secured (summer of 1520) against his books. But Reuchlin had recently accepted the chair of Greek and Hebrew at Ingoldstadt on the invitation of the Duke of Bavaria. He resided in the house of Dr. Joh. Eck, the great opponent of Luther, and while he advised against the burning of Luther's books, he pub- lished a vindication of himself against charges of sym- pathy with Luther, that greatly disgusted Hutten and Sickingen and his humanistic friends in general. Hutten wrote : I have read your letter to the Bavarians, in which you answer the accusations of Leo X. hninortal gods, what do 1 see? So deeply have you sunk in fear and weakness, that you do not even refrain from insulting those who have wished to rescue you and sometimes incurred danger in your behalf. . . Do you hope, by this disgrace- ful flattery, to conciliate those to whom, if you are a man, you ought not even to send a greeting? But make it up with them, if you can, and, if your age permits, do that which you say you wish to do, go to Rome and kiss the pope's feet ; and since you are not ashamed to do it, write against us into the bargain. Then it will be seen that it is against your will that we shake off the ignominious yoke, and that you agree with the godless priests in opposing us. 1 am ashamed to have written and done so much for you, since you end the affair for which we have bestirred ourselves so manfully in this wretched way. I could not have believed it of you. . . if ever you oppose Lu- ther's cause, or make your submission to the bishop of Rome, you shall know that 1 do not at all agree with you. The correspondence, of which this is an extract, is highly significant as showing the moral weakness of Reuchlin, who had done so much for the promotion of freedom of thought and the preparation of Germany for the Protestant Revolution, and the stanchness of the support that Luther received from the humanistic knights. Reuchlin tried in vain to restrain Melanchthon, his nephew, from following Luther in his revolt against Rome, and refused to leave him his great library because his advice was unheeded. He was recalled to TUbingen, c 34 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. where he again taught Hebrew and Greek, and died at Stuttgart in June, 1522, at peace with the Roman Cath- olic Church. b. Other German Humanists. Mention has been made of the knights Ulrich von Hiittcn and Fran:^ von Sickingen as the stanch defenders of Reuchlin and freedom of thought over against monkish and priestly intolerance and obscurantism. Sickingen, a bitter enemy of the papacy and a stalwart friend of Luther, fell in battle with the Count Palatine (May, 1525). Hutten was one of the most brilliant literary men of the age as well as one of the most courageous warriors. No man did more during the first quarter of the sixteenth century toward bringing monkish and priestly corruptions and supersti- tions into contempt, or for the promotion of civil and re- ligious freedom. His writings were very widely circu- lated and influenced vast numbers to throw off the papal yoke and to take up arms against imperial and papal op- pression. It is probable that to him, more than to Luther, was due the militant character of German Protestantism. Hutten and Sickingen alike combined political and selfish ends with their determination to break the power of the hierarchy and did not hesitate to appeal to the cupidity of the German nobles. Luther owed much to the coun- tenance and protection of these knights and their asso- ciates, and there can be no doubt as to the profound in- fluence they exerted on the character of his reformatory efforts. Hutten died in deep poverty of a loathsome dis- ease, due to early excesses, in August or September, 1523. His last years were embittered by controversy with Erasmus, to whom he had earlier been deeply in- debted, but who was utterly averse to his rash polemics and warlike enterprises. One of the most effective defenders of Reuchlin, as the editor and principal writer of the " Episto/(V Obscuro- rum Virorum," was Crotus Rubianus (Joh. Jager), pro- fessor in Erfurt (twice rector of the university, 1520, etc.), distinguished for his power of humorous invective rather than for moral earnestness. In the preparation of the " Epistohv" (15 14-15 16) he had the co-operation of Hutten, Mutianus Rufus, and Eobanus Hessus. The " Epistles" purport to be correspondence among the Do- CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 35 minican opponents of Reuchlin. They are written in the most barbarous of monkish Latin and in them are naively set forth the ignorance, superstition, intolerance, avarice, and fear of the new learning that characterized the sup- posed authors. Europe was convulsed with laughter by this masterpiece of satire. For a time many of the monks are said to have taken them seriously and to have enjoyed them as good expositions of their views. Humanists everywhere enjoyed the sharp thrusts that the " Epistles " contained against Hochstraten and the Domin- icans. Erasmus was amused, but thought the authors had carried their fun too far. Luther was pleased with the idea, but not altogether with the execution. Some of the pieces ascribed to Hutten are indecent in their ribaldry. On the whole, it was one of the most effective of the literary defenses of freedom of thought and it con- tributed much toward the preparation of humanistically inclined minds for the Protestant Revolution. Crotus, after supporting Luther's cause for a while, became his bitter opponent and died a Catholic. One of the most striking figures among the German humanists at the beginning of the Reformation is Willi- hald Pirkheimer, a leading citizen of Nuremberg, the chief center of humanistic culture in Germany. Pirkheimer has been likened to a Roman patrician. Of noble birth and ample wealth, of splendid culture, of courtly man- ners, he was already at the beginning of the century a man of mark. He was a friend of Erasmus and of Hut- ten and was valiant in defense of Reuchlin. hi 1520 he incurred ecclesiastical censure by publishing anony- mously a satire on Eck, after the Leipzig disputation. The papal bull against Luther procured by Eck involved the condemnation of Pirkheimer. To save his city from embarrassment he made a sort of recantation. Like Erasmus he was averse to violent proceedings, but up to 1524 he gave his moral support to Luther. After the outbreak of the Peasants' War he withdrew his support from the Protestant cause, although he was never sym- pathetic with the Romish hierarchy. He died in 1530, longing for civil and religious peace. Closely associated with Pirkheimer were Diirer, the painter, and Sachs, the poet. 36 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. v. 2. Erasmic Efforts at Reform. (i) General Reformatory Efforts of Erasmus and his School. Erasmus was on the most intimate terms with popes, cardinals, archbishops, princes, and nobles. In correspondence with such men, he expressed freely his views of reform. Especially great was his influence in the court of John 111. of Cleve, who, under Erasmus' in- fluence (1532 onward), yielded to the desire for reform that resulted from the presence of Lutheranism, and in- stituted a half-way reformation. With the legislation in favor of certain reforms was coupled the severest legis- lation against Lutheranism. According to this reformatory scheme, Roman Catho- lic worship, ordinances, and officers were to remain un- disturbed. But the gospel was to be preached clearly and intelligibly by the priests, who, however, were to confine themselves to the plainest moral and edificatory preaching and to refrain from everything calculated to cause tumult. All evangelical preaching by unordained men, and all innovations against the sacraments, sing- ing, reading, and ceremonies of the church, were strictly forbidden. The most immediate promoter of this scheme was Heresbach, a humanist of ability and learning, to whom was entrusted the education of John's son, William, and who, for many years, was privy counsellor to father and son. Yet he was guided by Erasmus. After Erasmus' death, Heresbach came under the influence of Melanch- thon, and through the latter William was led to sign the Augsburg Confession. Luther spoke of Duke John's or- dinance of reformation, as " bad German, bad gospel ; everything that comes from Erasmus is as full of theology as my shank is of pepper." Erasmus was, during his whole active life, earnestly desirous of reformation. Until Germany became in- volved in tumult, through what he regarded as the rash- ness of Luther, he favored and commended Luther. We shall see how he was brought to condemn him. (2) Erasmus' Idea of Reformation. Erasmus was con- stitutionally and utterly averse to war and tumultuous or revolutionary proceedings of every sort. He was by CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 37 nature a peacemaker. His letters to civil and ecclesi- astical rulers abound in pleas for peace. Personally, his health and temperament were such that he required the utmost quiet and care in order that he might be at all comfortable. The thought of Europe involved in a relig- ious war was to him simply horrible. If the church could not be reformed without revolution, let it remain unre- formed. He believed that the new learning properly ap- plied in the study of the Scriptures and in the elevation of the standard of taste and propriety, would put an end to abuses. " These must be tolerated until an opportu- nity arises for correcting them without creating disor- der." 3. Erasmus as an Opponent of Liitheranism and Zwinglianism. Erasmus was at first favorable to Luther. He depre- cated Luther's impetuosity, and strove in every way to induce him to be cautious. Although he tried to prevent the printing of Luther's works at Basel, he yet regarded Luther as a good man and as a friend of the new learn- ing. The outcries against Luther he attributed to Lu- ther's zeal for the new learning and his contempt for scholasticism. In an epistle (1518), Erasmus wrote :" Luther has given many excellent thoughts. If in this he had only gone to work mildly, the number of his favorers would have been greater, and the religion of Christ would have gained more thereby. Nevertheless it would be unaccountable if one should not be favorable to him for the good he has done." In an epistle to Cardinal Wolsey (i;i8): "It is certainly no small matter that even the enemies of Luther find him so irreproachable, that thev cannot make the slightest charge against him. But if 1 had the 'utmost license, I would not arrogate so much to myself as to be willing to pronounce upon the writings of so great a man. . . Against Luther I have sometimes been too unjust, lest any odium should fall upon good letters, which I was unwilling should be fur- ther burdened. For neither did it escape me how odious a thing it is to interfere with those things whence a rich harvest is meted to priests or monks." In 1 519, in answer to a most adulatory letter in which Luther in- troduced himself to Erasmus, he informs Luther of the sensation that his books have created at Louvain and the difficulty that he himself has experienced in warding off the suspicion of having had to do with their composition. " Some supposed that a pretext was 38 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. V. given to them whereby they might oppress good letters, to which they bear deadly hatred, and me whom they suppose of some mo- ment for arousing studies." He has testified that he does not know Luther, has not read his booi Reformation, ihre Entwickltiia; und ihre ll'irktnigen iin Unifaiioe des Ititherislicheti Be- keiDitiiisses,'^ 3 Bde., 1846-1848; Krauth, "The Conservative Refor- mation and its Theology"; Ranke, '''Deutsche Gesch. im Zeitalter der Reformation,'''' 6 Bde., 6th ed., 1881 ; Dorner, " Hist, of Prot. Theol.," (Eng. tr. ) ; Pertinent sections in the manuals of church his- tory, especially those of Gieseler, Moller (ed. Kawerau), Sheldon, and Hurst. Monographs on special phases of the movement will be re- ferred to from time to time. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 4I I. Preliminary Observations. (i) Whatever opinion may be held regarding the soundness and value of his reformatory work, Martin Luther is by common consent the central figure in the Protestant Revolution. In an important sense he was the product of the economic, social, political, ethical, and religious conditions that prevailed in Saxony during the closing years of the fifteenth and the early years of the sixteenth century ; in an equally important sense his powerful personality gave shape and direction to the great politico-religious movement with which his name has become so closely associated. Luther was influ- enced by and partially embodied in his reformatory scheme all of the various reformatory forces that had been developed during the mediaeval time. It was im- practicable, with such a combination of influences and purposes, for the highest ideal to be reached, viz, the restoration of Christianity to its primitive purity and sim- plicity. The politico-ecclesiastical movement known as Lutheranism involved in itself many inconsistencies. It failed to produce among the people the high standard of Christian living that the leaders themselves considered desirable ; it speedily became as openly intolerant and as atrocious in its persecuting measures as the Roman Catholic Church which it sought to supplant ; and the principles and methods adopted at the beginning ren- dered inevitable the religious wars that so fearfully dev- astated Europe from 1545 to 1648. (2) It was no accident that the leader of the Protestant Revolution should have been a Saxon ; for we have seen that economic and social conditions, based primarily on the exploitation of the mineral resources of the country, had destroyed the equilibrium of the social classes and produced a strong and general desire for reform ; while the wealth of the country had led the hierarchy to over- reach itself in its practice of extortion. (3) It was no accident that the leader should have been the son of a peasant ; for the Saxon peasants, and especially the mining peasants, had become deeply conscious of their wrongs and aggressive in their de- mands for reform. That Luther's peasant father should 42 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. have had ambition enough to plan for the education of his son for a professional career shows that he was no common serf, but that he and his class had risen already to a feeling of manly dignity that did not belong to peas- ants always and everywhere. (4) Neither was it accidental that the Elector of Sax- ony, whose wealth and wisdom placed him at the head of the German nobles and put the imperial dignity with- in his reach, and who had founded the university in which the great son of a peasant had for years been doing noble work, should have become the political leader of the revolt, and should thereby have made it appear to the interest of less powerful princes to join in the effort to throw off the Roman incubus. (5) When we consider that the interests at stake were quite as much economic and political as religious, it is not to be wondered at that Luther was content with a measure of reform that fell far short of the restoration of primitive Christianity. (6) Again, Luther's peasant origin, peasant sympa- thies, peasant simplicity, directness, and roughness (even coarseness) of speech ; his earnest pleas for lib- erty and equality ; his intimate relations with the Saxon rulers ; his commanding powers of intellect, emotion, and will ; his intense earnestness and zeal ; his hearty cham- pionship of German rights over against foreign exploita- tion and oppression ; and his apparent disposition, during the early years of his leadership, to adhere to the pure word of God without human additions, for which the old evangelicals of every type so earnestly contended, uni- ted nearly all classes of Germans in his support and made him a hero and champion. Different classes sup- ported him from different motives and great crises were needed in order that each class might test the extent to which his interests and purposes coincided with theirs. 2. Luther's Early Life to i$o^. It does not seem best to occupy space here with a de- tailed sketch of Luther's life, the main facts of which are familiar and easily accessible in popular works. Born (probably Nov. 10, 1483) of hard-working mining peasants, of rather unusual force of character and of CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 43 deep piety, his early life was embittered by poverty and harsh domestic treatment that drove him at last, broken in spirit, into a convent. Ambitious for his advancement, his father had provided him with the best educational facilities within his reach and at a very early age he could read Latin. While pursuing his studies at Magdeburg and Eisenach he supported himself, at least in part, by singing from door to door. At the lat- ter place, Ursula Cotta, attracted by his sweet voice and his devoutness, became his true friend and helper. hi 1 501 he entered the University of Erfurt, where he not only pursued the ordinary studies of the medieval curriculum, but came somewhat in touch with the new learning and read a number of the Latin classics. Lu- ther never became so thoroughly imbued with humanism as did Melanchthon, Zwingli, OEcolampadius, and others, the superior attractiveness of Augustine and the German mystics, to whose writings and modes of thought the de- vout Staupitz introduced him, having secured the fore- most place in his affection and interest. In 1502 he secured his degree of Bachelor of Arts, and in 1505 that of Master of Arts. Shortly afterward (summer of the same year) he assumed monastic vows as a member of the Augustinian convent at Erfurt. His conversion fol- lowed almost immediately. The relations of Luther to Staupitz, because of the importance of Staupitz himself and of his influence on Luther demand treatment in a separate section. 3. Staupit^ and Luther. Literature : '' Johannis StaupHH opera,'" ed. Knaake, 1867 onw. ; Keller, "J. von Staupitz"; Kolde, ''J. von SiatipH^ ein IValdenser unci IViedert'attfcr^'' (in answer to Keller, '' Zeitschr. fur Kirchen- gesch.,'' 1885) ; Dieckhoff, " T>ie Theologie d. J. von Staupit^" 1887 ; Kolde, " Die deutsche tAugustiner Congregation u. J. von Staupii^," 1879. (i) Sketch of Johann von Staiipit:(. Staupitz is com- monly regarded as an evangelically disposed official of the Augustinian Order, who was able at a critical period in Luther's experience to give him the spiritual guidance that emancipated him from superstitious dependence on dead works as a means of salvation, and constituted him a free man in Christ ; but little is popularly known re- 44 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. garding the personalty of the great Augustinian or his later relations to Luther. Of noble lineage, he early became closely associated with the Saxon princes. At an early age he became a member of the Augustinian Order, which laid much stress on the study of the Scriptures and of the writings of Augustine, the great theological thinker of the fourth and fifth centuries. Under the influence of the new learn- ing and of evangelical mysticism, many of the members of the order had already conceived a strong dislike for the dry and barren scholastic theology that still held sway in the universities, and for Aristotle, to whose influence the objectionable features of scholasticism were com- monly attributed. In 1497 Staupitz was already Master of Arts and reader in theology. For some years after this he carried on conjointly, at Tiibingen, theological study and teaching and the administration (as prior) of the Augustinian monastery there. In 1498 he became Biblical Bachelor (a degree attained on the completion of several years of Bible study), and in 1500 he attained to the degree of Doctor of Theology. By this time he had become greatly distinguished for learning, religious zeal, and administrative ability, and his services as teacher and monastic official were in great demand. His social gifts were likewise of a high order, and he was much sought after by the wealthy and the noble of the more evangelical and intellectual sort, whom he was able pro- foundly to influence in wholesome ways. In 1503 he was appointed Vicar General of the Ger- man Congregation of the Observants, a reform party among the Augustinians, that laid special stress on strict living and inner Christian life. In this position he la- bored with great earnestness and zeal for the spiritual well-being of those committed to his care, and for their advancement in evangelical knowledge. From 1502 onward, in addition to his official duties in connection with his order, he aided Frederick the Wise in establishing the University of Wittenberg, and, in compliance with his wishes, became Professor of The- ology and Dean of the Theological Faculty of the new institution. Frederick was among the wealthiest and most enlightened princes of the time. The rich mines CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 45 of Saxony had filled his coffers to overflowing. He had become deeply conscious of the corruptions of papal ad- ministration, and along with many of the German princes was no doubt already beginning to resent the undue ex- ploitation of Germany by the Roman Curia. That he should have called upon the earnest and spiritually minded Staupitz to impress his personality on the or- ganization and work of the university, would in itself sufficiently attest the nobility of his motives in devoting his wealth to Christian education. That evangelical Augustinianism should have been the dominant influence in the university from the begin- ning, was what might have been expected. Staupitz was not only a diligent and devout student of the Scrip- tures and of the writings of Augustine, but he had be- come deeply imbued with the evangelical mysticism of the mediaeval time, that found its best literary expression in the sermons of Tauler and in the little work entitled " German Theology," and had been diffused very widely among old evangelical Christians of nearly every type, inside and outside of the dominant church. He had be- come profoundly convinced that religion is not a matter of forms and ceremonies, or even of formulated creed, but that it is a matter of direct communion between the individual soul and God ; that salvation is not gained by outward works, but by inward transformation of char- acter; that justification is by faith, by which he under- stood not a mere intellectual acceptation of the divine promises and provisions, but a complete surrender of the entire being to God and an inward appropriation of Christ, involving fellowship with his sufferings and his sacrificial life and death. (2) The Conversion of Luther. In 1505, on the occasion of an official visitation to the monastery at Erfurt, his attention was called to a gifted young man named Mar- tin Luther, who had become deeply conscious of his guilt in relation to a holy God, and who in sore distress was vainly striving by bodily mortifications and the ob- servance of external forms to pacify his troubled soul. Staupitz's earnest spiritual words were to him " as a voice from heaven." He was taught to look upon God as a God of love, earnestly desirous of the salvation of fallen 46 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. V. men, and to this end making an infinite sacrifice in the person of his only begotten and well-beloved Son, and was enabled to see that this great salvation is to be ap- propriated by faith, involving, as already explained, not mere intellectual acceptance of a proposition or assur- ance regarding a fact, but a complete surrender of the being to God, and an inner appropriation of Christ as the controlling principle of the life. (3) Luther at Wittenberg. It was through Staupitz's influence that Luther, already a Master of Arts in the University of Erfurt, was transferred to the Augustinian monastery at Wittenberg (1508), where he soon became Biblical Bachelor and Sententiary (1509), and after a further period of work at Erfurt and a visit to Rome, Professor of Theology and Doctor of Theology (15 12). In 1 5 10, or earlier, Staupitz had become involved in con- troversy with certain of his Augustinian brethren, and on his behalf Luther visited Rome (1510-1511), where he became intimately acquainted with the heathenish life of the Roman Curia. Luxury and license were every- where in evidence, and he now realized, as never before, the uses that were being made of the vast sums of money that were being extorted year by year from the German people, who were yet held in contempt by the courtly Italians. He entered upon his professorial duties at Wit- tenberg, profoundly realizing the corrupt state of the ecclesiastical administration and the exploited and op- pressed condition of the German people. He was ear- nestly desirous alike of ecclesiastical reform and of the alleviation of the burdens under which his people were groaning. Staupitz had introduced Luther to the study of the German mystics, as well as to that of Augustine and the Bible. The next few years of Luther's life were devoted largely to these studies. (4) Statipiti leaves Wittenberg. Having established Luther in a Wittenberg chair, along with Carlstadt, also a devout student of the Bible, Augustine, and the mys- tics, Staupitz left the university, being, as he remarked, " thoroughly dissatisfied with the times." Educational work, under the conditions that prevailed, no longer satisfied the longings of his soul. He preferred to de- vote himself to visitation among the monasteries of Ger- CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 47 many, Austria, and the Netherlands, which offered a wide and fruitful field for the dissemination of his evan- gelical principles and for the inculcation of the type of spiritual life that he represented. Outside of the mon- asteries, he had access in his journeyings to circles of earnest, enlightened, evangelical men, who, being dis- gusted with the prevailing ignorance, superstition, and corruption, were eager for the guidance of a gifted man like Staupitz, who could speak to them in eloquent, soul- moving language, out of the depths of his own experi- ence, of the things of God. (5J The Stanpit:{ian Society of Nuremberg. Nuremberg, which had long been a center of evangelical and hu- manistic life and thought, was one of his favorite resorts. Here lie was always welcomed by a circle of devout and intelligent men, including some of the most distinguished people of the city, who formed themselves into a "Stau- pitzian Society," and as such discussed with the utmost freedom, under his guidance, the great questions of life and doctrine that were agitating men's minds. Here Staupitz was looked upon, to use the language of one of the members of the society, " as a disciple, nay, as the very tongue of Paul," as " a herald of the gospel and a genuine divine." " The foremost people of Nuremberg," says this contemporary, regarded him as " the one who should free Israel," that is to say, should lead in a general and thorough reformation of the church. The Nurem- berg Staupitzian Society embraced such distinguished men as Anton Tucher, Jerome Ebner, and Albert Diirer, the painter. Such socie- ties abounded at this time, and it is probable that much of Staupitz's strength was devoted to the organization and development of these means of diffusing and intensifying spiritual life and light. In turning aside from Wittenberg, where he had estab- lished able representatives of his principles, to these wider spheres of intellectual and spiritual influence, it is probable that Staupitz followed not only the bent of his own mind, but also the leadings of divine Providence, and that in this way he used to the best advantage his rich social gifts and his wonderful personal power. From 1 515 onward, Staupitz published a number of small works thoroughly imbued with the spirit of evan- gelical mysticism. Notable among these was his "Imi- tation of Christ," issued by a Nuremberg publisher, who 48 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. three years before had published a defense of the Wal- denses. This devotional writing, as well as Staupitz's treatise on "The Love of God" (1518), received Lu- ther's most cordial approval, and both were widely cir- culated. (6) Luther and the '' German Theology.'' In 15 16 Lu- ther published for the first time from a manuscript, with the warmest commendation, the " German Theology," an anonymous mystical work, written some two hun- dred years before, and long a favorite handbook among evangelical mystics. In his preface to the second edition (1518)1 he wrote : " I will have every man warned who readetii tiiis little book, that he should not take offense, to his own hurt, at its bad German, or its crabbed and uncouth words. For tiiis noble book, though it be poor and rude in words, is so much the richer and more precious in knowledge and divine wisdom. And I will say, though it be boasting of myself, and ' I speak as a fool,' that next to the Bible and St. Augustine, no book hath ever come into my hands, whence I have learned, or would wish to learn, more of what God, and Christ, and man, and all things are ; and now I first find the truth of what certain of the learned have said in scorn of us theologians of Wittenberg, that we would be thought to put forward new things, as though there had never been men elsewhere and before our time. Yea, verily, there have been men ; but God's wrath, provoked by our sins, hath not judged us worthy to see and hear them. . . Let as many as w ill read this little book, and then say whether theology is a new or old thing among us : for tiiis book is not new. . . I thank God that i have heard and found my God in the German tongue, as neither I nor they have found him in the Latin, Greek, or Hebrew tongue. God grant that this book may be spread abroad, then we shall find that the German theologians are without doubt the best theolo- gians." This work passed rapidly through ten editions (1516- 1520). The circulation by Luther of this book, with his enthusiastic commendation, makes it abundantly evident that up to 1 5 18 and later, Luther was in thorough ac- cord with the earlier evangelical mystics and with Stau- pitz, and had not the least thought of innovation. (7) Luther a Standard-bearer of Evangelical Mysticism. It is worthy of remark that when Luther posted his theses against the sale of indulgences in 15 17, and thereby brought himself under ecclesiastical censure, and when he proceeded to publish a number of polemical tracts on indulgences, monastic vows, etc., he had the enthu- CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 49 siastic support of Staupitz and his Nuremberg friends, and of evangelical mystics and evangelical humanists everywhere. It was Staupitz, as Luther claimed at this time, who had incited him against the pope. Scheurl, of Nuremberg, greeted Luther in 15 18 as the one raised up of God to lead the people of Israel out of their captivity. The old evangelicals of the Waldensian type, including the Bohemian Brethren, with their multitude of ad- herents, rejoiced in Luther's bold and evangelical utter- ances, and hastened, in many cases, to array themselves among his followers. Many who had secretly enter- tained evangelical views, and had been quietly propa- gating them in and through secret societies, now became avowed evangelicals. In his tract on "Indulgences," Luther expressed the highest admiration for Tauler, the mystic : " As regards Tauler's teachings," he writes, "although he is un- known by the theologians, and on this account held in contempt among them, yet I know, although he is through and through German, that I have found in his writings more of pure divine teaching than I have found in all the books of the schoolmen at all the universities, or may be found therein." Thus, from 15 17 to 1520, Luther was the standard- bearer of the older evangelical type of religious life and thought. In 1 5 18 he wrote to Staupitz that his (Luther's own) name had become odious to many, yet he had only followed Tauler's theology and Staupitz's little book recently published, and he still regarded Staupitz as the means under God of his spiritual enlightenment. (8) Luther Drifts Away from Staupiti. In October, 15 19, when Staupitz had unduly delayed answering Luther's letter, he wrote : " Thou forsakest me all too much ; on thine account I was very sad, longing as a weaned child longs for its mother, . , Last night I dreamed of thee. It seemed as if thou hadst abandoned me ; but I wept bitterly and was troubled. Thou beckonedst with thy hand that thou wouldst return to me." No doubt Luther's recent proceedings had called forth Staupitz's disapproval, and his failure to answer the let- ter promptly may have been due to Staupitz's realiza- tion of the fact that an ever-widening breach existed be- D 50 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. tween him and Luther. Luther was becoming involved in errors, as Staupitz saw, that would destroy all possi- bility of fellowship with old evangelicals of every party. By 1522 Luther had drifted so far from the old evan- gelical position of Staupitz as to be able to write : " Stau- pitz's letters I do not understand, except that I see that they are very empty in spirit ; besides, he does not write to me as he used to do. May God bring him back." There is no evidence that Staupitz had changed in the slightest degree his attitude toward truth. Luther was steadily changing, and with childlike simplicity he affected to be- lieve that he was the fixed point from which Staupitz was drifting away. Luther's change of base can be easily accounted for. The icono- clastic proceedings of the Zwickau prophets and of Carlstadt had tilled him with alarm, and he had reached a definite conclusion that the only way in which the papal power, backed up by the imperial, could be successfully resisted was by keeping the anti-papal move- ment in accord with the wishes of tlie German princes, whose in- terests led them to oppose pope and emperor, and by preventing, at whatever cost, any radical and revolutionary uprisings. He had broken definitely with the papacy and the imperial administration, and the armed supix>rt of the German princes he regarded as indis- pensable. The practical, political, militant side of the work in which he had become engaged no doubt tended to eliminate from his thinking the sweet reasonableness of the older mysticism, and to in- duce the harsher modes of thought and expression that characterized his later work. By 1524 Luther had not only completely broken with the papacy, but had established a State-church system, in which he claimed and exercised a virtual dictatorship. He had driven Carlstadt, his great evangelical co-laborer and fellow-student of mysticism, from the university, and afterward from pillar to post, and was inciting the princes to violent persecuting measures. The Peasants' War was already imminent, and he was exhorting his noble patrons to stern repressive proceedings. In April of this year Staupitz wrote Luther that he was too stupid to comprehend the latter's actions, and begged for- giveness for passing them by in silence. "May Christ help that we may at last live according to the gospel, which now sounds in our ears and which many carry in the mouth ; since I see that multitudes abuse the gospel CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 5 1 for the freedom of the flesh. May my prayers, seeing that I was once the forerunner of the holy evangelical teaching, still avail somewhat with thee." (9) Luther Openly Denouneed by Staiipiti. By 1525 the Peasants' War had burst forth, and Luther had, by his sanguinary exhortations involving the utter repudiation of the principles of the old evangelical party, and by his declaration of war to the knife with evangelical dissent, fully demonstrated his quality. Staupitz, now nearing his end, being deeply disappointed and grieved by the later developments in Luther's teachings and reforma- tory measures, published his last writing on " Holy, True, Christian Faith." In this work he handles his great disciple without gloves. He contrasts "title-Christians," or Christians in name and by pro- fession, with "true Christians." Evidently Luther's teachings are meant when he speaks of those who promulgate among men " a foolish faith and separate evangelical life from faith. . . They di- vide and separate also works from faith, as if one might truly be- lieve without being brought into harmony with the life of Christ. Oh, poison of the enemy ! Oh, misguiding of the people ! He be- lieveth not at all in Christ who will nut do as Christ has done. Hear the word of fools [meaning Luther and his followers] : ' He who believes in Christ needs no works.' Hear, on the other hand, the maxims of wisdom : ' Whosoever will serve me, let him deny him- self, and take up his cross daily and follow me ' : ' Whosoever loveth me will keep my word' ; ' He that hath my commandments and keepeth them, he it is that loveth me and is loved of my Father, and 1 will love him and will manifest myself to him.' Likewise, ' if thou wilt enter into life, keep the commandments.' David asks, ' Who shall ascend into the hill of the Lord, and who shall stand in his holy place? ' Answer: ' He that hath clean hands and a pure heart,' etc. But the evil spirit suggests to his carnal Christians [Lutherans], that men are justified without works, with the intima- tion that Paul preached in this way, as is falsely and lyingly im- puted to him. Paul indeed preached against the works of the law, which spring from fear and not from love, from self-love and not from love to God, on which hypocrites base their confidence, putting man's salvation in external works. . . But works done in obedience to the heavenly commandments, in faith and love, Paul never thought evil and never said aught but the best about them ; nay, he proclaims and preaches that they are needful and useful to blessed- ness, of which all his Epistles bear witness. Christ will have the law fulfilled ; fools would blot it out. Paul praises the law that it is good ; fools denounce it as evil, because they walk according to the forms of the flesh, and savor not the things of the Spirit." Staupitz died before this work issued from the press, 52 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V, and Luther regarded his death as a divine judgment be- cause of his opposition to the truth ! From this time forth Luther gave no quarter to evan- gelical dissent in any form ; but urged the princes on to the commission of every atrocity against all who could not accept his own views of doctrine and polity. 4. Lutheranism as a Revolutionary (Movement. The entire movement was, in its tendency and results, revolutionary ; but during the earlier years alone was it such in its aim. (i) C/iaracteri{ation of Luther. Luther was a man of profound religious nature, who had been led by over- whelming conviction of sin and experience of divine grace, through the study of the Scriptures, of the writ- ings of Augustine and of the great German mystics of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and through the influence of the revival of learning, to repudiate all efforts to secure salvation by outward observances, and to re- gard salvation as entirely a matter of grace, and the hu- man means of attaining to justification as faith in Jesus Christ. He had become noted for his piety and learning long before 15 17, and was already beginning to be widely known and honored for his writings. As teacher in the new University of Wittenberg he had, since 15 12, exerted a powerful influence in favor of biblical studies, and against scliolasticism. Luther's let- ters from 1 5 12-15 17, show that he was constantly getting clearer views of evangelical truth, and was gradually coming to a state of preparedness for the work of an active reformer. Yet with all his evangelical views, he was still a strong believer in the hierarchical church, and would have been shocked at the very suggestion of schism. Luther was, by nature, a man of strong passions and great energy of will. When he entered upon the work of reform, he was dominated by the conviction that his cause was the cause of God. Taking this for granted, he could brook no opposition. Those who opposed him were undoubtedly opponents of God and emissaries of Satan. The violence of his polemical language is almost without parallel. When aroused by opposition, he lost CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 53 all regard for decency, and sometimes, apparently, even for truth. Those who opposed him, and in him the cause of God, were ipso facto, shown to be utterly reprobate and capable of all sorts of iniquity. We can best under- stand Luther's work by regarding him as filled with the idea that he had a great mission to perform as an apostle of God, and that all opposition to his work was prompted by the devil. It seems probable that at the beginning of his reforma- tory career, Luther's motives were pure, but that his character was seriously damaged by his experiences as a politico-ecclesiastical leader. Toward the close of his life, he became almost intolerable, even to his friends, so great was his bitterness and his intolerance of the least opposition. He spent his life in trying to tear down papal authority ; but he certainly tried to arrogate to himself almost equal supremacy — not for his own sake, perhaps, but because he regarded himself as the great representative of God's cause on earth. (2) Luther and Indulgences. The Elector and Arch- bishop Albert of Mainz, had made an arrangement with Leo X. to raise a large sum of money by the sale of in- dulgences. The Fugger firm of bankers in Augsburg had made heavy advances to the elector and were largely interested in the indulgence traffic. An agent of the firm accompanied the indulgence preacher and took charge of the receipts. The pope was to have one-half of the proceeds for the building of St. Peter's Cathedral and the payment of his debts. Tetzel, who was said to have been previously condemned to death for crime, was ap- pointed, among others, to preach the indulgences through- out the country. These preachers went forth with great pomp, entering cities accompanied by immense proces- sions, with cross and banners and a papal Bull printed in large letters. Among the directions given to the preachers were the following : The indulgence preachers are always to show the people how necessary indulgences are to one wishing to have eternal life ; and to disclose and make manifest to the people the immense and inestima- ble fruit of indulgences for themselves, and for the souls of believers. 54 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. They are to relate to the people the fact that Julius II. demulished the church of St. Peter, with a view to rebuilding it, and that its re- building has been begun on such a grand scale that the entire rev- enues of the Roman See would not suffice for its completion ; that the bones and relics of the martyrs are now exposed to rain and storm, and that those who bear regard to the martyrs, to St. Peter, and to Christ, ought to contribute to this end. But in order to in- cite them to perform their duty in this regard, the pope has granted plenary indulgence to all who will contribute. The first grace is the plenary remission of all sins. The second grace contains seven great privileges: that of choosing one's own confessor; that of changing vows into other works of piety (the building of St. Peter's, etc.); participation of all the good deeds of the universal church (prayers, alms, fasts, pilgrimages, etc.); the plenary remission of the sins of those in purgatory, etc. Then follows a large number of instructions, including compositions with simoniacs, with those ir- regularly ordained, with those married within prohibited degrees, with those that have wrongly got possession of property, and to whom it is inconvenient to restore it to the proper persons ; and pro- visions for putting into the papal treasury all moneys with regard to the rightful possession of which there existed any doubt, etc' Tetzel probably went beyond this most liberal code of indulgences, and proposed to forgive all sins absolutely as soon as the money clinked in the chest, even if any one had deflowered the Virgin Mary. The Elector of Saxony had forbidden the sale of indulgences in his territory. Hence the preachers could not go to Witten- berg. But Tetzel came to a neighboring town and drew large numbers of people from Wittenberg. Luther saw the harm that was being done alike to the souls and to the purses of the people. His soul was stirred within him. He wrote to Albert, Archbishop of Mainz and Magdeburg, etc., protesting against the indulgence traffic. But having no confidence in the result of the letter, as it would seem, he, on the same day (Oct. 31, 1517), posted ninety-five theses concerning indulgences on the door of the castle church in Wittenberg, and sent copies to the bishops of Brandenburg and Magdeburg, exhort- ing them to rise up against the abomination. The ninety-five theses were in substance as follows : That God alone can bestow true absolution ; that the pope, like any other bishop or pastor, can only dispense this divine absolution to peni- tents and believers. That priestly absolution might indeed be bene- * See documents in Gerdesius, "Hist. Evangelii n{_enovati," Vol. I., p. 83 of " Monumetila," and extracts in Gieseler. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 55 ficial, but could not be indispensable, nor should it be esteemed more highly than works of piety and mercy. That such absolution pro- perly referred only to ecclesiastical penalties, and that it was then so much abused by traders in indulgences, and so misunderstood by the people, that if the pope knew what was going on, he would rather see St. Peter's Church go into ashes, than see it built of the skin and bones of his sheep. He represents laymen as arguing, " That if the pope has the power for a paltry sum of money to re- deem souls from purgatory, he ought on account of most holy charity and the utmost need of souls, to empty purgatory." And even the learned theologians, he says, find it difficult to defend the reverence of the pope from such calumnies and questionings. He takes up one by one a large number of the extravagant claims of the indul- gence preachers, and refutes them briefly, fortifying the statements with references to Councils and Fathers. It is no wonder that such a document should have aroused the opposition of those who were interested in the indulgence traffic. (3) Luther's Theses Condemned by the Pope and Luther Summoned to Rome. Tetzel and Prierias (Master of the Sacred Palace at Rome), wrote against Luther in favor of indulgences. Luther sent a copy of his theses to the pope, accompanied by a letter, in which he expresses a firm conviction that his position is true and orthodox, but submitting unconditionally to his superiors. He was summoned (Aug., 1518) to appear at Rome ; but the Elector Frederick arranged that he should be examined at Augsburg by the Cardinal Legate Cajetan (Oct., 1 5 18). Neither kindness nor threats, on the part of Cajetan, availed anything with Luther. His failure to render satisfaction to Cajetan involved his excommuni- cation by the pope. He now appealed from the pope ill- informed, to the pope better informed ; but soon after- ward, feeling sure that he could get no justice from the Roman Curia, he appealed to a General Council. (4) The /Attitude of the Elector Frederick toward Luther. Frederick was a man of enlightened views, and was on the most friendly terms with Luther, As he was one of the most important men in the empire, his support of Lu- ther was dreaded by the pope, who wrote to Frederick, exhorting him by no means to uphold Luther in his dis- obedience and heresy. After the Augsburg conference, Cajetan wrote to Frederick, giving him an account of Luther's conduct, and asking him either to send Luther 56 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. to Rome, or to banish him from his realm. Luther also wrote to the elector, giving his view of the conference, and replying to Cajetan. Cajetan had accused Luther of rejecting a decretal of Clement VL with regard to in- dulgences. Luther replied that this decretal is clearly opposed to the historical sense of the passage of Scrip- ture on which it claims to be based, and that while re- jecting neither the decretal nor the Scripture, he is bound to give the preference to the latter. Nay, the popes and the Fathers have often tortured Scripture from its true sense. The attitude of Cajetan in the conference, ac- cording to both accounts, was that of a superior, who did not deign to argue with the miserable monk ; but in a paternal way demanded of him unconditional submission, and warned him to be solicitous for the salvation of his soul. Luther was willing to submit only when proved to be wrong. Frederick refused to banish Luther or to send him to Rome. He considered Luther's demand to be arraigned before an impartial tribunal in Germany nothing more than was reasonable. The pope being anxious to secure the influence of Frederick, deputed Miltitz, a Saxon nobleman and cham- berlain in the papal court, to go to Saxony and treat with Frederick and Luther. Miltitz's opinion, after travel- ing through Germany, was, that public opinion was so strongly in favor of Luther, that even if he had an army at his command he could not take Luther to Rome. (5) Luther's Conference with {Mi/tit^. Miltitz sum- moned Luther in a friendly manner to meet him at Al- tenberg (Jan., 15 19). He acknowledged the evil of the indulgence traffic, and denounced Tetzel so strongly that he is said to have died of chagrin ; but he entreated Luther not to make of this abuse an occasion for schism. Luther agreed to keep silent as long as his opponents should do the same. Moreover, he would write to the pope, and assure him that he had been too warm and severe in his polemics ; but that he inveighed against abuses as a true child of the church. Moreover, he would publish a tract in which he would exhort everybody to follow the Roman Church, to be obedient and respectful to its dignitaries, to understand his writings, not to the dishonor, but rather to the honor of the holy Roman Church, and CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 57 to look upon some of his expressions as too warm and perhaps untimely. Again, lie was willing to submit his cause to the Archbishop of Saltzburg, with other learned men, subject to appeal. In pursuance of this agreement, Luther wrote a most submissive letter to the pope. We have here an instance, among many, of Luther's diplomatic skill. We have the letter to the pope, dated March 5,1519, written in the most adulatory style,' and a letter to Spalatin, dated March 13, in which he declares that " he does not know whether the pope is Antichrist or his apostle, so miserably is Christ (/. e., the truth) corrupted and crucified by him in his decretals."'^ Luther himself throws some light upon his duplicity in a letter to Spalatin bearing the same date with that to the pope: "It never was in my mind that 1 should wish to cut loose from the Apostolic Roman See. Finally, 1 am content that he [the pope] be called, and be lord of all things. What is this to me, who know that even a Turk must be honored and tolerated for the sake of his power? For I am certain that only by God's will (as Peter says), will any power stand. But this I do for my faith in Christ, that they may not drag down and contaminate his word by prohibition. Let the Roman decretals leave me the pure gospel, and they may seize upon all else." This correspondence is important because it is characteristic, and because it throws light upon Luther's ethical position. He had not attained to the absolute and uncompromising veraciousness that characterizes evangelical Christianity at its best estate, but still al- lowed himself considerable liberty in prevarication. We must bear in mind that Luther was dealing with Italian diplomatists, who were notorious for their insincerity. It may have been a matter of some consolation to him to know that he was simply meeting them on their own ground, with their own weapons. The general impression Luther's character makes upon one, is that of overmastering zeal and impetuosity. But we cannot fully appre- ciate his marvelous power unless we observe that he combined with his impetuosity a remarkable amount of shrewdness and diplomacy. This enabled him, in general, to make the most of his fiery zeal— to be impetuous when and where it was most advantageous to be so. (6) The disputation at Leipzig (June and July, 1^19). Soon after the publication of Luther's theses, Carlstadt, rector of the University of Wittenberg, a man of great learning and remarkable religious earnestness, defended them in about four hundred theses in his university dis- putations, and became widely known as the ablest co- adjutor of Luther. Carlstadt's four hundred propositions were intended as a reply to Dr. John Eck, of Ingoldstadt. Luther pro- 1 "Ep." ed. De Wette, Vol. I., p. 233. * Ibid., p. 239. 58 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. posed that Eck and Carlstadt should settle their dispute by a debate at Leipzig. In January, 15 19, Eck had pub- lished thirteen theses. Luther thought the promise of silence no longer binding, and replied in thirteen others. Luther was also drawn into the Leipzig debate, and was forced into a dispute on the primacy of the pope. Eck accused him of Hussite opinions, and Luther rejoined that several of Huss' opinions had been unjustly con- demned and virtually aligned himself with the Bohemian reformer. Here Eck first pronounced Luther and his followers heretics, under the name of Lutherans. Eck was greatly superior to Luther in controversial skill ; but the verdict of the public was clearly in favor of Lu- ther and Carlstadt. (7) Luther's Activity, from the Leipzig Disputatioji till his Final Excommunication {Jan. 5, 752/). This was a period of intense activity with Luther. Both he and Melanchthon, who was now at his side, as a most learned and faithful helper, wrote polemical treatises against Eck, etc. Philip Melanchthon (born 1497), son of a weapon-maker, grand- nephew and pupil of Reuchlin, studied for a number of years at Pforzheim, Heidelberg, and Tubingen, and by 1518 had become one of the most accomplished classical scholars of the time and a thorough-going humanist in his sympathies and purposes. On Reuchlin's recommendation he was appointed teacher of Greek in the University of Wittenberg {1518). In spite of Reuchlin's warn- ings, he was "soon won over to the support of Luther and became deeply interested in biblical studv and in evangelical theology. His accession to the Lutheran ranks was of fundamental importance. From this time onward he was Luther's chief helper, and it was largely due to his fame as a scholar and teacher that the university was so greatly prospered, in many respects he was the counterpart of Luther. Far more learned than Luther and far more moderate in his views, he tended to curb the extravagances of his great leader. He was able to put Luther's thoughts into consistent and intelligible form while he was himself inspired in his thinking and his work by the great personality of Luther. He was yielding and comprom- ising in disposition and so was enabled to endure Luther's over- bearing conduct and to conciliate many whom Luther would have hopelessly alienated. As he became more mature and influential he became more assertive, and long before Luther's death a marked difference in the tvpe of their theological thinking was observable. After Luther's death his views became practically Calvinistic, only his Augustinianism was always of a far more moderate t\pe than that of eitht-r Luther or Calvin. His theological masterpiece is the ''Loci Communes,'" the successive editions of which show his pro- CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 59 gressive departure from ultra-Lutheranism. The type of his teach- ing is exemplified also in the " Augsburg Confession," which he drafted in consultation with Luther (1530), and in the " Apology " for the " Confession," and his modified views in the Augsburg '' l^aridta" (1540)- Many of his controversial works are of con- siderable value. His relation to later Lutheran controversies will be defined in a subsequent section. In September, 1519, Luther published his "Commen- tary on Galatians," in the preface of which he dis- tinguishes between the Roman Church, the bride of Christ, the mother of churches, the daughter of God, the terror of hell, absolutely pure, and the Roman Curia, which he condemns in the strongest terms. The former should be by no means resisted ; to resist the lat- ter is a work of far greater piety on the part of kings, princes, and whoever is able, than to resist the Turks themselves. Early in 1520, when it was becoming evident that Lu- ther would be excommunicated, he received assurances of protection from Ulrich von Hutten, Franz von Sickin- gen, and Sylvester of Schaumberg, knights. The last assured him that he and a hundred other nobles would protect him against violence at any cost until his matter should be settled by an impartial council. The elector still remained true to Luther, glorying in the fame that had come to his new university through Luther and Me- lanchthon. In June (the same month in which the first Bull of ex- communication was issued at Rome, but before it had reached Germany), emboldened by such assurances, Luther issued his writing : " To the Christian Nobles of Germany, with regard to the Bettering of the Christian Condition." This is one of the boldest of Luther's re- formatory writings. He shows the hopelessness of reform in the church, from the fact that the Romanists have most dextrously drawn around them three walls : (i) When pursued by the secular power, they hold that the spiritual is above the secular. (2) When any one would rebuke them with the Scriptures, they reply that it belongs to the pope alone to interpret Scripture. (3) If threatened with a council, they pretend that no one but the pope can call a council. 6o A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. He shows that there is properly no distinction in Scrip- ture between spiritual and secular ; that all Christians are spiritual, all priests. The secular authorities ought to de- fend the righteous and punish the evil, even if such be monks, nuns, priests, bishops, popes. Christ says that all Christians are taught of God. Now it may happen that •popes, bishops, etc., are not true Christians ; and a hum- ble layman may have a truer understanding of Scripture than they. The third wall will fall down of itself if the others are demolished. Christ says, " If thy brother sin against thee tell it to the church." How can we tell it to the church without calling a council ? Now follows his plan for the reformation of the church, which he exhorts the nobles to carry out : Reduction of the luxurious extravagance of the papal court ; abolition of annates and other papal exactions of money ; bishops' palliums to be no longer brought from Rome ; no secular cause to be carried to Rome for adjudication ; all papal reservations to be abolished ; no fiefs to be held at Rome; the emperor no more to kiss the pope's foot or to hold his stirrup ; nobody to kiss the pope's foot ; pilgrimages to be abolished ; no more monasteries to be built ; pas- tors to be allowed to marry ; many ecclesiastical penal- ties to be abolished ; all festivals to be abolished except Sunday ; laws with regard to prohibited degrees of con- sanguinity in marriage to be changed ; mendicancy to be abolished ; the cause of the Bohemians to be taken up and union with them effected ; the universities to be re- formed and Aristotle scouted, etc., etc. Eck, who had been from the beginning one of the fore- tmost opponents of Luther, had gone to Rome and re- turned to Germany, charged with the proclamation of the Bull. He was supposed to have instigated the pope to this measure ; and so great was the odium which he incurred, that he was obliged to conceal himself. A de- nunciatory song was written about him, which contributed to the popular feeling against him. The Bull was received in Germany with almost universal indignation. A hand- bill appeared at Erfurt, signed by the faculty and stu- dents, denouncing Luther's enemies and commending Luther. Eck had difficulty in getting the Bull published even in his own university. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 6l In September, Luther published his admirable tract, " Concerning Christian Liberty," accompanied by a long dedicatory letter to Pope Leo X. The letter to Leo is a bold and fervid denunciation of the ecclesiastical admin- istration tempered with flattery of the reigning pope. " The court of Rome " is declared to be " more corrupt than any Babylon or Sodom," " of an abandoned, desperate, and hopeless im- piety," " the most lawless den of thieves, the most shameless of all brothels, the very kingdom of sin, death, and hell ; so that not even Antichrist, if he were to come, could devise any addition to its wickedness." Yet Leo is represented as " sitting like a lamb in the midst of wolves, like Daniel, in the midst of lions, and with Ezekiel dwelling among scorpions," as powerless in the face of "the monstrous evils." If he and a few cardinals should attempt reform, they would be poisoned. " it is all over with the court of Rome: the wrath of God has come upon it to the uttermost." Satan is declared to be more the ruler of the court than Leo, whom Luther would fain see living privately on his paternal inheritance out of reach of these fearful evils. He narrates the proceedings of Cajetan, Miltitz, and Eck, in their efforts to bring him to submission, justifying himself fully and scathingly denouncing these papal emis- saries, whom he regards as abusing their commissions and only making bad worse. He points out the unreasonableness of the ex- pectation that he should recant, unless he can be proved to be wrong. " Moreover, I cannot bear with laws for the interpretation of the word of God, since the word of God, which teaches liberty in all other things, ought not to be bound." Referring to the accompany- ing tract, he adds: " It is a small matter, if you look to its exterior, but, unless 1 mistake, it is a summary of the Christian life put to- gether in small compass, if you apprehend its meaning." The two propositions that he undertakes to establish in the trea- tise are : " A Christian man is the most free lord of all, and subject to none ; a Christian man is the most dutiful servant of all, and sub- ject to every one." Luther's elaboration of these propositions con- stitutes his very best exposition of the principles of evangelical Chris- tianity. It is written with masterly skill, seraphic fervor, and con- vincing logic, and is so free from his later extravagances as to be universally acceptable to evangelical Christians always and every- where. Justification by faith is earnestly insisted upon as opposed to justification by works, but not in so one-sided a manner as to make good works seem superfluous : " Good works do not make a good man, but a good man does good works. Bad works do not make a bad man, but a bad man does bad works. Thus it is always necessary that the substance or person should be good before any good works can be done, and that good works should follow and proceed from a good person. . . We do not then reject good works ; nay, we embrace them and teach them in the highest degree. It is not on their own account that we condemn them, but on account of this impious addition to them, and the perverse notion of seeking justification by them." 62 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. The treatise on " The Babylonish Captivity of the Church," published a few weeks later, is of almost equal value and importance. In his dedication, he professes to have made within two years great advancement in the apprehension of the trutli, under the stimulus and instruction of such teachers as Prierias, Eck, and Emser. He now extremelv regrets having published the work on indulgences, in which he was' still superstitious enough to judge that they were not to be wholly rejected. He had since reached the conviction that indulgences were " nothing but mere impostures of the flatterers of Rome, whereby to make away with the faith of God and the money of men." He would have all his previous writings on indulgences burned and have this one proposition put in their place: "Indul- gences are wicked devices of the tlatteiers of Rome." Heretofore he had admitted that the pope had a human right to preside over Chris- tendom. Now he is convinced that " the papacy is the kingdom of Babylon." He would have everything he has hitherto had pub- lished about the papacy burned and the following proposition substi- tuted : " The papacv is the mighty hunting-ground of the Bishop of Rome." Heretofore he has thought it would be well for a General Council to determine in favor of administering both bread and wine to the laity. The effort of his opponents to prove communion in one kind to be scriptural by an appeal to the sixth chapter of John's Gospel has convinced him that a denial of the cup to the laity is a perversion of the ordinance. He must now deny "that there are seven sacraments, and must lav it down, for the time being, that there are onlv three, baptism, penance, and the bread, and that by the court of Rome all these have been brought into miserable bond- age, and the church despoiled of all her liberty." The treatise is devoted to a critique of the Romanist teaching re- garding the seven sacraments, which are taken up one by one, and to the setting forth of Luther's own views on the Lord's "Supper, bap- tism, etc. He places himself beside Wycliffe and Huss in rejecting transubstantiation, and beside the Bohemians in insisting on com- munion under both kinds. He insists that in the administration of the sacrament, everything be " put aside " "that has been added by the zeal or the notions of men to the primitive and simple institution ; such as are vestments, ornaments, Inmns, prayers, musical instru- ments, lamps, and all the pomp of "visible things," and that we " must turn our eyes and our attention onlv to the pure institution of Christ, and set "nothing else before us but those very words of Christ, with which he instituted and perfected that sacrament, and committed it to us." He rejoices that Christ has preserved baptism in his churcli uninjured and uncontaminated by the devices of men, and has made it free to all nations and to men of every class. . . doubtless having this purpose, that he would ha\'e little children, in- capal)le of avarice and superstition, to be initiated into this sacrament, to be sanctified bv perfectly simple faith in his word. To such, even at the present dav, baptism is of the highest advantage, if this sacrament had been intended to be given to adults and those of full age, it seems as if it could hardly have preserved its efficacy and CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 63 glory in the presence of that tyranny of avarice and superstition which has supplanted all divuie ordinances among us. . . Yet though Satan has not been able to extinguish the virtue of baptism in the case of little children, still he has had power to extinguish it in all adults, so that there is scarcely any one now-a-days who re- members that he has been baptized, much less glories in it, so many other ways having been found of obtaining remission of sins and going to heaven." " Man baptizes and does not baptize ; he bap- tizes, because he performs the worl< of dipping the baptized person ; he does not baptize, because in this work he does not act upon his own authority, but in the place of God. . . Consider the person of him who confers baptism in no other light than as the vicarious in- strument of God, by means of which the Lord sitting in heaven dips thee in water with his own hands, and promises thee remission of sins upon earth, speaking to thee with the voice of a man through the mouth of his minister." Again : " Another thing which be- longs to it is the sign or sacrament, which is that dipping into water whence it takes its name. For in Greek to baptize signifies to dip, and baptism is a dipping." Further : " It is not baptism that justi- fies any man, or is of any advantage ; but faith in that word of pro- mise to which baptism is added ; for this justifies and fulfills the meaning of baptism. For faith is the submerging of the old man and the emerging of the new man. . . Baptism, then, signifies two things, death and resurrection ; that is, full and complete justifica- tion. When the ministers dips the child into the water, this signi- fies death ; when he draws him out again, this signifies life. . . For this reason 1 could wish that the baptized child should be totally immersed, according to the meaning of the word and the significa- tion of the mystery ; not that 1 think it is necessary to do so, but that it would be well that so complete and perfect a thing as baptism should have its sign also in completeness and perfection, even as it was doubtless instituted by Christ." There is no evidence that Luther ever had the slightest misgivings as to the propriety or importance of infant baptism. (8) Luther's Further Controversies with the Romanists (1^21 onward). From the time of Luther's excommuni- cation onward Roman Catholics held him responsible for all revolutionary proceedings and for everything disor- derly and unseemly in the political, social, moral, and re- ligious realms. Nothing could be more natural than to attribute the Peasants' War, the fanaticism of Thomas MUnzer and Heinrich Pfeiffer, the radical separatism and the communism of some Anabaptists, the MiJnster King- dom, and the apparently growing contempt for all au- thority human and divine, to the bold utterances of Lu- ther in favor of liberty and equality, and in opposition to papal authority and monkish piety. It could hardly have been expected that Luther's Catholic opponents 64 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. would conscientiously seek to minimize his responsibil- ity by pointing out the fact that the revolutionary forces, which his utterances and proceedings had brought into violent activity, had for generations been leavening so- ciety, and that Luther's agency was little more than that of the spark that lights the prepared mine. It was de- cidedly to the interest of their contention to fix the blame upon the great leader. His own violent polem- ics added fuel to the flames, and the prevailing immo- rality and irreligion, which he himself felt obliged to ad- mit, and which he was continually censuring in hyper- bolical language, furnished abundant ammunition to his antagonists. a. Luther Attacks Sacerdotalism and Defends the Uni- versal Priesthood of Believers. In a tract issued from the Wartburg (Nov., 1521) and addressed to the Augustin- ians at Wittenberg, he declares that "elders are not sworn and anointed objects of idolatry, but honorable and pious citizens in a community, of good life and repu- tation, who are properly called bishops, and many of them in every community." In support of this proposi- tion he appeals to Phil, 1:1; Acts 20 : 28 ; Titus i : 5-7- " What can your common man say to these three heavenly thun- derstrokes [referring to tlie passages of Scripture] ? I pray thee, Christian man, do not be imposed upon by the golden crowns and pearls, . . red liats and mantles, gold, silver, precious stones, asses, horses, and court paraphernalia, witii all the honor, pomp, and splendor of popes, cardinals, and bishops, the abandoned people, and believe Paul in the Holy Spirit, these are not bishops, but idols, . . worms, and wonders of the wrath of God." He urges that e\'ery pious man should strive earnestly either to become a priest of Chris and his holy church or give up the priestly profession, utterly disre garding the fictitious character, the smeared and anointed fingers tile shorn head and the pharisaic attire of the miserable clergy ; for they are ail the devil's ministers, not God's. Follow your own con sciences in God without reference to the persons and the hypocritical pretensions of man. b. The Diet of Nuremberg (Dec, 1522), and Luther's Assertion of the Autonomy of the Local Congregation (1523). Pope Hadrian VI., who had recently succeeded Leo X., was a man of good character and was desirous of reform- ing and reuniting the church. He greatly underestimated CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 65 the strength of the evangelical protest and supposed that harmony could be restored by the redress of acknowl- edged grievances. At the Diet of Nuremberg he admitted that for some years many abominations had existed in the holy See, " abuses in spiritual things, excesses in things commanded, and in fine, all things have been per- verted ; nor is it to be wondered at, if the disease has descended from the head into the members, from the supreme pontiffs into the other inferior prelates." He acknowledges that all the prelates and ec- clesiastics have gone astray, and he urges that each one humiliate himself before God and seek to amend his ways, promising himself to look after the due reformation of the Roman court. Yet he is not so sanguine as to believe that a disease so inveterate, multiplex, and complicated can be eradicated all at once, and thinks that more harm than good would result from measures too drastic. He urges the Lutheran princes to execute the edict of Worms against Luther, his writings, and his followers, rebukes them for burning the papal law-books and decretals, and threatens or predicts the utter destruc- tion of themselves and the devastation of their provinces if they per- sist in their contempt for holy things. The estates in the Diet pointed out the fact that the great mass of the German people were with Luther in his protest, and that it would be impracticable to carry out the papal and imperial decrees against him ; and they proceeded to present a long list of abuses and griev- ances, the redress of which was deemed absolutely essential to the peace of Germany. A free Christian Council meeting in Germany is declared to be the only effective means of settling the difficulties, and the sooner it is convened the better. Hadrian died before he could carry out his proposed reforms (Sep., 1523), and his successor, Clement VII., agreed with the Roman court in rejecting the policy of concession. The practical setting aside by the Diet of the Edict of Worms, which encouraged many communities to abolish papal forms and adopt evangelical organization and worship, was the occasion of one of Luther's most im- portant reformatory writings (Easter, 1523): "That a Christian assembly or community has the right and power to judge all teaching, to call, institute, and depose teachers." In respect to the judging of doctrine and the institution and the deposition of teachers " we must have absolutely no regard to human laws and ordinances, old tradition, usage, custom, and such like, whether instituted by pope or emperor, princes or bishop, even though half the world, or the whole world, have held to them, and even though they have been observed for a year or a thousand years. E 66 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. For the soul of man is an eternal thing, above everything that is temporal ; tlierefore it must be ruled and controlled by the eternal word. For it is a shameful thing to rule the conscience with human law and long usage in place of God ... so we now conclude, that wherever there is a Christian community, which has the gospel, it has not only the right and power, but is under obligation by the sal- vation of souls ... to avoid, flee from, depose, withdraw from the authority exercised by bishops, abbots, monasteries, foundations, and the'like, such as now exist." He proceeds to show that since Christian communities must have teachers and preachers, since bishops and priests of the prevailing type are unsuitable, and since we have no ground for expecting God to send preachers from heaven, we must call and institute those that we find sent for this work and whom God has enlightened with understanding and adorned with gifts. c. Lu tiler's Polemic against Heiuy yill. of England. In response to Luther's " Babylonish Captivity of the Church," Henry Vlll., zealous for papal doctrine and anxious for the favor of the pope and the title of " De- fender of the Faith," published (1521) " An Assertion of the Seven Sacraments against Luther." Henry had urged Charles V. to use the most drastic measures against Lutheranism. His scholastic treatise was denun- ciatory in a high degree and breathed the spirit of in- tolerance. Luther was irritated beyond measure by the king's attack and hastened to reply, in both German and Latin, in the most vituperative language that even he could command. The king is addressed as " Henry, by God's disfavor king of England," he is denounced as " a crowned ass," as " a shameless liar and blasphemer," as "a miserable fool," as " that damnable rottenness and worm." A paragraph or two of this masterpiece of theological billingsgate will illustrate one side of the Re- former's character : Not me, but himself, let King Henrv blame, if he shall have ex- perienced somewhat hard and rough treatment at my hands. For lie does not betray a royal mind or any vein of royal blood, but shameless and meretricious impudence and poltroonery, proving ail things only by curses, and what is most base in any man, above all in a man of exalted position, lie openly and deliberately lies. . . Now tliat that damnable rottenness and worm deliberately and con- sciously concocts lies against the majesty of my King in heaven, it is right for me on behalf of my King to besprinkle his Anglican ma- jesty with his own mire and ordure and to trample under foot that crown that blasphemes against Christ. . . if for Christ's sake 1 have trampled upon the idol of the Roman abomination which has CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 67 established itself in tlie place of God and hath made itself master and king of the whole world, who is this new Thomist Henry, a disci- ple merely of so cowardly a monster, that I should respect his viru- lent blasphemies. Grant that he is a " Defender of the Church " . . . yet it is of the purple clad harlot, drunken and mother of abomi- nations. In answer to Henry's charge that Luther often contra- dicts himself, he writes : This impudent lie of his even against his own conscience he so urges and makes prominent throughout the entire book, that it is quite evident he wrote it not for the sake of teaching ... or as- serting the seven sacraments, but, being afflicted with a mental dis- ease of the most virulent type and not being able otherwise to void the virus and pus of envy and malice formed within his mind, he found occasion to spew it out through his filthy mouth, having no other aim than to besmear with his lies the mouths of all and to arouse ill feeling against me. . . Base would it be for a filthy har- lot, with shameless brow and disordered faculties, to lie and rage in this way ; other things would have befitted a royal mind and royal blood. . . The other charge is, that I have made an onslaught on the pope and the church, that is, the pimp and bawd and see of Satan, whose defender he himself has recently been declared to be. . . The papacy is the most pestilential abomination of prince Satan that ever was or ever shall be. . . These are the arms by which heretics are vanquished now-a-days, the fire and the fury of these most silly asses and Thomist swine. But let these swine come on and burn me if they dare. Here I am and I will wait for them, and my ashes alone having been cast after my death into a thousand seas, 1 will persecute and harass this abominable crowd. While alive 1 will be the enemy of the papacy, burned, I will be twice an enemy. Do what you can, Thomist swine, you shall have Luther as a bear in your way. Luther's utter contempt for constituted authority, as manifested in this writing, could not have failed to ap- peal powerfully to the social democracy throughout Eu- rope and to encourage the oppressed classes to strike for liberty. (9) Luther's Translation of the New Testament. During his seclusion at the Wartburg Luther spent a large part of his time in preparing his translation of the New Testa- ment. It would be a mistake to suppose that he was in any sense a pio- neer in this field. Between the years 1462 and 1522 not less (prob- ably considerably more) than seventeen editions of the Bible in German had issued from tlie presses of Strasburg, Augsburg, Nu- 68 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. v. remberg, Cologne, Lubeck, and Halberstadt. The earliest German Bible was printed from a version (represented by tlie Codex Teplensis of the fifteenth century) which was probably made in the fourteenth century by Bohemian or Austrian evangelicals. That during the later Middle Ages the Bible was studied with zeal throughout wide circles is evident from the fact that not only these numerous ver- nacular editions and unnumbered editions of vernacular Bible por- tions were called for ; but that between 1450 and 1500 at least ninety- seven editions of the Latin Vulgate are known to have been pub- lished, besides vast numbers of Gospels, Epistles, and Psalters. The earlier versions of the German Bible were all made from the Vulgate. Luther was the first to make use of the Greek for this purpose. He was not an accomplished Greek scholar, but he drew to his aid the scholarship of Melanchthon, Amsdorf, et al., and succeeded in making a version that was reasonably accurate, thoroughly idiomatic, sim- ple, and vigorous. Luther's first edition of the New Testament appeared in September, 1522, and it soon had a vast circulation and became an important means of diffusing evangelical light. His version of the Pentateuch appeared in 1523, of the Psalter, in 1524, and of the entire Bible, in 1534. in the translation of the prophets he made much use (unacknowledged) of the version of Hetzer and Denck, to be hereafter referred to. in the later stages of his work, including the revision of the New Testament, he had the co-operation of a Bible Club, made up of Me- lanchthon, Cruciger, Justus Jonas, Bugenhagen, and Aurogallus. in the preface to his New Testament Luther indulged so freely in the subjective criticism of the inspired writings as to merit the ap- pellation " father of modern subjective Bible criticism." He pro- nounced John's Gospel, Paul's Epistles, especially that to the Ro- mans, and Peter's First Epistle, by far the best and the most valu- able of the books, containing not many works and miracles of Christ, but showing in a masterlv way how faith vanquishes sin, death, and hell, and gives life, righteousness, and blessedness. John's Gospel he placed far above the otiier three, because it deals chiefly with Christ's teaching, while the others are largely taken up with the works and very little with the words of Christ." So also he re- garded Paul's Epistles and First Peter as superior to the three first Gospels. His disparagement of the Epistle of James and of the Apocalypse has already been noted. (10) Luther on Obedience to the Secular Magistracy. Highly significant, in view of later developments, were Luther's utterances (early in 1523) in his writing " Con- cerning the Secular Magistracy and how far one is under CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 69 obligation to obey it." It constitutes a noble plea for the Christian treatment of subjects. Princes are warned that the times have changed, and that unless they rule justly, God will put an end to their authority as he has done in the case of the ecclesiastics. God will not suffer them to rule the souls of men, and in doing so they are bringing upon themselves the hatred of God and of men, " Your tyranny and arbitrary proceedings cannot and will not long be endured. . . God will not longer have it so." The time is past when " you may hunt and harass the people like wild beasts. Is there heresy? It must be overcome, as is meet, with God's word." in August, 1523, Luther wrote to the imperial authorities at Nu- remberg : " 1 suppose that those who are now my bitterest enemies, if they knew what 1 daily learn from ail parts of the country, would help me storm the monasteries to-morrow." These utterances, to which many pages might be ad- ded, show how revolutionary Luther still was almost to the outbreak of the Peasants' War, and enable us to judge how important a factor his influence must have been in calling forth this widespread and well-organized uprising against tyranny. 5. The Peasants* War in its Relations to the Protestant Revolution. LITERATURE: Baumann, ''''Akten {. Gesch. d. deidschen Bauern- krii'ges aus Obersliwaben,^' 1877 ! Fries, "D. Gesch. d. Bauernkrieges in Ostfrauken,'" 1883; Kessler, "■ Sabbat a,'" ; Schreiber, "D. deiitsche Bauernkrieg,''^ 1863; Bezold, ''Der Baiiertikrieg,''^ i8go (in Onken's "IVeltgesclnc/ite''^); CorneWus, '' Siudun ^ur Gesch. d. Bauernkrieges '\- Janssen, ''Gesch. d. deutschen Volks,'^ Bd. II. ; Jbrg, ''Deutschlatid in der Revolution speriode von 1^22-1^26,^'' 1851 ; Lehnert, '' Studien ^. Gesch. d. 12 Artikel,^^ 1894; Zimmermann, ''Allgemeine Gesch. d. grossen Banernkriegs,^^ 1854 ; Stern, "Uber d. 12 Artikel d. Bauern,^' 1858; Kautsky, "Communism in Central Europe in the Time of the Reformation," tr. by Mulliken, 1879. Leonard Fries, who at the time of the Peasants' War was secretary of the city of WiJrzburg, and who, with commendable industry, compiled a documentary history of the movement which has only recently seen the light, forcibly characterizes the great popular uprising as a del- uge. "The terrible deluge," writes he, in the spirit of his time, "which astronomers and astrologers foretold long before it occurred — a woful and lamentable del- 70 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. V. uge, not of water, as the astronomers and astrologers supposed, but a deluge of blood." " For," he proceeds, "in the German nation alone more than one hundred thousand men were overwhelmed and perished in this deluge in less than ten weeks." (i) Origin and Nature of Serfdom. The Peasants' War of 1 524-1 525 was not the first of its kind. Throughout the later Middle Ages, and in almost every part of Europe, peasant uprisings of greater or less magnitude had taken place. The great mass of the Germanic peoples, who had from the earliest times been noted for their force of character and their love of liberty, had, as a result of the feudal system, been reduced to a state of serfdom. Cap- tives of war doubtless formed the basis of serfdom ; poverty and debt brought multitudes of free men into the same condition. The feudal laws, as might be supposed, were strongly favorable to the proprietors of the soil. The peasant had few rights that the nobility were bound to respect. In many cases the peasantry were regarded as an inherent part of tlie property, and were bought and sold with the land. They must follow the lord in his warlike enter- prises. The proprietor could impose any rents or taxes he might see fit. He could take the peasant's possessions without his consent, destroy his crops by riding over them with hunting parties without compensation. He could imprison, shoot, or hang him at his own sweet will. Cases are on record, apparently well authenticated, of noblemen on hunting excursions killing their serfs in order that they might warm their feet in their opened bodies. There is, I believe, one code of feudal laws in which this right is expressly recognized, but the number of serfs that may be thus used on any given excur- sion is limited. A story is told of a nobleman who wished to cross a swollen stream, and could think of no more feasible way of doing it than to force a large number of serfs into the flood, and to pass over on their struggling bodies as they drifted to destruction. It was the prerogative of the lords, very commonly exercised, to with- hold from the peasant the right to fish in the streams, to shoot or entrap game, to cut wood or timber for fuel and building, to possess guns or cross-bows, or to marry whom he chose. One of the most unreasonable and unjust laws was the law of heriot, in accordance with which the lord had the right, on the death of one of his serfs, to go upon the premises and take the first or most valuable chattel he could lav hands upon. The theory doubtless was that the lord thus secured a certain compensation for the loss sustained in the death of his serf. A like basis doubtless had the law by virtue of which the lord could claim the entire property of a suicide. Most peasants would have been quite content to pay a large proportion of the grain produce as rent, but to be obliged to tithe the fowls, calves, lambs, hay, vegetables, etc., was highly vexatious and oppressive. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 7I The ecclesiastical lords were little more considerate of the interests or the comfort of the peasants than the lay. in fact, some of the worst instances of oppression are furnished by the church. Most of the bishops, archbishops, and abbots were members of titled families, and their motives, in many cases, were purely secular. They usually had to pay a high price for their appointment, and it was natural that they should seek to recoup themselves by fleecing the peasants. (2) Earlier Uprisings of the Peasants. The history of earlier struggles for freedom on the part of the peasants may be briefly summed up : Burdens too grievous to be borne ; a more or less distinct hope of successful resist- ance, usually engendered or fostered by some sort of religious awakening, or by some enthusiastic individual or individuals who succeeded in catching the ear of the people, ready to listen to anything that promised relief from the galling yoke of serfdom ; a fitful struggle for freedom ; some deeds of outlawry on the part of the desperate peasants ; a merciless massacre ; the imposition of still more grievous burdens upon the survivors. Yet the failure of the peasants in their struggles for freedom had by no means been universal or complete. \n the Rhaetian Alps and in the Swiss cantons rebellion had resulted in glorious freedom, hi France serfdom had come to an end from a combination of circumstances. It seems never to have existed in the Netherlands, The region in which serfdom still reigned supreme at the beginning of the sixteenth century was Germany, and it was in Franconia, Alsace, and Swabia that it had assumed its most aggravated forms. A glance at a map of this region will make apparent its contiguity to those coun- tries in which liberty had made the greatest strides. The intercourse between the peasantry of Alsace, Franconia, and Swabia with that of Switzerland on the one side, and that of the Netherlands on the other, was of the most intimate kind. Let us look a little more particularly at the antecedents of the Peasants' War on the territory in which it arose and in which it raged most fiercely. It was in Franconia and Swabia that the rumblings of discontent first became distinctly audible and that the first revolutionary deeds were perpetrated. Here the hardships of the peasants were peculiarly great. The lives of the clergy were 72 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. shamelessly corrupt, and the princely style of living the prelates affected made it necessary to wring from the peasantry the last particle of marketable substance. The Hussite wars had drained the country of its resources. The bishop, John Bruno, is said to have lived, neverthe- less, like an Oriental prince in Solomonic splendor. While the people starved and sighed, the court, which was a collection of flatterers and favorites, of mistresses and their children, upon whom he lavished most recklessly the income from the land, was a scene of feasting and revelry. His successor exhausted the impoverished peo- ple still more. The next bishop in order was a member of the arch-ducal house of Saxony, and was devoted to the sacred office by his father and brothers, as was well understood at the time, if not frankly avowed, " because of the feebleness and the unsoundness of his mind." "Through bad government, through manifold taxes, imposts, feuds, enmities, wars, conflagrations, murders, imprisonments and the like, land and people had already, in 1443, come into so great misery," relates an almost con- temporary manuscript, "that nobody could either him- self use for proper purposes what the Almighty vouch- safes to him, nor yet bestow anything suitably upon others. And the prospect of amelioration was exceed- ingly remote, for warring, burning, robbing, throttling, imprisoning, putting in stocks, pinioning, fining, were becoming worse and more violent than they had been before." Religious influences were at work side by side with social and political. The contempt of the clergy, fully justified by what we have seen of their unworthiness, opened the hearts of the people to something better. It was precisely in this region that the old ex'angelical party of the later Middle Ages achieved its greatest suc- cess. The printing presses of the great commercial cen- ters of this region — Bamberg, Augsburg, Nuremberg, Strasburg, Basel, etc. — sent forth, from 1466 to 15 18, edition after edition of the German Bible, together with multitudes of editions of Bible portions. The Waldenses were noted for their study of the Bible, and there can be little doubt but that the teachers of this party distributed these Bibles freely among the peasants, whom they CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 73 taught to read and interpret them. Apart from the sound evangelizing influences just mentioned, extreme and fanatical types of religious life appeared here, as they are sure to occur in times of dire oppression. The case of Hans Boeheim is one out of many. In 1476 this young cowherd appeared as preacher and prophet. He had been notoriously irreligious and much given to the playing of the fife and other instruments for dancing parties, etc. TJie Virgin, in a vision, commanded him to burn his instrument, which he straightway did in the presence of the people. Under like supposed inspiration he began to proclaim the setting-up of a new kingdom of God. The Virgin prompted him to require the putting aside of all finery. Vast multitudes thronged his ministry, thirty or forty thousand having sometimes heard him on a single day. At length the Virgin revealed to him that there should be no emperor, no prince, no pope, no secu- lar or spiritual magistracy. Instead, every man was to be brother to every other man, win his bread with his own hands, and no one was to have more than another. This, of course, involved the abolition of all property in land. Crowds of pilgrims came from all parts of the country and from the neighboring countries to hear this comforting doctrine, which claimed to come direct from the mother of God. After some months of such fanatical preaching Boeheim made up his mind that the time had come to reduce preach- ing to practice. He gave an invitation to all the males among his fol- lowers to meet him, armed for conflict, on a certain day. The bishop got wind of the revolutionary scheme. Boeheim was burned to ashes, and a vast number of peasants were slaughtered. This same territory was covered by the great Bund- schuh movement, 1499 to 15 14. This was a vast secret organization, which derived its name from the peasant's clog adopted as a symbol. A well-concerted scheme for a simultaneous strike for liberty throughout an extended territory was rendered futile by the treachery of some member. Swift vengeance came upon the ringleaders, as was to have been expected. The free Switzers had aided and abetted the rebellion to such an extent as to exasperate the nobles. An attack on the Swiss resulted in the defeat of the troops of the nobles, and in the burning of many castles by the peasants. To give a history of the work of the Bundschuh from 1499 to 15 14, under the leadership first of Jacob Wimpeling, who has been fittingly called a German Tiberius Gracchus, then of Joss Fritz, if possible a still more intrepid commander, and of Poor Cuntz of Wurtemberg, who fought a good fight against great odds, would require too much space. 74 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. Truth and righteousness were crushed to earth, to be sure, but they were destined to rise again, and that with increased energy in the not very distant future. The platform of the Bundschuh may be briefly stated as follows : Recognition of no other lord than God, the emperor and the pope (the pope is omitted from one copy) ; abolition of all judicial tribu- nals except local courts — a protest "against being dragged from their homes on vague charges and tried before unsympathizing judges ; the limitation of ecclesiastical jurisdiction to spiritual things ; aboli- tion of all titiies, except such as are recognized by tiie word of God ; freedom of fishing, game, wood, forest, etc.; limitation of clergy to one benefice ; reduction of the number of monasteries and like foun- dations and the use of the confiscated funds for the military pur- poses of the Bundschuh ; the abolition of all obnoxious imposts and duties; the establishment of peace throughout Christendom, those who must fight being sent to fight the Turks ; protection of all mem- bers of the Bundschuh and punishment of all who oppose its work ; the acquisition of a good city as headquarters ; members of the Bundschuh to appropriate their means for its purposes. They succeeded in gaining the alliance of many of the gentry and of some of the nobility. Claiming as did the leaders that they were able to prove every demand both scriptural and reasonable, they gained multitudes of ad- herents. Yet the extreme poverty of the Bundschuh is shown by the difficulty with which funds could be se- cured for a banner, which was regarded as indispensable. The organization extended from Hungary to France, and from Switzerland to Saxony or beyond. The result was disastrous to the peasantry, but the spirit of freedom was not extinguished, as we shall soon have occasion to see. The period from 15 14 to 1524 was not one in which revolutionary zeal once kindled was likely to die out. Three years after the crushing of the Bundschuh the great Wittenberg monk attacked indulgences, and a little later (especially in 15 19 and 1520) he stood forth as the champion of Christian liberty and equality. In his address to the emperor, nobles, and people of Germany, Luther struck at the root of sacerdotalism and privileged classes. The unlettered peasant who has the spirit of God is a better inter- preter of Scripture than pope or scholar who has not. An honest reader consulting the Bible can be impeaclied by no power below the sun. The Christian cobbler and the Christian king he puts upon an equality. Each has functions to perform — the one to rule for the benefit of others, the other to make slioes for the same purpose. All CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 75 believers are alike priests of God, and therefore equally exalted. All sorts of luxury and extravagance are denounced in a style that would go straight to the heart of the common man. In his treatise on the " Liberty of a Christian Man," he gave utter- ance to as noble Christian sentiments as can be found in literature. " Every man is a free and fully competent judge of all those who will teach him, and is inwardly taught by God alone." He insisted that everyone — man, woman, scholar, illiterate, man-servant, maid- servant— may and must attain to absolute certainty as to what is true Christian doctrine and what is heresy, by interpreting the Scrip- tures according to the light given by the Spirit of God. To the sheep, not to the preachers, does judgment belong. He would put the Bible into the hands of every one and say, " There now, let each one make a creed for himself." In 1522, in a sermon against Carlstadt, he said: " 1 will preach, I will talk, 1 will write, but I wi',1 force and constrain no man with violence ; for faith is by nature voluntary and uncompelled." Even as late as 1 524, in a letter to the princes of Saxony, he wrote : ' ' Your princely graces should not restrain the office of the word. Men should be allowed confidently and freshly to preach what they can and against whom they will, for, as 1 have said, there must be sects, and the word of God must lie afield and fight. . . If their spirit is right, it will not be afraid of us and will stand its ground. Is ours right, it will not be afraid of them nor of any. We should let the spirits have free course." Brave words are these, truly. We shall see hereafter how far he lived up to them. The peasants of Germany, who had been for so long struggUng against civil and ecclesiastical despotism, hailed the advent of this great son of a peasant as of one who combined thorough sympathy for the oppressed with learn- ing, position, and iniluence, and as one under whose ban- ner they might march on to victory. As has already been made manifest, the peasants of Germany were not indebted to any very large extent to Luther for evan- gelical teaching or impulse. It was only as his teaching corresponded with the biblical views they had imbibed from less eminent teachers that they rejoiced in his work. It has been proved beyond question that from 15 17 to 1522 Luther's doctrinal views were almost identical with the old evangelical views with which the peasants had long been familiar, and that after the latter date a marked change for the worse appears in his teachings. There can be no doubt, therefore, that the bold evangelical utterances of Luther during these years constitute an important factor among the influences that led to the great revolt of the peasants. 76 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. The influence of the advanced democratic views of such knights as Ulrich von Hutten and Franz von Sick- ingen was likewise very considerable. The mode"ately revolutionary preaching and writings of Carlstadt, and the violently insurrectionary preaching and prophesying of Thomas Munzer, one of the worst fanatics of the age and a successor along certain lines of Hans Boeheim, doubtless influenced the peasants in a considerable meas- ure. But it would be doing grave injustice to the spirit of this great struggle for civil and religious liberty to sup- pose that it had the millenarian expectations of Munzer for its mainspring. The influence of Munzer, so far as it did extend, was wholly baneful and destructive. It is remarkable that in proportion as the spirit of lib- erty was increasing through such influences as have been mentioned, the hardships of the peasants were becoming more and more unendurable. A number of instances of revolting cruelty occurred about this time. A certain nobleman compelled his subordinate to drive away two peasants and their families because they had refused to give him their hens. Another nobleman procured the execution of a peasant for the crime of catching crabs out of a brook. The peasants of the Count of Lippen complained that they were allowed no rest, but were compelled by the countess to hunt for snail-shells, wind yarn, gather strawberries, cherries, and sloes, and do other such like things on holidays; that they had to work for their lords and ladies in fine weather and for themselves in the rain. Moreover, huntsmen and their hounds ran about w ithout regarding the damage they did. The pestilence had a few years before destroyed vast numbers of the peasants, and many of the noblemen were inclined to compel the survivors to do the work of the dead, as well as their own. in some cases the rents and taxes are said to have been increased twenty-fold. Waste land that had formerly been exempted was now taxed to the utmost. Tithing had been extended to include almost every imaginable article of produce. The freedom to go on journeys and to meet in large numbers which had formerly been accorded to the peasants, had been withdrawn in consequence of the recent Bundschuh uprising. Thus we see that, whether the immediate occasion of the outbreak was the exasperation of the peasants at being compelled to gather snail-shells and cherries on holidays, or the shooting of some peas- ants for poaching, or the merciless exaction of rent in l.ipheim when the harvest had almost completely failed, all the conditions existed for the spread of the conflagration throughout Germany when once it had been kindled. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION TJ It would be a mistake to suppose that the nobles were uniformly cruel and unreasonable. A few instances are recorded of those who were noble not in name only, but in deed. Frederick the Wise, of Saxony, was a man of heart and conscience. A nobleman whose conscience was troubling him as to whether he ought to keep his peasants in bondage, wrote again and again to Luther for spiritual direction. The same Luther who could write- the passionate pleas for liberty and equality, full of in- consistencies as he ever was, used all the influence and the sophistry he could command to induce his correspond- ent to keep the peasants in bondage and to quench the Spirit of God that was, we may suppose, prompting the man through his conscience to loose the bonds of his subjects. "The common man," he wrote, "must be laden with burdens, otherwise he will become too wan- ton." When, after all Luther's advice, the man's con- science continued to trouble him, he was taught to ascribe the compunction to Satanic influence. (3) Outbreak of the Insurrection. It was in the territory of the Count of Lippen, where the peasants were com- pelled to gather snail shells, that the peasants first rose in rebellion in 1524. Hans Miiller, an experienced war- rior and popular orator, led one thousand and two hun- dred peasants to Waldshut on August 24th. Here they made common cause with the citizens, who, under the preaching of the great reformer, Balthasar Hubmaier (soon to be known to the world as a great Anabaptist leader), and from close contact with the free institutions of Switzerland, had become strongly democratic in sen- timent. A union was formed under the name of the " Evangelical Brotherhood." They were resolved to obey no other lord than the emperor, and to destroy all castles, monasteries, and everything ecclesiastical. They knew full well that castles were a perpetual men- ace to liberty, and that monasteries could be maintained only at the expense of the tillers of the soil. They were thoroughly convinced that they could expect only taxation and oppression from the clergy. The Evan- gelical Brotherhood thus constituted formed a regular propaganda. Enthusiastic emissaries were sent at the common expense far and wide to organize the peasants 78 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. v. in every locality. The aim was to bring about a state of society in every respect righteous and consonant with the spirit of the gospel. The Swabian League, organ- ized for the suppression of insurrection, was soon in a position to cope with the insurgents, but not until the movement had made great headway and almost the whole peasant population of Europe was in arms. (4) The Twelve Articles of the Peasants. Let us look for a moment at the twelve articles of the peasants, which exhibit the spirit of the movement better than any words of the author can do. The first article insists upon the right of the people to appoint and remove pastors, and to demand simple and dear preaching of the gospel without human additions. " Unless God's grace is formed in us we remain simply flesh and blood, which is of no use, for only through faith can we come to God, and only tlirough his mercy can we attain to blessedness." Is there any heresy or fanaticism here.?- In the second article the matter of tithes is discussed. While the peasants hold that tithes are an Old Testament institution fulfilled in the New, they yet agree to continue paying grain tithes. These, however, are to be employed for the suitable maintenance of pastors of their own choice and for assisting the poor under the direction of the church. They object to the minor tithes that had of late years been extorted from them as unjust and not even in accord with the Old Testament. This is sound evangelical teaching, is it not? The third article repudiates the idea that the peasants are the prop- erty of their lords ; for Christ has redeemed and purchased all alike, high and low, with his precious blood. Yet magistracy is an ordi- nance of God, and it is the duty of peasants to bear themselves in humility, not simply toward the magistracy, but toward all men. They are resolved in all things Christian to be obedient to the legally constituted magistracy. All will pronounce the teaching of this article above criticism, whether on religious or political grounds. In the fourth article the peasants express the conviction that it is unseemly and unbrotherly, selfish, and contrary to the word of God, that no poor man should be allowed to kill game in the forests or catch fish in the streams ; and they demand that what God has made for the use of man be left free.' This is a demand persistently made throughout the entire course of peasant agitation, and one that commends itself to the Christian consciousness as eminently just and reasonable. In the fifth article objection is made to the appropriation of the forests by the lords, and it is demanded that the poor man be accorded the privilege of getting firewood and timber. in the sixth article the peasants complain that the labor required of them is becoming greater from day to day, and ask that their burdens be alleviated according to the word of God. Articles seven to ten deal with mutual obligations of lords and peasants in the matters of wages, tenure of land, etc. The keenest CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 79 scrutiny would fail to discover an unjust or un-Christian demand " In Uie eleventh article they demand the utter abolition of the heriot or death-gift. The wonder is that such a heartless practice should ever have been instituted, or should have been tolerated by the public opinion of any age. • .1 * v In the twelfth article they make what seems an eminently fair proposition. If any of the foregoing articles is not according to the word of God, they promise to withdraw it so soon as the tact shall have been pointed out. ., r c i a Thomas Carlyle pronounced these articles worthy of a bolon. An able German historian says : " It was a man of heart and intellect who composed or revised the articles, one who was familiar with the oppressions practised by the nobility and sympathized deeply with the people, one who aimed at no violent revolution and laid no claim to liberty in the sense of equality, but who aimed to provide a touchstone for lords and subjects drawn straight from holy bcrip- ture and capable of being applied with safety and comfort. With thorough organization and such a document as the basis of their demands, the peasants during the first quarter of 1525 swept everything before them. The cities and towns which had much to complain of in the conduct of lords, lay and ecclesiastical, and the artisan class, which had for generations been permeated with evangelical and democratic sentiments, usually received the peasant hosts with open arms. Castles, monasteries, and other religious houses in large numbers were stormed and sacked and burned. The lords were in many cases obliged to accept the terms of the peasants or to expect the worst, hi some instances the peasants went too far in imitation of the lords and wreaked bloody vengeance on such as ren- dered themselves peculiarly obnoxious to them. Those of the peasants who were under the direct influence of the fanatical Miinzer, were too much inclined to obey his hysterical exhortation to rush upon the enemies of the Lord, to slay, slay, and tire not. He claimed that the sword of Gideon was in his hand and that he would lead them on to victory. " On, on, on," shrieked he, " never mind the wail of the godless. Though they beg in friendly tones, though they cry and whimper like chil- dren, pity not. Was it not thus that God commanded his people to slay the Canaanites ? On, on, while the fire is hot. Down with the castles and their inmates. God is with you, on, on." The nobility were dazed for a time by the magnitude of the insurrection. They 8o A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. scarcely knew which way to turn, or whom to trust ; for many of the soldiers had come from the ranks of the peasantry and sympatliized with their cause. (5) The Slau(rhterof the Peasants. The Swabian League soon had a strong force in the field, under one of the ablest and cruelest generals of the age. The tide soon turned. When disaster began it swept over the entire field as rapidly as victory had done before. Munzer, in his part of the field, proved a complete failure. He had provided himself with guns but had neglected a supply of ammunition. He wrought the poor peasants up into a state of frenzy, and led them to expect miraculous divine interposition. They were slaughtered like sheep. The rest of the peasants' armies were attacked in detail and overcome one by one. About one hundred thousand of the miserable people v/ere butchered by the troops of the League. (6) Luther's Sanguinary Utterances. Luther, who had at the beginning of the war counseled compromise, and who had urged the peasants to desist from their under- taking, soon began to rage against them with such fury as to bring upon himself the sharp rebuke of some of the nobles. The bloodthirstiness of his exhortations would lead one to suppose that he was as crazy as MUnzer. His language, as has been well said, was more despotic than that of the despots themselves. He wrote against "the murderous and pillaging bands of the peasants." He urged that they be " crushed, strangled, and stabbed, privately and publicly, by whomsoever can do it, just as one would beat to death a mad dog." " The magistracy," he added, "that falters, commits sin ; since it does not satisfy the peasants to belong to the devil themselves, but they constrain many pious people to their wicked- ness and damnation. Therefore, dear sirs, fire here, save here, stab, smite, strangle them, whoever can. If your death result, very well, you can never attain to a more blessed death." It is needless to say that there were plenty of the nobles ready to carry out to the letter such exhortations. (7) Causes of the Failure of the Peasants. What were the causes of the failure of this organized and well-con- certed struggle for civil and religious liberty ? CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 8 1 a. The twelve articles were too far in advance of the age. The social and political ideas of the author of the articles were just as far beyond the dominant social and political ideas of the age as were the religious and ecclesiastical ideas of the Anabaptists of that time in ad- vance of those that prevailed among Roman Catholics and Protestants. The evangelical social reformers and the evangelical religious reformers both did a noble work during this generation ; both alike had brilliant though brief careers ; both alike drew to themselves the masses of the people, who were longing for deliverance from social and ecclesiastical bondage. They failed at the time because the great weight of public sentiment was against them ; because they contended against vast vested in- terests that had their roots deeply implanted in the soil of Europe ; because they stood up against the wealth, the learning, and the organized power of the world. b. But this is not all. The bane of the peasants' movement, just as a little later it became the bane of the Anabaptist movement of the sixteenth century, and just as it is likely to prove to be the bane of any movement into which it may enter, was millenarianism. It is just as certain that no Christian or Christian body can entertain carnal expectations with reference to the set- ting up of the kingdom of God on earth without serious harm as it is that Christianity is essentially a spiritual religion, and that progress is from spiritual to more spir- itual, rather than from spiritual to carnal. Alas, for the church of Christ if it should ever come to look upon the sword of Gideon as a fit instrument for the setting up of the kingdom of God, or to conceive of the Christ of God as leading a carnal host to the slaughter of the ungodly ! Such thoughts are unspeakably revolting to the rightly instructed Christian consciousness, and the fact that they are entertained by earnest and zealous men does not make them one iota less objectionable. Hans Boe- heim was earnest and was fairly consumed with zeal ; Thomas Miinzer was one of the most self-sacrificing and zealous of men. These and other errorists have held to much of precious truth and have had many admirable traits. And yet their work was vitiated by false and carnal views of Christ and his kingdom. 8l2 a manual of church history [per. v. The peasants' movement failed at the time for the reasons that have been named, among others ; but the great truths that were embodied in this movement, and in the closely allied Anti-pedobaptist movement, did not perish. The faith of Hubmaier, the great leader of the latter and possibly the author of the twelve articles, in the immortality of the truth has been abundantly justi- fied by history. The principles contended for in these two movements have gone on and on from victory to victory, until most of them are now regarded as com- monplaces. The public sentiment of Christendom to- day would accept the peasants' demands as reasonable and just. 6. Liither in Conflict "with Evangelical Parties (i$2i onward). We shall be sure to do an injustice to Luther if we fail to make due allowance for the grave and multitudinous difficulties by which he found himself surrounded. That he should be mercilessly attacked and that the worst construction should be put upon his every word and act by the representatives of the hierarchical church was to be expected. That evangelical mystics like Staupitz and Schwenckfeldt should have been repelled alike by the drastic quality of his polemics against the Roman Catholic Church and by his gradual departure from their modes of thought, could not so readily have been foreseen, although their revulsion was involved in the very nature of the case. That humanists, whose inter- est centered in the advancement of the new learning and of freedom of thought and who looked with dis- may upon anything that portended revolution as imperil- ling not only their personal security but whatever of liberty and intellectual advancement had already been achieved, should have been repelled by the harsh type of Augustinian doctrine that became ever more promi- nent in Luther's teaching, was inevitable. That in re- publican Switzerland, where humanism had become ex- ceedingly influential and mysticism had little hold, prac- tical reform should have taken on a wholly different as- pect from that which it assumed in Saxony and modes of theological thought radically opposed to Luther's CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 83 should have there appeared, was a matter completely be- yond the control of Luther or the Swiss. That old evan- gelical Christians of various types, who had been led by Luther's radically evangelical utterances of 15 19-1520 to look upon him as the champion of evangelical liberty and had given him their cordial support, should have been repelled alike by the carnal character of his war- fare, the exaggerated Augustinianism of his teaching, and his intolerance, and should have come forward with polemical zeal to attack Luther's teaching and proceed- ings as contrary to the " pure word of God," and to attempt the complete restoration of apostolical Chris- tianity, could have been avoided only by Luther's put- ting himself squarely on their platform. That the so- cial democracy, which had long been permeated with New Testament ideas of liberty and equality, involving the fair participation of all in the enjoyment of God- given nature and the fruits of labor, should have been greatly encouraged by Luther's reformatory writings of 1520 and should have counted on his support in their great uprising, was perfectly natural. Yet in view of all the circumstances his determined opposition to the rebel- lious peasants is not to be wondered at. It would have been absolutely impossible for any man to harmonize and lead all the elements of opposition to Rome that had been developed among the German-speaking peoples of Europe, or even among the Saxons. A born fighter, Luther sought to direct the struggle against Rome not by efforts at conciliating the anti-Catholic elements, but by remorselessly crushing all opposition. His life was em- bittered and his temper soured by controversy, and it would be difficult to find in all literature a parallel to the coarseness and uncharitableness of his polemics. Dur- ing the earlier years his great buoyancy of spirits en- abled him to be highly entertaining and agreeable to his friends and admirers ; but his later years were shrouded in gloom, and even his most intimate friends were often sorely tried by his intolerance. Sufficient has been said regarding Luther's later rela- tions with the humanists who refused to follow his leadership and those evangelical mystics who resented his departure from their principles and became his bitter 84 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. opponents. His contlict with the old-evangelical types that reappeared under the name of " Anabaptist," can be best set forth in connection with the sketch of the Anabaptist movement. His controversy with Zwinglian- ism and Calvinism can be most advantageously de- scribed after the history of these movements has been given. 7. Some Demoralising Elements in Luther's Teachings and Life. LITERATURE: Besides Luther's own works, the writings of Cochl^Eus, Eck, Witzel, Prierias, Henry Viil. (of England), Sir Thomas More, and other contemporary Roman Catholic opponents ; Dollinger, " 'D?> Reformation^^ (consists chiefly of skiiltully and critically made extracts from the writings of friends and foes of Lutheranism on a great variety of topics, tending to show the doc- trinal and moral defects and harmful consequences of Luther's teachings, and constituting the most effective polemic against Lutheranism ever published) ; Bossuet, " Histotre dcs l^ariations des Eglises Proiestaiites," 1688; Janssen, '''Deutsche Gesc/i.," Bd. \\. tiiid 111., 1 879- 1 88 1 ; Evers, " Martin Luther," 1883 onward; pertinent sections in the Roman Catholic Church histories of Alzog, Funk, Kraus, and Hergenrother. Most of the biographers of Luther and most of the German Protestant historians of the Reformation freely admit Luther's inconsistencies and extravagances. The doctrinal inconsistencies in Luther's writings that led to the great doctrinal controversies within the Lu- theran body and the doctrinal differences between Lu- therans and Reformed will be considered elsewhere. In view of the frank admissions by Luther, Melanchthon, and other evangelical leaders, of the lamentable and un- controllable license that prevailed throughout Lutheran Germany during the later years of Luther's career, and of the constantly reiterated assertions by Catholics of all types. Anabaptists, and others, that the prevailing immorality and irreligion were due directly to Luther's teachings, it seems incumbent upon the historian to undertake the disagreeable and perhaps ungracious task of setting forth the facts in the case without fear or favor. It may be truthfully said in advance that every ob- jectionable statement here quoted or referred to could be offset by any number of quotations on the same topics that are completely free from immoral tendency or suggestion. It may be confidently stated that even CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 85 in the cases in which Luther's utterances are from a moral point of view most objectionable his own inten- tions were not immoral, hi seeking to correct errors on the other side he often allowed himself to use language so extreme as to involve consequences that he did not foresee and against which he would have most earnestly protested. (i) On the Relations of the Sexes. Luther's language in his popular discourses and in his more deliberate pro- ductions on sexual matters is unspeakably coarse. Some have attempted to exculpate him by reference to the pre- vailing freedom and unreserve in speaking of such mat- ters. But his language is without parallel among theo- logical writers of repute in the Reformation time. a. On the Uncontrollahleness of Sexual <^ppetite. It was his deep-seated conviction apparently, based no doubt upon his observation of monastic and priestly life as well as of that of the German people of his time, that the ex- ercise of the sexual functions is for most people almost as necessary as the excretory functions on which life it- self depends ; and that continence is a special gift limited to the few. " To beget children is just as deeply im- planted in nature as to eat and to drink. . , Just as lit- tle as it stands within my control that 1 have a man's body, so little does it stand within my control that I be without a woman ; on the other hand also just as little as you can help having a woman's body, can you do with- out a man, , , For it is not a matter of free choice or counsel, but a necessary, natural thing, that everything that is a man must have a woman and whatever is wo- man must have a man. For this word that God speaks, ' Be fruitful and multiply,' is not a command, but more than a command, namely, a divine work, which it lies not in us to hinder or to neglect, but is just as much a necessity as having a man's body and more necessary than eating and drinking . . . sleeping and waking." He urges young people, in order to avoid unchastity, other- wise utterly inevitable, to marry at an early age, regard- less of means of support. Far more objectionable lan- guage than that quoted might be given, b. On Concubinage. In a sermon preached in 1528, having in view his idea of the impossibility of continence 86 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [I'ER. v. and the obligation of fruitfulness, he makes the follow- ing recommendations : In case the husband be incapable of procreation, his wife may demand that he allow her to have commerce with his brother or other relative, and if being physically capable he refuse her she is justifiable in stealing away and marrying another. If the wife be physically incapable of rendering the marriage due, the husband is advised to call in the maidservant and, if she refuse, to discharge her and employ another. Wives are advised to yield themselves to their husbands even if their physical condition be such as to imperil life. c. On Bigamy. The case of Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, is the celebrated one in this connection. Philip was one of the most zealous of the Protestant princes and one of Luther's most valuable supporters. By 1539 he had be- come weary of his wife, Christine of Saxony, and had contracted a loathsome disease through irregular ex- cesses. At this time he became enamoured of a beauti- ful young gentlewoman, Margaretha von der Saal, whose mother refused to allow her to enter into illicit relations with him. He made up his mind that the possession of this young woman as his lawful wife was not only essen- tial to his happiness, but a necessary means of amending his life and appeasing his conscience. He also determined to put the responsibility of his bigamous relationship on Bucer, Luther, and the other Protestant theologians, who were under heavy obligations to him for support. Bucer yielded the point without much hesitation in view of Philip's hint that in case the Protestant theologians should refuse needful co-operation he would be obliged to come into closer relations with the emperor and secure a papal dispensation. Afterward he laid the matter be- fore Luther in the frankest way and asked him to solve the difficulty by granting him a dispensation for a second marriage and thus become a party to the transaction. Luther had already (see above) expressed himself in so compromising a way in favor of marital freedom, that re- fusal to comply with his request would have been diffi- cult in any case. Philip had found that polygamy was practised with divine approval in the Old Testament times and he could find no definite requirement of mo- nogamy for all in the New Testament. He made up his CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 87 mind that the requirement of monogamy was a priestly device that might be safely disregarded. While Luther admitted that such was the case, he earnestly sought to dissuade the landgrave from so scandalous a procedure, advising him rather to content himself with concubinal relations than to involve the Protestant cause in re- sponsibility for a second marriage. But the landgrave was inexorable and the landgravine's consent having been obtained by guaranteeing the rights of her seven children, the marriage was secretly celebrated with the approval of Luther, Bucer, Melanchthon, et al. Me- lanchthon was heartbroken and was at the point of death, when Luther's courageous faith and earnest prayers were instrumental in raising him up. An effort was made to keep the transaction secret ; but the inter- ests of the bride and her family were too much involved to allow this, and its publication was the hardest blow the Protestant cause suffered during this age. When the shameful transaction began to be noised abroad, Luther was so fearful of its consequences as to urge Philip to save the situation by "a good strong lie." Philip very properly rebuked him by replying : " I will not lie, for lying is evil ; no apostle ever taught it to any Christians, nay, Christ has indeed most emphatically forbidden it." ^ Luther afterward sought to exculpate himself by the plea of necessity. Philip's threat to secure the co-opera- tion of emperor and pope seemed to Luther to necessi- tate extreme concessions on the part of the Protestant theologians. See on this matter, besides Lenz, as above, Heppe, in ^^ Zeitsch. f. hist. Theol.r Bd. XXII., Scit. 263, seq. ; " Th. Stud. ti. Krit.," 1891, Seit. 564, seq.; Koldewey, in " 5^ ». Krit.," 1884, Sei't. 553, si't/. ,• "■ ^rcrumetita Buceri pro et contra,'" 1878; Kolde, '■'Luther,'" 'Bd. 11., Seit. 488 ; Moiler, " Kirchengesch." ed. Kawerau, 1804, "Bd. III., Seit. 131, seq. ; Rommel, " Phil, ^der Grossnmthige'" ; Sir William Hamilton, "Disc, in Met. and Phil." ; Bayne, " M. Luther," Vol. IL, p. 560, seq. ; Jacobs, " Martin Luther," p. 331, seq. ; and Richard, " Philip Melanchthon," p. 272, seq. (2) On Good Works, Faith, Assurance, Justification, etc. It was natural, perhaps, that in controversy with papists, who put undue emphasis on works in relation to 1 See Lenz, " Briefwechsel Landg. Phil, mil Bucer," Bd. I., Sett. 373, 383, 88 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. salvation, Luther should have decried good works. He was not content, however, with holding up to contempt the ceremonial observances, pilgrimages, fastings, and other ascetical practices of the papists ; but he constantly expressed just as strongly his disapproval of the scrupu- lous efforts of mystics and Anabaptists to imitate Christ and to carry out in their lives the precepts of the Ser- mon on the Mount. Of course his writings abound in passages in which good living is recognized as a neces- sary fruit of the regenerate life ; but some specimens of utterances that tended to produce carelessness regarding conduct will be in place here : In his "Church Postilla " ' he writes: "Would to God I had a voice like a thunder-clap, that 1 might shout to all the world and might pluck the little word ' good works ' out of all men's hearts, mouths, ears, and books." " God speaks through the law : ' This do, this leave un- done, this will I have from thee.' But the gospel preaches not what we are to do or to leave undone, requires noth- ing of us," etc. In 1523 he wrote: "Oh, it is much more necessary now to preach against the subtle, sanctimonious, plausi- ble perversion of the world through the shorn people (monks) than to preach against public sinners, heathen, and Turks, against robbers and murderers, thieves and adulterers." In his Commentary on Genesis he wrote: "The life is far less important than the doctrine, so that even if the life be not so pure the doctrine may yet well remain pure and the life may be borne with. . . It is a high grace to be able to separate the life from the doctrine." " Faith which does not include love justifies. Unless faith is without any, even the least, works, it does not justify, nay, is not faith." "This faith, without an antecedent love, justifies." "For if love is a form of faith, 1 am at once compelled to think that love itself is the principal and greatest part of the Christian religion." " Whatsoever sins I, thou, and all of us, have committed, or shall commit in the future, are just as much Christ's own as if he himself had committed them." 1 Ed. Walch, Bd. XL, Seit. 36. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 89 Luther insisted tliat the Christian should believe him- self holy and glory in his holiness, however sinful his life might be. For a sinning Christian to say " he is a poor sinner is the same as to say : I do not believe that Christ has died for me and that I have been baptized, and that the blood of Christ has cleansed me." Pangs of conscience for sins committed by a Christian he regarded as the temptation of Satan. "The true saints of Christ must be good, strong sinners," etc. The following is perhaps one of the most ethically dangerous of Luther's utterances: "Thou owest God nothing save to believe and confess. \n all things else he gives thee absolute freedom to do as thou wilt with- out any peril of conscience, so that he on his part does not even make any inquiry as to whether you put away your wife, run away from your master, and violate your covenant."^ But he qualifies this statement by saying that since others are involved in such proceedings we are under obligation to do them no wrong. " God gives thee this freedom only in what is thine own, not in what is thy neighbor's. . . Before God it is a matter of indiffer- ence that a man should forsake his wife, for the body is not bound to God, but is made free by him with respect to all things external, and is only inwardly God's own through faith ; but before men the obligation holds." It would seem to be implied in this passage that husbands and wives might freely separate by mutual consent. Other disastrous applications of the principle will readily suggest themselves. (3) Luther's Example. Luther's personality was so strong that his own example was sure to be highly in- fluential. His intemperate use of denunciatory language, his extreme coarseness of speech, his free indulgence in wine and beer, and his intolerance of opposition, co-op- erated with demoralizing elements in his teachings to produce an atmosphere in which strict morality and the gentler aspects of Christian piety could not be expected to thrive. The violent extrusion of the older types of Catholic ascetic and mystical piety and of the uncom- promising zeal for the restoration of primitive Christi- 1 Ed. Walch, "Brf, VIII., Sett. 1127. seq. 90 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. v. anity represented by the Anabaptists, deprived Lutheran countries of influences that might have done much to stem the tide of immorality and irreligion before which Luther and his coadjutors were utterly powerless. Luther indulged without restraint in wine and beer drinking, and trusted that the Lord God would excuse him for occasional excesses on the ground that for twenty years he had crucified and macerated his body. He is determined that when he lies in his coffm the worms shall have a good fat doctor to eat. In 1529 he, in com- pany with Amsdorf, drank Malvasian wine so excessively as to bring on a catarrh that came near proving fatal. ^ The next year he attributed an affection of the throat either to the violence of the wine, the return of old troubles, or the buffeting of Satan. His conviviality and his frequent frivolity were scandalous to many of his friends, and were constantly urged against him and his movement by Catholics, Mystics, and Anabaptists. No doubt much of Luther's intemperate language was due to his drinking habit. "Sometimes we ought to drink, sport, trifle more largely, and so commit some sin in hatred and contempt of the devil, lest we leave him any place for troubling our consciences with matters of no moment ; otherwise we are vanquished, if we are too much concerned to avoid sinning. Accordingly, if the devil should say 'Refuse to drink,' do you make re- sponse to him : ' But yet I will drink just because you prohibit, and so in Christ's name I will drink more largely.'"^ "Whoever is able to drive out these Sa- tanic thoughts by other thoughts, as concerning a pretty girl, avarice, drunkenness, etc., or by some vehement fit of anger, I advise that this course be pursued ; al- though this is the supreme remedy, to believe in Jesus Christ and to invoke him."' 8. Moral and Religious T)eterioraHon as a Consequence of the Protestant Revolution. There is a consensus of contemporary opinion, Lu- theran, Catholic, Mystical, and Anabaptist, that im- 1 " Bricfc," ed. De Wette, Bd. III., Seit. 442. "Ibid., Scit. ui. 3 Ibid., Scit. 188. CHAP. 1.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 9I morality of every kind increased at a fearful rate after the outbreai< of the Protestant Revolution. Many pages might be filled with detailed statements to this effect from all classes of religionists and from all parts of Ger- many. But Luther's own statements are so numerous, so explicit, and so unaccountable except on the supposi- tion that they were terribly true and were uttered in an agony of despair that caused prudence to be discarded, that we may well content ourselves with a few speci- mens of these. In 1525 Luther wrote :^ " Now our evangelicals become seven times worse than they were before. For after we have learned the gospel, we steal, cheat, lie, gormandize, and drink, and commit all sorts of abominations. While one devil has been cast out of us seven worse have been brought into us again, as is to be seen in princes, lords, gentry, burgesses, and peasants, how they now do and conduct themselves without any scruple, in contempt of God," etc. The same year he wrote : ' " Christians are not so common as that they should be gathered in a crowd ; a Christian is a rare bird. Would God the greater part of us were good pious heathen who kept the natural law, to say nothing of the Christian law." At about the same time he said he would tain see two genuine Christians toge- ther, but he knows not even one. As early as 1522 he wrote : " But now nobody disgusts me more than this people of ours, because having abandoned the word, faith, and love, they glory in this alone, that they are Christians, because they can eat flesh, eggs, and milk before the weak, communicate in both kinds, and abstain from fasting and prayer." in one of his catechetical works Luther expressed the opinion that " if only adults were now baptized, not a tenth part would submit to baptism, nav, we would assuredly, as much as in us lies, speedily become simple Turks." He speaks of the utter contempt with which the people treat the sacrament of the body and blood of our Lord. They approach it with as little reverence and chastening of spirit as swine approach the trough. Again : " Such shameless swine are we graceless Germans, for the most part, that we have neither self-control nor reason, and if we hear of God it is much as if we heard of a clown's puppet." " We Germans are Germans and Germans we remain, that is, swine and senseless beasts." " Our German people are a lawless, wild peo- ple, nay, half devil, half man " (1529). In a sermon (1530) he said : " 1 pray God for a gracious hour in which he may take me hence and not let me see the calamity that must pass over Germany. For I hold that if ten JVloseses were to stand up and pray for us they would accomplish nothing. So also 1 feel that if 1 would pray for my dear Germany my prayer rebounds upon me and will not mount up as it usually does when 1 pray for anything else." 1 Ed. Walch, "Bif. III., S«7. 2727. '^ Ibid.. 'Bd. XVI., Seit. 7i. 92 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. In his commentary on Galatians he writes : " The more we know of tiie liberty that Christ obtained for us, the colder and more indo- lent we are in our office, whether it be to preach, to teacii, or in any other way to do good and to suffer evil." in 1532, after setting forth his view of the results that might be expected from liie preaching of the gospel, he adds: " Unfortunately the very opposite is the case, and from this teaching the world grows steadily worse and worse. This is the malignant devil himself, as one sees, that the people are now-a-days more avaricious, more unmerciful, more unchaste, more perverse, and wickeder, than before under the papac\'." Again : " It grieves us sorely when we are compelled to hear that all things were tranquil and at peace before the gospel ; but that now since it has been promulgated all things are in confusion and the whole world is topsy-turvy. When a man without the Spirit hears this he is at once offended and judges that the disobedience of subjects toward magistrates, seditions, wars, pestilence, famine, the over- throw of commonwealths, regions, and kingdoms, sects, scandals, and numberless like evils, spring from the teaching of the gospel." ^ In his " Commentary on Genesis" he remarks :" But do you ask. What good results have come from our teaching? Tell me first, What good came from Lot's preaching in Sodom? Fire from heaven overwhelmed and destroyed the inhabitants because they heard the word without fruit and in vain. Such a punishment will in its time befall ourdespisers also, and we see that from day to day they become continually more blinded and senselesss. , . Since now the Ingratitude and wickedness of citizens and peasants, and of peo- ple in all conditions, is indeed so great, that we are often compelled to think the whole world must be possessed by the devil." Again : " Formerly, when we served the devil in the papacy, everybody was compassionate and gentle, then people gave with both hands, joyfully, and with great devotion for the maintenance of false worship. Now, when people should be fittingly gentle, should cheerfully give, and should show themselves thankful toward God for the holy gospel, everybody shows a disposition to destroy and starve it, no one gives anything, but they only take away. Formerly every city, in proportion to its size, generously supported some monasteries, to say nothing of parish clergy and rich founda- tions. Now, if only two or three persons are to be supported, who preach God's word, administer the sacraments, visit and console the sick, instruct the youth in an honorable and Christian way, and that not at their own expense but on property that has been left over by the papacy, there is general complaint." Luther's writings abound in lamentations over the utter unvvilHngness of his followers, rich and poor, high and low, to contribute for the support of the local churches and of educational institutions, and their con- tempt of the clergy and of the preached word. 1 "Com. on Gal.," ed. of 1543. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 93 In the following passage he bears testimony to the wonderful increase of the drinking habit in his own time : When I was young, I think that the greater part even of the rich drank water and used the simplest and most easily obtainable foods. Some scarcely knew what it was to drink wine when thirty years of age. Nowadays, even children are accustomed to the use of wine, and indeed not simply weak, light wines, but strong and foreign wines, and even spirits and brandy. His writings abound in similar complaints. The last few years of his life were greatly embittered by the almost universal immorality of the people. He seems to have expected momentarily some great mani- festation of the divine wrath. In 1545 he prays that the " day of God's wrath and our redemp- tion may speedily come and put an end to the great tribulation and to the diabolical mode of life" that prevailed. December, 1544, he wrote: "We live in Sodom and Babylon, everything grows daily worse and worse." in June, 1545, he wrote to his wife: "Only away from this Sodom ! 1 will wander around and sooner eat a beggar's bread than torture and disquiet my poor old last days with the disorderly life that prevails at Wittenberg." There is no sufificient evidence that Luther committed suicide, as some modern Catholic writers have asserted, but for months his condition was that of extreme mental depression, and he was able to take no satisfaction in the condition of Germany in the bringing about of which he had been so important a factor. 9. Politico-Ecclesiastical Proceedings ajfecting the Progress of the Protestant Revolution. 1 Literature : Histories of Ranke, Janssen, Hagen, and Gobel, as above. See also Seebohm, " The Era of the Protestant Revolution " ; Hellwig, " Die pol. Be^iefiKiigen Clemeus VII. ^u Karl V. ini /. 7526" ; Grethen, " Die pol. Beiiehwigen Clemens VII. ^u Karl V., i ^2^-1 s2j^^ ; Gregorovius, "■ Gesch. d. Siadt T^ow," Bd. Vlll.; Stoy, '' Erste Bihidnisshestrebnugen evang. Stdnde" ; Friedensburg, ^^ Ztcr Vorgesch. d. Gotha-Toroauischen Biindnisscs^^ ; and " D. Reichstag ^u Speier, 1526 " ; Baumgarten, " Karl K." ; Winckelmann, " Der Schmalkald. Bund u. d. Niirnberger Relig. Friede'\- Moller (ed. Kawerau), '''Kirch- engeschichte,'' Bd. III., Seit. 36-148. When the Edict of Worms went forth, putting Luther and his followers under the ban, prohibiting the printing. 94 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. V. sale, and reading of his books, and forbidding his enter- tainment and encouragement, many no doubt thought that the death-knell of Protestantism had been sounded. Few supposed that it would be possible for Luther's favorers to protect him and his cause against the com- bined power of pope and emperor thoroughly committed to his destruction and to the rooting out of all insubordi- nation. For some time it was supposed by many of Luther's friends that he had been foully dealt with. If this had proved to be the case, it is probable that such knights as Franz von Sickingen and Ulrich von Hutten would have sought to avenge him, and it may be that Frederick of Saxony would have taken the field against imperial and papal tyranny, with what result could not have been predicted. But fortunately for Luther and his cause Charles was from this time onward too much occupied with more urgent business to take earnestly in hand the enforcement of the execution of his edict. (i) IVar Between the Emperor a^ui the King of France. For a long time Spain and France had been rivals, and their interests were becoming more and more antagon- istic. The accession of Charles V., the head of the Haps- burgers, to the imperial throne, to which Francis L as- pired, was particularly grievous to the latter, it was not simply disappointed ambition that prompted Francis to declare war against Charles, but quite as much a reali- zation of the fact that the interests of France were se- riously imperilled by this great political combination. On May 8 a secret treaty had been entered into at Worms betw een the emperor and the pope against France, Henry VI II. of England soon afterward joined the papal and imperial alliance, hoping thereby to regain England's French possessions and relying on Charles' promise (?) to make Wolsey, his chief adviser, pop^- On May 22, three days before the actual promulgation of the Edict of Worms, the French ambassadors took their departure from Worms, and a war between the emperor and France broke out that lasted with intermis- sions for many years and was of incalculable advantage to the Protestant cause. Italy was the chief bone of contention. France was weakened at an earlv stage and the imperial and papal cause strengthened by the withdrawal of Swiss mercenaries from the former and their going into the pav of the latter. Milan was taken from tlie French in November, 1^21. The Duke of Bourbon rebelled against Francis and joined the imperial alliance. Francis I. was de- feated and captured at the battle of Pavia (1524)- Pope Clement CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 95 VII. had expected Francis to triumph at Pavia, and had entered into a secret alliance with him, Italians having become fearful of Spanish tyranny. Francis was imprisoned in Spain, but was released (1526) on making oaths in favor of the emperor from which the pope promptly absolved him. This angered Charles and ruptured his friendly relations with the pope. The marriage of Charles to the infanta of Portugal instead of to the Princess Mary of England had previously led Henry to withdraw from the imperial alliance and to make peace with France. (2) The Dessau and the Gotha-Torgau Leagues. In July, 1525, Duke George of Saxony, the Elector Joachim of Brandenburg, the Archbishop-Elector Albert of Mainz, and the Dukes of Braunschweig met at Dessau and entered into an agreement to exterminate the accursed " Lu- theran sect" from their territories. The peasants' up- rising, which had just been suppressed with frightful carnage, was attributed by them to Luther's teachings and proceedings, and they believed the utter suppres- sion of Lutheranism essential to the permanent peace and tranquillity of Germany. In February, 1526, the Elector John of Saxony (successor of Frederick) and the Land- grave Philip of Hesse, entered into a similar covenant for the defense of Lutheranism. They were joined in June by seven other princes, and in September by Albert of Prussia (Gotha-Torgau alliance). (3) The Diet of Speier (1^26). The breach between the emperor and the pope and the manifest strength of the Protestant cause had changed the attitude of Charles in respect to the enforcement of the Edict of Worms, and had made him open-eyed to the grievances against the hierarchical administration that were constantly thrust- ing themselves upon his attention. A result of the de- liberations of the Diet was a decree signed by Ferdinand, the emperor's brother, leaving each integral part of the empire " in matters of religion and of the Edict of Worms so to live, rule, and conduct itself as it thinks consonant with its obligations toward God and his Imperial Majesty." This was virtually an abrogation of the Edict of Worms and laid the basis of the territorialism that was afterward to find expression in the maxim : "Whose territory, his religion" (Cujus regio, ejus religio). (4) Sack ofl^ome and Imprisonment of the Pope (1527). The conciliatory attitude of Charles toward the Lu- 96 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. therans and his hostility to the pope enabled hinn readily to raise a Lutheran army for the invasion of the pope's domains, led by Frundsberg, who went forth with the cry: "When I make my way to Rome, I will hang the pope." This sentiment had been expressed by , Frundsberg and the whole army was eager for an op- portunity to lay hands on the hated pope. With about eleven thousand of the most desperate of Lutheran ad- venturers Frundsberg crossed the Alps and joined a Spanish army of somewhat smaller size under the Duke of Bourbon. Before reaching Rome Frundsberg was prostrated by a paralytic stroke brought on by a mutiny among the troops. Bourbon now commanded the entire army, but was shot down as he was mounting a ladder at the commencement of the siege of Rome. The im- perial army forced its way into the city, losing scarcely a hundred men and slaying from four to six thousand, and for eight days the soldiers did their terrible pleas- ure upon the people and their possessions. Even the friends of the emperor were not spared. The pope escaped for the time to the castle of St. Angelo. Some of the cardi- nals were seized and dragged through the citv and were compelled to pay heavy ransom. It was estimated that' fifteen million ducats were appropriated. Churches, even St. Peter's, were turned into stables. The personal outrages were such as always attend a sack by a furious and desperate soldiery. The pope was the emperor's prisoner and was obliged to become his subservient instrument. These proceedings, it is easy to see, gave security and political advantages to the Lutherans and still further cooled the Catholic ardor of the emperor ; but they did not at all minister to the moral or religious advancement of the Germans. (5) Second War between the Emperor and the King of France (i 527-1 529). A few days before the sack of Rome (April 30) an agreement had been reached between Francis L and Henry VIII. to send ambassadors at once to Charles with the demand that he release the French princes held by him and that he pay certain financial claims of the English, and with instructions to declare war immediately on his refusal. Both were still good enough Catholics to resent the sacking of Rome and the impris- onment of the pope, especially as none of the spoils came CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 97 their way. Henry's desire for a divorce from Catharine of Aragon could, he hoped, be all the more successfully carried into effect if he should succor the pope against his great enemy and Catharine's great relative. By August a French army was in Lombardy. The emperor made haste to come to terms with the pope, liberating most of the papal cities that he had held and restoring to him most of his prerogatives, the pope promising in turn to call a General Council for the pacification of Christen- dom and the reformation of the church and to assist in paying off the soldiers. The wretched pope was now " between the devil and the deep sea." He was unwill- ing that Charles should have both Naples and Milan and thus be " lord of all," that is virtual master of Italy, and yet he dared not show favor to the enemies of Charles. Henry VIII. took advantage of his perplexing situation to extort from him promises of favorable action as to the desired divorce, promises that he could not fulfill without antagonizing the emperor and the king of France. The situation of the emperor in 1528 was extremely precarious. The Duke of Bavaria, fired with ambition for the imperial dignity, sought to secure the co-operation of England, France, and Lorraine, for the deposition of Charles at the approaching Diet, on the ground of the heavy losses tliat the church and the empire had suffered under Hapsburg rule (Constantinople, Rhodes, Hungary, Basel, and Costnitz). Of course the co-operating powers were to have their suitable compensation and a Bavarian imperial administration would speedily exterminate the Lutheran heresy and pacify Europe. Philip of Hesse also, on the Protestant side, sent representatives to France, Silesia, Poland, etc., to treat for an anti-Hapsburg alliance, with the immediate purpose of depriving Ferdinand of his hereditary domains. A forged covenant of the Catholic powers for the speedy extermina- tion of Lutheranism was palmed oft' upon the Protestant princes and they were on the point of taking the initiative and marshaling all their forces for a decisive conflict with the emperor and his Catholic supporters. The success of the imperial arms in Italy (1528-1529) prepared the way for the Peace of Cambray (July, 1 529), in which France surrendered her claims to Italian terri- tory, to Flanders, and to Artois, while the emperor made slight concessions in the case of Peronne and Bou- logne. Burgundy gained almost complete independence in relation to France. Emperor and king agreed to co- G qS a manual of church history [per. v. operate in the suppression of heresy and the mainte- nance of tlie authority and dignity of the Holy See. At about the same time (1529) the Swiss cantons that remained Catholic felt themselves driven to form an al- liance with Austria against which for centuries they had contended so valiantly. (6) The Second Diet of Speier (1529). Whether a formal compact had been made among the Catholic members of the Diet, with pope and emperor at their head, for the deposition of the Lutheran princes, the ex- ecution of Luther, and the extirpation of heresy, or not, it is certain that there was a definite understanding among the Catholics that the Diet of 1529 should be made the occasion of drastic measures for the restoration of religious uniformity on a Catholic basis. Pope, em- peror, and French king were now at peace and all alike zealous for the rehabilitation of Catholicism in Germany and Switzerland. Moreover, the Turks were at the gates of Vienna and the estates of the empire must join with the Hapsburgers in driving them back. The defiant at- titude of the Lutherans, who were on the point of de- claring war against the emperor in view of the forged agreement referred to above, made the Catholic princes all the more urgent for prompt and stringent measures against them. The freedom given to the constituents of the Diet in 1526 was virtually abolished and the en- forcement of the Edict of Worms was now again insisted upon. This enforcement was to be absolute in Catholic countries, in lands where it had been hitherto ignored no further innovations were to be made until the meet- ing of the General Council, which pope and emperor promised for the following year. Zwinglians and Ana- baptists were absolutely excluded from toleration with the concurrence of the Lutheran members of the Diet. It was made obligatory on all to use every means for the destruction of the Anabaptists. It was enacted " that rebaptizers and rebaptized, all and each, male and female, of intelligent age, be judged and brought from nat- ural life to death, without antecedent inquisition of the spiritual judges." No one seems to have thought the measure too severe, and it was remorselessly executed. A Lutheran member expressed the sentiments of his co-religionists CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION Q9 when he said : " Christ is again in the hands of Caiaphas and Pi- late." On April 25 a protestation was presented against all the clauses of the decree of the majority that affected injuriously the in- terests of the Lutherans, signed by John of Saxony, George of Bran- denburg, Ernest and Francis of Braunschweig-Luneburg, Philip of Hesse, and Wolfgang of Anhalt, and by the representatives of Strasburg, Nuremberg, Ulm, Costnitz, Lindau, Memmingen, Kemp- ten, Nordlingen, Heilbronn, Reutiingen, Issny, St. Gall, Weissen- born, and Windesheim, imperial cities that had adopted the Reforma- tion. From this protestation the name " Protestant" took its rise, it was becoming evident that the Protestants must fight for their ex- istence ; but Luther and Melanchthon, now as earlier, were strongly averse to armed resistance to the emperor, the latter especially fore- telling disaster from astrological phenomena. (7) T:irkish Invasion. The Ottoman Turks who, in 1359, possessed only a narrow stripof western Asia Minor, bordering on the Bosphorus, had, by 145 1, brought into subjection most of Asia Minor and the territory north of Greece as far as the Danube, extending to the Black Sea on the east and as far west as Orsowa on the Danube. From 145 1 to 1481 not only had Constantinople fallen into their hands, but they had overrun the remainder of Asia Minor and of Greece, Bosnia, Servia, Wallachia, and the Crimean peninsula with considerable territory to the north. By 1520, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Egypt had been added. Suleiman I. (i 520-1 566) started upon his career the most powerful potentate in the world. With a thoroughly disciplined army of some two hundred and fifty thousand it was far easier for him to go forward in conquest than it would have been to pursue a policy of peace. To hold securely what he had acquired further conquest was in any case necessary. The Protestant Revolution and the wars among the great Catholic powers (the papacy, the empire, and France) furnished opportu- nity and incentive for the conquest of Hungary, Sieben- blirgen, Bessarabia, etc., and the invasion of Austria, Moravia, Bohemia, and Poland. These eastern Euro- pean States were all the more vulnerable because of their internal divisions, due in large measure to racial jealousies and animosities. The German element in the population that had had a leading part in the Christian- ization and the civilization of these lands and by reason of its superiority had gained, such an amount of wealth and power as to awaken the animosity of the Slavic and 100 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. Hunnic peoples, did not have their united and enthusiastic support in resisting the Turks. Tlie German house of Luxemburg possessed Bohemia and Hungary. The heiress of Poland was betrothed to an Austrian prince. By a series of marriage arrangements the house of Haps- burg had by 1521 acquired a controlling influence over all these eastern countries. Before the Hapsburgers had had time to consolidate their eastern provinces and to subdue the rebellious elements Suleiman I. had entered upon his remarkable career. in K2I Suleiman 1. captured Belgrade and occupied a considerable part of Croatia. Francis I., when a prisoner of the emperor at Madrid, had invited Suleiman to send a fleet against Spain and of- fered to him the co-operation of France. In 1526 the sultan had a vast army of about two hundred thousand men on the Hungarian bor- ders. By great effort King Louis marshaled a poorl_\' equipped and poorly disciplined army of less than twenty-four thousand, w hich was utterly overwhelmed by the sultan's forces at Mohacz (August 2Q, 1526). Louis was drowned while attempting to escape, and by his death Hungary and Bohemia came into the possession of Ferdi- nand of Austria. Without further serious resistance the Turkish army occupied Ofen, and was for the time master of all Hungary. But it was not the policy of the sultan to attempt at once the administration of the territory that had been overrun. Ferdinand's claim to the crowns of Hungary and Bohemia was not undisputed. Zapolya, who had long been at the head of the anli-(Jerman elements and v\ho had withheld his assistance from Louis, was read\- to fight tor the Hun- garian crown. He secured the alliance of Francis 1. and the secret support of the pope in opposition to the Hapsburgers. 'i'he Duke of Bavaria claimed tiie Bohemian crown. By the end of 1527 Ferdi- nand's authority was generally recognized in both kingdoms, but opposition was far from being overcome. Earlv in 1528 Zapolya made a firm alliance with Suleiman against the house of Austria. Suleiman regarded himself and was regarded by his followers as " next after Allah," and as " the onl\' lord upon earth." Immediately after the declaration of war between the Cath- olics and Protestants (Diet of Speier and Protestation) he precipita- ted a vast army of one hundred and fifty thousand upon Hungary, where he was joined by Zapolya, who on his way to meet the sultan at Mohacz had the good fortune to smite the Hungarian troops of Ferdinand. Hungary offered almost no opposition to the allied forces. The mighty army, witii twent\-two thousand camels, ap- peared with Oriental pomp before the walls of Vienna (September 26). Suleiman was confident that three years would suffice for the com- plete conquest of Europe and the destruction of Christianity. The time had come when Europe must unitedly oppose the Turk or all would be lost. France offered to put sixty thousand troops in the field and to seek the co-operation of England, on condition that the CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION lOI war indemnity imposed by the emperor should be scaled one-half. The leading Netherlandish minister proposed that the pope agree to the secularization of the ecclesiastical estates, and that a third of the proceeds be used for combating the Turks. Many Lutherans and Zwinglians, and most Anabaptists, looked upon the Turkish inva- sion as a scourge of God against the emperor, tlie pope, and their coadjutors for their intolerant action at Speier, and were willing to let things take their course. But Luther, though he had again and again declared himself opposed to militant Christianity, insisted that it was the duty of the princes to assist the emperor in repelling the Turkish invasion. Suleiman offered favorable terms for the surrender of the city ; if these were refused he would on the third day eat his dinner within the walls, and would not even spare the unborn children. Several desperate assaults were successfully resisted and the invaders suffered fearful loss. At last (October 14) the sultan's troops became utterly discouraged, and deciding that it was not Allah's will that the city should fall into their hands, they raised the siege and withdrew from Austria. There was general rejoicing throughout Christendom ; but Ferdinand's troops that had so successfully and cour- ageously defended the city and saved Europe could not be paid. They mutinied and many of them went over to the standard of Zapolya, the vassal of the sultan. (8) Protestant Defense and the Marburg Conference (i^2g). After a number of fruitless efforts on the part of representatives of the Protestant estates to secure better terms from the emperor, representatives of Saxony, Hesse, Nuremberg, Ulm, and Strasburg came to a secret under- standing (April 22, 1529) that they would unitedly resist any attack on the ground of the divine word, whether from the Swabian League, the judicial tribunal of the estates of the empire, or the imperial administration itself. It was arranged that the Protestant interests should hold a Diet at Rotach (in Coburg) for perfecting arrangements for self-defense in the following June. After much dis- cussion, in which Lutherans and Zwinglians participated, on a footing of equality, a plan of union was completed and was ready for the signatures of those concerned. Luther defeated the project by protesting against any recognition of " Zwingli's godless views" (on the Lord's Supper). The cities of Ulm and Strasburg had adopted 102 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. Zwingli's teachings. The whole people might be de- stroyed for the sake of one Achan. For the Lutherans to unite with people who strive against God and the sacrament " would be to go to meet damnation with body and soul." The Elector of Saxony sustained Luther in this intolerant position. Philip of Hesse was extremely anxious to retain the co-operation of Strasburg and Ulm and to secure the co-operation of tlie Zwinglian cantons of Switzerland and looked upon Luther's attitude as sheer theological stubbornness. No agreement could be reached and the Diet proved ineffective. Philip of Hesse, in con- sultation with Melanchthon, Bucer, and others, realizing the supreme importance of evangelical union, and under- estimating the fundamental differences between Luther- anism and Zwinglianism, arranged for a conference be- tween Lutheran and Zwinglian theologians and their political supporters, with a view to harmonizing their dif- ferences and reaching a basis of co-operation against the Roman Catholic powers that were seeking to crush all alike. This conference was held at Marburg, September 29 onward. it must be borne in mind that Luther was still extremely averse to armed resistance to the emperor and his allies, and that through years of controversy he had become thoroughly embittered against Zwingli and his followers. It would have been exceedingly difficult, in view of the opprobrious language that he had used against Zwingli and his views on the Supper, for him to accept any sort of compromise with Zwinglianism. So intemperate had been his language as to provoke the moderate Capito to liken him to "a ra\'ing Orestes." in his writing," Against Fanatics," he attributes Zwingli's peculiar teachings to the devil, who aimed thereby to destroy the evangelical cause through internal strife. The "fanatics" (Zwingli and his followers) were patricides, matricides, and fratricides. They had slain God, Luther's father, in his words, they had murdered Chris- tianity, his mother, and his brethren. To love them or hold fellow- ship with them was out of the question. He denounced them, more- over, as "devils," "knaves," "heretics," "rioters," "dissem- blers," " hypocrites," etc., sparing no offensive epithet that occurred to his fertile mind. Zwingli, Capito, QEcolampadius, etc., were far more moderate in their polemics, though they could not but feel in- dignant at the unbrotherly way in which Luther constantly treated them. Occasionally they were aroused to sharp retort ; but in gen- eral they observed the proprieties of discussion and depended upon argument rather than raving. Luther and Melanchthon had little faith in the success of the con- ference. In fact, Luther was resolved that harmony should be CHAP. 1.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 103 reached, if at all, only through the unconditional surrender of the Zwinglians. Fourteen articles were drawn up in which the funda- mentals of the evangelical faith were set forth in a way that was satisfactory to both parties. On the Lord's Supper there was a deadlock. Luther planted himself on the words: "This is my body," etc., and insisted that the real presence of the body and blood of Christ is their only allowable teaching. The Zwinglians insisted that the expression is to be interpreted symbolically. Me- lanchthon and Zwingli agreed on a statement that implied the spir- itual partaking of Christ's body and blood. But Luther would hear of no compromise, and he refused to have any fellowship with Zwin- gli. The great majority of the members of the conference were for peace and co-operation, and for the mutual toleration of differences ; but Luther's bitter and uncompromising attitude widened the breach between the two parties and made it irreparable. The irreconcilable hostility of Lutherans and Reformed constitutes a factor of the ut- most importance in later European history. The Marburg Conference was followed (November 29) by an evangelical congress at Schmalkalden. Philip of Hesse had his heart set on the admission of Ulm and Strasburg to the alliance. Lutherans were still uncom- promising and a distinctly Lutheran basis of co-operation was submitted at Schwabach and finally adopted at Torgau. Luther still adhered firmly to his counsel of non-resistance. True Christians should bear the cross and not seek to avenge themselves. He had rather die ten times over than that his teaching should be the occa- sio ^ of bloodshed. )) The Diet of Aiigshurg (i^^o). The emperor had en red into a treaty with the pope at Barcelona (June 20, 1529), and in the following December had received the imperial crown at his hands. Peace had been com- pleted with France (treaty of Cambray) in August, 1529. The Turks had retired from Vienna, but were still menacing the eastern portions of the empire, and the co- operation of the constituents of the empire must be se- cured through another Diet. The protestation of the evangelical princes and cities and their manifest determi- nation to resist any attempted enforcement of the decree of the recent Diet of Speier had convinced the emperor that drastic measures must for the time at least be aban- doned and conciliation attempted. In January, 1530, the emperor summoned a Diet to be held in Augsburg the following April. The summons was couched in concilia- 104 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. tory language. Every one was to be at liberty to ex- press his sentiments, opinions, and views, in order that unity and harmony in Christian truth might be reached, and that all unjust imputations on both sides might be set aside. He had evidently high hopes of bringing about a friendly settlement of the difficulties that for thirteen years had disquieted the empire. The Protestants were invited to present to the Diet an explicit statement of their tenets and to bring their leading theologians for the discussion of points of difference. The pope seems to have agreed with the emperor for the time in his policy of conciliation. The latter attended the Diet in person, entering the city with great pomp on June 15. The Diet was formally opened on June 20. Melanchthon, in consultation with Luther, who for prudential reasons was not invited to Augsburg, but kept within reach at Coburg, presented the Lutheran creed in its most conciliatory form (Augsburg Confession) in German and in Latin. This statement was read before the Diet on June 25. The Confession was in purpose an apology. Eck had in the pre- ceding March presented to the emperor in four hundred and four propositions a violent attack upon the evangelicals in which Lu- therans, Zwingiians, and Anabaptists were confounded, and in which the most otijectionable views to which any individual or party had given expression were attributed to the evangelical interest as a whole, it was the aim of Melanchthon to minimize the differences between Lutherans and Catholics and on crucial points to use lan- guage so ambiguous that it could be interpreted in a Catholic sense without excluding the Lutheran teaching. Luther seems to have shared with Melanchthon and the Lutheran princes in the hope that the Diet would give toleration and legitimacy to this moderate form of evangelical teaching. Melanchthon labored unceasingly in elimi- nating from the statement everything likelv to offend the Catholics that could possibly be spared. Melanchthon was by this time as strenuous as Luther in repudiating the Zwingiians and excluding them from such advantages as the Lutherans might gain through their negotiations. He meant to prove that the evangelicals were good Catholics and went so far in his concessions as to elicit the remarket Philip of Hesse: "Master Philip goes backward like a crab." As a minimum he would have been willing to accept as tolerated reforms communion under both kinds, the marriage of the clergy, and the abolition of private masses. The Confession pur- ports to contain " nothing that is at variance with the Scriptures, or the catholic church, or the Roman Church, so far as it is known from its writers." " All the dissension " is said to be "concerning certain abuses, few in number." The utmost pains is taken to CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 105 discriminate between Lutherans and Zwinglians and Anabaptists. The views of the former on the Supper and of the latter on infant baptism and infant salvation, are expressly condemned. The real corporeal presence in the Eucharist, partaken of indiscriminately by all communicants, is asserted and transubstantiation is not definitely excluded. No mention is made of the papacy. A Confutation of the Confession, drafted by Eck, Faber, et al., was promptly brought forward. It is a sharply controversial docu- ment. Its authors deny that the Confession is a straightforward and complete statement of the Lutheran teaching, the non-Catholic features of the system being studiously glossed over or ignored. It was a merited rebuke to the plasticity of Melanchthon, for which Luther and the other evangelicals were also largely responsible. The emperor declared the Confutation conclusive against the Protestants and demanded their unconditional submission to ecclesiastical au- thority, with threats of coercive measures. Melanchthon wished to make further concessions ; but Philip of Hesse and John of Saxony resented the imperial threats and resolved to risk everything on be- half of the Confession. Seeing the increasing resoluteness of the evangelicals the emperor again grew conciliatory and certain tempo- rary concessions were made pending the meeting of the General Council which emperor and pope agreed to summon at an early date. As Melanchthon went on making concessions his in- fluence with the more sturdy of the Lutheran princes waned and he was unable to prevent Bucer, who repre- sented the four imperial Zwinglian cities, Strasburg, Con- stance, Memmingen, and Lindau, from securing some re- cognition at their hands. A Confession of Faith prepared by Bucer and Capito on behalf of the four cities (Tetra- politana) was presented to the emperor on July 11. This also was confuted by the Catholic theologians to the satisfaction of the emperor. Ulm held aloof from the "four cities" and presented a statement in eighteen ar- ticles on the Supper, which, while protesting against the actual chewing (manducatio oralis) of the flesh and blood, conformed as closely as possible to the Lutheran mode of expression, insisting that the Supper is more than a mere memorial. The threatening attitude of the Turks and the need of the assistance of the Protestants pre- vented the emperor from proceeding rashly against them. Finding concessions unavailing and the Lutheran princes stalwart, Melanchthon prepared a defense of the Con- fession against the Catholic Confutation, which has since held its place side by side with the Confession as one of the symbolical books of the Lutheran Church. The em- I06 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. peror gave the Lutherans till April 15, 1531, to give in their adhesion to the articles in dispute that had not already been adjusted. (10) The ScJimalkald League and the Peace of Nurem- berg. The emperor was exerting himself to the utmost for the calling of a General Council for the reunification of his subjects. To strengthen the Hapsburg influence he sought to have his brother Ferdinand chosen king of the Romans. This proceeding was opposed by the Elector of Saxony, while the other electors readily sold their votes. The difficulty could be overcome by excluding the Elec- tor of Saxony as a heretic and a papal bull for this pur- pose was at hand to be used should it prove expedient. The other electors opposed such a proceeding ; but the proposal was in itself sufficient to precipitate the organi- zation of the Schmalkald League. The elector was at last convinced that he could not dispense with the upper- German cities of Zwinglian tendencies, nor disregard the policy of Philip of Hesse, Bucer, and Sturm, to unite all the evangelicals for defense against imperial and papal coercive measures. The formation of this league consti- tuted the evangelicals a political party. The evangelical princes met at Schmalkalden and protested against the election of Ferdinand as king of the Romans. The Elector of Saxony ahsented himself from tlie meeting at Cologne for the elec- tion of Ferdinand and the election was accomplished in the face of his protest and that of his evangelical associates (January 5, 1531). The Schmalkald League met on February 27 for the completion of its organization. It was composed of Electoral Saxony, Hesse, Braunschweig-Luneburg, Braunschweig-Grubenhagen, and the cities of Strasburg, Ulm, Constance, Reutlingen, Memmingen, Lindau, Biberach, Isny, Liibeck, Magdeburg, and Bremen. The league was to be in force for six years and new members might be admitted by unanimous consent. The upper-German cities had been admitted to the league through Bucer's compromising measures and strict Zwinglianism lost its hold throughout this region. Zurich, under Zwingli's leadership, soon became involved in war with the live Catholic cantons which, powerfully supported from without, pioved more than a match for the Swiss' Protestant forces. At Kappel, ZUrich and her allies suf- fered an overwhelming defeat (October, 1531). Zwingli was slain, and peace had to be made on terms wholly favorable to the Cath- oMcs. The Zwinglian cantons were obliged to give freedom to Catholic work and worship. OEcolampadius, already in feeble health, died in November. Thus the Zwinglian cause "was almost completely prostrated. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 107 In December, 1531, the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse were appointed heads of the league, and the cities of Goslar and Einbeck were admitted to membership. The Duke of Bavaria, though a Catholic, had entered into covenant with the evangelicals against Ferdinand. The league soon had the support of France, England, Denmark, King Zapolya of Hungary, and Duke Charles of Gelders. Thus the Lutheran cause had the support not only of all evangelical Germany, but of the Catholic enemies of the house of Hapsburg. The re- newal of Turkish hostilities in Hungary still further em- barrassed the emperor, who now, deeply humiliated, felt obliged to come to a good understanding with the Protes- tants and to leave them free until differences could be adjusted by a general council. This freedom was guaranteed by the Diet of Nurem- berg (July, 1532). After this proclamation of toleration the emperor returned to Spain and for nine years the Protestants had almost complete immunity from papal and imperial interference. The emperor's chief hope of religious and political re-unification now lay in the calling of a general council ; but here also he was be- set with difficulties, if such a council should overrule the pope and in defiance of his authority attempt a thorough reformation of the church in its head and members so as measurably to satisfy the de- mands of the Protestants, the Ultramontane interests were sure to repudiate the council and a schism of another kind would ensue. If on the other hand the papal interests should be allowed to dominate the council, the Protestants would repudiate its decrees on the ground that it was not free. The co-operation of England and France was thought to be necessary to the success of the measure. The new Elector of Saxony, John Frederick, was approached by a papal nun- cio regarding the council in June, 1533. The Schmalkald League, to which the proposal was submitted, expressed decided distrust and disapproval. Protestants were promised a free council and were asked to promise in advance implicit obedience to its decrees. They had little faith in the freedom of a council in which papal and impe- rial interests preponderated, and they could not in any case under- take to accept decisions that might militate against their consciences and their interests To demonstrate to the emperor the stalwartness of the Protestant cause and the hopelessness of inducing Protes- tants to surrender their principles to a council controlled by pope and emperor, Luther prepared the Schmalkald I08 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. Articles, in which he emphasized justification by faith alone. "There can be no yielding in respect to this article, though heaven and earth should fall, since on it depends everything that we teach and live against Dope, devil, and the world." The mass, purgatory, pilgrimages, brotherhoods, relics, indulgen- ces, and the invocation of saints are repudiated with opprobrious lan- guage. Monastic institutions of all kinds are to be abolished or turned into schools. Luther was willing to discuss with Catholic theologians theories of sin, law, penance, sacraments, priestlv mar- riage, and the like. Luther's doctrine of the Supper, little modified by the harmonizing efforts of Bucer, found expression in the articles. These articles were not formally subscribed by the League, but they were ultimately adopted (1544) among the symbolical documents of Lutheranism. A sliarp polemical tract by Melanchthon on " The Power and Primacy of the Pope " wasadop'ted by the League (1537). War between the emperor and the King of France necessitated the indefinite postponement of the council, negotiations regarding which had evoked the Schmalkald Articles. Turkish invasion, moreover, tended to bring the emperor again into a more conciliatory state. The years 1 532-1 546 were a time of great prosperity for political Lutheranism. The peace of Nuremberg gave the princes a freedom they had not enjoyed before to carry out the Lutheran reforms. Lutheranism triumphed in Anhalt, Wiirtemberg, Augsburg, and Pomerania in 1534. These, together with the cities of Frankfurt, Ham- burg, and Hanover, became members of the League two years later (1536). During the latter year Denmark ac- cepted Lutheranism as the State religion. After the death of Duke George (1539) Saxony and Brandenburg were opened to the propagation of Lutheranism, which was soon triumphant, though the Elector of Brandenburg did not enter the League and sought to occupy a mediating position, in the same year Lutheranism became widely accepted in Livonia. In 1542 Hermann von Wied, Arch- bishop-Elector of Cologne, renounced Romanism and sought to carry his constituency into the Lutheran fold. The Duke of Jijlich-Cleve adopted Lutheranism in 1543, but the emperor was able to suppress the movement and was greatly encouraged by his success The Zwinglian cause had not yet recovered from its reverses, but a new type of evangelical teaching, which mediated between Luther- anism and Zwinglianism, and was destined to a greater career than CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 109 either, had appeared in Geneva and was already, in 1546, a mighty religious force. Luther died in 1546, in time to escape the humiliation that was soon to befall the Protestant cause. (11) The Schmalkald War and the Peace of Augsburg (1^46-1^^^). The general council, after long and re- peated delays, had at last assembled at Trent. Ic had • become more evident than ever to the Protestants that they could hope for no advantage from a council whose chief business it was to exterminate them, and that any reforms determined upon would be wholly inadequate. If the anti-papal and anti-Austrian forces of Europe had been at this time thoroughly united and dominated by a single mighty will, they would have been irresistible. Unfortunately there were almost as many distinct pri- vate interests as there were political units involved, and a comprehensive plan of defense and aggression, backed up by adequate financial provision and adequate troops under the best available leadership was, under the cir- cumstances, impossible. Philip of Hesse, who more than any of the Protestant princes was fitted to lead, had crippled himself and inflicted irreparable injury upon the evangelical cause by his bigamous marriage. The Elec- tor Joachim II. regarded this action as one of the most foolish things he had ever heard of, and thought it must have cost the devil much labor. Strange to say, Philip's loss of prestige among the evangelicals led him to draw nearer to the emperor, for he " must seek means to save body and goods, land and people." He was soon in closest alliance with the arch-enemy of the Protestant cause. In 1542 war broke out between the two Saxon houses over the collection of taxes for the Turkish war. Philip of Hesse acted as mediator and secured temporary peace ; but Maurice (afterward elector) was deeply resentful and was ready at a critical moment to betray his evangelical confederates. Duke Henry of Braunschweig, one of the most disrep- utable of the princes of the time, had severely punished the city of Goslar for its anti-Catholic measures. He was attacked (July, 1542) by the troops of the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse, under the leader- no A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. ship of the latter. Wolfenbiittel, his stronghold, was be- sieged and captured, and the duke was driven out of his territory and forbidden to return. Roman Catholic altars and other sacred objects were stolen or destroyed, and measures were taken for the complete establishment of the evangelical system. At the Diet of Speier (Feb., 1544) the emperor asked the estates for twenty-four thousand infantry and four thousand cavalry against the Turks and against France. The aid was granted. The case of Henry of Braun- schweig was settled, the terms being that his lands should be restored to him, but the evangelical worship should continue. With the help of the English and the Ger- mans the emperor gained such advantages over the King of France that the peace of Crespy (Sep. 14, 1544) was largely in his favor. The French undertook to join with the emperor in his campaign against the Turks and in procuring the meeting of a general council. No doubt there was also an understanding that both should exert themselves for the extermination of Protestantism. The Jesuits were already beginning to make their influence felt in favor of drastic measures against the new faith. The refusal of the Protestants to recognize the council that met at Trent in 1545 as ecumenical, or Christian, dispelled the hope of the emperor tliat conciliation would result from such moderate reforms as would leave the pope at the head of the church and the hierarchical system as of old. The irrec- oncilableness of the Protestant demands with the preservation of church unity on a hierarchical basis appeared more clearly than ever at the Diet of Worms (May, 1545). At this time the majority of the Protestant princes were in favor of immediate armed resistance ; but John Fred- erick of Saxony still held out for peace. Meanwhile the emperor was secretly preparing himself for the irrepressi- ble conflict. A little later in the year Cologne was greatly dis- turbed by the protest of the university, the chapter, and a large proportion of the clergy against the defection of the archbishop. These had of course the hearty support and co-operation of the emperor. By September Henry of Braunschweig was again in the field with an army of thirteen thousand five hundred men. He was met by Saxon and Hessian forces nearly twice CHAP. l] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION III as strong. Henry's troops proved unreliable and he was taken prisoner before there had been much bloodshed. The Elector of the Palatinate now showed a disposition to become a Protestant and to enter the League, and in January, 1546, his wife and part of his court received the communion under both kinds. The Archbishop Elector Albert, of Mainz, died in Sep- tember, 1545. The emperor promptly made a nomina- tion for the position. The chapter insisted on making an independent choice, and Heusenstamm was appointed, through the influence of Philip of Hesse and other Prot- estant princes and with the understanding, it is probable, that he would use his office in the evangelical interest. He soon afterward declared in favor of free preaching, priestly marriage, and communion under both kinds. Thus the Protestants came to have a majority in the electoral body. At about that time Henry of Braunschweig revealed to Philkj of Hesse the design of the emperor to reduce all the princes of Ger- many, Protestant and Catholic alike, to beggary, and staked the salvation of his soul on the truthfulness of his information. Philip hoped on this ground to secure a union of princes of both religions against emperor, pope, and council. A conference at Regensburg (January, 1546) between Catholics and Protestants demonstrated afresh the irrec- oncilable differences between the two parties. John Diaz, a highly educated Spaniard, a Protestant convert who had spent some time with Bucer and others, made a noble defense of the faith. His brother, Alfonso, a member of the Roman Curia, labored earnestly for his conversion, and failing to move him pro- cured his assassination. This showed the fanatical zeal that was coming to dominate the Catholic supporters of pope and emperor, and still further irritated the Protestants. The Diet of Regensburg (June, 1546) was poorly at- tended. The Schmalkald allies sent a protest against the council and petitioned for the continuance of peace. The emperor treated their overtures with contempt, gave orders for extensive military preparations, and expressed his intention of vindicating his imperial authority. In July he pronounced the leaders of the league outlaws and thus declared war against them. The emperor 112 A MANUAL OF CHL'RCH HISTORY [PER. V. wished the war to be regarded as a purely political one. The pope on the other hand proclaimed a crusade against heretics and offered indulgences to all who would partici- pate. Just before the outbreak of hostilities, Maurice of Saxony had entered into alliance with the emperor against the Schmalkald League. His compensation was to be the electoral dignity and certain territorial advan- tages. He became the enthusiastic executor of the em- peror's sentence of outlawry and hurriedly invaded electoral Saxony. After overrunning most of the coun- try he was on the point of being conquered when the emperor with a Spanish army came to his aid. The emperor triumphed at the battle of Muhlberg and John Frederick was taken captive (April 24, 1547). Maurice had been made elector in October, 1546. Wittenberg was compelled to surrender soon afterward, having sustained with remarkable heroism a siege of many months. A sentence of death against John Frederick was commuted to indefinite imprisonment by the en- treaty of the Elector of Brandenburg. Most of his lands were bestowed upon Maurice. Philip of Hesse felt obliged to surrender to the emperor at Halle (June 19). He humiliated himself in the most abject way before the emperor and apologized for his re- bellion. He was thrown into prison with the assurance that his imprisonment would not be perpetual. The rebellious Archbishop Elector of Cologne was de- prived of his electoral and archiepiscopal offices and al- lowed to retire to his family estates. Thus the Schmalkald League was destroyed and the political power of Protestantism seemed to have come to an end. The emperor was too well aware of the deep-seated convictions of the evangelicals of Germany in religious matters to suppose that he could at once bring the entire body into conformity with papal doctrine and practice. He felt that compromise would be necessary, at least for a time, to the securing of religious tranquillity. To re- unite Catholics and Protestants a Confession of Faith was drawn up, under his direction, known as the Augsburg Interim, to which Melanchthon and many of the Luther- CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION I13 ans gave in their adherence as a measure of necessity. Melanchthon, in a letter to Cariowitz, the Roman Catholic counsellor of Maurice, to whom the defection of the former was due, disclaimed all responsibility for the Lutheran schism and professed his willingness to allow pope and bishops to retain their authority and to have the mass restored to its Catholic form. The Interim repudiated the Lutheran doctrine of justification by faith aione, gave full recognition to the Roman Catholic hierarchical system, including the papacy, as necessary to unity, recognized the seven sacraments, with the sacrificial view of the Supper, interces- sion and meritoriousness of the saints, prayers for the dead in con- nection with the mass, and ecclesiastical fasts and festivals. Mar- riage of the clergy and communion under both kinds were to be tolerated until they should have been finally pronounced upon by a general council. It was arranged that the document should be presented to the emperor in the Diet by two Protestant members, the Electors of Brandenburg and the Palatinate. The Protestants were at first the more inclined to accept the Interim because they supposed that it was to be binding upon the Catholics as well as the evangelical princes and cities ; but it soon became apparent that there was no in- tention on the part of the emperor and the Catholic princes to con- cede to Protestants within their territory even the small measure of toleration provided for in this document. Coercive measures, involving severe persecution, were at once entered upon in the South German cities, which had become utterly helpless through the fortunes of war. The threat of the emperor to the imperial cities, "You shall yet learn Spanish," was well understood to mean that they were to be deprived of all civil and re- ligious liberty. Spanish soldiers occupied Constance, Augsburg, Ulm, Strasburg, Regensburg, and all other important cities in this region. Protestant ministers fled for their lives. Roman Catholic services were every- where introduced and the intimidated burghers were driven to mass by the soldiers. Maurice of Saxony was still Protestant enough, or at least politic enough, to insist upon the modification of the Interim for North Germany. After much negotiation he gained certain concessions incorporated in the Leipzig Interim, a document which owed its form to Melanch- thon. It embraced a compromise statement of the doctrine of justification by faith, and a modification of the requirement of Friday fasting, of H 114 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. the daily celebration of tiie mass, and of the form of the mass. The aim was to excuse the Protestants of this region from tlie most of- fensive aspects of Catholic practice, in some places a pretense was made of conforming to these regulations ; in others efforts to re- introduce Catholic ceremonies were strenuously resisted by ministers, people, and municipal authorities. John Frederick, though a prisoner and in great peril, courageously repudiated the measure. Magde- burg became tiie center ot opposition to the Interim and a city of refuge tor the stanch Lutherans. Amsdorf, Mattiiias Flacius Illy- ricus, Erasmus Albertus, Nicolas Gallus, et al., waged fierce warfare against the hiterim and against Melanchthon, Agricola, Major, Cru- ciger, Bugenhagen, et al., who had had to do with the framing and the promulgation of the measure. (See later section on the Interim- istic and Adiaphoristic Controversies.) The pope and the Roman Curia were utterly opposed to the slight concessions made to the Protestants in the Interim, resented civil interference in religious matters, and had no faith in the success of these measures. The papal policy was to define rigorously the doctrines and practices of the church and to give no quarter to here- tics. Any attempt to pacify Christendom by compro- mises was regarded as worse than useless. By 1551 clouds began to appear in the imperial sky. The emperor and the pope were at cross purposes. More- over, the inveterate hostility of many of the Catholic princes to the Hapsburgers was showing signs of re- awakening, in March of this year Charles had ex- pressed to Ferdinand his intention of having his son Philip succeed him in Germany to the exclusion of Ferdinand's son Maximilian, who had developed strong evangelical tendencies. Philip had been trained by the Jesuits and was known to be a religious fanatic of the deepest die, who would have no mercy on heresy. Maurice of Saxony had been deeply chagrined by the continued imprisonment of his father-in-law, Philip of Hesse, and at the same time realized the impossibility of carrying out the Interim in his own domains. Henry I!., of France, though a zealous Catholic, was willing to join hands with the enemies of the emperor if thereby he could secure the bishoprics of Metz, Toul, and Verdun, in Lorraine. Maurice had for some time been negotiating a coalition against the emperor. After the capitulation of Magdeburg (November, 1551) he raised the war-cry against the emperor and with a rapidly CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION II5 growing army attacked him unprepared at Innsbruck. At the same time France threw an army into the Nether- lands. Even Ferdinand refused him succor. The treaty of Passau (August, 1552) guaranteed amnesty to the emperor's opponents and religious toleration until differences could be settled. The next two years brought nothing but misfortune to the aged and discouraged emperor. France triumphed in Lorraine. Albert of Brandenburg raided the imperial cities, Nuremberg, Bamberg, and WUrzburg, and assisted France on the Rhine. Maurice gained a decisive victory at Sieverhausen (July, 1553), but lost his life in the bat- tle. In 1554 Charles gave to Ferdinand full power to make peace between the empire and its foes on the best terms possible. He was unwilling to burden his con- science with personal concessions to heresy, although he realized that concessions must be made. The Augsburg treaty ( September 25,1555) gave to the princes of the Lutheran and the Catholic communions respectively full power over the religious life of their territories {cnjits regio, ejus religio). Subjects of the other faith were to have the right, without loss of honor or goods, to emigrate. The Ecclesiastical Reservation reauired that in case a Catholic prelate should change his faith, he should resign and give place to a duly elected successor recognized by the hierarchy. In cities where both faiths were already established side by side, pro- vision was made for their continued toleration. The Augsburg Con- fession was the only form of Protestantism recognized in the treaty, Lutherans being as determined as Catholics to exclude from tolera- tion Zwinglians, Calvinists, and Anabaptists. This was the first settlement of the religious troubles of the empire that gave any promise of permanence. It was repudiated from the beginning by the Roman Catholic hierarchy and there was no likelihood that either party would observe its provisions any further than policy should seem to require. A few months later Charles V. abdicated and retired to a monastery (1556). Philip 11. succeeded him as King of Spain, while his brother Ferdinand succeeded to the imperial dignity (15 56-1 564). 10. Concluding Remarks on the Lutheran Reformation (i) In an earlier section^ the problem of reform, as 1 p. 21, seq. Il6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. we conceive it, was stated. Let us take Lutheranism as the most influential element in the Protestant Revolu- tion, and as fairly representative of the entire politico- ecclesiastical movement, and test it by the categories that have been laid down. Did Lutheranism employ, to the best advantage, the pure elements of opposition to the hierarchy that had come down from the past, re- jecting the vitiating elements .^ Did Lutheranism secure the ends whose accomplishment was indispensable to a pure reformation — the abolition of sacerdotalism, the abolition of the unhallowed union of Church and State, the reinstatement of the Scriptures as the guide of faith and practice .'' We have seen^ that in Lutheranism the five elements of opposition to the hierarchy were combined. Yet these elements could not possibly be combined harmoniously. The pure elements could not fail to be vitiated by com- bination with the impure. The final result could not be pure. If a given movement is purely biblical, it may be at the same time mystical, for there is a biblical mysti- cism ; it may be at the same time biblical, mystical, and humanistic, in a measure ; but biblical, mystical, human- istic, realistic, and political, it could not possibly be with- out inner contradictions. Hence we find in the character, the actions, and the writings of Luther, — his writings furnish an almost perfect index to his character, — all sorts of inconsistencies. Luther could be biblical when it suited his purpose. When he would refute the claims of the hierarchy no man could urge the supreme au- thority of Scripture more vigorously than he. But does he always so urge it .-• Let us see. When James is quoted against his favorite doctrine of justification by faith alone, with marvelous audacity he turns upon the luckless writing and denounces it as a " right strawy epistle." So, also, he contrasted the Gospel accord- ing to John with the other Gospels, greatly to the dis- advantage of the latter. So, also, the book of Revela- tion was not of such a character as divine inspiration would have given. Other books of Scripture fared no better. Again, when he came into controversy with • p. S. s<3- CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION II7 rigid adherents of the biblical principle, he no longer held that in ecclesiastical practice that only is allowable which is sanctioned by Scripture, but that it is suificient if prevalent practices are not distinctly forbidden by Scripture. His Roman Catholic opponents were not slow to see Luther's inconsistencies, and they made Vig- orous use of them in their polemics. Again, Luther apprehended the great biblical doctrine of the priesthood of believers, and the consequent right of every Christian to interpret the Scriptures according to his own judgment, enlightened by the Spirit. Yet, practically, he made his own interpretation the only ad- missible one, and did not hesitate to revile and persecute those who arrived at results different from his own. Again, Luther apprehended that most important bibli- cal doctrine, justification by faith. He saw in the failure to recognize this doctrine, the ground of all papal cor- ruptions. Instead of tempering this doctrine by the complementary teachings of the Scriptures, he really made it the supreme criterion of truth. Whatever Scrip- ture could not be made to teach justification by faith alone was for Luther no Scripture at all. So, also, while professing to give the first place to Scripture, he practically put Augustine in the first place, interpreting Scripture by Augustinian dogma rather than Augustinian dogma by Scripture. It is evident, there- fore, that Luther did not hold to the biblical principle purely and consistently. How fared it with the mystical .? There is no doubt that the writings of the German mystics had an impor- tant place in Luther's own individual development. There is no sufficient reason for calling in question the fact that he was a man of a profoundly spiritual life. But it is certain that the mystical element was almost entirely lost to his followers. The general effect of his preach- ing, so far as we can judge from his own statements and those of his most intimate friends, compared with those of his opponents, was not in the direction of personal re- ligious experience, but rather of a dead faith and a blind assurance. The preaching and writings of Luther were destructive, rather than constructive. He could, by his denunciations, undermine papal authority, and bring the Il8 A A\ANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. doctrine of salvation by works into utmost contempt ; but he failed signally to develop an apostolical in the place of a monkish piety in his followers, it may safely be affirmed, that the mystical element among the reformatory forces was not made the most of by Luther and his fol- lowers— certainly little of it appeared among his follow- ers. It was almost supplanted by the doctrine of justifi- cation by faith alone, apprehended by many in a semi- antinomian way. How far was the humanistic element utilized .-' Cer- tainly Lutheranism would not have appeared when it did, nor as it did, without humanism. Certainly human- ism had an important place in the personal development of Luther, and especially of Melanchthon, Zwingli, and Calvin. It was humanism that led Luther, from 15 12 onward, to combat with so much zeal Aristotle and the scholastic theology. It was humanism that led him to study the Scriptures in their original languages. It was humanism that furnished him with many of his ablest supporters. But this is' an altogether different thing from saying that humanism here found its full utilization. Humanism was liberal and tolerant. Humanists thought for themselves, and were willing, for the most part, to accord to others the same privilege. True, this tolera- tion sprang largely from religious indifferentism ; but whatever its source, it was a thing sadly needed in that generation. The Reformers were, for the most part, in- tolerant. They believed that the truth should have free course ; but then each one was perfectly confident that he had apprehended the entire scope of the knowable, and was far from recognizing the right of others to think and teach perversely — that is, contrary to his own views. Again, humanists were averse to dogmatizing. Lu- therans had no sooner thoroughly overthrown scholasti- cism than they introduced an era of Protestant scholas- ticism, with the same deadening and despiritualizing effect as had marked that of the Middle Ages. Humanists believed in bringing about reformation through the sheer force of the truth. They did not ob- ject to reforms introduced by State authority, but neither did they urge such religious revolutions. The new learning, thought Erasmus, will clear away all supersti- CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION II9 tion and darkness. This done, abuses will vanish in the face of enlightened public opinion. The Reformers had far more faith in external compulsion, far less in the inherent power of the truth. Thus we see that neither the biblical nor the mystical, nor yet the humanistic ele- ment, was fully apprehended and made to yield all the fruit that was in it, by Luther and his followers. The fourth element, the realistic-hierarchical, is to be conceived of rather as a negative than as a positive force. Under this head may be included all the anti-scriptural and Romanizing elements that clogged the Protestant Revolution. In so far as this prevailed, the biblical, mystical, and humanistic were sure to suffer. (2) 77?^ maintenance of the union of Church and State was the most vicious point in Luther's system. As the uniting of Church and State had done more than all other influences combined to corrupt the church, and as this union always furnished the most unyielding obstacle to reform, so its retention by Luther made it absolutely im- possible that any thorough reformation of the Church should find place. The impossibility of a purely religious reformation of a State church lies in the following con- siderations : a. The political relations of States are such that they rarely move without reference to temporal interests. Religion may furnish the ostensible motive, but when we are admitted into the confidence of the negotiators in politico-religious movements we shall almost always see that the matter of lands and dollars furnishes the decisive moment. b. Admitting as a possibility the purely religions motives of the authorities in any politico-religious movement, the consciences of the people and their re- ligious ideas are not the consciences and ideas of the authorities. The people, as a body, were at that time very likely to conform outwardly to the ecclesiastical arrangements of their rulers ; yet, who would be so credulous as to think that the entire spiritual status of a nation could be changed in a day or in a year? The Spirit of God worketh not in this wise. c. The very process of transferring a people suddenly from one communion to another, without any exercise 120 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. of volition on their part, tends to foster in their minds the notion that religion is a mere matter of outward form. A sense of carnal security is thus engendered antagonistic to any earnest efforts for salvation. The leaders of the Protestant Revolution made Prot- estants by States as far as possible. Temporal advan- tages furnished the chief motive to most of the rulers. A thoroughly corrupt Christianity could not fail to be the result. It appears that all the possible ill effects of a politico- religious reformation were realized in the Protestant Revolution of the sixteenth century. (3) Infant baptism has always gone hand in hand with State churches. It is difficult to conceive how an eccle- siastical establishment could be maintained without in- fant baptism or its equivalent. We should think, if the facts did not show us so plainly the contrary, that the doctrine of justification by faith alone would displace in- fant baptism. But no. The Establishment must be maintained. The rejection of infant baptism implies insistence on a baptism of believers. Only the baptized are properly members of the church. Even adults would not all receive baptism on professed faith unless they were actually compelled to do so. Infant baptism must, therefore, be retained as the necessary concomitant of a State church. But what becomes of justification by faith? Baptism, if it symbolizes anything, symbolizes regeneration. It would be ridiculous to make the sym- bol to forerun the fact by a series of years. Luther saw the difficulty ; but he was sufficient for the emergency. "Yes," said he, "justification is by faith alone. No outward rite, apart from faith, has any efficacy." Why, it was against opera operata (works performed for merit) that he was laying out all his strength. Yet baptism is the symbol of regeneration, and baptism must be admin- istered to infants, or else the State church falls. With an audacity truly sublime, the great Reformer declares that infants are regenerated in connection with baptism, and that they are simultaneously justified by personal faith. An infant eight days old believe.? "Prove the contrary, if you can!" triumphantly exclaims Luther, and his point is gained. If this kind of personal faith is CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 121 said to justify infants, is it wonderful that those of ma- turer years learned to take a somewhat superficial view of the faith that justifies ? (4) In the very idea of a religious establishment is implied the maintenance of the Establishment. The tolera- tion of dissent is antagonistic to the integrity — nay, to the very existence — of an Establishment. The idea that two forms of Christianity could, with any good results, exist side by side in a given State, seemed almost as preposterous to Luther as it did to Philip II. or to Cath- arine de Medici. Though schismatic themselves, the Reformers had a horror of schism almost as decided as that of the Romanists. The tendency of Protestantism to individualism and endless sectarianism was a reproach which Romanists delighted to heap upon Protestants ; and the Reformers did not know enough to admit the fact, and to justify it. The necessity of uniformity in religion felt by civil and religious leaders alike, and the necessity of giving the lie to Roman Catholic reproaches, led the Protestant civil rulers, with the hearty co-opera- tion of the Protestant religious leaders, to persecute to the death those that dared dissent from the established religion. It was the most natural thing in the world, circum- stances being as they were, that a Reformation should be attempted and carried out just as was the Lutheran. A political revolution seems to have been inevitable. Religious affairs were already so intermingled with po- litical that we can hardly conceive of a great political revolution which should not involve the overthrow of the hierarchy. It was the most natural thing in the world that the movement should have begun from the religious side. Considering that the hierarchy was sure to make use of civil and ecclesiastical power combined for the suppression of any movement that threatened its overthrow, it was perfectly natural that the religious and the political reform- ers should have clung close together, or rather that the two elements should have been combined in the same in- dividuals. Again, it was natural that the politico-religious reformers should have striven to retain full control of the movement, to keep the ranks solid. It was natural that the political elements during the times of outward 122 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. danger should have greatly preponderated over the re- ligious, it was natural that deserters from the ranks on the one side or the other should be hunted down and slain. All this was natural, was to be expected. But in a religious movement we demand not what is natural, but what is Christian, — not the methods of the practical politician, but the methods appointed by Christ. We demand that the men to whom we pay homage as apos- tles of Christ be swayed not by worldly motives, but by purely Christian motives. We demand faith not in the arm of flesh, but in the Lord, such faith as does the right regardless of consequences, assured that God will take care of the consequences. (5) The achievements of Luther may be thus summed up : a. He overthrew the papal authority in Germany. h. He secured recognition of the doctrine of justification by faith, and thereby overthrew a vast amount of the mediaeval superstition, to a great extent sacerdotalism, on which the whole mediaeval system rested, c. He greatly promoted individualism — freedom of thought on the part of individuals, although this was not his desire, and he fought against it with might and main. These things he accomplished in part voluntarily, in part involuntarily. What has been said of the Lutheran movement may be said, with some important modifications, of ail the other politico-ecclesiastical movements of the sixteenth century. The needed modifications will sufficiently appear in the description of the various movements that is to follov/. IV. THE ZWINGLIAN REFORMATION. LITERATURE:— Works of Zwingli, OEcolampadius, Vadianus, Leo JudiEus, and other early Swiss Reformers ; Bullinser, " T^efor- mationsgeschiclite^^ (a contemporary work not published until 1866- 1868) ; Simmler, " Sammlmtg alter u. neuer Urktoideii ^iir Bc'lniclittmir d. Kircheusreschiclite, voriwhrnlich d. Si-li-weit^c'rlands,'' 1757-1763 (Simm- ler made a very valuable collection of manuscripts and pamphlets, which is preserved in the library of the University of Ziirich); Strickler, '''' Acten'iammlimg ^ur Sc/iu'c'i^i'risc/ie>i T^cformatioiisgescliichte in d. Jahren /§2i-i^j2,^' 5 Bde., 1878-1884; Egli, ''/fctc'iisamwlmtg {iir Gesch. d. Zurcher Reformaiion in d. Jalirm r liig-i ^^j,'^ '879; ^^ Archiv. fur d. Sclnv. Ref .-Gesch., herattsgeg. anf yeranstaltiing d. Sclm. Pill aver ein,^' 1868-1876 (contains manv important documents on the R. C. side); Wirz and Kirchhofer, " Helvetisc/i. Kirc/iengesch." aus J. J. Hottinger's '' Allerem IVerkeu. anderer Quellen,^^ 1808-1819; CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 123 Ruchat, " Hist, de la Ref. de la Suisse" 1727-1728 ; Lives of Zwingli by Myconius (Lat., 1536, ed. Neander, 1840), Hess (French, 1810, also Ger. and Eng.), Hottinger (1842, also Eng.), Christoffel (1857, Eng., 1858), Morikofer ( 1867-1869), Grob ( 1883, Eng., 1884), Hardy (i874),Stahelin (i8g5onw.), Jackson (" Heroes of the Reformation" Series); Baur, "" ZwingW s Theologie,'" 1885-1889; Usteri, "" hiitia Zunnglii'''' (in '^ Studienu. Kritikt'ii," 1885) ; Baur, " Die ersteZur. Dis- piitatwH," 1883; Lives of CEcolampadius by Herzog (1843) and Hagenbach (1858); Escher, " 'D/t? Glauhensparteien in der Schwei^. Eidgenossenschaft u. Hire Be{iehuiigeH ^iim /luslande, i i^2y-i ^^i ," 1882 ; Oechsli, ''''Die Anfange d. Glaubetiskoiiflides ^zoisclien Ziirich u. d. Eid- genossen," 1883 ; Usteri, " Zwinglt u. Erasmus,'''' 1885 ; Kessler, " Sab- hatha" ; Stahelin, '''' T)ie Reformatiomsche IVirksamkeit l^adiainis," 1882; Pestalozzi, "Leo Juda^us," 1861 ; Pressel, "J. Vadianus," 1861 ; "■ Beriier Beitr'age," ed. Nippold, 1884; Anschelm, '" "Berner C/ironik" ed. Stierlin, 1884-1886; "" Cfironik d. Stadt Schauffhausen" 1844; Arx, '' Gesch d. Kanton St. Gallen" 1810-1813 ; Fuesslin, " Beytrage {iir Erlauterting d. Kirch enref or mationsgesch . d. Schwei{er- lands" 1740-1753 ; StiJrler, " Urkunden d. Bern. Kirchenre/orm," 1862; pertinent sections in the manuals of Ch. Hist, by Gieseler, Schaff, Sheldon, Moller (ed. Kawerau), Alzog, Herzog, Hergenrother, Hase, and Kurtz, in the histories of the Reformation by Seebohm, Fisher, Walker, and Bezold, and in Ranke's great work on " Germany in the Time of the Reformation." See also articles on the Swiss lead- ers in the McClintock and Strong, Schaff-Herzog, Hauck-Herzog, and Lichtenberger encyclopedias. For a very extensive bibliog- raphy see Schaff, " Hist, of the Chr. Ch.," Vol. VIL, pp. 12-21. For literature on the Anabaptist movement in Switzerland see future sec- tion, and especially bibliography in the author's " Hist, of Anti- Pedobaptism," pp. 395-406. I . Political, Social, and Economic Condition of the Swiss Cantons at the Beginning of the Protestant Revolution. The Swiss Republic was founded in 1291, when the three "forest cantons," Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden, entered by an " eternal covenant " into a confederation. Lucerne entered the confederation in 1332, ZiJrich in 1351, Glarus and Zug in 1352, Bern in 1353, Freiburg and Solothurn in 1481, Base! and Schaffhausen in 1501, and Appenzell in 1513. Most of the cantons had ac- quired control over a considerable amount of adjoining territory. Aargau, Thurgau, Wallis, Geneva, Grau- biinden, Neuchatel, Valangin, and a number of cities, including Biel, Mijhlhausen, Rotwell, and Locarno, were thus in close relations with the thirteen confederated cantons. Each canton was for most purposes independ- ent. In the federal Diet each canton, regardless of its 124 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. population, had an equal number of representatives. This fact made it possible for a majority of the smaller cantons to defeat the efforts of a minority of the larger cantons, embracing a majority of the population of the confederacy, to introduce the Reformation as a federal measure. The Swiss had become noted for extraordinary valor in the struggles through which they attained to independ- ence. Though brave and noble-minded they were poor, and when their wars for independence had ceased, they were led by love of adventure and love of money to be- come mt?rcenaries of foreign powers. By the time of the Reformation the mercenary system had already devel- oped the worst results. The mode of life of the merce- naries was not such as to foster the simplicity and thrift for which the Swiss had been noted. They became habituated to luxury and license, and returning, cor- rupted the population. The best of the Swiss saw the cor- rupting and degrading tendency of the system and pro- tested against it ; but this naturally had little effect when the inducements to individuals were so strong. Men of influence, moreover, were pensioned by the pope, the emperor, and the king of France, etc., who were rivals in securing the Swiss troops, and thus their mouths were shut. This corruption of the Swiss was attended with grow- ing indifference and contempt for the church, and with freedom and enlightenment of thought, wliich made this the most favorable country in Europe for religious inno- vation. When in 1518 the pope required twelve thou- sand Swiss troops to fight against the Turks, the Swiss replied that they ought not to be called out before other nations ; but they promised him ten thousand men, add- ing, that if he liked he could take in addition the two thousand priests. The Swiss cantons may be classified as urban and ru- ral, or " forest." The urban cantons, as a rule, readily adopted the doctrines of the Reformation, while the rural cantons for the most part remained true to their old faith. How are we to account for this fact ? The following considerations furnish a partial explanation : (i) The Swiss confederation had succeeded in greatly CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION I25 limiting the financial exploitation of the country by the Roman Curia and the rural cantons had little to complain of on economic grounds. Moreover, they were protiting largely by the hiring of their young men to the Roman Catholic powers as soldiers. As their warlike sons con- stituted "the only valuable commodity which the peas- ants and petty nobility of Switzerland could at that time bring into the market,"' and as the population of these cantons were for the most part too ignorant to have come under the influence of humanistic modes of thought, it was not to be expected that they would hasten to break with Roman Catholicism. (2) The wealthy towns were far more conscious of papal exploitation. The well-to-do middle class, that was chiefly influential, derived no benefit from the mer- cenary system, and regarded it as distinctly disadvan- tageous ; for it "strengthened the power of their ene- mies, the nobility, and increased the warlike capacities of the lower classes, from whom they derived their wealth."^ The aggrandizement of the house of Haps- burg was a perpetual menace to the independence of the city cantons, on which their territory bordered and which were coveted on account of their wealth and the advan- tageous position that they occupied in relation to Ger- many, Austria, France, and Italy. It is easy to see the enormous value that the Hapsburgers must have placed on the possession of Switzerland and to appreciate the heartiness with which the cantons most concerned wel- comed whatever tended to weaken the Hapsburg rule and the papal power that was so largely identified with that of the empire. (3) The New Learning had found ready acceptance in urban Switzerland, and the University of Basel had become one of its chief strongholds. Erasmus spent much of his time there (1514-1516 and 1521-1529) during the early years of the Protestant Revolution and many of the ablest young men of Switzerland, such as Zwingli, OEcolampadius, Capito, Pellican, Hedio, and Denck, came under his influence. Basel was already one of the great publishing centers of Europe, and from it streams ' Kautsky, "Communism in Central Europe," p, 155, seq. ^Ibid., p 156. 126 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. of intellectual and spiritual influence went forth into the neighboring cantons and the contiguous Austrian and German districts. Thomas Wyttenbach, who taught theology at Basel (i 505-1 508), was an evangelical hu- manist of learning and spiritual power. Long before Luther he had attacked indulgences, the Roman Catholic view of the Supper, and the enforced celibacy of the priesthood. Several of Luther's early works were re- printed at Basel and given a wide circulation throughout Switzerland. Many of Erasmus' works, including his Greek New Testament, were published there. (4) The old evangelical training was far more widely diffused in the urban than in the rural cantons. This form of Christianity flourished far more among the arti- san classes that abounded and were thoroughly organ- ized in urban Switzerland than among the rural classes. As the Waldenses and related parties were fundamen- tally opposed to warfare, even in self-defense, rural Switzerland, from almost every family of which recruits for Austria, France, Venice, Milan, and the pope went forth, must have been peculiarly uncongenial soil for this type of Christianity, and it would have been ex- ceedingly difficult on this account for secret adherents to old evangelical types of teaching to escape detection. 2. Characteristics of the Szviss Reformation. (i) Far more than the Lutheran the Zwinglian Refor- mation was a civil and moral reformation. While Lu- theranism led many to license, Zwinglianism took meas- ures for the moral amelioration of the people. (2) The Zwinglian Reformation was at the same time far more quiet and far more thorough than the Lutheran. a More quiet because : (a) Contempt for Rome had come to be looked upon in Switzerland as a matter of course, and preaching against abuses here excited little astonishment on the spot or at Rome, (b) No man arose in Switzerland of Luther's vehemence and zeal. The Swiss reformers were more philosophical and cool. What they said, as a general thing, they could adhere to, and they were far less frequently than Luther ob- liged to withdraw from untenable positions. b. More thorough, because : (j) Humanism was more CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 127 predominant in the Swiss than in the German reformers. Zwingli was free from the realistic views with regard to the church that dominated Luther's thinking and acting and hesitated less to become a schismatic, (b) The government was popular, and no rulers with extensive political relations had to be consulted. The confedera- tion of the cantons and treaties with foreign powers caused considerable embarrassment from time to time, but were by no means so obstructive as the imperial rela- tions in Germany, (c) A higher degree of enlightenment and freedom from superstition characterized the Swiss as a people. 3. ZwinglVs Reformatory Work to 1^2^. (i) Sketch of Zwingli up to 1^19. Ulrich Zwingli was born in 1484, at Wildhaus. His father was a bailiff, and his maternal uncle a priest. Ulrich was early taken charge of by the latter, who sent him to school first in Basel, then in Bern, then to the University of Vienna. In 1502 he returned to Basel as teacher in the St. Martin school. In 1505 Wyttenbach, a man of learning and elo- quence, lectured in Basel. He foresaw and foretold the overthrow of indulgences and many other papal abuses. Zwingli had heretofore occupied himself with philos- ophy and general culture. He was now led to devote himself rigorously to the study of theology. From 1506 he was pastor at Glarus. Here he devoted a great part of his time to the study of Latin classics and philosophy. He preached eloquently, condemning to some extent the mercenary spirit, the evil effects of which he saw ; yet he received a pension from the pope, and maintained that the Swiss ought to assist the Holy See with troops. In 1513 he felt the necessity of a knowledge of Greek, for the sure understanding of the New Testament, and applied himself industriously to the study of this lan- guage. He always regarded this study as one of the most important steps in his preparation for the career of a reformer. New light seemed to him thence to dawn upon the sacred word. The influence of Erasmus, who about this time took up his residence in Basel, was of fundamental importance in Zwingli's development. From the beginning of 15 16, his preaching assumed a 128 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. thoroughly simple and biblical form. About the same time, in accordance with the words of St. Paul, "that it is good for a man not to touch a woman," he proposed to himself to abandon his unchaste mode of life (which had previously been carried on so modestly and secretly that even his familiar friends scarcely knew of it) ; but having no companion of the same turn of mind, alas ! he fell and returned as "a dog to his vomit," having persisted in his resolution only six months. In view of the extreme laxity of morals that prevailed among the clergy at this time, it is to Zwingli's honor that he even formed such a resolution. Yet this was far from being the last of his irregularities, since the woman he married was his mis- tress long before she was his wife. These facts are candidly given by Zwingli in his extant writings. From 1 5 16-15 19 he ^^^s pastor at Einsiedeln, where he continued to study with all diligence. He had come to see the need of reformation, and had aided quietly in the suppression of some abuses ; but as he was not yet reformed himself, it is easy to understand why he was not more active in reformation. In 1 5 18 an indulgence preacher of extraordinary effron- tery, Bernard Samson, by name, appeared in Switzer- land. Zwingli, among others, preached against him, and he was driven away. In this he had the support of the Bishop of Constance, who was at the time selling indulgences for diocesan purposes. The pope advised Samson to withdraw from Switzerland. In the latter part of 15 18, Zwingli was appointed to become chief preacher in Ziirich. A report gained cur- rency at Ziirich that he had seduced the daughter of a respectable citizen of Einsiedeln. In a letter in answer to an inquiry from a friend in Ziirich, he acknowledges that he has sustained unchaste relations with a young woman, but palliates the guilt by alleging that she was not a virgin, but a common harlot. While showing some contrition for the sin, he congratulates himself on having always adhered rigidly to a purpose early formed, never to seduce a virgin or a nun. (2) Zwingli at Ziirich until the First Disputation. Here, CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 1 29 Zwingli, with a view to promoting pure scriptural doc- trine, at once deviated from the customary mode of preaching from passages of Scripture arranged authorita- tively throughout the year, and began expounding in regular order entire books of the Bible. This method of preaching was exceedingly popular. His preaching was very practical, being directed against superstition, hypoc- risy, idleness, and inordinate eating and drinking, and in- sisting on repentance, amendment of life, love, and fidel- ity. He urged the rulers to be just, to protect widows and orphans, to maintain the independence of the con- federacy, etc. Zwingli was accused by the monks (whose hostility he had excited) of being a follower of Luther. He in- dignantly rejected the imputation, claiming that he was a follower of Christ ; but acknowledging that so far as he had read Luther's writings he had found his teachings so well fortified and grounded in the word of God that it was not possible for any creature to refute them. In 1520, in order to put an end to the clamoring of the monks against Zwingli, the Council of Ziirich enacted that henceforth all the preachers should preach freely from the Old and New Testaments, but should refrain from discussing human innovations. Zwingli probably advised this action, desiring nothing for himself but lib- erty to expound the Scriptures. He felt that abuses would vanish of themselves, if true doctrine, i. e., a cor- rect understanding of the Scriptures, should have be- come diffused (Erasmic influence). Zwingli aimed not simply at an ecclesiastical, but also at a moral and civil reformation. He was highly pa- triotic, and after he had in 1520 given up his papal pen-^ sion, he was unsparing in his denunciation of the mer- cenary system. Yet even now, in fulfillment of an earlier agreement, Zurich sent military aid to the pope, it is worthy of note tliat instead of excom- municating Zwingli at this time, the pope sought in every way to win him back to his allegiance. Even as late as 1526 the pope had not wholly despaired of Ziirich and could address the council as " beloved sons " and promise to pay the debts of which he was con- tinually being reminded. The preaching of Zwingli was far more wholesome in I 130 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. V. its influence than that of Luther. While he preached justification by faith, he did not make upon his hearers the impression that good works were not worth perform- ing. Zwingli had preached quietly in ZiJrich for three years, when, in 1522, some Ziirich citizens ate meat on a fast day. This made a great sensation, and tiie men were thrown into prison. Zwingli defended them before a commission from the bishop of Constance, and soon after published his first polemical writing, "On Choice and Freedom in Eating." in this he defends evangelical freedom in all things that God has not forbidden. It is forbidden in the Old Testament not only to take from, but to add to divine ordinances ; how much more in the New Testament, which is meant to be the only perpetual law for Christians. Paul urges Christians to stand fast in tlie liberty wherewith Christ hath made them free, etc. Those that insist on the observance of fasts virtually condemn Paul. The general assembly has a right to set apart days for fasting, but conformity or non-conformity is a mat- ter that belongs to the individual conscience. \n May, 1522, the bishop of Constance issued a pas- toral letter warning against innovations, and tlie Diet of Lucerne forbade all preaching likely to cause disquiet. In July following, Zwingli, in the name of ten other clergy, addressed to the Diet a "Friendly Petition and Exhortation." In this writing the unscripturalness and the unrighteousness of clerical celibacy are set forth, and the Diet is exhorted to remove obstructions to mar- riage. In August, a somewhat similar petition, abound- ing in sarcasm, was addressed to the bishop of Con- stance.' hi this writing he set forth with great clearness the sole authority of Scripture over against all ecclesias- tical authority. At this time (1522) he entered into relations with Anna Reinhart, a young and beautiful widow, which is com- monly spoken of as a secret marriage ; but the marriage relation was not avowed till April, 1524. His reputation has suffered to some extent from this connection ; but there is no sufficient reason for doubting his good faith '^ " Apologetieus Archittles" (Zwingli's Works, Vol. III., pp. 17. 26, etc.). CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 131 in the matter. The secrecy was due to prudential con- siderations. (3) The First Disputation at Zurich (^January 25, 1^2^). The foregoing occurrences had caused a great ferment of popular feeling, and it seemed best to the council to ap- point a public disputation for the thorough discussion of such subjects as were agitating men's minds, in the Ger- man tongue and with the Scriptures as the authoritative standard. For this disputation Zwingli arranged his re- formatory views in sixty-seven articles. His arguments were so convincing to the council that it charged him to persevere in his evangelical methods, and all the other preachers to follow his example. This was a complete triumph for Zwingli. The sixty-seven articles, which Zwingli afterward expanded into a book, which constitutes one of the completest expositions of his views, and which constituted at the time a sort of text-book of Zwinglianism, are, in substance, as follows: 1. The assertion of the right to preach the gospel regardless of church authority. 2. Christ is the only way to blessedness, and is the only head of the church, which consists of all true believers. 3. Hence the gospel, through which men are brought to a knowl- edge of Christ, and are taught to put no reliance in human doctrines and ordinances, should be everywhere preached. 4. The mass is not a sacrifice, for Christ was sacrificed once for all for the sins of believers, but onlv the memorial of the sacrifice. 5. The church universal Is invisible, and consists of the v/hole company of the elect. 6. The highest tribunal on earth is the Christian church in any particular place ; hence, the papacy has no claim to obedience. 7. Mediation of saints and of priests is rejected. 8. Celibacy of the clergy is declared to be a great evil. g. The mass Is rejected as idolatry, and the Lord's Supper is de- clared to be a simple memorial. In a word, all post-apostolic ad- ditions to Christian doctrine and practice (except Infant baptism and the unregenerate church-membership that it involves), are rejected. He even calls in question the propriety and expediency of infant bap- tism ; but leaves the question to be settled at a later stage it was with considerable difficulty that any one could be found to dispute with Zwingli. His chief opponent was Faber, vicar of the bishop of Constance, who was no match for the Ziirich Reformer. More decided steps toward reformation followed upon this disputation. Clergy married, convents were thrown 132 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. V. open, and the baptismal service was translated, many ceremonies being omitted. The cathedral chapter, which had supported a considerable number of worthless clergy, was reformed according to Zwingli's ideas, and tlie pub- lic schools under its control were greatly improved. Through this disputation, and especially through a writing of Louis Hetzer's (a learned Hebraist, who after- ward became noted as an anti-pedobaptist) on " Images and Pictures," and a writing of Zwingli's on the mass, the sentiment against images and pictures in the churches and against the mass became almost universal. A reformer named Hottinger, with a band of citizens, threw down the great cross on the public square (1523J. Many approved and many disapproved of this proceed- ing, and much excitement followed. Zwingli condemned the act, not as criminal in itself, but as an act of wanton- ness against the magistracy. The perpetrators were ar- rested ; but the popular unrest was so marked that it was thought necessary to appoint another disputation on images and the mass. All the clergy of the confederacy were invited. The bishops of Constance, Basel and Chur, and the University of Basel, were pressed to send their scholars. Only Schaffhausen and St. Gall were repre- sented. (4) Tlie Second Disputation at Zihich {October 26, I ^2^). On this occasion no champion appeared for the papal party ; but the matters were thoroughly discussed by Zwingli, Leo Judasus (Zwingli's Melanchthon), Con- rad Grebel (a highly educated man, who soon afterward became an Anabaptist), Balthazar Hubmaier (soon to be- come a zealous Anabaptist leader), and the burgomasters themselves. Here also the Scriptures were made the sole criterion. All present agreed that there were great abuses in the matters un- der discussion, and that these abuses ought to be removed. There was difference of opinion as to whetiier or not the reform ought to be carried out at once. It was decided tiiat the ignorance of clergy and people, especially in the country, was so gross that it would be best to leave matters as thev were until some instruction could be imparted. For this purpose Zwingli, the abbot of Cappel, and Con- rad Schmidt, commander of the Knights of St. John at Kusnacht, were to preach throughout the countr\' districts. Zwingli was also directed to iMilMi^h an " Introduction," setting CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 1 33 forth in a popular way the meaning and object of the Reformation. Meanwhile, all excess of zeal was held in check, and disturbers of the peace were punished. The council had the shrined pictures in the churches shut up, and proclaimed that every one was free to celebrate the mass or not ; and the mass was almost abandoned in the city by clergy and people. Zwmgii's " Introduction " was sent (January 24, 1524) to the rep- resentatives of the cantons ot the confederacy at Lucerne. The twelve cantons were unanimous in deprecating innovation, and sent a deputation to Zurich to remonstrate with the council and to insist upon the restoration of the old order in ecclesiastical matters. The council answered (March 21) that while ZiJrich would remain true to the confederacy, the word of God and the salvation of souls alili M^id^rtouff'ern,'^l^'ll ; Cornelius, " Gescli. d. Mihistc-risclien Aufruhrs,''^ 1855-1860; Rohrich, '''' Zur Gesch. d. Strasshiirgisclien Wiedertatifer ind.J. / ^27-1 S4J " in '' Zettschrift f. d. hist. Tluol.,'" i860, and Gesch. d. Ref. in Elsass,'' 3 vols. ; Erbkam, " Trotestaiiteu Sc-ktc-n" ; Beck, "" Geschichtsbiichcr d. IVied^rtaufer iti Oesterreicli-U)igarii von 1^26 bis 178^,^'' 1883 ; Benrath, " IViedertaiifer im yeuetijiiischen urn Mitte d. XVI. Jii/ir/i." ('' Stiidicti It. Kritiken,'" 1885); Bouterwek, '' Zur Literatiir 11. Geschichte d. Wie- dert'Ju/^r, " 1S64; Brons, " L'rspruiig, Eutuickhaig, u. Schicksale d. Taufgesiiinten oder Mennonilen,^'' 1884 ; Calgary, " MitihcUiiugeii aus dem Aiitiqiuriate'''' (contains portrait, sketch, and bibliography of Hubmaier and his treatise on the Supper, and Riedemann's " T^eclun- schaft unsc'rer Religion,'^ a full exposition of the doctrines and prac- ticesof the Moravian Anabaptists); Cornelius, " T^c-nW//^ d. i/lti- gc-tiieugeti iiber d. Miiiisterischen IViedcrtaiifer,^' 1853, " D. U^iedcrlaiid- ischen (Vi,'d^rtJiifer," l86g, " Studieu {iir Gesch. d. Bjiit-nikriegs,^' and " D. Gc'schichtsquellen d. Bisthiims Minister,''^ 1851-1856 ; Czechowitz, " DtT Pcvdobaptistartim Errortnu Origim," 1 575; De Hoop-Schefter, " Geschiedeuis d. Kerkhervorniiug in Nc-derlaud," 1873 (also in German, 1886); Egli, "Die Z'urcher IVtedertaufer,'''' 1878, '''' /Icteusjnimlung {ur Gesch. d. Ziiricher Reformat ion,'" 1879, and " D. St. Galler Tju/er," 1887 ; Gerbert, '* Gesch. d. Stmssburger Sectenbewegiing ^iir Zeit d. Re- CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION I49 formation" i88q ; Gobel, " Gesch. d. Chr. Lehen in d. rhenisch-west- phdlischen Kirche,'^ 1849-1860; Hagen, " Deiitsclilands rel. u. lit. Ver- Kaltnisse in Reformation-Zeitalter," i86g ; Heath, " Anabaptism from its Rise at Zwickau to its Fall at MUnster," 1895 ; Heberle, " D. An- f anger d. tAnahaptismiis in d. Schweii" {'''' Jahrh. f. deiitsche Theol.,'^ 1858), "7- 'Denck u. d. ^usbreitung seiner Lehre" {"Stud. u. Krit.," 1858), " /. Denck u. seiii Bi'ichlein voin Geset^ Gottes " (" Stud. u. Krit.," 185 1), " IV. Capitos l^erhaltniss ^um Anabaptismiis" (" Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol.,'' 1857) ; Hochhut, " D. Landgr. Phil. u. d. Wiedertdufer'' \"- Z.f.d. hist. T/i.," 1858-1859), " T>. IViedertdufer unter d. Sohnen Landgr. Tlul." (" Z.f. d. hist. Th.," 1859-1861) ; Hosek, " Bal. Hub- maier " (Eng. Tr. in " Texas Hist, and Biog. Mag.," Vol. 1., 11. ) ; Keim, " Z.. Metier ]] {''Jahrh./. d. deutsch. Th.,'' 1856) ; Keller, " £/« Apostel d. IViedertaufer," 1882, " Gesch. d. l-Viedert. u. ihr. Reichs ^u £Afiinster," 1880, '' Zur Gesch. d. IViedertaufer nach d. Untergang d. Miinsterischen Konigreichs," " D. Anfange d. Ref. u. d. Ket{erschuien," 1897, and " Grund/ragen d. Re/ormationsgesch.," 1897 ; Kolde, " Hans Denck'^ {\n '' Kirchengesch. Studien," 1886); Leendertz, "' Mekhior Hofinann," 1883 ; Zur Linden, " Melchior Hofmann," 1883 ; Loserth, " D. tAnahaptismus in Tirol," 1892, " Communismus d. mahrischen IVied- ertaufer" 1894, "D. Stadt tValdshut u. d. Vorderosterreich. Regierung in d.Jahren 162^-1626" ''Dr. Balth. Hubmaier u. d. Anfange d. IVieder- tdufer in Mahren," 1893 ; Meyer, " VViedertdufer in Schwaben " (" Zeit- schr. f. Kirchengesch." Bd. Xy\\.,Seit. 248, seq.) ; MUller, " Gesch. d. "Bernischen Tdufer, 1895 ; Ottii, " Annates ^Anabaptistici," 1672 ; Rem- bert, " £>. IVeidertdufer im Heriogthum Jiilich," 1899 ; Roth, " D. Einfiihrung d. T^ef. in tJi'ilrnberg" 1885, " Ref. -Gesch. Augsburgs," 1881 ; Schreiber, " "Bj/;. Hubmaier" 1839; Usteri, " TDarstellung d. Tauflehre Zwinglis " (" Stud. u. Krit." 1882), " Zwinglis Correspondent mit d. Berner Reformatoren iiber d. Tauffrage'^ {ibid., 1882), " Z« Zwinglis Elenchus" {'' Zeitsch. f. Kirchengesch." Bd. W., Seit. 161, seq.) ; Kautsky, " Communism in Central Europe in the Time of the Reformation," 1897 (Eng.tr.); Strasser, " D. Schwei^. Anabaptis- nuts " (in Nippold's " Berner Beitrdgen" 1884) ; Nitsche, " Gesch. d. IViedertdufer in d. Schweii" 1885. For fuller bibliography see the author's " A History of Anti-pedobaptism," 1897. I. Preliminary Observations. (i) Difficulties of Classification. A scientific classifica- tion of the radical evangelicals of the sixteenth century that were popularly known as " Anabaptists," " Cata- baptists, or "Baptists" (" Wiedertaufer," ** Wider- taufer," " Taufer " — " rebaptizers," " perverters of baptism," and " baptizers," the latter with the implica- tion of laying undue stress on believers' baptism), is hedged about with difficulties. These terms of reproach were applied by Lutherans, Zwinglians, and Catholics to all radicals indiscriminately who would own allegiance to none of these communions, repudiated any sort of 150 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. connection of Church and State, and rejected infant bap- tism as unscriptural, inconsistent with their ideas of the purpose and significance of the ordinance, and radically opposed to their conceptions of the church as made up exclusively of baptized believers voluntarily associated for mutual edification and the propagation of the gospel. (2) 'Relation of Anabaptists to tMediceval Parties. The remarkable diversity of views that appeared at an early date among the Anti-pedobaptist opponents of the domi- nant forms of religion was due in part to the survival of mediaeval modes of thought with which individual lead- ers were imbued, and in part to the mental and moral idiosyncrasies of individuals influenced by the revolu- tionary spirit of the time. Such Anabaptist leaders as had been under the influence of mediaeval chiliastic en- thusiasm, whether of the Taboritic or the Franciscan type, when encouraged by the Protestant Revolution to come forward boldly with their reformatory schemes, were sure, along with their insistence on believers' baptism as the divinely appointed initiatory rite into churches of the regenerate, to emphasize the eschatological views that had long been normative in their religious thinking. Such Anabaptist leaders as had been brought up in the atmosphere of the soundly biblical teaching of the Wal- denses and the Bohemian Brethren could not fail, when they had been led by the revolutionary spirit of the age, to seek to form churches according to their own ideals, to perpetuate in their doctrines and practices the leading features of their earlier beliefs. Such Anabaptist lead- ers as had been brought under the influence of evan- gelical mysticism might have been expected, when they had reached the conviction that infant baptism is in- compatible with regenerate church-membership, to re- main mystical in their conceptions of truth. Men who had become imbued with the pantheistic modes of thought of the Beghards and the Brethren of the Free Spirit, if they adopted Anti-pedobaptist views, could not easily escape from the pantheistic conceptions that viti- ated these mediaeval parties. (3) Confusion of Types. Again, it is not claimed that the different types of Anabaptist teaching were kept rigorously distinct. Several different types are known CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 151 to have coexisted in the same community and to have been in close fellowship with each other, and bodies of Anti-pedobaptists fundamentally sound, were sometimes led into fanaticism by unsound teachers who came among them. ^ it is not denied that most of the phenomena of the Anabaptist movement could be accounted for without the supposition of the per- sistence in It of mediaeval types of evangelical life and thought -but It seems more reasonable to postulate the perpetuity of the older types than to suppose that so manv varieties of teaching had inde- pendent origm in the two periods and that the older types that can be traced to the Reformation time should have suddenly become extinct to give place to similar parties newly originated. (4) Relation of the Anti-pedohaptists to the Lutheran and Zwiiiglian Movements. In an important sense the Anti- pedobaptist movement was little more than a consistent carrying-out of the principles that lay at the basis of Lutheranism and Zwinglianism, both of which, repudiat- mg tradition and all human authority, made the Bible the only rule of faith and practice and aimed at the restoration of evangelical Christianity in its primitive and unadulterated form. Men of deep religious earnest- ness, mastered by this idea, came to see the inconsist- ency of the State-Church movements of Luther and Zwmgli, in which the godly and the ungodly mingled in church-fellowship and participated in all Christian ordi- nances, with the church purity and the separation of be- lievers from the ungodly exemplified by apostolic prac- tice and required by apostolic precept. They longed for a church of the regenerate, where brethren and sisters m Christ could associate together in true Christian love. Many who, under the influence of the older evangelical life and thought had longed for a general revival of evangelical religion hailed with delight the appearing of Luther and Zwingli as evan- gelical reformers ; and trusting that in these their highest expecta- tions would be realized, heartily joined with them in their conflict with papal corruption and oppression. It was only after thev had become convinced that no adequate reformation could be hoped "for in connection with these politico-ecclesiastical strivings, that they felt an irresistible impulse to organize churches of the regenerate and to enter upon an enthusiastic propaganda of the pure gospel without human additions. It soon became clear to them that churches of the regenerate could onlv be secured by restricting their membership to such as made a credible profession of saving faith in the Lord Jesus 152 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. Christ and by voluntarily submitting themselves to baptism pro- claimed their death to sin and their resurrection to newness of life, and who thus assumed the obligation to live, suffer, and die, if need be, in their Master's cause. (5) yiews of Leading Reformers on Infant Baptism. Lu- ther was as uncompromising as the Anabaptists in mak- ing personal faith a prerequisite to valid baptism. He reproached the Waldenses for baptizing infants, and yet denying that such infants have faith, thus taking the name of the Lord in vain. Not baptism, Luther held, but personal faith, justifies. If the infant has not personal faith, parents lie when they say for it '* 1 believe." But Luther maintained that through the prayers of the church the infant does have faith, and he defied his adversaries to prove the contrary. This was more than the average man could believe. Hence, he would be likely to accept the former part of the doctrine and to reject the latter. Luther attached great importance to baptism ; Zwingli very little. Hubmaier and Grebel both asserted that in private conversation with them Zwingli had expressed himself against infant baptism. In the interpretation of the eighteenth article of the sixty-seven,^ Zwingli asserts that in the earlier church the baptism of infants was not so common as at present, but those to be baptized were instructed as catechumens for a considerable time previ- ously, and were only baptized after they had firm faith in the heart, and had confessed with the mouth. He shows, without expressly saying so, that he prefers this method. Elsewhere he writes: "The error also misled me some years ago, so that I thought it would be much more suit- able to baptize children after they had arrived at a good age." Yet in 1530 Zwingli denied that any one had ever heard him say anything against infant baptism. CEcolampadius, Capito, and Bucer agreed with Zwingli in making baptism like the Supper, a mere sign, and were disposed, for a time, to think it needless in the case of infants. CEcolampadius was almost convinced by Carlstadt (Nov., 1524) that infant baptism ought to be abolished, but was at last led by the influence of Zwingli and the confusion that was arising from the Anti-pedo- ' Zwingli's "Works," Vol. I., pp. 239, 240. CHAP. 1.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 1 53 baptist separation, to defend this practice. Capito, under the influence of Carlstadt, Reublin, and Cellarius, was for years (i 525-1 527) disinclined to insist upon infant baptism and was on the friendliest terms with Anabaptist leaders. Bucer early recognized with Zwingli the neces- sity of infant baptism to the maintenance of a State- ' Church system, and did not hesitate to counsel rigorous persecuting measures. In fact, nearly all of the leading reformers were for a time brought face to face with the fact that infant baptism is without clear scriptural au- thorization, but were ultimately led to defend it as a practical necessity. (6) Characteristics of tlie Anabaptists. As already sug- gested, there were many varieties of Anabaptists, each leader in general having marked idiosyncrasies. The following principles were common to nearly all of the Anabaptists and, with slight exceptions, to the evangel- ical teachers of the medieval time : a. Resting on the New Testament principle of self-de- nial and brotherhood, and following as they supposed the example of the apostolic churches, they tended strongly toward commmiispi. some insisting upon abso- lute community of goods, while others were content with regarding their possessions as at all times subject to the demands of Christian charity, it was undoubtedly the strong emphasis placed upon this principle that made the Anabaptist teaching so popular. b. They insisted upon churches composed exclusively of proiess£d_believers and so of the txLily regenerate. That the ungodly should participate in Christian oVdi- nances and in church privileges in general was to them an abomination. c. They were profoundly convinced that the practice of inlaat baptism was not only unscriptural and anti- scriptural, but was also absolutely incompatible with the maintenance of churches of the regenerate. Accordingly, they were never weary of denouncing this practice as "the pope's first and highest abomination," and as a device of Satan for the corruption of Christianity. The earnestness and vigor of their protest against infant bap- tism constitutes one of the most marked features of the Anabaptist movement. 154 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. d. They repudiated absolutely any sort of connection between Church and State, regarding the State as an institution outside of and apart from the gospel of Christ, whose authority was to be obeyed in all things lawful, but which had no right to interfere in matters of con- science. Hence also the doctrine of absolute liberty of conscience was a fundamental tenet of the Anabaptists as it had been of the mediaeval evangelicals. e. In consistency with their views on Church and State, they denied the right of a Christian to exercise magistracy, which seemed to them to involve a violation of Christ's precept and example. Christ refused to sit in judgment in the dispute of the two brothers regarding an inheritance, and he contrasted the kings of the earth who exercised lordship with the humility of his disciples whose Master had not where to lay his head. /. They regarded oaths as expressly prohibited by Christ and so inadmissible for his disciples. Yet they distinguished between testimony regarding known facts and promises regarding future conduct. g. Carnal warfare, even in self-defense or in defense of country, they regarded as completely contrary to the spirit of the gospel, and would passively suffer even unto death rather than bear arms. h. Capital punishment they regarded as antichristian, and its infliction by civil governments was one of the reasons why a Christian could not exercise magistracy. /. The fact that some Anabaptist parties, led away by chiliastic enthusiasm, supposed that they had been divinely commissioned to set up a theocratic kingdom, in which the saints should gloriously reign and should be the instruments of God in the destruction of the un- godly, is not strictly inconsistent with the above princi- ples, which were fully approved even by the enthusiasts who led in the efforts to establish a millennial kingdom. k. They were almost without exception opposed to the Augustinian system of doctrine, especially in its Lutheran and Calvinistic forms, insisting upon the freedom of the will and the necessity of good works as the fruit of faith, and regarding faith as a great transforming process whereby we are brought not simply to participate in Christ's merits, but to enter into the completest union CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 1 55 with him in a life of utter self-abnegation. They were unanimous in regarding Luther's teachings regarding the will and good works as in the highest degree immoral and opposed to the spirit of the gospel. /. From what has preceded it is evident that the type of Christian life fostered by the teachings of the Ana- baptists, like that of the medieval evangelicals, bordered on the ascetical. Great stress was laid on the Imitation of Christ in his life of self- denying toil and suffering and the Anabaptists gloried in being counted worthy to suffer for and with Christ. The idea of earthly comfort and enjoyment most of them utterly renounced. Luxurious living, personal adornment, social amusements, the accumulation of wealth, nearly all of them regarded as inconsistent with the Chris- tian profession ; and it was only under the influence of chiliastic hopes that some of them ventured to expect, in a miraculously es- tablished theocratic kingdom, the carnal enjoyments that, under the existing dispensation, they realized were not for them. m. They were unanimous in regarding the Lord's Sup- per as the most solemn act in which a Christian can par- ticipate, involving the renewal of the believer's covenant to devote his life unreservedly to Christ's service re- nouncing all selfish and secular interests. Such being their conception of the ordinance, they sought to guard it most sacredly against all desecration by unworthy participants. Only baptized believers were admitted to communion, and discipline was rigorously exercised upon the brethren before the celebration of the Supper in order that none by partaking unworthily might eat and drink damnation unto themselves. n. Owing to their extremely rigorous principles and the harsh treatment to which they were everywhere subjected by the dominant Christian parties, they car- ried their separatism to an extreme, not only refusing to join with others in religious acts, but utterly repudiating their right to be regarded as Christian. The narrowness and bigotry of many of the Anabaptists was at once the product and the cause of the fierce hatred with which they were everywhere regarded. Their pronounced hostility to the sys- tems of civil government under which they lived and to the means employed by these governments for the enforcement of their au- thority, caused them to be looked upon as the incendiaries of com- monwealths. When we consider the bitterness of their antagonism 156 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. to all that was deemed most valuable in Church and State, and their uncompromising hostility to the existing social order, including the private ownership of the means of production, the persecution that they suffered at the hands of Church and State, Catholic and Prot- estant, can be readily accounted for. And yet in most things the Anabaptists were right and tiieir opponents wrong. 0. Wherever the Anabaptists enjoyed sufficient free- dom from persecution to enable them to carry out with any completeness their ecciesiologicai ideas, they never failed to institute, after the example of the Waldenses and the Bohemian Brethren, a system of connectional church government, with a general superintendency, an itinerant ministry, and a clearly defined interdependency of the local congregations. It is reasonable to suppose that this form of organization was due not wholly to the existing needs, but quite as much to the example of the earlier evangelical parties. 2. zAnahaptist Parties. In an earlier work the writer has attempted a geograph- ical treatment of the Anabaptist movement, with due regard to genetic relationships. It seems more in accord with the purpose of the present work to form a classifi- cation based upon the types of life and thought exempli- fied. It must be borne in mind, as pointed out above, that the parties here indicated were not rigorously separated from each other in organization or in fellowship, and that the transition from one type to another was easy and frequent. The following classification will, it is thought, prove a convenient one : (i) The Chiliastic Anabaptists ; (2) The Soundly Biblical Anabaptists ; (3) The Mysti- cal Anabaptists ; (4) The Pantheistic Anabaptists ; (5) The Anti-trinitarian Anabaptists. (i) The Chiliastic Anabaptists. The earlier of these appeared in close connection with the Lutheran Refor- mation, but were, no doubt, in an important sense a re- sult of mediaeval modes of thought. The Franciscan enthusiasm, with its fondness for biblical types and sym- bols, its despair of the essential betterment of the world through the agencies available under the present dispen- sation, and its persistent efforts by the interpretation of prophetical Scriptures to fix the date of the ushering in CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 1 57 of millennial glories, was widespread at the beginning of this period and was highly attractive to many of the most zealous opponents of the standing order. It had assumed among the Taborites of Bohemia a radically anti-Catholic and a violently fanatical form, which had persisted in considerable strength in a section of the Bo- hemian Brethren. a. Thomas Miinier ami the Zwickau Prophets.^ Thomas Miinzer was never really an Anabaptist. Though he rejected infant baptism in theory, he held to it in prac- tice, and seems never to have submitted to believers' baptism himself nor to have re-baptized others. Yet he is usually regarded as the forerunner of the movement and his influence upon it was highly important. Born about 1490 and educated at Halle and Leipzig, he early came into close relationship with Luther, whom for a time he regarded as "the example and light of the friends of God " (July, 1520). With Luther's approval, he was called to Zwickau (1520), where he soon be- came involved in controversy with priests and monks, in which he had Luther's cordial support. The working people, especially the weavers, who constituted a considerable part of the population, took sides with Miinzer. Chief among these was Nicholas Storch, a master weaver, who had lived in Bohemia, where he probably came into close relations with the Taborite Bohemian Brethren. Miinzer was naturally inclined to undue enthusiasm, and the zeal- ous support which he received from the common people in his cru- sade against the corrupt lives and teachings of monks and clergy greatly stimulated his unsound tendencies. He soon became dissat- isfied with Luther's politic and half-way measures of reform and demanded the establishment of pure churches regardless of conse- quences. He denounced Luther as a temporizer, who allowed the people to continue in their old sins, taught them the uselessness of works, and preached a dead faith more contradictory to the gospel than the teachings of the papists. While he held to the divine au- thority of the Scriptures, he maintained that the letter is useless without the enlightenment of the Spirit, and that to true believers God communicates truth directly alike in connection with and apart from the Scriptures, ^ See Cornelius, " Miinst. Aiif." ; Merx, " Th. Miinzer u. H. Pfeiffer" ; Seide- mann. " T. Miinzer" ; Fcirstemann, " Neties Urltundenbuch" ; Strobel, " T. Mun^er" ; Arnold, " Kirchen-xind-Kct^erhtstorie" ; Bachmann, " N. Stoxcb" ; and Kautsky, " Communism in Cen. Eur. in the Time of the Ref." 158 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. The excitement among the common people soon be- came intense. Under Munzer's encouragement, Storch organized a congregation of professed believers and is said to have considered himself appointed by God to lead in the setting up of the kingdom of Christ on earth. Storch's influence on Mijnzer was greater than that of Munzer on him. Even before the appearance of Mijnzer it is probable that he had been secretly propagating the Taborite enthusiasm among his fellow-workmen. He seems at this time to have rejected infant baptism, oaths, magistracy, and warfare, and to have insisted on the separation of a believing husband or wife from an unbelieving partner and on community of goods among Christians. Partly because of local disturbances resulting from the new enthusiasm and partly in response to what he re- garded as a divine call to proclaim to the Bohemians the setting up of the kingdom of Christ on earth and to se- cure their co-operation, Miinzer left Zwickau (April, 1521) and journeyed to Prague, where he proclaimed as a prophet of God the ushering in of a new dispensation in which all social inequalities should be abolished and in which righteousness should universally prevail, and he threatened the vengeance of God, through a Turkish in- vasion, in case they refused to hearken. Meeting with little encouragement, he returned to Ger- many early in 1522. About Easter, 1523, he became pastor at Alstedt, in Thuringia, where he married a nun and attempted to carry out a radical reformation. Here he prepared an elaborate church service in German, and his eloquent preaching attracted vast congregations. Al- though he had expressed himself against infant baptism he made provision for it in his liturgy. Returning to Zwickau we find Storch and his followers arraigned before the authorities (December, 1521) charged with repudiating infant baptism. He persisted in his op- position to this practice and was required to submit to an examination at a later date on "some erroneous Bo- hemian articles." Accompanied by Marcus Stiibner, who had studied at Wittenberg, and another weaver, he visited Wittenberg in order to win the professors to the support of his cause, Carlstadt, rector of the university, accepted their views and attempted to abolish at once all unscriptural objects CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 1 59 and practices in the university and its church. He aban- doned his scholastic dress, renounced his doctor's degree, and sought to conform his private life to apostolic sim- plicity. The learned Cellarius attempted to oppose Storch and Stiibner, but was readily won over by their enthusiasm. Melanchthon was greatly impressed by their prophetic claims and was unable to answer their arguments against infant baptism ; but he appealed to Luther, who was absent at the Wartburg, and rested on his authority. Learning of the disturbances at Wittenberg and Zwickau, Luther insisted on leaving the Wartburg, and for some weeks devoted himself with the utmost enthu- siasm and determination to the suppression of this radi- cal movement. He sought to bring the prophets into contempt by requiring of them the working of miracles in attestation of their mission. He demanded of them proof that unconscious infants do not exercise saving faith, restored the ceremonies in the university and churches, and drove Storch and his followers from Zwickau. Later Carlstadt and Cellarius felt obliged to retire from the university. Carlstadt became pastor at OrlamiJnde (1523), where he attempted to carry out a radical reformation, but re- fused to join with Miinzer in his violent measures. Driven from his position by Luther's influence, he suffered great hardship until 1534, when he secured a professorship in the University of Basel, which he held until his death, in 1541. During his later years, while he did not abandon his Anti-pedobaptist views, he seems to have kept them in the background. Cellarius became well known in Strasburg as an Anti-pedobaptist and an ardent millen- nialist, but he refused to ally himself with the Anabap- tists, and in 1546 became professor in the University of Basel. Storch traveled widely in Germany and Silesia. At Hof he labored for some months, gaining the support of the burgomaster, Simon Klinger, and was regarded by his followers as a prophet of God, while his enemies, recognizing his marvelous power, attributed it to satanic agency. At Glogau, in Silesia, his teachings met with marked acceptance, but when the enthusiasm had reached l6o A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. a certain height he was compelled to retire. He seems to have propagated his millenarian views in a quiet way in many localities. His movements during the early months of 1525 in connection with MUnzer's agitation is obscure, but it seems probable that he sympathized with MiJnzer and aided in his propaganda. He died at Municli in 1525. We left Miinzer at Alstedt about the middle of 1523. From this time onward he became more and more violent in his denunciation of priestly and monastic corruption and advised workingmen to withold the payment of tithes and rents for the support of these idle and vicious classes. Monastic institutions were plundered and their inmates maltreated. Luther and the Lutheran preachers came in for their share of condemnation. Lutheran and Catholic princes were declared to be the enemies of God and as worthy of being strangled like dogs if they op- posed the doctrine. He insisted that Christians should all be equal, and that private property should be utterly abolished, and he represented himself as divinely com- missioned to proclaim the setting-up of the kingdom of Christ on a socialistic basis. Under his inspiration secret societies were formed among the peasants in many com- munities. Banished from Alstedt (August, 1524) by the Saxon princes, through Luther's instigation, Miinzer betook himself to Miihlhausen, where Heinrich Pfeiffer, an ex- monk, had for some months been leading the social democracy in the spirit of Miinzer. Under the joint leadership of Miinzer and Pfeiffer the old council was abolished and a new government was established on a theocratic basis. A reaction led to the banishment of Miinzer and Pfeiffer (Sep., 1524). During his absence Miinzer published at Nuremberg a violent polemic against Luther and the Saxon princes in which he set forth with- out reserve his radical revolutionary ideas. He says in conclusion, " The people shall become free and God will be the only Lord over them." He afterward visited Switz- erland, where he was kindly received by CEcolampa- dius and where he seems to have met a number of those who afterward became Anabaptist leaders, and Walds- hut, where he no doubt conferred with Hubmaier. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION l6l Pfeiffer was able to return to Muhlhausen in December, having secured the support of the neighboring villages. Mijnzer returned about January, 1525, where with Pfeif- fer he was able to control the government and to reform the city according to his own ideas. The Peasants' War, which MiJnzer and Pfeiffer had encouraged but not caused, was already in progress and reached Mtihlhausen in May, 1525. The Peasants' War and the harmful effect of Miinzer's fanaticism on the just cause of the peasantry has been fully treated in an earlier section. b. Hans Hut} Born some time before the beginning of the sixteenth century, Hut was for some years sacris- tan to the knight Hans von Bibra. He early came under the influence of MUnzer, and, refusing to have his child baptized, was driven from the community (1524). He sought in Wittenberg to secure the removal of his doubts regarding infant baptism, supporting himself as an itiner- ant bookseller. He spent som2 time in Nuremburg, where he learned book-binding and probably came into contact with Hans Denck, by whom he was baptized in Augs- burg (1526). He was in Miinzer's army at the battle of Frankenhausen and was taken prisoner, but was released on the ground that he was only a. bookseller. it is probable, however, that he was already in thorough sympathy with Miinzer's socialistic and millenarian views. We find him soon afterward at Bibra recommending the slaughter of magistrates by their subjects. He claimed to understand the meaning of the prophetical Scriptures beyond any other man, and being filled with enthusiasm and possessed of remarkable personal magnetism, he was able to sway the masses according to his will. Mak-' ing Augsburg his home, where after Denck's departure his influence was paramount, he labored with consuming zeal in Bavaria, Moravia, Bohemia, Upper and Lower Austria, etc. So irresistible was his influence, that a few hours' stay in a place often sufficed for the gathering of a church devoted to his principles. ' See Cornelius, " G. d. Munst Aufr.," Bd. II., Seit. 3q, seq., 251. seq., and 279, seq. ; Jorg, " DeutschLiitd in d. Revolutionspenode," Scit. 677, seq.; Roth, "Augsburg's Reformalionsgesch.," Seit. iqq, seq. ; Nicoladoni, "J.Bunderlm '' ; Hegler, in "Her^^og- Hauck," jrd'eti.. Bd. VII., Seit. 489, seq. L l62 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. v. While he seems not to have urged the people to take up the sword and proceed immediately to slay the ungodly he led thein to expect a divine summons to arms at an early date. Like other enthusiasts of the time, he expected that the Turks, who were invading Europe, would be used of God as a scourge for the destruction of corrupted Christendom. He conceived of the reign of the saints as a social- istic theocracy. In Moravia he sought to win to his views the Nikols- burg church which Hubmaier had founded, and gained many adherents ; but he was driven away as a disturber of the peace by the Lichtenstein lords. In October, 1527, he was seized by the Augsburg authorities, made a full confession under torture, was thrown into prison, and burned to death by a fire in his cell supposed to have been kindled by himself (December, 1527). The cor- rupting influence of Hut on the Anabaptist movement can hardly be overestimated. In a great assembly of Anabaptist leaders in Augsburg (August, 1527), Hut's chiliastic propaganda, with its revolutionary tenden- cies, was probably the chief matter discussed, and Denck is supposed to have made a final effort to save the Anabaptist movement from the disaster that awaited it. c. tMelc/iior 'T^inck.^ Born near the end of the fifteenth century, highly educated (he was sometimes called " the Greek " because of his Greek learning), we find him in 1523 engaged as schoolmaster and chaplain in Hersfeld, where he successfully combated the disreputable pastor of the church. At this time he came under the influence of MUnzer, with whom he co-operated heartily in the social- istic agitations of 1 524-1 525. Escaping with his life from the battle of Frankenhausen, he was for some time a fugitive. About 1527 he settled down in the neighbor- hood of Hersfeld as pastor of an Anabaptist church. For six years he exerted a strong influence throughout Hesse and the neighboring regions. The Landgrave Philip per- sistently refused to destroy him as he was urged by Luther and others to do, Rinck seems to have been particularly severe in his denunciation of Luther's teach- ings, maintaining that all who receive the sacrament ac- ' See Hochhut. " D Landgr. Philip u. d Wiedertaufer " (" Zcitscb.f. d. bist. 7beol.," 1858, seq.) ; and Zur Linden, " Melch. Hofmann," Sett. 171. seq. CHAP I] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 163 cording to Luther's view, receive a devil, denying pre- destination, denouncing infant baptism as a sacrifice to the devil, etc. No mention is made of his millenarian views in the contemporary accounts ot his teaching. As he is said to have been in MiJnster "a short time before the outbreak of fanaticism there, it is probable that he never escaped from this feature of Munzer' teaching. d. Melchior Hofmann} Born in Schwabisch-Hall about 1490, a leather dresser by trade, we find him in 1523 in Livonia, an enthusiastic Lutheran agitator. However much he may have been influenced by the millenarian- ism of Munzer and Storch, he seems to have kept clear of the revolutionary movements in which the former figured so prominently. He seems at this early date to have been fully equipped with a knowledge of the letter of Scripture and with a system of allegorical interpreta- tion, whereby he was able to astonish the unlearned and to gain for himself great credit as possessing a key to the divine mysteries. Banished by the liead of the Teutonic Knights, he labored for a while in Dorpat, where his teachings gave rise to disturbances that resulted in his expulsion. In June, 1525, he visited Wittenberg, where he published an address to the church at Dorpat and secured Luther's endorsement. Returning to Dorpat he came into controversy with the other Lutheran preachers. Banished from Dorpat, he labored in Sweden (1526), where he published a number of wildly allegorical writ- ings and attacked Luther's view of the Supper. By this time he had adopted many of the peculiar views of the Anabaptists, and by a computation from prophetic data had fixed upon 1533 as the date for the establishment of the kingdom of Christ. Here also his preaching was attended with disorderly and iconoclastic procedures and he was driven from Stockholm early in 1527. Like riotous demonstrations attended his brief ministry in Liibeck. Invited to Denmark by King Frederick L, he labored for about two years as a general evangelist. Here he 1 See monographs on Hofmann by Krohn, Zur Linden, and Leendertz : Rembert, " D. IViedcrtaufer in Her;^ogtumJuliLh," paisnn ; Gerbert, " Gcsch. d. Strassburger Sck- teitbewegung ^ur Zeit d. "T^ef." ; and Hegler, in Hauck-Herzog, third ed., Bd. Vlll., Seit. 222, seq. 164 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per V. purchased a printing plant with his earnings as a mechanic and scattered broadcast his allegorical inter- pretations and his anti-Lutheran views. At this time he came in contact with Carlstadt, who no doubt in- fluenced his views on the Supper and on infant baptism. Here also his preaching aroused antagonism. Plundered of his goods he left Holstein for Hast Friesland accom- panied by Carlstadt. Here they found Lutherans and Zwinglians in conflict and aided in giving a deathblow to Lutheranism in this region. Hofmann soon proceeded to Strasburg, where he was heartily received because of his sufferings in defense of the Zwinglian view of the Supper. By this time he had reached the conviction that the human nature of Christ was not derived from Mary, but was a direct divine creation. Tills view he continued to tlie end to empliasize and it was to become a leading feature of Menno's teaching. Strasburg was at tills time a great Anabaptist center. Hofmann soon entered into relations witli the more fanatical Anabaptists, especially with some who claimed to possess prophetic powers. Returning to the Netherlands as an Anabaptist and claiming to be fully assured that the end of the age would occur three years later, he was able to influence great multitudes throughout the Netherlands and the lower Rhenish provinces. Through his writings, which were widely dispersed, and through the many mission- aries that he sent forth, communities of enthusiasts who eagerly awaited the speedy establishment of the king- dom of Christ were organized. Bv this time the cause of the Anabaptists had become most des- perate. The edict of Speyer (1529) had outlawed them everywhere, making it not only lawful but obligatory upon Protestants and Catholics alike to seize them wherever found and put tiiem to death without elaborate forms of trial. Most of their ablest leaders had already been destroyed. Free cities, where tiiey iiad found a meas- ure of toleration, were being forced to adopt rigorous measures for their exclusion. Earthlv hope for an amelioration of their condition there was none. If ever conditions were favorable for the propaga- tion of a mlUenarian type of Christianity, with its catastrophic solu- tion of the dltticultles that humanly speaking seemed insuperable, it was now. Hofmann returned to Strasburg early in 1 53'?, an aged brother hav- ing prophesied that he must suffer six nuMiths' Imprisonment there and then lead the children of God to universal victory. He was CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 165 thrown into prison (May, 1533) where he languished for ten years, never abandoning his expectation of the speedy end of the age, but by fresh calculations moving the date forward from stage to stage as the necessity of the case demanded. About the end of 1531 Hofmann had ordered the suspension of believers' baptism for two years and from this time on had placed all stress on the propagation of his millennial views. He had wrought great multitudes into a state of unwholesome excitement that made them an easy prey to the fierce fanaticism of Jan Matthys. e. Jan Matthys.'^ With the departure of Hofmann, Jan Matthys, a Haarlem baker, came to the front as the in- spired leader of the party, \n him we see the spirit of the Taborites and of MiJnzer revived, and that in an in- tensified form. His hatred of the upper classes was as bitter as we can conceive. As the oppressors and the persecutors of the poor people of God nothing but divine vengeance would meet their case. The dealings of Jehovah with the Canaanites was the basis of his idea of the way in which the new dispensation was to be established. True believers were to be the instruments in God's hand for the blotting out of his enemies from the face of the earth. It was soon revealed to him that baptism should be resumed. Hofmann had promised that the prophet Enoch would appear just before the inauguration of the new dispensation. Matthys pro- claimed himself the promised Enoch. The fanatical propaganda now went forward with wonderful rapidity. The oppressed masses were everywhere ready to re- ceive the new gospel. Within a few weeks many thou- sands were introduced by baptism into the covenant and were ready at a moment's notice to begin their terrible work. Matthys' part in the Miinster kingdom and his tragical death will be narrated in the following section. /. The Miinster Kingdom.'^ The city of Miinster had re- mained until 1532 a stronghold of Roman Catholicism. ^ See works on the Miinster kingdom, below. - See Cornelius, " Mimst. Aufr.," " D. Ncderl. IViedcrt. wahrcnd d. Belagerung Muii- sters," and " D. Geschuhtsquellcn d. 'Bistums Ministers" ; Bouterwek, " Zur Lit. u. Gash. d. W'iedertaufcr" ; Keller, " Ccscb. d. IViedcrt. u. thres Reichs :^ii Miinster"; Remhert, " D. IViedert. tm Heriogtum Jutich " ; Gobel, " Ccsch. d. Chr. Lebens in d. rkonch-westpbalischen Kirche "; and Pearson, " The Kingdom of God in Miinster" ("Mod. Rev.," Jan. and Apr., 1884). l66 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. A dissolute prince-bishop had succeeded in rigorously ex- cluding evangelical teaching. In 1529 Bernard Roth- mann, who had been educated in a school of the Brethren of the Common Life and had been somewhat influenced by Protestant teaching, began to preach evangelical ser- mons in a suburban church. His ministry was thronged by Munster people. Suspended from his office for a year for the correction of his errors by further study, he be- came thereby still more thoroughly evangelical. Return- ing in 1 531, the social democracy supported him as a reformer despite the inhibition of the bishops. Early in 1532 he secured the use of St. Lambert's Church and was supported by the guilds of the city. The incoming of a new bishop (Erich) checked the progress of reform (March, 1532) and Rothmann was ordered by the authorities to suspend his preaching. Supported by the masses he re- fused to obey. Erich died in May and the notoriously immoral and irreligious Franz von Waldeck succeeding him, put an end to all hopes of legal reform. The new bishop, attempting to carry out an imperial mandate for the removal of anti-Catholic preachers, provoked a rebellion that resulted in his expulsion from the city (December, 1532). The evangelicals, supported by Philip of Hesse and Ernst of LUneburg, triumphed (Feb- ruary, 1533). The wildest enthusiasm prexailed not only in the city and the diocese, but throughout the lower Rhenish provinces. Rothmann was the recognized leader in religious matters and each congregation was allowed to choose its own pastor. The monasteries were closed and Catholic clergy and monks were obliged to leave the city. An important evangelical movement had for some years been in progress in the Cleve-JUlich-Berg Duchy, where a number of highly educated leaders who had been brought under Erasmic influence and led by Johannes Campanus, had passed from Catholicism to modified Lutheranism and were tending toward still more radical views. They were banished by the authorities in 1532. Among those who made their way to MiJnster were Heinrich Roll, Dionysius Vinne, Johann Klopriss, Her- mann Staprade, and Heinrich Schlactscaef. From their Erasmic antecedents these men might have been ex- CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 167 pected to be proof against the seductions of millenarian entliusiasm ; yet even in the teachings of Campanus there are certain chiHastic tendencies. Roll became a pronounced Anabaptist soon after his arrival in MiJnster. Rothmann soon followed his exam- ple. Staprade publicly denounced infant baptism as an abomination, in August, 1533, Rothmann triumphantly defended Anti-pedobaptism against Van dem Busche. The Council sought to compel Rothmann, Roll, Vinne, Stralen, and Staprade to resume the administration of infant baptism. They persistently refused. An effort to depose them led to a great popular demonstration. In a " Confession on the Two Sacraments," published by these ministers (November, 1533), baptism is defnied as " an immersion in water, which the candidate desires and receives for a true sign that he has died to sins, and being buried with Christ has been thereby raised into a new life, henceforth to walk not in the lusts of the flesh but in obedience to the will of God." Yet in an earlier paragraph water-sprinkling is given a place in the definition of baptism along with immersion. Infant baptism is regarded as an abominable per- version and as " the source of the desolation and of the complete apostasy of the holy church." Thus far there is no evidence of any- thing fanatical in the teachings of the Miinster Anabaptists. We left Jan Matthys, after Hofmann's imprisonment, in full command of the great enthusiastic host that had accepted Hofmann's millenarian teachings. The news of the triumph of the Anabaptist cause in Miinster greatly interested Hofmannite Anabaptists. Early in 1534 two emissaries from Matthys reached Miinster and made known to Rothmann and the other leaders that Enoch had appeared in the person of Matthys, that the millennial kingdom was at hand, and that the baptized saints should henceforth under the dominion of Christ lead a blessed life, with community of goods, without law and without magistracy. Within eight days fourteen hundred were baptized, including the ministers who had not yet submitted to the ordinance. A few days later (January 13) John of Leyden and Gert tom Kloster took charge of the Miinster movement as the representatives of Matthys. It soon became evident that the establishment of the theocratic kingdom was to be attended by the merciless slaughter of the un- l68 A AUNUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. godly. Rothmann and his associates hesitated for a time to accept the leadership of the fanatics, but all were at last mastered by the wild enthusiasm. Lutherans and Catholics tied. Monasteries and re- ligious houses were seized and their inmates obliged to be baptized or to leave the city. The entire wealth of the city was soon in the hands of the fanatics. Matthys now proclaimed that Munster and not Strasburg, as Hofmann had predicted, was the New Jerusalem. Strasburg had failed of the honor because of its sins. He sent mes- sengers in all directions to summon his followers to gather in given localities for further instructions. Many tiiousands from all parts of the Netherlands and adjoining regions were soon moving toward Munster. Many were seized by the authorities and cruelly executed, but a great multitude found their way to the New Jerusalem. Matthvs himself was soon in the city as the head of the theocracy. The city was soon beseiged by the bishop and his allies. The fanatics most valorously defended it. A reign of terror ensued, all suspected of lack of sympathy with the new regime being remorse- lessly slain. Matthys was slain in battle (April, 1534). John of Leyden proceeded to organize the New Israel after the model of the Olci. Twelve elders were appointed with power of life and death. They were to sit in judgment twice each day. As the number of women in the city greatly e.xceeded that of men and as the theocratic rules regarding the relations of the sexes were exceedingly rigorous, polygamy was introduced under supposed divine guidance as a means of alleviating the diftkulties involved, it was revealed to John that the new Jerusalem should have a king who should have do- minion over the whole earth and that he was that king. For more than a year the wretched fanatics stood the siege. Their sufferings toward the end were indescribable. Tiie scene ended in a horrible massacre and in the most revolting torturing of the leaders. The massacre extended throughout the whole territory that had been affected by the movement. Philip of Hesse was almost alone in discriminating between the wild fanatics and quiet Anti-pedobap- tists. The opinion was almost universal that the Miinster fanati- cism was the logical outcome of the Anabaptist position. In Eng- land and America the opponents of the Baptist movement long per- sisted in holding up the Munster kingdom as a sample of what might be exf^ected when it should have an opportunity to show its Lolors. In Cjermany and other continental countries the odium of Miinster still attaches to the Baptist name. 2. T/ie Soundly Biblical zAnabaptists. In using this des- ignation it is not to be understood tliat all or any of the Anti-pedobaptists liere to be discussed were in the writer's opinion wholly free from error in doctrine and in prac- tice. In general, their teaching was conformable to the best type of medi:i?val evangelical thought. Their ad- herence to the Scriptures, especially the New Testament, as the only and sufficient rule of faith and practice, their use of reasonably sound methods of Scripture interpre- CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 169 tation, their freedom from chiliastic enthusiasm, their in- tense zeal for the spread of the gospel, and their readi- ness to suffer even unto death for their faith, commend them to us as worthy of admiration. Most evangelical Christians have refused to accept their interpretation of Scriptures relating to oaths, magistracy, warfare, and capital punishment, which they perpetuated from me- diiEval times. Some of their mistakes resulted from their antagonism to the corrupt and oppressive political and ecclesiastical conditions of the time. Their ex- treme separatism was due in large measure to the severity of the persecution to which they were subjected. The tendency toward communism everywhere manifest was a natural outcome of the intense Christian love by which they were characterized and the hard conditions under which they lived. Anabaptists of this type super- added to what was best in mediaeval evangelical life and thought a higher degree of aggressiveness, a more con- sistent and determined opposition to infant baptism, and a refusal to compromise themselves in any way by con- forming to the ceremonies of the dominant churches. a. The Early Swiss ^^uabaptists.^ Zwingli's early re- formatory preaching awakened great interest among the radicals of Switzerland and the neighboring provinces. All classes of social and religious reformers rallied to his support. By 1523 a large proportion of the people were prepared to cast off the papal yoke and to abolish all anti-scriptural and nonscriptural practices. Zwingli's "Sixty-seven Articles" that formed the programme of the first disputation (1523) were thorough-going in their evangelical character, making the Scriptures the only rule of faith and practice (positively and negatively). in his elaboration of these articles he stated that in the early church baptism was administered only after catechumens had firm faith in the heart and had con- fessed with the mouth. It soon became evident that Zwingli and the council were lagging behind public sen- timent. To avoid disorder and to determine how far it was safe to go in the direction of practical reform, a second disputation was held (Oct., 1523) in which, along ^ See works of Egfli, Strasser, Nitsche, Burrage, Baur, Usteri, Stahelin. E. Miiller, Bullinger, Fiisslin, Loserth, Cornelius, and Schreiber, as in " Literature" above. 170 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER V. with Zvvingli, such radicals as Hetzer, Grebel, and Hub- maier (soon to become eminent as Anabaptist leaders) took part. In May, 1523, Dr. Balthasar Hubmaier, a learned and eloquent priest who was carry ing on a successful reforming movement in the city of Waldshut, conferred with Zwingli on infant baptism, and secured from him the concession " that children should not be baptized before they are instructed in the faith." Though among the earliest of those connected with the Swiss reformation to agitate in favor of believers' baptism, Hubmaier was far from being the first to put it in practice. During the latter half of 1 523, Grebel, Manz, Stumpf, and other radical leaders, had repeated conferences with Zwingli, in which they urged him to take measures for the setting up of a pure church, whose members should be true children of God, having the spirit of God and ruled and led by him. They pointed out the unseemliness of making church reforma- tion dependent upon the will of an ungodly magistracy, and of allowing the ungodly to enjoy the privileges of church-fellowship. Zwingli was conciliatory and prom- ised to proceed as rapidly as he prudently could, but urged them to be patient and pointed out the disastrous consequences of schism. A large group of radicals in the canton of Ziirich kept up a persistent agitation from this time forward and their distrust of Zwingli soon be- came complete. In the spring of 1524 Wilhelm Reublin, an eloquent priest who had been driven from Basel in 1522 because of his zeal against papal ceremonies, and who was pastor at Wytikon, publicly declared himself opposed to the baptism of infants. Many withheld their children from baptism, and along with Reublin were imprisoned and fined. The Anti-pedobaptist agitation rapidly extended throughout ZUrich and the neighboring cantons and provinces. Hans Brotli, pastor at ZoUikon, Andreas Castelberg, an enthusiastic social and religious reformer, Georg Blaurock, an eloquent ex-monk, Conrad Grebel, son of a patrician and educated in the universities of Vienna and Paris, and Felix Manz, an accomplished classical and Hebrew scholar, with many others, now declared CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 171 themselves against infant baptism. Late in December, 1524, or early in January, they took the decisive step of introducing believers' baptism and organizing churches of the regenerate. In this act Grebe! took the initiative, baptizing first of all Blaurock, who in turn baptized large numbers. The movement spread with wonderful rapidity and within a few weeks multitudes in various parts of Switzerland had received the new baptism at the hands of Grebel, Reublin, Blaurock, Manz, Brotli, and others. It should be said that these " baptisms " were not immersions. On January 17, 1525, a disputation was held between Zwingli and the Anabaptist leaders, in which Zwingli vigorously defended infant baptism. The council de- clared Zwingli victorious, required the baptism of all un- baptized children within eight days on pain of the ban- ishment of the responsible parties, prohibited Anabaptist meetings, and banished such foreigners as were known to be Anabaptists (Reublin, Brotli, Hetzer, and Castel- berg). Zwingli and the council had reached the conviction that the remorseless crushing of the movement was nec- essary to the maintenance of civil and ecclesiastical order. Rigorous imprisonment on a bread and water diet led some to promise conformity with the laws. Those who remained in prison (including Grebel, Manz, and Blaurock) effected what was regarded as a marvel- ous escape (April 5). Reublin and Brotli, when banished from Zurich, la- bored in Schaffhausen, where Doctor Hofmeister, the chief evangelical minister, accepted their views of bap- tism, and so far compromised himself with the authorities that he was afterward banished, and only after deeply humiliating himself was able to regain his position. Gre- bel soon followed, and large numbers were brought to Anti-pedobaptist views. Here he immersed the ex-monk Uolimann, who was to take a leading part in the great Anabaptist movement at St. Gall. At St. Gall, Uolimann, Hochrutiner, Roggenacher, and Eberle won multitudes to the Anabaptist position (in the spring of 1525), and crowd after crowd went out of the 172 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. city to the river Sitter for baptism. Within a few weeks twelve hundred were baptized. Three Anabaptist churches were formed in Appenzell. Urged and aided by Zwingli, Doctor Vadian, the chief leader of the evan- gelicals, was able at last to check the movement and to carry out exterminating measures like those of the Zurich Council. Blaurock labored in the canton of Basel, where he held a disputation with CEcolampadius, an account of which published by the latter was effectively answered by Hubmaier. In Bern the Anabaptist movement soon gained great headway under the leadership of Jacob Gross, a disciple of Hubmaier, Johann Seckler, and Hochrutiner. Exter- minating measures were early introduced and frequently repeated, until the latter part of the eighteenth century ; yet they have survived in considerable numbers to tlie present day, and have enriched the religious life of many lands (including America) through their forced disper- sion. Griiningen, a dependency of ZUrich, became a chief stronghold of the movement during the summer of 1525. Grebel, Manz, and Blaurock all labored successfully here. The ZiJrich authorities were obliged to seek the aid of Bern, Basel, Schaffhausen, Chur, Appenzell, and St. Gall (1527) before they could get the move- ment under control. Many influential families were among its adherents. in Waldshut, in the Austrian Breisgau, Hubmaier had secured complete mastery by the beginning of 1524. Driven out of the city by the Austrian authorities (Sept. 1524), he took refuge in Schaffhausen, where he wrote a tract (on "Heretics and their Burners"), which con- stitutes one of the most thorough-going pleas for liberty of conscience that the age produced. At the beginning of 1525 he discontinued the practice of infant baptism, except in cases where the parents insisted upon it, and expressed his views on believers' baptism in a convincing way in a letter to OEcoIampadius. In February he set forth a "Public Challenge" to all Christian men to prove from Scripture that baptism should be administered to infants. Reublin visited Waldshut earl>' in the spring. CHAP. I. ] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 173 About Easter, Hubmaier and sixty others were baptized by him. Shortly afterward Hubmaier publicly baptized ("out of a milk pail") over three hundred more. His elaborate refutation of the arguments of OEcohimpadius and Zwingli in favor of infant baptism was published in July. The Anti-pedobaptist argument has rarely been set forth with greater fullness, clearness, and logical acumen. Modern Zwinglian writers (like Usteri) con- trast Hubmaier's sound exegesis and fairmindedness with Zwingli's sophistry and special pleading. Waldshut fell into the hands of the Austrian authorities after heroic re- sistance (Dec, 1525). Hubmaier barely escaped with his wife and made his way, broken in health, ragged, and wretched, to ZUrich. He was thrown into a wretched prison with more than twenty starving Anabaptist men and women who were given to understand that there was no escape from this slow starvation except by a denial of their faith. Hubmaier seems to have been ac- tually tortured into signing a form of recantation. He was at last released and made his way (June, 1526) to Moravia, where he was to do his greatest work. in 1527 Manz was put to death by drowning because of his persistent disobedience to the mandates of the council and Blaurock was beaten through the streets and assured that he would be drowned in case he re- turned to ZUrich. A few other executions occurred in Switzerland, but there was throughout this controversy a commendable reluctance to inflict the death penalty for heresy. The difficulty of suppressing the Anabaptist movement in Switzerland was greatly increased by the inefficiency and immorality of a large proportion of the evangelical clergy, hi response to repeated complaints on the part of Anabaptists and others, the authorities undertook to remedy the evils complained of and a number of un- worthy ministers were disciplined and some were de- posed. By reason of the persistent persecution of Anabap- tists and the attractiveness of Moravia as a place of refuge abounding in opportunities, the movement showed a marked decline in Switzerland before 1529, and by 1535 only a few feeble congregations remained. 174 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. Grebel, one of the ablest and soundest of the early leaders, died of the pestilence in 1526. Blaurock, who by reason of his great enthusiasm and popular power was designated " Strong George " and a " Second Paul," labored incessantly in Switzerland and the Tyrol till August, 1 529, It is probable that he baptized more than a thousand. Reublin, after years of highly successful evangelism in Switzerland and Southern Germany, went to Moravia (1530), where he was disfellowshiped by the communistic Anabaptists, but lived to old age at Znaim as a member of a Swiss congregation. b. The Moravian Anabaptists.^ Moravia had shared with Bohemia in the Hussite revolt against Rome and in the Taborite and Bohemian Brethren movements. From 1 5 16 to 1526 the royal authority had been exceedingly feeble and the nobles had done each what was right in his own eyes. A considerable number of nobles and priests who had been under the influence of the older evangelical teaching had declared themselves supporters of Luther. Among the most evangelical of the nobles were Leonard and Hans von Lichtenstein. Whether by prearrangement or not, Hubmaier was received by them with open arms on his arrival at Nickolsburg in the sum- mer of 1526. Within a few months the chief evangeli- cal ministers of this part of Moravia : Hans Spitalmaier, Oswald Glaidt, Martin Goschel, formerly suffragan bishop, at this time provost of a nunnery, had accepted Hub- maier's leadership. A number of other noblemen were sympathetic. In less than a year from six to twelve thousand had, under Hubmaier's influence, submitted to believers' baptism. He was provided with a printing plant which put in circulation one after another Hub- maier's doctrinal, practical, and polemical works. Hubmaier was almost alone among contemporarv Anti-pedobap- tists in agreeing with modern Baptists regarding oaths, magistracy, warfare, and the right of Christians to hold pri\'ate property. Except in his practice of afifusion as the act of baptism his position ishardlv distinguishable from that of modern Baptists, and few writers of any age have (with this exception) more ably expounded the distinctive principles of the Baptists. A few months after Hubmaier's arrival a considerable * Works of Beck, Loserth, and Kautsky, as in " Literature" above. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 175 party appeared in the church led by Jacob Wiedemann, who not only denied that Christians could personally engage in warfare, but regarded it as equally un-Chris- tian to pay taxes for the support of warfare. They also insisted on community of goods among Christians. Hans Hut appeared upon the scene late in 1526, gave his en- thusiastic support to Wiedemann and his associates in opposition to Hubmaier, and sought to win the commu- nity to his chiliastic views. Among those who were borne away by his influence were Glaidt and Goschel. His chiliastic views seem not to have taken strong hold on the community, but the communistic party was greatly strengthened by his visit. The situation was one of peculiar delicacy and difficulty. The com- munism insisted upon by Hut and Wiedemann would have necessi- tated the exclusion from this great church of the Lichtensteins, upon whose support it had so largely depended, or the voluntary abandon- ment by them of their rank and property and of their means of pro- tecting and supporting the Anabaptist cause. in July, 1527, the Austrian authorities seized Hub- maier, and on March 10, 1528, he was burned at the stake. Soon after Hubmaier's removal controversy became acute between Spitalmaier, who had the sup- port of the Lichtensteins, and Wiedemann with his communistic following. As the latter could not toler- ate private property, magistracy, and warfare, or even the paying of war taxes, they were obliged to seek a new home where they could, without interference, practise their principles. Under the leadership of Jacob Huter, a Tyrolese hatter, who divided his labors during many years be- tween the Tyrol and Moravia, the organization of the communistic party became complete (1529-1542). Aus- terlitz was their chief center, but large numbers of house- holds were formed throughout southern Moravia. The membership of these communities is said to have reached during the period of their greatest prosperity seventy thousand. Persecuted Anabaptists from all parts of Europe were welcomed among them and for the most part readily accepted their communistic mode of life and their doctrinal teachings. 1/6 A .MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [fer. v. As the Anabaptist leaders in various parts of Europe were for the most part skilled workmen, like those of the mediaeval evangelical bodies, the Moravian communi- ties soon came to possess in great abundance the best mechanical skill of the time. The households became hives of industry. They gained almost a monopoly in several branches of manufacture. Their cutlery, linens, and woolen cloths were the best to be found. Their public baths, attended by skilled manipulators, were patronized by the nobility. They excelled in agriculture and in stock-raising. The finest horses came forth from their stables. Because of their industry, skill, and hon- esty, even Catholic noblemen were glad to place them in responsible positions. Their physicians and surgeons were so skillful as to be patronized even by royalty, and they were among the most effective of missionaries. Every member of the communities was abundantly provided for. Children were carefully brought up and educated in their communal nurseries and schools, and were taught trades or trained in agriculture, as the inter- est of the community seemed to the officials to require. The communities were heavily taxed by the landlords ; but they amassed considerable wealth so as to possess abundant capital for their manufacturing enterprises and to support a large force of missionaries in various parts of Europe. The Moravian nobles came to regard them as essential to the prosperity of the country, and re- sisted as long as they were able the demands of the Aus- trian government for their extermination. Severe persecutions occurred, 1535, 1547-15 54, and al- most continuously from 1592 onward. They suffered greatly during the Thirty Years' War, but survived with considerable strength. From 1651 onward they were ruined by German, Turkish, and Tartar invasions and by Jesuit persecution. Many of them were taken by the Turks to the far East. Some fled to Hungary and Siebenbiirgen, where they maintained an organized ex- istence tiM 1762. Some removed to southern Russia, where they remained till 1874, when the small remnant settled in South Dakota, where in five small communities they still abide. The church government of the Moravian Anabaptists CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 177 was similar to that of the mediaeval Waldenses. A head pastor or bishop, appointed by representatives of the en- tire brotherhood, but frequently nominated by his prede- cessor, was at the head of the connection. Each house- hold had its " ministers of the word" and its "ministers of need." The authority of officials once appointed was practically unlimited, and the only freedom possible to the individual member was that of cordial acquiescence in the communal administration. The teachings of the Moravian Anabaptists are em- bodied in an able and elaborate " Account of Our Faith," by Peter Riedemann (d. 1556). This writing embodies in admirable form all that is best in old evangelical and Anabaptist teaching. Like Hubmaier, the Huterites were content with pouring as the act of baptism. Closely related to the great Moravian Anabaptist work was that in the Tyrol and in Upper and Inner Austria. It is probable that the first churches were organized (i 525-1 526) under the influence of the Swiss movement. From 1527 onward Anabaptist views spread with won- derful rapidity. Notwithstanding the fiercest and most unrelenting persecution in response to the mandates of King Ferdinand, for forty years a vigorous and aggres- sive work was carried on, supported largely by the Mo- ravians. Several families of the gentry and the smaller nobility became attached to the movement. Among the most eminent workers were Leonard Schiemer (mar- tyred January, 1528), George Zaunring (martyred 1529), Jacob Huter, for years the influential leader of the Mo- ravian Anabaptists (martyred November, 1535), and Hans Mandl, who labored for twenty-four years. By 1 531 a thousand Anabaptists are said to have suffered martyrdom in the Tyrol and in Gortz, and six hundred at Ennisheim. Multitudes suffered after this date. Per- secution was too severe and continuous to allow the or- ganization of strong communities in the Austrian prov- inces like those in Moravia. c. The Mennonites.^ Next to the Moravian Anabaptists ' See works of Menno (Dutch, German, and English) ; works of Dirk Philips; lives of Menno by Cramer, Roosen, and Brown ; Schyn, "Hist. OWennonitarum" ; Blaupot Ten Cate, " Gachiedeins der Doopsge^tuuten" ; Brons, " (Jrsprung, Entwicke- lung, und Schichsale d. Jaufgcsiniiten oder i%Ic>iiionUeit" ; and De Hoop Scheffer, in Hauck-Herzog, second ed., Bd. IX., Sett. 560-577. M 178 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. in importance and in influence, if indeed they did not surpass them, was the great Mennonite brotherhood that flourished in the Netlierlands and adjacent regions from 1536 onward. After the fall of the MUnster kingdom, Menno Simons, who had been a Roman Catholic priest, but had gradually become imbued with evangelical prin- ciples, accepted the leadership of such Dutch Anti-pedo- baptists as had not been carried away by the chiliastic enthusiasm of the MUnster fanatics or had been cured of the delusion by the course of events. Closely asso- ciated with him in the leadership of the movement were Dirk Philips, Gillis of Aachen, Henry of Vreden, Antony of Cologne, and Leonard Bouwens. Menno and his associates were so horrified by the atrocities of MUnster that they earnestly disclaimed not only any sympathy with the Anabaptists who had taken part in the fanaticism, but any historical connection of their Anti-pedobaptist party with that of Hofmann and Matthys. They laid more and more stress, as time went on, upon their relation to the Waldenses, whose princi- ples of non-resistance, rejection of oaths, magistracy, warfare, capital punishment, etc., they certainly per- petuated, it was natural that they should use every legitimate means for warding off from themselves the odium of the MUnster fanaticism ; but they probably went to an unwarrantable length in claiming for them- selves an unbroken succession of organized church life through the Waldenses to the apostolic age. East Friesland, under the regency of the tolerant and evangelical Countess Anna, was one of the few place in Europe where, after the MUnster kingdom. Anabaptists of any type could find refuge. Emden was the chief center of the Mennonite movement. Dirk and Obbe Philips and Bouwens were Anabaptists of the older type, who had refused to follow Hofmann and Matthys. Dirk Philips was to become, after Menno, the chief literary expounder of this type of Anti-pedobaptism. Obbe Philips afterward deserted and denounced his brethren, returning to the Roman Catholic faith. Bouwens was the most successful propagator of the principles of the body and is said to have baptized as many as ten thou- sand converts. Menno evangelized widely and success- CHAP. l] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION I7Q fully, but spent much of his time in literary contro- versy. Along with sounder doctrinal elements common to medieval evangelicals and the Swiss type of Anti-pedo- baptism, Menno early adopted Hofmann's view of the incarnation, involving denial of the true humanity of Christ. The persistent defense of this dogma involved him in endless trouble inside and outside of his own communion. During the years 1 543-1 545 Menno made his head- quarters at Cologne, where the Archbishop-elector, Her- mann von Wied, had introduced a moderate form of Protestantism. During these years Menno did much to encourage the remnants of the earlier quiet Anabaptist movement throughout the Rhine Valley from Switzerland to the Netherlands. The overthrow of Hermann von Wied made Menno's removal a necessity. For nine years he resided at Wismar and labored ex- tensively in the East Sea regions. By 1547 serious dif- ferences of opinion had arisen among his followers re- garding doctrine and discipline. At a conference in Em- den Dirk Philips, Gillis, and Bouwens agreed with Menno in insisting on the most rigorous application of discipline, involving the requirement of marital avoid- ance in case the husband or wife of a church-member were excluded from fellowship. The other leaders dis- sented. From this time onward Menno was much con- cerned about the enforcement of his rigorous disciplin- ary views. Driven from Wismar (1555) he resided at Wlistenfelde, under the protection of a benevolent noble- man, till his death, in 1559. In 1555 a great conference of German Anabaptists was held at Strasburg for discussing questions of doc- trine and discipline that were in dispute between Menno and his followers. The conference expressed strong dis- approval of Menno's dogmatizing about the incarnation. We should be content with the statement, "The Word became flesh and tabernacled among us." It was further declared that "to take from or add to these words is not only disturbing, but it is criminal." The opinion is further expressed that no good end is served by literary controversy. Disapproval of Menno's dis- l80 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. ciplinary rules was also frankly expressed. The vener- able leader was deeply grieved, but could not be turned aside from his well-matured convictions. In 1557 another Anabaptist conference was held with representatives from Wurttemberg, Swabia, Moravia, Al- sace, the Palatinate, and Switzerland, to discuss the rules of discipline that had recently been drawn up by Menno and Philips. Reference is made in the report of the meeting to a great conference at Worms in which four- teen or fifteen hundred Anabaptists had gathered. While the conference expressed general approval of Menno's rules, it insisted on the liberty of the churches to deal with individual cases on their merits and with due regard to the usages of the country. There was general disapproval of the rule requiring marital avoidance. By 1559, the date of Menno's death, there were many thousands of quiet Anabaptists more or less closely asso- ciated with the movement organized by Menno in the Netherlands and throughout western Europe from the Baltic to the Alps. Lutheranism had long been prac- tically extinct in the Netherlands and Calvinism had not yet attained to great strength. The establishment of the inquisition by Philip 11. (1567) was followed by the slaughter of tens of thousands of evangelicals, including many Mennonites. The absolute refusal of the Men- nonites to bear arms even in self-defense disqualified them for leadership in a time like this. Calvinists, who represented the most militant type of Protestantism, now came to the front and, under the leadership of Wil- liam of Orange, entered upon the heroic struggle that was to result after forty years in breaking the power of Spain and in making of the United Netherlands one of the most prosperous and enlightened countries in the world. The Mennonites were on friendly terms with William and his successor and contributed liberally to the ex- penses of the war. Being honest, industrious, and thrifty, they became exceedingly prosperous and were foremost in all sorts of benevolent work. From 1574 onward the Calvinists were persistent in their efforts to deprive them of the toleration that had been accorded to them. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION l8l Long before the death of Menno serious divisions had arisen among the Mennonite churches regarding doctrine and discipline. After his death the party spirit had free play and several non-fellowshiping divisions were soon in the field. The " Waterlanders " were the most lib- eral. The "Flemings" were the most rigorous. In- termediate between these were the " Upper German " and "Frisian" churches and the "Young" or " Loose Frisians." Local controversies were appealed to all the churches in the connection and were thus the occasion of widespread dissension and schism. Before the close of the century Socinianism had invaded the Mennonite ranks and won large numbers to its support. (3) CMystical Anabaptists. A number of able and earnest men deeply imbued with the evangelical mysti- cism of Tauler and the " German Theology " early be- came convinced that while external ordinances are of small importance as compared with the inner spiritual life, infant baptism was one of the great obstacles to a true reformation, and that believers' baptism was worth contending for as the initiatory rite into churches of the regenerate. a. Hans Denck^ Born in Bavaria about 1495, we find him in 1523 an accomplished classical and Hebrew scholar in close association with OEcolampadius in Basel and occupied as a reader for the press. On OEcolampa- dius' recommendation, he was at this time appointed rector of a school in Nuremberg, where he elaborated his highly spiritual views of the Godhead, Scripture, faith, righteousness, sin, and the ordinances, in such a way as to alarm Osiander, the chief Protestant minister of the city. Driven from Nuremberg (January, 1525), he spent some months traveling in southern Germany and Switzer- land and still further maturing his views. At St, Gall he greatly impressed Vadian as a most gifted youth, in whom "all excellencies were truly so present that he even surpassed his age and seemed greater than him- self ; but he has so abused his genius as to defend with great zeal Origen's opinion concerning the liberation and 1 See Keller, " Ein Apostel d. Wiedertaufer " ; Heberle. "Job. Denck u. sein Biich- leinvom Geset^Gottes" (" Theol. St. u. Kr.," 1851) and 'Job. Denck u. d. Ausbreitung s. Lehre" {" Th. St. u. Kr.," 1858) ; and Kolde, "Hans Denck," (in " Kircbengeschtl. Studien," 1886). l82 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. salvation of the damned." He seems at this time to have been so carried away by the thought of God's infinite love and mercy that he could not conceive of the eter- nal punishment of the wicked as a part of the divine plan. In September we find him in Augsburg, where he was soon surrounded by a number of kindred spirits, en- joyed the friendship of the young nobleman Sebastian von Freiburg, and supported himself by private teach- ing. His most important work, on " The Law of God," was probably written at this time. Seemingly as a result of Hubmaier's visit (June, 1526), Denck proceeded to organize an Anti-pedobaptist church, which soon had a membersliip of several hundreds. The efforts of Urbanus Rhegius and Gynora?us, evan- gelical pastors, to convince him of his errors proved un- successful ; but to avoid trouble he quietly departed (October, 1526). By this time he had attained to great eminence as an Anabaptist leader. Rhegius called him " the Anabaptist abbott," Haller " the Anabaptist Apollo," and Bucer "the Anabaptist pope." Among his most influential followers in Augsburg was the young patrician, Hitelhans Langenmantel,who wrote extensively in defense of his principles and at last died as a martyr (May, 1528). Denck seems to have gone directly to Strasburg, which by reason of its tolerance had become a place of refuge for persecuted radicals. Here he was able almost immediately to gain a large following. During his short residence here he began, with Hetzer, a translation of the Old Testament from the Hebrew, which he was to continue at Worms. The portion published (1527) was liighly meritorious and was freely used by Luther in his translation of the Prophets. As a result of a colloquy with Bucer, Capito, and others, who were shocked by some of his speculative opinions and convinced of his radical unsoundness, he departed (December 25), and after a disputation at Landau with Johann Bader, who published a full report of the discussion and afterward became an Anti-pedobaptist, he settled at Worms, where, supported by Hetzer and Jacob Kautz, a brilliant young minister who adopted his mystical views, he quietly ex- erted a widespread influence. They were obliged to CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 183 leave Worms (August, 1527). Denck visited Augsburg (about September), where he participated in a great con- vention of Anabaptist leaders, and afterward Nuremberg and Ulm. Arriving ill at Basel, he died in the house of his friend OEcolampadius (November, 1527). During the last two years of his life, Denck pub- lished a large number of deeply spiritual and highly eloquent writings, which represent the purest type of evangelical mysticism. He was accused by his oppo- nents of denying the deity of Christ, and it is probable that he would not have subscribed to the orthodox formulas regarding the Trinity and Person of Christ ; but nothing appears in his published writings that compels one to regard him as an anti-trinitarian. b. Ltidwig Hetier. Born about 1500, in Thurgau, he received a liberal education and we find him (1523) among Zwingli's enthusiastic supporters. As early as 1525 he became an Anti-pedobaptist, but he lacked the courage of his convictions and we find him (September, 1525) seeking to re-establish himself in the confidence and favor of Zwingli and OEcolampadius. He was closely associated with Denck in Strasburg, Augsburg, and Worms. Like him he was an accomplished classical and Hebrew scholar and it is probable that he sympathized with Denck's speculative theology without being able fully to enter into its spirit. Zwingli claimed to have had in his possession, and to have destroyed in the in- terest of orthodoxy, a writing of his in which anti-trinita- rianism was taught. He was beheaded at Constance (February, 1529), ostensibly for adultery (unproved), but really on account of his Anti-pedobaptist views. c. Otlier Mystical Anti-pedobaptists. Jacob Kautz, who came under Denck's influence at Worms, was for some time an enthusiastic propagator of mystical Anti-pedo- baptism. In July, 1528, at Strasburg, he set forth his position in seven articles in which the most objectionable features of Denck's teaching are expressed far more harshly and offensively than he himself would have ex- pressed them. The external word is declared to be "not the true living, eternally abiding word of God, but only the witness or indication of the inner word." Uni- versalism is distinctly taught. The propitiatory nature l84 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. of Christ's death is expressly denied. As late as 1536 we hear of Kautz as a teacher in Moravia. Still more radical was Johann Biinderlin,' born at Linz, in Austria (about 1495), and educated in the University of Vienna. While carrying on evangelical work in the service of an Austrian nobleman he became converted to Anti-pedobaptist views. After spending some time at Nikolsburg, Moravia, he betook himself to Strasburg (1529). By 1530 he had reached the conviction that apostolic ordinances should not be practised by Chris- tians of the present time. " Christians need neither baptism nor the Supper. . . Christ baptizes in the Holy Ghost and in fire, as from the beginning of the world this has taken place in every believing heart." His idea was that the ordinances had been lost in the apostasy and that no one had a right to restore them without special divine authorization. d. Casper Schwenckfeldt .'^ A pronounced Anti-pedo- baptist (not Anabaptist) was Casper Schwenckfeldt, a Silesian nobleman. Born in 1490, educated at several universities, finishing at Cologne, he became an ardent student of evangelical mysticism and a Hussite. He was among Luther's early supporters and greatly furthered the spread of Lutheranism in Silesia. By 1525 he be- came convinced that Luther was astray on baptism, the Supper, justification, and a number of other points. Per- sonal conference with Luther failed to restore harmony. He objected also to the political methods employed by Luther for church reformation, insisting that spiritual methods alone were in accordance with the spirit of Christianity. It seemed to him that the tendency of Luther's teachings was to produce a state ot carnal security, that the faith Luther preached was a dead faith, that his doctrine of Scripture was a doctrine of the letter and not of tlie spirit. It was his opinion that Luther had de- parted widely from the old evangelical position he had occupied in 1517. Only the spiritually enlightened man can properly under- ' See Nicoladoni, "J. Bunderlin" ; Gerbert. " Ge^ch. d. Straaburg. Sectenbt-wt- gting " ; and Jakel, " Ziir Frage iiber d. Entstekung d. Taufergenutnden in Obcr'osttr- rcuh," i8q5. - See Schwenckfeldt 's Works ; Arnold. " Kirchen- tind Kel^erbistorie" ; Erbkam in •' Hauck-Hcr^og." a Ed., RJ. XIII.. Sal. 776. f-cq. ; Kadelback. '• Cesch. S.hzitiick/eldli u. d. Schwenckfctdtiaiier " ; and Gerbert, " Gach. •/. Slrjuh. Scclenbc-ucg." CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 185 stand the Scriptures, which contain but are not identical with the word of God. Faith is a personal appropriation of Christ and in- volves a complete transformation of character, baptism is a symbol of the inner transformation that has occurred in regeneration and is wholly inapplicable to infants, the Supper is a symbol of the spiritual partaking of Christ and of communion with his sufferings and death. Driven from Silesia (1529), he took up his abode in Strasburg, where he was entertained by Capito and Zell and was for years in close association with several of the Anabaptist leaders. He persistently refused to be- come a member of any evangelical party. He prays the Lord to keep him in this position and not to allow him to despise what is good, right, and well-pleasing in any. "Yet I see in one party much more of God than in the rest, more divinely given blessedness and imitation of the crucified Christ ; this 1 cannot deny." it can hardly be doubted that he refers to the Anabaptists. By 1542 his attitude toward the Anabaptists had become dis- tinctly less favorable and he wrote somewhat bitterly against them for laying undue stress on external forms. His most distinctive teaching was that regarding the deification of the flesh of Christ, which he expounded (1539) in a work entitled " Summary of some Arguments, that Christ according to his humanity is to-day no crea- ture, but absolutely our God and Lord." It was far from Schwenckfeldt's purpose to found a sect, but at his death (1561) he left many faithful followers who thought it their duty to circulate widely his voluminous writings and to propagate his principles by organized effort. His influence was considerable in the formation of the Society of Friends in England in the follow- ing century. In 1734, a number of Schwenckfeldtian families set- tled in Pennsylvania, where they have maintained an organized ex- istence until the present time. (4) 77?^ Pantheistic Anabaptists, a. 'David Joris} Born in 1501 or 1502 in the Netherlands, educated at Delft, where he also learned the trade of glass-painting, he became an enthusiastic Protestant and was imprisoned (1528) for his violently denunciatory and iconoclastic proceedings against the Catholic priesthood and cere- ' See Nippold in " Zettschr. f. hist Th.," i86;, 1864. and 1868; Jundt. "Hist, du Tantheisme," p. 164, seq. ; and Hegler, in " Hauck-Her^og," idi Ed., Bd. \X., Seit. 349-352. 1 86 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. v. monies. About 1533 he became an Anabaptist and was actively engaged in the agitation that led to the MUnster kingdom, although he seems to have had no part in the later fanaticism. After the fall of MUnster he attempted to unite the various Anabaptist parties (the quiet Anabap- tists led by Dirk and Obbe Philips, the Hofmannites, and the MUnster fanatics led by Battenburg). in this he failed, but his enthusiastic followers declared him the anointed of the Lord, and he himself claimed to be the recipient of special divine revelations. He soon won the adherence of a large number of the extreme MUnsterites and gained the reputation of possessing miraculous as well as prophetic powers. In 1539 permission was given him to labor in the territory of Philip of Hesse. He sought in vain the endorsement of Luther and Bucer. Conferences with John a Lasco, the Polish reformer, and Menno Simons yielded him no advantage. Menno wisely refused to have any fellowship with him and thereby saved his party from contamination. Among his numerous literary products the most important was his "Wonder Book" (1542), a strange medley of enthusiastic fantasies, mysterious intimations, complaints, and threats, allegori- cal interpretations of Scripture passages, and strong assertions of his divine mission, in the first part he gives an explanation of figures and mysteries, in the second his views of God, in the third he treats of Christ, and in the fourth of the restitution of the king- dom of Christ. His speculations have mucii in common with those of the mediaeval Franciscan enthusiast, Joachim of Floris. He was fundamentally a pantheist of the enthusiastic type and his teachings closely resemble those of the Beghards and of the Brethren of the Free Spirit, and, like these, are supposed to have led to immoral living. 1 In 1544 he left the Netherlands and settled under an assumed name in Basel, where he lived quietly as a re- spectable citizen, associated with leading freetliinkers, and published secretly many writings setting forth his heterodox and immoral views. His identity was not dis- covered until after his death in 1556, when he was tried for heresy and his body and his books condemned to the flames (1559). b. Heiurich Niclaes.^ Born in MUnster (1501 or 1502), » See Nippold. " Heinrich Niclaes" in " Zeitschr. f. d. bist. Theol.," 'Bd. XXXII. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 187 he spent his early years as a merchant. Some time be- fore 1528 he seems to have abandoned the Catholic faith, though he could find no satisfaction in Lutheranism. About 1531 he settled in Amsterdam, where he devoted his leisure to mystical reading and meditation. To what extent he was influenced by the Anabaptists in general and by David Joris in particular is uncertain. About 1540 he supposed that God had poured out upon him " the Spirit of the true love of Jesus Christ," and had made him "at one with the will and word of God " and the organ of a completer revelation than had yet been made. From 1540 to 1560, Emden was the center of his mercantile business and of his religious propaganda. In both interests he spent considerable time in England, where he gained many disciples. His mystical sect was called " The House of Love " and his followers were commonly called" Familists." The party seems to have been elaborately organized with a hier- archv consisting of elders, archbishops, and four classes of priests. Niclaes seems to have identified the coming of the Lord Jesus Christ with his own appearing and the promised kingdom of Christ with the House of Love. He believed that in himself God and Christ had become incarnate and that his followers were also partakers of the divine nature. This extreme pantheism could hardly have failed to lead to immoral consequences among his followers. There is no evidence that Niclaes laid any stress on the rejection of infant bap- tism. The party is of interest chiefly as showing the tendency of mediaeval types of religious thought and life to perpetuate themselves. (5) AnU-irinitarian Anabapiists. A considerable num- ber of the sounder Anabaptists of the various types made use of language which indicated that their view of the person of Christ fell considerably short of the ortho- dox formula (such as the Nicene and Athanasian). Anabaptists in general were strongly averse to the rigorous doctrinal definitions of the Greek and Roman churches and preferred the simple New Testament state- ments. Hetzer, Denck, Kautz, and BiJnderlin closely approached anti-trinitarianism. Ambrose Spitalmaier, an Austrian Anabaptist leader, taught that " Christ here on earth became a real, essential man, such as we are, of flesh and blood, a son of Mary, who conceived him, how- ever, without human seed, . . but according to his 1 88 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. deity he was a natural son of God from eternity to eter- nity, born in the paternal heart through the word." Yet elsewliere he teaches : " As often as Christ is men- tioned in Scripture by this name he is to be understood as a mere man with flesh and blood, corporeal and mor- tal as ourselves ; therefore, not as God hut as a man, an 'instrument through whom God hath made known to us his word." It is probable that the Christology of most of the Anabaptist teachers was Adoptionist, like that of many of the mediaeval evangelicals. a. Johannes Campanus.^ Born about 1495, educated in the University of Cologne, whence he was expelled (1520) because of his opposition to the scholastic teachers, he preached for some time as a Lutheran in the duchy of Julich, where he enjoyed the favor of some of the nobility. During these years he seems to have been profoundly influenced by a party of semi-pantheis- tic freethinkers that was strongly represented in Ant- werp (1520 onward). They were known as Libertines, or Loists, and sometimes as Lutherans. A statement of their views has been preserved.' They were strongly Antinomian in their tendency, denying the eternal punishment of the ungodly and insisting tiiat through Christ all men will finally attain to salvation. They taught that while the outer man is disobedient to God and follows the lusts of the flesh the inner man cannot sin because it proceeds from God. As therefore the flesh must sin, so the spirit cannot sin. The right- eousness of God appears in punishing eternally with death the outer man, but his mercy is fulfilled in the inner, spiritual man which is liberated from its carnal prison-house and returns to God who gave it. Among the other tenets of these Dutch free religionists are the following: "We live in the age of the Holy Spirit. After the supremacy of the Father and the Son comes that of the Tiiird Per- son, the Holy Spirit, . . the Holy Spirit is our understanding; every one possesses it, therefore, and nobody sins. . . God cannot sin, and sin cannot be imputed to man, since his understanding does not belong to him. . . Since God cannot condemn himself, so also no man can sin. . . Every one must be justified, even Lucifer (since Christ made satisfaction for all). . . There are no such things as purgatory and hell. . . The outer man, that which is bestial in him. ' See Rembert, " T>. IVtedertaufer tm Hcrjogtum Julich," Sett. 160-505 ; Trechsel. " O. lAntitrttiitarier vor F. Socinu!.." Bd. I., S«i/. 26-34 ; and Hegler in " Hauck Herzog." ?rd Ed., BJ. III., Sett. 6<)b-6q6. * DOIlinger, " Beitr'age {ur Sectengeschicbte d. MitteUlters," Bd. II., Seit 664-668. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 1 89 is damned; the manner of its death, . . is the real hell. This part of man cannot rise again. . . The resurrection is the return of all souls to God, whence they proceeded. . . Christ moreover rose for all."i This tvpe of teaching was probably a survival from mediaeval times brought into aggressiveness by the Lutheran agitation and is said to have been widespread in Flanders and Brabant. The influence of the Erasmic humanism on Campanus' thinking must have been considerable. In 1527 he accompanied some noble- men to Wittenberg, where in 1528 he was registered as a member of the university. Here he gained a high reputation for genius and learning. While at Wittenberg became in close contact with George Witzel, wlio had been a zealous Lutheran but had returned to the Catholic faith. He was present at the Marburg Conference (1529), where he opposed Luther's doctrine of the Supper, and yet was not in agreement with Zwingli. Campanus interpreted the passage " This is my body " to mean, this is a corporeal substance which belongs to me as its creator. Returning to Wittenberg he soon fell into suspicion of denying the doctrine of the Trinity. He spent much time with Witzel in studying the church Fathers. Both Campanus and Witzel had been strongly influenced by Erasmus and each influenced the other to a considerable extent. It would be interesting to show in some detail the direct indebtedness of the type of Anabaptist teaching that prevailed so largely in JiJlich and the surrounding regions to Erasmus.^ Witzel and Campanus agreed (following Erasmus) that the Jeru- salem church had a normative importance and in regarding the social life of their time as out of harmony with the spirit of Christianity ; and in this both were at this time on the platform of the Anabaptists. In 1531, Witzel, who had left the Lutherans the year before, ex- pressed his strong disapproval of a new church and his earnest de-, sire to return to a true apostolic church. " The apostolic church flourished to the times of Constantine ; from that time onward it de- generated because the bishops devoted themselves to the world." His horror of schism prevented him from casting in his lot with the Anabaptists and finally led to his return to the Roman Church with the hope that he might aid in reforming it. Campanus returned to Jiilich (1531) and was soon involved in bitter controversy with the Lutherans. Before leaving Wittenberg he had broached his anti- 1 See extracts from documents and references to sources in Rembert, " D. Wieder- taufer injulich," Sett. 165-167. "This has been admirably done by Rembert in the work before referred to. See his index under " Erasmus." igo A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. V. trinitarian theory. A copy of an anti-trinitarian writing of Ills that came into the hands of Sebastian Frank, the freethinUing mystic, drew forth from iiim a long letter which has been preserved. Frank earnestly sought to win Campanus to still more radical views. He insisted that the church should be purely spiritual, all ex- ternal forms being worse than useless. The churcii became apostate with the reign of Constantine, all the church Fathers trom Ambrose onward being apostles of antichrist. No one has a right v\ ithout a special call to restore the sacraments or to gather visible churches. He condemns Protestants and Catholics alike for placing the Old Testament upon a level with the New, thereby justifying war, oaths, magistracy, tithes, etc., which are against the will uf Christ. He declares that no one in all Germany is truly sent and called. He sends Campanus a copy of Bunderlin's book in w liich he seeks to prove that water baptism, together with other external forms used in the apostolic churciies, is practised in the present time without command and the witness of Scripture, inasmuch as the church is in apostasy and will remain in desolation to the end. He approv- ingly calls Campanus' attention to Servetus' anti-trinitarian views. He warns him against binding himself down so much to the letter of Scripture. " Receive nothing, believe nothing, against the heart, constrained thereunto by the letter." He insists that everything learned from pope, Luther, or Zwingli, must be unlearned or freely changed. In the same year Campanus published his writing " Against the Whole World after the Apostles." \n 1532 appeared his "Restitution," which constituted an abbreviated German edition of the former work pub- lished in Latin. The first part treats of the Trinity. The personality of the Holy Spirit is denied. " In God and God's form are two persons and yet only one God ; . . if Christ calls himself one with the Father this unity is to be understood of a divine knitting together and uniting of two persons in one godiiead as man and wife are knit together in marriage ; . . that the Holy Spirit proceeds from God is thus to be understood. As a flame consists in itself even after it gives its heat from itself so God remains in his essence and yet works where and what he will. God's power and Spirit are one thing." He sharply combats Luther's view of the Son as having his being in and of himself. Derivation from another is of the very essence of sonship. He also rejects Luther's and Melanchthon's theory of the perpetual generation of the Son. " God begat his Son for his own glory. He made iiim his administrator and his under-lord in order to show forth his effectuality, power, and potentiality." When Christ said, *' The Father is greater than I," he meant greater not according to essence, but according to authority. CHAP. 1.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION I9I He expounds anew his view of the Supper, controverting those of the pope, Luther, and Zwingli. " All have gone astray who as great men have written on this question, — the transubstantiation of the pope, the Synecdocha of Luther, the ' signify ' with Zwingli,— the correct interpretation is my own." He attached great impor- tance to his chapter on baptism, regarding it as absolutely funda- mental. He lays open his heart and mind to his readers and applies all his powers in the highest degree to an effort to put it in a proper light. He expresses the conviction that baptism, as he expounds it, is more important than Noah's ark, the former saving the soul, the latter only the body. He defines baptism as dipping in the water and insists that it'is applicable only to believers. A right under- standing of the significance of baptism is essential to saving faith. " No one can believe what he does not understand, but no one knows what he does not understand, therefore, one must first know before one understands, and understand before one can believe." He lays the utmost stress upon the necessity of baptism as an act of obedience which conditions our being recognized as God's chil- dren. For a time Campanus' polemics against Luther and his followers won for him the support of the Catholics of Jialich and the adjoining provinces. Under his influence a number of well-educated and earnest ministers, such as Roll, Vinne, Klopriss, Staprade, etc., who ended their career as MiJnster fanatics, passed from Erasmic Cathol- icism to an eclectic Protestantism, and from this to mod- erate Anti-pedobaptism. From Campanus' general mode of thinking it might have been expected that he would be free from vain theorizing regarding times and seasons. But he was as much given as Hofmann to figuring out the dates of the fulfillment of prophecy, and he believed the time of the restitution of all things was at hand : hence the title of the book. His influence was diminished after the Miinster kingdom, in which, however, he took no part. He was thrown into prison about 1555, where he died about twenty years later. b. Michael Servetiis} Born in Spain, probably at Tudela (about 1509), of well-to-do parents (his mother is said to have been French) ; educated at the Univer- sity of Saragossa, where he became skilled in the classi- cal languages, scholastic philosophy, mathematics, as- * See Mosheim, " Gesch. d. bcruhmten Span. Ar:(tes M. Serveto," 1748, and " Neue Nachrtchten von Ser-veto," 1750 ; Trechsel, " Mtch. Servetusu. s. Vorganger " ; Saisset, " Mtch. Servet " {" Rev. d. Deux A/ow./ss," 1848) ; Tollin, " Characterbild M. Servets," and " D. Lchnystem M. Servets " ; Willis, " Servetus and Calvin." Only two copies of the original edition of the " Chrislianismi Restitutio " are known to exist ; but an exact reprint was published in i7qo. 192 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. tronomy, and geography ; trained in law at the Univer- sity of Toulouse, where also he devoted considerable attention to theology and especially to biblical studies, he seems to have turned against the Catholic faith before he entered the court of Charles V., as secretary of Quin- tana, the emperor's confessor (1529). In this latter capacity he traveled widely in Italy and Germany, get- ting an inside view of ecclesiastical corruption and com- ing into close contact with several of the leading Re- formers. He was present at the Diet of Augsburg (1530). Leaving the imperial court shortly afterward he visited Basel, where he was much with CEcoIampadius, with whom he discussed the Trinity, the person of Christ, etc. Early in 1531 he published at Basel and Strasburg his " Errors of the Trinity." While in Strasburg he became acquainted with Bucer, Capito, and others. From a vouth of twenty his first work is remarkable for learning and argumentative power. It was sharply criticised by the leading theologians (Luther, Bucer, Melanchthon,'etc.), and its author was generally regarded as a dangerous heretic. Yet Melanchthon and Capito were free to confess that the doctrine of the Trinity involved very grave difficulties and tlie former thought it unprofitable to in- quii-e too curiously into the ideas and differences of tlie divine persons. In 1532 he entered the University of Paris under a new name (Villeneuve). Here he studied with great zeal mathematics, physics, and medicine. In 1534 he came in contact with John Calvin, who had recently embraced the Protestant faith. The two compared views and were on the point of holding a public disputa- tion ; but Servetus thought it more prudent to break the engagement. The next two years (i 534-1 536) he spent at Lyons, where he edited Ptolemy's geographical works (1535) and published a number of medical and astrologi- cal tracts. Returning to Paris in 1536 he soon secured the degrees of M. A. and M. D., and was able to offer courses of lectures on Ptolemy's geography and on astrology. He is said to have derived considerable income from the casting of horoscopes. In 1538, he was charged bv the medical faculty with violating the statutes by lecturing on and practising divination. He was ordered to w ithdraw from circulation his astrological works and to avoid in his lectures all illegal phases of astrological lore. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION I93 He left Paris soon afterward and after a short residence at Chariieu, he settled at Vienne, where he enjoyed the protection of the archbishop, a former fellow-student. Here he was engaged chiefly in literary work, bringing out a new edition of Ptolemy (1541) and an annotated edition of Pagnini's Latin Bible, in which he made con- stant use of the Hebrew language and showed himself a biblical critic of no m.ean order (1542). By 1 541 he seems to have reached the conviction that baptism, which he called the laver of regeneration, should not be received until the thirtieth year, after the ex- ample of Christ. Before this age " no one is a fit recipi- ent of that which gives the kingdom of heaven to man." In his " Restitution of Christianity" (1553) he says: " Pedobap- tism is a detestable abomination, an extinction of the Holy Spirit in the soul of man, a dissolution of the Church of Christ, a confusion of the whole Christian faith, an innovation whereby Christ is set aside and his kingdom trodden under foot. Woe to you, ye baptiz- ers of infancy, for ye close the kingdom of heaven against mankind — the kingdom of heaven into which ye neither enter yourselves, nor suffer others to enter — woe ! woe ! " He stigmatized infant baptism as " a figment of Satan," " a figment of antichrist," etc. He laid so much stress upon believers' baptism as to insist that of two catechumens, the one receiving baptism and the other dying without it, the former would be saved and the latter lost ; yet he regarded personal faith as an indispensable prerequisite to valid baptism. His idea of the act of baptism was that the candidate should kneel in the water and the administrator should pour water upon his head. His view of the Supper Involved the sharpest con- demnation of the Papal, Lutheran, and Calvinistic. His theory is not easy to define, being tinged with his pan- theistic mode of thought, and some of his expressions seeming to involve a doctrine of the real presence, re- sembling the Lutheran. From 1546 to 1553 he carried on a correspondence with Calvin wherein he irritated the great theologian beyond measure by his harsh criticism and his raising of difficult questions. Despairing of removing his difficulties Calvin at last sent him a copy of his " Institutes " as a full statement of his views. Servetus returned it annotated with the most ill-natured criticisms. " There is hardly a page," wrote Calvin, " that is not defiled by his N 194 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. vomit." In 1533, he published his greatest and last work " Christianismi Restitutio." The introduction begins: " The task we have set ourselves here is truly sublime; for it is no less than to make God known in his substantial manifestation by tiie word and his divine communication by the Spirit, both comprised in Christ, tiimugh whom alone do we learn how the divineness of the word and the Spirit may be apprehended in man. . . It is high time that tiie door leading to knowledge of this time were opened ; for otherwise no one can either know God truly, read the Scriptures aright, or be a Christian." His invocation to Christ is eloquent and devout : " O Christ Jesus, Son of God, Thou Who wast given to us from heaven. Thou Who in Thyself makest Deity visibly manifest, 1, Thy servant, now proclaim Thee, that so great a manifestation may be made known to all. Grant, then, to thy petitioner Thy good Spirit and Thy effectual Speech ; guide Thou his mind and his pen that he may worthily de- clare the glory of Thy Divinity. . . The cause indeed is Thine, for by a certain divine impulse it is that 1 am led to speak of Thy glory from the Father. In former days did 1 begin to treat of this, and again do 1 enter upon it ; for now am I to be made known to all the pious ; now truly are the days complete, as appears from the cer- tainty of the thing itself and the visible signs of the times. The light. Thou hast said, is not to be hidden ; so woe to me if I do not evangelize." As it was Servetus' teachings regarding the Godhead and his Christology that furnished the chief ground for his condemnation as a heretic, it seems important that this aspect of his teaching be somewhat carefully set forth. It may be premised that his reverence for the Scriptures was unbounded. From the invocation quoted above (and similar utterances abound) it is evident that it was far from his intention to dishonor or degrade Jesus, whom he recognized as in the fullest sense Lord and Saviour. That the divine Logos was in the beginning, was with God, and was God, he believed with all his heart ; and that the Logos became flesh in the Person of Christ and wrought atonement for sinful man, was the ground of his liope and trust. He differed from the orthodox theologians of the Nicene and following ages in denying emphatically that the preincarnate Logos was Son of God. Sonship began when Jesus was begotten of Mary by the Holy Spirit. There is a strong pantheistic strain in his discussion of the God- head, the neo-Platonic and Arabic-Jewish philosophy being at the CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION I95 basis of his conceptions. Father, Son, and Spirit are simply mani- festations of Godhead under various conditions and for various pur- poses. As already suggested, he heartily believed in the supernatural birth, resurrection, ascension, and glorification of Jesus, the Messiah, to whom all power in heaven and on earth have been given and upon whom we are absolutely dependent for eternal life. It was the fanatical zeal with which he urged his own dogmas as exclusively Christian and denounced those of his opponents as utterly absurd and destructive of Chris- tianity, that caused him to be regarded as a pestilential heretic worthy only of the flames. The current trinita- rian doctrine he denounced as a "three-headed Cer- berus," and its advocates, as the enemies of Christ. When we remember that Calvin, in consistency with his theocratic ideas, was intolerant on principle, and take into account the pertinacity with which Servetus had for years pressed upon him his erratic views and denounced him as a hypocrite, a disciple of antichrist, and a propa- gator of the most dangerous errors, it is not much to be wondered at that when he received a complimentary copy of the " C/rristiaiiismi Restitutio" he should have felt prompted to put even the Roman Catholic authorities in the way of seizing the abominated author, or that when Servetus, with an infatuation hard to be explained, came to Geneva, Calvin should have used his influence to secure his arrest, condemnation, and execution. It is not improbable that Servetus had hoped by secret negotiations to secure such support from Calvin's opponents as would lead to his overthrow and make Geneva a suitable field for the propagation of his own views. As a matter of fact, few even of Calvin's most bitter opponents felt themselves at one with Servetus or cared to put forth effort to save him from his fate. On October 27, 1553, having with rare courage refused to withdraw his objectionable teachings, he was burned at the stake along with his books. After writhing in the flames for half an hour, he cried aloud, " Jesus, thou Son of the eternal God, have compassion upon me ! " and gave up the ghost. The leading Reformers of Germany and Switzerland heartily commended Calvin and the Genevan Council for ridding the world of one who was regarded as an arch-enemy of the truth. 196 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. c. The Italian Anahaplisis. Northern Italy had been a center of old evangelical life and thought during the media?val time. Humanism had blended therewith for the production of a type of religious liberalism out of which anti-trinitarian anti-pedobaptism might readily arise. In 1546, or earlier, we meet with a college or club of freethinkers at Vicenza, in the republic of Venice. Luther's writings had been widely circulated among edu- cated Italian liberals, but so far as we know had produced no Italian Lutherans. The writings of the Swiss Reform- ers met with greater acceptance, but few Italians were able to accept fully and permanently even this more humanistic type of Protestantism. Owing to their men- tal idiosyncrasies and their intellectual and spiritual an- tecedents, there seems to have been an irresistible ten- dency among Italian anti-Catholic thinkers toward still more radical modes of thought. Among the earliest and ablest of the Italian radicals was Camillo Renato, who in a controversy with the Zwinglian Meinardo repudiated baptism received " under the pope and antichrist " and denied that infant baptism was in accord with " the doctrine of the gospel." He laid great emphasis on regeneration, which transforms our nature and constitutes us children of God and heirs of eternal life. He labored with zeal over a wide territory during the years 1542-1545. Of still more importance was Tiziano, whom we first meet as a zealous propa- gandist of radical views about 1547 or 1548. He is said to have insisted on believers' baptism, rejected magis- tracy, maintained the symbolical and memorial nature of the sacraments, exalted the Scriptures as supremely authoritative, and denounced the Roman Church as anti- Christian and devilish. By 1550 forty or more Anti-pedobaptist churches in northern Italy and the contiguous parts of Switzerland and Austria were in fellowship and enjoyed the periodi- cal visitations of a general superintendent. At this time a convention was called to settle the question " whether Christ is God or man." About sixty delegates, two being the limit for each church, assembled at Venice. Among them were Tiziano, Iseppo of Asola, Manelfi, Celio Secundo Curio, Francesco Negri, Hieronimo Buzano CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION I97 (an ex-abbot), and a number of others who were to be- come famous liberal leaders. Thrice during the meeting the Lord's Supper was solemnly celebrated. The Old and New Testament Scriptures were accepted as the fundamental authority. The members seemed deeply concerned to get at the exact truth. Yet their conclusions , were as remote from evangelical orthodoxy as we can well conceive. According to Manelfi, who afterward returned to the Roman Church and betrayed his brethren to the Inquisition, the conference reached the following conclusions: (i) Christ is not God but man, begotten by Joseph of Mary, but full of all divine powers. (2) Mary afterward bore other sons and daughters. (3) There are no angels as a special class of beings ; where Scripture speaks of angels, it means servants— that is, men sent by God for definite purposes. (4) There is onlv one devil, namely, human prudence. By the ser- pent who, according to Moses' account, seduced Eve, notliing else than this is to be understood. (5) 1 he godless are not to be awakened at the last day, but only the elect, whose Head Christ has been. (6) There is no other hell than the grave. (7) If the elect die, they slumber till the day of judgment, when they shall all be awakened. (8) The souls of the godless pass into dissolution with their bodies just as in the case of the beasts, (g) Human seed has from God the capacity to propagate flesh and spirit. (10) The elect are justified through God's eternal mercy and love, without any sort of external work, that is, without the merit, blood, and death of Christ. Manelfi, who as a zealous itinerant preacher was thoroughly acquainted with the ministers and churches of the connection and with their manner of work and devices for concealment, put all of his information at the disposal of the hiquisition (1551). The Italian congre- gations were all dispersed. Many were seized and exe- cuted. Others fled to Moravia and Poland. Among those who found their home among the Moravian Ana- baptists were Giulio Gherlandi, who had been educated for the Catholic priesthood and had been converted to Anti-pedobaptist views, and Francesco della Saga, who had been educated at the Uni- versity of Padua and had been converted by a pious artisan. Both of these able men had been cured of their a'nti-trinitarian errors by their association with the Moravians, and were sent by their brethren as missionaries to warn their Italian friends against " that pestilen- tial error," denial of the deity of Christ, and to invite them to mi- grate to Moravia. On Gherlandi's second visit ( 1559), he was seized by the officers of the Inquisition, bearing on his person lists of the Anti-pedobaptists in the various communities where they survived. 19S A AUNUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. v. This led to tlie arrest and punishment of many of the unhappy people. Gherlandi was condeinned to death by drowning (October, 1562). His confession of faith constitutes o'ne of tiie best state- ments we have of soundly evangelical Anabaptist teaching. Fran- cesco della Saga was arrested on a similar mission in 1 562. His con- fession and his letters to his brethren in Moravia and to members of his own family are also in harmony with the highest and purest tvpe of Anabaptist teaching. He was condemned to drowning in 1565. d. Polish Anabaptists. Italy and Poland, though geo- graphically remote from each other, were closely asso- ciated in religious life and thought. The Hussite move- ment had exerted a strong influence in Poland, and many of the nobles were tolerant and e\angelically disposed. Many highly educated Italian freethinkers found protec- tion and employment there. Lutherans, Reformed, Bo- hemian Brethren, Anabaptists, and anti-trinitarians ex- isted in considerable numbers, and each party had its special favorers among the nobility. L^elius Socinus, a highly-educated Italian noble, who had been closely as- sociated with Camillo Renato and was himself suspected of Anti-pedobaptist views, gave a great impulse to the anti-trinitarian movement in Poland (c. 1555). Peter Gonesius, a Pole, who had studied at Wittenberg and in Switzerland, returned to Poland about this time and zealously propagated his views. He denounced the Ni- cene and Athanasian creeds as human fictions and de- nied the consubstantiality of the Son with the Father. In 1558 he sought to convince the Reformed synod that infant baptism is neither scriptural, ancient, Christian, nor reasonable." His views met with wide acceptance among nobles and ministers. His chief supporter in the propagation of Anti-pedobaptist views was Martin Czecho- witz, who wrote a valuable polemic against infant bap- tism. The most influential propagator of the anti-trini- tarian side of Gonesius' teaching was George Biandrata. Among the most zealous of the anti-trinitarian Anabap- tist leaders was Gregorius Paulus, of Cracow. John a Lasco charges Gregorius Paulus not only with thundering against God's essence and trinity, but as madiv denying " that in- fants ought to be admitted to baptism as the fountain of life and the * Foch, " Dcr Socinianismiii," BJ. I., Scil. 145. stq. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION igg door of the church," and insisting on believers' baptism. After in- structing them in his principles, " he leads them to the river and im- merses them." The same writer distinguishes between the relig- ious condition of Greater Poland, where the " Waldensian Brethren " are resisting heresy, and Lesser Poland, where anti-trinitarianism and Anti-pedobaptism were prevalent. By 1574 the anti-trinitarian party had become strong and well organized in Poland and Siebenbiirgen, and a catechism was set forth in which baptism is restricted to believers and is defined as The immersion in water and the emersion of a person who be- lieves the gospel and repents, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, or in the name of Christ only, whereby he publicly pro- fesses that by the grace of God the Father, in the blood of Christ, through the operation of the Holy Spirit, he is washed of all his sins, in order that being inserted into the body of Christ he may mortify the old Adam and be transformed into that heavenly Adam, with the assurance that after the resurrection he will attain to eternal life.^ Faustus Socinus (b. 1539), the great theological leader of the anti-trinitarians of Poland, denied that the ordi- nance of baptism was of perpetual obligation, and refus- ing to submit to believers' baptism, lived during most of his career outside of the fellowship of the churches that in other respects embodied his teachings. Yet in the Racovian Catechism (composed about 1590, first is- sued in 1605), in whose preparation he had a large share, baptism is defined to be A rite of initiation whereby men, after admitting his doctrine and embracing faith in him, are bound to Christ and planted among his disciples, or in his church ; renouncing the world, with its manners and errors, and professing that they have for their sole leader and master in religion, and in the whole of their lives and conversations, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, who spoke by the apostles; declaring, and, as it were, representing by their very ablution, im- mersion, and emersion, that they design to rid themselves of the pollution of their sins, to bury themselves with Christ, and there- fore to die with him, and rise again to newness of life; binding themselves down in order that they may do this in reality ; and at the same time, after making this profession and laying themselves under this obligation, receiving the symbol and the sign of the re- mission of their sins and so far receiving the remission itself. . . It does not pertain to infants, since we have in the Scriptures no com- mand for, nor any example of, infant baptism, nor are they as yet Foch, " Der Socinianismus," Sett. 152, seq. 2(X> A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. capable, as the thing itself shows, of the faith in Christ which ought to precede this rite and which men profess by this rite. In answer to the question: "What, then, is to be thought of those who baptize infants ? " You cannot correctly say that they baptize infants. For they do not baptize them — since this cannot be done without the immersion and ablution of the whole body in water ; whereas they only lightly sprinkle their heads — this rite being not only erroneously applied to infants, but also through this mistake evidently changed. • Yet the authors of the catechism were not disposed to make the rejection of infant baptism a term of com- munion. Nevertheless, Christian charity incites us, until the truth shall more and more appear, to tolerate this error now so inveterate and common, especially as it concerns a ritual observance in persons who, in other respects, live piously and do not persecute those who renounce this error. VI. THE CALVIMSTIC REFORMATION, LITERATURE: Calvin's Works (best edition that of Baum, Cunitz, Reuss, Lobstein, and Erickson, Braunschweig, 1863 on- ward. About sixty volumes have appeared, and the work is still in progress); vvorks'in English in fitty-three volumes, Edinburgh; Bonnet, '^ Ldtres de J. Cj/r;'« " ( also Eng. transl.); Herminjard, " Correspondance des Reformateurs dans les Pays de Langue franqaise" 1866 onward (nine volumes have appeared, embracing corres- pondence to 1544); '' Mhnoires el Documents de la Soc. d'Htst. et d'/ircheol. de Geneve'' ; Farel's Works; "■"Bulletin de I'Histotre du Protest. France'' ; Beza, " Life of Calvin " ; Henry, " Das Leben J. Cah'ins" (English trans, with Documents omitted.' This is a very important work, but possibly too appreciative); Geffcken, " Ch. and State"; Dyer, " Life of ,J. Calvin"; Willis, "Calvin and Servetus"; Baum, " 7//. Be^a" ; D'Aubigne, "Hist, of the Re- formation in the Time of Calvin"; Guizot, "St. Louis and Cal- vin" ; Baird, "A Hist, of the Rise of the Huguenots of France" ; Cunningham, "Reformers and Theology of the Reformation"; Schaff, " Hist, of the Christian Church,'" Vol. VII., pp. 223-882 (this is the best work of the author, and constitutes one of the most complete and most trustworthy accounts of the movement) ; Roget, ^^ Hist, du Peuple de Geneve depiiis la R'tforme jusqua I'Escadade," seven volumes, 1S70-1883 ; Doumergue, '"Jean Calvin, les Hommes et les C/ioses de son Temps " (splendid illustrated work in five volumes, still appearing); Buisson, "' Seh. Castellio," two volumes, 1892; Xshn,"' Studien i'tber J. Calvin," 1894; Cornelius, " Historisclie /fr- heiten," Seit. 105-557; articles on Calvin, Farel, Viret, Geneva, etc., in Lichtenberger, Hauck-Herzog, and Schaff-Herzog ; Hagen- CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 201 bach, " History of the Reformation " ; Galli, " THe Luther, u. Cal- vin, Kirchenstrafen " ; Kampschulte, "_/• Calvvi's Kirche u. seine Staat in Genf^^ ; Tissot, " Les Relations entre l^Eglise et I'Etat a Geneve au Temps de Calvin'''' ; Stahelin, "_/• Calvin; Leben u. Ausgew'dlte Schrif- ten,'' 1863. I. Characteristics of the Calvinistic Reformation. The Calvinistic Reformation may be regarded (i) as a continuation of Zvvinglianism ; (2) as a gathering up of the vital elements of Zwinglianism and Lutheranism with a tendency and design to mediate between the two and to unite the Protestant forces ; (3) as in many re- spects an original movement, Calvin, beginning his work at Geneva (1536), had the benefit of nearly twenty years of Protestant experience and prestige. Had his ability been no greater than that of Zwingli and Luther, he might yet have been expected to improve upon their reformatory efforts. (i) Though he built upon Zwinglian foundations, Cal- vin was far from being a Zwinglian. He had little esteem for Zwingli — much for Luther. Zwingli was liberalistic, humanistic, Erasmic. His theology was not Augustinian. On election, original sin, baptismal regeneration, the salvation of pious heathen, etc., Zwingli fell far short of the Augustinian-Caivinistic rigor. Zwingli had not scrupled to carry on his reformation in subserviency to the civil authorities. Calvin rejected such subserviency unconditionally. The church must not only not be de- pendent on the State, it must rule the State. (2) Partly consciously, partly unconsciously, Calvin- ism was a mediation between Lutheranism and Zwingli- anism— as on the Lord's Supper, the chief point of dis- pute between the two parties. Zwinglianism had never been highly popular, and had lost much in territory and vigor ; Lutheranism was becoming more and more dog- matic and intolerant. Calvinism soon regained what Zwinglianism had lost, and made important inroads upon Lutheran and Roman Catholic territory, winning over Melanchthon, the great scholar of Lutheranism, and ex- tending its influence, not only throughout Protestant Germany, the Netherlands, and England, but into Ro- man Catholic France, Scotland, etc. 202 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. (3) Calvinism had the following advantages over Lutheranism and Zwinglianism : a. As compared with Lutheranism, (j) It was more thoroughly evangelical, being hampered by no ecclesias- tical realism ; {b) it was far more consistent in its theol- ogy and its church polity ; {c) Christian life was empha- sized more, and the hundreds of young men that went forth from Calvin's training were filled with a spirit of self-sacrifice and evangelical zeal unknown among Wit- tenberg students ; {d) Calvinism was less national and more catholic in spirit than Lutheranism ; (e) Calvinism respected and utilized, while Lutheranism and Zwingli- anism drove forth, in the form of Anabaptism, etc., most of the intense religious zeal developed through its in- fluence. b. As compared with Zwinglianism, {a) It had an in- comparably greater leader ; {b) whereas Zwinglianism put itself into a polemical attitude toward Lutheranism, Calvinism was irenical in its tendency ; {c) the relig- ious earnestness and moral rigor of Calvinism shine forth as conspicuously in comparison with Zwinglianism as in comparison with Lutheranism ; {d) Calvinism car- ried out thoroughly what was only feebly attempted by Zwinglianism and not at all by Lutheranism — church discipline. (4) It is well to bear in mind that these differences are due not exclusively to Calvin's mental and moral supe- riority, but almost as much to circumstances of time and place. The political condition and the geographical sit- uation of Geneva were most favorable for the success of Calvin's experiment, yet only Calvin could have suc- ceeded there. 2. Characterisation of John Calvin. A Frenchman by birth and education, yet early brought into relations to Swiss and German Protestant thought ; educated in Roman law and thereby trained for his task of organizing Protestant doctrine and ecclesias- tical life ; not deficient in philological learning ; aristocrat- ical by nature and training; fitted to be a leader of men, not by his powers of worl-i62^). a. The Accession of James and the Milleuaiy Petition. James Stuart, son of Mary, Queen of Scotland, and Henry Stuart (Lord Darnley), had succeeded his mother (1587) as James VL of Scot- kind. Being a lineal descendant of Henry VII. and after the death of Elizabeth the next heir to the crown, he suc- ceeded without opposition. He had a good theological education and had submitted with a reasonably good grace to the domineering of the Scotch Presbyterian Es- tablishment, and it was confidently expected by the Puritans of England that his administration would be strongly in the interest of their cause. Soon after his arrival in England a petition signed by seven hundred and fifty Puritan clergy, including a num- ber of bishops, deans, and other officials (called the "Mil- 276 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. lenary Petition" as purporting to represent a thousand clergy), was presented to the king for the removal of all popish elements from the worship of the church and the adoption of hyper-Calvinistic articles of faith (the Lam- beth Articles). While he condescended to argue with the representatives of the petitioners, he treated them with scant courtesy and soon convinced them that their party could suffer only tribulation at his hand. James was thoroughly convinced that the theocratic views of the Presbyterians were inconsistent with royal absolutism and that the divine right of kings could best be safeguarded by a recognition of the divine right of bishops as well. b. The Hampton Court Conference. ■ With a view to a better understanding of the religious situation in Eng- land and the peaceable settlement of the differences that had arisen between the contending churchmen and the Puritans, a conference was arranged at Hampton Court (January, 1604), to which six Puritan ministers and nineteen of their opponents (nearly all bishops and deans) were invited to appear before the king and to discuss in his presence and with him the points at issue. He had already committed himself to the maintenance of the existing order with such reforms as might be proved needful. The Puritans afterward complained that they were not sufficiently represented and that their arguments were treated frivolously and contemptuously by the king. The churchmen were highly gratified with his display of wisdom, wit, learning, dexterity, per- spicuity, and sufficiency, declaring that they had never heard the like before. In answer to the Puritans' demand for better church government, the king answered in a rage: " If you aim at a Scotch Presbytery, it agreetii as well with monarchy as God and tiie devil. Then Jack and Tom, and Will and Dick, will meet and censure me and my council." Tiieir request for certain additions to the catechism and the revision of the English Bible were granted. It should be said that the king discussed with the utmost freedom and confidence with the prelates manv alleged abuses and received from them such explanations and palliations as they were able to make. c. The One Hundred and Forty-one Canons. As a final answer to the Puritans one hundred and forty-one CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 277 canons, which had been drafted by Bishop Bancroft, were adopted by the Convocation of Canterbury with the l See Weidlinc. " Schwed. Cescb. im Zeitaltcr d. Ref." 1882; Butler, "The Ref. In Sweden," 1885; Fryxell, " Lehen u. Thalen Gtntavus l^asa," i8?i : Munter, " Ktrchcn Cescb. von D'ancmark u. Norwegcn," 1821-1834 ", Lives of Tausen, by Rou (1757), and Suvh (i8j6) ; and Boyesen, " Hist, of Norway," 1890. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 299 Gustavus had formed Luther's acquaintance some time before, while a fugitive, and had been deeply im- pressed by his personality (15 17-15 19). When fully established in authority he demanded of the Roman Curia a recognition of his right as king freely to deal with all ecclesiastical and religious matters in his lands, and refusing longer to permit his people to serve under a foreign yoke. He entered at once into close relations with the Saxon Protestant movement, secured the serv- ices of Andrea, a leading Lutheran divine, had a trans- lation of the Bible into Swedish made (N. T. by Andreas, 1526), and in every way sought to promote the dissemi- nation of the Lutheran teaching and to discourage Cath- olic effort. The rupture between emperor and pope (1527) fur- nished a suitable occasion for the formal disowning of papal authority. A public disputation was held by royal authority, in which Olaf Petersen, who had studied at Wittenberg, triumphantly defended the Lutheran cause and the king threatened to abdicate (which would have been disastrous to Swedish independence) unless the national Diet would place at his disposal all ecclesiasti- cal property and the revenues to be derived from it, grant freedom in preaching " God's pure word and gos- pel," and allow the nobles to take back all property they had alienated to the church since 1454. He proceeded to divide up the larger bishoprics and to bestow them upon Lutheran ministers, Lars Petersen was made Arch- bishop of Upsala (1531) without judicial authority over the other bishops. A Lutheran liturgy and a Lutheran hymn book were prepared by Olaf Petersen. An insur- rection with which Catholic sympathy had much to do (i 537-1 543), was effectually suppressed. Under John ML ( 1 568-1 592), who had come under Jesuit influence, an unsuccessful effort was made to re-establish Roman Catholicism. (3) Christian II. and the Danish Reformation. In Den- mark as well as in Sweden the power and wealth of the nobles, and especially of the bishops, greatly interfered with the establishment of strong royal authority. Chris- tian IL, who was a nephew of Frederick the Wise, of Sax- ony, had been led to consider favorably the adoption of 300 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. Lutheranism as a means of overcoming the power of the bishops and strengthening and enriching the crown. On his conquest of Sweden (1520), he requested his uncle to send a Lutheran preacher for Copenhagen. Martin Reinhard was sent, but proving inefficient was soon allowed to return. Christian now made a strong effort to secure Luther himself. Carlstadt came and labored for a while, but was discredited by Luther and had to re- tire. Without waiting for any considerable instruction of his people in evangelical truth the king made a public breach with Rome by forbidding all appeals to Rome, permitting the clergy to marry, limiting the temporal power of the bishops, and reforming the monasteries. These innovations aroused much opposition and Chris- tian was driven from his kingdom in 1523. His uncle, Frederick L, succeeding him, was obliged to swear al- legiance to the old faith and to burn the statute book of his predecessor. Yet Lutheranism once introduced made rapid headway. Hans Tausen, the " Danish Luther," returned from Wittenberg in 1524 and pro- claimed the new faith with great zeal. Persecuted for a time, he at last gained the royal favor (1529) and was made royal chaplain and pastor of one of the principal churches in the capital. The king had become a Lutheran, and in 1530 authorized the preparation of a Confession of Faith. Frederick died in 1533. Christian II., supported by the chief commercial cities, sought to regain the crown, and Frederick's sons. Christian and John, the one as a Protestant supported by the nobles, the other as a Catholic supported by the bishops, con- tended for the succession. The former triumphed and as Christian 111. devoted his energies (1533-1559) to the completion of the work of reformation. Joh. Bugen- hagen, one of Luther's trusted colleagues, was sent from Wittenberg to crown him (August, 1537) and to assist in the organization of the Danish church. Bugen- hagen ordained seven Protestant bishops in place of those who had been deposed and the episcopal form of government has continued in Denmark to the present time. (4) Notivay and Icelaiid. Norway, which had for a time supported Christian II. and resisted the introduction CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 301 of Lutheranism, soon fell into line with the Danish move- ment and the highly influential archbishop of Trondhjem was compelled to yield. Iceland resisted with still more determination, but Lutheranism was introduced in 1539 by Gisser Einarsen, who had studied at Wittenberg and who was made bishop of Skalholt. A violent Catholic uprising under Bishop Arasen (1548) was finally sup- pressed in 1554. In all these Scandinavian lands the nobles were conciliated by be- ing allowed to participate largely in the spoliation of the church. 4. Poland.'^ (i) Variety of Faiths and Toleration. The religious and political situation of Poland at the beginning of the Reformation was peculiar. A large part of the population of Lithuania professed the Greek Catholic faith. Multitudes of Jews banished from Germany had taken refuge there. Considerable numbers of Hussites and Bohemian Brethren were present as a result of im- migration and evangelizing effort from the neighboring Hussite States. Long before the Reformation a spirit of toleration had resulted from the presence of a variety of faiths, each represented by nobles or other influential personages. The royal authority was relatively weak. (2) Introduction of Lutheranism and Opposition of Sigis- mund I. Lutheranism found early entrance and for a time made rapid headway. In 1523, King Sigismund sternly prohibited the sale and possession of Lutheran writings ; but the rapid progress of Protestantism in the neighboring Prussia, close intercourse with the cities of Germany, attendance of a number of young noblemen at the University of Wittenberg, and a general popular desire for reform made this prohibition ineffective. The municipal authorities of Dantzig promoted the in- troduction of the new faith. Other cities followed this example and the peasantry began to agitate violently for social and religious reform. The efforts of Sigismund I. to suppress heresy by violent means (1526) were only temporarily successful. The prohibition of attendance • See Krasinski, "Historical Sketch of the Rise, Progress, and Decline of the Reformation in Poland," 1858; Lucaszewicz, " Gcsch. d. 1{efoimation in K. in Lithuanten, " i8ii ; Theiner, " IV/cn: Documenta Polotiio' et LtthuanitF," 1861-1863 ; Dalton, "job. a Lasco," 1881 (Eng. tr., 1886) ; and Henschel, 'Job. Laskt," 1890 302 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. at heretical universities was disregarded by the nobles, and Polish students were to be found at Wittenberg, Strasburg, and (somewhat later) at Zurich and Geneva. From 1540 onward, Calvinism made rapid headway at the expense of Lutheranism. (3) Sigismiind 11. a Friend of the Reformaiion. Sigis- mund 11. (i 545-1 572) gave free course to the Reforma- tion and corresponded with Calvin and Melanchthon. (4) Measures for Evangelical Union, in 1555 the various evangelical parties held a conference at Kozminek and the leaders of the Bohemian Brethren made a strong effort to induce the rest to unite with them as the older party and to accept their church order. A number of evangelical nobles met at Petrikau and proposed that the king should call a national council to which Calvin, Beza, Melanchthon, and John a Lasco (a learned Polish noble- man who had for years labored in the evangelical cause in the Netherlands and in England) should be invited and which should determine the religious future of the kingdom. (5) 1{ise and Spread of Anti-tri7iitarianism. Reference has been made in an earlier section to the rapidity with which from this time onward Anti-trinitarianism and Anti-pedobaptism, chiefly through the influence of Italian refugees, spread in Poland. Racov became the center of the Unitarian (Socinian) propaganda. A university with four hundred students, many of them sons of noblemen, and a liberally supported printing press, diffused the So- cinian influence not only throughout Poland, Siebenblir- gen, and Hungary, but less intensely, throughout the Netherlands, Germany, and Switzerland. In 1570 the Bohemian Brethren, the Lutherans, and the Reformed joined forces against the rapidly growing Anti-trinitarian- ism, but witli little effect, in 1573 Catholic and Prot- estant nobles were placed upon a basis of equality by the Diet at Warsaw, each having the right to determine the religion of his subjects. The Jesuits availed them- selves of the opportunity offered by this arrangement and were soon able to inspire the Catholic nobles with persecuting zeal and gradually to win other nobles to their faith. Socinianism proved no match for Jesuitism, the former tending to produce religious indifferentism, CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 303 the latter promoting a fiery enthusiasm that made its subjects willing to sacrifice everything to secure the triumph of its principles. 5. 'Bohemia and [Moravia.'^ Bohemia and Moravia had remained Hussite in sentiment until the Reformation time. Bohemian Brethren abounded in both countries and had many supporters among the nobles. Luther's views were acceptable to a large proportion of the Hus- sites (Utraquists). The Bohemian Brethren found his doctrine of the real presence in the Eucharist difficult of acceptance. We have already noticed the rapidity with which the Anabaptist movement spread in Moravia under the fostering care of some of the nobles (1526 onward). This growth was largely from immigration ; but it is probable that several thousands of the older evangelicals embraced the faith of Hubmaier and Luther. Up to 1535 the Bohemian Brethren had themselves rebaptized such as came to them from the Roman Catholic Church. When to escape the application to themselves of the sanguinary Edict of Speier they repudiated Anabap- tism, it is probable that many who were dissatisfied with the decision of the majority united with the more consistent Anabaptists. From 1555 onward Moravian and Bohemian nobles claimed the right to protect their subjects in their pro- fession of Protestantism by virtue of the provisions of the Augsburg treaty. As the Augsburg Confession was the only standard for tolerated Protestantism, most of the evangelicals soon became nominally Lutherans ; though many no doubt still scrupled at Luther's doctrine of the Supper. Maximilian II. was devoid of persecuting zeal, if not sympathetic with Protestantism, and evan- gelical teaching had free course during his reign (1564- 1576). There was so much in common between Utra- quist Hussitism and Lutheranism that Hussites had little difficulty with the Augsburg Confession. German-Bo- hemian and German-Moravian Hussites became and re- mained for the most part ardent Lutherans. But during the latter part of the century Calvinism, everywhere 1 See Pescheck, " The Ref. and the Anti-Ref. in Bohemia," 1845 (from the Germ., 1844); Gindely, " Cesch. d. Ccgenreformatton in Bbhmen." 1894, " Gesch. d. Bohm. Bruder," 1857-1858 : De Schweinitz, " The Hist, of the Church known as the Umtas Fratrum," 1885; and Vickers, " Hist, of Bohemia," iSys. 304 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. aggressive, made rapid strides, especially among the Slavic and Magyar populations and among the Bohemian Brethren, with whose view of the Supper Calvinism was in substantial accord. To protect themselves against the machinations of the Jesuits, the Protestants of Bo- hemia formed a union in 1575 on the basis of a Con- fession of Faith in which it was sought to harmonize the Lutheran and Reformed systems. So powerful were the Protestant interests that Rudolph II., though a bitter enemy of the evangelical faith, felt obliged in 1609 to grant full toleration to the adherents of the Bohemian Protestant Confession and to grant the Protestants a charter with the right to have in connection with the royal court a Board of Defensors to look after the en- forcement of its provisions. The violation of the pro- visions of this charter was the immediate cause of the Thirty Years' War. 6. Austria^ In the upper and inner Austrian Provinces (Tyrol, Saltzburg, Styria, Gorz, Carinthia, Carniola, etc.), Lutheranism had early entrance. For some years (1526 onward) the Anabaptist form of evangelical life and thought was by far the most energetic and widely accepted. After the promulgation of the Edict of Speier (1529), and especially after the Anabaptist name had be- come doubly odious on account of the Miinster Kingdom, Lutheranism increased in relative importance, a large proportion of the nobility becoming supporters of the new faith and refusing to obey the mandates of the Hapsburg rulers for its suppression. After the treaty of Augsburg they claimed the right to protect on their estates the ad- herents of the Augsburg Confession, and the Haps- burgers, who required their assistance against Turkish invasion, were obliged to recognize the validity of their claim. The way in which the flourishing Protestantism of this region was, toward the close of tlie sixteenth century, overcome by Jesuits and Hapsburgers, must be narrated in the chapter on the Counter-Re- formation. 7. Hungary and Siebenhiirgen? (i) Introduction of Evan- ' Loserth " D. Get^nreformation m hincr-oesterreich," i8q8. ' See Krasinski, " Religious History of the Slavonic Natiors." 1851 ; Fabo Andras. " Monumenta Evangeltcorum ... in Hun^atta." 1861-1873; Lampe, "Hist. Eccl. Ref. CHAP. 1.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 305 gelical Teaching. Evangelical teaching was early intro- duced into Hungary and Siebenburgen by native students returning from Wittenberg, by merchants who visited the great trade fairs, etc. The efforts of Ludwig 11. to sup- press its early diffusion proved ineffective. The battle of Mohacz, in which the king fell, turned the tide in favor of Protestant teaching. Zapolya opposed the Ref- ormation, but he was soon driven to Poland and the evangelicals had a free hand. (2) Joh. Honter cmd his 'Reformatory Work in Sieben- bilrgen. The cause of reform here was under the leader- ship of Joh. Honter, a graduate of the University of Vi- enna and a man richly gifted in literature, art, pedagogic skill, and the capacity for enthusiastic and successful leadership. After spending some time in Germany and Switzerland he returned to his native Kronstadt (1533), and by 1542 had brought the city and the surrounding regions to the evangelical faith. He introduced the first printing press into this region and gave much attention to the establishment of schools and to the training (1523) of ministers. In 1523 and 1525 rigorous impe- rial laws were promulgated against the spread of the new doctrine. "All Lutherans are to be extirpated from the kingdom, and wherever they may be found are to be freely seized and burned, not only by ecclesi- astical but also by secular persons " (Diet of Pesth, 1525). Five free cities of Upper Hungary, Kaschau, Leutschau, Seben, Bartfeld, and Eperies, at a synod held at the latter place, now declared in favor of Lutheran- ism. Honter's work in establishing and organizing evan- gelical work in Siebenbtirgen was professedly Lutheran, but with a strong leaning toward the Reformed doctrine. (3) Devay and the Hungarian Reformation. A life of similar magnitude was accomplished in Hungary by Matthias Biro Devay, a man of noble birth, who had studied at Krakau and had as a member of a monastic order labored earnestly for some years before he was led in Hungaria et Tramylvama," 1728; St. Linberger, " Gesch. d. Evg. tn Ungarn sammt Siebenburgen," iSSo; Brod, " Histona Hungarorum Ecclestastica," zSSS-iSgo (written about 1756) ; Haner, "Hist. Ecclesiarum Transyl-vanicarum," r6q4 ; Teutsch, " Urkun- denbuch d. evang. Landeskirckc tyl. B. tn Siebenburgen," i862->883, "Gesch. d. Siebcn- burg. Sachsen," 1874, and " Ref. tn Stebenb. Sachsenland," 1886 ; Wolf, "Joh. Honterur," 1894; Hochsmann, "J. Honter, der Reformator Siebenburgens," iZqt; articles on Hon- ter, Devay, etc., in Hauck-Herzog. U 306 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. to embrace the new faith. In 1529 he entered the Uni- versity of Wittenberg in order to fit himself for the theo- logical combats in which he was to engage. For a year and a half he was hospitably entertained by Luther and in 1 531 he returned to Hungary full of enthusiasm and thoroughly equipped. After preaching for some time at Ofen and at Kaschau, he was cast into prison and sub- jected to prolonged inquisitorial proceedings in Vienna. Having escaped, he returned to a part of the country that supported the cause of Zapolya ; but he was again appre- hended and this time was held for nearly three years (15 32-1 5 34). Once more at liberty he carried on an ex- tensive evangelizing activity under the protection of the educated, wealthy, and liberal Count Nadasdy. With the co-operation of Joh. Sylvester, who afterward be- came professor in the University of Vienna, and with the financial and moral support of Nadasdy, he published a Hungarian version of the New Testament, a large body of evangelical literature, and a number of secular text- books. In 1 541, as a result of a Turkish invasion, the enemies of the Reformation gained the upper hand in this region, Devay's school and printing establishment were destroyed, and he was compelled to fly. He visited Wit- tenberg and was befriended by Melanchthon. But a visit to Switzerland led to his rejection of Luther's view of the Supper and from this time onward he aligned himself with the Reformed theologians. Luther became his bit- ter enemy and sought to guard the evangelicals of Hun- gary against the turncoat. Devay was able after a year or two to return to his work and from this time onward the evangelical cause went forward with irresistible en- ergy. Several Roman Catholic dignitaries, the Provost Joseph Hervat, of Zipser, and the bishops of Neitra and Weszprim, cast in their lot with the evangelicals. Ferdi- nand felt obliged to tolerate them after requiring of them a Confession of Faith. They presented on this occa- sion (1549) an extract from the Augsburg Confession; but they were already much divided respecting doctrine. Controversy arose between Lutherans and Reformed, the latter (chiefly Magyars) putting forth a Reformed Confession at Zenger (1557), the former (representing the mountain cities and being chiefly Saxons) publishing CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 3O7 a counter Confession (1558). In 1567, at a synod at Debreczin, the Magyar Protestants adopted the Second Helvetic Confession. Bullinger's influence had by this time come to be predominant among the Reformed of this region. In 1563 the synod of Tarczal adopted Beza's Confession of Faith, which represented extreme Calvin- ism. A colony of Saxons had been invited into the Siebenbiirgen region in the twelfth century with large privileges. The Saxons still held together in civil and religious matters, and their adoption and main- tenance of the Lutheran faith can be readily understood. (4) Faction and DestnicUon. From 1567 onward the country was in a state of turmoil caused by religious faction. Not only were Reformed arrayed against Lu- theran, but Reformed and Lutheran factions were arrayed agamst each other. Anti-trinitarianism and Anti-pedo- baptism, combined and separate, soon became important factors in the religious life of the country, which became assimilated to Poland as a seat of religious strife. Like Poland, Hungary, and Siebenbiirgen, it fell an easy prey to the Jesuits, who from 1560 onward were carefully laying their plans for the crushing of all forms of evan- gelical teaching and the restoration of papal authority. IX. THEOLOGICAL CONTROVERSIES. LITERATURE: Corner, "History of Protestant Theology"; Heppe, " Gesch. d. deutscheu ProtestauUsnms in den Jahren i ^s^-i 581 ■i'^ 1852-1858 ; Gaiinich, " Kampf u. Untergang d. (Melanchthomsmiis \n Kursachsen tn d. Jahre 1570-1^74,'' 1866; Seehauer, '' Zur Lehre von "Branch d. Geset{es u. ^tir Gesch. d. spateren ^utinomismns ; pertinent sections in the works on Ch. Hist, and Hist, of Doctrine, and arti- cles on controversies and leaders in Hauck-Herzog, Lichtenberger, and iVlcClintock and Strong. I. General Characteristics of the Protestant Theology. (i) The formal element of the Protestant theology of the Reformation period was adherence to the Scriptures as the only and sufficient guide of faith and practice. This was held to at first unconditionally, in opposition to the papal theory, which gives to tradition a place side by side with Scripture, while making Scripture and tradition alike deoendent for their authority on the church. Most 308 A AUNUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. of the Reformers came to make a distinction between tradition in doctrine and tradition in practice. In argu- ing with the Papists they rejected papal practices, not so mucii because they were without scriptural authoriza- tion (though they usually insisted upon this), as because they rested upon and, in turn, promoted false (anti- scriptural) doctrine. In arguing with the radical re- formers, however, they defended such practices as they had chosen to perpetuate, although without scriptural precept or example, on the ground that they were not contradictory of tlie teachings of Scripture ; that they were good in themselves ; and that they were matters of immemorial usage. In iiis tract on "Vows," written while he was at the Wartburg (i 521-1522), Luther con- demns, unconditionally, whatever falls short of, is apart from, or goes beyond Christ {vel citra, vel prceter, vel ultra Chrisium incedW), and gives the lie to the papal proposition, " that all things have not been declared and instituted by Christ and the apostles, but that very many things were left to the church to be declared and instituted." He declared moreover, " that whatever is without the word of God is, by that very fact, against God " (eo ipso contra Deiim, quod sine verbo IDei). He frequently cited, in support of his position, the passage in Deut. 4:2: "Ye shall not add unto the word which 1 command you, neither shall ye diminish aught from it." Such citations might be multiplied. But when he saw what radical changes in ecclesiastical practice were likely to result from so thorough-going an adherence to Scripture authority, he promptly modified his view in thiswise: "Nothing [that is, no ecclesiastical practice] ought to be set up without scriptural authority, or if it is set up, it ought to be esteemed free and not necessary" {extra Scripturas nihil esse statucndnm, ant, si statiiitiir, librttm et non necessarium habendum). Still later, when hard pressed by the consistent advocates of the scrip- tural principle on the positive and the negative sides, Luther allowed himself to write : " What is not against Scripture is for Scripture, and Scripture for it." How- ever inconsistently held to by the Reformers, the doc- trine of the supreme authority of Scripture must still be re- garded as the formal principle of the Protestant theology. CHAP. I] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 309 (2) The material element of the Protestant theology was the doctrine of justification by faith alone, maintained in opposition to the doctrine of justification by faith and works — the works meaning, with the Papists, ceremonial observances, almsgiving, the purchasing of indulgences, masses, etc., and the giving of money for the building and endowment of churches, monasteries, etc. Thus doc- trine of justification by faith alone exerted a molding in- fluence upon Protestant theology. Held to this polemi- cally, in opposition to the mediseval system of works for merit {opera operata), it could hardly escape a dis- torted development, and was sure to lead, in some in- stances, to Antinomianism. The absolute rejection of the efficacy of works in securing salvation assumed in some minds the form of denial of any freedom of will whatsoever in man ; and some advanced to the Mani- chean position, declaring that original sin is the very essence of human nature. The maintenance of justifica- tion by faith alone was sure to lead to controversy as to the manner in which Christ's redemptive work is applied to man. Some held that justification is a mere judicial act, conditioned on man's belief in the Redeemer ; others, that through belief man is transformed in character, and that his justification occurs only in connection with, and in consequence of, his sanctification. But what is the nature of faith, the medium through which the redemp- tive work of Christ is applied to man .-* Some held that it is chiefly an assurance of justification through the merit of Christ ; others, that it involves a complete sur- render of the subject to Christ, a radical turning away from sin and the love of it, and an inward appropriation of Christ as the controlling principle. Again, if justification is by faith alone, what place is to be assigned to the sacraments ? The seven Roman Catholic sacraments rest upon the doctrine of justifica- tion by works, which, in turn, rests upon sacerdotalism. The number of the sacraments was reduced by the Protestants to two, baptism and the Lord's Supper. How were these to be looked upon 'i As mere symbols of spiritual facts or as possessing in themselves mystical efficacy from their connection with the spiritual facts ? Does the believer in submitting to baptism receive re- 310 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. mission of sins in the outward act, or is baptism a mere symbol of the cleansing and the consecration which are mediated by faith ? In the Lord's Supper does the be- liever actually partake of the material body and blood of Christ, or does he partake spiritually of Christ's body and blood, or is the eating and the drinking of the bread and the wine merely symbolical of the believer's spirit- ual appropriation of Christ's merits, the bread and the wine commemorating the incarnation and the death of Christ ? Controversy on these questions could not easily have been avoided. So, also, the relation of the children of Christian parents to the church and to these ordi- nances had to be determined. How could the baptism of infants be reconciled with the doctrine of justification by faith alone, on the one hand, and the doctrine of mystical and immediate efficacy in the rite, on the other ? This question led to much confusion and controversy. Again, if it be maintained that the body and blood of Christ are materially present in the Lord's Supper, and the power of the priest to transform the bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ be denied, how is this real presence to be accounted for ? Those who advocated the real presence defended it by the doctrine of the ubiquity of Christ's human nature, which they based upon the doctrine of the communication of idioms, in ac- cordance with which the divine nature in Christ communi- cates all of its attributes to tlie human, and the human its attributes to the divine. Is the divine nature ubiquitous ? So must the human be. Hence the body and blood of Christ, everywhere potentially present, are actually and efficaciously present in the Supper. Those who denied the real presence denied also the ubiquity of Christ's human nature. The Reformers were in general highly conservative. They rejected, without hesitancy, manifest corruptions in doctrine and in practice ; but they were slow to call in question the doctrinal statements of the Councils and Fathers of the fourth and fifth centuries. The leading Reformers regarded with sufficient (possibly with ex- cessive) reverence the theological results of the Micene and post-Nicene age. To speak more definitely, if they erred in this matter at all it was not in tJie fact that they CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 311 zealously maintained the Nicene and Athanasian formu- laries, but in the spirit in which these creeds were ad- hered to. If they be maintained because they most per- fectly harmonize the various elements of Scripture teach- ing, it is well ; if they be regarded as possessing inde- pendent authority, the case is entirely different. The latter was probably too much the case with many of the Protestant theologians. On the matters of anthropology the writings of Au- gustine were looked upon as containing an almost per- fect exposition of the teachings of Scripture. As with the schoolmen Aristotle was ranked next to the inspired writers in matters of philosophy and of formal reasoning, and became virtually the authoritative interpreter of the Scripture teachings, so with the Protestant theologians was Augustine. Such was the reverence of the Protest- ant leaders for post-apostolic antiquity ; but such submis- sion to human standards was opposed to the spirit of Prot- estantism. There were not wanting those who recognized this fact, and controversies arose on what have long been regarded as fundamental doctrines of Christianity — the trinity, the divinity of Christ, the hereditary guilt of man, etc. Apart from Confessions of Faith and catechisms which abounded, most of the theological discussions of this period took the form of polemical tracts on particular doc- trines. Printing was already common and cheap, and theological tracts were circulated to an extent not greatly surpassed since. Pamphleteering subserved, in part, the ends of the modern newspaper. During several years of his life Luther must have written, on an average, more than a pamphlet a week, and many other writers were scarcely less prolific. The medieval system of discussion by theses was likewise still employed. Luther abhorred Aristotle and the schoolmen, and had little esteem for philosophy or systematic theology in general. His mind was creative rather than organizing, and while he furnished materials for systems (the plural is used advisedly) of doctrine, he himself wrote no " Summa Theologice." The great systematizers of the age were Melanchthon and Calvin. These writers (the former in his " Loci Communes," the latter in his " Institutiones "), 312 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. while they treat systematically the doctrines emphasized by the Protestants, and systematically refute the oppos- ing views of the Papists, impress us with the fact that the system is for the sake of the doctrine and not for its own sake. No greater degree of completeness is aimed at than is demanded by the practical end in view. The theology of this period was intensely practical in its aim, and the form adapted itself to the practical needs. Yet before the close of the sixteenth century the freshness and the elasticity of the new theology had disappeared, and in its place had come a scholasticism almost as for- mal and lifeless as that of the Middle Ages. 2. Controversies between Lutherans and Reformed. (i) On the Lord's Supper. This maybe regarded as the great subject of controversy between Lutherans on the one hand, and Zvvinglians and Calvinists on the other. Nothing has been so influential in preventing Lutherans and Reformed from heartily co-operating against their papal enemies as persistent divergence of views with respect to the meaning of Christ's words : " This is my body." "This is my blood of the cove- nant, which is shed for many unto remission of sins." It has been well remarked (by Dorner and, after him, by Schnff and others) that Luther and Zwingli assailed the Roman Catholic system on entirely different sides. Luther had had bitter experience of the Judaistic legalism of the mediaeval system, and it was against this that he first of all directed his blows. The immoralities fostered by the system called forth in him far less of resentment than the enslavement of conscience through sacerdotal- ism, etc. His realism, combined with other influences, led him to take a very conservative position with regard to ecclesiastical practices. Zwingli, on the other hand, had experienced most keenly the evils of the heathen clement in the medi^Eval system. In his anxiety to get rid of idolatry he not only cast down the idols, but he also made haste to purge the ordinance of the Lord's Supper of any idolatrous element. Luther and the Lutherans kept closer to the mediaeval theology in their views of the person of Christ. The exaltation of the human in Christ to infinity, and the practical denial of CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 313 the persistence of the properly human element, was characteristic of Lutheranism. In other terms, Lutherans approximated Eutychianism. Zwinglians, on the other hand, among whom humanism was more influential, dwelt more upon the human element in Christ, and so approximated Nestorianism. Luther, as a realist, could see no meaning in an ordinance in which only the sign was present. The things signified must also be present. Hence, while rejecting transubstantiation, as realists usually did, on philosophical grounds, he still held firmly to the real presence of the body and blood along with the bread and wine. This view was closely con- nected with Luther's view on the mystical union of the believer with Christ, and was made easily credible by his view of the exaltation of Christ's human nature to ubiquity. If Christ be present in the sacrament at all, his body and blood must be present, for Christ is never separated from his body and blood. The body and blood of Christ, according to the theory, are received not only by the pious, but even by the impious, if such partake of the consecrated elements. Zwingli, in accordance with his humanistic view of the person of Christ, his aversion to mysticism, and his detestation of idolatry, maintained that the Lord's Supper is a simple memorial or sign of the spiritual partaking of the body and blood of Christ. Bucer, and afterward Calvin, partly because, from their geographical relation to the two parties and their subjection to the influence of both, they sympathized with both parties and had elements common to the two, and partly because they were irenically disposed and felt the necessity of harmonizing Lutherans and Zwingli- ans, assumed an intermediate position — namely, that the body and blood of Christ are partaken of really, but spiritually, by the believer. Such was the breach, such was the chief attempt to heal it. From 1528 onward various public attempts were made to bring Lutherans and Zwinglians, if not into com- plete harmony, at least into the attitude of mutual tolera- tion. The Marburg Conference (October, 1529) was the first occasion on which the leaders of the German Ref- ormation and the leaders of the Swiss Reformation met 314 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. each other face to face. Encouraged by the divisions among the Protestants, and being in the majority in the Diet, the Catholic electors had voted at Speier (March, 1529) to prohibit all further aggressive work on the part of the Protestants. Later in the same year the emperor had concluded a peace with the pope and with the king of France. The position of the Protestants was now critical, for, to all appearances, it had been due to the foreign engagements that the execution of the Edict of Worms hud been kept in abeyance, and that the Prot- estant cause had been saved from utter overthrow. The crisis has come. How is it to be met ? With solid or divided ranks on the Protestant side .-' The Pr( •lestant ranks are in sad disorder, how are they to be unit'^'d and strengthened ? The landgrave, Philip of Hesse, on the one hand, and Martin Bucer, on the other, earnestly sought to form a Protestant league for mutual defense against the impending attacks of the Roman Catholic powers, under the leadership of the emperor, Charles V. To this end the Marburg Conference was called. Luther, Melanchthon, Brentz, Jonas, etc., were confronted by Zwingli, CEcolampadius, etc. Bucer acted as mediator. The two parties agreed upon fourteea and a half of fif- teen articles embracing tlie fundamental doctrines of Protestantism. On the remaining half article they could not agree — namely, as to whether the body and blood of Christ are corporeally in the bread and the wine. Luther and CEcolampadius conferred together for three hours, the chief result being to convince the Basel Reformer that in him of Wittenberg he had fallen upon another Eck. Zwingli and Melanchthon discussed the point at issue for six consecutive hours, in which Zwingli became more than ever convinced of the lubricity of Philip, who, Proteus-like, transformed himself into all things. Luther stood firmly upon the Scripture, " This is my body," and refused to recognize as brethren those who inter- preted these words otherwise than literally. It was Luther's private opinion that God blinded Zwingli and CEcolampadius so that they were not able to bring for- ward any arguments worthy of notice, and thus gave him an easy victory. He thought that these foolish men, so little skilled in disputing, must have been convinced CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 315 by the weight of his arguments, but refused to yield, rather from fear and shame than from malice. So little capable was Luther of putting himself in the place of an antagonist and estimating the weight of arguments from any other point of view than his own. He was so fully convinced of the invincibleness of his own position, that the failure of another to be convinced by the full pre- sentation of his arguments was to him inconceivable. It was finally agreed that, although Luther would not rec- ognize the Swiss as brethren, the two parties should manifest Christian love one toward the other, as far as the conscience of each would allow. The Lutherans soon afterward came to feel that they had compromised themselves in even so far agreeing to differ on the eucharistic question, and they made haste to set forth their own views clearly and unequivocally in the " Swabach Articles." Bucer, by no means discouraged, continued to labor for conciliation. About 1531 he won Melanchthon, here- tofore uncompromisingly Lutheran in his view of the Supper, to his own mediating position. Bucer now pro- fessed belief in the real presence, but insisted that the body and blood of Christ are partaken of only by be- lievers. Luther persistently maintained that they are partaken of by believers and unbelievers alike. The position of Bucer was an exceedingly embarrassing one. Luther was uncompromising. Most of the Swiss were just as firmly attached to the original Zwinglian view. Yet Bucer felt it to be his duty to make the two parties believe that they were in substantial agreement, in conference with the Swiss, therefore, he represented the views which he was seeking to make the basis of union as excluding the corporeal presence of the body and blood, which he and they believed to be locally in heaven. When he would gain the good graces of Luther, as we shall see, his representation was very different. From this time onward Melanchthon co-operated ear- nestly with Bucer in these mediating efforts, and with a view to inducing the Swiss to subscribe the Augsburg Confession he made various changes in the document. These modifications culminated in the "Augsburg Va- riata " (1540). 3l6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. The " Wittenberg Concordia " (1536) marks the next stage in the efforts to harmonize Lutherans and Reformed. Luther never had much faith in the success of these com- promising measures, hi his view the two positions were so distinct and so antagonistic that harmony could be secured only by utterly abolishing one of them. Up to 1535 he persistently discouraged the mediating efforts of Bucer, Capito, and Melanchthon. He now expressed a faint hope, and in 1536, after preliminary negotiations, held a conference with Bucer and Capito. For the time he was in a conciliatory mood, a thing altogether un- usual with Luther. Bucer and Capito professed belief in the real presence, yet refused to allow that the body and blood of Christ are partaken of by the impious. Luther relented so far as to admit that the impious were not worth quarreling about, and saluted Bucer and Capito as " dear brethren in the Lord." A moment of supreme joy this to Bucer. What, for years, he had been devot- ing all his energies of heart and brain to bring to pass he saw accomplished before his eyes ! The unyielding Luther had yielded. The greeting that he had haughtily refused seven years earlier to Zwingli he had at last brought himself to accord to these disciples of peace. We do not wonder that Bucer shed tears of joy. Bucer had gained his point with Luther ; but he had made concessions far beyond what the Swiss had author- ized him to make. The Swiss must now be induced to ratify the transaction. This was by no means an easy task. But Bucer believed it could be done, and he did it in a measure. Yet those of the Swiss who accepted the Wittenberg Concord did so in a sense very different from Luther's. Many refused to accept it at all. Con- troversy was suspended for a few years, only to be re- newed with more than pristine bitterness in 1544, when Luther, now in his dotage, published his " Sliort Con- fession on the Supper," in which he dishonored the memory of Zwingli, and set forth his own views in the sharpest antagonism to those of the Swiss. From this time onward, for many generations, the antagonism of Lutherans and Reformed was scarcely less bitter than that between Protestants and Catholics. The annals of succeeding controversies give but a sorry view of the CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 317 spirit of Protestantism, and Romanists may well have taken courage. The growing degeneracy of Protestant- ism accounts in large measure for the rapidity with which the Romanists retrieved their losses from 1555 to 1618. (2) 0?i the Ubiquity of Christ's Human Nature. The points involved in this controversy have been already stated at sufficient length. Perhaps we may say that here, more than elsewhere, lies the root of the antagonism between Lutherans and Reformed. Upon the positive or the negative answer to the question as to the ubiquity of Christ's human nature depends, in large measure, the answer to the question whether Christ is corporeally present in the Supper. If all could have agreed as to the ubiquity, all could probably have agreed as to the real corporeal presence. They have never agreed on either the one or the other. 3. Controversies zAmong the Lutherans. It is remarkable that almost all of the great doctrinal controversies arose among the Lutherans. The vehe- mence of Luther and the illogical constitution of his mind led him frequently to express himself extravagantly and inconsistently. His writings abound in contradictions, and it was exceedingly easy for his disciples, by laying hold upon extreme statements in this or that direction, and by attempting to formulate such statements into systems, to create an indefinite number of divergent systems. Calvin, on the other hand, was above all things else, logical and clear. There was no mistaking his meaning. Whatever appeared in a given treatise might be unreservedly taken as his mature opinion,' which the next treatise turned to would not contradict. Controversy could occur here, therefore, only by way of sheer contradiction to the system as a whole, such as we see in Arminianism. We shall have space at present only for a brief account of the more important Lutheran controversies. (i) On the Law — the Antino^nian and the Majoristic Controversies. In his intense hostility to the Judaistic element in the mediseval Christianity, Luther had em- ployed the strongest language in disparagement of the law : " Christ is not harsh, severe, biting as Moses. . . 3l8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. Therefore, away with Moses forever, who shall not terrify deluded hearts." " The gospel is heavenly and divine, the law, earthly and human ; the righteousness of the gospel is just as distinct from that of the law as heaven from eartli, as light from darkness. The gospel is light and day, the law darkness and night." Pages of such expressions^might be easily collected from Luther's earlier writings. The evil effects of such disparagement of the law soon became manifest to Melanchthon who, in his " Visitation Articles" (1527), urged upon pastors the importance of teaching repentance and remission of sins, after the ex- ample of Christ. The common method, he asserts, is to vociferate about faith, which, without repentance, with- out tiie doctrine of the fear of God, without the doctrine of the law, accustoms the people to a certain carnal security worse than all papal errors. Melanchthon was promptly assailed by John Agricola, yet controversy was repressed for the time through Luther's influence. But ten years later Agricola put forth his Antinomian views in eighteen theses, which, in the course of their secret circulation, came into the hands of Luther. Luther pub- lished these theses, and in six disputations refuted them. Agricola held that " repentance must be taught, not from the Decalogue or any law of Moses, but through the gos- pel. Without anything whatsoever the Holy Spirit is given, and men are justified . . . without the law, solely through the gospel concerning Christ. The law of Moses need not be taught either for the beginning, the middle, or the end of justification. The law, without the Holy Spirit, convicts unto damnation ; the gospel not only con- demns but at the same time saves." He was accused, moreover, of using still more objectionable language, which could not but have a licentious tendency. In opposing Agricola, Luther defined his attitude toward the law, guarding against the irreverent disparagement in which he had formerly indulged. He now maintained that the law is really from God, planted by God in our hearts, and imparted by God to Moses ; that it is, there- fore, essentially good and holy. He now insisted that only tiirough the law is that contrite and penitent state of mind induced which eagerly lays hold upon Christ as CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 319 a Saviour. Agricola was silenced for a time through the influence of Luther and of the civil authorities ; but many years afterward he reasserted his views. Through this controversy with Agricola and the ob- served evil effects of Antinomianism, Melanchthon be- came more and more decided in his teaching with regard to the importance of the law and the necessity of practi- cal morals in the Christian system. He made good works a condition, or causa sine qua non, of salvation, and insisted upon a certain degree of freedom of will in man. Under Melanchthon's influence George Major declared, in opposition to Nicholas Amsdorf (1552), that "good works are necessary to salvation," that " no one will be saved through evil works or without good works "; that " while good works do not merit salvation, they are the necessary fruit of faith, their absence being a sure sign that faith is dead." Amsdorf maintained, in opposition to Major and Me- lanchthon, that "good works are hurtful to salvation." Musculus, a disciple of Agricola, asserted that "those that teach that we must do good works belong to the devil, with all that follow them." This controversy was an exceedingly bitter one, yet Melanchthon and his party maintained a large measure of moderation. (2) On Justification — the Osiandrian and Stancarist Con- troversies. The nature of justification by faith and the relation of justification to sanctification furnished the sub- ject-matter of these controversies. Does justification mean to make righteous or simply to declare righteous .-' This was the chief question at issue. In the writings of Luther two classes of expressions with regard to justification may be distinguished — those in which he represents justification as a forensic act on the part of God in consideration of faith, and without any regard to the character of the subject, and those in which he represents the Christian as transformed in character through the Holy Spirit. Luther himself thus formally distinguished " two parts of justification." The forensic element, however, was most emphasized and naturally made most impression upon Luther's followers. Osiander, learned, profound, mystical, regarded this 320 A AUNUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. theory of forensic imputation of Christ's righteousness as "more frigid than ice." True righteousness must be something positive. It is not merely immunity from pun- ishment, but essentia! goodness. This essential good- ness can be communicated to man only through the in- carnation of God. Through the mediation of humanity divinity comes into us. By faith we take Christ into our hearts and become members of Christ. Ciirist must be our righteousness, not by being in heaven, but by being in us. The gospel, he maintained, has two parts : the first, that Christ has satisfied the justice of God ; the second, that he cleanses and justifies us by dwell- ing in us. According to Osiander we are saved solely by the divine nature in Christ, although without the human nature we should not have been able to discover, seek for, and apprehend the divine. Most of these views Osiander expressed as early as 1524, yet Luther was able to suppress controversy thereon, hi 1549, three years after Luther's death, having been appointed professor at Kbnigsburg, he set forth his views polemically and inaugurated one of the fiercest controversies of the age. The Konigsburg dis- putants became so madly pugnacious as to carry firearms into their lecture rooms. Osiander's enemies caused it to be believed that the devil wrote his books for him while he was enjoying his meals. Among the most noted opponents of Osiander's views, were Melanchthon, Brentz, Moerlin, Bugenhagen, and Staphylus, who sought to make clear the distinction be- tween justification and sanctification, which Osiander, in their opinion, practically obliterated, and to maintain the efficacy of the divine and the human in the salvation of men. in extreme opposition to the Osiandrian view, that the divine nature in Christ is the chief element in man's sal- vation, Francis Stancarus (1551) advanced the view that not the divine but the human in Christ is our righteous- ness ; arguing that, as no one can be a mediator of him- self, Christ, being one God with the Father and the Holy Ghost, cannot be a mediator between God and man ac- cording to his divine nature. He fortified his view by those passages of Scripture in which " the blood of the CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 32 1 cross " and "the death " of Christ are represented as securing our peace and reconciliation with God. Es- pecially did he lay stress on i Tim. 2:5: "There is one God and one mediator between God and man, the man Christ Jesus." He strangely appealed to the medieval theologian, Peter Lombard, who, in his estima- tion, was worth more than one hundred Luthers, two hundred Melanchthons, three hundred Bullingers, and four hundred Calvins, all of whom, beaten up together in a mortar, would not yield an ounce of true theology. Osiander, though a mystic, was not exceptionally meek, and took a very lively interest in current affairs. It is no cause for wonder that the hot-blooded Italian soon found Konigsburg an undesirable place of residence. He asked to be relieved of his professorship, on the ground that he could not safely walk the streets on account of the bloodhounds Osiander and Aurifaber. And were these fighting Lutherans disciples of the meek and lowly Jesus ? Surely they manifested the minimum of his Spirit. And yet no one of these men transcended Luther himself in violent denunciation. But Luther was a violent polemicist, and much more ; some of these disciples of Luther were fierce controversialists, and little besides. (3) Controversy on the Communication of Idioms. In close connection with the Osiandrian and Stancarist controversies other controversies arose, especially on Christology (1561 onward). The doctrine of the com- miinicatio idiomatum was warmly discussed between the Melanchthonian Martin Chemnitz, on the one hand, who denied the capacity of human nature for divinity, and the strictly Lutheran Brentz and Andreae, who taught that Christ's humanity possessed, from the very moment of its origin, absolute majesty and exaltation to the right hand of the Father. In his mother's womb the body of Christ was already omnipresent. Not only was there a communication of all divine attributes to the human nature, but also a communication of all human attributes to the divine. God makes the passion his own, undergoes it as a person, is not otherwise affected thereby than if it befell himself. As already stated, Luther him- self maintained as a fundamental doctrine this commu- V 322 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. nication of attributes, and made it the basis of his doc- trine of the Lord's Supper. (4) Controversies on Free Will and Original Sin — the Synergistic and Flacian Controversies. \n his controversy with Erasmus, Luther had, at an early period, committed himself to an absolute denial of the freedom and asser- tion of the slavery of the human will. From this posi- tion he never withdrew, but continued to the close of his life to regard his " De Servo <^rbitrio " as his mas- terpiece, and the very truth of God. Melanchthon adopted Luther's views on the will, and emphasized them in his early writings, especially in his notes on the " Epistle to the Romans " and his " Hypo- typoses." hifluenced partly by Erasmus' arguments, and partly by the observed licentious tendency of Luther's views, Melanchthon gradually and quietly withdrew from this extreme position, in the " Augsburg Confes- sion," drawn up by Melanchthon (1530), while it is taught "that men cannot be justified before God by their own powers, merits, or works, but are justified gratuitously, for Christ's sake, through faith," it is not asserted that faith is involuntary, or even that prevenient grace is necessary to faith. Moreover, free will, in civil matters, is distinctly recognized. in 1532 Melanchthon disowned his early annotations on Romans, and published a completely transformed edition. In this he asserts that " not all obtain the bene- fits [of redemption through Christ], because many re- sist the Word. And it is manifest that to resist belongs to'the human will, because God is not the cause of sin." In his " Loci Communes " (1535) he ascribes conversion to three causes : the Word, the Holy Spirit, and the human will. In 1545 he writes : " There is in us some cause of discrimination, why Saul is rejected and David accepted." Tiuis Meianchtlion came gradually to the position known as Syn^ergism. He was reluctant to antagonize Luther, and refrained, during Luther's lifetime, from stating his views polemically ; but he was forced by the power of argument and by his sense of the practical needs of men to reject the almost fatalistic views of his master. Controversy on Synergism first became vehement CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 323 and general when Pfejpnger, of Leipzig, maintained po- lemically in a disputation (1550), and in a published treatise (1555), the views that Melanchthon had quietly and cautiously advanced. Matthias Flacius Ulyricus and Nicholas Amsdorf en- tered the lists against Pfeffinger. At Jena the contro- versy reached its greatest intensity. Flacius, who was regarded as the great representative and champion of the old Lutheranism, was called to Jena (1557) to oppose doctrinal innovations. He promptly announced, upon his arrival, that he was not afraid to maintain his views against any and all that might be disposed to call them in question. This challenge called forth a manifesto from the Wittenberg theologians. hi the University of Jena itself Flacius found deter- mined opposition in the persons of Strigel and Schnepf.- In 1559 Flacius prepared and Duke John Frederick pro- mulgated a confutation and condemnation of the various forms of error that had been introduced into the Lutheran body, including Synergism and Calvinism. Jena now became the scene of the most violent and indecent po- lemics. The house of Flacius was stormed by students. Strigel's house was broken open by a mob, and he him- self taken prisoner, etc. With a view to securing peace, Duke John Frederick arranged a colloquy between Flacius and Strigel (1560). Flacius was now led by the pressure of his antagonist to declare that " man has been trans- formed into the image of Satan, marked with his stamp, and thoroughly infected with poison, so that he is neces- sarily or inevitably always and vehemently in antagon- ism to God and to true piety "; nay, that "original sin is the very substance of human nature." This view of Flacius is essentially Manicji^an, as was pointed out by his opponents. The Flacians were victorious at Weimar ; but they employed their victory in so tyrannical'a way at Jena that the right of excommunication was, by civil author- ity, withdrawn from the preachers. The Flacian party denounced this action as an unwarranted subjection of the church, a suppression of pure doctrine, etc. The duke in turn, thoroughly exasperated, deposed the tur- bulent Flacian professors, and filled their places with 324 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. v. Wittenbergers (1561). So little fidelity to principle did the civil rulers in that day manifest, and so prone were they to favor the party that showed itself most sub- servient ! These Wittenbergers, in turn, were supplanted by ultra-Lutherans in 1568. The proceeding of 1561 was repeated in 1573, and that of 1568 in 1574. (See below.) The followers of Flacius went far beyond Flacius him- self in his most objectionable features. For example, Saliger, of Rostock, taught that " original sin is the very substance of the body and soul of man," and that Christ assumed "flesh of another species" (iTepiwunia), thus following the extreme type of Eutychianism, with which ultra-Lutheranism had much in common. So, also, he held to a view of the Lord's Supper differing little from transubstantiation (1568). Several other important colloquies occurred, the aim of which was to settle the questions involved in this con- troversy : another at Weimar (July, 1571), one at Stras- burg (August, 1 571), others at Jena and Mansfeld (1572). The Flacians were usually worsted, most of the strict Lutherans having revolted against the sheer Manichaeism of the Flacians. (5) TJie Encharisiic or Crypto-Calvhiist Controversy. We have seen that at an early period Melanchthon came to regret the divisions of Protestants on the nature of the Lord's Supper. In the "Augsburg Variata " (a re- cension of the Augsburg Confession, published by Me- lanchthon in 1540) he expressed himself on this subject harmoniously with the view of Bucer and Calvin. The " Augsburg Variata " was assailed by the strict Luther- ans, Luther himself expressing his dissatisfaction. From this time onward two great parties may be said to have existed in tlie Lutheran body — the strict Lutherans and the Philippists. These party lines became more definite after the death of Luther (1546), and Melanchthon's leadership became more pronounced. Wittenberg be- came the stronghold of Philippism, while Jena became the rallying point of ultra-Lutheranism. The controversy between Westphal of Hamburg and Calvin (1552) enhanced the bitterness of ultra-Lutherans against the Calvinistic view of the Supper and all who CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 325 sympathized with Calvinists. From this time onward the followers of Melanchthon were stigmatized as Crypto- Calvinists. The antagonism of Philippists and Lutherans was still further intensified by the Synergistic and Flacian con- troversies (see above). In 1 561, after Melanchthon's death, a collection of his confessional writings {''Corpus 'TDoctrince Philippicum ") was published by Melanchthon's son-in-law, Caspar Peucer, sustained by the authority of the elector. This collection embraced the " Augsburg Variata," the " Apol- ogy " for the Augsburg Confession, the "Saxon Con- fession," the " Loa Communes" of 1543, a treatise on " The Examination of Candidates for Ordination," the "Refutation of Servetus," and the " Response Concern- ing the Controversy of Stancarus." All of these docu- ments, prepared by Melanchthon, represented Philippism as opposed to Lutheranism. The elector, though an uncompromising Lutheran, as he supposed, was led by Peucer, his court physician, tc believe that this collection represented true Lutheranism as opposed to the ultra-Lutheranism of the Jena' theolo- gians. The turbulence of the Flacian theologians at Jena and their resistance to the civil authority (see above), and the comparative gentleness and peaceableness of the Wittenbergers, predisposed him in favor of the latter. Accordingly he gave symbolical authority to the " Cot- pus Doctrince Philippicum." Thus the fury of the ultra- Lutherans was still further heightened, and they de- termined, by all means, to bring the Philippists to grief. The Philippists, be it remembered, were not avowed Calvinists. While they agreed with Calvin in his re- jection of the ubiquity of Christ's human nature and his denial of the real presence in the Lutheran sense, they were, as yet, far from avowing such divergence from the views of Luther. in 1 571 the elector was led to suspect that his theolo- gians secretly disbelieved in the real presence, but they appeased him by an ambiguous statement ("Consensus Dresdensis"). Two years later (1573), the elector, having become regent of the Thuringian principalities, banished the remaining ultra-Lutheran theologians (Wi- 326 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. gand and Hesshus) from Jena, together with clergy within his jurisdiction who refused to subscribe the " Corpus Doctriiice Philippiciim" Philippism was thus triumphant throughout Saxony. But the glory of the party was destined to be short-lived. Encouraged by their successes, the Wittenbergers tiiought it no longer necessary to mince matters. They avowed their sub- stantial Calvinism (1574). Confidential correspondence between the Wittenbergers and the Calvinists in the Palatinate was discovered, very compromising to the former. When the elector discovered that he had been beguiled into the support of Calvinism he became as furious as it is possible for a German to become. If a mine had been sprung beneath the theologians the shock and havoc could hardly have been greater. The leaders, Privy Councilor Cracan, Church Councilor Stbssel, and Court Physician Peucer, were thrown into prison. The first two died in prison ; the last, a man of remarkable tal- ent and unsurpassed heroism, was destined, after lying in prison for twelve years, to write a history of the movement in which he was engaged and to spend an honored old age in comfort and quiet. The theologians and clergy were obliged to sign strictly Lutheran articles or go into exile. The four theological professors in the University of Wittenberg were banished. From this time onward vigorous and persistent efforts were made to secure harmony in the Lutheran com- munion. Strict Lutherans, who yet rejected Antinomian- ism and Flacian Manich^ism, came most into favor. The results of these strivings for harmony appeared in the "Formula of Concord" (1580), in which Antino- mianism, Flacianism, Synergism, Calvinism (especially in its denial of the ubiquity of Christ's human nature and its rejection of the corporeal presence in the Supper), are condemned, and the old Lutheran doctrines on all of these points are emphasized. Yet the effect of the docu- ment sadly belied its name. Controversy with Philip- pists and Calvinists was unabated, if not intensified. (6) The AdiapJioristic or Iiitcriiiiistic Controversy. A re- sult of the Schmalkald War between the emperor, Charles v., and the Protestant princes of Germany was the com- CHAP l] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 327 plete discomfiture of the latter (1547). Protestantism seemed now in imminent danger of extermination. Never since the Diet of Worms had the outlook of Protestant- ism been so gloomy. The emperor, however, assured the Protestants that their cause should be fairly adjudi- cated in a General Council, introducing a temporary ecclesiastical arrangement for the meantime (interim). The Augsburg Interim (May, 1548) withdrew from the Protestants of Germany all privileges except marriage of the clergy and communion under both kinds. Four hun- dred Protestant clergy were expelled from Southern Germany. It was not thought practicable to enforce the Augsburg Interim in Saxony. In lieu thereof an arrange- ment was made between the Elector Maurice, on the one hand (through whose treachery the Protestants had suf- fered defeat), and Melanchthon, with a number of other theologians, on the other, which is known as the Leip- zig Interim. On this occasion, more than elsewhere, Melanchthon manifested his weakness, and his reputation never entirely recovered from the shock it received. The provisions of the Leipzig Interim were as follows : the retention of the doctrine of justificcilion by faith along with that of the necessity of good works ; the restoration of the mass, with most of its ceremonies, of the Roman Catholic baptismal and confirmation ceremonies, of epis- copal ordination, of extreme unction, penance, fasts, etc. What Protestants had been struggling for during thirty years was now practically surrendered. So much of Protestantism was abandoned, that had this arrangement gone into effect it would have been almost impossible to prevent a complete relapse to popery. Melanchthon was bitterly reproached by the strict Lu- therans and by Calvin. He defended himself on the ground of necessity, and he made matters worse by maintaining that the points wherein he had yielded were adiaphora (matters of indifference). The Interim was never fully carried out in either of its forms, and was abolished as a result of a renewal of the war against the emperor by the Elector Maurice, whose treachery had not yielded him all the advantages he had expected. The Peace of Augsburg (1555) removed the occasion of this controversy, in that it gave to the princes of Ger- 328 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. many the right of choice between Roman Catholicism and the Augsburg Confession, and provided that the re- ligion of the subject should be the same as that of the prince, Cujiis regio, ejus religio, was a motto long insisted upon by Catholics and Protestants alike. The internal conflicts of Lutheranism disappear in the terrible Thirty Years' War (1618-1648), but other contro- versies soon afterward took the place of the old, and Lutheranism is almost as far from being harmonious to- day as it was three hundred years ago, 4. Controversies aviong the l^eformed. The teachings of Calvin were so self-consistent and were systematized with such logical rigor that there was little opportunity for his followers to be in doubt as to his meaning or to base upon his teachings diverse doc- trinal conceptions, if controversy was to arise among his followers it must be either by way of a negation of his positions or by way of reaction against the dogmatiz- ing of those who carried his teachings to extremes. The controversy with Servetus is hardly in point, as Servetus was probably never in complete sympathy with the Reformed theology. But his type of thinking doubt- less had more in common with the Reformed than with the Lutheran system. Reference has already been made to the irresistible tendency among Italian Protestants, who were for the most part more profoundly influenced by the Reformed than by the Lutheran theology, to reject the harsher features of the Calvinistic system and to go to the extremes of liberalism. The preponderance of humanism in their intellectual and spiritual outfit may account for the prevalence of rationalism among Italian reformers. (i) T/ie Socinian Controversy} The Anti-trinitarian Anti-pedobaptist movements in Italy and Poland have ' See " Bibliotbeca Fratrum Polonorum" (contains the works of Faustus Socinus, Crellius, Slichtineius, Woltzogenus. Przipcovius, Wissowatius. et al.) ; Toulmin. "Memoirs of the Life. Character. Sentiments. anJ Writings, of Faustus Socinus," 1777; " Racovian Catechism" ("Catechesn Ecclen.irvm qua tn Kcipio Polonttr"), Eng. tr. by Rees. with " Historical Introduction." 1818; Sandius. " Btbliolhcca Ant'- Irtmtartorum" : Bock, "Hut. AnIitrinttjTtorum," 1774; Trechsel, " D. Prot. Anti- Irtnilarter vor. F. Socinus," 18^0-1844 ; Fock, " D. Socunismui " 1847 ; Burnat. " Lalio Socin." 1804: Wallace. " Antitrinitnrian Biography." 1850; Gordon. "The Sozzini and their School" (in " Theol. Rev.." 1879) ; articles on the various leaders In Bayle, Hauck-Herzog, and Lichtenberger. CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 329 already been briefly described. The anti-Calvinistic aspect of this movement to which Faustus Socirius gave his name and which was derived no doubt in large measure from the unpublished lucubrations of his uncle Laelius Socinus must here be outlined. a. Characteristics of Socinianism. (^) In common with mediaeval evangelicals and Anti-pedobaptists of nearly all parties, the Socinians rejected the Augustinian (Lutheran and Calvinistic) anthropology, with its denial of freedom of will, its predestination, election, irresist- ible divine grace, necessary perseverance of believers, and unconditional damnation of the non-elect, in other terms, their anthropology was Pelagian. (b) They went beyond most of the mediaeval evan- gelicals and most of the Anti-pedobaptists of the Reforma- tion time in the zeal with which they opposed the Nicene and Athanasian formula regarding the person of Christ and the doctrine of the co-existence in the Godhead of three co-equal, co-eternal, and consubstantial personali- ties. The Italian and Polish Anti-trinitarians differed much in their Christological conceptions. Many (proba- bly most of the Italians as seen at the Vicenza confer- ence of 1550) denied the deity of Christ, insisting that he was "man and not God," but maintaining that by virtue of his perfect life and divinely inspired teachings he was worthy of all reverence and obedience and was in an important sense the Saviour of mankind. The Racovian Catechism, prepared in part by Faustus So- cinus, recognizes the supernatural birth of Christ, his absolute holiness and righteousness, his possession of all power in heaven and on earth as a gift of God, his worthiness to be worshiped, and his prophetical, kingly, and priestly offices ; yet it emphatically denies his con- substantiality, co-eternity, and co-equality with the Father, and insists upon the absolute unity of the God- head. Their Christology was thus essentially Arian. (c) As respects the ordinances, the Racovian Cate- chism regards the Lord's Supper as simply a memorial of the incarnation and atoning death of Christ, to be par- taken of by baptized believers. Baptism is declared to be the immersion of believers on a profession of their faith as an act of obedience and consecration. Its appli- 330 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. cability to infants is emphatically denied and any mode of applying water other than immersion repudiated ; but it does not consider a mere external rite a sufficient ground for a breach of fellowship with true believers who have not been rightly instructed in this matter. Faustus Socinus denied that baptism was meant to be a perpetual ordinance and, refusing to submit to it, was during most of his life disfellowshiped by the Anti-trini- tarian churches of Poland. (ci) As regards the future state, they maintained the resurrection of the spiritual body of believers and the annihilation of the ungodly together with the devil and his angels. (e) They were advocates in general of toleration and exemplified it in their practice, but they were far from having grasped in its fullness the great principle of lib- erty of conscience, and instances of intolerance among them are not wanting. (/) Their method of propagating their views was not so much by boldly dogmatizing as by insinuating doubts regarding the validity of the doctrines of their opponents. There was much in common between their methods of undermining faith in the Lutheran and Calvinistic sys- tems and that of the Jesuits. (g) Socinianism claimed to involve a complete res- toration of primitive Christianity with the abolition of extraneous elements. The inscription on Socinus' tomb " Lofty Babylon lies in ruins ; Luther destroyed its roofs, Calvin its walls, but Socinus its foundations " {Altd jacet Babylon : destrnxit tecta Luthcrus, viuros Ca/vhuis, scd fundamenta Socinus), illustrates their conception of their mission. b. The l^ise of Socinianism. Reference has already been made to the Anti-trinitarian tendencies of such early Anti-pedobaptist teachers as Denck, Hetzer, Kautz, Bijn- derlin, and Servetus, and to the Italian Anti-trinitarian Anti-pedobaptist movement of the next generation (1546 onward). (j) La:lius Socinus (b. 1536), son of an eminent law- yer and himself destined to the bar, gave up the law for the study of theology and soon acquired a considerable knowledge of the Greek, Hebrew, and Arabic languages, CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 33 1 and remarkable familiarity with the Scriptures and with the great theolcgical problems that were agitating men's mind about the middle of the sixteenth century. In 1 546-1 547 he was closely associated with the circle of freethinking religionists that centered at Vicenza. Leav- ing Italy in 1547 he spent the next four years in France, Holland, Germany, and Poland, earnestly engaged in seeking a solution of the multitudinous questions that thrust themselves upon his skeptical, but deeply earnest mind, and entering into intimate association with many of the foremost theologians of the day. His amiability, his remarkable intelligence, his eagerness for further en- lightenment, his freedom from dogmatism, and his purity of life, commended him to all. Melanchthon was so deeply interested in him as to use his influence with the Emperor Maximilian and Sigismund of Poland to get him appointed ambassador to Venice, which enabled him safely to return to Italy and settle his affairs. His habit of prodding his theological friends with theo- logical questions early proved distasteful to Calvin. In January, 1552, Calvin wrote the young skeptic as fol- lows : You must not expect that 1 should answer your shocking ques- tions. If you choose to soar among such airy speculations, leave me, I beg you, like an humble disciple of Christ, to meditate on those things which will tend to the confirmation of my faith. . . It greatly grieves me that the fine parts God hath given you should not only be employed in things vain and useless, but in pernicious fic- tions. I again seriously warn you of what I have before declared, that, unless you correct in season this luxurious inquisitiveness, it is to be feared you will bring on yourself heavy calamities. 1 should be per- fidious and cruel, if, under the mask of tenderness, 1 indulged what appears to me a most hurtful vice. 1 had rather, therefore, you should be a little displeased with my harshness, than not reclaimed from the curiosity which flatters and bewitches you. The remaining ten years of his life were spent mostly at Zurich, though he seems to have visited Poland a second time in 1558. He was cautious enough to pub- lish nothing and to avoid committing himself orally to anything that would furnish ground for a charge of heresy ; but there can be no doubt that he exerted a powerful influence on many minds in favor of liberal theological thought. 332 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. {b) In i556Pt/^r Gonesius, a native of Poland, returned after a period of study at Wittenberg and in Switzerland, in the latter country he had doubtless come under the influence of L^lius Socinus and of the teachings of Ser- vetus. At a synod of the Reformed churches at Secem- inum he declared his rejection of the current doctrines of the Trinity and of the consubstantiality of the Son with the Father, of Luther's doctrine of the "communication of idioms, and of the Nicene and Athanasian creeds, ail of which he regarded as human fictions. Two years later, at a synod at Brestia, he reiterated and emphasized his former objections to the Calvinistic and Lutheran theol- ogy and presented a treatise against infant baptism. Jerome Pieskarski espoused his cause, which soon found many supporters among the nobles. {c) Controversy on these topics became more and more widespread and violent until 1565, when Gregorius Pauliis was able to arrange for the thorough discussion and set- tlement of the issues involved in a general assembly of the Reformed churches of Poland. Gregorius had prom- ised to support the Anti-trinitarian position by the author- ity of the Fathers, but being somewhat dilatory the Cal- vinistic majority decided that further discussion would do more harm than good and denounced the Anti-trinitarian minority as Arian heretics. This led to an open schism and the Anti-trinitarian faction soon effected a presby- terial organization with synods and assemblies like those of the Reformed. {d) Diversity of sentiment soon appeared among the Anti-trinitarians tliemselves, some maintaining the super- natural birth of Christ and his pre-existence as the divine Logos, and led for a time by Stanislaus Famoviiis ; and others, led by Simon Budna:us, maintaining that Jesus was a mere man and not to be worshiped or adored. {e) One of the most important personages in connec- tion with this controversy was George Biandrata (b. 1515), member of a noble Italian family that had been protectors of heretics in the mediaeval time. He went to Poland about 1550 as body physician to the queen, and afterward served the widow of Zapolya in Siebenburgen in the same capacity. He returned to Italy for a while, but fear of the Inquisition caused his departure for Geneva, CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 333 where a large community of Italian evangelicals resided. Here he entered into prolonged discussions with the Italian pastor and with Calvin himself regarding the Trinity, alleging that the New Testament does not teach that God is a single substance in three persons, and ask- ing whether prayer is to be offered to God or to the Trinity, the meaning of the expressions "eternal Word," "incarnation," etc., and whether speculation regarding the relations of the three divine persons is not needless. Calvin argued these questions with him until he was satisfied Biandrata was a confirmed heretic. As a means of testing the Italian congregation he arranged that they should all be at liberty to declare their opinions without fear of punishment. All but Biandrata and Alciati proved orthodox. These thought it advisable to leave the city. After a short stay at Zurich, Biandrata returned to Poland and the next year Calvin published a " Re- sponse to George Biandrata's Questions." Biandrata reached Poland after the Anti-trinitarian controversy had made considerable progress and soon gained the confi- dence and support of Prince Radziwil. Calvin sought to destroy his intluence, but his Confession of Faith : "I believe in one God, the Father, in one Lord, Jesus Christ, his Son, and in one Holy Spirit, each of whom is essen- tially God. A plurality of gods I reject, since we have only one, according to his essence inseparable God. I confess three distinct hypostases and the eternal deity and generation of Christ, and one Holy Spirit, true and eternal God, who proceeds from both," seems capable of a thoroughly orthodox interpretation. Yet Calvin continued to denounce him as a godless man and a shameful pest, and finding his influence thereby impaired he went to SiebenbiJrgen (1563) as body physician to Prince John Sigismund. Here he became an avowed Anti-trinitarian, won the prince to his views, and with Francis David as his co-laborer gained many adherents. In 1566 they defended their principles against the Re- formed ministers in a public disputation at which the court was present. He had great influence over Stephen Bathori, a later ruler, and was accused by Faustus So- cinus of abetting the latter in the admission of the Jesuits and the persecution of the Anti-trinitarians. 334 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. v. (/) Faustus Socimis (b. 1539), son of an eminent pro- fessor of law at the University of Padua, nephew of Laelius Socinus, and connected on his mother's side with some of the most noted families of Italy, had spent twelve years in the court of the Duke of Tuscany in honorable employ and enjoyed his favor. In 1574 he reached the conviction that duty required him to leave country, friends, hopes, and wealth, and to devote his life to se- curing his own salvation and that of others. He went to Basel and remained for three years devoutly studying the Scriptures and evangelical literature. The MSS. of his uncle had fallen into his hands and these no doubt greatly influenced his thinking. Having satisfied him- self that his conclusions were in accord with divine truth and that he had acquired the power to defend them ef- fectively, he began (1577) to advocate them orally and in writing, first at Basel and then at ZUrich. At this time (1578) he completed his work, "Df Servatore" (" Con- cerning the Saviour "). By this time Biandrata and Francis David, in Sieben- bijrgen, had come into controversy regarding the honor and power of Christ, the latter denying that all power in heaven and on earth are his and that he is a fit object of worship. Biandrata invited Socinus to come to his aid and with a view to winning David to sounder views arranged to have Socinus board with him. The failure of this scheme and the subsequent imprisonment of David at the instigation of Biandrata, and on the ground in part of information furnished by Socinus, was injuri- ous to the reputation of the two and Socinus was at much pains, many years later, to vindicate himself from the charge of treachery and the abetting of persecution. Socinus on another occasion admitted that obstinate heretics might properly be restrained b)' the magistrate from spreading their errors. Removing to Poland the next year (1579) on account of an epidemic, he met with harsh treatment ; but was hospitably entertained by Christopher Morsinius, a noble- man, whose daughter he married. His career in Poland was stormy and distressful. Changes in Italy deprived him of his rents, his wife was separated from him, the Anti-trinitarian Anti-pedobaptist churches would have no CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 335 fellowship with him because of his rejection of baptism as a perpetual ordinance, and the followers of Francis David and Budn^us denounced him as responsible in a measure for the imprisonment and death of the former and for his too conservative views on the Person of Christ. With the Calvinists too, he was in perpetual con- troversy. His life was full of literary labors and of suffer- ings on behalf of what he regarded as the truth. He died in 1604 at the house of a wealthy disciple, who for six years had entertained him. He was undoubtedly the ablest controversialist among the moderate Anti-trinitar- ians of his time, and although he was not permitted to participate actively in the synods and assemblies or in the educational work of his brethren, he gave his name to the type of teaching that was characteristic of the Polish Anti-trinitarian Anti-pedobaptists. The views of this party are embodied in their most moderate and least objectionable form in the Racovian Catechism, of which Socinus was the principal author. It had been prepared some years before but was first published in 1605. The writings of Socinus and other Anti-trinitarian leaders in Poland and Siebenbiirgen were published for the most part in Latin and had a wide circulation through- out Germany and Switzerland, and especially in the Prot- estant Netherlands. They called forth many responses from the Reformed theologians during the latter part of the sixteenth century and the early years of the seven- teenth, and directly and indirectly greatly influenced religious thought in these lands as well as in England and America. (2) The Arminian Controversy.'^ By far the most im- ' See "Acta et Scnpta SyiwJiilia Dordraceiia Mtntstrorum Remoiistrantium in Federato Bctgio," 1620 (contains a remarkably full account of all the transactions to the close of the Synod of Dort from the point of view of the Remonstrants, with many import- ant documents); "Actn SyiioJi Nationalts . . . Dortrcchti Halntte Anno 1618 and ibig." 1620 ; writings of Arminlus (Eng. tr. by Nichols. Buffalo, 185?), Episcopius, Grotius, Limborch, and other Remonstrants; " Pra-stantium ac Eruditorum yirorum Eptstola Ecclesiasticie et Theologico' varii argiimentt, inter qiiai eminent eie, qute lac. Arminio, Conr. yorstio, Sim. Episcopio, Hug. Grolio, Cafp. Barlieo, conscrtptee sunt," 1660 (exceed- ingly important as giving the inmost th-oughts of the chief actors on the Remon- strant side in confidential correspondence) ; Brandt, "History of the Reformation In and about the Low Countries " (Eng. tr.), 1720-172? ; Motley, " Life and Times of John of Olden Barneveld " ; Hales, " Hist. Cone. Dordraceni "; Van der Tunk, "Job. Biigerman." i86g : Calder, "Life of Simon Episcopius," i8?7 ; Cunningham, "Hist. Theology, "_ Vol. M., pp. 317-5x3; Heppe, "Hist. Syn. Nat. Dord." (in " Zcitschr. f. hist. Theol." 1853) ; articles in Hauck-Herzog, Lichtenberger, McClintock and Strong, and Schaff-Herzog on Arminians (Remonstrants), Dort (Dordrecht), and the leading personages on both sides. 336 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. portant revolt against Calvinism where it had become well establishec" and had control of the State, during this period, was in the Netherlands early in the seventeenth century. The revolting party came to be designated " Arminians," from James Arminius, and " Remon- strants," from a document called a "Remonstrance" signed by the anti-Calvinist leaders. a. Antecedents of the Aiminian Controrersv. (a) One of tlie results of the prolonged and heroic struggle with Spain, in which Calvinists were the defenders of civil and religious liberty against the tyranny and intolerance of Catholic Spain, was the development in many minds of a spirit of excessive liberalism in matters of religion. Intellectual activity went hand in hand with the growth of commercial prosperity, as is evident from the rapid founding and generous support of universities and the high quality of published works in every department of learning. At the beginning of this controversy the Dutch were the most enlightened and intellectually ag- gressive people in the world. Several of the most eminent men of the age were noted for their latitudina- rianism. John van Olden Barueveld, the statesman who had been the guiding spirit of the United Netherlands in their struggle for freedom, had early taken as his motto : " To know nothing is the highest wisdom." His mind became more and more liberalized as time went on. He insisted on the utmost freedom, not only for Calvinistic thought over against Romanism, but even for types of thought regarded by the Calvinists as in the highest degree erroneous and dangerous. He would persecute neither Roman Catholics, Anabaptists, nor Socinians. He did not go so far, however, as to advocate absolute liberty of conscience. Hugo Grotins, one of the greatest scholars of his age, who as the founder of international law was one of the greatest benefactors of modern times, and who was equally at home in statesmanship, jurisprudence, the- ology, and classical learning, was so liberal in his views as to elicit from some one the remark that " Socinus, Luther, Calvin, Arius, and the pope contended for his religion as did the eight Greek cities for the honor of being the birthplace of Homer." CHAP I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 337 (b) Castellio's anti-Calvinistic dialogues on predestina- tion, election, free will, etc., were published posthu- mously in 1578 and exerted a considerable influence in the Netherlands in favor of liberal thought. The writings of Socinus and other Polish Anti-trinitarians had their circles of admiring readers among the Dutch at the close of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seven- teenth. (c) The Mennonites, who were now numerous, wealthy, and influential, like Anabaptists in general and like mediaeval evangelicals, were strongly anti-Augustinian in their theology. Determined efforts on the part of the Calvinists to secure the enactment of rigorous laws against them were thwarted by the enlightened liberal- ism of the statesmen of the time sustained by public sentiment. Considerable controversy had found place with reference to the toleration of these inoffensive peo- ple. It may be remarked further, that Mennonites had come to a considerable extent under the influence of Socinianism and constituted one of the channels through which this type of thought had become so widely dif- fused throughout the United Netherlands. {d) About 1602 the Reformed ministers at Delft set forth in writing a protest against Calvin's and Beza's doctrine of predestination, and Kroonherts assailed not only these great teachers but the Heidelberg Catechism and the Belgic Confession as well. Com ad l^orstiiis, though not then in the Netherlands, had influenced Netherlandish thought by the publication (1597) of his work on " Predestination, the Trinity, and the Person and Ofiice of Christ," which brought upon him the charge of Socinianism. He was to succeed Arminius in the University of Leyden (1610) and to become a stanch defender of liberal theology. (e) Side by side with the growth of liberal sentiment we find about this time a remarkable development of extreme types of Calvinistic teaching. 'Be^a, Calvin's successor at Geneva, had gone far beyond Calvin in the harshness with which he set forth the doctrine of pre- destination and the collateral doctrine of divine reproba- tion. He wrote : " That eternal decree of God concerning the manifestation of his glory in saving some whom it w 338 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. has seemed fit to him to save through his mercy and in destroying some by just judgment, precedes in the order of causes not only the determination of man's corruption, but also that of his integrity, and so that of his creation itself." John Piscator, professor at Herborn, who by a process of violent reaction afterward became an Ar- minian, was even more reckless in his assertion of the arbitrariness of God in his dealings with his creatures. In a controversy with Vorstius (1613) he advanced the following series of propositions: " i. Sins take place, God procuring and lie himself willing that they take place, nay, absolutely so willing. 2. God wills tliat iniquity be done, although he does not delight m it, just as a sick man wills to drink a bitter potion, though he does not delight in it. 3. God willed that Judas should betray Christ and that the Jews should slav him, which nevertheless he pro- hibited them from doing. 4. What is unjust — i. e., contrary to his precept — is consentaneous to the will of God. E. g., that homicide of the Jews and that treachery of Judas, etc. 5. All things take place from God's decree, even 'sins themselves, and, indeed, from his absolute and special decree. 6. Because God wills to make mani- fest his justice and mercy, therefore also he wills that sins take place. 7. Because God procures that manifestation of his justice and mercy, therefore also he procures the sins themselves. 8. God procured that Absalom should debauch the wives of his father and that Siiimei should curse his king. q. God destined all men to sins, and this in order that he migiit save some out of mercy and punish and destroy others out of justice. 10. Because God de- creed to permit sins, therefore it is necessary that they take place, because otherwise he would have decreed in vain to permit. 11. The unbelief of the Jews (and likewise that of all unbelievers) depends upon God's predestination." Another series of propositions may be quoted from the same work : " i. God does not wish individual men as such, or all men absolutely, to become saved, but onl\- men of every race, i. c, some of ail. 2. God does not wish the con\'er- sion of every sinner, but only of those who in reality are converted. 3. God is not under obligation to exercise benevolence toward all men ; nay, toward any one, in any manner. 4. God sometimes forgets his mercy in the execution of his judgment. 5. it depends upon God whether or not men that are called believe in Christ and become saved. 6. The will to save men is in God particular, and that from an antecedent decree made absolutely and precisely con- cerning particular individuals. 7. God justly predestined precistly very many men (plerosqtie) to eternal destruction and indeed absolutely air to sins themselves. 8. God justly wills that sins be committed by us, and indeed absolutely wills that thev be committed ; nay, procures in time these sins themselves, q. God justiv punishes and eternally destroys men on account of sins of this kind, although they are absolutely necessarv and inevitable. 10. That God more- over teaches, prohibits, promises, etc., certain things which yet in CHAP. I.] THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION 339 reality he neither wishes to do in us nor to be done by us. 11. Fur- thermore, that he justly exacts repentance and faith from those to whom he is unwilling to furnish help sufficient and simply neces- sary to this end. 12. Finally, that the process of this whole pre- destinatory business is just." Piscator taught "That whatever things God wishes to talinmentorum ad Hist. Cone. Trident. Spectaniiiim Amplissima Col- lectio,'' 7 volumes, 1781 ; Schaff, "The Creeds of Christendom" ; Doliinger, ''Sammlung von Urkiinden ^itr Gese/i. d. Cone, von Trent'^ 1876; Froude, " Lectures on the Council of Trent," 1896; Little- dale, "Short Hist, of the Council of Trent," 1888. Of less value are the works of Sarpi and Pallavicino. I . Occasion of the Calling of the Council. Luther and the German princes had from the begin- ning demanded the adjudication of their cause by a Gen- eral Council that should be free from papal control, should make the Scriptures the criterion of doctrine and practice, and should undertake to reform the church in its head and members. Leo X. purposed the calling of a coun- cil, being fully assured that the entire body of prelates would decide against Luther and his followers and that the great political powers would unite in carrying out such repressive measures as the council might dictate. His early death prevented the execution of his plan. Griev- ances were continually coming before the imperial Diets until they amounted to several hundreds. Many of them came from Catholic princes. There was a widespread feeling of the need of a thorough reformation of the ad- ministrative and financial methods of the hierarchy and of the lives of clergy and monks, not only among those who were openly attached to Luther, but among those who still clung to the old faith as well. Paul ill., who had been cardinal under three popes, was thoroughly fa- miliar with the condition of religious life and thought throughout Europe and with the secrets of the Roman Curia, and had abandoned the policy of attempting to gain advantages from the antagonism of the great Catholic powers, saw that it would be bad policy to re- sist longer the demand for a council, and with a view to 356 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. v. testing still further the sentiments of the Germans, he sent out a legate to confer with the princes and other leading men, both Catholic and Protestant. The German Catholics, deeply distrustful of Italian diplomacy, de- clared themselves opposed to any council to be held in Italy. The Protestants agreed with tlie Catholics in this, and would have nothing to do with a council to be pre- sided over by the pope. Nevertheless, Paul proceeded to issue a bull convoking a council to assemble at Mantua in 1537. Germany, France, England, and even Italy protested against the place. He next fixed upon Vicenza for 1538 ; but not a single bishop responded to the sum- mons. The readiness with which Catholic princes and prelates ignored the orders of the supreme pontiff furnishes the most striking evi- dence of the depressed condition of papal authority at this time. Tiie papacy had deservedly lost the confidence of its constituency by reason of its corrupt administration, the devotion of tiie popes to personal interests, and the utterly unscrupulous diplomacy of the Roman Curia. In 1 541, Caraffa now being the power behind the throne with a fully developed policy of repression, the pope and the emperor conferred personally with reference to the reunification of western Christendom through a council, and Trent, an Austrian city only a few miles from the Italian border, was suggested as being outside of Italy, central, and as far as possible neutral. War again broke out between the emperor and the king of France, and nothing could be done toward the assem- bling of a council until peace had been made (Decem- ber, 1544). One of the items of the treaty was an agreement of the potentates to co-operate for bringing about an early assembling of the long-deferred council. Under this influence a fresh papal bull was almost im- mediately issued, convoking a council to assemble in Trent, March, 1545. 2. Conflicting Aims in the Calling of the Council. One of the chief difficulties in securing the co-opera- tion of Catholic Europe in the assembling of tlie council and one of the chief causes of strife in the council when assembled was a radical difference of opinion between CHAP. II.] THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 357 the papal and the imperial parties as to the work to be attempted. The emperor had chiefly at heart the re- union of western Christendom as a means of strengthen- ing the imperial power against Turkish invasion and put- ting an end to the ruinous internal strife occasioned by the Protestant Revolution. He had become convinced that Protestantism had become too firmly rooted to be forcibly extirpated. Any attempt at coercive measures would, he was sure, lead to a civil war, the results of which could not be foreseen, and would destroy for the empire the possibility of effective resistance to its external foes. Stalwart Catholic though he was, he fully recognized the terrible corruption of the ecclesiasti- cal administration, the reality of the grievances that had long been accumulating, and the absolute necessity of such reforms as would lead to the conciliation of all who had not become hopelessly estranged from the church. \n this policy France was practically at one with the im- perial party. Gallicanism was still strong, and the idea of a council manipulated by the pope in his own interest was repulsive. With the pope, on the other hand, the thing of funda- mental importance was a minute definition of the doc- trines of the church with the specific anathematizing of every current form of heresy. Such a definition of doc- trine would furnish a convenient and highly effective instrument for the use of the Inquisition, which it was his design to establish wherever and whenever it was practicable. A complete body of Catholic doctrine had never yet been authoritatively set forth. Most of the earlier councils, as well as those of the Middle Ages, had been occupied with the definition of individual doc- trines, or phases of doctrine, and great diversity of doc- trinal definition existed in the writings of ancient and medieval teachers that had been approved by the church. The time had come when it was of the utmost importance for the inquisitors of heresy to know precisely what the church taught and precisely what errors were outside of the pale of its toleration. Hence the policy of the Roman Curia was not to conciliate the Protestants by the abolition of abuses, but to cut off Protestantism from the fellowship of the church. 358 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. v. These two conflicting aims had to be harmonized before anything could be done by way of organizing the coun- cil for its work. It was early agreed that both reforma- tion and the definition of doctrine should be attempted, but the question of precedence was more difficult to settle. The papal party insisted on defining the faith first and then giving attention to reformation, intimating that reformation was a delicate matter that would have to be proceeded with cautiously and deliberately, and that more harm than good might be done by rashly at- tempting the abolition of recognized abuses. The im- perial party demanded that reformation be first attended to as the matter of most urgent importance and that doctrinal definition await its turn. It was finally agreed that the two departments of work should go on concur- rently, each being entrusted to suitable committees and alternate sessions of the council being devoted to each. A remarkably full record of the discussions of the various com- mittees on docti'ine and reformation lias been preserved and has been recently made available (ed. Tlieiner). Freedom of discussion pre- vailed to an extent unknown in more recent Catholic gatherings and the utmost diversity of opinion was expressed on many matters. 3. Tlie Sessions of tJie Council. The first seven sessions of the council were held at Trent (March, 1545, to March, 1547). Pestilence broke out at this time, as the result, no doubt, of the congre- gation of a vast multitude of visitors in a comparatively small city without proper sanitation, and necessitated the removal of the council. The pope attempted to re- assemble it at Bologna and a few unimportant and sparsely attended sessions were held there ; but the op- position of the imperial party was so pronounced and de- termined that prorogation soon followed. The emperor demanded that the council be restored to Trent and en- tered into fresh negotiations with tlie Protestants, in- viting them to send representatives to the council with the right "to deliver their opinions freely, without let or blame, in a council guided by the doctrine of the Scriptures and the Fathers." This proceeding aroused the indignation of the Roman Curia, now fully dominated by the Spanish-Jesuit policy of uncompromising warfare CHAP. II.] THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 359 against insubordination of every kind. The failing health of the pontiff and the bitter dissension between the papal and the imperial parties prevented the reas- sembling of the council until 1551, the year succeeding the death of Paul ill. Under Julius 111. (1550-1555) the council was reassem- bled at Trent and proceeded slowly with its work for about a year. A number of Protestant ambassadors were present in response to the invitation of the emperor, but no satisfactory guarantee having been given that the deliberations would be free or that tne questions at issue would be decided on their merits, they soon with- drew. In 1552 war broke out between the emperor and the Protestant princes (Schmalkald War) and Trent seemed in danger of a Protestant attack. This led to another suspension of the council. War and the deaths of popes (Julius III. and Marcel- lus II., 1555, Paul IV., Caraffa, 1559), prevented the re- assembling of the body until 1561. The accession of Elizabeth in England, with the final overthrow of papal authority and the exclusion of Roman Catholicism, the successes of the Huguenots in France, the rapid spread of Protestantism in the Austrian dependencies, and the rebellious attitude of the Dutch evangelicals, led Pius IV., soon after his election (15 59), to begin negotiations for the reopening of the council. The Protestants were again invited, but they refused to make any further efforts at compromise. The Augsburg Treaty (1555), which had followed the successful conflict of the Protestants of Germany, aided by France, with the emperor and his allies, had been repudiated by the papacy, and they were content to abide by this settlement until they could see their way to something more advantageous. By this time the Jesuits were thoroughly entrenched in the control of the policy of the church and had entered with great energy and zeal upon the task of destroying Prot- estantism and every form of opposition to Roman domi- nance, root and branch. Some of the ablest leaders in the final sessions of the council were members of this great order. The council reassembled at Trent in 1561 and continued, with slight interruptions, till 1564, when its work was completed. 360 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. 4. Decrees of the Council . (i) On Reformation. A vast number of grievances were considered and dealt with. No effort was made to deny or to palliate the fearful corruptions that had led to the Protestant Revolution. Among the numerous reforms finally adopted by the council, the following may be specified : a. It was provided that in churches where an endow- ment for a lectureship for the expounding of the Scrip- tures existed, it should be faithfully used for this pur- pose, and that where no such fund had been established a master shall be appointed to teach the clergy and other poor scholars gratuitously. The Protestants were laying great stress on biblical training. The Tridentine councilors felt the necessity of meeting Protestantism on its own ground and supplying the popular demand for biblical in- struction. Few of the priests were familiar enough with the Scrip- tures to be able to hold their own with Protestant ministers in argu- ment based on the e.xegesis of the sacred records and the people were prone to follow those who seemed to draw their teachings straight from holy writ. b. it is ordered that all clergy in parochial charge shall preach the gospel. The great mass of the priesthood were too illiterate to preach the gospel or to speak effectively on any theme. The power of Prot- estantism had been seen to lie largely in preaching. " Dumb dogs," as Knox called them, could not hold their own in competition with well-educated and enthusiastic evangelical preachers. The Catholics must use to the full this means of influencing the masses. c. Monks are forbidden to preach in parishes without the license of the bishop. Nothing had worked more powerfully for the degradation of the parish clergy than the unlimited license that had been bestowed upon the monastic orders by the medi;pval popes to preach in any parish without episcopal permission, to hear confession, and to usurp the functions of the local ministry. Being for the most part better educated and more attractive than" the local clergy and to all appear- ances holier in life, they were able to supplant them in the esteem and the affection of tiie people and discourage in them efforts to ful- fill their functions aright. The council recognized the evil and sought to remedy it. d. Holders of several cathedral churches are required CHAP. II.] THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 361 to resign all but one, and in cases where more benefices than one are allowed, by special dispensation, suitable vicars are to be provided for such churches as are not personally cared for. The evils of pluralities are recognized and a feeble attempt at ref- ormation is suggested. Many of the most important ecclesiastical positions were lield by men who were not expected to render any service in return for the revenues enjoyed and who made no suitable provision for the work thus neglected. The conferring of bish- oprics and archbishoprics on young children was no uncommon occurrence. e. Restrictions were put upon the appointment of dis- reputable and incompetent men to ecclesiastical posi- tions ; but there is no indication that the council had any serious intention of bringing the priesthood up to a high moral or intellectual standard. Bishops are instructed to use all diligence in efforts to promote order and good morals among clergy and people. The deplorable moral condition of the clergy is frankly recognized. /. It is insisted that those appointed to the higher ecclesiastical positions be men of good birth and morals and proper age. The minimum age is fixed at fourteen. g. The need of a better educated clergy is recognized and a general provision for promoting ministerial educa- tion is suggested. The power of an educated ministry had become evident in the his- tory of the evangelical churches. Catholics must have an educated priesthood or they could not hold their own in the conflict with Prot- estantism, much less win back to the church the alienated multitudes. //. A thorough reformation of monastic life is decreed, based upon a recognition of the corruption of the monas- teries charged by the Protestants. /. Frugality is enjoined upon the cardinals and all the clergy, wasteful luxury being recognized as one of the chief causes of the church's woes. h. Concubinage is acknowledged as prevalent among the clergy and is disapproved. It is ordered that the illegitimate sons of the clergy shall not hold benefices in connection with those of their fathers. it is to be observed that while many of these suggested reforms seem highly commendable and would give the impression of a sen- 362 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. ous purpose of purifying the ciuircli on tlie part of the prelates as- sembled, their force is greatly weakened by the fact that it is distinctly and emphatically stated that these reformatory decrees are to be so interpreted as that the authority of the Apostolic See is not touched thereby. The power of dispensation possessed and from this time onward freely used by the popes, rendered practically nugatory the decrees that the prelates enacted to satisfy the demands of public opinion rather than to render the church pure. Jesuitical policy would use evangelical weapons and simulate evangelical life when- ever and so far as expediency might seem to require ; but there is no reason to believe that there was any intention of enforcing the new regulations. (2) On Doctrine. The doctrinal work of the council wa.s a far more serious matter than the reformatory. The former was intended for systematic and rigorous use in the prevention and the suppression of heresy, while tiie latter could be used or neglected as the exigencies of the church miglit dictate. A number of theologians of great ability were engaged in the preparation of the doctrinal statements. The distinctive features of Lutheranism, Zwinglianism, Calvinism, Anti-pedobaptism, and other forms of dissent from the Roman Catholic Church, are specifically anathematized. These views are not always formulated in a way that does entire justice to those that were responsible for them, but in most cases it is easy to connect the anathemas with the parties for whom they were intended. It is somewhat difficult to characterize the doctrinal position of the council. On the doctrines with respect to which Augustine and Pelagius were at a variance the statements of the council are neither Augustinian nor Pelagian. The term semi-Pelagian might seem appro- priate, were it not for the fact that the Jesuit Molina, followed by a large proportion of the theologians of his society and many others, went much farther in the direc- tion of Pelagianism and were regarded by the strict ad- herents to the formulae of the council as semi-Pelagians. Perhaps the term semi-Augustinian would be more appro- priate. The following specifications, which as being partial and condensed statements cannot claim to be ab- solutely accurate, must suffice : a. On the Canon of Scripture. The Old Testament Apocrypha are included in the canon and an anathema CHAP. II.] THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 363 is pronounced upon any who shall deny that each book as given in the Latin Vulgate is inspired in all its parts. It is worthy of remark that, in accordance with the decision of the council to have a uniform and absolutely authoritative edition of the Latin Bible, Sixtus V. issued a te.xt in 1590. In it were omitted third and fourth Ezra, third Maccabees, and the Prayer of Manasseh, and it was so marred by typographical and other errors that Clement Vlll. felt obliged to call in the edition and to issue a better (1592). b. Original Sin. When Adam transgressed the com- mand of God he lost the sanctity and righteousness in which he had been constituted and incurred the wrath and indignation of God, and therefore death, and with death captivity, under the power of the devil. This penalty was incurred not for himself alone, but for his posterity as well, and deliverance is through the merit of Christ alone. By baptism this original sin is taken away, but the inherited tendency to sin remains, hence post-baptismal sins. But sufificient grace is given, if utilized, for the avoidance of these. c. Justification. This is not remission of sins merely, but also the sanctification and renewal of the inner man through the voluntary reception of grace and gifts. We are said to be justified by faith because faith is the be- ginning of human salvation, the foundation and root of all justification. We are said to be justified freely be- cause none of those things that precede justification (whether faith or works) merits the grace itself of justifi- cation. But though it is necessary to believe that sins neither are nor ever have been remitted, unless gratui- tously by the mercy of God for Christ's sake, yet it is not to be said that sins are forgiven or have been forgiven to any one who boasts of his confidence and certainty of the remission of sins and rests on that alone. Neither is it to be asserted that they who are truly justified must needs without any doubting whatever determine within themselves that they are justified, and that no one is absolved from sins and justified unless he believes for certain that he is absolved and justified. This was aimed at Luther's doctrine of assurance. Having been thus justified. Christians increase day by day in that justice which they have received through the grace of 364 A .MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. v. Christ, through the observance of the commandments of God and of the church, faith co-operating with good works. Again, good works are represented as fruits of justification and to these God has mercifully promised reward. Venial sins may be expiated by good works. J. Predestination. This is treated under justification and the Calvinistic statements are condemned, but not so decidedly as by the later Jesuit divines. e. The Sacraments. The seven sacraments long recog- nized by the Roman Catholic Church are elaborately de- fended against the Protestants, who were united in reject- ing all but baptism and the Supper, and are accurately defined. /. The Interpretation of the Doctrinal Decrees of the CouTicil. W hile it was of great importance to the papacy to ha\ e a carefully formulated statement of doctrine as a criterion of orthodoxy, it was early foreseen that dif- ferences of opinion would arise as to the interpretation of these formula?. Provision was made for their authori- tative interpretation by the establishment of the Con- gregation of the Council as a department of the Roman Curia. As the infallible head of the church, the pope, of course, has the last word in all disputed interpreta- tions. IV. THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. Literature : The fundamental publications of the Society' de scribed in the text Uhe author has in his libran" a collection of earlv editions of these fundamental writings that before and during the Thirt>' Years' War belonged to the librar>- of the Jesuit establish- ment at Munich, the chief center of their operations in Germany) ; "'^Doctritut Jesuitarum Prj-.-ipua Capita, a doclis quihusJjm Theologts''' (Chemnitz, Boquin, Whitaker, et jL), i;84-i585 : Tavlor, " Lovola and Jesuitism,'' 1849; Rose, *' Ignatius Lovola and the Earlv Jesu- its," second ed., i8qi ; Baumgarten, "" fgn. Ton Lotolj,"' 18S0; Gothein, "Ign. Ton Lcnola u. d. Gevmreformationy 1895 ; Steinmetz, *' Hist, of the Jesuits," 1848 ; Thompson. *' Footprints of the Jesu- its," 1804: Carn\Tight, "The Jesuits," 1876: Pascal, "Provincial Letters": Dollinger u. Reusch, "G«rA. d. MorahiTntigkatm in d. Romtsch-kathol. Ktrche s-nt d. id.Jahrh., mit Briirasfn ^jr Gesch. . . d. Jesuiimordrns,'' 18^; Reusch, "fl«/rj^/ ^r Gesch. d. Jesuitenordm,''^ 1894; art. bv Steitz and Zockler on "■ Jnuitenordm'' in Hauck-Her- zog, ed. 3, Bd. 9, Snt. 742-784. From the preceding history of the Roman Catholic Church it might have been expected that such a crisis CHAP. II.] THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 365 as the Protestant Revolution would call forth a new mo- nastic order precisely adapted in spirit and methods to the exigencies of the case. As the wonderful growth of dissent in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries brought into the field the Franciscan and the Dominican Orders, which gathered up in themselves the energy and zeal of the corrupt medieval church and hurled them against heresy in the form of enthusiastic popular preaching and improved theological literature and teaching, and devised more systematic and rigorous methods of searching out and destroying heretics, so the Protestant Revolution called forth tne order of Jesuits, which represented the most enthusiastic, aggressive, and intolerant type of Roman Catholicism in a greatly intensified and thor- oughly organized form. Reference has already been made to the intense and intolerant character of Spanish Roman Catholicism at the beginning of the present period and to the influence of contact and conflict with Mo- hammedanism in producing it it might have been expected that the countr\- of Ferdinand the Catholic and Ximenes would give to the church its method, its leaders, and its organization in the great confl'ict with Protestantism, in which it must employ all its resources to the greatest advantage or else renounce its ambition to be and to be regarded as the Catholic church. I . Vie Founder of the Order. Ignatius Loyola (Don Inigo Lopez de Recalde) was the youngest son of the knight Beltran of Loyola, a member of one of the old noble families of Spain, Born in 1491, he received only a moderate education and spent his youth at the court of Ferdinand. Chivalry and reverence for saints and martyrs became deeply impressed upon his highly sentimental and imaginative nature. In 1521 he was severely wounded in the battle between the Spanish and the French at Pampeluna. During his long confinement, in the absence of works of chivalry in which he specially delighted, he read with absorbing interest a life of Christ and a book of legends of the saints. The images of heroic Christian service and sacrifice formed by his vivid imagination in reading these works deeply impressed themsehes upon his nature. Such monastic leaders as Francis of Assisi and Dominic awakened in him a spirit of emulation. What they did he might also 366 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. v. do. Worldly thoughts, especially those involving am- bition for advancement, and amatory desires inspired by the charms of his lady love, he came to attribute to Satanic prompting, while the desire to consecrate his life with chivalric devotion to the conversion of infidels in the Holy Land he accepted as divinely given. On his recovery he exchanged garments with a beggar and en- tered a Dominican monastery, where he hung his mili- tary accoutrements before an image of the Virgin. Rigor- ous asceticism, the performance of the most difficult and disagreeable services, and frequent confessions and masses, indicated his intense devotion to his religious ideal. From the monastery of Manresa he went to Bar- celona, and in 1523 he journeyed to Palestine to enter upon his chosen life-work. Finding no opening for mis- sionary activity in Jerusalem, after visiting the few holy places that were accessible to him, he returned to Spain. He had become convinced that a thorough university education was indispensable to the realization of his ideal of service. With almost incredible labor he mastered the elements of Latin at Barcelona. At Alcala he studied philosophy and trained a number of young people in the "Spiritual Exercises," which he had early prepared and which in their completed form embody very fully his re- ligious ideals. Here and at Salamanca, where he con- tinued his studies, he incurred the suspicion of the officers of the Inquisition and suffered considerable persecution, in 1 528, now thirty-seven years of age, he entered upon a course of study in the University of Paris, beginning again with grammatical work because of his conscious deficiencies. His religious enthusiasm might have been expected to thrust him all unprepared into the thick of the conflict ; but he had come to realize that education was necessary for his work, and that if only twenty years of life were left to him he could afford to devote ten of them to arduous study. He lived on charity, spending his vacations in the Netherlands among his fellow-coun- trymen, who ministered liberally to his wants. But how- ever much he became absorbed in the drudgery of ac- quiring an education he never for a moment lost sight of his great purpose. Wherever he could find any one dis- posed to subject himself to a course of training in the CHAP. 11.] THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 367 " Spiritual Exercises " he rarely failed to master his will and to fill him with his own enthusiasm for self-sacri- ficing effort on behalf of the church. For disturbing the students in their studies by his '* Spiritual Exercises " he narrowly escaped disgraceful punishment at the hands of the university authorities. Among the able youths who were completely mastered by his enthusiasm were Peter Faber, Francis Xavier, Alfonso Salmeron, Jacob Lainez, Nicholas Bobdilla (Spaniards), and Simon Rodriguez (a Portuguese). On August 15, 1534 (the anniversary of the assumption of the Virgin Mary), in the St. Mary's church at Montmartre, they unitedly took upon them- selves the most solemn vows to enter, after the comple- tion of their studies, upon hospital and missionary work in Jerusalem, or, the door being closed for such work, to go without questioning wherever the pope might send them. hi 1535 Loyola and his associates returned to Spain to arrange the affairs of the latter preparatory to their de- parture for the Orient. At the beginning of 1537 they betook themselves, with three recruits, to Venice, with the design of procuring transportation to Palestine. War be- tween the Venetians and the Turks delayed them, and they entered enthusiastically upon hospital work, which brought them into relations with the Cardinal Caraffa that proved highly important to the society. Caraffa tried to win them to his Theatine order, which had much in common with the new society. Loyola next sent forth his followers as evangelists into the cities and towns of the republic. Reassembling at Rome they preached with great fervor in the market-place, on the streets, in the hospitals, and in private houses, and made a special effort to win the students of the university. Their labors were so abundant and successful that they were at last able to overcome the reluctance of the pope to the establishment of a new order, and on September 27, 1540, Paul III. issued a bull confirming the society but limiting its membership to sixty. This limitation was removed in March, 1543. Loyola was unanimously elected general and to set an example of humility he be- gan his official career by serving as cook for a time. Then for forty-six days he devoted himself with un- 368 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. quenchable zeal and witli remarkable success to the training of youth in the " Spiritual Exercises." From this time onward the society went forward in influence and in numbers by leaps and bounds, soon secured al- most unlimited privileges, and was able to shape the pol- icy of the entire Roman Catholic Church and furnish the most effective agents for the subjugation of the world to the hierarchy. The facts that have been briefly given regarding the career of Ignatius Loyola reveal to us a man of remarkable power of will, mastered by a great purpose which he identified in the most absolute way with the will of God, idealizing the church by his vivid imagi- nation so as to feel that its aggrandizement was a matter of su- preme importance, self-sacrificing to the last degree on behalf of the object of his devotion, able by his zeal, his power of will, and his method of training readily to master the wills of those who came within the sphere of his influence, capable of planning and scheming with the utmost deliberation when it suited his purpose, intolerant in the highest degree of opposition to the church, which meant to him opposition to God himself, an enthusiast, but not a fanatic. 2. Characteristics of the Jesuits. (i) Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience, hi common with other monastic orders, the Jesuits are bound by the vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. To these is added a vow to go without questioning or hesitation wherever the pope may command. This last vow was introduced partly to overcome the reluctance of the pope to confirm the order and partly to emphasize Loyola's idea of abso- lute obedience to a single central authority. (2) Centralisation of Authority. The fundamental idea of the society is that of securing absolute domination over the spirits of men and of centralizing all power in one earthly head representing God on earth. Jesuitism is thus the most perfect embodiment of the papal idea. (3) Perfect Organisation. The society combines high enthusiasm with careful selection and thorough training of the individual members and with perfect organization. Ml such a combination, whether the principles involved be right or wrong, there is almost irresistible power. 3. System of Selection and Training. This was admirably adapted to the securing of fit men for the purposes of the society. CHAP. II.] THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 369 (i) t/f Course of Spiritual Exercises. These were con- ducted with the use of the manual early prepared by the founder. When an individual had come so far under the influence of members of the society as to be willing to submit himself to a four weeks' course, he was isolated, and under the direction of an adept taken systematically through these wonderful exercises, the aim of which was to induce a state of complete subjection of the will and a habit of vivid contemplation and imaginative realization. The " Spiritual Exercises " are a masterpiece of psycho- logical insight. We can hardly conceive of anything better calculated for securing a complete mastery over a susceptible youth. The twenty-eight general divisions into daily tasks are each subdivided into five hourly meditations. Each of these begins with a preparatory prayer followed by two preludes, the first consisting of the realization of the place, the persons, and the circum- stances of the biblical event that forms the subject for meditation. The effort is to induce in the mind of the subject such a vision of these as an eye-witness would have. He is taught to see the angels fall, to see our first parents sin, to behold the judge pronouncing con- demnation, and hell opening its abyss. He is taught to hear the Persons of the Trinity planning the scheme of redemption. He is made to realize that he stands on the banks of the Jordan at the baptism of Jesus and beholds the Spirit of God descending as a dove and hears the ac- companying divine utterance. He tarries on the moun- tain of transfiguration and beholds the glorified Christ and his companions. He stands among the disciples at the last Supper. He realizes as if he were present the fires and fumes of hell, hears the despairing groans and utterances of the damned, smells the horrible stench of combustion, and realizes the endless duration of hell- torments. The second prelude of each hourly exercise consists in a prayer in which the candidate is led to weep or rejoice as the subject of the meditation demands. Each meditation ends with an invocation of Christ whose presence the candidate is expected to realize. The can- didate is taught continually to examine himself, to real- ize vividly his sinful condition, each individual sin being made to stand apart in all its hideousness, and he is Y 370 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. taught carefully to record from day to day the progress made in overcoming his sins. He is taught to realize deeply the natural consequences of sin as seen in the condition of those suffering eternal torment and to re- joice in the salvation provided by Christ, the glories of which are realized as vividly as possible. These " Spirit- ual Exercises " have from the beginning been one of the most valuable instruments of the society in the accom- plishment of its purposes. (2) The Novitiate, in case the " Spiritual Exercises " have produced the desired effect and the subject is re- garded as spiritually, mentally, and physically adapted to the purposes of the society, and no obstacles appear, he is invited to become a Novice. He is now carefully excluded from all intercourse with his relatives and former friends. Every earthly tie is broken. He is to have no will of his own as to his future course, but is to put himself into the hands of the director as the inter- preter of heaven toward him. He is to be as a corpse or as a staff. Absolute obedience is the thing most in- sisted upon. His conscience must not assert itself in op- position to the will of his superiors. Absolute destruction of individual will and conscience is aimed at and to a great extent accomplished. The director studies with the greatest care the condition of the Novice from day to day. He is allowed to read nothing but a little devo- tional matter. He may not converse with other Novices. His obedience is fully tested by the requirement of the most disagreeable and arduous services. The novitiate usually lasts for about two years, and if the Novice is found to possess great energy and tact, and absolute obedience, he is accepted as a Scholar. (3) The Scholar. This promotion is accompanied by a pledge on the part of the candidate that he will devote his life to the service of the society if so required. He now undergoes a protracted course of training in the various branches of secular and theological learning. The educational work of the Jesuits was from an early date thoroughly systematized, and was conducted with an enthusiasm and a devotion of effort to the meeting of the peculiar needs of each individual that placed their institutions of learning decidedly in advance of contem- CHAP. II] THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 371 porary Catholic and even Protestant schools. The prin- ciple of selection having already been applied in the case of the Scholars, they v/ere a body of picked men, thor- oughly obedient to their superiors and devoted to their work. The utmost attention was paid to wholesome nourishment and physical culture ; for the leaders real- ized from the beginning that to accomplish their purposes a sound and hardy physique was just as important as a well-trained and well-stored mind. If at the end of the course of study the Scholar was regarded as highly prom- ising, he was made a Coadjutor. (4) The Coadjutor. Those who have attained to this rank devote themselves entirely to the promotion of the aims of the society in spiritual or in secular work. Some are employed as teachers in the schools and colleges of the society. Some serve as priests and missionaries. Some attend to the business affairs of the society, which early assumed great importance. Coadjutors designed for secular duties were not so highly educated as those designed for teachers, priests, and missionaries. (5) Tlie Professed. A small proportion of the Coadju- tors, limited to such as have proved themselves pos- sessed in the highest degree of the qualities desiderated in the Jesuit, after a long enough period of responsible service in various capacities to test very thoroughly their fidelity and capability, are admitted to the rank of the Professed, which constitutes the inner circle of the so- ciety from which the officers are chosen and who are entrusted with its secrets. (6) IVatchcare. Each member of the society, includ- ing the general, is responsible to another, to whom he must regularly make confession of his inmost thoughts, and who is required to exercise a watchcare over him and to report every deviation from rectitude, according to the standards of the body. The "Constitutions" of the Jesuits give minute direction as to the manner of admission to the various ranks, the tests to be ap- plied, and the occupations of those belonging to each rank. The original educational scheme is carefully outlined. The manner of electing officers and the manner in which they are to be removed when the interests of the society require it, and the way in which undesirable members are to be disposed of, are embodied in this re- markable document, which, along with the " Spiritual Exercises" 372 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. must be regarded as one of the fundamental documents of the so- ciety. The " Rules " of the Society of Jesus give minute directions to the members in the various grades as to their personal conduct in the religious houses and in the world. Much of worldly wisdom is blended with some genuinely Christian precepts. In earlv editions Loyola's tract on " The Virtue of Obedience" is appended. Aqua- viva, general of the society, prescribed (1604) the reading of this tract every two days by every Jesuit. It teaches each one to put aside all conscientious scruples and to obey his superior as if he were Christ himself, whatever he may command. No writing bet- ter embodies the spirit of the society or furnishes a better explana- tion of its immoralities. The " Institutes" of the Society of Jesus (1606 and often), is the comprehensive law book of the society, embracing papal bulls, briefs, and privileges, a " General Examination of the Society": a treatise on the nature, purpose, and task of the society ; the " Constitutions," described above, with ten chapters of " Declara- tions" or authoritative interpretations of constitutional points; the " Decrees and Canons of the General Congregation "; the " Rules," mentioned above ; a pedagogical manual (" T^atio Stiidiorum " ) ; the " Ordinances of the Generals"; the "Spiritual Exercises," de- scribed above ; and some other ascetical works. The " A/o;//7j Secreta''^ (secret instructions), supposed to be the frank directions of the generals to the provincials and others and embodying the well-known worldly wisdom and unscrupulousness of the society, can no longer be used as a genuine document. Its genuineness is denied bv the society and has not been fully proved by its opponents. It was first published in 1612 and, if not genu- ine, was probably the production of the ex-Jesuit, Hieronymus Zaorowski, on the basis of accurate information regarding the secret workings of the society. The repudiation of the work by the so- ciety is, of course, no conclusive evidence of its spurious'ness. It has been the consistent policy of the society from the beginning to deny everything disadvantageous to the church or to itself and to take the chances of being proved unveracious by irrefutable testi- mony ; and the training received by the members of the society has made them adepts at evasion. ' , 4. Aims of the Order. The professed aim of Ignatius and his associates was the promotion of the "greater glory of God." The ex- pression of this aim abounds in the writings of the so- ciety. The greater glory of God was identified by them in the most absolute way with the world-wide and un- disputed dominion of the Roman Catholic Church, with the pope as its infallible and irresponsible head. The bringing of the church into its normal condition of thor- oughly organized and exclusive dominion meant to them CHAP. II.] THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 373 the universal triumph of their own ideal of church life and government. It was theirs, therefore, to master the church and its hierarchy, including the pope, and to use all its resources for the reconquest of territory that had been Catholic but was then under Protestant or Moham- medan control, and to bring the entire heathen world under the sway of the Jesuitized hierarchy. Absolute world dominion by a single will, which was nominally that of the pope, but really that of the general of the society — this and nothing less was the task that this little group of Spanish enthusiasts set out to accomplish. Such dominion meant not merely outward obedience on the part of each individual prelate, priest, monk, king, emperor, noble, and peasant, to the commands of the central authority (complete subjec- tion of will), but it meant also the renunciation of all private think- ing and of all individual moral prompting, and the acceptance as in- tellectually correct and morally sound of whatever the church through its authorized channels teaches or prescribes (subjection of the in- tellectual and the moral sense), as well as joyful and loving acqui- escence in such enslavement (subjection of the emotional nature). 5. Methods of the Jesuits. (i) The careful selection and thorough training of its men has already been mentioned. No religious order, it is probable, ever exercised so much care in securing proper instruments. The purpose of the founder and the early directors of the society was not, however, the perfection of the individual for his own sake, but the se- curing of the most efficient instrument possible for the work to be accomplished. (2) The power of dispensing with all rules and require- ments when the interests of the society seem to make it expedient has been vested in the general. The Jesuit missionary or worker in any sphere may thus adapt his dress, manner of life, and occupation to the exigencies of the occasion. He may disguise himself and figure as a Protestant or a Brahmin, if by so doing he can gain an entrance otherwise difficult for Catholic teaching. The story is familiar of a Jesuit who mastered the San- skrit language and the Vedas, assumed the dress and the mode of life of a Brahmin priest, and finally wrote and palmed off as ancient a Veda in which Roman Catholic Christianity under a thin disguise was taught, in Eng- 374 A AlANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. land and other Protestant countries where the Jesuits were outlawed, there can be little doubt but that they frequently conformed outwardly to the established form of religion and secretly and insidiously carried on their proselytizing work. (3) They early realized the vast importance of direct- ing higher education as a means of gaining control of the lives of the ablest and best-connected young men and making trained intellect subservient to their purposes. Their pedagogical methods, while not deviating very widely from those of the mediaeval universities, were so vital with the enthusiasm of the society as to attract vast numbers of the ablest and noblest youths, including many Protestants, and to enthrall them. It is probable that more time was employed in molding their religious and moral characters into complete harmony with the ideals of the society than in securing a mastery of the studies of the course ; but as twelve years were often devoted to the completion of the arts and theological courses, the intellectual training given was usually ade- quate for all the purposes of the society, and qualified their workers to hold their own in competition with Prot- estant ministers. Large numbers of the most desirable young men who entered their schools with no intention of becoming members of the society were won by the patient efforts of those in charge. (4) From the beginning they utilized the confessional to the utmost as a means of mastering the souls of men and women and gaining a knowledge of religious and political affairs that could serve the ends of the society. The sons and daughters of the rich and the noble they sought by every means to bring under their influence, and they were soon the favorite confessors in the impe- rial court and in many of the royal courts of Europe. It was their constant aim to make their confessional system so attractive to the rich and the noble that they would seek it of their own accord. To this end their casuisti- cal system of moral theology was elaborated, whereby they were able to appease the consciences of their sub- jects in all kinds of wrong-doing. It was their policy to indulge their noble charges in all kinds of \'ice and crime and to instill into their minds an undying hatred of every CHAP. II.] THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 375 form of opposition to the Catholic faith. The confessor of Louis XIV. was nicknamed Pere de la Chaise. (5) Their determination to use the political power of Europe for their own purposes caused them from the be- ginning to take the profoundest interest in politics. When they had once molded a ruler to their will and made him the subservient instrument of their policy, they were ever at his side dictating to him the measures to be em- ployed for the eradication of heresy and the complete reformation of his realm according to the Jesuit ideal, and they were ever ready, with full papal authority, to conduct inquisitorial work. When Catholic or Protes- tant rulers opposed their schemes they made use of in- trigue in the most unscrupulous manner for securing their overthrow and the installation of a new govern- ment more favorable to their aims. They soon grew so daring and high-handed in their measures, procuring in some cases the assassination of kings, that they be- came a terror to civil rulers and were expelled even from Spain and Portugal. The unscrupulous manner in which through the confessional and every method known to the expert detective they became possessed of State secrets and utilized them for their purposes is well known to stu- dents of political as well as to those of church history. (6) Their activity in connection with the Council of Trent has already been referred to. The uncompro- mising attitude of the council toward Protestantism was due in a large measure to the influence of Lainez, the second general, and to other Jesuit members. Their in- fluence in the interpretation of the doctrinal decrees of the council has been still more important. (7) Recognizing, as they early did, the importance of popular preaching as a means of winning back Protes- tant communities to the Catholic faith, they gave the utmost attention to the cultivation of the preaching gifts among the members and used every device suggested by Protestant worship or otherwise for the popularization of the church services. They secured from the pope per- mission to omit such portions of the liturgies as were tedious and in the way of more interesting elements of worship, and thoroughly modernized the services in the churches where they ministered. 376 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. (8) Their ethical system, to be further described be- low, gave them perfect freedom as to the use of means for the accomplishment of their aims. (9) Their superior efficiency, as compared with the other orders and the secular priesthood of the Roman Catholic Church, and with the Lutheran clergy of the latter part of the sixteenth and the first half of the sev- enteenth century, may be likened to that of a thor- oughly picked and thoroughly trained baseball or foot- ball team, filled with enthusiasm for the honor of a great university and reckless of everything but success, and an equal number of ill-selected and ill-trained men, with- out a large definite purpose and fearful of personal injury. 6. The Ethical System of the Jesuits. Nothing was more conducive to the immediate success of the society and nothing was more calculated to bring it into everlasting obloquy, than the ethical ideas that its members professed and upon which their proceedings were based. Their system was simply a logical carry- ing out of principles that had for centuries been fully recognized in the Roman Catholic Church and had long before had a terrible fruitage ; but many Catholics were shocked by the utter immorality of Jesuit teaching and conduct. A more disabolical system it would be difficult to conceive. (i) Reference has already been made to the important place given to obedience in the Jesuit teaching. The founder of the society made the highest merit to consist in such a renunciation of the mental, moral, and emo- tional promptings of the individual as would enable him to do the bidding of his superior with the greatest satis- faction, even though it involved what he might otherwise have thought to be in the highest degree sinful and criminal. In his letter on "The Virtue of Obedience " he writes : "We may the more easily suffer ourselves to be surpassed by other relig- ious orders in fastings, vigils, and the rest, in the roughness of food and clothing, which each according to its own rites and discipline holily receives; but 1 am particularly anxious, dearest brethren, that you \vho serve in this society be conspicuous for true and perfect obedience and abdication of will and of judgment ; and that the true and germane character of the said society be distinguished, as it CHAP. II.] THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 377 were, by this note, that its members never Iool< upon the person him- self whom thev obey, but upon the Lord Christ in him whose cause they obey." He goes on to say that " if a superior be adorned and instructed with prudence, goodness, and whatever other divine gifts, he is not on this account to be obeyed, but solely because he is the vicegerent of God and performs his functions by the authority of him who says, ' Whosoever hears you hears me and whosoever re- jects you rejects me ' "; and that if the superior " be wanting in these gifts and graces, obedience is not to be withheld since he embodies the person of him whose wisdom cannot go astray and who will supply whatever is wanting in his minister." Again, he exhorts his brethren to be exceedingly careful to " recognize in the superior, whoever he may be, the Lord Christ, and in him to offer, with the highest re- ligious devotion, reverence and obedience to the divine majesty." He is careful to guard against the supposition that mere external obedi- ence suffices. There is to be complete agreement with the superior in willing and not willing. But the " third and highest grade of obedi- ence" is "the absolute immolation of the intellect," so that one " not only wills the same, but also thinks the same as his su- perior, and subjects his own judgment to his." True obedience re- quires tiriat whatever the superior commands or thinks should seem to the inferior right and true, as far as the will by its own power can bend the intellect." " You are not to behold in the person of the superior a man obnoxious to errors and pettinesses, but Christ himself, who is the highest wisdom, boundless goodness, infinite love, who cannot be deceived and would not deceive you." The immorality involved in this blind subjection of all the powers of one's being to a superior who may be utterly bad is sufficiently evident. Obedience is made the supreme virtue and if the Jesuit is bidden to cast himself into a glowing furnace or to wield the assas- sin's dagger he is bound without questioning or hesitation to obey. It seems almost incredible that a human soul could be so perverted as to lose all sense of direct responsibility to God and all disposition to form approving and disapproving judgments independently ; but we have reason to believe that the ideals of Loyola are to a great extent realized through the training that the system provides. (2) There has been much controversy as to whether the Jesuits inculcated and acted upon the principle that " the end sanctifies the means,'' Protestants affirming for the most part and Romanists denying. The Roman- ists are probably correct in denying that the phrase used with approval can be found in any writing authorized by the church ; but that the principle involved underlies the Jesuit system and has been approved by the Roman Catholic hierarchy can scarcely be doubted by any one familiar with the literature and with the history of the society. The supreme end, above remarked, is constantly represented as " the greater glory of God," and any su- 378 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. perior can declare any end, however diabolical, to involve the greater glory of God and command his inferior to use any means whatever for the accomplishment of this end, including deceit, theft, and even murder ; and the in- ferior must unquestioningly obey. In the "Constitu- tions" of the society' the following remarkable passage occurs. After enunciating in the heading of the section the principle that the " constitutions do not induce the obligation of sinning " and elab- orating this statement at some length, it is stated : "It has seemed good to us in the Lord, the express vow by which the society is held to the supreme pontiff for the time being excepted, and the three other essential vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, no consti- tutions, declarations, or any order of living, can induce an obligation to mortal or venial sin {posse obligaiwmm ad pcccatum mortali vd veniale inditcerf), unless the superior should order these things in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, or in virtue of obedience, which may be done in those things or persons in which it shall be judged that it will contribute in the highest degree to the particular good of each or to the general good ; and in place of the fear of offense let the love and desire of all perfection succeed, and that the greater glory and praise of Christ the Creator and our Lord may follow." It seems to be admitted, to start with, that the four vows are so funda- mental as to induce an obligation to sin if this be involved in their observance, and all other cases are covered by the provision that if the judgment of a superior that the individual good of each or the gene- ral good requires the commission of sin, it is to be done, the sinful character of the deed being put out of mind and the love and desire of all perfection and the promotion of the greater glory and praise of Christ taking tlie place of compunction in the act. The attempts to evade the plain meaning of this language are in the writer's judg- ment futile. When it is taught in Jesuit manuals of moral theology that poorly paid servants may by thieving from their employers raise their wages to a proper scale, "^that to relieve poverty the goods of the wealthy may be stolen, etc., this doctrine is inculcated in a form easily understood and exceedingly demoralizing. (3) The doctrine of Probahilism was rejected by a por- tion of the members of the society, but in a modified form secured papal recognition. The theory is that an opinion is rendered probable if it has in its favor one or two theologians of repute, although there are a hundred more reputable authorities in opposition to it. The ad- vocates of probabilism insisted that it was safe to act upon a probable opinion of this kind in opposition to the more or most probable opinions. The probabilists ran- » Part VI., Chap. V.. ed. of 1583. CHAP. II.] THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 379 sacked Catholic theological literature to find passages, which they did not hesitate to garble, that favored the laxest moral conduct, and they used these freely in the confessional as a pretext for encouraging those whom they wished to indulge in the most immoral living and dealing. It was held that a person might without bur- dening his conscience follow a "probable" opinion in his conduct, although personally convinced of the cor- rectness of the opposite position. (4) The scheme for evading responsibility for sinful and criminal conduct by the meiJiod of directing the in- tention was equally destructive of good morals. In ac- cordance with this, one may commit murder without burdening his conscience, if in the act his intention is directed to the vindication of his honor or the deliver- ance of the community from a nuisance, or some more important end ; one may commit adultery, if in the act the intention be directed not to the gratification of lust or the injury of the husband of the subject, but to the promotion of one's health and comfort or some other worthy end ; one may commit robbery, if the intention be directed not to the wrong done to the subject, but to the laudable object of making suitable provision for one's needs, etc. (5) Equally objectionable is the doctrine of mental res- ervation or restriction, whereby one may, without bur- dening his conscience, tell a downright falsehood, pro- vided the word or clause that would make the statement true is in the mind. Thus, one accused of having com- mitted a certain act last week in a certain place may swear that he was not there, reserving the statement " this morning." He may promise to do something, re- serving in his mind a condition of which the person con- cerned knows nothing. One may safely use ambiguous language and by tones or gestures promote the under- standing of it in a false sense. (6) Their recommendation and defense of the assas- sination of tyrants shocked the moral sense of Protestants and of many Catholics and turned many Catholic rulers against them. The officials of the order sought to avoid the disadvantageous consequences of such teaching and of the numerous cases in which it was carried out in 380 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. practice, by condemning any who should teach the law- fulness of assassinating tyrants; but they were careful not to condemn the teaching itself or those who practised it. The doctrine of assassination is clearly set forth in the following sentences from Suarez : " it is permitted to an individual to kill a tyrant in virtue of the right of self-defense ; fur tliougli tiie community does not command it, it is always to be understood that it wishes to be defended by every one of its citizens individually, and even by a stranger. Then, if no defense can be found excepting the death of the tyrant, it is permitted to every man to kill him. Whenever a king has been legitimately deposed, he ceases to be a king or a legitimate prince, and that can be no longer affirmed of him, which may be said for a legitimate king: he thenceforth should be called a tyrant. Thus, after he has been declared to be deprived of his kingdom, it becomes legal to treat him as a real tyrant ; and consequentl\' any man has a right to kill him." The significance of this language will appear more clearly if it be borne in mind that the writer and his brethren looked upon the pope or the general as having the right to depose and declare as a tyrant any ruler who opposed the purposes of the church and the society. If a civil ruler shall have antagonized the pope and incurred his sentence of deposition, any one, even a stran- ger without patriotic motives, may assassinate him. The Jesuits regarded moral philosophy as their special sphere and aimed to excel in this department of thought as much as the schol- astic divines excelled in theology. They were willing to go to any lengths to attract to their confessional the rich and the noble and to this end they abolished all of the terrors of sin, finding a means of excusing or making venial even the gravest offenses, it could not be expected that men in whom conscience had been so completely eradicated and whose business it was to make sinning easy for others w'ould preserve for themselves any very high ethical stand- ard. As a matter of fact, apart from their self-sacritlcing zeal on behalf of their society, and the Roman Catholic Church so far as it harmonized with the society, there was (and is) little in them that seems worthy of admiration. 7. Relations of the Society to the States of Europe up to 1648. (i) In Italy, where they enjoyed the cordial support of Caraffa and his successors in the papal administration, the Jesuits made rapid headway. (2) The king of Portugal early called to his council Xavier and Rodriguez, and entered with the utmost heartiness into the schemes of the society. Xavier's departure as a missionary to India, under the king's patronage, left Rodriguez his chief adviser in religious CHAP. II.] THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 381 and educational matters. The royal college at Coimbra and one of the principal churches of Lisbon were soon under the control of the society. Despite the opposition of nobles and cities the society tightened its grip on the public administration and under King Sebastian (1557- 1578) it virtually ruled the kingdom. (3) It might have been expected that this Spanish so- ciety of the Jesuits would find an open door in Spain. But Charles V. was opposed to their methods of dealing with Protestantism and to their ideas of papal absolutism. Even Philip II., whom they greatly influenced and who had much in common with them, refused to give them the position in his kingdom to which they aspired. Lead- ing Spanish theologians, like Melchior Canus, denounced them as forerunners of Antichrist foretold by the apostle in 2 Tim. 3 : 2. With much effort they gained a foot- hold in the universities of Alcala and Salamanca, and afterward gradually extended their sway. (4) In France the early efforts of Ignatius and his associates were sternly repelled. A number of youths whom he had sent to Paris for study in 1540 were driven away. While the Cardinal of Lorraine favored them, they were sternly opposed by the Archbishop of Paris, the Parliament of Paris, and the Sorbonne. In 1561 Lainez secured permission to establish the college of Clermont, which, however, was long denied full university privi- leges. In Lyons the Jesuit Augier preached with such success that the Huguenots had their churches and books burned, their preachers banished, and their worship sup- pressed. This victory was commemorated by the estab- lishment of a well-equipped Jesuit college. They gained a strong influence over Catharine de Medici and gave direction to the Catholic side in the wars with the Huguenots. It is probable that the massacre of St. Bar- tholomew's day (1572) was due in some measure to their influence. They bitterly opposed Henry of Navarre in his struggle for the crown and even after his triumphal entry into the city and his submission to the pope they refused to pray for him. The Parliament of Paris and the university denounced them as disturbers of the peace and a decree of banishment was issued against them. Henry thought it good policy to conciliate these restless 382 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. V. intriguers, annulled the decree of banishment, chose a Jesuit for his confessor, and extended their educational privileges. His aim was to make it to their interest to support France in European politics as against Spain, where tiie Dominicans still surpassed them in influence. From this time onward they controlled to a very great extent the policy of France. From the death of Henry IV. (1610) to the French Revolution they were the power behind the throne and were largely responsible for the religious wars, the persecution of the Huguenots, the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and the French Revolution itself. Enthusiastic missionaries went forth into the New World exploring and aiding in colonizing what is now British North America and the Ohio and Mississippi valleys. Their semi-Pelagian theology and their demoralizing ethical teachings and practices called forth the bitter attacks of Jansenius, Bishop of Ypres, St. Cyran, Dr. Anton Arnauld, of the Sorbonne, Pascal, the philosopher, and others, who advocated a rigorous form of Augustinian doctrine and a pure but ascetical morality, and merci- lessly exposed the moral rottenness and the pernicious influence of the society. The doctrinal system of the Jansenists coincided almost completely with that of the Calvinists, but the spirit of the two movements was as different as possible, and there was no sympathy be- tween them. The Jansenist movement will be treated more fully in the next period. (5) The Republic of ycnice had been an early strong- hold of the Jesuits, but in 1606, as a result of a conflict with the pope, they were sentenced to perpetual banish- ment. (6) In Germany and Austria their most noteworthy victories were achieved. In 1552 Ignatius had founded a college in Rome for the education of Teutonic mission- aries ((Zolleghim Germanicum) and there are many indi- cations that the reconversion of the Germanic peoples was very near his heart. In 1550 Ferdinand of Austria had come in contact with the Jesuit Le Jay and had consented to the establishment of a Jesuit college in Vienna. The next year fifteen Jesuit missionaries were stationed in the city, and within a few years they had CHAP. II.] THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 383 gained control of the university and were high in the counsels of the king. In 1556 they established them- selves in Ingolstadt and Cologne and were soon able to master the universities and to make of these cities cen- ters of missionary activity. During the same year they opened an educational institution in Prague, under the patronage of the king. Within the next few years col- leges were established at Tyrnau, OlmiJtz, and Brunn. Ferdinand's daughters encouraged them to take up work in the Tyrol. The ecclesiastical princes of Trier, Maintz, Speier, Aschaffenburg, and WUrzburg gave them the most cordial support. Before 1570 they had established them- selves strongly in Strasburg. In 1559 they began work in Munich, which soon became such a Catholic strong- hold as to merit the title of "the German Rome." Their universities rivaled those of Geneva and Wittenberg. By reason of the zeal of the professors, their pedagog- ical skill, and their learning, they drew large numbers of students, including many Protestants, and won to the enthusiastic support of the Counter-Reformation many of the ablest young men of the time. They made a special point of attaching to themselves the sons of noblemen, and no effort was spared in gaining the adherence of the most promising scholars. The marked ability of the Jesuit teachers, their unsurpassed knowledge of human nature, their affability of manners, and their remarkable adaptability to the idiosyncrasies and circumstances of each individual, made them practically irresistible when once they came into close relations with susceptible youth. Their proselyting zeal led them to go forth into the surrounding regions and by personal effort to win back to the faith those that had become involved in heresy. Whole communities were often reconverted in an incredibly short time. They made the services of the churches in which they ministered as attractive as pos- sible, providing the best music that could be secured and rivaling the best Protestant preachers in the eloquence and the fervor of their sermons. They were able to in- still into the minds of those who came under their influ- ence the profoundest hatred of Protestantism in every form and the profoundest love of the Catholic Church, and to convince their adherents that the supreme end in 384 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. v. life was the destruction of heresy. It is probable that at this period the Jesuit professors, man for man, surpassed the Protestant professors of Germany in learning and in zeal. Lutheranism was being wrecked and ruined by controversy. The Jesuits made the most of their advan- tages, and the success of their propaganda was aston- ishing. A good illustration of the Jesuit method of introducine; the Counter- Reformation is found in the career of Martin Brenner, who had been educated by the Jesuits at Dillingen and Ingolstadt, and who in 1585, after a few years of service as counselor to the Archbishop of Salz- burg, as rector of the seminary for priests, and in other responsible capacities, now fully equipped with the Jesuit learning, methods of propagandism, and zeal for the restoration of church unity, and with practical experience in the administration of ecclesiastical affairs, en- tered upon his work as Bishop of Seckau. He found his diocese, from the Catholic point of view, in a lamen- table state. The great majority of the nobles, burghers, and peas- ants were Lutherans. Anabaptism, that had been widely dissem- inated from 1 527 onward, had been almost exterminated ; but medical missionaries from Moravia frequently gained entrance by their sur- gical skill into the homes of the people and won them to their heresy. Since the peace of Augsburg (1555) the Protestantism of the Augs- burg Confession had been tolerated by the emperors and had covered the Austrian provinces with its influence. The Archduier. vi ported the Bourbons. His relations witli the emperor, Joseph 1., became so strained in consequence that he threatened him with excommunication, but the invasion of the States of the Church by an imperial army soon brought him to terms (1709), so that he felt obliged to recognize Charles III. as King of Spain and to renounce his claims to Comacchio, Parma, and Modena. This subserviency to the emperor aroused Louis XIV. and Philip of Anjou against the pope. A controversy was raging between the Jesuits and the Dominicans regarding the conduct of the former in their missionary work in China. It was claimed by the Do- minicans that the Jesuits adopted pagan customs, allowed their converts to worship idols after covering them with the cross, and devoted themselves more to secular pur- suits than to religious. In this controversy Clement supported the Dominicans against the Jesuits. Yet in their controversy with the Jansenists he zealously sup- ported the Jesuits and promoted their interests by estab- lishing (1718) the festival of the Immaculate Conception. (9) Innocent XIII. (iy2i-iy24) belonged to an ancient Italian family that had produced more than one pontiff (among them Innocent III.). For a number of years (1697-1710) he was papal nuncio in Portugal, where he had come into sharp conflict with the Jesuits, who finally drove him from the country. Elected pope, partly tlirough the Hapsburg interests, he invested the emperor, Charles VI., with Naples, and received from him the oath of fidelity. But he took issue with the emperor regard- ing his right to invest Don Carlos, a Spanish prince, with Parma and Piacenza, which was claimed as papal territory. The controversy between the Dominicans and the Jesuits regarding the Chinese missions was still raging. He withdrew from the Jesuits the right of con- ducting a mission in China, and was on the point of abolishing the order, but he contented himself with pro- hibiting the reception of new members. Clement XI. had caused much dissatisfaction among the anti-Jesuit (moderately Jansenistic) clergy of France and the Neth- erlands by the promulgation of the Constitution Uni- genitus, which condemned as Jansenistic one hundred and one propositions from Quesnel's " New Testament," CHAP. II.] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 435 a work held in high esteem by this party. Innocent, when cardinal, had been understood to disapprove of this measure. In 1720 seven French bishops asked for the revocation of the constitution, but he censured them severely and required of them and the French clergy unconditional acceptance. The emperor, Charles VI., objected to the enforcement of the constitution in the Netherlands, and for a time the pope agreed to suspend its operation, but later the emperor, by reason of a quid pro quo in the way of papal political support, withdrew his objection, and persecution was renewed in 1723. Innocent granted a pension to the English Pretender (James III.) and promised him a large subsidy in case he should find an opportunity to raise a rebellion against the existing government. (10) 'Benedict XIII. (1^24-1^^0). A member of the Orsini family (b. 1649), Pietro Francisco had been a cardinal since 1672. He devoted much of his leisure to theological study and writing and published a number of learned works. He made some ineffective efforts to restrain the luxury of the prelates. The Lateran Coun- cil (1725) enacted severe penalties for prelatical extrava- gance and maladministration, but these were never enforced. The council confirmed the Constitution Uni- genitus and strengthened the hands of the Jesuits against the Jansenists of France and the Netherlands. But to appease the Dominicans Benedict gave them (in the Bull Pretiosus in compedu Dei, 1727) the privilege of teaching without let or hindrance the doctrines of Au- gustine. His political administration was exceedingly feeble. Political negotiations he committed to Cardinal Coscia, who was lacking in statesmanship and brought nothing but humiliation to his superior. Disputes with the emperor regarding ecclesiastical administration in Sicily and with the King of Sardinia respecting the appointment of prelates resulted in papal defeat. When the Lucerne authorities drove from his post an unworthy priest and insisted on permitting the reading of the German Bible and the translation of the church service into German, he attempted to compel the restoration of the priest and the observance of the old order, but he found himself 436 A MANUAL OF CHl'RCH HISTORY [PER. vi. powerless and felt obliged to yield. The financial ad- ministration was disastrous, and the tyranny of Cardinal Coscia brought hatred and contempt upon the pope. (ii) Clement XII. {ij^o-i'j40), a Florentine noble of the Corsini family (b. 1652J, was already a feeble old man when appeinted pope, and in his hand the papacy failed to hold its own as a political power. Charles ill. of Naples and Philip V. of Spain introduced reforms that greatly limited the papal prerogative, hi France the influence of Jansenism reappeared in scientific and liter- ary attack on the papacy. Clement was ambitious for the extension of tlie Catholic faith and zealous in pro- moting foreign missions. He made himself ridiculous by offering to the Protestant princes of Germany the secu- larized Catholic estates if they would only return to the Catholic faith (the Bull Sedes Apostolica). (12) 'Benedict Xiy. {iy40-iy^8), a member of the Lambertini family of Bologna (b. 1675), was highly educated in law and theology, and is equally distin- guished as an author and an ecclesiastical statesman. As Cardinal-archbishop of Bologna (1731) he was greatly beloved because of his charity and his devotion to the moral and spiritual improvement of clergy and people. The conclave that elected him was divided into Aus- trian, French, and Spanish factions. After six months of wire-pulling and intrigue and many ineffective ballots, Lambertini was chosen, and, in honor of his former patron, Benedict XIII., he assumed the same name. He was a man of talent and character and often bewailed the fact that he had to " row against a stream of lies." He was inclined to be cynical and sometimes frivolous, but he devoted himself very zealously to the work of his office. He did much for the promotion of agriculture and trade in the States of the Church and introduced many economic reforms in the city. He failed to secure from the King of Spain a with- drawal of his order prohibiting his subjects from study- ing in the Roman University. He secured the good-will of the King of Portugal by according to him the right of nomination to all vacant bishoprics and abbacies, and declared him "the most faithful of all kings." He settled the trouble with the King of Naples by yielding CHAP. II.] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 437 to his demands. He pacified King Ferdinand V. of Spain by recognizing his right to nominate to all benefices in his dominions with the exception of fifty-two. In the war of the Austrian Succession he adopted the policy of neutrality. He greatly promoted the spread of the Roman Catholic faith in Hungary, yet he was the most tolerant of all popes toward Protestantism. He was the first to recognize the Protestant Margrave of Brandenburg as King of Prussia, and he won thereby from Frederick I. an important concession, namely, that in all disputes among his Catholic subjects the Bishop of Breslau, as the vicar-general of the pope, should have the final decision. He had little disposition to persecute heretics and showed great moderation in his dealing with the Constitution Unigeniius. In opposition to the Bishop of Paris, who insisted on withholding the sacrament from all who would not de- clare their acceptance of the constitution, he required in an encyclical of 1756 that all be admitted to communion who did not publicly condemn the constitution. The Jesuits, whose opposition he had already incurred by his condemnation of their heathenish practices in China and Malabar (Bulls Ex quo smgiilari, 1742, and Ommiim solicitiidinmn, 1744), treated the encyclical with con- tempt, as they had ignored his requirement that "the Christian religion be preached purely and truly " in heathen lands. He made an earnest effort to lessen the number and the evils of church festivals and pilgrimages. In 1750 he held a great Jubilee, to which even Prot- estants were invited, but they responded by a volley of publications sharply polemical. He devoted much atten- tion to literary work and cultivated the society of the learned. Asseman's great catalogue of the Vatican li- brary was prepared under his patronage and direction. He established learned societies for the study of Roman and Christian antiquities and church history. Among his last acts was an effort to reform the Society of Jesus, especially in Portugal. (13) Ckinent XIII. (ij^8-iy6g), a member of the Rezzonico family (b. 1693), became cardinal in 1757, and had borne a high reputation for virtue and piety. Whether from his own conviction or by reason of the 438 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. dominating influence of Cardinal Torrezziani, he was from the beginning of his pontificate a stanch sup- porter of the Jesuits. Spain, Portugal, Sicily, and Naples had banished them because of their treasonable meddling in political matters. Clement (in the Bull zApostolicum pascendi 711111111s, 1765) confirmed the insti- tution of the order and commended it as useful and holy, in another Bull {ig. Sal{b. tiiid ZilLr- thaler" 1889; Strobel, " The Salzburgers and their Descendants," 1855; Clarus, " T)ie Ausweisung d. Prot. gesiiiiiten Sal^burger," 1864; art. in encyclopEedias. The mountain regions of the bishopric of Salzburg in upper Austria had been during the mediceval time a dwelling-place of evangelical dissenters from the Roman Catholic Church. Waldenses and related parties had been followed by Hussites. Luther's teachings and CHAP. II.] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 489 those of the Anabaptists found joyful acceptance there during the early years of the Reformation. Persecution suppressed the public profession of evangelical Chris- tianity (Counter-Reformation) ; but during the generation preceding the Thirty Years' War, as well as during the war itself, the evangelical Salzburgers, who were now for the most part Lutherans, kept alive their faith, while outwardly conforming to the Roman Catholic Church, by reading the Bible and such writings of Luther, Urban Rhegius, and other reformers, as they possessed, and by meeting secretly for worship. In 1683 a Lutheran con- gregation was discovered at Tefferegenthal. The leaders were imprisoned and compelled to prepare a statement of their views. It was decreed that all Lutheran books should be burned and that all who would not renounce their faith should be banished and robbed of property and of their children. As the peace of Westphalia had pro- vided for the peaceable emigration of those professing a different faith from their prince, with opportunity to sell immovable property and to take away movable property, Protestant Europe was indignant and an explanation was demanded. The excuse was that the persecuted were neither Lutheran nor Reformed and hence could claim no protection from the provisions of the peace. The death of the archbishop caused a cessation of per- secution before it had become exterminating. Joseph Schlaitberger, one of the ministers who had been im- prisoned and had prepared a statement of the views of his party, took refuge in Nuremberg, and devoted his life largely to preparing a devotional literature for his Salzburg brethren. His hymns and devotional books no doubt caused a great revival of zeal among them, so that by 1728 more than twenty thousand were ready to con- fess themselves Lutherans. The accession of Leopold Anton, Count of Firmian, to the archbishopric of Salzburg (1728) was followed by the great persecution. He expressed a determination to rid his country of heretics " even though thorns and thistles should grow upon the fields." The Salzburg Lutherans appealed to the evangelical estates at Regensburg for protection. The archbishop, under Jesuit guidance, en- couraged the Lutherans to hope that a commission ap- 490 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. pointed by him (1731) after gaining all the information as to their numbers, distribution, etc., that was requisite, would recommend such measures as would remedy their grievances. The archbishop and the Lutherans them- selves were astonished to find that with such encour- agement more than twenty thousand were ready to de- clare themselves Lutheran. By this means he came into possession of the names and places of residence of the entire body of evangelicals and was in a position to carry out his exterminating measures with completeness and expedition and without tedious inquisitorial proceedings. When the Lutherans, who had put into the hands of their persecutors all the information that was necessary to the success of their exterminating measures, saw that disaster was imminent, their leaders resolved upon the cementing of the evangelical body for life or death by a covenant, in August, 1731, about three hundred of them, representing their various communities, assembled at Schwarzach. On a round table a vessel of salt was placed. Around the table sat the elders of the congre- gations. The others stood around the table in a larger circle. One of the elders proposed that all should enter into a salt-covenant. All dipped their fingers in the salt and conveying them to their lips swore with the right hand lifted toward heaven that they would hold fast to the evangelical faith even unto death. As any form of resistance other than moral was out of the question, this procedure seems to have been ill-advised, it removed from their persecutors any scruple that may have re- mained on account of the provisions of the peace of Westphalia. By covenanting togetlier in this solemn way to hold fast to their faith they had bidden defiance to the authorities. They decided to send a deputation to the emperor at Vienna ; but these were not allowed to proceed. They then besought the evangelical princes to intervene for their deliverance. Frederick William !., of Prussia, heartily espoused their cause and sought to induce the other evangelical rulers to join with him in threatening retaliatory measures against Roman Catholics in their dominions in case the provisions of the peace of Westphalia were not observed by the Archbishop of Salzburg in his dealings with his CHAP. II.] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 49I evangelical subjects. Failing to secure the necessary co-operation on the part of the evangelical princes and failing to move the emperor to prohibit the measures con- templated by the archbishop, the noble Prussian king had to content himself with an offer to welcome and provide sustenance for the whole body of Salzburg evangelicals. The salt-covenant was followed immediately by severe persecution. Soldiers were quartered on evangelical families. Evangelical meetings were strictly prohibited, and the celebration of religious rites was interdicted. The decisive blow fell October 31, 1731, when an " Emi- gration Patent" was published, which commanded all Protestants to leave the country on the ground of having conspired against the Catholic religion in the salt-cove- nant. Laborers over twelve years of age were required to leave their employment without compensation within eight days. Citizens and artisans were to lose at once their civil and guild rights and all propertied people were allowed from one to three months for selling their im- movable goods and houses and required to leave the country promptly at the end of this time. In the midst of winter, with such horses and wagons and such provisions as they could command, they set out on their long northward journey to Prussia. They went forth full of religious zeal and when they entered into Protestant territory they made known their approach to the towns and cities by singing with enthusiasm Luth- er's and Schlaitberger's hymns. They were everywhere treated with the utmost kindness and their journey, though full of hardship, was almost a continuous ova- tion. Many companies were invited to settle at places on the way, but they had been invited to Prussia and felt it their duty to put themselves under the govern- ment of their best friend. Nearly twenty thousand of them reached Prussia and a large majority settled in Lithuania. The royal treasury was heavily taxed to provide for them while they were becoming self-sup- porting ; but the king was abundantly repaid by their contribution to the evangelical zeal and to the economic forces of the country. The king of England asked evan- gelical people everywhere to contribute toward the re- lief of the emigrants and the sum of nine hundred thou- 492 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. sand florins was collected. A small colony of them set- tled in Georgia, United States, and they were noted for their thrift and their evangelical character. Hardly any religious event during the eighteenth cen- tury drew out the sympathies of the evangelical world to so great an extent or so intensified the zeal of evan- gelicals against the Roman Catholic Church, whose in- tolerance was thereby so clearly shown. 4. The Roman Catholic Church and the French Revolution. LITERATURE: Sloan, "The French Revolution and Religious Reform," igoi ; Pressense, "The Church and the French Revolu- tion " ; works on the French Revolution by Thiers, Taine, Stephens, Von Sybel, Alison, Carlyle, etc. (i) The l^iigious Condition of France in lySg. We have seen how Jansenism was prostrated during the early years of the eighteenth century; it long survived, how- ever, as a moral force in the French Catholic Church and made its influence powerfully felt for good in the Parliament of Paris and in the provincial Parliaments, many eminent jurists being of this persuasion. The Par- liament of Paris sought in many ways to put a check on royal despotism, which was becoming more and more extravagant under Jesuit influence about the middle of the eighteenth century. In 1752 the Parliament by decree forbade, in opposition to the crown, the withholding of the sacraments from those who denied the authority of the papal Bull Unigenitus (against the Jansenists). The king responded by banishing the Parliament, but there was such a popular outcry against arbitrary royal meas- ures that he felt obliged to recall these guardians of the people's rights. In 1756 the king sought to secure a recognition of the sovereignty of the Grand Council, Parliament promptly intervened, accurately defining the powers of the Grand Council. Shortly afterward Parlia- ment refused to register a royal edict for new taxes and the tribunal was abolished by royal order. The king found he could not collect taxes without the approval of Parliament and restored the body three months later. The grand remonstrance of the Jansenistic Parliament could not be ignored and it was because of the dissatisfac- tion of the Ultramontane clergy with their attitude that CHAP. II.] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 493 the assembling of the States General began to be agitated. The three estates were not called, however, until 1789 and they inaugurated the Revolution. The Parliament of Paris and with it the moral influence of the Jansenists, was abolished in 1771, and thereby revolution was made easier and more certain. There were in France during the second half of the eighteenth century a number of Galileans, to be distinguished from Jansenists, who*! opposed Ultramontanism and royal absolutism alike, but who occupied distinctly lower moral and religious ground than did the Jansenists. The Huguenots had never been entirely exterminated. Many had remained faith- ful even in the cities during the darkest days. In the mountain regions of the southeast of France many heroic ministers had kept alive the torch of gospel truth among congregations that met in sequestered places, braving the persecutions that they were called on to suffer. The war of the Cevennes (1702-1710), in which the Cami- sards carried on a desperate guerilla warfare against their persecutors, proved once more how difficult it is to subdue a mountain people with strong religious convictions. The overthrow of the Cevenols as a militant power was far from putting an end to French Protestantism. " The church of the Desert " persisted with rare heroism until, through the pleas of Voltaire and others, toleration came at last in 1787. At the beginning of the French Revolution French Protestants were not only numerous but they counted among their number men of rare ability and force of character. The Jesuits who had shaped the ecclesiastical administration of Louis XIV. had become generally unpopular in France, as well as in Spain and Portugal, and had lost royal favor. Their meddlesome- ness, their use of State secrets for the purposes of the society, and the disastrous results to commerce of some of their wild speculations in Martinique, led to their sup- pression in France in 1764. A little later Spain and Portugal followed the example of France, and the three powers brought their influence successfully to bear upon the pope for the utter abolition of the Society of Jesus. Voltaire had not stopped short with assailing the Roman Catholic Church for its intolerance, corruption, and ruin- ous exploitation of the country and the people, and with 494 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. vi. fixing upon it the stigma of infamy (I'lnfame was the title by which he frequently described the system as it existed) ; but his writings tended to produce downright infidelity. Rousseau's deism, with his demand for a re- turn to nature and the abolition of conventionalities in Church and State, influenced many minds in favor of a complete revolution of the social, political, and religious order. D'Alembert and Diderot combined with skepti- cism almost as pronounced as that of Voltaire ideas of social and economic reform that struck at the roots of Church and State alike as they existed in their day. These revolutionary views had profoundly influenced many thousands of educated Frenchmen, and had no doubt filtered down among the masses to the extent of making them conscious of the injustice of existing ar- rangements and eager to embrace any feasible opportu- nity for social amelioration. it is interesting to note that the influence of French liberalism was by no means confined to France. The Emperor Joseph II. became deeply imbued with it, and with the support of a large proportion of the Austrian Catholics treated with contempt the pretensions of the pope. Frederick the Great of Prussia entertained French skeptical philosophers at his court, became himself an adept at their kind of thinking and writing, and wrote his books in the French language. The Swedish court was also dominated by French ideas. In England and America, before, during, and just after the American Revolution, French skepticism and social ideas had a wide currency among educated people, and in a coarser form became widely diffused among the people. Voltaire's expression, "the infamous one," or "the infamous woman," does not seem to have been intended to designate the Roman Catholic Church as such, but the entire system of ecclesiastico-political exploitation and oppression that had resulted in the destruction of civil and religious liberty, the enormous enrichment of the church, the impoverishment of the masses, and the enslavement of the bodies and souls of men. The great mass of the higher and lower clergy and the members of the monastic orders were Ultramontane in sentiment as a matter of self-interest if not as a mat- CHAP. II.] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 495 ter of principle. The higher clergy were for the most part members of the nobility appointed as a matter of royal favoritism and with interests ahuost purely secu- lar. Their incomes were princely and their lives differed little from those of the nobility. Yet many men of great learning and eloquence and of considerable spiritual power made their way into the higher ranks. The inter- mediate clergy, drawn largely from the monastic orders, were moderately provided for and embraced many able and learned men. The lower ranks were, for the most part, ill-endowed, ill-equipped, ill-supported, and ineffi- cient. While the clergy as a body professed Ultramon- tane principles, it can hardly be doubted that large num- bers of them had come under the influence of the skep- tical modes of thought that so widely prevailed. One of the most unendurable grievances of the French people and one of the causes of the abolition of the church by the revolutionists was its enormous wealth, which was being steadily and rapidly increased even when financial depression and general misery pre- vailed. With a priestly and monastic constituency of less than three hundred thousand (about one hundredth of the population) the church appropriated and consumed (or saved) one-fifth of the income of the country. It has been estimated that if the church had paid taxes from the beginning of the century at the same rate as did the non-privileged classes, more than a billion dollars would have been added to the public treasury. As similar ex- emptions were enjoyed by the nobles, the third estate had borne and was bearing almost the entire expense of a most extravagant and wasteful government. The number of clergy and members of the monastic orders had declined within thirty years from over four hundred thousand to a little over two hundred and fifty thousand, and was steadily diminishing. It was to the interest of those in control to reduce the numbers, as the income would remain the same and the share of each would in- crease with diminishing numbers. As the great mass of the clergy were poorly provided for the bulk of the in- come was enjoyed by a comparatively small number. Several rich benefices were often enjoyed by a single individual, and the duties attaching to the offices were 496 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. either wholly neglected or performed by cheap substi- tutes. It is said that at the beginning of the Revolution seventy per cent, of the monasteries were held in com- mendam by those who performed no duties and were not even in residence. While the church was supposed to be the chief organ for the gathering and distribution of charities, little of its vast revenue was applied to the re- lief of the poor and afflicted. It possessed half of the landed property of France, besides personal property ac- cumulated for ages. Besides enjoying the income of these vast estates it had the privilege of drawing a large revenue from the tax-paying population and its repre- sentatives were the frequent recipients of royal gratuities drawn from the same source. The utter worldliness and the shameless immorality of a large proportion of the clergy made the enjoyment of their special privileges even more distasteful to the exploited classes than they would otherwise have been. The wonder is, not that the day of reckoning came at last, but that its coming was so long deferred. The clergy of the lower ranks, being themselves the objects of oppression, sympathized for the most part with the woes of the people and were zealous for social and economic reform. Many of these cast in their lot with the revolutionists. (2) The Church and the National Assembly. When in his desperation Louis XVI. called together the States General (representatives of the three estates : nobles, clergy, and commons), it was intended that the repre- sentatives of each estate should deliberate and vote as a unit, and as the nobles and clergy had many interests in common, there seemed no danger that the representa- tives of the third estate would be able to exert an over- whelming influence over the body and insist upon the carrying through of revolutionary measures. The de- mand of the third estate that the body be organized on the basis of one man one vote was sternly resisted by clergy and nobles. The third estate numbered six hundred and sixty-one delegates, while the combined force of clergy (three hundred and eight) and nobles (two hundred and eighty-five) was less than six hundred. To yield the point on the part of the latter two meant to give the con- CHAP. 11.] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 497 trol of the body into the hands of the third estate. The third estate was proceeding to regard itself as the Na- tional Assembly because of the refusal of the other es- tates to co-operate on the terms proposed. The king first attempted to coerce the third estate, but afterward yielded to it and ordered clergy and nobles to concede the demands made by the representatives of the people. The third estate at this time embraced most of the legal talent and much of the commercial, manufacturing, and financial strength and wisdom of the country. It had become evident that its leaders in the Assembly were deeply in earnest, and resolved upon pursuing the de- mand of the people for thorough-going reform to the bit- ter end. The scoring of this victory aroused the popular enthusiasm throughout the country to a white heat. The storming and destruction of the Bastille (July 14, 1789), which stood for irresponsible tyranny, was followed by the destruction of castles and other appurtenances of feudalism throughout France, and the organization of troops not subject to the royal command. July 14, 1789, was thenceforth a national anniversary and was regarded as the birthday of liberty, equality, and fraternity. The lower clergy were not slow to denounce the corruptions and oppressions of the higher clergy, and demanded the breaking of the chains with which episcopal despotism had bound them. By August 4, 1789, nobles and pre- lates alike had come to see the impossibility of preserv- ing their feudal privileges. They graciously joined with the representatives of the people in voting the utter abo- lition of the feudal system with all its immunities and class distinctions, and only asked the privilege of being ad- mitted on equal terms to the great body of French citi- zens. The abolition of the tithing system and of con- tributions levied by the pope followed (August 10). On December 21 complete liberty of worship and full citi- zenship were given to the Huguenots. A year later these privileges were extended to Lutherans and Swiss Prot- estants. In the meantime religious privileges had been granted to Jews. In the debate of August 4, the Bishop of Uzes had de- clared that the property and privileges of the church having been bestowed by the nation could be reappro- 2G 498 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. priated only by the nation, A few days afterward one of the deputies asserted that ecclesiastical property be- longed to the nation and should be used for relieving the terrible financial strain that was crushing it. A noble suggested the confiscation and sale of superfluous eccle- siastical and monastic plate, and the suggestion was ap- proved by the Archbishop of Paris. Most of the cleri- cals deprecated such a sacrifice, but the archbishop was able three days later to make the offer, which was promptly accepted by the Assembly. No doubt much was withheld that might have been contributed, but the result was about twenty-eight million dollars. This throwing of a sop to Cerberus did not suffice. A deputy called attention to the hundreds of millions of dollars that had accrued to the church from its exemptions and privileges. If the church had contributed even on the same scale as the nobles during the past eighty-three years the State would have five hundred and forty mil- lion dollars as a reserve capital. He insisted that the church property belonged to the State and should be used for State purposes. The value of the property wrongfully held by the church he estimated at about twelve hundred million dollars. After much discussion Mirabeau proposed the confiscation of the property of the church and the assumption by the State of the support, on a moderate scale, of public worship. This measure was strenuously opposed by a large proportion of the prelates. On October 31 the prelates offered eighty million dollars toward the national deficit and promised reforms in financial administration. The motion for plac- ing church property " at the disposal of the nation " was carried (November 2) by a very large majority. The process of appropriation and sale aroused bitterly hostile feelings among the clergy which prepared the way for their complete overthrow. The appropriation by the State of the property of the church did much toward precipitating the Reign of Terror. On March 10, 1790, Rabaud St. Etienne, a Protestant, became chairman of the Assembly, which had shortly before declined to vote that Roman Catholicism was the religion of the State. A violent speech by Dom Gerle, a Carthusian monk (March 13), in favor of the recognition of Roman Ca- CHAP. II.] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 499 tholicism as the religion of the State almost caused a riot. The protest of the prelates was in vain, and noth- ing was left to the clergy but to become the hirelings of the State or to withdraw from all relations therewith. On February 14, 1790, the monastic orders were abolished, on the ground that the monasteries were the abodes of tyranny, the prisons of sorrowing hearts suffering in silence, and the scenes of disorderly festivi- ties and every sort of crime, and a small allowance was made to each monk and nun for support. An ecclesiastical committee, whose most influential member was the eminent Jansenist jurist, Camus, had been appointed by the Assembly for the drafting of a new constitution for the church now deprived of its sources of income and entirely dependent on the State. " The Civil Constitution of the Church " was duly pre- sented (May, 1790) by the committee and adopted by the Assembly (July 12, 1790). It provided for the abo- lition of the existing hierarchy (archbishoprics, bishop- rics, etc.) and in its place created ten metropolitan dis- tricts, corresponding with the arrondissements , and eighty- three dioceses, coinciding with the departments, thus reducing the number of bishops (one hundred and thirt}'- six) nearly one-half; for the suppression of chapters as superfluous; for the appointment of bishops and parish priests by the electoral assemblies of the departments, which might be made up of Protestants, Jews, and atheists, and the installation of bishops by the metro- politan without the co-operation of the pope ; that before being inducted into their offices they should take the oath of allegiance to the nation, the laws, and the king ; that the bishop should have charge of the spiritual work in the cathedral churches, the other clergy of the diocese constituting a council for him, whose advice he was bound to follow ; and it prohibited any intermeddling of foreign bishops in French ecclesiastical affairs. Parish priests were to be chosen by the district assemblies and inducted by the bishops. A theological seminary in every department (diocese) was provided for and the director was entitled to a seat along with the parish priests {cures) on the bishop's council. The remunera- tion of metropolitans, bishops, priests, seminary directors, 500 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. etc., was fixed on a moderate but adequate scale. The number of parish clergy was greatly reduced. Camus and his associates on the ecclesiastical committee pro- fessed a desire to restore the French church to primitive simplicity and purity, but it is difficult to see how they could have persuaded themselves that their handiwork bore the slightest resemblance to the apostolic norm. The distracted king hesitated, conferred with pope and prelates, and at last (August 24) consented to the arrangement. His hesitation was unsatisfactory to the Ultramontanes, who had hoped for his prompt rejection of the measure, and to Jansenists, Protestants, and freethinkers, who saw that he simply yielded to the inevitable and was not at heart in sympathy with the radical proceedings of the Assembly. If the pope had been as courageous as some of his predecessors and successors, he could have greatly embarrassed the As- sembly in its efforts to put the Civil Constitution in operation. As it was, a large number of bishops, canons, chapters, and priests refused to recognize the authority of the Assembly and sought to continue in the old way. The A.ssembly (November 27, 1790), after a heated debate, voted that all priests without exception should swear to obey the laws, the constitution, and the king, on pain of deposition, loss of salary, and loss of citizen- ship. On January 4, 1791, a majority of the Assembly voted, amid great excitement and under strong pressure from the Paris commune, that every clerical member of the Assembly, as well as every priest in the country, whether in office or not, should take the oath. Of the three hundred ecclesiastical deputies only eighty would take the oath, and of the one hundred and thirty-six bishops only four, and these not the most reputable. Of the sixty thousand parish priests and vicars only about ten thousand could be induced to swear. The newly created metropolitans were appointed more with refer- ence to the heartiness with which they had accepted the revolution and the Civil Constitution than with reference to their moral and spiritual qualifications. The first of the new bishops were consecrated by Talleyrand. These in turn consecrated others. Pius VI., after months of hesitation, declared against CHAP. II.] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 501 the Civil Constitution (April, 1791) and prohibited the newly consecrated bishops from exercising episcopal functions. The Assembly retaliated by appropriating the counties of Avignon and Venaissin, which belonged to the pope. The attempt of the priests and their lay support- ers, under papal encouragement, to resist the decrees of the Assembly led to much riot and bloodshed, in Paris a grotesque image of the pope, sitting on an ass and holding the figure of a bull, was paraded through the streets amid the jeers of the multitude and afterward burnt. (3) The Roman Catholic Church and the Legislative Assembly {lygi-iygi). The Legislative Assembly was far more violently antagonistic to the Roman Catholic Church and to Christianity itself than the National (Constituent) Assembly had been. The resistance of the French clergy to the Civil Constitution and the oath of allegiance was met with wholesale massacre. Six hundred priests are said to have been slain at Avignon, The king's imprisonment and the order to clear Paris of priests fell on the same day (August 13, 1792). Several hundreds were thrown into prison, and when it was rumored (September 2) that a Prussian army was on its way to Paris to liberate the king, about three hundred of the clergy, including an archbishop and two bishops, were slaughtered in prison. Large numbers were slain at Meaux, Chalons, Rennes, and Lyons. About eight thousand suspects were massacred in Paris at this time. Priests and nobles in vast numbers fled from France {emigres). Robespierre, Danton, and Marat, bitter op- ponents of Christianity, were now the leaders. The Reign of Terror may be said to have been inaugurated with this massacre. (4) The Roman Catholic Church and the National Con- vention {iyg2-iyg^). A European coalition had been formed against the Revolution. The declaration of the Republic and the execution of the king were followed by the Reign of Terror, in which the leaders, whose hands were already red with blood, felt themselves justified, in the interest of the nation, in executing all suspects, clericals included, with the merest pretense of legal trial and conviction. The Committee of Public Safety, ap- pointed by the Convention, was assisted in its bloody 502 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. work by forty-four thousand minor tribunals scattered throughout France. The popular hatred of Christianity kept pace with the barbarity of the revolutionary pro- ceedings. In 1791 the remains of Voltaire were exhumed and he was given a public funeral in which the unbe- lieving philosopher was almost apotheosized. In April, 1793, the banishment of all non-juring clergy was decreed and constitutional clergy were permitted to marry. A new decimal calendar, with a complete change of the names of month and days and the substitution of a tenth day of rest and sport for the Christian Lord's Day, was introduced September 22, 1792. In November, 1793, Christianity was abolished, the existence of God publicly denied, and the worship of the Goddess of Reason was inaugurated with great pomp. Christian churches were desecrated througliout France, and many of them, including Notre Dame Cathedral, were used for the celebration of the worship of the goddess with worse than pagan lasciviousness and shamelessness. By 1794 the reaction had gone so far that Robespierre could procure the adoption of a decree by the Conven- tion in favor of the existence of a Supreme Being and the immortality of the soul. Robespierre officiated with much ceremony as high priest of the Supreme Being and was treated like a demigod. The fall and execution of Robespierre (July, 1794) was followed by a marked reaction in favor of Christianity. The excesses of the Terror had wrought their own cure. In 1795 Catholic worship, as well as Protestant and other, was permitted. Under the Directory and the Consulate there was a gradual improvement in the condition and relations of the Roman Catholic Church in France. In Italy, Napo- leon had deprived the pope of his temporal power and had set up republics in disregard of his wishes. For Napoleon's dealings with different popes, see sketches in an earlier section. The Concordat of 1801 and Napo- leon's subsequent harsh dealing with popes have been sufficiently described above, as has been also the reac- tion in favor of the papacy as a friend of monarchical government and an enemy of revolution, which, under the guidance of the restored Jesuits, the popes knew how to utilize to the full. CHAP. II.] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 503 5. %eceiit Ultramontane Proceedings, and Reactions Thereby Provoked. (i) The Proclamation of the Dogma of the Immaculate Conception of Mary, the Mother of Our Lord.^ From ear- lier sections of the present work it has been seen how important a place the mother of our Lord came to occupy in the thought and the worship of Christians. A large proportion of the Christians of the fourth and following centuries unreservedly applied to her the title "Mother of God," refusing to be satisfied with the statement that she was the mother of the humanity of Christ that was united indissolubly with deity, and insisting on paying her a devotion little short of that due to God. The ten- dency of this type of theology (the Alexandrian), by maintaining such a union of the divine and the human in the person of Christ as to make the resultant being absolutely divine and to obliterate the humanity, is to exalt the divine-human Saviour above the reach of all but the priestly intercessors, to destroy the sense of his infinite human sympathy, and to create and foster a demand, natural in any case among those whose ante- cedents had been pagan, involving devotion to female as well as male deities, for a motherly deity approachable by the humblest Christian, full of sympathy for all our weaknesses and woes, and able and willing to use her motherly influence with her exalted Son on our behalf. After her cult had become thoroughly established and almost universal in the Eastern and Western churches alike, theologians began to ask themselves how they could justify the paying of an adoration almost divine to a mere woman, even though she had been divinely chosen to be the mother of the Christ. Many of the patristic writers (including Augustine) went so far as to exempt Mary from actual trangression, but no one asserted her sinless conception. When the canons of Lyons (i 139) introduced a festival in honor of the conception of the immaculate Mary, the leading guardians of orthodoxy (like Bernard) rebuked them, claiming that it would be 1 See Schaff, " Creeds of Christendom." and art. "Immaculate Conception" in Jotinson's "Cyclopaedia" and in the Schaff-Herzog "Encyclopaedia"; Preuss, " The Romish Doctrine of the Immaculate Conception," 1865 ; Perrone, "De Im- maculato B. 1). M. Conceptu," 1853; and H. B. Smith in "Methodist Quar. Rev." for 1855. 504 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. just as reasonable to do the same thing in the case of our Lord's grandmother, great-grandmother, etc. Anselm, Bonaventura, Albertus Magnus, and Thomas Aquinas agreed with the mediaeval popes in denying the immacu- late conception of Mary. Duns Scotus and his followers insisted on the doctrine, which gradually made its way to acceptance as a church dogma. The Council of Trent was non-committal. The Jesuits espoused the Scotist side, and industriously propagated the doctrine in oppo- sition to Dominicans and Jansenists. With their resto- ration to leadership they began to scheme for the enforce- ment of the doctrine on the consciences of the entire church. In 1849 Pope Pius IX. sent an encyclical to the bishops requesting them to express their opinions on the matter and their wishes as to an authoritative definition, mak- ing clear his own conviction as to the supreme importance of the doctrine and its definition. The encyclical con- tained the following remarkable utterance: " Ye know full well, venerable brethren, that the whole ground of our confidence is placed in the most holy Virgin," since " God has vested in her the plenitude of all good, so that henceforth, if there be in us any hope, if there be any grace, if there be any salvation, we must receive it solely from her, according to the will of him who would have us possess all things through Mary." More than six hundred prelates responded, all but four approving the doctrine itself and the papal definition of it as a dogma of the church. On the occasion of the Feast of the Conception (De- cember 8, 1854), in the presence of more than two hun- dred cardinals, bishops, and other dignitaries, Pius IX, solemnly defined and promulgated the dogma as follows : "That the most blessed Virgin Mary, in the first instant of her conception, by a singular grace and privilege of Almighty God, by the intuitive perception (intiiiiii) of the merits of Christ Jesus the Saviour of the human race, was kept immune from any contamination of orig- inal sin." This dogma, it is added, " has been revealed by God, and therefore must be firmly and constantly believed by all the faithful." The promulgation of this dogma without the calling of CHAP. II.] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 505 a general council, and amid the enthusiasm of a jubilee in honor of the Virgin, was no doubt shrewdly designed to prepare the way for the dogma of papal infallibility, the definition and recognition of which formed an integral part of the Jesuit programme which Pius IX. was sys- tematically striving to carry out. From the Roman standpoint this dogma completes the Mari- ology and Mariolatry, which, step by step, proceeded from the per- petual virginity of Mary to her freedom from actual sin after the conception of the Saviour, then to freedom from sin after her birth, and at last to her freedom from original or hereditary sin. The only thing now left is to proclaim the dogma of her assumption to heaven, which has long been a pious opinion in the Roman Church. To this corresponds the progress in the worship of Mary, and the mul- tiplication of her festivals. Her worship even overshadows the worship of Christ. She, the tender, compassionate, lovely woman, is invoked for her powerful intercession, rather than her divine Son. She is made the fountain of all grace, the mediatrix between Christ and the believer, and is virtually put in the place of the Holy Ghost. There is scarcely an epithet of Christ which devout Roman Cath- olics do not apply to the Virgin ; and Pope Pius IX. sanctioned the false interpretation of Gen. 3:15, that she (not Christ) crushed the head of the serpent. — Schaff. (2) The Canoni:{ation of the Japanese Martyrs and the Public Declaration of the Necessity of Preserving Intact the Temporal Sovereignty of the Church} At Pentecost, 1862, Pius IX. called the prelates together to participate in the canonization of the Japanese martyrs of 1597, but really to join with him in a protest against the past and im- minent spoliation of the Patrimony of Peter. The prel- ates expressed their conviction that the civil power was necessary to the Holy See, to which it had been annexed by a special and visible providence of God ; that in the actual order of things the civil power was an indispen- sable requisite to the free government of the church ; that the head of the church of God could not be the subject of any prince ; that he must enjoy the fullest independence in his own territory and in his own States, as in no other way could he protect and defend the Catholic faith and guide and govern the whole Chris- tian commonwealth. The pope presented each prelate 1 See Wiseman, " Rome and the Catholic Episcopate at the Feast of Pentecost," 1862 ; Dollinger, " The Church and the Churches," 1862 ; Alzog, " Univ. Ch. Hist.," I 412; and Nippold, " Handbuch d. ncuatcn Kirchoigcschichte," Bd. II., Seit. 120 scq. 506 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. with a copy of a great work on "The Temporal Sover- eignty of the Roman Pontiffs" (in six folio volumes), containing protests from all parts of the world against the actual and imminent spoliation of the Patrimony of Peter. (3) The Encyclical and Syllabus of 1864? By 1864 Ultramontanism had a multitude of enemies inside of the Roman Catholic Church as well as outside of the body. In France Gallicanism was represented by men of high estate and great repute. In Germany, especially in the Catholic faculties of the Universities of Munich, Tubin- gen, and Bonn, a large number of Roman Catholic scholars had been under the influence of the current Protestant liberalism, had come to be advocates of the application of the scientific method to the study of the- ology, church history, the Bible, civil government, etc., and did not regard with favor the claim of the pope and the Roman Curia to determine what every Catholic must believe and how the facts of history should be interpreted. The bitter opposition that had been en- countered by Pius IX. and the Jesuits in their efforts to foist upon the church the doctrine of papal infallibility, and the utter repudiation of the pope's claim to dictate the policy of civil governments, led to the sending forth at this time of an Encyclical and a Syllabus of eighty errors, which Catholics everywhere must join with the pope in anathematizing. In the Encyclical, Pius states that scarcely had he assumed his office "when We, to the extreme grief of Our soul, beheld a horrible tempest stirred up by so many erroneous opinions, and the dread- ful and never-enough-to-be-lamented mischiefs which redound to Christian people from such errors." He feels it now incumbent upon him in the exercise of his apos- tolic authority to condemn these errors in detail. He also comes to the defense of the Religious Orders that have been so bitterly attacked by the naturalism and unbelief of the time. The eighty errors specified and condemned in the Syllabus are arranged in ten sections : Pantheism, Nat- ' See Schaff, " The Creeds of Christendom " ; Badenoch (editor), " Ultramontan- ism : England's Synipathy with Germany." 1874; Janus (Dollinger and Friedrich), " The Pope and the Council," 1869. CHAP. II.] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 507 uralism, and Absolute Rationalism ; Moderate Rational- ism ; Indifferentism, Latitudinarianism (Toleration) ; So- cialism, Communism, Secret Societies, Bible Societies, Clerico-liberal Societies ; Errors about Civil Society considered in itself as well as in its Relations to the Church ; Errors concerning Natural and Christian Ethics ; Errors concerning Christian Matrimony ; Errors concerning the Civil Principality of the Roman Pontiff ; Errors that are referred to the Liberalism of the Day, all these were opposed and condemned by him. Only a few specimen articles can be here given. The Syllabus anathematizes the proposition that "the decrees of the Apostolic See and of the Roman Congre- gations impede the free progress of science " (art. 12) ; that " Every man is free to embrace and profess that religion which, guided by the light of reason, he shall have thought to be true" (art. 15); that "Protestant- ism is nothing else than a different form of the same Christian religion, in which, just as well as in the Cath- olic Church, it is possible to please God" (art. 18); that " The church is not a true, perfect, and entirely free association" (art. 19); that "The church has not the power of defining dogmatically that the religion of the Catholic Church is the only true religion " (art. 21) ; that " The Roman Pontiffs and Ecumenical Councils have exceeded the limits of their power, have usurped the rights of Princes, and have even committed errors in defining matters of faith and morals" (art. 23); that " The church has not the power of availing herself of force, nor any temporal power direct or indirect" (art. 24) ; that " The Church ought to be separated from the State, and the State from the Church" (art. 55); that " The Roman Pontiff can, and ought to, reconcile him- self to and agree with progress, with liberalism, and with recent State polity " (art. 80). These extracts are sufficient to show that the papacy of the nineteenth century is fully prepared to defend every act of intolerance and of interference with civil matters, including the burning of heretics, the preaching of crusades against heretics, and the deposition and the setting up of kings, and makes it a matter of disloyalty for any one to call in question a past or present papal act. 508 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. It is distinctly asserted tiiat the church has the power to use force and to employ temporal power for the en- forcement of its decrees. It is expressly denied that popes have ever exceeded the proper bounds of their power or usurped the rights of princes. Modern civil- ization in all its forms, except so far as it accords with the ideas of the pope, is utterly repudiated. These teachings are in complete accord with contemporary utterances of the Jesuits (see "The Pope and the Coun- cil," by Janus, Chap. I.). The repudiation of Magna Charta, condemned by hinocent III., and of all modern European and American constitutions, is involved. Pope Leo Xlli., the infallible successor of Pius IX., de- clared (April 21, 1878) that the utterances of the Syllabus have the authority of papal infallibility. (4) Celebration of the Eighteenth Centenaiy of the Mar- tyrdom of St. Peter and St. Paul (June 29, i86y).^ This occasion was utilized for bringing to Rome a vast con- course of Ultramontane Catholics and to further the Jesuit scheme of papal absolutism with Jesuits as the power behind the throne. About ten thousand priests, gathered from far and near, listened in the great Hall of Consistory to the exhortations of the venerable pontiff as if to an oracle of God. Fifteen hundred representa- tives of one hundred Italian cities presented the pope with an album containing the signatures of those who were loyal to him, and deprecated the spoliation of the church by Victor Emmanuel. The pope's response was full of bitterness toward the enemies of the church. He spoke of the date (July 2) as coincident with the ter- mination of a pestilence some years before, and he sees indications that " to-day marks the beginning of a season of mercy." It is the anniversary of the liberation of Rome by a friendly army (1849). " This day has been regarded as fatal to Rome ; but 1 say that the hour of triumph has already dawned. It has been said that I hate Italy. No, I do not hate her. I have always loved her, always blessed her, always sought her hap- piness, and God alone knows, how long and ardently I have prayed for her." Yet he regards the present striv- ' See good account of this celebration in Alzog, " Univ. Ch. Hist.," I 412, and the literature there referred to. CHAP. II] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 5O9 ing for unity as based upon selfishness and injustice, and predicts that "the whole world will cry out against such infamy." "The hour of triumph gives tokens of its presence, and cannot be long delayed." Five hundred bishops were present "to honor his great virtues, to comfort him in the midst of the trials which afflicted the church, and to renew the strength of their own hearts by gazing upon his fatherly countenance." They declare that the Chair of St. Peter is "still the organ of truth, the center of unity, the bulwark of liberty." They give their full assent to the Syllabus, stating that their " most pleasing, as well as most sacred, duty would be to believe and teach what he taught and believed ; to reject the errors that he rejected ; to follow whither he led ; to combat at his side ; to be ready, like him, to encounter dangers and trials and contradictions." The occasion was utilized all over the Catholic world for arousing enthusiasm on behalf of the supposed succes- sor of Peter. (5) The Vatican Council (December 8, 1869-July 18, i8y6)} a. Antecedents of the Council. In the Jesuit " Voices of Maria Laach " (1869), it is remarked : " The intrinsic and essential connection between the Encyclical of December 8, 1864, and the Ecumenical Council, con- voked by Pius IX. and to be opened this year, is self- evident. The council will complete the structure, the foundations of which were laid in the Encyclical." Two days before the publication of the Encyclical and Sylla- bus, the pope had made known his purpose to call such a council. In March, 1865, he appointed a commission to consider the advisability and opportuneness of holding an Ecumenical Council at an early date. A favorable report was followed by the appointment of a Congrega- ' See official "Acta et Decreta Sacrosancti et OBcumenici Concilii yaticani,' ' iZi2 \ ]rr\&i.r\ch, " Documenta ad tllustrandum Cone, l^at.," 1871 ; Janus (Dollinger c^ j/.). "The Pope and the Council." i86g ; Quirinus (pseudonymous), "Letters from Rome on the Council," 1870; Pomponius Li^Ko (pseudonymous), "Eig^ht Months at Rome during the Vatican Council. Impressions of a Contemporary, " 1876 (the most real- istic and interesting account yet published, evidently based upon close observation and access to inside sources of information. The Appendix contains a large body of important documents in the languages in which they were written) ; Friedberg, " Sammlung der Actcnstiickc ^um erstenl^at, Conctl," 1872; Pressense, " Le Concile du Vatican," 1872 ; Manning, "The True Story of the Vat. Council," 1877 ; Gladstone, " The Vatican Decrees " and " Vaticanism " ; Bacon, " An Inside View of the Vat. Council," 1872; Schaff, " Creeds of Christendom," Vol. I., pp. 134-188; Vol. II., pp. 234-271 (Schaff gives the literature very fully up to 1878). 510 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER vi. tion of Direction, composed of five cardinals, eight bishops, and a secretary, whose business it should be to ascertain fully the needs of the church and to prepare materials for the action of the future council. Secret letters were sent to many prelates in Europe and the East asking them to state frankly what questions in their opinion ought to be treated by the council. There was a general agreement that the action of the council should be along the line of the Syllabus of 1864. The attitude of the bishops was still further tested by a circular sent out June, 1867, by the Prefect of the Congregation of the Council (Trent), asking their opinions on seventeen matters of morals and discipline, and intimating the in- tention of the pope to call a council for the settlement of such questions. Their response was again accord- ant with the Syllabus, and heartily favorable to the pro- posed council. On the occasion of the centenary of the martyrdom of Peter and Paul, the pope definitely an- nounced the convocation of an Ecumenical Council to be held in the Vatican on December 8, i86g, the Feast of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin. In September, 1868, the pope addressed letters couched in deeply devout language, but full of arrogance, to the Oriental and Protestant communions, bewailing the schisms which he attributed to Satanic agency and invit- ing them to return to the one church founded upon Peter whose successor he is, and to participate in the coming council. During the intervening months many prelates from different parts of the world were summoned to Rome for consultation regarding the matters to be presented and the methods of procedure. As a result of such consul- tations it was determined that all prelates, titular as well as those in actual authority, should without distinction sit and vote in the council, and that " the right of regu- lating the council belonged to the authority which con- vened it . . . the Head not only of the Council but of the Church." The liberals of Germany, France, Bel- gium, etc., had become fully apprised of the Jesuit pro- gramme, and vigorous protests were published against the injustice involved in arranging beforehand the entire business to be transacted by the council, and the pro- CHAP. H.] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 51I posed stifling of the convictions of an honest and intel- ligent minority by the readiness of a prearranged majority to carry through with unbounded enthusiasm the prear- ranged programme of pope and Jesuits. It is surprising how accurately their prognostications corresponded with the facts. b. The Council in Session. It would be interesting, if space permitted, to give some of the picturesque details of the assembling of the council, its pompous ceremonial, its proceedings, and its prorogation. Suffice it to say that the Jesuit programme was remorselessly carried out, no consideration having been given to the earnest remon- strances of the minority. On July 17, 1870, a memorial signed by fifty-five bishops, urged the abandonment of the scheme for the declaration of the infallibility of the pope. The memorial states that in the vote on the dogma regarding the church of Christ a few days before, eighty-eight members of the council had voted in the negative, sixty-two had voted with reservations (placet jiixta modiim), and seventy had remained away to avoid voting. They expressed a determination to be absent on July 18, when the vote on infallibility had been arranged for. When the vote was taken only five hun- dred and thirty-five of the more than seven hundred members of the council were present, and of these only two voted in the negative. Many of the opponents of the measure, when they found that nothing could be done to prevent its going through, had departed for their homes. c. Decrees of the Council. The only important action of the council was the constitution concerning the church, in four chapters. Chapter 1. asserts the Petrine primacy with the usual scriptural proof and ends as follows: " If any one, therefore, shall have said that Blessed Peter the Apostle was not constituted by the Lord Christ Prince of all the Apostles and visible Head of the whole church militant, or that the same (Peter) directly and immediately received from the same Jesus Christ our Lord a primacy only of honor and not of true and proper jurisdiction, let him be anatheina." Chapter II. asserts the perpetuity of the primacy of Peter in the Roman pon- tiffs, and ends as follows : " If, then, any one shall have said that it is not by the institution of the Lord Christ himself, or by divine right, that the blessed Peter has perpetual successors in his primacy over the universal church; or that the Roman Pontiff is not the successor 512 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. of the Blessed Peter in the aforesaid primacy, let him be anathema." The third chapter, on the power and the nature of the primacy of the Roman Pontiff, after asserting with scriptural proofs tiiat he has a " primacy over the whole world " and that the Roman Church " pos- sesses a sovereignty of ordinary power over all other churches," and condemning and reprobating " the opinions of those who hold that communication between the supreme Head and the pastors and their flocks can lawfully be impeded, or who make this communication subject to the will of the secular power," ends : " If, then, any shall liave said that the Roman Pontiff has the office only of inspection or direction, but has not full and supreme power of jurisdiction over the universal church, not only in things that pertain to faith and morals, but also in those that pertain to the discipline and government of the church diffused throughout the whole world ; or that he has only the more important parts but not the whole plenitude of this supreme power ; or that this power is not ordinary and immediate, whether over all and each of the churches or over all and each of the pastors and faithful ; let him be anathema." The fourth chapter, for which the three first have prepared the way, is on the infallible teaching function (magisterium) of the Roman Pontiff. An attempt is made to prove from Scripture and history that this infallibility was included in the primacy given by Christ to Peter (" Feed my sheep," " Feed my lambs," " Thou, when thou art converted, confirm thy brethren," etc.). It is claimed that " all the venerable Fathers have embraced and the holy orthodox Doctors have venerated and followed" the " apostolic doctrine" of the bishops of Rome, " knowing most fully that this See of St. Peter remains ever free from all blemish of error, according to the divine promise of our Saviour Lord made to the Prince of his disciples" (Luke 22 : 32). "Therefore, by faithfully adhering to the tradition received from the beginning of the Christian faith, for the glory of God our Saviour, the exaltation of the Catholic religion, and the salvation of Christian peoples, with the approba- tion of the sacred Council, we (Pius IX.) teach and define as a dogma revealed by God that the Roman Pontiff, when he speaks from the Chair [ex Cathedra), that is, when performing the function of pastor and teacher of all Christians by virtue of his supreme apostolic authority he defines a doctrine concerning faith or morals as to be held by the universal church, through the divine assistance promised to him in the Blessed Peter, possesses that infallibility with which the divine Redeemer wished his church to be equipped in defining doctrine concerning faith or morals ; and that therefore such defini- tions of the Roman Pontiff are irreformable of themselves and not from the consent of the church. But if any one should presume — which may God avert — to contradict this our definition : let him be anathema." It will be noticed that this definition is somewhat am- biguous, and it was no doubt designedly made so. Con- siderable discussion has occurred among Roman Catholic prelates as to what is involved in the infallibility claimed. It can be interpreted to mean much or little, according to CHAP. II ] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 513 the purpose to be subserved. Its chief aim was to place the pope entirely above councils and to give him the undisputed right to decide all doctrinal questions that might arise without the consent of the church assembled representatively in general councils. There is apparently only one farther step left to be taken by the Roman Pon- tiff. He has long claimed to be the vicar of Christ, hav- ing a right to all the authority that Christ would have if^ he were on earth. The last conceivable step is that he should declare himself to be an incarnation of Christ or of God. (6) Some Results of the Successful Carrying Out of the Jes- uit Scheme Culminating in the Decree of the Dogma of Papal Infallibility, a. Loss of the Temporal Power. The decla- ration of war between Prussia and France, immediately after the dogma of papal infallibility had been proclaimed, that led to the withdrawal of the French troops from Italy and permitted Victor Emmanuel to take possession of Rome and to make it the capital of united Italy, was not in the strict sense of the term a result of the decree of papal infallibility, though the well-known determina- tion of the Ultramontane party may have indirectly con- tributed to the irritation that brought about the declara- tion of war. At any rate it was a striking coincidence that at the moment when the papacy had reached the very height of its pretensions to absolute civil as well as spiritual authority, it should have been deprived of the last of its territorial possessions. The Italian gov- ernment sought to conciliate the pope and his supporters for the appropriation of the States of the Church and of the city of Rome by guaranteeing to him sovereignty and immunity in his possession of the Vatican and Lateran palaces, and the castle of Gandolfo, a yearly income of three and a half million francs, a bodyguard, and a post ofifice and telegraph bureau. In general, the king sought to carry into effect the maxim of Cavour, " A free Church in a free State." He soon felt obliged, however, because of the irreconcilable hostility of the pope, to subject the Italian clergy to civil control. b. The Culture Conflict (Kulturkampf) in Germany.^ 1 See English translation of the German laws that occasioned the conflict of 1870- 1880 in Badenoch's " Ultramontanism : England's Sympathy with Germany," pp. 186- 2H 514 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. Among the direct results of the declaration of papal in- fallibility was the precipitation of the struggle that had long been impending between Germany and the pope. Legislation of the most stringent character (1871-1874), intended to protect the German government from the machinations of the pope and the Jesuits, was enacted. The latter were banished and utterly prohibited from teaching in Roman Catholic schools. The laws facili- tated the withdrawal of individuals from the Roman Catholic Church, limited the use of ecclesiastical penal- ties and discipline, and placed them under government inspection. Appeal from ecclesiastical sentences to tlie State magistracy was provided for, A royal tribunal for ecclesiastical affairs was constituted. Foreign church of- ficers were absolutely prohibited. The qualifications for teaching in ecclesiastical schools and for the priesthood were definitely fixed, and the Roman Catholic schools were placed under government inspection. The found- ing of additional boys' seminaries and retreats was pro- hibited. Candidates for ecclesiastical offices nominated by ecclesiastical authorities must secure the approval of the government. Roman Catholic bishops were re- quired to swear fealty to the king and obedience to the laws of the State. Violation of these requirements in- volved heavy fines and imprisonment. The laws were for some years remorselessly enforced, but were resisted with the utmost determination by the bishops and priests. The persecution to which they were subjected awakened public sympathy to such an extent that Bismarck, who had been the chief mover in the anti-Roman Catholic legislation, found that the struggle was a useless one, and the legislation was gradually relaxed and finally abolished. Says a distinguished English writer : " Bis- marck has succeeded in morally rehabilitating Ultramon- tanism by persecuting it." c. The Old Catholic Movement.^ The extreme anti- 211 and 587-602. See also Nippold, " Hatulbuch d. neu. Ktrchengesch.." Bd. II.. Seit. 72q-7?7 ; Hahn, "Gesc-h. d. Kullurkampf," 1881 ; Wiermann, " Cfsch. d. Kultitrkampf," 1886; Fechenbach-Lautenbach. " P.j^s/, Centrum, uiid Buniarck, odcr d Kcrnpunktc dcr Situation "; and Troxler. " Per Kulturk,impf von iS^t-iSSS." 'See "The New Reformation: A Narrative of the Old Catholic Movement." 1875; Loyson (Hyacinth). "Catholic Reform." 1874: Merrick. " The Old Catholic Movement," 1877: Reinkens. " Unprune. U'eicn, und Zicl des Mltkatho/ici<.muf." 1882; Scarth, " Story of the Old Catholic and Kindred Movements," 188} ; Schulte, " Der CHAP. II.] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 515 infallibilist party, including a number of the ablest schol- ars of Germany, such as Dollinger, Reinkens, Friedrich, Huber, Michelis, Reusch, Langen, Schulte, etc., led in the organization of a new religious party under the name of the Old Catholic Church. The organization took place, after several preliminary conferences, in 1873. Reinkens was appointed bishop, and was ordained by the Jansenist bishop of Deventer. Efforts were made to secure the recognition and co-oper- ation of the Anglican and Greek churches. Conferences to which these churches were invited, and in which they participated, were held in 1874, 1875, and on several subsequent occasions. No organic union was secured, but friendly relations were established. The Old Cath- olics profess " to strive for the restoration of the unity of the Christian church." "We frankly acknowledge that no branch of it has exclusively the truth. We hold fast to the ultimate view that upon the foundation of the gos- pel and the doctrines of the church grounded upon it, and upon the foundation of the ancient undivided church, a union of all Christian confessions will be possible through a really ecumenical council." They claim to adhere to the Council of Trent versus Vaticanism, to Scripture versus Tradition, except so far as tradition is equivalent to the unanimous consent of the orthodox Christians of the first five centuries, and insist on freedom in reading the Bible, on communion under both kinds, and on the right of the clergy to marry. They have simplified the mass, which they regard as a memorial of the atoning sacrifice of Christ and cele- brate in the vernacular. They give to the laity an equal share with the clergy in church government. The Old Catholic movement met with considerable encouragement during the first few years, and many hoped that it would make a serious break in the ranks of the Roman Catholic Church. It was hoped that so large a number of German Catholics would cast in their lot with the new party as to justify the governments in giv- ing them control of considerable church property. This Altkatholtcismus," 1887, and art. in Hauck-Herzog:, ed. 5 ; Braasch, " Altkatholicismus und Romaiiismus m Ooiterrcich, " zi^qo; Hunt. "Contemporary Essays"'; Beyschlag, " Origin and Development of the Old Catholic Movement," in " Am. Jour, of Theo!.," 1898; Nippold, " Handbuch d. neuesten Kirchengcschichte," Bd. U., Sett, 737-749. 5l6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. expectation has been disappointed, and in spite of the government patronage that could safely be bestowed, the churches that have been organized have had a struggle for existence, and have had to appeal to England and America for help, in 1873 the number of congregations in the German Empire was estimated at one hundred, with a membership of seventy thousand. At present there are probably less than fifty thousand. " Thou- sands who in their first zeal had signed the anti-Vatican protest were lost to the movement when it became clear that unless they withdrew they must suffer a lifelong martyrdom ; the papal church, ceaseless in its efforts, reduced many to subjection ; there are, perhaps, still more who, wearied of their material and moral sacrifices, have quietly taken refuge in the Protestant church " (Beyschlag, 1898). In Switzerland the movement has met with more encouragement. In Bohemia and other parts of the Austrian Empire several thousands have be- come Old Catholics within the past few years ; but at present the secession from Rome is Lutheran rather than Old Catholic. How are we to account for the failure of this movement to win the German masses to its support ? I. The movement was based upon rationalistic revolt against papal dogma and intolerance, and not on religious aversion to the moral corruption of the papal church or a conviction that the multitudes of its deluded members would fail of eternal salvation. The spirit of enthusiastic evangelism seems to have been almost completely want- ing. 2. The spirit of self-sacrifice that would have made them superior to the persecutions that they needs must suffer was almost completely wanting in the Old Catholics. There was not in most of them that religious enthusiasm that has animated martyrs and reformers in the past. 3. Their position is an illogical one. The Roman Catholic church has been for so many centuries essentially what it is to-day that it is absurd for them to declare that they are the true Catholic church and that Ultramontanism is an apostas\'. Thev should have taken their stand with the Lutherans or Reformed of Germany and Switzerland, if in their view these Christians ap- proached sufficientiv near to the apostolic standard, or should have taken the Scriptures rather than the tradition of the first five cen- turies as their standard, and have sought to bring their individual and organized life into conformity with this standard, which alone is sure andsteadfast. 4. Itappears that while Old Catholicism maybeserv ing a useful purpose as a stepping-stone for those who cling to the name Catholic, but are out of sympathy with Rome, to something higher, it has no permanent reason for e.xisting, and cannot be e.xpected CHAP. II.] THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 517 to take its place among the great Christian denominations. 5. Its expressed hope of securing a union of Anglican, Greek, and Old Catholic Christians around the few principles that it professes is futile. While High Church Anglicans have taken considerable interest in the movement, there is really almost nothing in common between the two parties. High Churchmen are Romanizing (ascet- ical, ritualistic, sacerdotal, and withal enthusiastic), Old Catholics are anti-Romanizing and rationalistic, and are wanting in ascetical enthusiasm. They have far more in common with English Broad Churchmen. (7) The Current Free-from-Rome Movemejit. Not so closely connected with the Vatican Council, but inti- mately related to the Old Catholic movement, is the rapidly progressing secession of Austrian German Cath- olics to become Lutherans. The precise significance of this movement it is not possible at present to determine. To-day it is stirring the life of German-speaking Austria to its foundations. Great Roman Catholic conventions have been held of late in many centers to take measures against the movement. These are usually followed by more largely attended and more enthusiastic Protestant conventions. Within the past three years more than seventeen thousand Austrian Catholics have become Protestant, and more than seven thousand have become Old Catholic. Romanists declare that their losses to Protestantism are due to agitation in favor of the union of the German-speaking provinces with Germany. The Lutherans claim that the movement, so far as they are concerned, is a purely religious one. It is well known that for years the relations between the German, Slavic, and Magyar populations of the Austro-Hungarian Empire have been seriously strained, and it would be no won- der if many Austrian Germans were led by the splen- dor and prosperity of the German Empire and by their strong race feeling to wish to change their allegiance. That the Roman Catholic priesthood should seek to dis- courage such aspirations and should thereby become un- popular, and that aspirations after German unity should carry with them loss of interest in Roman Catholicism and increase of interest in the national religion of Germany, is certainly quite easy to be believed. The Catholics even claim that money from Germany is being used to promote disloyalty to the Austrian government and seces- 5l8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. sion from the Catholic church, and it would not be sur- prising if German Lutherans should be found using their money for the promotion of the Loose-from-Rome move- ment. The Romanists are seeking at present (July, 1902) to induce the Austrian government to put forth its hand against the Lutheran propaganda. CHAPTER III LUTHERANISM SINCE THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA I. IN EUROPEAN LANDS I. Economic, Social, and Religious Condition of Lutheran Lands at the Close of the Thirty Years' IVar. (i) Economic. It is difficult to conceive of the extent of the economic ruin wrought by the war. The absorp- tion of so large a part of the male population for so long a time in military life ; the breaking up of so many homes and the prevention of the establishment of so many more ; the enormous loss of life involved in camp-following ; the destruction of such multitudes of soldiers in battle and from disease, could not have failed to impoverish the countries involved and to decimate their productive popu- lations, even if warfare had been conducted in the least wasteful manner that was possible. But when we con- sider that many of the armies were supported by plun- der and pillage, it is easy to see that the very sources of supply would be to a great extent destroyed, and that the agriculturists and townsmen alike would be left without the means of supporting themselves or contin- uing their industries. It was many years after the close of the war before the rank and file of the population that remained had attained to a state of comfort, and many years more before the cities had attained to anything like their former prosperity. (2) Social. The social effects of continuous and all- pervasive war could not fail to be of the most baneful character. Extreme poverty is itself a fruitful source of vice, and the license of military life combined with the utterly impoverished condition of a large part of the popu- lation and the diminution of opportunities for the estab- lishment and maintenance of family life must have played havoc with right social relations and so with morality. (3) Religious. We cannot conceive of pure religion 519 520 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. as flourishing under the conditions that existed during the later years of the war. Along with economic, social, and moral ruin, religious deterioration proceeded to a shocking extent. Even before the war the energies of Lutheran ministers had become so absorbed in contro- versy with Roman Catholics and Calvinists, and in in- ternal strife, as greatly to detract from their interest in the spiritual needs of the people, and the churches had little vitality. To a remarkable extent the theological faculties of the universities, with meager support and depleted classes, persevered in their teaching and in their literary activity ; but they were dominated by the polem- ical and the scholastic spirit of the time, and their self- sacrificing efforts were by no means so fruitful as they might otherwise have been. 2. Syncretism and U lira- Luther anism : Calixtus and Calovius. LITERATURE: Dorner, "Hist, of Prot. Theol." (Eng. Jr.. 1871), Vol. U., pp. 185, sc'q.; Henke, " G^o. Calixt tiiid seine Zeit,^^ 1853-1856 ; Gass, ''Gesch. d. prot. Dogmatik,^' Bd. 11., Seit. 67 seq.; Frank, ''Gesc/t. d. prot. Theol. ,^^ 1885, Bd. II., Seit. 4 seq. ; writings of Calixtus and Calovius ; pertinent sections in the histories of doctrine and articles " Syncretism," " Calixtus," and " Calovius," in the encyclopaedias. (i) George Calixtus. Calixtus has been designated by a recent writer (Tschackert, in Hauck-Herzog, ed. 3, art. "Calixtus ") as " the most independent and the most in- fluential among the Lutheran theologians who still in the seventeenth century may be regarded as successors of Melanchthon." A native of Schleswig (b. 1586), son of a pastor who had studied under Melanchthon, when six- teen years of age he was sent to the University of Helm- stadt, where Joh. Caselius, the venerable humanist and a personal friend of Melanchthon, Casaubon, and Scali- ger, still gave lectures. Among his most influential teach- ers was Martini, the Aristotelian, whose predilection for ancient philosophy may have led the young student to inquire whether ancient theology were not preferable to the dry dogmatism and the biting polemics of his own time. Interest in ancient theology stimulated his taste for church history, especially the history of doctrine, in which he became pre-eminent among his contemporaries. CHAP. III.] LUTHERANISM SINCE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA $21 From 1607 onward he applied himself to theological studies. The years 1609-1613 he devoted to scientific journeys, which embraced Germany, Belgium, England, and France. He came in close touch with leading Re- formed, Anglican, and even Roman Catholic theologians, wishing to have as complete an understanding as possible of the various modes of theological thought with which he would have to deal and to gather for himself whatever of truth they might contain. Thus equipped he returned to Helmstadt as a professor of theology, where he labored for forty-two years, and was generally regarded as one of the two or three foremost theologians of his time. It will not be practicable here to give an account of his contributions to theological literature or to better meth- ods of theological study. These were very great and far-reaching in their influence. No man of his age did so much to promote the application of the historical method to the study of the Scriptures and of Christianity. Converse with the leading representatives of other communions, the study of the church Fathers, and reac- tion against the narrow dogmatism and the harsh polem- ical spirit that dominated Lutheran theology, led him to go to extremes in minimizing the importance of the dis- tinctive views of Lutherans, Reformed, and Romanists, and in magnifying and exalting the elements of truth that are of essential importance and are common to all. As early as 1629 he expressed the conviction that in the Apostle's' Creed and in the tradition of the first five cen- turies everything of essential importance is contained. His view was sharply attacked as " Cryptopopery " by Buscher (1640), and from this time onward the Helm- stadt theology was a target for the darts of Lutheran polemicists. It should be observed that Calixtus gave the first place to Scripture, which has the power of giv- ing divine certainty concerning its own contents. It is with him the ultimate principle which has of itself cer- tainty, authenticity, and authority. Nothing, he main- tains, can be placed beside Holy Scripture with respect to certainty and infallibility, because it is full of divine power effectually to move the heart and constrain it to acquiescence. He accepted the Apostles' Creed because it was a simple, definite statement of Scripture truth, in 522 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. which all true Christians could easily agree. The tradi- tion of the first five centuries was valuable to him sim- ply because it represented the way in which the Chris- tians of the time immediately succeeding the apostolic age understood the Scriptures. He insisted that no tra- dition has any standing that is not in complete conformity with Scripture. The chief value of early tradition is to show us how the early Christians understood the teach- ings of Scripture and where they put the emphasis. He adopted the maxim of Vincentius of Lerins, maintaining that what has been believed always, everywhere, and by all, is alone essential. He maintained that Christ's infallible church on earth still exists, but has lost much of its capability of being known. The boundaries of truth and error have been obliterated by additions and ecclesiastical divisions that have resulted therefrom. Romanists had gone astray by making such innovations as papal infallibility, enforced celibacy of the clergy, denial of the cup to the laity, the sacrificial view of the mass, and transubstantiation. The apostasy of Rome called forth Lutheranism and Calvinism with their strong tendency toward undue dogmatism. He was not disposed to find fault with differences of view among various communions so much as with the spirit of dog- matism which led each party to claim exclusive validity for its own set of views or its own method of interpret- ing Scripture and to revile and persecute those who differ. If Lutherans, Reformed, and Roman Catholics would accept the Scriptures as understood by the church of the first five centuries and the doctrinal formularies of that age and tolerate each other in distinctive views, he thought an end might be made to partisan strife, and that the spirit of Christian love and fellowship and proper emphasis on Christian life would supervene. The conciliatory tone of his writings, and his deprecia- tion of the distinctive doctrines of Lutheranism, early gave offense to the strict Lutherans, and especially his (correct) representation of the Lutheran doctrine of the ubiquity of Christ's human body and of the communica- tion of all attributes of the divine nature to the human in the person of Christ as Eutychian. His successive works were severely criticised, and efforts were made to CHAP. 111.] LUTHERANISM SINCE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA 523 bring about his dismissal from the Helmstadt faculty. In 1645, influenced by Calixtus' writings, King Wladislaus of Poland arranged a conference at Thorn to which Lutherans, Reformed, and Catholics were invited, with a view to securing union along the lines indicated by Calixtus. Calixtus was present and had for his Luth- eran opponent the young and brilliant Abraham Calo- vius, who 'represented extreme and uncompromising, Lutheranism, and who was for years to be the champion of this type of Lutheranism over against Syncretism and Pietism. (2) Abraham Calovius. Born in 161 2, Calovius en- tered the University of Konigsberg in 1626, where his career as a student was one of remarkable brilliancy. At twenty he became master of philosophy and was made a member of the philosophical faculty. While teaching mathematics and philsophy he pursued his theological studies, and when only twenty-one distin- guished himself by a polemical writing in defense of the substantial presence and the perception of the body and blood of Christ in the Supper. In 1637, after a period of ministerial activity in Rostock, he received his doctor's degree and accepted a position in the theological faculty at Konigsberg. In 1650 he was called to Wittenberg, which had become a bulwark of Lutheran orthodoxy. Here, surrounded by like-minded colleagues, as professor and pastor he exerted an almost unrivaled influence till his death (1686), often having five hundred auditors. Among his most distinguished colleagues in the university was Quenstedt. (3) Syncretism. This term was applied to Calixtus' views on Christian union by his opponents in the sense of a conglomeration and confusion of divergent views in which matters judged by themselves to be of primary importance were treated as of slight consequence {adi- aphora). It had often been used in earlier times in the sense in which Calixtus and his associates would have admitted its application to their views to designate an earnest effort to secure union in matters of essential importance and neutral toleration of differences in mat- ters regarded as of secondary importance. After the conference at Thorn (1645) the assaults on Calixtus and 524 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. his associates became fiercer and fiercer, Calovius soon coming to be regarded as the great champion of ortho- doxy. The University of Leipzig stood side by side with Wittenberg in support of strict Lutheranism. The House of Brunswick and several other princes favored and protected the advocates of peace and conciliation. The strict party drew up and attempted to foist upon the Lutheran States, and especially upon the universities, a new confessional document (Consensus 1{epititiis Fidci Liitherance, drawn up in 1655, first published in 1663), in which eighty errors were enumerated and condemned. The scheme failed, notwithstanding the most determined efforts of its advocates, chiefly because of the opposition of the University of Jena under the leadership of the great Joh. Gerhard, who from being an opponent of Calixtus had come to occupy an intermediate position between the two factions. The controversy continued for many years after the death of Calixtus. (4) Results of the Syncretistic Controversy. Whatever may be one's opinion as to the merits of Calixtus' scheme of Christian union, it is highly significant that the best equipped theologian of his time should have been willing to take an independent position in favor of peace and harmony among Christians in the face of the narrow and bitter dogmatism of the Lutheran body as a whole. That he secured a considerable following and sufficient support to protect him and his followers from the persecuting fury of the majority is equally significant. It has been justly remarked that this controversy led the extremely controversial element in Lutheranism to ex- haust its polemical energies. The controversy was fol- lowed by a marked indifference in relation to the scho- lastic definitions of Lutheran orthodoxy. The extreme dogmatism, formalism, and polemical bitterness of Lu- theran orthodoxy, involving a neglect of the spiritual side of Christianity, co-operated powerfully with the syncretistic indifference to dogma and laying of stress upon Christian life and primitive types of Christian teaching in bringing about a revival of evangelical mys- ticism (Pietism). The breaking down of the old ortho- doxy by the syncretism of the Helmstadt theologians prepared the way also for the later rationalism. CHAP. Ill] LUTHERANISM SINGE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA 525 3. Pietism and tJie Pictistic Controversies. LITERATURE: Doriier, "Hist, of Prot. Theol.," VoL IL, pp. 203 seq. ; Baur, " Kircheiigesch. d. tieueren Zeit^'' 1863, Seit. 343 seq., and 572 seq, ; Gobel, " Gesch. d. chr. Lebens in der Rheiiisch-westphalischen Evaiig. Kirche," 1852-1862, Bd. IL ; Schmidt, "■ Gesch. d. Pietismtts,'' 1863; Hurst, "Hist, of Rationalism," 1866, Chap. L-llL ; Ritschl, ''Gesch. d. Pietismus," 1 880-1 886 ; Lives of Spener, by Hossbach (1828 and 1861), Wiidenhahn (1858, Eng. Tr. by Wenzel, 1881), Horning (1883), Waldron (1893), and Griinberg (1896) ; pertinent \ sections in worlesederia), published in 1675, had a wide circu- tion and was highly influential. It consisted in a devout expression of a wish for the thorough reformation of the Lutheran Church and of suggestions for the accomplish- ment of this desirable end. His chief reliance was on a better knowledge of the Bible to be gained in private assemblies for its study ; on a more extensive and sys- tematic employment of church-members in carrying for- ward the multiform work of the churches ; on a general recognition of the fact that Christianity is not a matter of knowledge solely, but of life, and that Christian life should be an exemplification of the principle of love ; on a more adequate education of ministers, having refer- ence to piety as much as to scholarship ; and on a type of preaching that should eschew rhetorical display and pedantry and make edification its chief aim. These suggestions seem to us so thoroughly Christian and common sense that it is hard for us to realize the extent of the innovation involved and the bitterness of the opposition aroused. Spener was accused of leaning too much toward the Reformed theology and of not put- ting sufficient emphasis on the distinguishing features of Lutheranism. The devotional meetings were criticised as tending to separatism and as hotbeds of heresy. This criticism was supposed to be fully justified by the sepa- ration of several of these meetings from the churches that treated them with suspicion and contempt. Spener had no desire to found a new denomination. He was a devout Lutheran, and his sole aim seems to have been the reformation of the evangelical (Lutheran) church. 528 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vt. (3) (Augiist Hermann Francke. Born in Liibeck (1663), but brought up in Thuringia, and early the subject of strong religious influences, he decided while still a boy to devote his life to the gospel ministry. As a student at Kiel he was a member of the household of Professor Kor- tholt, who had come under Spener's influence. As a stu- dent his life was exemplary, but was possibly more ascet- ical than was wholesome. At the end of his course of study he was still profoundly dissatisfied with his own spiritual condition, regarding himself as "a mere natural man who had much in his head, but was far enough re- moved from the beneficent life that is in Christ Jesus." In 1684 he continued his studies in the University of Leip- zig. He gained his master's degree the next year with Hebrew as his chief subject, and became a docent in the university, in association with Paul Anton and others Francke formed a Bible club (Collegium Philohiblicum) for the exegetical and devotional study of the Scriptures. Heretofore he had been dealing with the husks of Scrip- ture truth, now first he came into the enjoyment of its very kernel. The Bible club met with considerable op- position ; but it flourished and became a center of strong religious influence in the university and throughout Ger- many. Yet in 1687, when he left Leipzig, he was still deeply dissatisfied with his own spiritual attainments, being at peace with the world, suffering no persecution for Christ's sake, and making no earnest and thorough- going effort at amendment. After spending some time in private biblical study under devout ministers and in reading the writings of Molinos and other mystics, in which he took great delight, and two months' joyful in- tercourse with Spener, he returned to Leipzig (February, 1689), and with greater confidence and more definite re- formatory aims resumed his work as a teacher. Here his biblical lectures and his sermons attracted great audi- ences, and religious agencies were established which deeply affected the life of the university and of the city. Francke and his followers did not escape criticism. They were accused of spiritual pride, contempt for science, dis- couragement of earnest philosophical study, and laying undue stress on piety and Bible study as the only things really worth while. Through the unfriendly representa- CHAP, in.] LUTHERANISM SINCE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA 529 tions of Professor Carpzov the university authorities pro- hibited the Bible clubs and instituted proceedings against him as a teacher of unsettling and dangerous doctrines. It was determined that henceforth his teaching must be limited to secular subjects. A call to the position of chief pastor in Erfurt (1690) was accepted. Many students from Leipzig and Jena who had come under his influ- ence betook themselves to the University of Erfurt, and became active in disseminating pietistic life and thought in the university and throughout the city. Here again opposition became so sharp as to lead to his removal (September, 1691). Spener, now in Berlin, invited him thither, gave him an opportunity during six weeks of coming in contact with the religious life of the city, and procured for him an appointment to a pastorate and professorship in Halle. Here with the like-minded Breithaupt and Anton as col- leagues, and under the patronage of the Elector of Bran- denburg, who was sympathetic with this type of religious life and work, he was able to carry forward, with slight opposition, his great beneficent activities. Halle greatly flourished and became the center of religious influence for the whole of Germany. Under Francke's direction a great orphanage was established, that set the exam- ple to evangelical Christians everywhere of practical philanthropy, which had been much neglected. The instruction of neglected poor children was begun in 1695. Soon a few orphans had to be provided with a home. In 1698 a hotel with grounds was placed at his disposal for an orphans' home, and it was filled with over a hundred children, who were nurtured and trained in the most careful manner. Through the liberality of Francke's friends additional land was secured and a great building for the various departments of his institutional work was erected. At his death (1727) twenty-two hundred chil- dren were receiving training in this institute (one hun- dred and thirty-four orphans) under one hundred and sixty-seven male and seven female teachers, and two hundred and fifty university students were supplied with their dinners there. The pedagogical work was organ- ized under eight inspectors, and this children's school was a valuable object-lesson for the Christian world. 21 530 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. The missionary enterprise under Frederick IV. of Den- mark early came into close relations with Francke's work, and the orphanage supplied many helpers and teachers for work in India. The famous missionaries Ziegenbalg, Plutschau, and Schwartz were trained in Francke's school. Under Francke's influence a Bible society was founded by Baron von Canstein (1710), which was to have a highly useful career. (4) Results of the Pietistic Movement. a. As might have been expected the introduction of changes so rad- ical in methods of preaching and teaching, in conceptions of the Christian ministry, and in the relative importance given to Bible study as compared with church dogma, provoked much violent antagonism. The leaders were stigmatized as heretical innovators, who made little of the distinctive principles of Lutheranism and treated with contempt the great mass of Lutheran professors and pas- tors as unconverted' men unfit to be religious guides of the people, and as sectarian in their tendency. Some of the opponents of the movement were led to declare that the church is so lioly and perfect as to be above the pos- sibility of reformation. " it is not the church, but the ungodly in the church that must be reformed." Some went so far as to identify the Lutheran symbolical books in the most absolute way with divine truth, and regarded it as disloyalty to suggest that there might be error therein. Spener's demand that every one should test the symbolical books before subscribing them was re- garded as an impertinence. Some of the opponents of pietism came dangerously near to sacerdotalism in their exaltation of the ministerial office, holding that the de- cisions of the Lutheran clergy were equally authoritative with the word of God. Some were led to insist that with baptism the gift of the Holy Spirit is imparted once for all ; so that the person baptized in infancy needs no special work of the Spirit to make of him a true Chris- tian. That men need to be specially illuminated by the Spirit in order to be good theologians and ministers, as claimed by Spener and Francke, was utterly repudiated. Plato and Aristotle might have become good theologians, even though they had regarded the mysteries of the faith as fables. The church was regarded as the self- CHAP. III.] LUTHERANISM SINCE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA 53 1 centered possessor of divine authority, endowed, once for all, with divine powers and privileges, as if the Holy Spirit had relinquished his direct relation to souls, nay, had abdicated his power and energies in favor of the church and her means of grace. "Faith in the con- tinued agency of the Holy Ghost, in illumination and regeneration, was branded as fanaticism and enthusi- asm " (Dorner). b. Pietism, on-th€^ther hand, brought out with great emphasis the presence and activity of the Holy Spirit as the regenerating and illuminating power in every Chris- tian life. c. Reference has already been made to the stress laid by Spener and Francke upon the study of the Bible under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. The effect of this de- vout attention to biblical study upon subsequent Chris- tian history has been of fundamental importance. "i' d. The stress and importance attached by the pietists not only to individual conversion by the power of the Spirit, buL to the living of separated and consecrated lives,' an3'- so to practical Christian morality and benefi- cent activity^ has already been made sufficiently mani- fest. Sanctification by the indwelling power of the Spirit progressing throughout life was a fundamental fea- ture of pietism. e. A refined and spiritual type of millenarianism (rep- resented by Spener, Bengel, et al.), has exerted a pro- found influence upon later evangelical movements and is having a great career to-day. Spener's " Hope of Better Times in the Future" (1693) does not look for- ward to a catastrophic destruction of the present order and the sudden dawning of an age of triumphant right- eousness under the rule of the reappearing Christ, but only to the diminution of sin and evil. He does not re- gard Christ's millennial government as visible, but re- gards the Saviour's reign as chiefly the result of the la- bors of regenerate men for their own sanctification and that of others (Dorner). The hope of a better time in the future was to him a trumpet call to holy living and to earnest endeavor for the salvation of men. Bengel's eschatology was far more objectionable, as he indulged in efforts which had long before his time proved futile 532 MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. to determine by compututions from biblical data the temporal metes and bounds of the kingdom of God. /, The influence of pietism was perpetuated in tlie Moravian Brethren. The Count von Zinzendorf, a dis- ciple of Francke, was influential in gathering and inspir- ing with missionary zeal the remnants of the Bohemian Brethren, whose organized life had been almost de- stroyed in the Thirty Years' War, in establishing for these and other likeminded evangelical Christians a great religious and educational center at Herrnhut on his own estates, where he had allowed them to settle before he decided to cast in his lot with them, and in setting on foot one of the greatest missionary agencies of modern times (1727 onward). g. As syncretism had provoked orthodox Lutheranism to the expression of views so extreme and the display of a spirit so unamiable as to call forth pietism as a protest and by way of reaction, so pietism led the current ortho- doxy, by this time still less evangelical, into statements so rash as to promote the rise and spread of rationalism. The intense religious enthusiasm and the high moral re- quirements of pietism, and the stress that it laid on the supernatural as not merely a thing of the past but as a present-day reality, may have directly promoted the spread of rationalism among those who held aloof from its religious influence.'^ The banishment of Wolff, the philosopher, from the University of Halle, with the ap- proval of Francke and his followers, no doubt tended to intensify the zeal of those inclined toward rationalism. 4. The Wolffian Philosophy and Lutheran Theology. ' Literature : Hurst, " Hist, of Rationalism," 1866, pp. 199-220 ; Tholuck, "■ Vorgesch. d. Raiioualhmiis,'" \?>i:,'^-\?>^A\ Hagenbach, "German Rationalism," i86q : Lecl-i86o ; Ehrard, '' Handhuch d. christ. Kirchen- und Dogmengescfi., Bd. 111. and IV., 1866; Mayer, " Hist, of the German Reformed Church," 1850; Smith, "The Reformed Churches of Europe and America, in Relation to General Church His- tory," 1855 ; Dubbs, " The German Reformed Church in the United States" (extended bibliography); biographical articles in Hauck- Herzog; art. "Reformed Church, German," in Schaff-Herzog. (i) The German Reformed Church in Europe. It has been noticed that the Reformed portions of Germany bore the brunt of the defense of Protestantism during the Thirty Years' War. The peace of Westphalia continued the territorial arrangement of the peace of Augsburg, but admitted the Reformed faith to a position side by side with the Lutheran. The Palatinate had long been of the Calvinistic persuasion, and continued to adhere to its Heidelberg Catechism and to sustain its Heidelberg uni- versity. The lower Rhenish provinces abounded in Cal- vinists. The portion of Poland that fell to the share of Prussia in its successive partitions contained a large number of Calvinists. The tolerant spirit of the Great Elector (Frederick I.) and his successors brought many Reformed from other German provinces to Prussia. Many thousands of French Protestants (Huguenots) were encouraged to settle in Prussia (Brandenburg) after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685) and were given full toleration. As early as 1656 a Reformed uni- versity was established at Duisburg by the Great Elector 586 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. VI. for the benefit of his Reformed subjects, which became the cliief disseminator of the philosophy of Descartes in Germany. The Reformed churches in Germany yielded even more readily than the Lutheran to the in- fluence of French skepticism, and before the union of 1817 had lost much of their vigor and rigor. There was little protest on the Reformed side against the union. Since the union the Reformed Church in Germany can scarcely be said to exist, although a number of theolo- gians of Reformed antecedents have shown a leaning toward Reformed doctrine. The German Reformed have always been very moderate in their Calvinism, and there are to-day in Germany very few, if any, thorough-going Calvinists. According to the Westphalian treaty, the use of the Catholic religion in the Palatinate of the Rhine was to be restricted to the royal court. In the Peace of Ryswick (1697), Louis XIV., of France, in defiance of the earlier arrangement, insisted that the Catholic religion should enjoy the same favor that it had enjoyed during the French occupancy. The Catholic Electors had already trenched seriously upon the privileges of their Protes- tant subjects and were glad to have the support of France in their efforts to restore Catholicism. The Elector, John William, had been educated by the Jesuits, and was in thorough sympathy with Jesuit methods of carry- ing out Counter-Reformation measures. He now pro- ceeded to assume control of Protestant church property, to give to Catholics the joint possession and use of church buildings and endowments, and to compel Protestants to join in celebrating Catholic festivals, and to have their children instructed in the Catholic faith. Many thou- sands of the Palatinate Reformed were driven by these measures into exile, and of these a large proportion found their way to America, The king of Prussia was able, by retaliatory meas- ures against his Catholic subjects, to secure a partial restoration of the rights of Protestants in the Palatinate. But the Jesuits were able to get some foothold in the University of Heidelberg, which had been the chief edu- cational institution of the German Reformed and which had been guaranteed to them, and to treat the Protestant CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 587 faculty so shamefully as to call forth rebukes from the Austrian and imperial courts. The publication of a new (unchanged) edition of the Heidelberg Catechism (1719) was the occasion of further persecution. The denuncia- tion of the mass as " an accursed idolatry " in the cate- chism the Jesuits represented as an insult to the Elector, and they sought to have the edition suppressed. In this they were unsuccessful ; but the Protestants were robbed of the largest of the two Heidelberg churches that were left to them. It was restored only after much pressure from without (imperial and other) had been brought to bear. Through the union of the Palatinate with Bavaria (1777) tlie Reformed lost still more of their privileges ; but through the influence of the liberal-minded Emperor Joseph II. all their rights were restored (1803). By this time the University of Heidelberg had become a chief center of rationalism (Paulus, De Wette, Daub, etc.). (2) The Reformed Church in the United States. Sev- eral thousands of the Reformed Palatines who were driven into exile about the beginning of the eighteenth century settled in America, chiefly in Pennsylvania. By 1730 considerable numbers of Reformed from Nassau, VValdeck, Witgenstein, and Wetterau were also in America. Their first minister was Philip Boehm, who came in 1720. In 1746 Michael Schlatter arrived, who was to be for the Reformed what Muhlenberg was for the Lutherans, an organizer of the demoralized and neglected people into a vigorous denomination. In 1747 there were forty-six congregations, with only five ministers. These were now organized into a coetus or synod under the care of the Reformed classis of Amsterdam, to which it looked for encouragement and support. Schlatter was Swiss by birth (b. 1716), but had lived for some years in Holland, and had been ordained to the ministry and sent to America as a missionary to the Germans by the deputies of the synods of North and South Holland. In 175 1 Schlatter returned to Europe to solicit financial sup- port and to secure additional ministers. He received liberal financial aid, especially in Holland, and six young ministers. He brought with him seven hundred large Bibles for distribution. For some years Schlatter inter- 588 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. ested himself in a system of charity schools, which were to be supported by Lutherans, Reformed, and Quakers. Difficulties arose and the schools proved a failure, not without some loss of prestige to Schlatter. He accom- panied the American troops as a chaplain in the campaign against the French in 1757 and was present at the tak- ing of Louisburg. From this time until his death (1790) he took no further part in church matters. From 1825 onward the denomination grew rapidly in numbers and equipment. About 1836 there arose in connection with Marshall College and Theological Semi- nary (then located at Mercersburg, Pa., now at Lancas- ter), what is known historically as the Mercersburg School of Philosophy. This new type of teaching pro- voked much controversy in the body and came near causing a schism. The founder of this new philosophy and theology was Ranch, the first president of the col- lege, who had studied at Heidelberg under Daub (d. 1836), a noted speculative theologian. Daub had become a disciple of Kant early in his career and had adopted each new improvement in philosophy up to and including that of Hegel, Ranch conceived the idea of amalgamating Scotch and German philosophy. His early death (1841) prevented a complete working out of his system, in 1841, J, W. Nevin, a Presbyterian scholar, became Ranch's colleague and soon came into hearty sympathy with Ranch's type of Reformed teaching. He afterward became president of the college and the chief exponent of Mercersburg theology. In 1843 the brilliant historical scholar, Philip Schaff, who was to do more for the advancement of theological learning in America than any other individual, was called to the chair of church history in the college. A Swiss by birth and a disciple of Neander, he entered with great enthusiasm upon his labors, having before him the purpose of giving to America what he conceived to be best in modern Ger- man thought. The Mercersburg theology had a good deal in common with the Groningen. It was, like that, Christocentric, but did not deny Christ's absolute deity. Christ, as the second Adam, is the head of a regener- ate human race. Christ and believers constitute a mystical body, which is the Christian church, holy, CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 589 catholic, and apostolic. This spiritual church constitutes the communion in which men may obtain salvation and eternal life. The church is not an aggregation of indi- viduals, but a vital and organized whole, extending into every nation and throughout all ages. As a growing organism, she adapts herself to varying times and cir- cumstances. No doctrinal formiilce of earlier times fully ' meet the needs of a later. The mediaeval hierarchy had its justification in the circumstances of the time, and yet the Reformation was necessary and the various evangelical types that arose in connection therewith had each its raison d'etre. The influence of Hegel's philoso- phy is here manifest. This idea of the church was urged over against the idea that the church is a volun- tary society of Christian individuals organized for their common spiritual good, and against the idea that six- teenth century confessions of faith are adapted to the needs of the present time. The sacraments are re- garded by the Mercersburg school not as empty forms, but as the signs and seals of God's covenant with us, as means of grace, that become efficacious by faith alone. In this view they simply return to John Calvin's posi- tion. Their magnifying of the sacraments naturally carried with it a demand for liturgical worship, which they sought to promote by publishing " A Liturgy ; or, Order of Christian Worship" (edited by Schaff, Nevin, Harbaugh, Gerhart, Appel, Steiner, et al., 1858). A "peace commission" was appointed in 1880 for harmonizing the differences that still existed between the Mercersburg school, which embraced most of the eminent men in the denomination, and the older type of Reformed teaching. The denomination has six colleges, most of which have theological departments, and a number of second- ary schools. In 1890 it had a membership of over two hundred thousand, of which considerably over one-half was in Pennsylvania. 4. The Reformed Church in France. Literature : Baird, " The Huguenots and the Revocation of Nantes," 1895 ; Baird (C. W.), " Hist, of the Huguenot Emigra- tion to America," 1885 ; Poole, " Hist, of the Huguenots of the Dis- 590 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. persion," 1880; Weiss, '' Htsi. dcs R'efugies prot. de France,'^ 1853 (Eng. tr., 1854) ; Smiles, " The Huguenots ... in England and Ireland," 1867 ; and biographical articles in Hauck-Herzog, Schaft- Herzog, and Lichtenberger. (i) The Protestants of France from 1648 to 168^. Ref- erence has already been made to the condition of the French Protestant churches before the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes and the persecutions that preceded the exterminating measures (Revocation of the Edict) of 1O85. Until long after tlie revocation of the Edict the Confession of Faith that all ministers were required to subscribe was that prepared by Calvin and De Chan- dieu, revised and approved by a synod at Paris (1559), adopted by the National Synod of La Rochelle (1571J, and afterward sanctioned by Henry IV. in their address to the king, which precedes the Confession, they desig- nate themselves "the French people who desire to live according to the purity of the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ," It is one of the finest brief statements of moderate Calvinism ever drawn up. One of the local synods (1603) under the influence of Chamier had added an article expressly identifying the pope with the scarlet- clad harlot of the Apocalypse. But the goxernment ob- jected and the article had to be withdrawn. The "churches of the Desert," up to about 1727, required every preacher, candidate, elder, and believer to assent to this symbol. After that time, under the influence of Geneva and under the leadership of the liberal-minded Antoine Court, the requirement was set aside, and a profession of acceptance of the teachings of the prophets and apostles as contained in the books of the Old and New Testaments, and of which a brief summary is con- tained in the Genevan Catechism, was alone required. Modern French Protestants have been still less inclined to bind themselves by formal creed statements. hi 1848 an assembly at Paris, in which the leading spirits were H. Gasparin and F. Monod, declared Christ cruci- fied to be the bond of union and recognized no other rule of faith than God's eternal word. In 1872 Thiers, at that time president of the French Republic, with the co-operation of Guizot, the statesman and historian, sought at a general synod in Paris to secure the adoption CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 59I of a new Confession. All that the body could be in- duced to do was to express a general agreement with the Confession of La Rochelle, a recognition of the supreme authority of the Scriptures, and acceptance of the Apos- tles' Creed. The French Protestant church had been thoroughly organized in a presbyterial way, with its local tribunals, provincial synods, and national synods, and its organized work had been carried on with much vigor until the be- ginning of the persecutions. At the beginning of the present period there were in France about one million Huguenots, with about eight hundred congregations and nearly that number of pas- tors. Many of the congregations were excessively large, owing to restrictions placed upon the number and loca- tion of places of assembly within a given district, and each required several ministers. All classes were repre- sented, nobles, gentry, middle classes, and peasants ; but of the last there were relatively few and the bulk of the membership consisted of the middle class, who were everywhere the leaders in trade, banking, manufactur- ing, and professional life, hi many communities where the Protestants were in a small minority they yet con- stituted the most influential element. The expression "rich as a Huguenot" became proverbial. The dis- cipline maintained by the French Protestants was strict and effective as compared with that of other bodies at that time. Sabbath-breaking was severely discouraged, as well as all kinds of frivolous conduct. Their great temples, though often located very inconveniently by reason of the restrictions, were for the most part plain wooden structures ; but some of them had seating capacity for seven or eight thousand, and they were thronged with eager hearers. Four long sermons were often preached each Lord's Day. The preaching was of a very substantial kind and the psalms put into verse by Marot and Beza were sung with much spirit. Liberality in support of the home work and in aid of needy and persecuted brethren abroad abounded. The French Protestant pulpit greatly surpassed the Roman Catholic during the most brilliant period of the latter, although the Catholics had a few preachers more renowned for 592 A MANL'AL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. finished eloquence (Bossuet, Bourdaloue, and Massillon) than the most gifted of the Protestant preachers (such as Du Moulin, Le Faucheur, Mestrezat, Daille, Amyraut, Du Bosc, De Superville, and Saurin). The French Protestants supported at this time four great institutions of learning, whose faculties contained some of the most eminent scholars of the age and whose halls were thronged with students. The institution at Nismes had become noted, through the efforts of Claude, for its conciliatory attitude toward the Roman Catholic Church. As attempts to harmonize Catholics and Prot- estants could only result in a weakening of the convic- tions of the latter, Nismes was at this time a source of demoralization rather than of strength to the Protestant cause. Saumur, which had been established through the efforts of Duplessis Mornay, the leader of the Huguenots during the preceding generation, had at this time the greatest array of distinguished scholars and the greatest number of students. At the beginning of the present period its professors were teaching a modified Cal\ inism, differing little from Arminianism (Phicaeus, Cappel, Amyraut, and Pajon). The theologians just named were pupils of the learned and liberal Scotchman, John Cameron. Placasus is well known as the author of the theory of mediate imputation. Cameron had taught that the will is completely subject to the intellect, that sin originated in an obscuration of the intellect, and that the grace which works conversion is not a blind force but a moral agency. Amyraut distinguished between an objective and a subjective grace, between the exter- nal means of grace which are free to all and the internal working of the Spirit. By this means he sought to ex- plain why some are saved and others lost. Pajon denied the working of subjective grace, maintaining that God governs the world through the objective connection between cause and effect, without any concurring, direct interference of Providence. He insisted that the word alone is efficacious without any special working of the Holy Spirit. The professors of Saumur became involved in bitter controversy with those of Sedan, Montauban, Geneva, and others, and the disciples of Amyraut and Pajon were excluded from many pulpits. CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 593 The schools of Sedan and Montauban defended ortho- doxy with great ability. Sedan had on its staff the greatest Calvinlstic controversial and dogmatic writer of the age, Peter du Moulin (d. 1658) and (somewhat before this time) Maresius (d. 1673), whose later years were spent in the Netherlands as professor at Groningen, and Jurieu (d. 1713), also an eminent polemicist, Montauban had numbered among its teachers Chamier, Baraud, and Garissolles. The destruction of the French Protestant cause that preceded and followed the revocation of the Edict of Nantes has been sufficiently described above. (2) The CJuirches of the Desert. There is no more heroic chapter in modern church history than that of the persecuted remnant of the Huguenots after the great emigration. It reminds us of that of the Paulicians and the Waldenses during the medieval time, and that of the Anabaptists during the sixteenth century. During the very year of the revocation one of their persecutors (Cardinal Camus) wrote : " They hold small secret meetings, at which they read some chapters from the Bible and their prayers. After that the most able of their number makes an address. In a word, they do just what they did at the birth of heresy. They have an insuperable aversion to service in an unknown tongue and to our ceremonies. I have sent out missionaries. They cannot abide monks." In the Cevennes Moun- tains Protestantism persisted with rare determination and vigor. The martyrdom of Frangois Tessier (1686) resulted in the conversion of the Roman Catholic mis- sionary and the heightening of the enthusiasm of the Protestants of the region even to the verge of fanati- cism. A government order required the massacring of Protestant congregations when detected, including the women. A few were to be reserved for trial in order that information might be extorted from them. The fearful barbarity with which this order was carried out has been put on record by Jurieu in a pastoral letter.' On one occasion the soldiers bayoneted three hundred women in their sides and breasts, and stripping others 'See Baird, Vol. II., p. 163. 2N U 594 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Vl. took them as prisoners into the town of Uzes for a worse fate. Of the few ministers wlio attempted to remain nearly all were destroyed/ Yet even without ministers the en- thusiastic evangelicals continued to hold their meetings at the peril of their lives. Brave ministers who had gone into exile crossed the border from time to time to visit the scattered flocks, who received them with joy "inexpressible." Many Catholics were converted from time to time by the heroism and enthusiasm of preachers and people. One of the most intrepid and successful of the ministers was Claude Brousson, who made re- peated visits and retired from time to time as his position became untenable. He appealed to the king against the atrocities that were being practised ; but the price that had been set upon his head was increased, and he was captured and was executed before a crowd of ten thou- sand, many of whom wept in sympathy with his cour- ageous witness-bearing. Brousson had published much regarding the persecution and had aroused the indigna- tion of the evangelical world against the government of Louis XIV. (3) The Camisards and the War of the Cevennes. From 1702 to 1710 a terrible guerrilla warfare was carried on by the persecuted Protestants of the Cevennes against their persecutors. Driven to desperation, nay, to fanati- cism, by the outrages to which they had been for years subjected, they were led by reckless enthusiasts to wreak bloody vengeance on the Catholic populations within their reach. Disguised in white robes (hence the name "Camisards"), armed bands of them would swoop down upon troops of soldiers or police, upon Catholic congregations, upon towns, villages, and even cities, and having accomplished their purposes of de- struction retreat to their mountain fastnesses with such supplies as they could carry. The Camisard chiefs were men of heroic type, and some of them could preach as well as fight. They had reached the conviction that in destroying everything Catholic they were doing God service. They looked upon their work as like that of the faithful Israelites destroying the Canaanites from the land of promise. The character of some of the leaders did not stand the test and traitors sometimes brought CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 595 disaster upon their followers. That the warfare should have been continued so long and with such destruction of life and property, notwithstanding the insignificance of the numbers and equipment of the Camisards as com- pared with that of the French government, is one of the wonders of history. The terrible sufferings of the Camisards themselves in the process of their conflict and overthrow need not be here recounted. (4) 77?^ Remnant and the Revival. Just before his death (171 5), Louis XIV. had added to his previous atrocities by issuing a law requiring the body of every person who refused the sacraments of the church on his death bed to be dragged through the streets on a hurdle and thrown into the sewer. With the death of the king the severity of persecution was somewhat relaxed, but it was renewed with fearful vigor in 1724. During these years there had been considerable gathering of Prot- estant forces in many communities. In 1726 a royal ordinance was issued condemning to the galleys all males found in Protestant conventicles and committing to life- long imprisonment the women and girls. Heavy fines were imposed for refusal to send children to Catholic schools. Whole communities were fined for allowing Protestant meetings to be held within their bounds. Yet the churches of the desert grew in numbers and in influ- ence. In the scarcity of ministers, licentiates were en- couraged to administer the ordinances, with the appro- bation of the elders. Occasional synods and colloquies were held for securing better co-ordination of effort and for the mutual encouragement of the persecuted bands. The apostles of this time were Antoine Court and Paul Rabaut. The former has well been called "the restorer of the Reformed Church of France." Born in i6g5 and left fatherless when five years old, his heroic Christian mother trained him carefully in the faith of his ancestors, and while still a child took him to secret con- venticles. Before he had reached manhood he was full of religious enthusiasm and had resolved to devote his life to the preaching of the gospel, whatever the cost might be. When twenty years of age, he had formed plans for the rebuilding of the evangelical structure that was in ruins. In August, 171 5, Court called together a 596 A MAMAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. synod of his brethren hi order to lay before tliem his plan and fill tliem with his enthusiasm. In a missionary journey that he had recently made he had witnessed a disorganized and demoralized condition that impressed upon him the imperative need of instruction and of con- certed measures to deliver the poor, persecuted people from fanaticism. The prophetic spirit had broken out and women and girls were preaching and prophesying. Sometimes two or three men and women would fall into trances and prophesy at once, causing the utmost con- fusion. He had not hesitated, youth as he was, to re- buke the disorderly and to instruct the ignorant. Some charged him with fighting against God, but he held his ground and brought many fanatics to their senses. He urged upon his brethren in conference the necessity of the restoration of discipline, with the abolition of fanati- cism and unregulated preaching (as of women, girls, and incompetent men). Of the nine persons assembled in a deserted quarry not one had been ordained. It was felt to be imperative that some should be authoritati\ely set apart to the gospel ministry. These could ordain others and bring the work in France back to regular lines. Court and Corteiz were in the opinion of all qualified for the ministry. The latter, as the elder of the two, was sent to Switzerland for ordination, and on his return Court was ordained by him. Court had received no col- legiate education, but by early manhood he had gained a knowledge of the Calvinistic system such as duller minds might have spent years in attaining. His was a master intellect and a masterful spirit, and he was able to impress his ideas and his personality upon the churches of the desert in such a way as speedily to bring them to his way of thinking and to restore them to sanity and good order. From time to time he held ministers' insti- tutes for testing the gifts of candidates for the ministr\- and instructing them in sound theology and in his princi- ples of church discipline. Those applying for admission as licentiates were required to show their qualification for the ministerial office by preaching, but it was not thought essential that they should compose their own sermons. Court was soon able to establish (1730) at Lausanne, in Switzerland, a theological seminary for the CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 597 training of ministers for the French churches, and thither a large number of gifted and enthusiastic young men were from time to time sent for courses of study. He had left France in 1730, believing that he could better serve the cause by devoting his life to the training of ministers, which could be done only beyond the French borders. An upper room served as a lecture room and the teaching was furnished at little expense, chiefly by professors of the university. The young men on finish- ing their studies were eager to venture their lives in the cause of the Master. It has been pointed out as a singular fact, that while Court was radically opposed to extrava- gant enthusiasm, "he never wearied in sending forth martyrs and of furnishing food for the gallows to feed upon" (Michelet). The same writer calls Court's semi- nary " a strange school of death." If Court was the "restorer of the Reformed Church of France," Paul Rabaut was "the apostle of the desert." "Among all that illustrated this age and made their impress upon French Protestantism, down to the very times of returning toleration, no single name ap- proaches his " (Baird). Born (1718) of Protestant par- ents, but perforce christened as a Roman Catholic, he was brought up under strong religious influences, and when twenty years old consecrated his life to French evangelization. For fifty-six years his life was truly apostolic in its labors and in the perils and sufferings that he gladly endured in the fulfillment of his mission. For a few months (1740) he studied in the seminary at Lausanne, but the calls for ministry in his beloved France were too loud to be resisted. Without extensive literary or theological training, but full of zeal and the spirit of self-sacrifice, and endowed with native eloquence and personal magnetism in a very high degree, he was able to sway the persecuted Protestant people and to mold them according to his own ideals. The "spirit of the desert," defined by Court as "a spirit of mortification, a spirit of reflection, of great wisdom, and especially of martyrdom, which, as it teaches us to die daily to our- selves, to conquer and overcome our passions with their lusts, prepares and disposes us to lose our life courage- ously amid tortures and on the gallows, if Providence 598 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. calls us thereto," was abundantly exemplified in Rabaut. To labor so constantly and so long under the ban of a miglity monarchy required the wisdom of the serpent, and to accomplish the spiritual results that he accomplished called for all the Christian gifts and graces in very large measure. For fifty years he avoided arrest by the gov- ernment officials. It was left for the atheists of the Reign of Terror to thrust into prison the aged saint fur his refusal to renounce his ministry. After the death of Cardinal Hleury (1743), who had directed the persecuting measures of the government, the churches of the desert enjoyed for two years com- parative quiet. Foreign war occupied the attention of the authorities. Rabaut preached on one occasion, it is said, to ten thousand, and great assemblies were com- mon. The mass of the Protestant population at this time was in Languedoc, Cevennes, Vivarais, and Dau- phiny. Multitudes that had been outwardly conforming to the Roman Catholic religion were emboldened now to show their colors. But toleration was soon at an end. What has been called "the great persecution" (1745- 1752) resulted from the pressure brought to bear upon the government by the clergy. Several of the pastors were seized and executed, among them Jacques Roger, whose thirty years of labor in Dauphiny had resulted in the establishment of sixty churches. Shameless forgeries were put forth by the enemies of the Huguenots with a view to proving their disloyalty to the government. When Rabaut was supposed to be in danger, several thousand men at once gathered for his protection. The growth of the spirit of liberty during the second half of the eighteenth century, manifesting itself in the writings of Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot, D'Alembert, etc., and by these disseminated throughout wide circles, re- sulted in a public opinion that would no longer sanction the atrocities of the past. Voltaire's spirited protest against the outrageous execution of Jean Calas (1762) and his unwearied exertions on behalf of Calas's family greatly promoted the cause of toleration. Turgot's "Letters on Toleration" were also highly influential. As a member of the cabinet of Louis XVI., along with Malesherbes (1774 onward), Turgot had an opportunity CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 599 to labor effectively for toleration. He even induced the young king to omit from his recitation of the coronation oath the promise to exterminate heretics. In a "Memoir to the King on Tolerance " he had the courage to say : " The prince who orders his subject to profess the religion that the latter does not believe, or to renounce the religion which he does believe, commands him to commit a crime. The subject that yields obedience acts a lie, betrays his conscience, and does a thing which he believes to be for- bidden him by God. The Protestant who, either from interest or from fear, becomes a Catholic, and the Catholic who, from the same motives, becomes a Prot- estant, are both of them guilty of the same crime." Under Turgot's influence the government addressed to the Protestant ministers as well as to the Catholic prelates a cordial letter, asking for their good offices in quelling the spirit of rebellion among the people (Bread Riots) and convincing them of the king's good inten- \ tions. Thus after ninety years of proscription the Hugue- nots received government recognition. Shortly after- > ward their baptismal registers were officially recognized. Active in securing the rights of the Protestants at this time were Rabaut St. Etienne, son of Paul Rabaut, and Court de Gebelin, the learned son of Antoine Court, who was for years (1765 onward) advocate of the per- secuted Protestants at the royal court and was by rea- son of his merit as an author made royal censor (1780), and given the highest honors of the French Academy. Lafayette, who had co-operated with Washington in the War of Independence, and who had returned to France thoroughly imbued with the spirit of civil and religious liberty, was chiefly instrumental in securing the com- plete removal of the disabilities of the Protestants in the | Edict of Toleration (1787). (5) The Reformed Churches and the Revolution. Scarcely had the exultation of the Protestants over the partial remedying of their grievances ceased when the rumblings of the great Revolution that was for a time to overthrow the very foundations of society and to put Catholicism as well as Protestantism under the ban, were heard, and the evangelical cause suffered disaster almost as great as in the Desert age. With the convocation of the States 600 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [I'ER. VI. General (1789) the Protestants made haste to secure a place of worship in the very heart of Paris, which it had never been their privilege to do before. Rabaut St. Etienne was made president of the National Assembly (1790) and with pardonable pride and exultation wrote the venerable Paul Rabaut: "My father, the president of the National Assembly is at your service." As a member of the Assembly he made a most able and ear- nest plea for the complete religious equality of his brethren with the Catholics. In the name of two mil- lion Protestants he demanded " not toleration," but "liberty." "1 demand that toleration in its turn be proscribed. And it shall be proscribed, that unjust word which presents us only as citizens deserving of pity, as culprits to whom pardon is accorded, as men whum frequently accident and education have led to think otherwise tlian we do. Error, gentlemen, is not a crime. He that professes it takes it for the truth. It is the truth for him. He is bound to profess it, and no man, no association of men, has the right to forbid him." The Assembly did not yield to his demand, but gave the Protestants liberty of worship conditioned on their not disturbing the public order. In 1790 the Assembly de- creed a restoration to the Protestants, as far as it could equitably be done, of property that had been confiscated during the age of persecution. Barere, who was to be- come a leading Terrorist, spoke most eloquently in favor of a recognition of Huguenot claims to reparation. The atheistic frenzy of 1793-1794 swept many of the Protestant ministers, as it did many of the Catholic priests and monks, off their feet. The pastor of the Parisian congregation, Marron, was ostentatious in his declaration that Christianity was an outgrown supersti- tion and that the only proper objects of worship were liberty and equality. What proportion of the Protestant ministers and members renounced the faith during the Reign of Terror we have no means of knowing, but it must have been very large. Rabaut St. Etienne was one of the victims of the Terror. (6) The Reformed Cliurcli as ReconstitiiteJ under Napo- leon (1802 onzvard). After sanity had been restored to the French mind (1795) the Huguenots gradually re- CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 6oi gathered the churches that had been scattered and wasted ; but those who after the Revolution adhered fully to the faith of their fathers were relatively few. It was Napoleon's policy to put Reformed and Lutherans on a parity with Roman Catholics. This involved, on the part of the government, protection, financial sup- port, the establishment and maintenance of educational institutions, control in matters of discipline and doctrine, and the courses of instruction in the colleges, the pre- scription of a presbyterial system on a regular numeri- cal basis, and complete government supervision with reservation of veto power. The churches were to pray for the government, have none but French ministers free from relations with foreign powers, submit all pro- posed changes in doctrinal definition or discipline to the government, secure the permission of the government for the calling of synods, which must be held in the presence of government officials and for not more than six days, and in general to be entirely subservient. It was proposed by Portalis, Napoleon's chief adviser in this matter, that the Protestants should support their own churches and institutions, and, presumably, enjoy a greater degree of independence. But leading Protestants preferred State support and State control. According to this scheme each section of six thousand Reformed (or Lutherans) was to have a consistorial church, and five consis- torial churches were to form a synod. Each consistory was to be made up of the pastors and from six to twelve laymen from among the highest taxpayers. The consistory was entrusted with tiie ad- ministration of the discipline and finances and the appointment and removal of pastors, subject to the approval of the government. Napoleon did not recognize the individual churches in liis scheme. A consistory might be a single large cinirch or several churches grouped together. Louis Napoleon (1852) restored the authority of the local churches with their presbyteries (the lav members to be appointed by the congregation) who should constitute together with certain other representatives nominated by themselves, the consis- tories for each six thousand members. No national synod was pro- vided for in either scheme and none was permitted until 1872, under the new republic. By 1848 dissension in the ranks of the Reformed body had become acute. A large majority of the pastors and churches had come under the influence of the liberalistic spirit that prevailed so widely in Germany, Switzerland, 6o2 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. and the Netherlands, during the first four decades of the nineteenth century. The evangelical revival led by the Haldanes, Malan, Vinet, et al., had won a considerable number of pastors and others to its support and the Re- vivalists had come to form a party in opposition to the Latitudinarians, who were liberal in doctrine and ar- dently attached to the prevailing system of State control. Then there was a more or less distinct mediating party. The failure of the synod called in 1848 to adopt a Con- fession of Faith led to the secession of a number of prom- inent ministers and churches, including the Pressenses (father and son, the latter an eminent church historian and statesman), Rosseeuw-St. Hilaire (Professor of His- tory in the Sorbonne), Armand-Delile, Audebez, and De Bersier. Fifty churches united to form a " Union of Evangelical Churches." Even after this withdrawal to form a free church, doc- trinal strife continued in the Reformed Church. When in 1872 a national synod was held to consider the ques- tion of formulating Articles of Faith and harmonizing the differences that existed, and a majority adopted a very brief and non-committal statement of views, forty-one liberal consistories protested against even such a declara- tion of faith. At a synod called the next year the liberals failed to appear. The government gave authority to the new Declaration of Faith (1874), but a controversy raged for several years and could only be quieted by allowing the liberals to act in accordance with their consciences in relation to the Declaration. The orthodox party has twenty-one provincial synods whose consistories accept the Declaration of Faith of 1872. These unite from time to time in a general synod under go\'ernment control. The liberals hold separate synodical meetings. Recent efforts to harmonize the two parties seem not to have succeeded. It must be borne in mind that the orthodox majority are only relatively orthodox and are not so according to the older Reformed symbols. There are at present in France and Algiers about six hundred and fifty thousand Protestants, of whom about eighty thousand are Lutheran. The number of Reformed is considerably less than the estimated number at the beginning of the Revolution. Though constituting onl\' CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 603 a small fraction of the population the Protestants of France, by virtue of their superior average ability, exert an influence on government, commerce, literature, etc., altogether out of proportion to their numbers. Catholics have complained that a million Protestants give the law to thirty-six millions of their fellow-citizens. There are communes where the only Protestant is mayor. In Mac- Mahon's cabinet (1879) ^'^^ ^^^ ^^ ■"•'•'^s were Protestants. A few years ago a Protestant was at the head of the normal school, Protestants were at the head of primary and secondary instruction, a Protestant woman was head of the school of Sevres, Protestant generals were in charge of the polytechnic school and the school of Ver- sailles, and a large proportion of the judges, counselors, and eminent lawyers were Protestant (Baird, in 1895). The same general condition no doubt still prevails. V. THE SCOTTISH REFORMED CHURCHES. LITERATURE: "Book of the Universal Kirk," 3 vols., 1839- 1845 ; Stanley, " The Scottish Church " ; McCrie, " Story of the Scottish Church from the Reformation to 1843," and " Annals of English Presbytery from the Earliest Period to the Present time," 1872 ; Killen, " Eccl. Hist, of Ireland," 1875 ; Wodrow, " The Hist, of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland from the Restoration to the Revolution," 1841 ; Briggs, " American Presbyterianism," 1885 ; Thompson, "A Hist, of the Presbyterian Churches in the U. S.," 1895 (contains excellent bibliography of Reformed churches in gen- eral and of European and American Presbyterian churches in partic- ular); art. " Presbyterian Churches," and biographical articles in Schaff-Herzog ; and art. " Schottland," in Haucl<-Herzog. * (i) Presbyterianism in England from 1648-1660. The period opens with English and Scottish Presbyterians in control of Parliament and with a great ecclesiastical assembly (the Westminster) which had been called by Parliament sitting side by side with the civil legislative body and with a deep sense of opportunity and respon- sibility attempting to impose a carefully wrought-out Presbyterian system upon England and Ireland. The British Isles were to have but one form of religion and that was to be Presbyterian. The triumph of the Inde- pendent army and the exclusion of the Presbyterian members from the Long Parliament meant the downfall of Presbyterianism in England. Many Presbyterian 604 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. ministers became pastors of State Churches under Crom- well's administration. Two years after the restoration of the Stuarts (1660) those who would not obey the provisions of the new Act of Uniformity (1662) were thrust from their pastorates and hundreds endured great hardships. Many Presbyterian congregations maintained themselves in England during the period of persecution (Charles II. and James II.) and under William and Mary they took their place side by side with the other free churches in accordance with the Act of Toleration (1689). During the following thirty years most of the Presbyterian churches of England yielded to the de- structive influence of Socinianism and related types of thought and became Unitarian. The burning of the Solemn League and Covenant on a street in London by a common hangman on behalf of the new Parliament of Charles II. (May, 1661) was an insult of the gravest character to the entire Presbyterian brotherhood. Many of the English Presbyterians of the more moderate type, such as Baxter, Calamy, Reynolds, Asche, and Manton, made an earnest effort to lead their brethren in a compromise measure whereby Presbyte- rians might remain in the established church. They were willing to give up presbyterial church government and to accept episcopacy, but wished the liturgy simpli- fied. The king had expressed iiimself as favorable to a revision of the Prayer Book and such adjustments of the prelatical system as would make it easier for Presbyteri- ans to conform ("Declaration of his majesty to all his loving subjects . . . concerning ecclesiastical affairs," September, 1660), and he called the conference of Savoy (March, 1661) in which the bishops discussed with the leading Presbyterians the points at issue. The Presby- terians were requested to write out their objections to the liturgy. Baxter, Bates, and Jacomb responded, speci- fying eight points in the Prayer Book with which they thought it sinful to comply. The conference, so far from assuaging increased the irritation between the parties. The bishops counseled the king against any kind of com- promise and the subservient F'arliament sustained them in this position. Some of the Presbyterians finally yielded obedience to the Act of Uniformity. Reynolds CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 605 was appointed to a bishopric. Baxter and Calamy were offered bishoprics, but decHned. (2) Presbyterianism in Scotland under Charles II. and James II. The Scottish Parliament, equally with the English, was subservient to the bishops and the king, and in 1661 repealed all legislation favorable to Presby- terianism and re-established episcopacy. All ministers who had been ordained since 1649 in order to hold their livings must secure recognition at the hands of the newly appointed bishops. Four hundred ministers abandoned their livings. A considerable number here as in Eng- land conformed, hoping for better times later on. Leigh- ton accepted a bishopric. Sharp became archbishop of St. Andrews and a base persecutor of his brethren. The heroism that has always belonged to the Scottisii char- acter had now abundant opportunity to manifest itself. From the beginning of the Reformation it had been usual for the Scotch in times of danger to bind themselves to each other and to God to protect the form of Christianity that they had adopted with life and goods and to do everything possible for the overthrow of popery and prelacy. At this time there were several shades of opinion with reference to the proper course to pursue. Some were ready to conform. Others were unwilling to conform, but anxious to avoid trouble with the gov- ernment and inclined to temporize. Those who were stanch and stalwart banded them- selves together anew by solemnly signing the covenant, and, as is likely to happen in cases of this kind, became somewhat fanatical in their opposition to the government which seemed to them utterly antichristian and diabolical. The government denounced as traitors all who signed covenants against the established order. For their lead- ership in insubordination the Marquis of Argyle was be- headed (1661) and James Guthrie was hanged. This still further exasperated the Covenanters. The Earl of Lauderdale \\'as sent to the west of Scotland to enforce the law. He found a large proportion of the people in rebellion. Ejected ministers were prohibited from hold- ing services on pain of death, and heavy fines and im- prisonment were the penalties for attendance at unau- thorized meetings. Troopers patrolled the country for 6o6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. the detection and punishment of those who insisted on worshiping God in the Presbyterian way. Sometimes the exasperated people turned upon their persecutors and took bloody vengeance. This usually led to still severer measures in the regions concerned. In 1679 Archbishop Sharp was seized by a band of Covenanters and assas- sinated because of his treachery and tyranny. In 1680 a body of extremists, led by Richard Cameron, drew up a declaration, disowning Charles II. because of his tyr- anny and his violation of the constitution of the country. Cameron was slain in battle a few months later, but his followers organized themselves into societies, who after the Revolution (i688j and the re-establishment of Pres- byterianism were dissatisfied with the settlement and refused to co-operate with the established church, which in their opinion had made unworthy compromises. They insisted upon the independence of the church and the recognition of the covenants, and thought that God was not sufficiently honored in the new State Church. In 1706 John Macmillan united with them and strengthened them by his leadership. In 1743 tliey organized a " Re- formed Presbytery." They are known in history as " Cameronians," or "Covenanters"; but they call themselves "Reformed Presbyterians." They never attained to much numerical strength, but have proved wonderfully persistent. It has been estimated that eighteen thousand Cov- enanters were either banished or put to death between 1661 and i68g. While much of their violence was inex- cusable, it is certain that their membership embraced many of the very best ministers and laymen in Scotland at the time, and it may safely be said that if violent re- sistance to tyrannical measures is ever allowable to Christians it was so in their case. (3) Presbyierianism in Scotland from ihc '^'volution to the Secession. The new settlement of ecclesiastical affairs in Scotland under William and Mary was essen- tially a restoration of the arrangement of 1592. Presby- terianism became again the established form of Christi- anity, supported by the State, and in important particulars controlled by the State. The Episcopalians of Scotland were thenceforth the persecuted party. CHAP. IV.] THE REFOR.MED CHURCHES 607 Many of the Scotch resented the Caesaro-papacy that was involved in the subjection of the church to an Epis- copalian sovereign ; but the government of William and Mary was highly conciliatory, and little occurred that was calculated to irritate. The union of Scotland with England on a basis of equality (1707) greatly diminished the political friction between the two countries, and would no doubt have tended to promote ecclesiastical peace had not Queen Anne's Parliament (171 1) passed an act restoring the principle of lay-patronage, which in- volved the bestowing of the right of nomination to vacant pastorates upon certain landed proprietors connected with the parishes. This act brought endless confusion, being utterly subversive of the principles of the church and irritating beyond measure in its practical application to a people so sensitive and determined as the Scotch. The very fact that a minister was nominated by a lay-patron was in itself sufficient to prejudice the people against him, and if by the employment of government authority such a nominee was forced upon a congregation he could not hope to escape criticism or enjoy the confidence and sym- pathy of the flock. The General Assembly protested year by year against this infringement on the rights of the church. In many cases armed force had to be em- ployed in installing those who had been appointed by government authority. During the first half of the eighteenth century there was in Scotland, as in England and on the Continent, a marked decline in religious life. A large proportion of the ministers were without any deep religious experience. Socinianism and Deism wrought their deadening work here as well as elsewhere. Many of the ministers, especially such as owed their livings to lay patronage, became defenders of the system, and many of the churches ceased to realize its incongru- ity with true Presbyterianism. The refusal of the church authorities to dismiss John Simson, professor of theology at Glasgow, for alleged heresy, was highly unsatisfactory to the more orthodox. A pronouncement by the Gen- eral Assembly in favor of lay patronage (1732) called forth earnest protests. A book entitled " The Marrow of Mod- ern Divinity," in which laxity of doctrine was sharply criticised, was condemned by the General Assembly. 6o8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. (4) The Secession and Relief Mozrments. Among the most eminent of the men who stood against lay patron- age, theological laxity, and the "course of defection from our Reformed and covenanting principles " in gen- eral, was Hbenezer Hrskine (1680-1754). Erskine was one of the most impressive preachers and most influential leaders of the time. A contemporary declared he had never "seen so much of the majesty of God in an>' mortal man as in Hbenezer Erskine." in 1732 Erskine preached a sermon against the action of the General Assembly in favor of lay patronage, and declared "the church of Christ" "the freest society in the world." He was also a stanch defender of "The Marrow of Modern Divinity," and the term, "Marrow men," came to be applied to him and his followers. In 1733 the Gen- eral Assembly expelled from their charges and suspended from the ministry Erskine, at that time pastor at Sterling ; Wilson, pastor at Perth ; Moncrief, pastor at Abernethy, and Fisher, pastor at Kinclaven. Erskine suffered for the offenses mentioned above, the rest for their strongly expressed sympathy with him. The following year the Assembly empowered the synod of Perth and Stirling to remove the sentence of censure, but they declined to avail themselves of a forgiveness that implied wrong- doing on their part. These four, with four others who had accepted their views, formed the " Associate Assem- bly," and in 1740 all eight were solemnly deposed " from the office of the holy ministry " and prohibited from further exercising " the same within this church for all coming time." By 1747 they had increased to forty-five congregations and had made provision for the education of ministers. About this time controversy arose among the Seceders regarding the lawfulness of an oath administered to burgesses in the leading cities of Scot- land by which they obliged themselves to support "the true religion presently professed within this realm." The question was whether the expression was to be in- terpreted as meaning the Established Church of Scotland or simply evangelical Christianity. This controversy led to a schism, "Burghers" and "Anti-burghers" being the names popularly applied to the two parties. These two parties remained distinct for about seventy CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 6o(j years, when measures of reunion led the extremists of both to withdraw and form other non-communing parties. In 1752 Thomas Gillespie, who had been educated by Philip Doddridge, was deposed from the ministry of the Church of Scotland by reason of his refusal to take part in the installation of a minister who was being thrust upon an unwilling congregation through the exercise of_ lay patronage. Settling in Dumferline, he gathered a congregation, and for six years labored independently. At the end of this time he was joined by Thomas Boston (son of the theologian). A presbytery, which they called " The Relief Presbytery " (designed to give relief to churches oppressed by lay patronage), was formed (1761), which by 1794 had grown into a synod, that in 1823 was strong enough to found a theological seminary. Up to this date candidates for the ministry were encour- aged to study in the State Church divinity school. The Relief Church was Calvinistic, though not as aggressively so as the Secession Church, its attitude toward other forms of Christianity was also much more liberal. Gil- lespie had derived from Doddridge liberal views respect- ing communion. " 1 hold communion," he said, "with all that visibly hold the Head, and with such only." Such he was in the habit of inviting to participate in the Supper, it was this feature of his doctrine and practice, his more moderate Calvinism, and his comparative indif- ference to the covenants, that prevented him and his followers from uniting with the Secession Church. By 1847 the Secession Church had become assimilated to the Relief Church to such an extent as enabled the two parties to unite in forming "The United Presbyte- rian Church of Scotland." Both parties were vigorous and evangelical at the time of the union, and were en- gaging largely in foreign missionary and other evangel- istic and philanthropic work. The union was a most hearty and joyful one, and has proved a perfect suc- cess. The United Presbyterian Church, until its union with the Free Church (1900) to form the United Free Church, was a highly progressive body. It sustained a theological college in Edinburgh and had reached a membership of about two hundred thousand. In the 20 6lO A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. Basis of Union the Westminster Confession of Faith and the Larger and Shorter Catechisms are accepted, yet in such a way as to exclude any approval " of compulsory or persecuting and intolerant principles in religion." Great stress is laid upon the obligation to "preach the gospel to every creature." " In accepting the Standards it is not required to be held that any who die in infancy are lost, or that God may not extend his grace to an)' who are without the pale of ordinary means, as may seem good in his sight." (5) The Free Church Movement (184^). At the close of the eighteenth century the established church had sunk to the lowest depth that it ever reached. Acquiescence in lay patronage, opposition to the more evangelical dis- senting churches, and the widespread influence of skep- tical pliilosophy, had brought about a condition of lethargy and inefficiency in the ministry and of indifference and unbelief among the people. During the early decades of the century, in sympathy with the wave of evangelical influence that swept over Christendom, the Church of Scotland rapidly recuperated and a number of able and evangelical men came to adorn her pulpits and profes- sors' chairs. The most noted of these was Thomas Chalmers (1780-1847). Brought up in a Calvinistic family, he early came under the influence of the prevail- ing moderatism, which laid much more stress on culture and philosophical and scientific study than upon religion. Though without a genuine experience of grace, he entered the University of Edinburgh with a view to pre- paring for the Christian ministry ; but he devoted his attention almost exclusively to mathematics, natural science, and economics. After he had accepted a pastor- ate he still gave much of his time to mathematical teach- ing, and one of his earliest published writings was on an economic theme (1808). Family afflictions and a long- continued illness led him to think more seriously about religious matters, and he received much help from Pascal's "Thoughts" and Wilberforce's "Practical View of Christianity." When requested to contribute to the Edinburgh Encyclopaedia he at first chose " Trig- onometry " as his theme, but afterward decided to write the article on " Christianity." This led him into studies CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 6ll that completely revolutionized his view of Christianity, and were used by the Spirit of God in transforming his life. From this time onward he became an eloquent gos- pel preacher, and by reason of his great personality, a mighty leader among men. As a preacher, a professor, a writer on theological, ethical, and economic themes, and as leader in a great movement that shook the relig- ious life of Scotland to its very foundations, Chalmers may well be regarded as the most important Scotchman since Knox. As pastor in Glasgow Chalmers set on foot many philanthropic schemes that proved fruitful there, and set an example for other communities. As a leader in the General Assembly he labored earnestly and suc- cessfully for church extension and the meeting of the needs of the neglected classes with evangelizing agencies. It was largely due to his influence that the evangelical party in the General Assembly came to outnumber the " Moderates." In 1834 Chalmers induced the General Assembly to pass what was known as the Veto Act. In this the As- sembly declared that no one could be settled as pastor of a congregation unless he had a call from the congre- gation, although he may have been nominated by a lay- patron. In other words, it insisted on the right of the congregation to veto a nomination made by a lay-patron. In case a majority of the male heads of families disap- proved of a nomination they were to report the vacancy to the lay-patron for a fresh nomination. A test case occurred a few years later. The congregation of Auch- terarder almost unanimously rejected Robert Young, who had been nominated by Lord Kintoul. The case was appealed to the courts, which decided in favor of Lord Kintoul and Young. The courts decided that not only was the congregation obliged, under the law, to receive the nominee, though every member was opposed to him, but that the presbytery must take him on trial, and if possessed of the requisite qualifications, ordain him to the ministry. The General Assembly of 1842 entered an earnest protest against what a majority of its members believed to be an invasion of the rights of the church in a " Claim of Right." Appeals were made to the gov- ernment for relief, but in vain. An effort was made to 6l2 A MANUAL OF CHL'RCH HISTORY [per. \ I. secure remedial measures at the hands of Parliament, but a bill in this interest was overwhelmingly defeated. When the Assembly met in 1843, tJoctor Welsh, moder- ator in 1842, laid on the table before the royal commis- sioner a " protest," in which the grievances of the church were fully recited, and the purpose of those who had signed it was declared to withdraw from the State Churcii and to join in organizing the " Free Church of Scotland." Two hundred and three members of the General Assem- bly participated in the original organization of the Free Church. Four hundred and seventy of the twelve hundred ministers of the Church of Scotland gave up their livings and cast themselves upon the liberality of the people. They claimed that in taking this step they were carrying out the principles of Knox, Melville, Henderson, Gillespie, and other worthies of the past, and that they were doing precisely what these fathers would have done under similar circumstances. The lay element nobly responded to the call of the pastors. The four hundred and sev- enty seceding ministers were able to take with them a large proportion of their flocks. In many cases the lay- men were more enthusiastic than the pastors themselves in support of the measure. The whole body of mission- aries to Jews and heathen cast in their lots with the Free Church. The great mass of the Highlanders, to whom lay patronage had proved particularly distasteful, went over to the ranks of the new party. Parochial school- masters suffered equally with the seceding ministers, being ejected from their schools and obliged to depend upon voluntary support. Chalmers had svrought out beforehand a scheme for church extension, and the Free Church at once took measures for covering with its work the whole of Scotland. A theological seminary was es- tablished in Edinburgh with Chalmers at its head. Others have since been provided at Aberdeen and Glasgow. Funds were easily raised for the erection of church build- ings for destitute congregations, in many cases it proved difficult to secure sites owing to the unfriendliness of landowners. The foreign mission work assumed by the new organization was vigorously pressed, and the ex- pense involved in re-equipping the missions was cheerfully borne. Many manses were erected by public subscription CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 613 chiefly through the agency of Doctor Guthrie. A sus- tentation fund was created and liberally supported for the supplementing of inadequate salaries, a minimum stipend of one hundred and fifty pounds sterling (later increased to one hundred and sixty) being provided. Liberal provision has also been made for the support of the widows and orphans of ministers. The Free Church has abounded in every good work and its congregations have increased to over a thousand. The withdrawal of so large a part of the ministerial strength and of the more earnest lay life from the estab- lished church might have been expected to leave it in a deplorable condition. For some years the loss was no doubt sorely felt. But the example of the Free Church in its well-planned and successful home and foreign mis- sion enterprise, in education, and in philanthropy proved highly stimulating to the established church. As a mat- ter of fact Scotland was inadequately supplied with church buildings and pastors. The duplication of churches, with the increase of interest that competition brings, brought a greatly increased number under religious influences. A vast amount of Christian wealth that would not have been available apart from the secession was applied to the support of Christian wori\,to the benefit of the givers as well as of the cause of Christ. The voluntary liber- ality of the established church has greatly increased since the division. A large number of unendowed churches and mission stations are supported, many new buildings have been erected, and up to 1880 three hun- dred and twelve new parishes had been created with regular endowments, at an expense of about two million pounds sterling. The present number of ministers in the established church exceeds the number before the disruption. It must be borne in mind that the past sixty years have witnessed a large increase in population and wealth in Scotland. In October, 1900, after preliminary negotiations that had resulted in bringing the two parties into the most perfect accord and intensified the desire of both for or- ganic union, representatives of the Free Church and the United Presbyterian Church met in assembly and consum- mated a union under the name, "United Free Church." 6l4 A MANUAL or- CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. It is noticeable that the Scotch have been so persist- ently Presbyterian, owing to their reverence for Knox and his coadjutors, the covenants, their sufferings for the faith, and their native sturdiness of character, that how- ever much the spirit of division might prevail, there has been little departure from the old standards. The ad- vantages that have come from the stimulus of competi- tion in other less homogeneous communities where dif- ferent denominations have wrought side by side have come to the Scotch by such a multiplication of Presbyte- rian bodies as has been noticed. (6) Presbyterianism in Ireland. A considerable num- ber of Scotch Presbyterians had settled in the north of h'eiand before the Revolution. After the battles of the Boyne and Aughrim (1690 and 1691) the English gov- ernment invited the Scotch to settle in Ulster, which had been appropriated by the crown, on terms which they considered advantageous. Many thousands accepted the invitation, and by the end of their thirty years' lease they constituted a large part of the population. The raising of their rents by the English landlords during the first half of the eighteenth century drove many thou- sands of the Scotch-Irish to America, where they became (especially in the South) a very important element of the population and took a leading part in the War of In- dependence. Arianism or Socinianism invaded the ranks of the Irish Presbyterians before 1727, when the synod of Antrim, infected with Unitarian views, seceded from the main body. A hundred years later, under the leader- ship of Henry Cooke, the synod of Ulster purged itself of Arianism which had continued to give trouble, and a remonstrant synod was formed. The present Presbyte- rian population of Ireland is nearly half a million, of which all but about twenty thousand are in Ulster. The body sustains two theological seminaries, one at Belfast and the other at Londonderry. The Presbyterians of Ulster, owing to the fact that they were never in the position of being an established church, developed more of the democratic spirit and less of the theocratic than their brethren in Scotland. The former rather than the latter gave tone to American Presbyterianism and im- pressed itself on American institutions. CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 615 (7) Presbyterianism in America. There was much of Presbyterian spirit among the Puritans who settled Mas- sachusetts Bay and Connecticut, and many of the Puri- tans that settled in Bermuda and in Virginia early in the seventeenth century were essentially Presbyterian. A considerable number of English Puritans, who were vir- tually Presbyterians, settled in the Dutch colony on the Hudson and Long Island (1640 onward). During the later years of Charles II. a very large number of Scotch and Irish Presbyterians emigrated to America to escape persecution. As they found New England, New York, and Virginia with established churches to which they could not conform and closed against dissent, they settled chiefly in East and West Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Del- aware (Quaker colonies), and Maryland. Some of these organized themselves into feeble churches, but being pas- torless little progress was made. In 1680 some of them petitioned their brethren in Ireland for a missionary, and in 1683 Francis Makemie was sent out to shepherd the scattered flocks. For some time he made Rehoboth, Md., his headquarters, and ministered to several other congre- gations in the surrounding regions. He also visited Bar- badoes, Virginia, and Carolina in the interest of Presby- terian evangelization. Other ministers from Ireland and New England came into this large and needy field during the later years of the century. In 1705 occurred the first general organization of Presbyterianism in America. Seven ministers, Makemie among them, met at Philadel- phia and organized the Presbytery of Philadelphia. By 1 710 there were in all twelve Presbyterian churches in America : one in Virginia, four in Maryland, five in Pennsylvania, and two in New Jersey. By 1716 the churches numbered seventeen, of which five were in New York. At this time they formed a synod and dis- tributed the churches into three presbyteries. There were now nineteen ministers. By 1729 the number of ministers had risen to twenty-seven and the synod adopted the Westminster symbols. Yet there appeared even at this time considerable diversity of opinion among the ministers, in sympathy with doctrinal differences that had arisen in Britain, some laying chief stress upon educational qualifications for the ministry (Old Side) and 6l6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. others regarding personal piety as more important than learning (New Side) and willing in the great dearth of godly and learned ministers to accept the services of gifted, zealous, orthodox men who had not enjoyed col- legiate advantages. The differences of view between these two parties were accentuated by what is commonly called the Great Awakening. Before the beginning of the Great Awak- ening considerable disturbance had been aroused among the Presbyterians through the evangelistic zeal of Gil- bert Tennent, who had come under the influence of Jacob Frelinghuysen, a Dutch Reformed minister of pi- etistic antecedents and tendencies. William Tennent, Gilbert's father, had established an academy (the " Log College") north of Philadelphia and had educated his sons and others for the ministry (1726 onward). Gilbert Tennent became pastor of the New Brunswick Church in 1726, and while there came in contact with Freling- huysen. In 1728 a great religious awakening resulting in many conversions occurred among his people and spread throughout the adjacent regions. This occurred before the awakening at Northampton under Jonathan Edwards (1734) or Whitefield's evangelistic tours (1739 onward). The evangelism of Gilbert Tennent was of a remarkably fiery and drastic type. Whitefield, with whom he co-operated heartily, described him as "a son of thunder, whose preaching must either convert or en- rage hypocrites." He was not content to labor for the conversion of sinners, but he had a holy indignation against ministers who while pretending to be the spir- itual guides of the people were themselves devoid of spiritual life and even stood in the way of the evangel- ization of their flocks. He and his associates felt no ob- ligation to seek the permission of such to labor in their parishes and denounced them right and left as hypo- crites, etc. In the synod of 1740 Tennent and Blair arraigned the ministers who opposed their evangelism in the most exasperating way, but did not, when required, bring proof of the charges they made. By a sermon on "An Unconverted Ministry" (March, 1840), Tennent made it impossible for the anti-revivalists to continue in fel- CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 617 lowship with him. At the next meeting of the synod (1741) Tennent, Blair, and their supporters were ar- raigned for overthrowing the authority of the synod, ir- ruption into other ministers' parishes, censorious judg- ments, making a call to the ministry a matter of feeling, preaching the terrors of the law in an unauthorized way, and teaching an unwholesome doctrine of assurance. By a small majority they were denied seats in the synod. The New Brunswick Presbytery at once withdrew. The New York Presbytery, after a vain effort to effect a rec- onciliation, refused to sit in the synod (1743) from which the New Brunswick Presbytery was excluded. A synod of New York, including the New Brunswick Presbytery, was next formed, which by 1758 had a constituency of seventy-two churches as compared with the twenty- three of the Philadelphia Synod. New York had fallen into line with the Great Awakening and many new churches had been established through the labors of the Tennents, Whitefield, and others. The New York Synod, while thoroughly committed to the new evangelism, rec- ognized the necessity of an educated ministry and es- tablished (1745) a college, which was to develop into Princeton University and Theological Seminary, and was to send forth a host of well-trained young men imbued with the spirit of the gospel. By 1758 the New Light leaders had become more conciliatory and the Old Light leaders had come to appreciate more fully the benefits of the revival. Ten- nent himself was anxious for reunion, and through the overtures of the New York Synod harmony was re- stored and the body which, through extensive immigra- tion from Scotland and Ireland and accessions from the Puritan ranks of New England as well as through the conversion of large numbers by evangelistic effort, had greatly increased in numerical strength, thus re- united, had taken its place as one of the three lead- ing denominations in America. From 1758 to the out- break of the War of Independence growth continued to be rapid. Thousands came from Ulster to the southern colonies and the spiritual interests of these had to be looked after by the Presbyterians of the middle colonies. A large number of Scotch Presbyterians settled in Nova 6l8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. Scotia. These also required attention. Princeton, under a series of presidents remarkable for learning, ability, and popular power, continued to flourish beyond expec- tation and enabled Presbyterians to claim a ministry equal in culture to that of the Congregationalists of New England. Representatives of the minor Presbyterian parties of Scotland would have amalgamated readily with the standard type of American Presbyterianism, but in- terference on the part of the Church of Scotland pre- vented, and they felt obliged to keep up their old affilia- tions and names. Presbyterians, like all other denominations, suffered terribly from the War of Independence. With few ex- ceptions they were ardent supporters of the colonial claims and they contributed their full share to the military strength and leadership, as well as the statesmanship, of the Revolutionary cause. In Virginia, Presbyterians co- operated nobly with Baptists in their struggle for the complete separation of Church and State and absolute liberty of conscience, though they would have been content with compromise measures (^.^., general assess- ment by the State for the support of worship, each man's dues to be paid to his own church). After the war efforts were made, not altogether successful, to amalgamate the various Presbyterian parties into a great whole. Much attention was given to the completion of the organization of the body and the adoption of a revised form of government and discipline and confession of faith. The Westminster symbols were readopted with certain changes regarding the civil magistrate's relation to the church; toleration, etc. (1789). The position and prospects of American Presbyterian- ism at the close of the eighteenth century were unsur- passed by those of any other denomination. It had learning, wealth, completeness of organization, prestige from noble services in the cause of independence, and a sturdy Scotch and Scotch-Irish population, sure to be increased by immigration. It has notably failed to hold its own. Baptists, Methodists, Episcopalians, and Disci- ples having drawn into their ranks more of the descend- ants of Presbyterians than have remained Presbyterian. The later years of the eighteenth century and the early CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 619 years of the nineteenth were a time of enthusiastic evangelism and widespread religious awakening. The undue stress laid by Presbyterians on elaborate confes- sions of faith and catechisms led to formalism and scho- lasticism in the preaching of the body. Undue stress was also laid upon a highly educated ministry and suffi- cient encouragement was not given to zealous and spiritually minded men without collegiate education to enter the ministry or to lay evangelism. The great mass of Presbyterian ministers were without sympathy for the enthusiastic revivalism that the times seemed to demand. They were not gifted in popular evangelism themselves and they frowned upon others who insisted on saving the perishing in disregard of good taste and even of accurately orthodox doctrine. Baptists and Methodists met the popular need and won the people. The lack of Presbyterianism, as then constituted, in adaptability to the new conditions is illustrated in the schism that led to the formation of the Cumberland Presbyterian denomination. in 1800 a religious awakening began in connection with the ministry of James McGready in the presbytery of Transylvania, Ky., and extended throughout the Cumberland Valley in Kentucky and Tennessee. Mul- titudes were converted and many new churches organ- ized. Among those v/ho had experienced the gracious influences of the awakening, some felt prompted to engage in evangelistic work, and so inadequate was the supply of educated ministers that the Cumberland Pres- bytery thought it right to license them to preach and in some cases to ordain them. A large proportion of the ministers and elders of the synod to which the Cumber- land Presbytery belonged looked with disfavor upon the revival as fanatical and disorderly, and the synod took measures against the presbytery for irregularity in low- ering the standard for admission into the ministry. The result was the dissolution by the synod of the Cumber- land Presbytery and the transference of the obedient members of this presbytery to the Transylvania Presby- tery (1806). in 1805 those who had incurred censure organized themselves into a council for continuing the evangelistic work, and, being reluctant to lead in a 620 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. schism, awaited the redress of their grievances by a higher tribunal. An appeal to the General Assembly having failed, they proceeded, in 1810, to form them- selves into a new denomination. Through the influence of the Methodists, these evangelistic Presbyterians had adopted Arminian views. Their Confession of Faith denies eternal reprobation, asserts the universality of the atonement, maintains the salvation of all who die in infancy, and declares a working of the Holy Spirit so universal as to leave all men inexcusable, in other respects the new party adopted Presbyterian views and practices. The denomination soon equipped itself with educational and publishing institutions and has had a rapid growth. Its present membership is about two hundred thousand, of which considerably over one-half is in the States of Tennessee, Missouri, Texas, and Ken- tucky. The War of 1812 onward was followed by another great religious awakening in which Presbyterians par- ticipated. Immigration brought reinforcement and in- crease of opportunity and obligation. Educational insti- tutions were multiplied. The settlement of the West called for large expenditure in home mission effort, church building, etc. Publication enterprise abounded. Presbyterians participated fully in the great foreign mission enterprise that pressed itself upon the attention of American Christians from the second decade of the nineteenth century onward. During the third decade of the century the harmony of the Presbyterian body was greatly disturbed by the appearing among its ministers of anti-Calvinistic forms of thought, borrowed for the most part from New Eng- land Congregationalism. The teachings of Samuel Hop- kins, a modification of those of Jonathan Edwards, had been given fresh currency in a still further modified form by N. W. Taylor, of New Haven. Among those whose views attracted most attention were Albert Barnes, of Philadelphia, and Lyman Beecher, then of Cincinnati. It may be said in genera! that the objectionable features of " Hop- kinsianism " are essentiailv semi-Pelafiian or Arminian : Tiie asser- tion of free-will (those actuaily choosinK riglit having; the natural power to choose wrong), the limiting of obligation to natural ability CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 62 1 to perform, the assertion that all sin is so overruled as to result in good to the universe, denial of imputation of holiness or sinfulness, limitation of holiness and sin to the exercise of the individual will, comprehension of all God's moral attributes in benevolence, asser- tion of the universality of the atonement, and representation of the atonement as a manifestation and honoring by suffering of all the divine attributes that would have been manifested by the punishment of the redeemed. After several years of controversy a great disruption occurred. At the General Assembly of 1837 the Old School party, finding itself for the second time within seven years in the majority, exscinded three New York synods and one in Ohio in which New School sentiments prevailed, their aim being apparently to secure for their own party a distinct ascendency in the Assembly. This act exasperated the New School party, and on the refusal of their demand for the reinstatement of the exscinded synods at the opening of the General Assembly for 1838, the New School delegates organized another General Assembly. There was considerable litigation over the possession of property. The members of the New School party had founded Union Theological Seminary, New York, in 1836. Princeton, which occupied a mediating position during the controversies that led to the disrup- tion, became the chief institution of the Old School party. The schism between the Presbyterians of the Northern and those of the Southern States was not consummated until the outbreak of the War of Secession, although the slavery question had for years caused much irritation. A declaration of the General Assembly, in 1861, in favor of such an interpretation of the United States Constitu- tion as denied the right of secession led the Southern Presbyterians to organize a new General Assembly (December, 1861). This strong and thoroughly organ- ized body is well equipped with institutions of learning, publication facilities, and other denominational appli- ances. While its relations to Northern Presbyterians are cordial, it has not been thought expedient as yet to re-enter into organic union with them. The withdrawal of the Southern brethren had the effect of drawing the Old School and the New School parties closer together. The doctrinal differences be- 622 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. tween them had gradually diminished and the spirit of toleration had increased. They began correspondence in 1862. In 1866, at St. Louis, representatives of the two parties partooi< together of the Lord's Supper. In 1870 the reunion was consummated amid great rejoicing. By this time the two bodies had a membership of nearly half a million. To commemorate the union a fund of nearly eight million dollars was raised for extinguishing church debts, building and repairing churches, and en- dowing educational institutions. There has been much agitation during the last decade regarding a revision of the symbols of the church and the introduction of liberal teaching into the theological seminaries and the pulpits of the denomination. Union Theological Seminary, as the chief exponent of extreme freedom in biblical criticism, is again arrayed against Princeton as the opponent of innovation. The present membership of all Presbyterian parties in the United States is about a million and a half, of whom about a million are in the two great Northern and South- ern branches, which nothing but sentiment and conven- ience divides. Besides the Cumberland, with its two hundred thousand members, there are ten minor Pres- byterian bodies, some of which perpetuate European divisions and some of which are indigenous. (8) Presbytericmism in the Dominion of Canada. After the cession of Canada to England by the French mon- archy in 1760, large numbers of Scotch and Scotch-Irish Presbyterians, some of whom had fought in the British army, settled in the Maritime Provinces. During the War of the Revolution and afterward a considerable number of Presbyterians went into the northern British possessions. Since the beginning of the nineteenth cen- tury there has been an almost perpetual stream of immi- gration from Scotland and the north of Ireland into Ontario and Quebec. All types of Scotch Presbyterian- ism were represented among Canadian Presbyterians, and the larger bodies were equipped with institutions of learning, when in 1875, ^^■'^ ^ result of much wise nego- tiation and a rare spirit of toleration and conciliation, a union was effected. The United Presbyterian and the Free Church parties had united in 1861. The Canada CHAP. IV.] THE REFORMED CHURCHES 623 Presbyterian Church is equipped with seven theological seminaries, besides several other institutions for higher education, is doing a large home mission work, especially in Manitoba and the Northwest Territories and British Columbia, and sustains an extensive foreign mission enterprise. Its theological faculties and its more impor- tant pulpits have been filled to a large extent by importa- tions from Scotland and heland and the most intimate relations have been maintained with the Presbyterianism of the old land. Canadian Presbyterians have main- tained a high standard of orthodoxy, but in recent years the influence of German and Scotch liberalism has begun to manifest itself among ministers and professors. (9) Presbyterianism in ^Australia and New Zealand. About one-eighth of the European colonizers of Austral- asia have been Scotch and Scotch-Irish and the Presby- terian population of these British colonies now constitutes about the same proportion of the entire population. The Church of England stands first in numerical strength, the Roman Catholic Church comes second, and the Pres- byterian Church ranks third. But in intellectual, moral, and religious influence Presbyterians are easily foremost. The Church of England (with the possible exception of the High Church party), the Congregationalists, the Baptists, the Methodists, the Disciples, and most of the minor evangelical parties, belong, as regards their doc- trinal views, to the Reformed type of Christianity, but it has been thought best not to include these in the present chapter. When these great bodies are con- sidered, in addition to the Reformed bodies that have already claimed our attention, it becomes evident how large a share of the Christian work of the world has been done and is being done by this type of Christian life and thought. CHAPTER V THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND Literature : Perry, " Hist, of the Ch. of Eng. from the Death of Elizabeth to the Present Time," 1861-1864, and " Ch. Hist, of Eng. from 596 to 1884," 1881-1886 ; Hore, " The Ch. of Eng. from William 111. to Victoria," 1886; Stoughton, "Hist, of Religion m England from 1640 to 1800," new ed., 1881 ; Hunt, " Rel. Thought in Eng. from the Reformation to the End of the Eighteenth Cen- tury," 1870-1873 ; Coleridge, " Notes on English Divines," 1852, 1853 ; Rogers, " The Ch. Systems of Eng. in the Nineteenth Cen- tury," 1881 ; Conybeare, "Church Parties"; Tulloch, " Rational Theology and Christian Philosophy in England in the Seventeenth Century" and "Rel. Thought in Britain during the Nineteentii Century," 1885 ; Stephen, " Hist, of Eng. Thought in the Eigh- teenth Century," 1881 ; Cairns, " Unbelief in the Eighteenth Cen- tury," 1881 ; Lechler, " Gesc/i. d. Eng. Deismus,'" 1841; Lecky, " Hist, of Eng. during the Eighteenth Century," 1872; Churton, " Latitudi- narians from 1671 to 1787," 1861 ; encyclopaedia articles on leading characters and movements. /. From 1648 to the Evangelical Revival. (i) The Cambridge Christian Platonists. The present period opens with the Church of England prostrate and the dissenting parties in the place of influence. A large proportion of the educated clergy remained loyal to the Stuarts and patiently labored and waited for the restora- tion. Various types of churchmanship perpetuated them- selves throughout the nearly twenty years of Puritan and Independent control. Most of those who had mani- fested Puritan tendencies before 1640 became Presby- terians or Independents during the revolutionary time. At the Restoration the disciples of Laud preponderated among those who had to do with the administration of ecclesiastical affairs, but Platonic philosophy, Socinian- ism, and Arminianism had wrought in a large number of intelligent men a spirit of latitudinarianism that made them indifferent to forms of church government and ready to conform to a system in which they did not recognize any authority save that of the sovereign. 624 CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 625 At the University of Cambridge there had grown up during the Cromwellian age a school of Platonic or Neo- Platonic divines, who by their learning and excellence of character had gained a widespread influence. Earlier representatives of this type of thought were John Hales (d. 1656), who through attendance at the Synod of Dort became converted to Arminianism, and William Chilling- worth (d. 1644), who in his youth had been converted by a Jesuit to Roman Catholicism, but had recovered his footing, and in his " The Religion of Protestants a Safe Way to Salvation " had made a masterly defense of evangelical religion that is still highly prized, and formu- lated a maxim that is still constantly quoted ("The Bible, the whole Bible, and nothing but the Bible, is the religion of Protestants "), but repudiated the damning clauses in the Athanasian creed as "most false, and also in a high degree schismatical and presumptuous." He was accused of Socinianism and no doubt had been influenced to some extent by Socinian thought. The most noted of the Anglican Platonists whose activity falls within the present period are Ralph Cudworth (d. 1688), Benjamin Whichcote (d. 1683), and Henry More (d. 1687). Cudworth was one of the greatest scholars and profoundest thinkers of his time and was withal deeply devout. His "The True Intellectual Sys- tem of the Universe" (1678), of which only the first part was completed, was intended as an exhaustive answer to deism, which through the influence of the philosophy of Hobbes was spreading at the time, as well as to atheism and every other false form of belief or disbelief. He concludes his final chapter, which is occu- pied with proof of the existence of God and refutation of atheism, with the statement that to derive the origin of all things from a lifeless, unconscious matter is nonsense, as are also the supposition that the universe has proceeded from an unconscious or semi-conscious matter with or- ganically creative potency and the supposition of an eternally existing world. There is, he maintains, only one infinite, self-existent nature, from which everything springs, through which everything is ruled, namely, the most perfect, all-wise, and all-good God. He was a profound student of Plato, the Neo-Platonists, and the 2P 626 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. vi. Jewish Cabbala, and his theology was considerably in- fluenced by these earlier types of thought. His view of the godhead was essentially Sabellian. Calvinistic pre- destination he rejected with the utmost decision. He regarded philosophy as a result of divine illumination, but he did not make it of equal authority with revealed religion. While he was a devoted churchman, he recog- nized the right of other religious communions to tolera- tion, and did not deny their Christian character. He had little sympathy with High Church formalism, sacer- dotalism, and exclusiveness. Of less importance than Cudworth, more Platonizing and mystical, and less practical, was Henry More, who, putting aside a hereditary benefice and declining from time to time a college mastership and rectorship, a dean- ery, and a bishopric, spent most of his life at Cambridge as a private tutor. He had come under the influence of Descartes as well as that of Neo-Platonism and the Cab- bala. By some of his contemporaries he was regarded as "the holiest person upon the face of the earth," and a modern writer has characterized him as "the most poetic and transcendental and, on the whole, the most spiritual looking of all the Cambridge divines " (Tul- loch). He sought to combine Neo-Platonic transcenden- talism with a recognition of the reality of the supernat- ural in historical Christianity. Benjamin Whichcote was the most eloquent and mag- netic of the Cambridge Christian Platonists. From 1644 until the restoration he was provost of King's College, and exerted a strong influence on philosophical and theo- logical tliought. His definition of religion is character- istic : " Religion is being as much like God as man can be like him." He was removed from his position by Charles 11. (2) Persecuting Measures of Charles 11. Cliarles had come to the throne through the co-operation of Scotch Presbyterians and many English c'issenters (including Baptists), and after what were taken to be full assurances of his purpose to tolerate dissent. He had written from Breda, May i, 1660: We do declare a liberty to tender consciences, that no man shall be disquieted or called in question for differences of opinion in matters CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 627 of religion which do not disturb the peace of the kingdom ; and that we shall be ready to consent to such an act of Parliament as, upon mature deliberation, shall be offered to us for the full granting of that indulgence. But the intolerant spirit of the churchmen, once re- stored to power, was too aggressive to be long kept in restraint by the feeble-minded king. For a time he in- terested himself actively in measures for the conciliation of the Presbyterians, and would have gladly made con- siderable concessions to them if thereby he could have induced them to conform, in a declaration of October, 1660, he promised a number of reforms by way of satis- fying Presbyterian scruples, but Parliament refused to give authority to the king's declaration, and the bishops, when called to treat with Presbyterian leaders, were ab- solutely unyielding (Savoy Conference). Instead of re- moving from the Book of Common Prayer the features that were objectionable to Puritans, Convocation intro- duced still further Romanizing features. The king re- fused his approval to some of the changes, but most of them were allowed. By this time the king had become convinced that all hopes of conciliation were at an end, and that ecclesias- tical order could be secured only by enforcing remorse- lessly an Act of Uniformity, which prelates and Parlia- ment were ready to approve. It should be remarked that Charles' attitude toward dissent had been rendered dis- tinctly less favorable by reason of the fanatical uprising under Henry Venner, a Fifth Monarchy man (January, 1661). Two thousand ministers (Presbyterians, Con- gregationalists, and a few Baptists) were, on St. Bar- tholomew's Day, 1662, driven from their churches and parsonages and deprived of their salaries. The Act of Uniformity required every minister not only to use the Book of Common Prayer as recently revised, but also openly to declare his unfeigned assent and consent to everything contained therein. It also required every canon, professor, reader, and tutor in universities and schools, and every teacher of any public or private school to declare it unlawful under any circumstances to take up arms against the king and to promise to "conform to the liturgy of the Church of England, as it is now by 628 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Vi. law established." The act also required that all incum- bents have episcopal ordination, and prohibited those in charge of church property from allowing any one to preach, read a sermon, or lecture in any church, chapel, or other place of worship unless approved and licensed by the archbishop or bishop, assenting to the Prayer Book, and actually using it in connection with the serv- ice. Having thus multiplied dissent and exasperated dis- senters, it was felt to be necessary to supplement the Act of Uniformity with other specific penal legislation. On the petition of the clergy for "severe laws against the Anabaptists," who are characterized as a "strange prodigious race of men who labored to throw off the yoke of government, both civil and ecclesiastical," the Con- venticle Act was passed (1664), inflicting heavy fines and imprisonment, and for the third offense transporta- tion to America, with death as the penalty of return, upon those attending unauthorized religious meetings. This was followed by the Five Mile Act, which in- flicted imprisonment and a forty pounds fine on ministers refusing to swear that it is not lawful under any circum- stances to take up arms against the king and who should come within five miles of any city, town, borough, or any parish in which they have ministered. A few years later (1670) these acts were supplemented by the pro- vision that informers should receive part of the fines, that persecutors were not to be held responsible for out- rages they might commit in dealing with heresy, and that record of a fact by a justice should be taken as legal conviction. Archbishop Sheldon declared that the dili- gent execution of this act would be "to the glory of God, the welfare of the church, the praise of his ma- jesty and government, and the happiness of the whole kingdom." The Corporation Act (1661) had preceded the Act of Uniformity, and required every officer of a town corporation, magistrate, or other local official to swear that it was not lawful under any circumstances to take up arms against the king to repudiate the oath of the Solemn League and Covenant and to have partaken of the Lord's Supper in the established church. This was aimed especially against Presbyterians, but affected all CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 629 types of dissent. The Test Act (16)03) was aimed against Roman Catholics and required pmaking of the Supper in connection with the established church, the oaths of supremacy and uniformity, and a declaration against transubstantiation from all who would hold public offices, civil or military. These laws were, for the most part, strictly, even cruelly, enforced for many years, and Presbyterians, Congregationalists, Baptists, and Quak- ers were greatly afflicted. James II. (1685-1688) had united with the Roman Catholic Church some years before his accession, and with a view to promoting the interests of Roman Catholi- cism issued, without parliamentary approval, a dispensa- tion from the persecuting acts of his predecessor. The indulgence applied to dissenters in general ; but so great was the horror of popery that dissenters themselves were unwilling to profit by an unconstitutional act that might result in the restoration of Roman Catholicism as the State religion. Seven bishops who refused to read the declaration in their churches were tried in Westminster Hall (June, 1688), and when they were acquitted there was universal rejoicing, many even weeping from the ex- cess of their joy. A terrible calamity had been averted. The people could breathe freely now and suffer persecu- tion, if need be, but they were not to be enslaved again to the pope. (3) The Act of Toleration, the Latitndinarian Prelates, and the Non-jiirors. William and Mary were disposed to tolerate differences of opinion in religion as far as Eng- lish sentiment at the time would allow or their Whig ad- visers thought safe. In 1689 " An Act for exempting their Majesty's subjects Dissenting from the Church of England from the Penalties of certain Laws " relieved dissenters of the burden of all the persecuting measures of Charles II., except that of the Corporation and Test Acts. The new act required all who would minister to dissenting congregations and those who constituted the congregations to swear assent to the Thirty-Nine Arti- cles, with the exception of Articles Thirty-Four, Thirty- Five, Thirty-Six, and the portion of Article Twenty that recognized the power and authority of the church. Provision was made for the substitution of an affirmation 630 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. for an oath by those (like the Quakers) whose con- sciences would not allow them to swear. An oath of allegiance or a declaration of loyalty to the new sov- ereigns was also required, witii the repudiation, on the part of those who declined the oath, of " that damnable doctrine " which made it lawful to depose and murder princes excommunicated by the pope. A declaration of belief in the Trinity and in the inspiration of the Scrip- tures was also required of such as would not take the prescribed oath. There was evidently a fear lest secret papists should avail themselves of the exemption from the oath intended for the Quakers. A bill for the pun- ishment of public officers who should attend dissenting meetings, and for requiring all such to commune three times a year in the established church was passed by the House of Commons, but rejected in the House of Lords (1702). This led to violent denunciations of the Lords by the High Church party and much irritation between the liberals and the reactionaries. The most influential of the liberal (Whig, Latitudina- rian) prelates under William and Mary were John Tillot- son and Gilbert Burnet. Tillotson (1630-1694) was the son of a zealous Puritan and was educated under Puritan influence at Cambridge. But his theological views were to a great extent molded by the Cambridge Platonists. At the Savoy Conference he appeared on the side of the Presbyterians ; but he submitted gracefully to the Act of Uniformity and became preacher at Lincoln's Inn, where he soon became known as one of the most popu- lar preachers in England. His theological views were so liberal that he has been charged with Socinianism. He was an earnest polemicist against Roman Catholicism, was strongly opposed to Stuart despotism, especially as embodied in James IL with his Romanizing policy, at- tended Lord Russell on the scaffold, and rejoiced in the deposition of James and in the accession of William and Mary. In 1691 he was made Archbishop of Canterbury and primate of all England. He was in hearty sympa- thy with the toleration measures of the new govern- ment ; but he was far more a preacher than an ecclesias- tical statesman. Burnet (1643-1715), was son of a Scot- tish nobleman, and was educated at Aberdeen. After his CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 63 1 graduation he declined church preferment and went abroad for further studies, visiting England, Holland, and France, and coming in close contact with Lutherans, Cal- vinists, Arminians, Baptists, Independents, and Unita- rians. Returning to Scotland he accepted a humble pas- torate and combated the episcopacy which was being forced upon the unwilling Scots ; yet he was not a thorough-going Presbyterian in his doctrinal or his litur- gical views. Finding himself in an uncomfortable position he retired for two years and devoted himself to historical studies that were to bear fruit in the noted works (" His- tory of the Reformation of the Church of England," and " History of His Own Time ") by which he is chiefly known. In 1669 he became professor in the University of Glasgow. Here he became intimately acquainted with the Duchess of Hamilton, published (1676) the " Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton," and prepared the way for his later career as an ecclesiastical statesman. He was offered by Lord Lauderdale his choice of four Scottish bishoprics, but he declined, being convinced, no doubt, that however desirable episcopacy might be in itself, it could never be permanently established in Scot- land. With a view to winning him over to the High Church position, Lauderdale procured him a chaplaincy at court and brought him into intimate relations with Charles II. and the Duke of York (afterward James II.). Unable to countenance the Romanizing policy of Charles and James he left the court and became a pronounced opponent of the Stuarts. In 1684 he was dismissed from his position as preacher in the Rolls Chapel because of his sympathy with Lord Russell. After spending some months in France, Germany, Italy, and Switzerland, he settled at the Hague (1685), where he engaged in liter- ary work and acted as counselor of William of Orange in his proceedings for tiie securing of the British crown. In 1688 he accompanied William to England, where he was made Bishop of Salisbury. As a member of the House of Lords and as the trusted counselor of the king he may be said to have shaped the civil and ecclesiasti- cal policy of this reign, although his pastoral letter (1689) in which he based William's right to the throne on con- quest was condemned by both houses of Parliament and 632 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. burned by the public executioner, and his exposition of the Thirty-nine Articles (1699) was condemned as heret- ical by Convocation. Honest, unselfish, upright, stanch in defense of principle, sharply polemical but without bitterness, eloquent, clear-headed, devoted to the interests of the poor and oppressed, a great church historian withal, he stands out as the most admirable of all the churchmen and statesmen of his time. A large proportion of the High Church clergy, who under the Stuarts constituted a majority, felt constrained to take the oath of allegiance to William and Mary and retaining their positions were ready to lead in the reac- tionary measures of the reign of Queen Anne (1702- 1714). A considerable number with whom the divine right of kings was a part of their religion, if not indeed the most cherished part, and who regarded Charles I. as a holy martyr, continued to regard James II. as king by divine right and could not conscientiously take the oath of allegiance to the new sovereigns. Among the four hundred clerical Non-jurors were nine bishops, several of whom were eminent for learning and piety. The Non- juring bishops were Ken, of Bath and Wells, who had not hesitated to rebuke the licentiousness of Charles II., had suffered imprisonment under James II. for refusing to read the declaration of indulgence, an eloquent preacher, a writer of deeply devout and spiritual hymns, in short, one of the finest characters of the age ; San- croft, of Canterbury, who had also suffered for refusing to read the declaration of indulgence ; Turner, of Ely, who had had the same experience ; Lake, of Chichester ; White, of Peterborough ; Thomas, of Worcester ; Llo)'d, of Norwich ; Frampton, of Gloucester ; and Cartwright, of Chester. In 1691 the survivors (all except Cart- wright and Lane) were deposed. Eminent among Non- jurors was Collier, the well-known church historian, Leslie, the apologist (author of "A Short and Easy Method with the Deists ") and Law, whose " Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life " has profoundly in- fluenced many minds, including those of John Wesley and Samuel Johnson. The Non-jurors considered them- selves the true Church of England and for many years (to 1805) kept up a separate church organization with a CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 633 succession of bishops. Tliey were always bitterly op- posed to the existing government and ready to join in any movement that looked toward the restoration of the Stuarts. (4) The ^Reactionary Movement imder Queen <^mie. Dur- ing the earlier years of Queen Anne's reign the Whigs (the party of toleration) were in a majority in both houses of Parliament, in 1709 Henry Sachverell, preacher at St. Saviour's, Southwark, preached a violently denuncia- tory and alarmist sermon against the toleration policy of the government and raised the cry which was re-echoed by High Churchmen throughout the land of " the church in danger." The immediate occasion of the alarm was the union of Scotland with England (1707), with the ad- mission of fifteen Presbyterians into the House of Lords and forty-five into the House of Commons, the suspen- sion of Convocation, whose extreme High Churchism had rendered it obnoxious to Parliament, and the naturaliza- tion of Protestants from abroad. The trial and punish- ment of Sachverell for libel by Commons and Lords aroused High Churchmen to such a fury that the Tories triumphed at the election of 1710, and Queen Anne, whose sympathies were with the Tories, was able to further High Church interests at the expense of dissen- ters. During the later years of this reign the press teemed with tlie most ill-tempered High Church polemics against dissent, and legislation seriously curtailing the liberties of dissenters, especially in the conducting of private schools, was on the point of being put in force, when the queen relieved the situation by her opportune death. (5) King George I. and the Bangorian Controversy. The new Hanoverian king dared not commit himself to the Tories, whose sympathies were known to be with the Stuarts, and proceeded at once to form a Whig cabinet, that was able to exert such an influence on the elections as soon to secure a Whig Parliament. The toleration of dissent was, of course, a part of his policy, and High Churchmen and Tories were utterly discomfited. In 1717 Benjamin Hoadley, who had been made Bishop of Bangor by the new government (1715), preached a ser- mon on the text "My kingdom is not of this world," 634 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. which aroused all England to hearty approval or violent denunciation. Fifty writers, some of them eminent (Law, Sherlock, etc.), were engaged in the controversy that followed. It was an earnest plea for liberty of conscience. On the supposition that the church is the kingdom of Christ he argues that Christ must be "the sole lawgiver and sole judge of his subjects in all points relating to the favor or displeasure of Almighty God, and that all his subjects, in what station soever they may be, are equally subjects to him ; and that no one of them, any more than another, hath authority to make new laws for Christ's subjects, or to impose a sense upon the old ones, which is the same thing ; or to judge, censure, or punish the servants of another master in matters re- lating purely to conscience or salvation." Convocation impeached Hoadley and churchmen everywhere were led to believe that the very foundations of the Church of England were being destroyed by such teaching. Re- cent High Churchmen regard the suppression of Convo- cation as the opening of the floodgates of error and the cause of the later degeneracy of religious life and thought in England. As a matter of fact it was using its authority for the suppression of pure evangelical utterances like that of Hoadley and for arousing the passions of the peo- ple against any sort of freedom of teaching and any sort of recognition of dissenters. (6) The English Deists of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. English deism is a peculiar form of unbelief that was due in part to continental Socinianism and the Cartesian philosophy and in part to the theological and partisan conflicts in England during the revolutionary period of the seventeenth century. It well-nigh wrecked the religious thought and life of England, exerted a pro- found influence on the men who became leaders of skep- tical thought in France "and propagated it in other European countries, and along with French skeptical in- fluence, produced a deep and lasting impression on Dutch and German thought during the middle years of the eighteenth century. In an important sense English deism is a revival and adaptation of Stoicism, which identified God with the nature of things and sought a purely natural basis for religion and morality. It was a CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 635 reaction against religious mysticism and enthusiasm as these had been manifested among the religious sects of the seventeenth century in England, in the Jansenists and the Huguenots of France, etc. It was the aim of deism to reach a philosophy of religion independently of revelation, it was an attempt to find underlying prin- ciples that would unify religious and ethical thought. The father of English deism was Lord Herbert, of Cherbury (d. 1648). He was a friend of Grotius and Casaubon, and through residence in France had come under the influence of the skepticism of Montaigne. While he regarded religion as the one characteristic of man, he sought to reduce it to its simplest elements and denied the need and the reality of a supernatural reve- lation. The elements of religion are : the existence of God ; obligation to worship ; virtue, or conformity of life to the ends of being ; repentance, from failure in vir- tue ; rewards and punishments in this life and the life to come. Immortality seems to be presupposed. He re- garded the manifoldness of religions as due in part to the allegorizing and poeticizing of nature, and in part to priestly craftiness and fantasy. He supposed that origi- nal Christianity had been corrupted in this way. He did not explicitly deny that the Scriptures are a divine revelation in a supernatural sense, but he pointed out difficulties and fostered skepticism. Thomas Hobbes (d. 1679), in deriving all knowledge from sense-perception and reason, in denying the exist- ence of disinterested affection, and in denying that the contents of God's word could be contrary to reason, fostered sensualistic freethinking. John Locke (d. 1704) in affirming the sovereign right of the human reason to determine the reality and mean- ing of revelation, and in denying that revelation could teach anything contradictory of reason, promoted ration- alism, though he believed in Christianity and wrote " The Reasonableness of Christianity " (1695). In his "Christianity not Mysterious" John Toland (d. 1722) denied that original Christianity contained any- thing that had not been known before and attributed whatever is mysterious in the New Testament to Jewish and heathen influences. 636 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. vi. Anthony Collins (d. 1729) affirmed tliat free thought was an inalienable right of man, practised and approved by the biblical writers themselves (" Discourse on Free Thinking," 171 3), and he bitterly assailed the church for its attempt to curtail this freedom. In a later work (1724) he attacked Christianity as being based upon an allegorical interpretation of prophecy. Thomas Woolson (d. 1733) attacked the New Testa- ment miracles, declaring the narratives to be absurd and incredible as records of fact and supposing that they were intended to be taken mystically. Matthew Tindal (d. 1733) has been called the "great apostle of deism." He asserted the absolute sufficiency and perfection of natural religion and made of it the criterion whereby Christianity is to be tested. So far as Christianity agrees with natural religion it is true and so far only. The title of his chief work, " Christianity as Old as the Creation," shows his point of view. In David Hume (d. 1776) deism became pronounced skepticism, and he was not careful to show that Chris- tianity corresponded with natural religion. Closely related to the deistical mode of thought was the Arianism or Socinianism of Samuel Clarke, Wil- liam Whiston, and others. Clarke (d. 1729) has been characterized as the founder of rationalistic supranat- uralism. While he earnestly defended revelation in its entirety against deism and pantheism, he yet insisted upon the complete validity and the absolute right of reason. Like the deists he ascribed religion and mor- ality to the eternal nature and fitness of things. He regarded the ideas of God, virtue, and immortality as postulates of the practical reason, and showed the neces- sity and the reasonableness of revelation as adapted to and supplying the needs of the human soul. His proof of the existence of God from the idea of eternity is well known. We cannot escape the idea of eternity. There must be something corresponding to the idea. The world is not eternal as the mind thinks of it as originated, and is not, as regards its form or its substance, necessary. Only God meets the requirement, and his attributes are declared to be eternity, infinity, omnipresence, unity, intelligence, freedom, omnipotence (or at least power to CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 637 create everything else that exists), wisdom, holiness, righteousness. In the moral attributes of God human morality has its source and its obligation. The reward- ing of virtue and the punishment of its opposite lie in the very nature of God. in opposition to the deists he sought to present a rational view of the Trinity (" The Scripture Doctrine of the Trinity," 1712), but his care- ful exegetical study of the New Testament passages concerned gave him no light on the metaphysical essence of the divine persons. \n expounding his view of the economic Trinity he maintains (in opposition to Sabel- lianism) the diversity of persons and (in opposition to Arianism) the eternity of Son and Spirit. Yet he grounds the distinctive being of Son and Spirit not in an inner necessity, but in the inscrutable will of God. Thus he fell short of the orthodox trinitarian doctrine and did not rise much above a refined Arianism, as was fully shown by Waterland. Whiston (d. 1752) was far more decided and aggressive in his Arian (Socinian) teachings. In an essay on the "Apostolical Constitutions" (1708) he sought to prove that Arianism was the prevailing doctrine during the first two centuries and declared the Constitutions the " most sacred of the canonical books of the New Testament." He was expelled from the University of Cambridge in 1710, because of his enthusiastic advocacy of these un- settling views. In his " Primitive Christianity Revived " (1711, 1712) he sought by a diligent study of patristic literature to show the anti-trinitarian character of early Christianity. He spent much time in prophetic study, adopted millenarian views, and fixed the date of the millennium and the restoration of the Jews in 1776. The Athanasian creed was so hateful to him that in 1747 he left the established church and formed a Primitive Christian congregation of his own, preparing for it a new prayer book. Whiston was too eccentric to become a great party leader, but his learning and his literary gifts gave considerable currency to his anti-trinitarian views. Of a somewhat different anti-trinitarian type was Daniel Whitby (d. 1726) who passed through a number of phases of opinion before he came to his ultimate posi- tion. In 1683 he created a great commotion by the pub- 638 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. lication of his "The Protestant Reconciler, humbly pleading for Condescension to Dissenting Brethren in Things Indifferent." The University of Oxford had the bool< publicly burnt, and the Bishop of Salisbury, whom he served as chaplain, required him to retract the state- ment that "it is not legal for the authorities to require in worship anything to be said or used which the older custom did not," and that it was a violation of Christian duty toward the weaker brethren to require of them things indifferent. He met the requirement of the bishop by publishing a second work in which he urged Non- conformists to come into the church and refuted their objections to so doing. In opposition to deism he issued (1710) his " Discourse " on the five points of Calvinism, in which he took essentially Arminian ground, Anti- Calvinistic views had appeared to some extent in his " A Paraphrase and Commentary on the N. T." (1703). In a Latin treatise (1714) he was at much pains to discredit the Fathers as interpreters of Scripture, and to prove the inadmissibility of appealing to them as authority on the doctrine of the Trinity. Of as little value are coun- cils and ecclesiastical tradition. In a controversy with Waterland he renounced the doctrine of the Trinity and became an avowed Arian. In his posthumous " Last Thoughts" he retracted his exposition of the trinitarian dogma, declaring it to be a tissue of absurdities. (7) High Church Defenders of the Faith during the Eighteenth Century. The most eminent apologists of this century of unbelief were Butler, Waterland, and Warburton. Joseph Butler (d. 1752) was probably the profoundest English thinker of the eighteenth century and stands in the front rank of English theologians in general. When only twenty-one years of age he ad- dressed to Dr. Samuel Clarke a criticism of his " Dem- onstration of the Being and Attributes of God," which was so discriminating and searching that the author ap- pended it to the next edition of the work. His sermons preached in the Rolls Cliapel are masterpieces of argu- mentation. His " Analogy of Religion, Natural and Re- vealed, to the Constitution and Course of Nature " (1736) has been characterized by a recent German writer (Buddensieg, in Hauck-Herzog) as "at that time CHAP. \.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 639 the most complete and the most thorough answer to the objections of deism against revealed religion." It has attained the position of a classic and it is probable that no apologetical work of modern times has been so much studied or has exerted so profound an influence. He has commanded the highest admiration of men of genius as diverse in character and modes of thought as James Mill, John Henry Newman, and W. E. Gladstone. The " Analogy " was the result of twenty years of profound thinking, and the utility of the work has fully justified the expenditure of time. Its argument was so effective that no contemporary attempted a direct refutation of it. He aimed to show not that " Christianity is as old as the creation" and that revelation must be pared down to the dimensions of natural religion, but that natural religion, with its limitations and its failure to answer many of the questions that it is of the utmost importance to man in his sinful and disordered condition to have an- swered, points to and imperatively demands revealed re- ligion as its complement. In answer to the contention of the deists that the law of nature is absolutely perfect and absolutely certain, he pointed out with rare acute- ness and discrimination that so far from this being the case essentially the same difficulties that confront the human mind in connection with revealed religion are en- countered in the study of natural religion. In 1736 Butler was made "clerk of the closet to Queen Caro- line," and to her he dedicated the " Analogy," published the same year. He was soon afterward appointed Bishop of Bristol. In 1746 he was made "clerk of the closet " to the king. He is said about this time to have declined the archbishopric of Canterbury on the ground that he was too old to save a falling church. Afterward he accepted the bishopric of Durham. Daniel Waterland (d. 1740) was one of the boldest and ablest defenders of the faith against Arian and Socinian error during the eighteenth century. He wrote voluminously in refutation of the views of the godhead put forth by Clarke and Whitby. He also combated Bishop Hoadley's Low Church view of the Lord's Supper as well as the Romanizing views of some High Church- men of an extreme type (Johnson and Brett.) 640 A AUNUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. William Warburton (d. 1779), during a long country pastorate, wrote his " Alliance between Church and State " and his remarkable book, entitled " The Divine Legation of Moses, Demonstrated on the Principles of a Religious Deist, from the Omission of the Doctrine of a Future State of Rewards and Punishments in the Jew- ish Dispensation " (1737, onward). Deists had sought to discredit the Old Testament by alleging the absence of any definite teaching of immortality with rewards and punishments in a future life. Warburton admitted the absence of such teaching in the Old Testament and made of this very fact his chief argument in favor of the divinity of the Mosaic legislation, since without the help of the doctrine of a future life of rewards and punish- ments the Mosaic law was able to accomplish moral re- sults that no heathen system was ever able to accom- plish. The essence of the Old Testament system he made to be the theocracy, which dealt out in the present life righteous rewards and punishments upon individual and nation. It is probable that he did not give sufficient weight to the intimations of immortality that the Old Testament contains ; but it was assuredly a bold under- taking to make of the absence of such a fundamental truth from the Old Testament a proof of its divine ori- gin. His argument was hardly satisfactory, either to the orthodox or to the deists, and it created great commotion in the theological world of the day. Mention should also be made of Charles Leslie (d. 1722), an extreme High Churchman (Non-juror), who wrote voluminously against deists, Socinians, Jews, and dissenters in general. His "Short and Easy Method with the Deists" was widely used and is said to have been highly effective. Dr. Samuel Johnson character- ized him as " a reasoner, and a reasoner who was not to be reasoned against." He is said to have brought more people into the Church of England from other com- munions than were ever won by any other man. Bishop George Berkeley (d. 1753) should also be no- ticed as a philosopher and apologist. His idealistic phi- losophy exerted considerable influence on later specula- tive thought. His " Alciphron, or. The Minute Philoso- pher," has been characterized as " a powerful refutation CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 641 of the free thinking then so popular and fashionable." It appears to have been written during his several years' residence in Rhode Island. He had come to America under the auspices of the English government to do edu- cational missionary work in Bermuda. The enterprise had to be abandoned for lack of expected support. He is the author of the prophetic lines beginning, "West- ward the course of empire takes its way." (8) Condition of Religious Life in England during the First Third of the Eighteenth Century. Queen Anne, though neither intellectual nor remarkably religious, had lavished her wealth upon ecclesiastical enterprises — educational, religious, and philanthropic. Under her patronage the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel and the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowl- edge entered upon careers that promised much for the prosperity of Anglican Christianity. This religious ac- tivity was accompanied by a spirit of intolerance toward dissent that has been already referred to. George I. and George II. were indifferent toward religion, and Sir Rob- ert Walpole, the most influential statesman of the time, seems to have done everything possible to promote the decline of religious interest. The missionary societies of the church languished. Through the influences that have been described already, skepticism and open infi- delity became widespread and aggressive. Queen Anne's scheme for building fifty new churches in Lon- don was quietly dropped. Church services in London and elsewhere became fewer and the attendance was greatly diminished. Fear of Puritan enthusiasm and of Romanizing pietism and asceticism, along with the free- thinking influences that have been noticed, led to a col- orless moderatism in the ministers that had no attractive power. The sermons of orthodox High Churchmen, no less than those of Socinian and deistical ministers were, for the most part, dry, moral disquisitions or scholastic discussions of points of doctrinal controversy which had little interest for the average man. The commercial and industrial prosperity which the peace policy of Walpole had greatly promoted tended also to fix the interests of the people on material things to the neglect of spiritual. Vast populations were being aggregated in the towns by 2Q # 642 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. industrial enterprise and hardly anything was being done for their moral and spiritual welfare. Dissenting bodies had degenerated almost as sadly as the established church. They had dwindled in numbers and doctrinal de- generacy had sapped their lives. The suppression of Con- vocation in 1717 had done much toward destroying the dis- cipline and the esprit de corps of the clergy of the established church. Many church livings were enjoyed by non- residents who made no pretense of rendering services in return. Poorly paid vicars took the places of highly paid incumbents and in many cases the parish work was ut- terly neglected. Many of the clergy had no sense of the dignity of their office and were the boon companions of the squires in their fox-hunting, drinking, card-play- ing, etc. Swift's sneering attitude toward religious zeal, which he regarded as fanaticism, imposture, or hypoc- risy, was, no doubt, shared by many. But it would be a mistake to suppose that the established church and the dissenting bodies were entirely devoid of zealous and religious men and women. There were thousands who had not bowed the knee to Baal and were quietly or more publicly living earnest Christian lives, and scores of ministers in the establishment and outside of it were peaching a comparatively pure gospel and seeking to lead the people in Christian work. 2. From the Evangelical Revival to the Outbreak of the Tractarian Controversy. (i) Leaders of the Revival. John Wesley (1703- 1791), son of Samuel Wesley, a High Churchman of learning, piety, and literary gifts, and of Susannah An- nesley, daughter of a Nonconformist preacher, was a descendant of a medieval baron, Wellesley, from whom also the Duke of Wellington sprang, and became the leader of the evangelical revival and the founder of Methodism. He was brought up in High Church prin- ciples and sent at an early age (1720) to the University of Oxford, the center of High Church influence. On the advice of his mother he devoted considerable atten- tion to practical divinity, and was influenced by Thomas a Kempis' "Imitation of Christ," Jeremy Taylor's "Holy Living" and "Holy Dying," and William CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 643 Law's " Christian Perfection " and " Serious Call." He received his Bachelor's degree in 1724, was ordained to the ministry in 1725, and was appointed a fellow of Lin- coln College in 1726. After two years of service as his father's curate (1727-1729) he returned to Oxford and soon afterward formed the "Holy Club," whose me- thodical and somewhat ascetical religious exercises and manner of life gave the name to the great religious body he was to be instrumental in founding, though the name Methodist seems first to have been applied to his brother Charles for his methodical attention to the regulations and work of the university. The Holy Club met fre- quently for reading the Greek Testament, for mutual ex- hortation, and for heart-searching. Its members engaged earnestly in efforts for the moral and religious better- ment of the students, in temporal and spiritual ministra- tion to the poor and to prisoners, and in providing liter- ary and religious instruction for children of the poor. The piety inculcated and practised by these Oxford Methodists was of the High Church, ascetical type, and involved the most scrupulous attention to the rubrics of the Prayer Book and the canons of the church. In 1736 General Oglethorpe called for a minister "in- ured to contempt of the ornaments and conveniences of life, to bodily austerities, and to serious thoughts," to accompany him to Georgia as a missionary to the colo- nists and Indians (1736). Wesley cheerfully responded, his widowed mother having encouraged him and his brother Charles both to go. " Had I twenty sons," she said, " I should rejoice that they were all so employed, though I should never see them more." On his out- ward voyage he came in contact with Moravian mission- aries, but it was not until the return voyage that he fully yielded to their influence. His work in Georgia was not a decided success, owing chiefly to his rigorous High Churchism. He insisted on immersion as the only proper baptism (being prescribed in the Prayer Book) and al- lowed communicants only to act as sponsors. He ex- cluded dissenters from the Supper unless they would submit to a new baptism, refused to read the burial serv- ice at dissenters' funerals, and excluded from the Supper the wife of an influential citizen, with whom before her 644 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. marriage he had been in love, because of some breach of discipline. By such proceedings he made himself so obnoxious to the community that he found it best to return to England in 1738. His later opinion was that when seeking to carry out High Church ideas in Georgia he was still unconverted, that he had had a zeal for God but not according to knowledge. On the way to Georgia, Spangenberg, who was later to succeed Zinzendorf as leader of the Mora- vian Brethren, had pointedly asked Wesley whether he had the witness within himself, and whether the Spirit of God bore witness with his spirit that he was a child of God ; also whether he knew Jesus Christ. He was unable to give a satisfactory answer to these questions ; but they sank deep into his heart, and led him to give at- tention to the mastering of the German language in order that he might better communicate with these men of God. On the return voyage the Moravian, Peter Boh- ler, was his fellow-passenger, and he was led by this godly man to trust in Christ as his Saviour and to expe- rience the assurance of sins forgiven and acceptance with God. He now came to realize the utter inadequacy of Law's High Church pietism, and he wrote his former "oracle" searchingly criticising his views. His conversion occurred in London at a meeting of the Brethren, where the introduction to Luther's commen- tary on Romans was being read (May 24^ 1738). He entered at once upon a fifty years' career as evangelist and religious leader which, with the co-operation of a multitude of earnest men, was to result in the forma- tion of hundreds of societies that, in spite of his strong desire to avoid separation from the Church of England, were to become Methodist churches ; in the building up in the Church of England itself of a strong evangelical party, zealous in philanthropy, Bible distribution, mis- sions, and social reform ; and in bringing the dissenting denominations, that had lost their evangelical zeal, to a realization of their obligation to carry out the Great Commission of our Lord. It will not be practicable to give the details of the work of Wesley and his coadjutors. That they should have met with violent opposition at the hands of churchmen CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 645 and dissenters alike was to be expected. M.ost of the church buildings were closed against the evangelists and field-preaching was commonly resorted to. Those who were converted in many cases went immediately to work for the conversion of others, and so the work propagated itself from community to community until the English- speaking world was covered with its influence. As a High Churchman, Wesley had no sympathy with Calvinism. The theology of the Moravian Brethren had more in common with Luther's modes of thought, and Luther's doctrine of assurance was embodied in their scheme. This Wesley adopted. From the Bohemian Brethren the Moravians had perpetuated the mediaeval evangelical semi-Augustinianism which laid much stress upon human responsibility, and put too little emphasis on the divine sovereignty, but was far removed from the Socinianizing Arminianism of the Dutch Remonstrants as well as from the Romanizing semi-Pelagianism of the English High Church party. Wesley followed the Mora- vians in laying the utmost stress on the blood of Christ as cleansing from all sin, as well as upon the regener- ating and sanctifying work of the Holy Spirit and the witness of the Spirit in the believer. Closely associated with John Wesley from the begin- ning was his younger brother, Charles (1708-1788). He followed John to Georgia, experienced with him a revo- lutionary change under Moravian influence, co-operated with him in evangelistic preaching, and above all, was the lyrical poet of Methodism. Although he married a a wealthy woman (1749) he continued for seven years longer his itineracy, his wife riding behind him from place to place on a pillion, and leading the singing at his meet- ings. From 1756 onward he was a settled Methodist pas- tor at Bristol and London. He deprecated the proceedings of his brother that looked toward the separation of the Methodist societies from the Church of England, and the relations of the two were at times considerably strained. As a matter of fact, his own practice of ministering to a congregation at the regular hours for church service, and administering the Supper weekly in his chapel, was more separatist in tendency than John's, who sought in his ministrations to avoid the regular hours for church serv- 646 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. ice, attended the church services where he was laboring, and required his disciples to do likewise. Charles Wes- ley wrote six thousand five hundred hymns, many of which have become classics. Second in importance to John Wesley in the evangel- ical revival was George Whitefield (1714-1770). Son of an innkeeper, and himself for a time bartender in the inn, he had received strong religious impressions before he entered the University of Oxford in 1732. Here he came under the influence of the Wesleys, joined the " Holy Club," and engaged with them in religious and philanthropic work. In 1735 he experienced conversion, and although influenced somewhat in 1738 by Moravian piety and evangelism, and with the Wesleys closely associated for a time with the Moravians in their London meetings, he did not, like the Wesleys, repudiate his earlier religious experiences. Urged by the Wesleys to join them in Georgia, he went in 1738, just as they were returning to England, and preached for some months there with great acceptance. He had been graduated from Oxford in 1736 and ordained as a minister in the Church of England. On his return from Georgia he found himself in ill repute because of the alleged extrava- gance of his evangelism, and very soon most of the churches of London were closed to him. Denied the use of the churches in Bristol (1739), whither he had gone after conference with the Wesleys, he determined to preach in the open air, a thing that the Wesleys at first hesitated to do on account of the odium attached to field preaching. His example and the necessities of the case led them to make this a prominent feature of their work and enabled them to reach multitudes that could never have been induced to enter the churches. It is probable that no evangelist ever surpassed Whitefield in power to draw together and master great mixed assemblies. He was soon preaching to audiences of many thousands (we may well be skeptical when we are told that he some- times preached to twenty thousand), and multitudes were melted into penitence by his fervid eloquence and found peace in trusting in a crucified Saviour. In Wales, Howell Harris, a layman, had begun evangelizing two years before the Wesleys and Whitefield began. White- CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 647 field gave a fresh impulse to the Welsh revival. A tour in Scotland produced a wonderful awakening. His over- powering enthusiasm and his disparaging references to the clergy as "blind guides" aroused much opposition, and in 1739 alone forty-nine publications are said to have appeared against him. His labors in Britain were inter- rupted by several long periods of labor in America, where his preaching was equally blessed, Whitefield had never been so steeped in High Church semi-Pelagianism as the Wesleys, and never entered so heartily as did they into the old evangelical semi-Augustinianism and mysticism of the Moravians. A moderate type of Calvinistic teach- ing, which seemed to him identical with that of the Apos- tle Paul, early mastered his own spirit, and proved in his case, as it had often proved before and has often proved since, a mighty instrument for the conversion of sinners and the building up of Christian character. If Whitefield had possessed, along with his overmastering evangelistic gifts, anything like the statesmanship of John Wesley, a far larger proportion of the Methodists of the later time would have been Calvinistic than was actually the case. For a time these doctrinal differences threatened to alienate the two great evangelists, but the spirit of conciliation prevailed. Whitefield's work was greatly furthered by the Countess of Huntingdon (Selina Shirley), who accepted his views with enthusiasm, gave him the opportunity to preach to the nobility and the clergy, and contributed largely of her means for the build- ing of chapels, the support of preachers, and the founding of a theological seminary (Trevacca College in South Wales) for the training of pastors and evangelists. The Lady Huntingdon Connection of Methodists perpetuates Whitefield's Calvinistic teaching. A bitter controversy between the coadjutors of Wesley and those of Whitefield, in which Toplady and Rowland Hill sustained the Calvin- istic side and Fletcher (De la Flechiere), who had been educated at Geneva and was converted in the Wesleyan meetings, the Arminian. Fletcher's character has been described as one of rare beauty and excellence. (2) Some Effects of the Great Revival on tlie Church of England, it was inevitable that this all-pervasive and long-continued evangelistic movement, which for fifty 64S A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PBR. Vi. years disclaimed all separatist aims, should have made a deep impression on the Church of England as a whole, and that it should have been instrumental in raising up a large body of evangelical ministers and laymen who, while sympathizing profoundly with the spiritual side of the movement, should foresee the schism that was inev- itable and should deprecate those features of Methodism that seemed separatist in their tendency. Wesley him- self had a decided aversion toward dissenters, and could not abide the thought that his societies would become churches or would unitedly come to constitute a denomina- tion; yet many evangelical churchmen found it far easier to be on cordial terms with avowed dissenters than with Wesley and his followers, it may further be said that most churchmen who adopted evangelical views with- out becoming Methodists were content with the moderate Calvinism of the Thirty-nine Articles and objected strongly to Wesley's Arminianism. Among the most influential of the evangelical churchmen of this time may be mentioned James Hervey (1714-1758), whose " Theron and Aspasio," a popular exposition of moder- ate Calvinism, had a wide circulation and influenced many minds toward sound thinking and right living. Though deeply indebted to Wesley, he refused to become an itinerant and rejected decisively his Arminianism. William Grimshaw (1708-1763), because of his eccen- tricities sometimes called " the mad parson," was abun- dant in evangelical activity, and built a Methodist "preaching house," but declined to cast in his lot with Wesley. He introduced a rigorous system of church discipline in his parish church at Haworth, and his zeal led him to disguise himself and act as a detective in order to bring transgressors to justice. Equally eccentric, zealous, and useful was John Ber- ridge, of Everton, who, like Grimshaw, engaged in evangelistic work outside of his own parish and brought large numbers to a knowledge of the truth. There is much to admire in the character and the self- sacrificing career of William Romaine (1714-1795), son of a Huguenot, eminent as a Hebraist and as a mathe- matician, an ardent Calvinist, a friend of Whitefield, a chaplain of the Countess of Huntingdon, and deeply de- CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 649 vout. For years he preached to crowded congregations in London and stood firmly for a pure gospel. He had occupied the chair of astronomy in Gresham College. A sermon on "The Lord our Righteousness," highly Cal- vinistic in tone, brought him into disrepute in that High Church center and led to his London ministry. When he saw that Whitefield and Lady Huntingdon were about to become separatists he withdrew from intimate relations with them, but refrained from attacking even Wesley, with whom he differed so greatly in doctrine. John Newton (1725-1807) had been so degraded as to be the menial servant of an African slave dealer and as depraved as one could easily conceive. An ac- count of his conversion cannot be here given. Brought to a knowledge of the truth, he devoted himself with rare industry and success to the acquirement of an edu- cation, and while still a seaman became familiar with several of the Latin classics, made much progress in mathematics, and learned some Hebrew and Aramaic. As rector at Olney he was the spiritual adviser of Cow- per. As rector of St. Mary Woolnoth, London, he was for many years the most influential of the evangelical leaders, and was on the most cordial terms with dissent- ing ministers. He is now best known for his hymns. Thomas Scott (1746-1821), a disciple of Newton's and his successor at Olney, was less genial and influential. His rigorous Calvinism made him unpopular, but his well-known commentary has given him a lasting repu- tation. Richard Cecil (1748-1810), one of the most sweet- .spirited and spiritual of the evangelicals, was an eloquent London preacher and the author of practical works which were widely useful. Isaac Milner (1751-1820), as professor of mathematics and president of Queen's College, exerted for years a strong evangelical influence on the students of the univer- sity and others. In co-operation with his brother Joseph he wrote " The History of the Church of Christ," which was long considered the standard evangelical work on the subject. Charles Simeon (1759-1836) perpetuated the influence of Milner at Cambridge, and has been called the founder 650 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. of the modern Low Church party. His " Horce Homilei- icce," in seventeen volumes, long furnished weaker evan- gelical ministers with materials for their sermons. Unequaled in influence as an evangelical leader in the established church was William Wilherforce (1759-1833). A pupil and lifelong friend of Isaac Milner, he owed to him the impulse that led to his conversion (1785). He devoted his splendid statesmanship and his great wealth to the promotion of religious and philanthropical enter- prises, and brought his personal influence powerfully to bear upon many people of the wealthier class. His " Practical View of the Prevailing Religious System of Professed Christians in the Higher and Middle Classes in this Country, Contrasted with Real Christianity " (1797) passed through many editions and was translated into the principal Continental languages. Its influence for good cannot be estimated. It was distinctly a writ- ing for the time and is little read to-day. Among the results of the revival inside of the estab- lished church may be mentioned the development of the Sunday-school, the establishment (1799) of the Religious Tract Society, the founding of the British and Foreign Bible Society (1804), the founding of the London Mis- sionary Society (1795), in which dissenters and church- men united, and the Church Missionary Society (1799). The beneficent influence that led to the formation of these great societies and the work they were instru- mental in accomplishing furnish sufficient proof that the Church of England, even after allowing for the entire Methodist separation, gained vastly more than it lost from the revival. It seems certain that the revival was a powerful antidote to the influence of French skepticism and the spirit of the French Revolution in England. That England did not share largely in the moral and spiritual decline suffered by the Netherlands, Switzer- land, and Germany in connection with the French Revo- lution was due in part, no doubt, to the fact that England alone escaped French invasion, and after the first few years of the revolution was persistently in arms against France, but quite as much to the thoroughness with which the evangelical revival had permeated English life. CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 651 3. Parties and Controversies in the Church of England during the Nineteenth Century. The present condition of the Church of England can be best illustrated by the controversies that have oc- curred and the legal decisions that have been made during the century that has just closed. The party di- visions and the great secession to Rome during the cen- tury have left the church still strong in resources, strong in social and religious influence, and thoroughly aroused to the necessity of activity in every department of church work. It is probable that the church never had a more learned and efficient ministry than at present, and a higher moral standard never prevailed. The religious life of the members of the Church of England is probably of a distinctly higher type than in any previous age. The rapid growth of dissenting bodies in numbers, wealth, culture, and influence has stimulated rather than weak- ened the established church. Agitation for disestablish- ment and disendowment is likely to continue and may be successful in the remote future, but the conservative forces in England are far too strong to yield readily or speedily to demands for religious equality. (i) The Tractarian Controversy. The great evangeli- cal movement of the eighteenth century, with the vast increase of the religious life and activity of dissent, had shocked and alarmed the refined and scholarly church- men. Agitation for the abolition of class legislation and for the removal of dissenters' disabilities had become intensified. The influence of the American and French revolutions was deeply felt in England about the begin- ning of the present century. The reform bill having been defeated in 1831 by the votes of the bishops, a strong popular feeling against the sitting of bishops in the House of Lords was aroused, it began to look as if the disestablishment of the Church of England would be speedily accomplished. Roman Catholics co-operated with Protestant dissenters and Jews in agitation against obnoxious laws. In 1833 ten Irish bishoprics were abol- ished. The evangelical party in the Church of England favored a large measure of religious freedom, and was co-operating with dissenters in philanthropic and mis- 652 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. vi. sionary work. The Broad Church party was becoming more and more aggressive. High Churchmen became frantic with alarm. A number of Oxford divines — Per- cival, Froude, and Palmer, with H. J. Rose, editor of the "British Magazine " — met to consider the feasibility of se- curing united effort on the part of High Churchmen against innovations. Newman, Keble, Thomas Mozley, and many other leading theologians, soon took an active in- terest in the movement. The maintenance of apostolic succession and the preservation of the Prayer Book from Socinian adulteration were to be the chief objects of effort. An attempt was made to form associations in this interest throughout England. This failed through the opposition of the bishops, hi February, 1834, an address was presented to the Archbishop of Canterbury, signed by seven thousand clergy, deprecating reckless changes and promising the heartiest co-operation toward reviving the discipline of the ancient church. A similar petition was signed by two hundred and thirty thousand lay heads of families. The declaration of William IV. in favor of the High Church party gave a fresh impetus to the movement. As early as 1833 some Oxford " Friends of the Church " began to publish a series of " Tracts for the Times on Church History and Doctrine." The chief writers were those already mentioned and Doctor Pusey. J. H. Newman probably wrote more than any other individual member. These tracts were widely circu- lated and created a great sensation. They became more and more Romanizing as time went on. The publication of the famous Tract No. 90, by Newman, brought on a crisis. This tract was designed to prove that the Thirty- nine Articles are capable of being interpreted in accord- ance with Roman Catholic views of the sacraments. By a Jesuitical process he sought to explain away every vestige of Protestantism from this bulwark of the Low Church party. Among the results of this movement may be men- tioned : a. The exodus to Rome of a large number of the ablest and most zealous members of the party, b. A great revival of ritualism in the Church of England. Archaeological studies as to ancient liturgies, vestments, etc., have occupied a large share of attention. High CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 653 Church clergy have in many instances, in defiance of the laws and of the sentiments of their congregations, intro- duced Roman Catholic ceremonies. A number of test cases have been decided by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. It has thus been accurately determined precisely how far it is allowable to go in the ritualistic direction. Many have preferred to suffer prolonged im- prisonment rather than relinquish objectionable prac- tices, c. The High Church party has experienced a great revival in practical aggressive work for the masses. The zeal of the party is of a Roman Catholic type. The founding of sisterhoods and brotherhoods of a monastic character for self-denying work among the neglected classes is an important feature of the work of the party. d. Auricular confession has been revived. A few years ago a work called " The Priest in Absolution," prepared for secret use among the High Church clergy, was brought to light and created a great sensation. It was an almost literal translation of a French Roman Catholic book, and embraced the worst features of the Roman Catholic con- fessional. After the withdrawal of Newman, Doctor Pusey became the leader of the party. Liddon, Knox- Little, Mozley, etc., were representative High Church- men. The party still possesses a very large share of the scholarship and zeal of the church and is supported by a large proportion of the nobility. (2) The Gorham Controversv- This controversy was in some respects one of the most important that have occurred in the Church of England in recent times. Rev. G. C. Gorham was in 1847 presented by Lord Chancellor Cottenham to the living of Brampton Speke. Bishop Philpott, of Exeter, in proceeding to institute him in the living, put him through an examination on one hundred and forty-nine questions, occupying six days. Dissatisfied with Gorham 's answers on the mat- ter of baptismal regeneration, the bishop refused to institute him. Gorham proceeded by legal means to compel the bishop to institute him. After going through various courts it was decided against Gorham by the dean of the Court of Arches. Appeal was made to the judicial'committee of the Privy Council. The two arch- bishops sat in the committee by special summons of the 654 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. crown. The decision was in Gorham's favor. The Bishop of Exeter sought to get the decision reversed in the Courts of Queen's Bench, Exchequer, and Common Pleas, but unsuccessfully. This was regarded as a test case, and the intensest interest was taken in it by High and Low Churchmen alike. The decision would deter- mine whether or not Calvinism had a right to exist in the Church of England. The High Church party was arrogant and aggressive and would gladly have found a means of excluding all Low Churchmen from the church. (3) Broad Church Controversies. The Broad Church party of the present century may be said to have owed its origin to Coleridge. It may be regarded as in part a reaction against High Church extravagances and in part as the effect of the introduction of German philosophy and theology. Most Broad Churchmen defend the estab- lishment on Erastian grounds. Holding to the doctrine of ecclesiastical development, they regard the establish- ment as an institution suited to the times. The church they regard as a department of the State, just as are the army, navy, etc. But in order to be national it must be flexible and must comprehend the greatest possible variety of religious life. They would like to see it so broad as to comprehend even dissenters. They insist on the right of the individual to the most absolute freedom of thought and of speech. They oppose with all their might enforced subscription to creeds of any kind. After Coleridge the most influential leaders in the Broad Church party were Arnold, Whately, Hare, Maurice, Hampden, Stanley, Kingsley, and Farrar. The party first came prominently forward controversially in opposition to the encroachments of the High Church party. a. The Hampden Controversy. Up to 1836 the members of the party labored quietly. They had not hesitated to denounce the Romanizing party, but this they did in common with the evangelicals. In 1836 Doctor Hamp- den was appointed Regius professor at Oxford on the nomination of Lord Melbourne, a Whig. He had deliv- ered a course of Bampton lectures a year before, and was known to entertain liberal views. His appointment was exceedingly distasteful to the High Church party, then CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 655 dominant at Oxford. J. H. Newman, on behalf of the High Church party, attacked tlie Bampton lectures in a pamphlet and intensified the dissatisfaction with Hamp- den's appointment. The University Convocation passed a vote of censure on Hampden. This aroused the indig- nation of such men as Arnold, Whately, Hare, etc. Arnold compared the action of Convocation to the con- demnation of Huss at Constance, the condemnation of Bishop Burnet's "Exposition of the Thirty-nine Arti- cles" by Convocation, etc. He stigmatized the Tracta- rian party as Judaizers. The difficulty at Oxford was relieved by the appointment of Hampden to a bish- opric, but the polemical zeal of the Broad Church party had been awakened, and henceforth the intensest hos- tility was manifest between the High Church and the Broad Church parties. b. Maurice's Theological Essays. These appeared in 1853, and up to that time were the most important Broad Church publication. The doctrines of the trinity, incarnation, inspiration, future punishment, etc., were treated with a freedom that startled the conservatives of both High and Low Church parties, and attracted a large number of able young men. Maurice was then professor in King's College, London. The council of the college pronounced the tendency of the book dangerous, and de- manded his resignation. He was soon afterward ap- pointed to a professorship at Cambridge, where his influ- ence was widened. His voluminous writings set forth the position of the Broad Church party in many of its most important aspects. c. The Essays and Reviews Controversy. The most important controversy in connection with the Broad Church movement, almost equaling the Tractarian con- troversy in the amount of public attention awakened, was called forth in i860 by the publication of a volume under the title, " Essays and Reviews," containing seven articles written by seven well-known liberal theologians. According to the preface, they were written independ- ently, without concert or comparison, and with a view to illustrating the advantage derivable to the cause of religious and mora! truth from a free handling in a be- coming spirit of subjects peculiarly liable to suffer by 656 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. the repetition of conventional language and from tra- ditional methods of treatment. The essays differ greatly among themselves in the degrees of aberration from commonly received views. The first is by Doctor Tem- ple, then head master at Rugby, now (1902) Archbishop of Canterbury, on " The Education of the World." The development view of human history is ably set forth. The present time represents the world's manhood, in which conscience is supreme. The second essay, by Dr. Rowland Williams, is an appreciative review of Bunsen's work in Old Testament criticism. The third essay, by Prof. Baden Powell, is on the Evidences of Christianity. External evidences, such as miracles, are discredited, and internal evidences chiefly relied on. The fourth is by Rev. H. B. Wilson, on the National Church. The article is intensely liberalistic. The fifth, by Goodwin, a layman, on the Mosaic Cosmog- ony, attempts to show that the Mosaic cosmogony is full of mistakes. The sixth, by Prof. Mark Pattison, on the Tendencies of Religious Thought in England, 1688-1750, has for its chief object to show the incon- sistencies of English theology with regard to the basis on which revelation rests. The seventh is by Prof. B. Jowett, and is on the Interpretation of Scripture. The general tone of the "Essays and Reviews" may be said to be negative rather than positive. The vol- ume attracted little attention for the first few months. " The Westminster Review," a rationalistic publica- tion, noticed it appreciatively and assumed an under- standing among the writers. It made an extensi\'e collection of passages to show the heterodox quality of the volume. This at once attracted attention to it, and it became the book of the season. It was attacked in the " Quarterly Review." Nine thousand clergy signed a protest against it. Pulpit and press united in con- demning it. The Convocations of Canterbury and York condemned the pernicious doctrines and heretical tenden- cies of the book. Suit was entered in the ecclesiastical courts against Williams and Wilson. Thirt\'-two expres- sions were collected from the essays of these clergymen, which, being separated from their connection, appeared even more objectionable than they would otherwise have CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 657 done. After much learned argument all but five of the specifications were thrown out. These were, denial of the necessity of a distinction between covenanted and uncovenanted mercies, justification, inspiration, and jus- tification by faith. On these five charges the Court of Arches suspended Williams and Wilson for one year. Appeal was made to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. The Court of Arches had discarded all questions of biblical interpretation and criticism as entirely beyond and outside of the Prayer Book and Thirty-nine Articles. All charges of heresy founded on questions of author- ship, date, prediction, or prophecy, etc., were set aside. When the case was brought before the Judicial Commit- tee of the Privy Council the two first charges were aban- doned at the beginning. One by one the other three were thrown out. The questions at issue assumed the following form : Whether every part of the Old and New Testament upon any subject whatever, however uncon- nected with religious faith and moral duty, was written under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, or whether the Bible was inspired by the Holy Spirit, that has ever dwelt and still dwells in the church, which dwelt also in the sacred writers of Holy Scripture, and which will aid and illuminate the minds of those who read Scripture trusting to receive the guidance of the Spirit. The court decided that the framers of the Articles have not used the word inspiration as applied to Scripture, nor have they laid down anything as to the extent or limits of the Spirit's operation. On the question of eternal punish- ment the charge rested on the hope expressed by one of the writers, that at the day of judgment those who are not admitted to happiness may be so dealt with as that the perverted may be restored, and all, both great and small, may ultimately find refuge in the bosom of the universal Parent. The court decided that it had always been permitted to think freely on this subject, an article in the original Forty-two Articles condemning the theory of universal restoration having been thrown out in the revision under Elizabeth. As regards justification by faith, the charge rested on the hint contained in one of the essays, that justification by faith might mean the peace of mind or sense of divine approval which comes of 2R 658 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. trust in a righteous God, rather than a fiction of merit by transfer. The court decided that the Article on Justifi- cation is wholly silent as to the merits of Jesus Christ being transferred to us, and that therefore they could not declare it penal to speak of merit by transfer as a fiction. As the Gorham case settled the right of the Evangelical party to a place in the establishment, so the " Essays and Reviews" case settled the right of the Broad Church party. The position taken by the highest courts is in effect: that a clergyman may say and write what he pleases on theological matters so long as he does not dis- tinctly contradict the exact words of the Articles or the Prayer Book. The utmost freedom is now accorded to the English clergy, all shades of opinion abounding. 4. The Church of England in America. The Church of England was the established form of religion from the beginning in Virginia and the Carolinas, in New York (after it had been wrested from the Dutch), and in Maryland (after the dislodging of Roman Catholi- cism, 1655). As the clergy were for the most part State-appointed and State-paid they were little solicitous, for the most part, about the good-will of the people, in many cases unworthy and even immoral men were sent out from England because of scandals that disqualified them for service at home. In Virginia, where ample provision was made for the support of the Church of England by the glebe lands, tithes, etc., the corruption of the clergy became most notorious, and their loyalty to England during the Revolution co-operated with grow- ing disapproval of their lives and ministrations to make them exceedingly unpopular and to cause successful agita- tion on the part of Baptists and Presbyterians for the dises- tablishment and disendowment of the church. In New York City the Church of England early acquired posses- sion of a large amount of property that in course of time became exceedingly valuable, and now yields enormous revenues. Philadelphia early became a stronghold of Episcopal influence and has remained so to the present day. After the War of Independence the necessity for inde- pendent church organization was realized. Just at the CHAP, v.] THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 659 close of the war Samuel Seabury was consecrated at Aberdeen, by some Non-juring bishops, to be bishop of the American church. In 1785 a convention adopted a revised Prayer Book, a new constitution, and the name, "Protestant Episcopal Church." Not being satisfied with the ordination of Seabury, the convention of 1786 sent three of its ministers to England to secure episcopal ordination at the hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury. Provoost and White were consecrated by him early in 1787. Seabury's or- dination, having been accepted and its validity insisted upon by New England churches, was recognized by the triennial convention of 1789. From this time onward the body prospered. It was not conditioned so as to gain advantages from the great revivals of the nineteenth century and it has not for the most part shown much sympathy with evangelistic efforts for the conversion of souls. It has depended for its growth chiefly upon im- migration from England and upon the strong social influ- ence that since the Revolution, as before, it has stead- ily exerted. Many ministers of the Protestant Episcopal Church have been evangelical and have been possessed of spiritual power; but the great mass have been lack- ing in evangelistic zeal, and have exerted a moral and churchly rather than a distinctively religious influence. In the great cities, and in many of the smaller cities and towns, it is the "society " church. The various parties in the Church of England have their representatives in the United States, Canada, and Australia. It is probable that in the United States the High Church spirit is pre- dominant. The present membership of the Protestant Episcopal Church is about six hundred thousand. In the British provinces that now make up the Domin- ion of Canada the Church of England was at first estab- lished and endowed, but as a result of agitations during the fourth decade of the nineteenth century its special privileges were withdrawn. It has now an episcopate of its own, and is one of the strong and well-equipped bodies. in Australia and New Zealand, owing to extensive immi- gration from England, the Church of England occupies a highly influential position from the numbers, wealth, and social standing of its members. CHAPTER VI THE GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS I. THE CONGREGATIONALISTS LITERATURE: Dexter, "The ConKregatioiialism of the Last Three Hundred Years," 1880 (contains remarkably full bibliography up to the date of publication); Weingarten, '"Die Revohitioiisknchen Englands,^^ 1868 ; Stoughton, "Ecclesiastical History of England" (under various titles covers the time 1641-1880), 1 867-1 884 ; Walker, " The Creeds and Platforms of Congregationalism," 1893, and "A Hist, of the Congregational Churches in the U. S.," 1894; Punchard, " Hist, of Congregationalism," 1865-1881 ; Mather, " A/ J 3-;/ J //a," 1702; Uhden, "The New England Theocracy," Eng. tr., 1858; Hanburv, "Historical Memorials," 1839-1843 ; Felt, "The EcclesiasticalHist. of N. Eng.," 1855-1863; Palfrey, " Hist, of N. Eng.," 1859-1890; Ellis, "The Puritan Age and Rule in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 1628-1685," 1888 ; biographical arti- cles in Schaff-Herzog, Hauck-Herzog, and " Dictionary of National Biography," ed. Stephen and Lee. I. English Congregationalists from 1648 Onward. The preceding period closed with the Independents (Congregationalists and Baptists) under Cromwell's leadership dominating the army, dispersing the Presby- terian Parliament and Westminster Assembly, trying and executing the king, and introducing an era of religious toleration in England. A brief account of the later history of English Congregationalism must here be given. (i) The Cromwellian Time. It is probable that if Cromwell had been starting out to construct a com- monwealth anew he would have preferred a purely voluntary system with no established or favored form of Christianity. But he had the church buildings and the church endowments on his hands, and the problem was how to utilize them in a way that would be promotive of true religion and of loyalty to the civil administration. He recognized the hand of God in every victory of the Independents, in the overthrow of the tyrant Charles I., 660 CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 66l in the defeat of the intolerant purposes of the Presby- terians, and in the putting of himself, as leader of the Independents, in the place of power and responsibility. "Let us look into providences," he said, "surely they mean somewhat. They hang so together, have been so constant, clear, unclouded," etc. "God has accepted the zeal of the Independents, as once he did the zeal of Phinehas." His situation was one of great difficulty and delicacy. The friends of the late king, though inferior in intelli- gence and courage and probably in numbers to the triumphant army and its supporters, were not so much in the minority as to allow of any lack of alertness or armed preparation on the part of Cromwell. The exe- cution of the king had caused him to be regarded as a holy martyr, and the publication of the " Eikon Basilike" (1649), purporting to be the king's own pious reflections on his administration and justification of himself before the world, tended greatly to increase the enthusiastic devotion of the royalists. On the other side a considerable number of extreme social and religious democrats (Levelers, etc.) were clamoring for liberty, fraternity, and equality, somewhat in the spirit of the French Revolutionists of 1791-1794. The Presbyterians of England and Scotland, moreover, had been completely alienated. He did not think it wise, even if he had thought it right, to confiscate church property, and if he had con- fiscated the productive estates of the church, the build- ings would have been still on his hands. He was too deeply impressed with tlie importance of having Christi- anity in its purest possible form preached to the people everywhere to be willing in any case to use for secular purposes what had been dedicated to religion. He was not narrow enough to wish to set up Pedobaptist Con- gregationalism as the religion of the State to the exclu- sion of other evangelical parties. He regarded "liberty of conscience " as " a natural right," and coupled it with "liberty of the subject," regarding them together as "two as glorious things to be contended for as any that God hath given us." " If the poorest Christian, the most mistaken Christian, shall desire to live peaceably 662 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. and quietly under you [the new Parliament of 1653] — I say, if any shall desire but to lead a life of godliness and honesty, let him be protected." But as the exigencies of the time seemed to him to justify the application of the "little, poor invention" that he "found out" (1655) of making himself the military head of the nation and districting the countr>' into major-generalsliips for military government, and to put a somewiiat rigorous consorship upon the press, so he thought it expedient to appoint a committee of thirty- eight Tryers, composed of Independent, Presbyterian, and Baptist ministers, to pass upon the intellectual, moral, and spiritual qualifications of all candidates for the pastorates of State-endowed churches. The repre- sentatives of each parish were allowed to choose their own pastor, but he could not be installed without the approbation of the committee of Tryers. Some of these parish committees chose Presbyterian pastors ; some chose evangelical churchmen that could hardly be called Presbyterian (preferring episcopacy, but not devoted to the Stuart cause) ; some chose Pedo- baptist Independent pastors ; and about thirty chose Baptists as pastors. With such a body of Tryers it was impossible that denominational differences should be taken into account. Romanizing and High Church candidates and Arminians and Socinians v/ould be ruled out. Opposition to the Cromwellian government, whether on the ground of devotion to the Stuarts or on the ground of extreme republicanism, constituted a disqualification. A fair amount of education, a good knowledge of biblical truth, good moral character, and ability to edify the people, were the things most insisted upon. It may be here remarked that the great majority of Baptists opposed Cromwell's policy from the beginning, insisting upon pure democracy in the State and absolute separation of Church and State. Those who did violence to the principles for which Baptists and their medieval and sixteenth century pro- genitors had consistently stood (except in a few cases under the influence of millenarian fanaticism) were men of learning and piety who had been trained in the estab- CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 663 lished church and had not yet become thoroughly seized of the Baptist position. They realized Cromwell's diffi- culties and thought it expedient in the meantime to co-operate with him in his efforts to allow the church endowments and properties to be used for religious pur- poses in such a way as would do most good to the people without danger to the government. The universities of England being national property^ were subjected to a treatment somewhat similar to that of the State churches. That aggressive royalists should have been excluded and supporters of the government made the teachers of the nation was to be expected. John Owen, the profoundest theologian among the Con- gregationalists of the time, was made dean of Christ's Church and vice-chancellor of the University of Oxford. Thomas Goodwin, who had been a Congregational mem- ber of the Westminster Assembly, became president of Magdalen College, Cambridge. Among other Congre- gationalists who occupied high positions at this time were John Howe, who was court chaplain to Cromwell ; Philip Nye, who served as rector of St. Bartholomew's, London ; and Joseph Caryl, who was rector of St. Mary's Magnus, London. It should be said that Cromwell perpetuated the rights of patronage and allowed tithes and other parish dues to be collected by civil authority as theretofore. Under Cromwell's patronage Congregationalism greatly increased in importance, and as up to the end of the last year of his reign there had been no effort to organize Pedobaptist Independents into a denomination, it was thought wise by himself and leading Congrega- tional ministers to summon by public authority an assembly of Congregational elders to prepare a Con- fession of Faith. After preliminary meetings, the synod met in the Savoy Palace, London, September 29, 1658, twenty-six days after Cromwell's death, and as a result of a session of eleven days, a " Declaration of Faith and Order Owned and Practised in the Congregational Churches" was adopted. The principal members of the synod had, with the exception of Owen, been mem- bers of the Westminster Assembly, and it was natural that they should make the Westminster Confession the 664 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. VI. basis of tlieir work. Most of the Westminster Confes- sion was adopted bodily. The characteristic feature of the Savoy Declaration is the section, "Of the institution of Churches and the Order Appointed in them by Jesus Christ," in which "the independent sufficiency and scriptural warrant of particular local churches, composed of saints by calling," are insisted upon, and the propriety and value of advisory councils are recognized. (2) English Congregationalism from 1660 Onward. Con- gregationalists suffered in common with Presbyterians, Baptists, and Quakers under the persecuting measures of Charles II., and participated equally with the other bodies of nonconformists in the overthrow of James 11. and the bringing of William and Mary to the throne. Under the Act of Toleration promulgated by the latter sovereigns (1689) they enjoyed with the other noncon- formists a sufficient measure of freedom to enable them to carry on somewhat effectively their local church work, some educational work, and some home mission work, and to make valuable contributions to literature. When under Queen Anne such liberty as dissenters enjoyed was in jeopardy, Congregationalists joined hands with their brethren of other denominations in earnest and per- sistent efforts to hold what they had and to secure the abolition of all the religious disabilities under which dis- senters still labored and complete religious equality be- fore the law. Through these combined efforts, English dissenters secured in the nineteenth century (1828) the abrogation of the Corporation and Test Acts, with the opening of the universities and all civil and military offices to dissenters, and in fact nearly all the rights that dissenters can enjoy consistently with the maintenance of a State Church, with its bishops ex officio members of the House of Lords, its vast endowments, its right to tax the entire population for its support, its control of the universities and to a great extent of popular education, and its overwhelming social ascendency. English dis- senters are still unitedly striving for religious equality, and are convinced that the only complete remedy for their grievances is disestablishment and disendowment. After earlier efforts at union with the Presbyterians of a less general and important character had failed, a CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 665 movement in this direction (1690 onward) led by John Howe, then the foremost dissenting minister in England, on the Presbyterian side, and Matthew Meade, and In- crease Mather, a leading American Congregationalist at that time in England on colonial business, on the Con- gregational side, promised for a time to prove effective. Certain " Heads of Agreement " were drawn up,' and a common sustentation fund was established. But contro- versy soon arose and the union effort was abandoned. The "Heads of Agreement," which Increase Mather had assisted in drawing up, proved of more value in America. Congregationalists suffered in common with the estab- lished church and the other dissenting bodies during the eighteenth century from the prevalence of Socinian and deistical modes of thought. Many Congregationalists became anti-trinitarian, while many of their congrega- tions dwindled and became extinct. The spirit of ag- gressiveness for a time almost disappeared. Yet there was no such general defection to anti-trinitarian sen- timents as among the English Presbyterians. In common with other religious bodies the Con- gregationalists of England participated largely in the evangelical revival. During the last decades of the eighteenth century their membership greatly increased, moribund churches were revived, many new congrega- tions were established, interest in home and foreign evangelization, Sunday-school work, the circulation of the Scriptures and other religious literature, and in general philanthropy greatly increased. Congregationalists were the chief movers in the founding of the London Mis- sionary Society (1795) on an interdenominational basis. It soon, however, came to be a distinctively Congrega- tional institution. In 1832 the Congregational Union of England and Wales was formed as a means of consoli- dating, conserving, and increasing the forces and activities of the churches, and in 1833 the union adopted " A Dec- laration of the Principles of Faith and Order of the Con- gregational Body." ^ One of their avowed objects in the new declaration was to distinguish themselves from 'See document in Walker, "Creeds and Platforms." p. s^S seq. ^ See Walker, " Creeds and Platforms." p. 445 st,]. 666 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI Methodists on the one hand and Socinians on the other. It is a thoroughly irenical statement, and expressed fairly well the average sentiments of the CongregationaHsts of the time, but it is not regarded to-day as possessing any binding authority. In fact, the spirit of individualism and freedom of thought prevails so widely among Eng- lish CongregationaHsts at the present time that they would find it difficult to unite in any doctrinal declara- tion. The CongregationaHsts of England and Wales are at the beginning of the twentieth century a numerous, wealthy, and highly influential body, possessing a large number of learned and able ministers, well equipped with institutions of learning, with societies for various kinds of denominational work, and with well-conducted periodical publications. Among the most eminent leaders of the present generation may be mentioned John Stougli- ton, the church historian ; R. W. Dale, preacher and theological writer ; A. M. Fairbairn, one of the profound- est theological thinkers of the time and principal of Mans- field College, Oxford ; J. Guiness Rogers, editor and author, and Henry Allon, for many years editor of the " British Quarterly Review." The body has nearly four thousand congregations, a somewhat smaller number of ministers, and between three and four hundred thousand members. 2. American Congregationalism from 1648 Onward. We have seen that long before 1648 New England CongregationaHsts had become a somewhat numerous body, with a learned ministry and a college at Cam- bridge, and that a theocratic form of government, that involved a complete identification of Church and State, with the religious element in control and a presbyterial form of church government, had been established. With a view to keeping the magistracy in complete harmony with the churches and thus maintaining the theocratic character of the commonwealth, it was enacted by the Massachusetts Court (1631) "that no man shall be ad- mitted to the freedom of this body politic but such as are members of some of the churches within the limits of the same." It had already been provided that no body CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 667 could be considered a church for such a purpose but one that had secured the approval of the magistracy and of the elders of the churches already existing. No man was eligible for a civil office unless he was a member in good standing of a recognized church, and loss of mem- bership meant expulsion from office. The object of these regulations was the absolute exclusion of all forms of dis- sent (Baptist, Quaker, Anglican, etc.). Up to 1646 there had been no general and authorita- tive declaration on church polity. At this time the home government was Presbyterian and within the past few years a considerable number of Presbyterians had come from England and were clamoring for a recognition of their rights. (i) The Cambridge Platform {1648). In 1646 the court requested the churches of Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Connecticut to send elders and messengers to sit in a synod at Cambridge to settle by the word of God ques- tions of church government and discipline. Most of the churches sent representatives. John Cotton, Richard Mather, and Samuel Partridge were appointed each to draw up independently a platform. An epidemic hin- dered the assembling of the synod at the appointed time, and final action was not taken until August, 1648, when the platform drawn up by Mather was with some changes adopted. The Cambridge Platform, which was authori- tative until 1662, was strongly presbyterial in tone as regards the relations of elders and people, a preponder- ance of authority being vested in the elders. The rela- tions of churches to churches are defined more carefully than in any preceding Congregational declaration. Seven ways are mentioned in which churches may intercom- mune : mutual care for each other's welfare, mutual con- sultation, mutual admonition, joint partaking of the Lord's Supper, mutual relief and succor, and propagation or the surrendering of members to form new congregations (compared to the swarming of bees). Synods orderly assembled and rightly proceeding are declared to be an ordinance of Christ and necessary many times to the well-being of the churches, yet their power is the power of the churches whose elders and messengers sit in the same. Their function is to debate and determine matters 668 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PEK vi. of religion according to tlie word, to put the results in definite form and to publish them to the churches, to convict of errors and heresies, and to establish truth and peace in the churches. The right of magistrates to call synods is admitted, but synods may be called, in case tile magistrates be hostile, independently of ci\il au- thority. The function of a synod does not extend to " the exercise of church censures in way of discipline nor any other act of church authority or jurisdiction." " The synod's directions and determinations, so far as consonant with the word of God, are to be received with reverence and submission, not only for their agreement therewith, but also secondarily for the power by which they are made as being an ordinance of God appointed thereunto in his word." The most noteworthy feature of the platform is its rigorous insistence on a public profession of faith, involv- ing satisfactory evidence of conversion, as a condition of admission to the Lord's Supper. This rule applied as well to those baptized in infancy as to those not so bap- tized. Moreover, only the children of parents in full communion, /. e., of those who had given credible evi- dence of regeneration and had continued a satisfactory Christian walk, were, according to the platform, eligible for baptism. Thus a large part of the community was sure to be deprived of the privilege of communion and that of having their children baptized. Yet the platform insists that all without respect to their fellowship in the churches should contribute for the support of the re- ligious teachers. (2) The Half-way Covenant {1662). As the colonies became large and prosperous, the average of piety sen- sibly declined. Many of the children of the godly men who had come to America for conscience' sake fell far short of the requirements for full communion, and their children in turn were thereby deprived of any hereditar\' church-membership. The civil disabilities attached to deprivation of church-membership, invoh'ing, as noticed above, disfranchisement and disqualification for office, were grievous to many. By 1656 there had come to be widespread dissatisfaction with these rigorous provisions of the platform. Moreover it was becoming manifest to CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 669 some of the ministers that the Baptists (Anabaptists they were commonly called in New England at this time) were deriving an advantage from the existing regu- lations. People were beginning to ask : " If infant bap- tism does not entitle one to church privileges and citizen- ship, what is the use of it ? " So asked Henry Dunster, president of Harvard College, and could not be per- suaded to keep his anti-pedobaptist views in abeyance and thus continue in the work in which he was succeed- ing so well and where his services were so much needed. Controversy had arisen in Connecticut among the ministers as to the terms of admission to full member- ship, A numerous and influential faction of Presby- terian antecedents and sympathies insisted on admitting to full communion all baptized persons who were ortho- dox in their views and orderly in their lives. The courts of Massachusetts and Connecticut secured the convening of a small council in 1657. This not prov- ing satisfactory, a larger council was called in 1662, which adopted by a vote of seven to one what has been called the " Half-way Covenant," One of two things, in the language of a participant, seemed necessary : either to enlarge the subjects of full communion or else to extend the privilege of baptism to the children of such baptized persons as were orthodox in belief and moral in life and owned the covenant made for them by their parents, yet were unfit for the Lord's Supper, The lat- ter course was adopted. But so far from putting the matter on a satisfactory basis, the Half-way Covenant only added to the difficul- ties. Many, especially among the more intelligent and influential laymen, opposed the result of the synod. For a time controversy raged. The First Church, Bos- ton, underwent a schism as a result of the calling by the majority of John Davenport, of New Haven, a zealous opponent of the Half-way Covenant (1667), The se- ceders formed the Old South Church. In the New Haven colony, through Davenport's influence, the ma- jority of the churches repudiated the measure. Yet the Half-way Covenant gradually gained accept- ance. The churches in general became laxer and laxer. 670 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. vi. Some went far beyond the provisions of the Half-way Covenant, extending the privilege of baptism not only to the children of orthodox and moral persons who had themselves been baptized in infancy, but to the children of the notoriously immoral and irreligious as well. It soon came to be argued, that if a man was good enough to have his children baptized, he was good enough to partake of the Lord's Supper. Some churches voted to all who were willing to have their children bap- tized the privileges of full membership. Solomon Stod- dard, grandfather of Jonathan Edwards and his prede- cessor at Northampton, a man of extraordinary piety and zeal, maintained (about 1700) that "the Lord's Supper was instituted to be a means of regeneration," and was accustomed to urge all, without discrimination, to par- ticipate in the ordinance. Thus the distinction between the church and the world was well-nigh obliterated, hi many communities, without any religious awakening whatever, almost all the young people of the congrega- tion would come forward at appointed times and in a formal way own the covenant. The secularization of the churches had become almost complete by 1679. Immorality and irreligion had become alarmingly prevalent. Public calamities — shipwrecks, droughts, conflagrations, pestilence, war with the In- dians, etc., came thick and fast and were attributed by the more godly to the decay of religion and morals. A synod was now called to inquire into the causes of the dis- asters and to suggest means of deliverance. The diagnosis and the remedies suggested show that vital godliness had sunk to a very low ebb,* and that the leaders of the time were unable to cope with the difficulties. Many immoral and irreligious practices are specified and among the breaches of the second commandment are the neglect of baptism and church fellowship, and that Quakers and Anabaptists have "set up an altar against the Lord's altar" without having been "fully testified against." Among other remedies it is urged that the Cambridge Platform be reaffirmed with its provisions regarding bap- tism and communion. Increase Mather wrote (1700) ' 'See Dexter, " Confjregrationalism During the Last Three Hundred Years,'' p. 447 seq. CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 67I "The Congregational church discipline is not suited for a worldly interest or for a formal generation of profes- sors. It will stand or fall as godliness in the power of it does prevail or otherwise." Congregationalism no longer worked well. The need for a stronger form of church government was felt by many, it seemed very much easier to bring order out of confusion by a system of church courts than by transforming the mixed multi- tude into spiritually minded Christians. (3) The Massachusetts Associations {lyo'y) and the Say- brook Platform {iyo8). These arrangements represent efforts to supply the place of vital godliness that had to so large an extent departed from the churches by ma- chinery for the application of external authority. The Massachusetts plan was as follows : All ministers of a given district were to organize themselves into an asso- ciation, with a moderator empowered to call them to- gether. In the Associational meetings questions of im- portance propounded by the ministers or by the churches were to be discussed and answered. Among matters to be dealt with were church divisions, accusations against pastors, charges of heretical teaching, the attesting and approving or disapproving of candidates for the ministry, the supplying of pastorless churches, etc. The associa- tion of pastors, together with a proper number of dele- gates from the churches, were to constitute a standing council. The determinations of the standing council were to be looked upon as final and decisive, unless weighty reasons for appeal were apparent. The council itself, presumably, was to judge of the weightiness of the reasons. Churches refusing to submit were to be withdrawn from. The Saybrook Platform, of Connecticut, provided for consociations of elders and messengers, when the churches see fit to send them, before which all cases of scandal arising within a local church were to be heard, the act of a consociation to be final unless an orderly ap- peal be made to a joint tribunal of two or more consocia- tions. The teaching elders of each county were to form one Association, or more if need be, to meet at least twice a year for consultation about pastoral matters and the common interest of the churches, to consider and resolve 672 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. vl. important questions and cases propounded by themselves and others, to pass upon candidates for the ministry, to examine into charges of scandalous conduct and heresy among the pastors, and arrange for the calling of a coun- cil, if need be, to deal with them, and to look after the supplying of bereaved churches with pastors. A general association made up of representatives of the county Associations is provided for. The platform was assumed by the court to express the will of the churches and was made authoritative. It was put in practice throughout the colony, some communities giving it an interpretation which made it virtually identical with Presbyterianism. The Massachusetts scheme was sharply attacked by John Wise of Ipswich (1710 and 1717), who, in his tracts, "The Churches' Quarrel Espoused," and "Vin- dication of the Government of New England Churches," sought to defend and restore to its place of authority the Cambridge Platform. But he went far beyond this, and sought on democratic principles to defend pure Congrega- tionalism as based upon equality of rights and privileges among church-members. " With an incisive logic and a merciless ridicule" he sought to show the absurdities and inconsistencies of the " Proposals," which involved, as he thought, an utter subversion of the foundations of Congregational polity, and would logically lead to- Presbyterianism and even prelacy, " with the steeples of the churches, tithes, surplice, and other ornaments." In fact he thought it smelt " very strong of the Infallible Chair." The great and terrible beast with seven heads and ten horns (Rev. 13) "was nothing else a few ages ago but just such another calf as this is." He concludes the argument of his second tract as follows : " That the people, or fraternity, under the gospel, are the first sub- ject of power, . . that a democracy in Church or State is a very honorable and regular government according to the dictates of right reason : And, therefore, that these churches of New England in their ancient constitution of church order, it being a democracy, are manifestly justi- fied and defended by the law and light of nature."* Wise's second tract was republished just before the 1 Dexter, p. 498. CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 673 American Revolution and did much to foster the demo- cratic spirit. Other influences co-operated with that of Wise in preventing the Massachusetts scheme from going into effect. Connecticut had from the beginning tended strongly toward Presbyterianism and its Presbyterian- izing scheme was for some time in operation. (4) The Great Awakening {173^ onward). By 1733 a Socinianized Arminianism, blended with deistic modes of. thought, having wrought havoc with the established church and the dissenting bodies of England, invaded the colonies. Skepticism and indifferentism were being somewhat widely diffused. Conversions were rare, and deep religious experiences were not only unlooked for, but were regarded by many as savoring of fanaticism. Preaching here, as in England, had lost much of its fervor. The great mass of church-members were living in a hopeless state of carnal security. There were many ministers and others who bewailed this decline of relig- ious interest, and earnestly sought to counteract the influences that were working with such deadly effect. At Northampton, under Stoddard's ministry, occasional revivals had occurred (1679, 1681, 1694, 1712, 1718). Jonathan Edwards, just out of college, assisted his grand- father for about two years before his death (1726-1728), during which time about twenty professed conversion. The early years of his own pastorate (1728-1731) were " a time of extraordinary dullness in religion." Licen- tiousness for some years, according to his own account, "greatly prevailed among the youth of the town, many of whom were much addicted to night-walking and frequent- ing the tavern and lewd practices, wherein some by their example exceedingly corrupted others.'" About 1731 "there began to be a sensible amendment of these evils. By 1733 the young people had become docile, and readily submitted to the guidance of their pastor." " A remarkable religious concern " began to appear during this year in a little village belonging to the North- ampton congregation. In 1734 several sudden deaths occurring greatly impressed many of the ungodly. At about the same time, according to Edwards, much * Edwards' " Works," Vol. III., p. 232. 28 674 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. noise was being made about Arminianism, which was regarded by the more serious as a most dangerous heresy. Strange to say, this helped forward the religious awaken- ing. Many who looked upon themselves as Christless seemed to be impressed with the idea that with the spread of Arminianism God would withdraw from New England and give it over to unbelief, and that their op- portunity for obtaining salvation would be past.' No doubt the tone of Edward's own preaching was in part responsible for this impression. The conversion of a frivolous young woman had a remarkable awakening influence upon the entire community. In a short time there was scarcely an individual in the town, old or young, who was left unconcerned about the great things of the eternal world. " The minds of the people were wonderfully taken off from the world." They seemed " to follow their worldly business more as a part of their duty than from any disposition they had to it."* From Northampton the good work spread into man\- other communities throughout New England, Edwards himself doing much preaching outside of his own parish, and influencing many other pastors to engage in evan- gelism. The activity of the Tennents (Presbyterians), chiefly in the middle colonies, but extending to New England, has already been noticed. During the progress of the revival George Whitefield came the second time to America (1741) and preached with wonderful power throughout the colonies. The details of the movement, which extended over several years and stirred the relig- ious life of the colonies to its foundations, cannot here be given. That a religious awakening of this kind could not have been carried forward without opposition lies in the very nature of the case. Most of the educated ministers and Harvard and Yale Colleges assumed a hostile attitude. On his first visit (during the revival) to Massachusetts Whitefield was invited to preach at Harvard, on his second visit the college was closed against him. So far as liberalism (Socinianized Arminianism) had extended its influence, so far was the revival looked upon with dis- 1 Edwards' " Works," Vol. III., r- 252. ' Ibid., p. 235. CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 675 favor. A great awakening of this kind is sure to be accompanied by undue emotionalism and much that is unseemly, or at least shocking, to refined sensibilities. Such ministers as Chauncey made the most of irregular- ities of this kind, and sought on this and other grounds to discredit the entire movement. Many of the evangel- ists, including Gilbert Tennent and Whitefield, were sharply censorious in their attitude toward ministers who opposed the revival, denouncing them as unconverted men, blind leaders of the blind, hypocrites, enemies of the gospel, etc. Besides attacking the irregularities of the meetings and the censoriousness of the preachers, the Socinianizing ministers sought to bring the Calvin- istic teaching that underlay the movement into contempt by caricaturing it,^ About 1700 Increase Mather wrote: "If the begun apostasy shall proceed as fast the next thirty years as it has done these last, surely it will come to pass that in New England (except the gospel itself depart with the order of it) the most conscientious people therein will think themselves concerned to gather churches out of churches." The "begun apostasy" continued, and in a little more than thirty years the prophecy was ful- filled. In many parishes where the minister and a majority of the parish antagonized the revival a minority that had become imbued with the spirit of the new evan- gelism withdrew and formed "Separate," or "New Light" churches. The conversion of great numbers of people who had been partially without church privileges led to the formation of many other " New Light " congre- • gations. Many of those who had come under the revival influence felt that separation from the ungodly elements in the churches of the standing order and from all con- nection with a State-supported church was an imperative duty. In these " Separate " churches credible evidence of conversion was made a condition of fellowship. A large number of ministers admitted that they had been performing the functions of their office as uncon- verted men, and professed now first to have come to a 1 See Edwards, " Rel. Affections," "Narrative of Surprising Conversions," and "Thoughts on the Revival in New England," and Chauncey, "Seasonable Thoughts." 6/6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. saving knowledge of the truth. Twenty in the neigh- borhood of Boston attributed their conversion to White- field's preaching. Between twenty-five and fifty thousand are supposed to have been converted in New England, and the num- ber converted in the middle and southern colonies cannot have been greatly inferior. About a hundred and fifty new Congregational churches were formed. Baptist churches were multiplied and made more zealous and aggressive. The number of Presbyterian ministers was more than doubled, and yet there were scores of vacant churches in Pennsylvania, Delaware, and New Jersey. The great increase in churches and ministers between 1734 and 1760 was due in part to immigration and natu- ral increase of population. Among the further results of the Great Awakening may be mentioned a more general recognition of the importance of a converted church-membership, and especially of a converted ministry. Before the revival, if a candidate for the ministry was found moral, educated, and orthodox, no further questions were asked. Vital godliness was henceforth insisted on, at least within the circles that had experienced the awakening influence of the movement. Again, ministerial education was greatly promoted and along with this education in general. Princeton and Dartmouth were established through the influence of the revival. Missionary work was also remarkably furthered in America, as in England, by the revival. The evangel- ism of the time was itself missionary work. Efforts for the evangelization of the North American Indians and of the settlers on the frontiers were zealously put forth with highly beneficent results. The work of David Brainerd, Daniel Marshall, and Jonathan Edwards among the Indians may be mentioned by way of illustration. Again, the religious awakening demonstrated anew the vital power of Calvinism rightly understood and greatly increased the number of zealous exponents of New Testa- ment teaching as systematized by Augustine and Calvin. Further, the revival, with its " Separate " churches and its multiplied Baptist churches, did much toward destroy- CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 677 ing the pernicious parish system that had grown out of the Half-way Covenant, in accordance with which church government and the control of church property were in the power of the majority of the members of each parish, without regard to Christian character. Lastly, by way of reaction, it promoted the growth of Socinianism that was soon to develop into avowed and aggressive anti-trinitarianism. (5) The Unitarian Defection. The beginning of the present century was a period remarkable for intellectual activity. The war was over. The colonies had become a union of States. Commercial prosperity prevailed. Everything tended to stimulate hopefulness and ag- gressiveness. The " New Light " enthusiasm had given place to a calm but determined missionary spirit. Mis- sionary and other philanthropic societies were being organized here and there throughout the country. Mis- sionary periodicals were diffusing intelligence and arous- ing enthusiasm with reference to missionary work among the heathen. Andover Theological Seminary was founded by the evangelical party and was from the first a center of orthodoxy and of evangelical zeal. The Arminianism of the eighteenth century was giving place to the Socinianism of Priestly and Belsham. Har- vard College had opposed the revival and had become a center of Socinian influence. The writings of English Unitarians were eagerly read. American publications designed to bring orthodoxy into contempt yet not openly avowing Unitarianism were still more widely circulated. Such were "The Monthly Anthology," "The Christian Monitor," "The Hymns and Psalms" of Buckminster and Emerson, " The Improved Version of the New Testa- ment," a reprint of Belsham's " Reply to Wilberforce," "The General Repository," etc. Hazlitt, an English Unitarian, labored in Boston about 1785 onward. In 1786, James Freeman, of Boston, persuaded his Episcopal congregation to adopt a Unitarian liturgy. Freeman was refused ordination by the Bishop of New York, but the church itself ordained him. From this time onward the Stone Chapel was avowedly Unitarian. It was the policy of the New England Unitarians, as it had been of Socinians in general, to disseminate their 678 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. views by insinuating doubts and by denouncing the rigors of orthodoxy rather than by clearly and openly stating their own convictions. The movement was finally brought out into the light in this wise : hi 1812 Belsham published in London his " American Unitarianism, or a History of the Progress and Present State of Unitarian Churches in America." Only a few copies were sent to America, and these were carefully concealed from the orthodox. At length Doctor Morse secured a copy and had it reprinted in Boston in 181 5. The excitement produced by this publication was intense. It contained documents that seriously com- promised many of the ministers. Those immediately involved were thus obliged to avow their Unitarianism. Many others soon followed. It appeared that all the Congregational churches of Boston, except the Old South and the Park Street, had become Unitarian. Harvard College was also in possession of the Unitarian party. By a decision of the courts, giving control of church prop- erty to a majority in each parish, the Unitarians acquired many church buildings and endowments. The Unitarian party being thus forced into the light, assumed a polemical attitude. The heretofore timid grew bold. Tendencies toward Unitarianism rapidly de- veloped into Unitarianism itself. The irreligious and indifferent naturally favored a party that was careless about church discipline. A more complete separation took place between ortho- doxy and heterodoxy. Heretofore the progress of So- cinianism had been insidious and secret. It was no uncommon thing for a Socinian minister to become pastor of an orthodox church, and, by gradually and indirectly impressing his views, to infect the entire body. Such proceedings became far more difficult. The defenders of orthodoxy were no longer striking in the dark, but were confronted with avowed maintainers of what was believed to be ruinous error. The orthodox now saw as they had not seen before the evils of the Half-way Covenant and of the parish sys- tem resulting therefrom. They saw themselves deprived thereby of endowments and church property, an argu- rnent of the most convincing kind. The views of John CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 679 Wise, which had made little impression when first pro- mulgated, now secured recognition. The Presbyterian element was eliminated, modern Congregationalism pure and simple resulting. This involved complete separa- tion between Church and State, the right and duty of the church to institute terms of church-membership, and the autonomy of the congregation. The educational work inaugurated under the impulse of the Great Awakening was powerfully stimulated by this hand-to-hand conflict. Andover was strengthened. Yale was wrested by Timothy Dwight from the Socinians and became a stronghold of orthodoxy. Several other evangelical schools were founded. Home and foreign missionary work, already progres- sive, were carried forward with renewed energy and zeal. (6) The Unitarian Churches. About one hundred and twenty of the Congregational churches that had been organized before the Revolutionary War, including the original church of the Pilgrim Fathers at Plymouth, the original Salem church, and the oldest of those established in Boston and its vicinity, became Unitarian during the second decade of the nineteenth century. The growth of the denomination has been exceedingly slow and has been almost limited, it is probable, to New Englanders and their descendants. There are at present over four hundred congregations, with an aggregate membership of about seventy thousand, more than half of whom are in Massachusetts, Their principles are not such as to make them aggressive or evangelistic. Their influence, however, is not to be gauged by their numerical strength, for they have produced far more than their share of emi- nent writers, and these have indirectly influenced theo- logical opinion to a very considerable extent. No doubt the modifications of views in other denominations as regards the five points of Calvinism, eternal punishment, the Scriptures, etc., has been due in some measure to their influence. All shades of anti-trinitarian opinion have found place among their ministers and members, from the Arian supranaturalism of a Channing and a Peabody to the transcendentalism of a Parker, an Emer- son, and a Frothingham. 680 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. (7) American Congregationalists During the Nineteenth Century. At about the beginning of tlie century (i8oij a "plan of union" was entered into between Congre- gationalists and Presbyterians with a view to obviating the inconveniences and waste involved in the multipli- cation of churches of denominations agreeing in funda- mentals in the growing West, it involved a free inter- change of pastors, and a free transference of fellowship between the two bodies. This concession on the part of the Presbyterians was one of the bones of contention between the Old School and the New School Presbyterian parties, and was repudiated by the former at the separa- tion (1837). It has been estimated that fully two thou- sand churches in the West that would have continued Congregational became Presbyterian as a result of this measure. Notwithstanding this heavy loss and the loss by the Unitarian separation, Congregationalism has continued vigorous in New England, where the great mass of its membership resides and occupies a prominent place among the denominations in scholarship, literary productiveness, educational institutions, missionary work, and conse- crated wealth. The present membership of the Congre- gational churches does not much exceed five hundred thousand. All shades of theological opinion have found a welcome in its ranks, from Calvinistic orthodoxy to an extreme liberalism that can scarcely be distinguished from Unitarianism. Of its theological seminaries, An- dover has for the past twenty years stood for extreme liberalism ("New Theology"); Hartford and Chicago for conservative teaching ; Yale has occupied an inter- mediate position ; and Oberlin, beginning with Finney's perfectionistic evangelism, has inclined toward evan- gelical Arminianism in its teaching. In 1865, standing on Plymouth Rock, the National Council of the Congregational Churches adopted the " Burial-Hill Declaration," a very brief and irenical statement, in which essentials are reduced to a minimum and stated in very general language. It expresses the desire of the body to co-operate with all who hold to these essentials. " With tliem we will carry the gospel into every part of this land, and with them we will go CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 68l 'into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature.' " In 1883 the National Council, which had been put upon a permanent basis in 1871, adopted a new "State- ment of Doctrine," considerably longer and more explicit than that of 1865. It represents an exceedingly moderate type of Calvinistic teaching and is non-committal on many questions that had been in dispute, but is evan- gelical and in many respects admirable. II. THE BAPTISTS.^ LITERATURE: Crosby, "The Hist, of the Eng. Baptists," 1738- 1740 ; Ivimey, " A Hist, of the Eng. Baptists," 1811-1830 ; Masson, " Life of John Milton and Hist, of his Time," 1859-1880; Evans, " The Early Eng. Baptists," 1862 ; Taylor, " The Hist, of the Eng. General Baptists," 1818 ; Gould, " Open Communion and the Bap- tists of Norwich," i860; Benedict, " A General Hist, of the Baptist Denomination," 1848; Armitage, "A Hist, of the Baptists," 1887; Vedder, " A Short Hist, of the Baptists," 1892, and " A Hist, of the Baptists of the Middle States," 1897 ; Backus, " A Hist, of New Eng., with Particular Reference to the Den. of Christians called Baptists," new ed., 1871 ; Riley, " A Hist, of the Baptists in the Southern States," 1896; Burrage, "A Hist, of the Baptists in New Eng., 1894 ; Cathcart, " Baptist Encyclopcedia," 1881 ; Newman, " A Hist, of the Baptist Churches in the U. S.," 2d ed., i8g8. I. The Baptists of Great Britain, 1648 Onward. The Baptist cause greatly flourished during the revolu- tionary period. General and Particular Baptist churches multiplied. Associations were formed in various parts of England and Wales for the purpose of strengthening the churches by fraternal conference and facilitating mis- sionary effort by concerted action. The parliamentary army was filled with Baptists, who were among the most enthusiastic advocates of civil and religious liberty and the sturdiest combatants of royal absolutism and priest- craft. Baptists were chiefly instrumental in preventing Cromwell from accepting the royal title, which some influential supporters urged him to do, and many of them strongly disapproved of his military government. lA considerable portion of the material of this section is reproduced from the author's chapter in " A Centurv of Baptist Achievement" (1901), edited by himself, and an article by himself in " Progress," i8q6. 682 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. They were among those who labored zealously for the restoration of the Stuarts, having received from Charles II. ample assurances of toleration. In common with other dissenters they suffered severe persecution (1662-1675). Those who held benefices were deprived by the Act of Uniformity (1662). Baptist work was greatly hampered by the Conventicle Act, the Five-mile Act, etc. The Corporation and the Test Acts bore heavily upon many Baptists, as they were excluded thereby from public employment and from the privileges of the universities, while it was open to their enemies to secure their election to public offices and then to subject them to heavy fines for refusal to qualify, it is greatly to the credit of English Baptists that while other dis- senters frequently evaded the force of these acts by occasional conformity (partaking of the Supper in the established churches), only one Baptist is known to have compromised himself in this manner and he was promptly excluded. it might have been expected tliat the Act of Toleration granted by William and Mary at the beginning of their reign would lead to a great expansion of the Baptist interest. But such was far from being the case. The long period of stress and strain would seem to have exhausted the energies of Baptists of both parties and to have left them in a state of lethargy. Much of their strength for the next century was taken up with efforts for the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts that still curtailed their liberty. To this end they united their forces with those of the other dissenting bodies, and they were thereby drawn into such close relations with Pedo- baptist dissenters that they came to regard the empha- sizing of distinctive Baptist principles as ill-mannered and unbrotherly. The Particular Baptists of England and Wales had begun to hold Associational meetings for the furtherance of brotherhood and co-operative missionary work as early as 165 1, in 1665 the Western Association, made up of churches in the counties of Somerset, Wilts, Gloucester, and Dorset, feeling the need of a guiding head in connec- tional work, appointed and ordained Thomas Collier to the office of "General Superintendent and Messenger to CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 683 all the Associated Churches." Collier had for ten years been active in evangelism and had served unofficially as a superintendent and director of the labors of a number of evangelists. These Baptists were far from being extreme independents in their church polity, and they no doubt had more regard to immediate utility than to the permanent conservation of the autonomy of the churches. The Confession of Faith set forth by this Association in 1656 breathes throughout the missionary spirit. It is affirmed (Article XXXIV.) "that as it is an ordinance of Christ, so it is the duty of his church, in his authority to send forth such brethren as are fitly gifted and qualified through the spirit of Christ, to preach the gospel to the world." In the following article the obligation to preach the gospel to the Jews is expressly recognized. The organized work of the denomination was largely in abeyance during the reign of terror (1662-1675). ^^^^ Bill of Indulgence (1675), though intended primarily for the encouragement of Roman Catholicism, made it pos- sible for Baptists once more to become aggressive and to take measures for the advancement of their cause. The Particular Baptist pastors of London at this time sent an earnest invitation to the churches throughout England and Wales to send delegates to meet in London the fol- lowing May to make arrangements for " providing an orderly standing ministry in the church, who might give themselves to reading and study and so become able ministers of the New Testament." During the Civil War and Commonwealth periods many highly educated churchmen and noncomformists had become Baptist ministers. This source of supply could no longer be depended upon, and the leaders of the denomination had come to realize the necessity of prompt and vigorous measures for the maintenance and the increase of minis- terial efficiency. Such an assembly was held in 1676, when a Confession of Faith based upon the Westminster Confession was adopted. It was afterward approved by a still larger assembly in 1689, and has continued to be the favorite symbolical document of English Baptists. It was adopted early in the eighteenth century, with cer- tain modifications, by the Philadelphia Association, and 684 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. in this form has exerted widespread influence on Ameri- can Baptist life and thought. The assembly of i68g, after the promulgation of the Act of Toleration, was in many respects the most important ever held by English Baptists. The assembly was careful to "disclaim any manner of superiority and superintendency over the churches." Difference of conviction and practice in point of communion is recognized and each church is left free to walk together as it has received from the Lord. Owing to the difficulty of getting the churches to send representatives every year to so great a distance as the maintenance of a single assembly involved, it was decided in 1692 to divide the body into two, the one to meet in Bristol, the other in London. "These assem- blies," it was agreed, " are not to be accountable to one another any more than churches are." It was further decided that churches should not make appeals to the assemblies to determine matters of faith or fact. Reports of both the assemblies are to be sent to all the churches. At about this time a grievous controversy was raging in the Particular Baptist body as to " whether the praises of God should be sung in the public assemblies." Kiffm, Cox, Keach, Steed, and many others, were involved. All parties agreed to "refer the matter to the determi- nation of seven brethren nominated by this assembly." The committee administered a scathing rebuke for the unbrotherly language that had been employed, to which the veterans submitted in all humility. The Bristol assembly seems for many years to have been more vigorously sustained than the London. This was due, no doubt, in part to the fact that a Bristol Baptist, Edward Terrill, had left in trust with the Broadmead Church a legacy for ministerial education, and that Bris- tol, early in the eighteenth century (1720 onward) came to be the educational center of the Particular Baptists. Efforts were made during the later years of the seven- teenth century and the early years of the eighteentli to bring Particular Baptists and General Baptists closer together, and to this end the differences between the two parties were minimized by such men as Benjamin Stin- ton. Thomas Hollis, the wealthy Baptist business man who contributed so liberally to the Baptist cause in Eng- CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENO.MINATIONS 685 land, and who endowed Harvard University, preferred to worship regularly in a Pedobaptist church. If the Mollis family, with their great wealth and their remarkable generosity, had been stanch Baptists they might have given tone to the Baptist life of England. The General Baptists, following the footsteps of the Mennonites, to whom they were from the beginning closely related, adopted a semi-presbyterial form ofi. church government, giving to each aggrieved person a right to appeal to other churches, then to the Association or general meeting, and at last to the General Assembly. Thus every local quarrel was propagated throughout the entire connection and the churches were ruined by con- troversy. The rigorous exercise of discipline on the ground of differences of opinion drove out of the body many of its ministers and intelligent members. With a few exceptions, the General Baptist churches of England became Unitarian by about the middle of the century, as did so many churches of other denominations during this period. The Particular Baptists, so far as they were not drawn into the maelstrom of Socinian indifferentism, reacted against the current rationalism so far as to become hyper- Calvinistic, and in some cases Antinomian. They looked upon the salvation or the damnation of each individual as so absolutely fixed by Divine decree, that exhortations to sinners and missionary work in general were looked upon as not only useless, but as an impertinent meddling with the Divine plans. That the Particular Baptists should have greatly declined during the eighteenth century was what might have been expected. One of the most aggressive and influential organiza- tions among the English Baptists during the eighteenth century was the Society of Ministers of the Particular Baptist Persuasion, meeting at the Gloucestershire Cof- fee-house, organized in 1724, which raised money for the assistance of needy churches and ministers, for the dis- tribution of religious literature, and for other religious and philanthropical purposes, passed upon qualifications of candidates for the ministry, and took measures for the silencing of unworthy ministers. It led the denomination in efforts to secure the redress of grievances, undertook 686 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. to defend the honor of the denomination when it was assailed from time to time, corresponded with Baptists in the American colonies, counseled them, extended to them financial aid when required, interceded with the home government on behalf of persecuted brethren in the colonies, and in many ways furthered the interests of the denomination at home and abroad. The authority of this body was a purely moral one and depended on its reputation for wisdom and its command of resources. That complaints should sometimes arise of undue assump- tion of authority and interference with the independence of the churches on the part of this body might have been expected, it was a self-constituted body, its members not even representing the churches of which they were members and pastors in any official way. It was by no means an ideal arrangement ; but it is probable that these associated ministers did a work for the denomina- tion and for the cause of Christ that would otherwise have been left undone. The evangelical revival, led by the Wesleys and Whitefield, was of momentous importance to the Bap- tists, as it was to the established church and to the various dissenting bodies. It found the Particular Bap- tists greatly reduced in numbers and influence. The educational work that had been inaugurated at Bristol on the Terrill foundation was conducted in a very feeble and ineffective way during the first half of the eighteenth century ; yet a considerable number of able ministers received their training there. The London Baptists were still a respectable body and were exerting a strong and, upon the whole, beneficent influence on the life of the denomination. Several of the Particular Baptist Associa- tions, of which the records have been preserved, devoted much attention to the promotion of godly living and or- thodox teaching, and sought to guard against Socinian- ism on the one hand and Antinomianism on the other. Yet it is evident that there was an almost irresistible drift toward these extremes, and the number of those who were able to steer safely between Scylla and Charybdis steadily diminished. Those inclined toward Socinianism could have no sympathy with the enthusiastic evangelism of Wesley and Whitefield, which to them savored of CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 687 fanaticism. Those who had carried their Calvinistic teaching to the Antinomian extreme looked upon the new evangelism as an almost blasphemous interference with the plans and purposes of God. As might have been ex- pected, the religious awakening not only failed to win these classes to its support, but tended to drive them to more extreme statements of their opinions. But many who were less thoroughly committed to these extreme and unevangelical views were won to the support of the evangelical cause, and the numbers of its opponents steadily dwindled. It was to Andrew Fuller, more than to any other indi- vidual, that the restoration of the Particular Baptist body to its original evangelical position was due. Brought up in an illiterate community, with few educational ad- vantages, he came under the influence of the great evan- gelical movement. The writings of Jonathan Edwards, the great American theologian and evangelist, seem to have greatly aided him in coming to right conceptions of evangelical truth. Through his great activity as a preacher and a writer, multitudes were brought to see the consistency between a true preaching of the doctrines of grace and the most earnest efforts for the salvation of sinners. His career as a leader extended over the last two decades of the eighteenth century and the first fifteen years of the nineteenth. Bristol College was greatly strengthened and brought to support this evangelical type of Calvinism. It is probable that, while Fuller and his associates by their advocacy of missions accomplished so much for the heathen, the results of their widespread visitation of the churches throughout England and Scotland for the evan- gelization of the home churches were of even greater importance. The Baptist cause in Great Britain was by Fuller's public activity raised to a higher plane, and gained a recognition at the hands of leaders of other de- nominations that had been wanting for some generations. The marvelous preaching of Robert Hall, at Cambridge, during the last decade of the century likewise contributed powerfully to the reputation and the influence of the de- nomination. Yet this popular recognition of its leaders by other denominations proved a snare, and led to the 688 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vl. general adoption among English Baptist churches of open communion, which has no doubt affected injuriously the denominational growth. From the foregoing facts it is evident that the Particular Baptists at the close of the eighteenth century were awakening from their lethargy and were entering upon a great career of growth in numbers and beneficence. The General Baptist cause at the beginning of the evangelical revival was even more deplorable than that of the Particular Baptists. As a result of much effort and by the influence of Dan Taylor (b. 1738), who seemed raised up to rescue the cause, representatives of fifteen churches in various parts of England met in London, June 6, 1770, to form "the New Connection of General Baptist churches, with a design to revive experi- mental religion or primitive Christianity in faith and practice." The articles of faith adopted recognize the fallen condition of men, who are "captives of Satan set at liberty by Christ" ; insist upon "the perpetual obli- gation of the moral law" (against hyper-Calvinistic Antinomianism) ; carefully set forth the deity and hu- manity of Christ and the potential universality of the atonement wrought by him, which becomes available to individuals solely by faith, a faith that "produces good works " ; maintain the duty of offering salvation by faith freely to all ; teach that regeneration is the work of the Holy Spirit; and make immersion "the indispensable duty of all who repent and believe the gospel." Considerable prosperity attended the labors of the ministers and churches of the New Connection during the remainder of the century. A number of General Baptist churches constituting the Lincolnshire Associa- tion made repeated overtures for a union with the New Connection. To this end the New Connection was urged to make the conditions of membership less rigorous as regards the signing of the Confession and the personal religious experience of ministers, and to agree to co- operate with the old General Assembly, which contin- ued to meet in London. But Taylor, the originator of the movement, and his associates were unyielding, being more anxious to maintain the purity of the body than to increase its numbers. One by one CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 689 these churches accepted Taylor's terms of fellowship, and by the close of the century a large proportion had joined the New Connection. By the beginning of the present century the New Connection numbered in its fellowship forty churches and three thousand four hun- dred members. It is not probable that the General Bap- tists of the old order equaled this number, as many of their churches were in a declining state. The New Connection established in 1798 an academy for the training of ministers. Sunday-schools were or- ganized as early as 1800. The history of British Baptists from the beginning of the nineteenth century to the present time has been a highly honorable one. hi 1800 the Particular Baptists of England, Wales, and Ireland numbered considerably less than forty thousand, and the General Baptists had less than a hundred small churches whose membership would not probably aggregate five thousand. While we have no means of determining the membership of these bodies in 1660, it is safe to say that it was greater than in 1800. But both bodies were now in the ascendant, owing to the evangelical revival and the awakening of the missionary spirit. Andrew Fuller, who with Carey had inaugurated the missionary movement among Bap- tists, was still to labor for fifteen years advancing the cause of world-wide evangelization and disseminating an evangelical type of Calvinistic teaching that was to dominate the Particular Baptist body. The scholarly John Ryland was to continue for twenty-five years as pastor at Bristol and president of the Baptist college there. Robert Hall, whose majestic eloquence had been for ten years attracting great audiences made up chiefly of intellectual people of other persuasions (from the uni- versity and elsewhere), as pastor of the Baptist chapel at Cambridge, was to continue his ministry there for some years into the new century (1806), and at Leicester and Bristol for a quarter of a century more was to be the great light of his denomination. His advocacy of open communion was influential in causing many of the Bap- tist churches of England (not those of Wales) to adopt it. As Robert Hall was the most eloquent English preacher during the early decades of the century, so 2T 690 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. Spurgeon for popular pulpit power and world-wide influ- ence during; the second half of the century was not only pre-eminent in his own age but unparalleled in any age, and Alexander McLaren has for more than a generation commanded the admiration of people of all denomina- tions by his rare combination of scholarly and popular qualities. The foreign mission work of the Baptists of Britain has been pressed with vigor and received the most generous support. It seems to have the foremost place in the hearts of British Baptists. Home mission work has to a somewhat smaller extent enlisted their interest, but much money has been con- tributed for this purpose and much valuable work has been accomplished. The Baptists of Britain have fallen far behind their American brethren in the matter of denominational edu- cation. About eight poorly equipped and inadequately endowed institutions prepare men for the ministry, pro- viding combined literary and theological courses. British Baptists have co-operated heartily with the other great dissenting bodies in the struggle for religious equality, and are to-day leading in aggressive effort for the deliverance of popular education from the thraldom of the Church of England. In 1812 the Baptist Union was formed for the purpose of directing the public meetings of the various societies of the denomination, but it did not become a pronounced success until about 1832. An estimate of the relative strength of the denomination at this time as compared with that of 1790 showed that churches and ministers liad increased three-fold. General Baptists joined with the Particular Baptists in the Union, maintaining their own societies and colleges independently until 1891, when a complete fusion of the two parties occurred. The two bodies liad for many years been gradually becoming assimilated in opinion and prac- tice. The withdrawal of Mr. Spurgeon and a considerable number of ministers closely attached to him from the Bap- tist Union because of the toleration by the Union of lax teachings respecting the Scriptures, the atonement, eter- nal punishment, etc. ("Down Grade" controversy, CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 69I 1887-1889), no doubt made the complete union of the two parties easier. Mr. Spurgeon had insisted on the Union's making a declaration of faith as a test of fellow- ship that would have ruled out most or all of the General Baptist ministers and churches as well as many of those who belonged to the Particular body. A large proportion of the English Baptists have come under the influence of modern liberal thought, and many churches nominally Baptist admit Pedobaptists not only to communion but also to church-membership without requiring them to submit to believers' baptism. The Welsh and Scotch Baptist churches and a small party among English Baptists (with Manchester Baptist College as its theological seminary) are in doctrine and practice nearer to the American type. The present mem- bership of the Baptist churches of Great Britain is about five hundred thousand. On the various foreign fields cultivated by the Baptists of Britain there are about thirty thousand converts. 2. American Baptists. Our survey of American Baptist history to the begin- ning of the present century may well be made briefer than the British, inasmuch as the facts are more familiar to a large majority of readers. Reference has already been made (p. 288) to the founding of Rhode Island and the first American Baptist churches. The first in America to advocate Baptist principles, so far as we are informed, was Roger Williams. Born about 1604, educated at Cambridge (B. A., 1627), he became an ardent Nonconformist and at great personal sacrifice emigrated to New England to escape the persecuting measures of Archbishop Laud. During his pastorate at Plymouth he spent much time among the Indians, mas- tering their language and seeking to promote their moral and spiritual welfare. As pastor of the Salem church (1634-1635) he became involved in local controversies and in controversies with the Massachusetts authorities. As advocating opinions dangerous to the common welfare he was banished in 1635. He made his way amid win- ter's hardships and perils to Narragansett Bay, where he 692 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. was joined by a number of Massachusetts sympathizers and founded a colony on the basis of soul-liberty, which with the co-operation of John Clarke and others was developed into Rhode Island. By 1639 Williams had become convinced that infant baptism was unwarranted by Scripture and a perversion of a Christian ordinance, and with eleven otliers intro- duced believers' baptism, and formed at Providence the first American Baptist church. Coddington, who was in Rhode Island at the time, accused Williams as at one time insisting on immersion, and as Williams remained with the Baptists only a short time, it is natural to apply his remark to the time of the introduction of believers' baptism. This church, after Williams' withdrawal, con- tinued for years in an exceedingly weak state. The General Baptist type of teaching, with insistence on the laying-on of hands as an ordinance of Christ, came to prevail by 1652, and the opponents of this view with- drew to form a new congregation. The second American Baptist church was that formed at Newport, about 1641, under the leadership of John Clarke. Clarke arrived at Boston in November, 1637, when persecuting measures were being inaugurated against Mrs. Anne Hutchinson and her followers on account of their Antinomian teachings. How far he sympathized with Mrs. Hutchinson's views at this time we have no means of knowing. But he cast in his lot with the persecuted party and led them in seeking a new home in unsettled territory. Through the kindly offices of Roger Williams they secured from the natives a title to Aquidneck Island. Here they founded a government in which the headship of Christ was recognized and which was purely democratic in form. This colony united with Williams' Providence colony in procuring a charter in which civil and religious liberty was fully provided for. Clarke deserves quite as much credit as Williams for this feature of Rhode Island polity, and his services in Eng- land on behalf of the colony were quite as distinguished. For some time Clarke, who was physician and theologian as well as statesman, ministered to the entire community in religious things. About 1641 or earlier Clarke and a number of his fellow-colonists became "professed Ana- CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 693 baptists," and began to hold their meetings apart, hi what form and under what circumstances they introduced believers' baptism we are not informed ; but about 1644 Mark Lukar, who was among the English Separatists who were immersed in 1641 (1642) became a member of the Newport church, if immersion was not practised from the beginning, it was no doubt introduced on Lukar's arrival. The Newport church was full of missionary zeal. Members of this body sought to form a Baptist church at Seekonk, Massachusetts, in 1649, but were thwarted by the authorities. In 165 1 Clarke and two of his brethren suffered severe treatment at the hands of the Massachusetts authorities for conducting religious services at Lynn. Clarke narrates these sufferings and denounces Massachusetts intolerance in "111 N-^ws from New England " (1652). As already indicated, the Massachusetts government pursued a policy of extermination toward Baptists and no permanent organization of Baptist life was allowed until late in the century. Henry Dunster, the first presi- dent of Harvard College (1640-165 5), was obliged, under circumstances of great hardship, to relinquish his posi- tion because of his persistence in opposing the baptism of infants. In 1663 John Myles, a Welsh Baptist pastor, emigrated to Massachusetts with his church, secured a grant of land near the Rhode Island frontier, and estab- lished a settlement and church, which they named Swan- sea. Here they enjoyed a considerable measure of free- dom. The First Baptist Church of Boston was organized in 1665, and for years suffered grievously at the hands of the authorities. In 1682 a small band of Baptists, several of whom had been members of the Boston church, formed an organization at Kittery, Maine. Driven from Maine soon afterward they settled in South Carolina, and formed the Charleston church, about 1684. In the Quaker colonies. New Jersey and Pennsylvania, Bap- tists appeared about 1682, and by 1707 at least six churches had been organized. They were largely Welsh, but included a considerable number from New England. The Philadelphia Association was formed in 1707, and became a chief means of extending and conserving Bap- tist influence. As late as 1729 there were in New Eng- 694 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Vi. land only three Calvinistic Baptist churches, while there were two Sabbatarian and thirteen General Baptist churches. The latter had for some time held annual Associational meetings. The Charleston church had also come under Arminian influence and had been al- most wrecked by internal strife. it is not probable that the entire Baptist membership in America much exceeded five hundred at the beginning of the Great Awakening (1733). With few exceptions, the Baptists of 1740 were not aggressive or enterprising. They held aloof from the Great Awakening led by Edwards, Whitetleld, the Ten- nents, etc., refusing in some cases to open their churches for evangelistic services. And yet no denomination profited more largely by the revival. The Philadelphia Association from 1750 onward exerted a stimulating and molding influence on the feeble Baptist churches in Vir- ginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, and secured the organization of many new churches and the forma- tion of Associations for the conservation and advance- ment of Baptist life. The Baptist cause in New England had received a large increment of life and strength in connection with the Great Awakening about the middle of the eighteenth century. Most of the Baptist churches that had been previously organized opposed the movement and closed their doors even to such preachers as Whitefield and the Tennents ; but many of the Congregationalists of the New Light type reached the conviction that the pure and spiritual church-membership for which they contended and for which they separated from the churches of the Standing Order could be secured only by the rejection of infant baptism and the baptism of believers into church-fellowship on a profession of saving faith. These Separate or New Light Baptists soon greatly outnum- bered the Regulars and were able at last to secure recog- nition from these. The New Light Baptists proved far more aggressive than the Regulars in evangelism and in efforts to secure civil and religious equality. Under the leadership of Backus, Manning, Hezekiah Smith, and others, the Warren Association had been formed for co-operative work, Rhode Island College had been estab- CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 695 lished, and an uncompromising warfare against the es- tablished church had been inaugurated. New England Baptists made far less progress during the revolutionary time (1774-1783) and during the rest of the century than did their brethren in the South. The chief cause of the difference in prosperity seems to have been as follows : In Virginia and throughout the South the Stand- ing Order (Episcopalian) had grown exceedingly unpopu- lar, owing to the corruption of its ministers and their lack of sympathy with the aspirations of the masses of the peo- ple for civil liberty. Baptists threw themselves heartily into the revolutionary cause and gained such popularity that they went forward by leaps and bounds and were able to secure a full recognition of their religious equality and the complete separation of Church and State. In New England, on the other hand, the Standing Order was less corrupt and constituted the bone and sinew of the patriotic cause. Baptists at the very outbreak of the Revolution were agitating for a redress of their grievances, and at a critical time, when the energies of the New England people were concentrated on the necessity of resisting what was regarded as British tyranny, Baptists persisted in thrusting their demands for religious equality on the attention of the authorities, and they even threatened to withhold their co-operation in revolutionary efforts and to appeal to the English government for the rights denied them by the colonial. New England Baptists were not lacking in patriotism after the Revolution had begun ; but they had lost greatly in popularity and could not hope either to win the masses to their cause or to secure a speedy redress of their grievances. The nineteenth cen- tury had made considerable progress before religious equality was secured by the Baptists for themselves and others in Massachusetts and Connecticut. At the begin- ning of the nineteenth century there were fewer Baptists in the New England States combined than in Virginia alone, while the number of Baptists in New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware did not much exceed that of North Carolina. While the Philadelphia Association was, throughout the early and middle portions of the eighteenth century, a great evangelizing body, exercising a powerful molding 696 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. influence on the Baptist life of the Southern and Middle States, and instrumental in the founding of Rhode Island College (Brown University^, it had failed to utilize the religious forces of the Great Awakening and had gained no advantage from the patriotic quickening of the revo- lutionary time. Morgan Edwards, one of the influential members of the Association, earnestly opposed the Revo- lution, and it is probable that a large proportion of the Baptists of the Middle States fell short of the chivalric devotion to the revolutionary cause that redounded so largely to the advantage of their Southern brethren. Baptist work was still in its infancy in the Northwest. The Miami Association in Ohio, with ten churches and two hundred and ninety-one members, and four other small churches in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, were all that the beginning of the century could show in what was to prove one of the most fruitful fields of Baptist enterprise. hi Virginia Separate Baptists led in the glorious strug- gle for civil and religious liberty (1775-1799) and secured the co-operation of the Regulars. The two parties united in 1785. The Virginia Baptists were largely instrumental in securing religious liberty for all, and at last in com- passing the disestablishment of the Episcopal Church and the confiscation of its glebe lands, etc. To them also was due in part the ample provision for liberty of conscience in the United States Constitution, hi New England Separate Baptists, like Backus, co-operated with Baptists of the Philadelphia type, like Manning, Smith, Davis, and Stillman, in an equally heroic but less suc- cessful struggle for absolute religious liberty and equality. The services of American Baptists in the cause of civil and religious liberty are acknowledged by scholars of other denominations. At the beginning of the nineteenth century the Bap- tists of America numbered about one hundred thousand. They had only one educational institution of high grade, Rhode Island College (Brown University), which had been founded in 1763. They had many Associations, but no State Conventions, no missionary or publication societies, no Sunday-schools, no religious newspapers or magazines. They had participated largely in the great CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 697 revivals of the last years of the eighteenth century, and were to participate as fully in those of the early years of the nineteenth. A large proportion of the member- ship of the denomination v/as comparatively illiterate, as were most of its ministers. The number of liberally educated ministers in the denomination at that time was exceedingly small. By 1812 American Baptists numbered about one hun- dred and seventy-two thousand nine hundred and seventy- two, of whom thirty-two thousand two hundred and seventy-two were in New England, twenty-six thousand one hundred and fifty-five in the Middle States, and the rest in the South. Most of the numerical increase had been secured through the labors of illiterate evangelists, and the Baptist population in the South and West, apart from a few churches in Virginia, the Charleston Associa- tion, some churches in the neighborhood of Savannah, and the Georgia Association, was strongly prejudiced against an educated ministry and against missionary work of any kind conducted by Boards and supported by contributions from the churches. Since the beginning of the century Baptists in Boston and vicinity. New York, Philadelphia, Charleston, and a few other places, had taken a practical interest in the missionary work of Carey and his associates in India. The conversion to Baptist views of Adoniram Judson and Luther Rice, who had gone to India to open up a mission for the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, in 1812, thrust upon the denomination the obli- gation to enter upon organized, independent work in the foreign field. Local missionary societies were formed in many of the more intelligent communities, largely through the efforts of Rice, who had returned for the purpose of providing a basis of support for a Baptist mission, and in 1814 representatives of such societies met in Philadel- phia and formed the Triennial Convention. This meet- ing brought together the leading Baptist ministers from all parts of the country. Within a few years there grew up in connection with this national organization for for- eign missions, home mission, publication, and educational societies. The more intelligent portions of the denomination were 698 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. greatly stimulated by the foreign mission movement. State Conventions were formed in nearly all the States (1821 onward) for the promotion of missionary and evangelical work. Denominational colleges and theo- logical seminaries sprang up with wonderful rapidity. Baptist newspapers arose and multiplied. Sunday-school work was carried forward with vigor. The introduction of so many innovations alarmed the ignorant and unpro- gressive elements of the denomination, and a large pro- portion of the Baptists of the South and Southwest zeal- ously antagonized the missionary movement, with all its accessories. Yet the party of progress triumphed. The Regular Baptists of the United States, according to the latest statistical report, number four million fifty-five thousand eight hundred and six, and are divided into three great sections : the Northern, the Southern, and the Colored. These divisions affect only the home and foreign mission work of the denomination. The South- ern Baptists organized separately in 1845, o" account of the anti-slavery agitation. They have their missionary and Sunday-school organizations. The Northern Bap- tists unite in the work of the American Baptist Mission- ary Union and theAmerican Baptist Home Mission Society. The American Baptist Publication Society seeks to serve all parts of the denomination. The Baptist Young People's Union takes in North and South alike. So does the American Baptist Education Society. The denomination has six theological seminaries (Newton, Rochester, Hamilton, Crozer, Chicago, Louisville, and the Theological Department of Baylor University), col- leges and universities too numerous to name, including Brown University, Columbian University, the University of Chicago, Vassar College, Colgate, Rochester, Colby, Wake Forest, Denison, Franklin, Richmond, Furman, Mercer, Howard, Georgetown, Kalamazoo, Bethel, Des Moines, Central, Southwestern, Shurtleff, Carson and Newman, Baylor, and William Jewell. It has periodicals multitudinous. It has a literature, religious and general, that in quantity and quality compares favorably with that of the other leading denominations. The Baptists of the Dominion of Canada are more closely related in doctrine and practice to those of the CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 699 United States, than to those of Great Britain, though a large number of English Baptists have from time to time reinforced the Canadian churches. At the beginning of the nineteenth century there were only a few weak churches in the Maritime Provinces and in what are now Ontario and Quebec. At present there are in Canada about one hundred thousand Baptists, fully equipped with missionary societies, educational institutions, and religious publications. The Baptists of Ontario and Quebec possess a well-endowed university (McMaster University, Toronto) with a fully equipped theological department. The Baptists of the Maritime Provinces have in Acadia University one of the oldest and best of the educational institutions of that region. (2) Other Anti-Pedobaptist Parties. Besides the Regu- lar Baptists of America there are several denominations of Christians that have much in common with them. The most important of these are : a. The Christians} As a result of the great revival of the beginning of the nineteenth century several denomina- tions were formed in different parts of the United States on the basis of eschewing all creeds and forms and making the Scriptures the only standard of faith and practice. In 1804 five Presbyterian ministers of Kentucky and Ohio, including Marshall, Stone, and McNemar, having been suspended from the ministry by the Presbyterian Synod for Arminian teaching, organized themselves into the Springfield Presbytery, and set forth in the " Last Will and Testament of the Springfield Presbytery " their plans and purposes. Several of them and many of their followers soon reached the conviction that infant bap- tism was without scriptural authorization, and that apos- tolic baptism was immersion. Some years earlier (1792) James O'Kelley, a Methodist presiding elder in Virginia, had revolted from the authority of the bishop and had formed a " Christian " denomination, which attained to considerable proportions. In 1800 Abner Jones, a Bap- tist minister in Vermont, became greatly disturbed "in regard to sectarian names and human creeds," formed an independent " Christian " church and was soon joined 1 "See Carroll, "The Religious Forces in the United States," p. 91 seq., and Art. in Schaff-Herzog, 700 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. by a number of other Baptist and Free-will Baptist pas- tors and churches. These three bodies, independent in their origin, soon entered into fellowship with each other and formed a denomination known as "Christians," which has reached a membership of over a hundred thousand. They are Arminian in doctrine (some of them verging on Arian denial of the absolute deity of Christ), practise believers' baptism, but do not make immersion a term of church-membership, practise unrestricted communion, repudiate creeds and doctrinal tests of all kinds, and are content with the Bible as their sole guide in religion. Stone and many of his followers identified themselves with the similar and more radical movement led by Alexander Campbell. b. The Disciples of Christ.^ In 1807 Thomas Campbell, a Seceding Presbyterian minister from the north of Ire- land, settled in Pennsylvania. By 181 1 his young son Alexander, who had studied in the University of Glas- gow and had come under the influence of Sandemani- anism and that of the Haldanes, was ready to join with his father in a reformation on the basis of the repudiation of human creeds and practices in religion and adherence to the Bible as the sole guide, hi 181 1 they adopted believers' immersion as the only scriptural baptism, and from this time onward Alexander took charge of the movement. In 181 3 their independent church united with the Redstone Baptist Association, and in 1823, owing to controversy that had arisen in the Redstone, with the Mahoning Association of Ohio. The Baptists of western Pennsylvania, western Vir- ginia, Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, etc., were at this time hyper-Calvinistic in their teaching, laid great stress on the Philadelphia Confession as a standard of fellow- ship, and most of their ministers were illiterate and un- edifying. In scholarship and impressiveness of address Alexander Campbell was greatly superior to most of the Baptist ministers of the region that came under his influence. A considerable number of the churches of the Baptist Associations with which he had labored accepted his views before 1827, and controversy arose ' See Tyler, "History of the Disciples of Christ." in "Am. Ch. Hist. Series," Vol. XII., with bibliography there given, aiiJ Art. in Schaff-Herzog. CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 701 that led to exclusion of the Campbells and their follow- ers from the Baptist fellowship at this time. Having secured the co-operation of B. W. Stone they entered with more zeal than ever upon the propagation of their teaching. Their opposition to missionary societies and all kinds of human institutions in connection with re- ligion proved highly attractive to multitudes of Baptists who were already in arms against the foreign mission enterprise, Sunday-schools, prayer meetings, etc., and the confident tone and (to them) wonderful learning of Alexander Campbell, combined with his strong person- ality and remarkable industry and zeal in bringing his influence to bear with tongue and pen, gave him great acceptance with the people. He laid much stress on the baptismal act as connected with the remission of sins, repudiated all formal statements of the doctrine of the Trinity, contenting himself with Scripture language, made of faith little more than intellectual belief in the divine sonship of a historical personage, put little em- phasis on the emotional element in repentance and con- version, was strongly anti-Calvinistic in his anthropology and theology, and insisted that the Holy Spirit operates only through the word (meaning apparently the Scrip- tures rather than the divine Logos). The Disciples now constitute a great denomination of about eight hundred thousand members, and are thor- oughly equipped with educational institutions, missionary societies, publication societies, periodical press, etc. They have become considerably divided among themselves, many of them repudiating foreign missions, ministerial education, and human institutions in general, while the progressive majority have become more and more assimi- lated to other evangelical denominations in their methods of work and in their conceptions of Christianity. There is less difference to-day between the progressive Disci- ples and the Baptists than there was between Alexander Campbell and the Baptists of 1830. c. The Free-will Baptists.^ In 1779 Benjamin Randall, of New Hampshire, who had been converted through 1 See Stewart, " Hist, of the Free-will Baptists," 1862 ; Carroll, " Religious Forces in the U. S.," p. ?? seq. ; Newman, "A Hist, of the Bapt. Churches in the U. S.," p. 269 scq. ; and Art. in Schaff-Herzog. 702 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. vi. Whitefield's preaching (1770), but had from Wesleyan Methodism derived his Arminian views, was arraigned for heresy and disfellowshiped by a Baptist council. The charges brought against him were the preaching of unlimited atonement and of the freedom of the will. He immediately gained a considerable following, chiefly from the Regular Baptists of the New England States, and his views were widely disseminated in the Maritime Prov- inces of the Dominion of Canada. The Free-will churches held their first General Conference in 1827. Besides holding to Arminian views the Free-will Baptists practise open communion. Their present membership is about one hundred thousand. d. Primitive Baptists. A large number of Baptist churches and Associations, chiefly in the South and Southwest, assumed a malignant attitude toward the foreign missionary cause, ministerial education, and all "human institutions," and have so continued to the present time. They are of several types, and are with- out any general organization. Their main reliance for the maintenance of their existence is in shutting out educational influences, and they exist to-day chiefly in the mountainous regions and in communities where edu- cational facilities are meager. According to the census of 1890 there were considerably more than one hundred thousand Baptists of this type. They teach an extreme and harsh type of Calvinism, practise feet-washing, and are bitterly opposed to Sunday-schools, prayer meetings, Bible societies, temperance societies, and in fact to every sort of " human institution." e. The CJinrdi of God.^ This denomination was founded by John Winnebrenner, a German Reformed minister of Pennsylvania, in 1830. Like the Christians and Disci- ples they repudiate sectarian names and human creeds and insist upon the sufficiency of the Scriptures without note or comment for the guidance of believers. They practise the immersion of believers. They drew their members, presumably, chiefly from the German Re- formed body. They have at present a membership of something over twenty thousand. ' Carroll, " Religious Forces," p. 102 scq.. and Encyclopaedia Articles on Win- nebrenner. CHAP. VI.] GREAT ANGLO-AMERICAN DENOMINATIONS 703 /. Tlie Dunkards.^ A party of German origin having much in common with Primitive Baptists, emigrated in considerable numbers to America 1719 onward. Like the Waldenses and Anabaptists they have a connexional organization and a three-fold ministry (bishops, ministers, and deacons), practise trine immersion, feet-washing, love- feasts, and the kiss of charity, and insist upon the great- est simplicity in dress. A large proportion of them are still resisting innovations in the direction of ministerial education, Sunday-schools, missions, and freedom in dress ; but a progressive element is seeking to minimize the peculiarities of the denomination and to bring it into accord with modern ideas. It has a membership of about seventy thousand in the United States and Canada. g. The Mennonites. These are emigrants from Ger- many, Russia, and the Netherlands, and have maintained the party divisions of their European brethren and have added some of their own. They agree with Baptists in rejecting infant baptism ; but a large majority of them practise pouring as the act of baptism. They maintain their connexional organization, and their organization is presbyterial rather than congregational. In the United States and Canada they have a membership of about seventy-five thousand. h. The Seventh-Day Baptists.^ These originated in the seventeenth century, and have perpetuated themselves with considerable vigor, but without much increase in membership. They agree with Baptists respecting the ordinance of baptism, but they spend their strength in contending that the substitution of the Lord's Day for the Jewish Sabbath is a heathen perversion that involves a plain violation of a command of God meant to be of per- petual obligation. Their type of thought is distinctly Judaizing. They have at present a membership of about ten thousand. III. THE METHODISTS AND RELATED PARTIES. LITERATURE: Stevens, " Hist, of Methodism," 1858, "Hist, of the M. E. Church," 1864, and " The Centenary of Am. Method- ism," 1866; Taylor, " Wesley and Methodism,'"' i860; McTyeire, 1 Carroll, "Religious Forces," p. 129 seq., and Encyclopsedia Articles. -Carroll, "Religious Forces," p. 51 seq. ; Newman, " Bapt. Ch. in the U. S.," pp. no seq., 204, and 485 seq. 704 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. VI. " A Hist, of Methodism," 1884 ; Atkinson, " Centennial Hist, of Am. Metliodism," 1884 ; Buclorts Luther, 55, 56. Frederick and the Thirty Years' War, 397 f. Frederick the Great : mentioned. 441 ; his influence on theological liberal- ism, 534. Frederick William III., his activity in religious affairs, .553. .554. Free Church of Scotland : history of, 610 f. ; its formation, 612 f. Free-from-Rome movement, outlined, 517. Free-will Anabaptists : views of, 154 ; Lutheran controversies regarding, 322 f. Free-will Baptists, their history, 701 f. Friends, .S(x;iety of, referred to", 709. Fox, George, referred to, 709, 710. French Revolution : the attitude of, toward tlie papacy, 442-414 ; its his- tory traced, 492 f. ; the share of Ro- man Catholicism in, 492^96; its out- break, 496 : its provision for the church, 499, 500; reaction against, 548, 549. Frundsberg, leads an army against the poix; 96. Fries, Leonard, on the Peasants' War, 69, 70. Fritz, Joss, referred to, 73. Fuller, Andrew, his influence, 687. Gallic^anism, origin of the term, 225. Gardiner, mentioned. 266. General Baptists, in England, 681. Geneva: and the Reformation. 206 f. ; submitted to signers, 210, 211 ; ex- pels Calvin, 213; during Calvin's absence, 215 ; after Calvin's return, 217 f. George I., toleration in England dur- ing his reign, 633. " German Theology," the, its influence upou Luther, 48. Germany, its influence upou the Ref- ormation, 11, 12. Gill, Jean, mentioned, 297. Gillespie, Thoma-s, mentioned, C09. Goethe, mentioned, .536. Ciomar, mentioned, 3;W, 340, 341, 344. Gouesius, Peter, referred to, 332. Goodwin, Thomas, referred U), 663. Gorham controversy, the outline of, 653. "Grand Remonstrance," mentioned, 206. Graubiiuden, and the Reformation, 138. Great Awakening, the: its influence in America, 616; its inUueuce on Congregationalism, 673 f. Grebel, Courad, mentioned, 132, 170, 171, 171. Greenwood, John, mentioned, 224. Grimshaw, William, referred to, 648. Grindal, mentioned. 270. Grotius, Hugo, referred to, 336, 346. GriJningen. the University of, its influ- ence, .')82-584. Guises, tlie : their influence in France, 229, 231, 233 ; their influence in Scot- land, 236, 237. Gustavus Adolphus, his aid in the Thirty Years' War, 402, 405, 407. Guy de Bray, mentioned, 246. Hadrian VI. : on reform, 64, 65 : sketch of, 351-3.53. Hall. Robert, his influence, 687, 689. " Half-way Covenant," the, described, 668, 669. Haller, John, mentioned, 134. Hamann, mentioned, .5:!6. Hampton Court conference, men- tioned, 276. Hampden Controversv, the, described, 6.54. Hamilton, Patrick: mentioned, 2.37; his life outlined, 238, 2:W. Hapsburg, the House of, its influence, 100. Harms, Clans, his protest against ra- tionalism, 555. Harrison, Robert, mentioned, 273. Hebrew grammar, the first by a Chris- tian, 30. Hedio, mentioned. 1.35. Hegel, his teachings, .547. Heidelberg Catechism, mentioned, 247. Helvetic Confession, tlie Second, re- ferred to, 247. Helwys, mentioned, 2S0, 281. Hcngstenhcrg. his influence on re- ligious thought, .556-5,58. Hcnrj' Vlll. : Luther's nddre.^s to. 66; his policy. 249. 250; his nttitudc to- ward Protestantism, 2.51 f ; his mo- tives, 260 : hits Rome :ind is hit. 260, 261 ; cools toward Protestantism, 261. 262. Ilcnrv of Rraunschwoig. his relation to Protestantism, 109-111. GENERAL INDEX 719 Henry II. of France, Protestants suf- fer under, 230. Henry of Navarre, mentioned, 229, 23.3. Herbert, Lord, referred to, 633. Herder, mentioned, 536. Heresbacli, mentioned, 36. Herrntiutt: the Moravian settlement, 538. Hervey, James, referred to, 648. Hetzer, Louis, mentioned, 132. Hetzer, Ludwig, slcetcli of, ISi. Higti Commission, Court of, men- tioned, 26-5. High Churcli party (in England) : roots of, 275 ; makes its voice lieard, 279 ; in the nineteentli century, 652. Hoadley, Benjamin, mentioned, 633. Hobbes, Thonjas, referred to, 635. Hofmann, Melchior, slcetcli of, 163 f. Hofmeister, Sebastian, referred to, 137, 171. Holland, its religious life from the seventeenth century, 573 f. Holy Roman Empire, the, its influence upon tlie Reformation, 10, U. Houter, Joh., his work in Siebenbiir- gen, 305. Hooker, replies to Nonconformists, 271. Hopkinsianism, explained, 620. Hubmaier, Balthasar : mentioned, 77 ; referred to, 132, 170 ; his teaching, 172, 173 ; in Moravia, 174, 175. Huguenots, the : grow in number. 213, 232 ; their history in France, 480 f. ; liberty granted to, 497. Huguenot wars, mentioned, 390. Humanism, as a preparation for the Reformation, 22 f. Hume, David, mentioned, 636. Huntingdon, Lady, referred to, 647. Hussites, in Bohemia and Moravia, 303. Hut, Hans: sketch of, 161, 162; in Moravia, 175. Huter, Jacob, mentioned, 17.5. Hutten, Ulrich von, his work for the Reformation, 34. Immaculate Conception, doctrine of, proclaimed, 503 f. Indulgences: at the time of the Ref- ormation, 53 ; denounced by Lu- ther, 62. Infallibility, papal, proclaimed, 511, .512. Infant baptism : retained in Luther- anism, 120: retained bv Zwingli, 131, 132: views of the leading Re- formers on, 152, l.")3. Infralapsarianism. referred to, 347. Innocent X., administration of, 425. Innocent XI., his administration, 428- 431. Innocent XII., administration of, 432, 433. Innocent XIII., his administration, 434. Interimistic controversv, the sketch of, 326 f. Italian Anabaptists, sketch of, 196 f. Italian Protestants, their tendencies, 32S. Italy : its influence upon the Reforma- tion, 17 ; the Reformation in, 291 f. ; its struggles for freedom, 4.58 f. Jacob, Henry, mentioned, 282. Jacobi, his teaching, .546. Jacqueline, mentioned 471. James I. of England : his gifts and training, 275; disputes with Puri- tans, 276; listens to Bancroft, 277 ; attitude of, toward various religious parties, 278, 279; effect of his High Churchism, 282 ; attempts to enforce Episcopacy in Scotland, 284; seeks to destroy the Sabbath, 285 ; his at- titude toward the Thirty Years' War, 398. James II., mentioned, 430; and tolera- tion, 627. Jansen, Cornelius, his life and teach- ings, 469 f. Jansenist controversy, sketch of, 467 f. Jansenists, history of, 468 f.; charac- terized, 479. Japanese martyrs, canonized, 505. Jesuits: their growing influence, 359 ; their order, its characteristics and methods, ;364 f.; their ethical sy.stem, 376 ; their means of evasion, 377-380 ; their achievements in the States of Europe, 380 f.; "philosophical sin " of, 431; Dominicans criticise, 434; dissatisfaction with, 438, 4:W : bill for their abolition, 440; encouraged to reorganize, 442; re-established, 446; their influence with Pius IX., 508, 511. John of Lcvden, his activity at Miin- ster, 168. " John of Saxony, and the Augsburg Confession, lOo. Johnson, Francis, mentioned. 274. Joris, David, sketch of, 185, 186. Joseph II., his dealings with the pa- pacy, 442. Judseus, Leo, Zwingli's "Melanch- thon," 1.32. Judson, Adoniram. referred to, 697. Julius III., referred to, 357. Justification: Luther's views of, 319; the Council of Trent on, 363, 364. Kant, sketch of. .544. Kantz, Jacob, referred to. 183. Kappel. battle of, mentioned, 106. Ken, Bishop, referred to, 632. Klopstock, mentioned, ,5.36. Knox : his character, 237 : his intoler- ance, 238 : sketch of his life (1595- 1.572), 240 f. Knlturkamj)/, the, outlined, 513. Kuyper, his influence, 581, 582. Lainez. mentioned. 375, .381. Lambeth Articles mentioned, 275. Lamennais: tho influence of his es- say, 450 ; his paper, 4,52. 720 GENERAL INDEX Lainpe. F. A., referred to, 577. Laud, Archbishop: lueutioned, 279 his iulluence with Charles 1., '2Si sketch of, 283 ; goes to Scotland, 284 executed, 2«5. Lavater, meutioned, 536. Law, William, referred to, 632. Lay-patroiKifje, in Scotland, 607 f. League, the Catholic, its formation, 394, 395. Leicester, mentioned, 209. Leipzig, battle of, referred to, 406. Leipzig Interim: its purport, 113, 114; the, referred to, 327. Leo X. : sketch of. 350, 351 ; his admin- istration, 447-151. Leo XIII., his career, 462 f, Leslie, Charles, referred to, 640. Lessing. mentioned, .536. Liberty of conscience : not fully con- ceded in Lutheranisra, 121 ; in Khode Island, 2SS; the relation of the Ke- uaissance and the Reformation to, 415 f.; the peace of Westphalia on, 416; and modern dencjiiiiiiational- isui, 417 ; influences that lielpcd to develop it, 418; American Baptists help toward, 6%. (See also Church and State, and Toleration.) Limborch, P., referred to, 577. Locke, John, referred to, 635. Lohe, referred to, 501. Lord's Supper: Anabaptist views of, 1.55 ; Calvin's views of, 223 ; the Tiiirty-nine Articles on, 269; the English universities on, 269; the differences among the Reformers re- garding, 312, 317. Louis de Bcrquin, mentioned, 229, 230. London Missionary Society, its foun- dation. 650, 665. Louis XIV. : opposes the pope, 429, 430 ; co-operates with the pope, 431, 4:«. Low Church party (in England), its roots, 275. Loyola, Ignatius, his life, 365 f. Luther: the elements in his move- ment for reform, 5 f. ; his origin and training fit him for his work, 41, 42; sketch of his career (1483-1.546), 42 f. ; Staupitz helps him, 45,46; publishes the "German Theology," 48; drifts away from Staupitz, 49, .50 ; de- nounced by Sfanpitz. 51 : his char- acter, 52 ; tlie chanLTe in his temper, 52,53; protests airainst indulgences, 54. .55; his famous theses, 54, ,55: meets Miltitz and agrees to seek ]>eace, .56. .57 : his diplomacy, 57 : dis- putes with Eck, .58: his corf) mentary on " Galatians.'' .59; despairs of reforming the Romish Church, .59; his plan of reform. 60; addresses Leo X., 61; writes '•Concerning Christian Liberty," 61 ; writes on " The Babylonish Captivity of the Church," 62 ; speaks strongly against indulgences. 62 : on the ordi- nances. 02. Ki ; attacks sacerdotalism, 64 ; the rightsof achurch, 6.5, 66 ; an- swers Henrv YIII., 60, 07 ; tmnslates the Bible, 67, 68 ; the father of criti- cism, 68; on the duties of rulers, 69; on the rightsof man, 74, 75; on the Peasants' War, 77, 80; his con- flict with the Evangelicals, 82-84 ; confusions arising out of his teach- ing, 84 f. ; on good works, 87-89 ; his personal conduct, 89, 90; his depres- sion at the state of Germany, 93 ; his attitude toward Zwingli, 102 ; does not attend diet of Augsburg' 104; prepares the Schmalkald Ar- ticles, 107, 108 ; his inconsistencies, 116 f. ; liis theology contrasted with that of Zwingli, 312, 313. " Lutheran," the first ase of the name. 58. Lutheranism : sees palmv davs, 108 ; its essence and ojieratioh, 110 f. ; the chief source of its weakness, 119; its contrast with Reformed theology, 312, 310, 317; its influence in Scot- land. 237 ; its influence in England, 254, 2,55 ; its history since 1648, 519 f. ; in the nineteenth century, 55.5, a56; its High Church type, 561 f. ; in America, .563 f. Lutherans : controversies among, 317 f. ; two later parties of, .324. Liitzen, battle of, referred to, 487. Major, George, mentioned, 319. McLaren, Alexander, referred to, 690. Malan, Ca-sar, referred to, 571. Mansfeld, his leadership of the Prot- estants, 399, f. Manuel, Nicholas, mentioned, 134. ^Manz, Felix, mentioned, 170, 171, 173. Marburg Conference meets. 102, 314. Margaret of Navarre helps Protes- tantism, 228. Margaret of Scotland, mentioned, 235. "Marrow of Modern Divinity, The," mentioned, 007, 008. "Marrow Men," referred to, 008. " Martin Marprelate " tracts, men- tioned, 272. Mary, the worship of, .503-505. Mary, of England ; her hatred of Protestantism, 265, 266 ; persecutes Protestants, 200. Marv, Queen of Scots, mentioned, 242, 20S'. Matthvs, Jan: sketch of, 16.5; his ac- tivity at Miinster. 167, 168. Maurice of the Netherlands, referred to, 342. 340. Maurice of Saxonv, his activity, 112- 115 Maurice, F. D., his influence, 655. Massachusetts A.«.sociations, the, de- scribed. 071. Maximilian of Bavaria, mentioned, :!93. Mazarin, mentioned, 481, 482. Melanchthon : sketch of, 5S ; repre- sents Luth?r at Diet of Augsburg, 104; his part in the Augsburg Con- fession, 101, 105 ; defends the Confes- GENERAL INDEX sion, 105; writes on papacy, 108; impressed by Storch, 159 ; iii later coutroversies, 318 f. ; his writings, 325. Melville, Andrew, the successor of Kuox, 213. Menno Simons, his life, 178 f. Mennonites, the: sketch of, 177 f.; their influence, 337 ; in North Amer- ica, 703. Mercersburg theology, its develop- ment, 588. Methodists, history of, 704 f. Meyer, Sebastian, mentioned, 134, 137. Miami Association of Baptists, re- ferred to, 696. Millenarianism, materialistic, the his- toric effects of, 81. " Millenary Petition," mentioned, 275. Milne, Walter, mentioned, 241. Milner, Isaac, referred to, 649. Miltitz meets Luther, 56. Mining, its influence upon the Refor- mation, 7 f. Missionary effort, characteristic of the present age, 421, 422. Moderatism, in England, 641. Molinos, referred to, 429. Montauban, referred to, 48:^. Moravia: Anabaptists in, 174 f. ; the Reformation in, 303. Moravian Brethren : sketch of, 537 f. ; influence of, 541 ; referred to, 532 ; their influence upon Wesley, 644, 645. More, Henry, referred to, 626. Mosheim, nientioned, 536. Muhlenberg, referred to, 563. Murtou, mentioned, 280, 281, Miiller, Hans, mentioned, 77, 82. Miiller, Julius, mentioned, 552. Miinzer, Thomas : his fanaticism. 76, 79-81 ; sketch of, 157, 158, 160. Mijnster Kingdom, the, sketch of, 165 f. Myconius, Oswald, mentioned, 147, 148. Mystics, their influence upon the Ref- ormation, 4. Nantes, Edict of: mentioned, 390; its effect, 480 f. ; revoked, 485. Napoleon Bonaparte : his attitude to- ward the papacy, 444-446 ; reaction against his influence, 548; his atti- tude toward Protestantism, 600, 601. Neander, mentioned, 552. Netherlands, the, preparation for the Reformation in, 244 f. Nevin, J. W., mentioned, .588. New Learning, in England, 250, 251. "New I'ght" congregations in New England, 675. New York, Dutch Reformed interests in, 584. Newman. J. H., referred to, 652. Newton, B. W., referred to, 711-713. Newton, ,John, referred to, 649. Niclaes, Heinrich, sketch of, 186, 187. Nismes, Edict of, mentioned, 234. Nitzsch, mentioned, 552. Noailles, mentioned, 476 f. 2V Nonconformity (English), its temper, 270. Non-jurors, referred to, 632. Norway, the Reformation in, 300. Nuremberg, Diet of: referred to, 65; its effect, 107. Nuremberg, its connection with Stau- pitz, 47. Ochino, Bernardino, his career, 293. CEcolampadius : at Baden, 141 ; sketch of, 136 ; death of, 106. Old Catholic Movement, described, 514 f. Osiander, his views on justification, 319 f. Osterwald, referred to, 569. Otterbein, referred to, 707. Owen, John, referred to, 663. Paleario, Aonio, his career, 294. Papacy, the: during Reformation times, 350 f. ; signs of its lost power, 356 ; its power not touched by Coun- cil of Trent, 362 ; during the modern period, 425 f. ; its present spirit, 507 ; loses temporal power, 513. Parker, Matthew, mentioned, 269, 270. Particular Baptists, in England, 684. Pascal, Blaise, referred to, 474. Patrimony of Peter, deemed impor- tant, 505. Paul III. : sketch of, 354 ; favors a council, 355. Paulus, Gregorius, referred to, 332. Paulus, mentioned, .549. Peasants : early uprisings of, 71 f. ; their position becomes unbearable, 76 ; their twelve articles, 78, 81. Peasants' War, the: described, 69 f. : why it failed, 80 f. ; its permanent value, 82. Penry, John, mentioned, 274. Perez, Juan, mentioned, 297. Peter Martvr Vermigli, his career, 293, 294. Pfeflinger, mentioned, 323. Pfeiffer, Heinrich, his activity, 160, 161. Philadelphia Association of Baptists, its history, 695, 696. Philanthropy, characteristic of the present age, 422. Philip of Hesse: mentioned, 103: and the Augsburg Confession, 104, 105 ; source of his weakness, 109; surren- ders, 112. Philip II.: succeeds Charles V., 115; opposes Protestantism, 227 ; his atti- tude toward the Netherlands, 245; his persecutions in Spain, 298. Philippists, referred to, 324, 326. Pietism : history of, 525 f. ; results of, 530. Pilgrim Fathers, their journey to America, 281 f. Pirkheimer, Willibald, sketch of, 35. Piscator, John, his views on predesti- nation, 338, 3.39. Pius VI., his administration, 441-444. 722 GENERAL INDEX Pius VII. : administration of, 444-447 ; monuineut of, 4.'iO. PiusVIll., his aiiuiiiiistration, 451^53. Pius IX., career of, 456 f. Plymouth Brethreu, the, their liis- tory, 711. Platoiiists, Christian, in England, re- ferred to, 621 f. Poland, the Reformation in, 301. Port Koyal : religious life at, 471 f. ; its di.stinetion, 476. Pole, Cardinal, mentioned, 266. Prague, peace of, referred to, 408. Prayer-book (English): compiled, 261 ; revised, 268. Presbyterianisni : its history from 1648 onward, 603 f. ; in Ireland, 614; in the United States, 614 f. ; in Canada, 622 ; in Australia and New Zealand, 623. Prieriiis, mentioned, 55. Primitive Baptists, the, referred to, 702. Princeton University and Seminary, mentioned, 617, 621. " Protestant," the origin of the name, 99. Protestants: seek to organize for self- defense, 101 ; their influence felt, 107, ICS; attempts to heal their di- visions, 314 ; their dark prospects, 326. Protestantism : its political weakness, 109 ; secures majority in electoral body, 111 ; the centripetal forces in, 421; its humanitarianism, 422; in France from 1648 onward, 500 f. : in France under Napoleon, 600, 601 ; present position of, in France, 602, 603. Protestant theology, its nature, 307 f. Puritanism : gains strength in Eng- land, 271, 272; does not favor sepa- ration, 272, 273: attacked by Ban- croft, 277 ; Parliament svmpiithizes with, 278; goaded to revolt, 283 ; in Scotland revolts, 284: Charles 1. op- poses, 285 ; in New England, 287 f. Quesnel's New Testament, attitude of the papacy toward, 476, 477, 478. Rabaut, Paul, his influence, 597 f. Raleigh, mentioned, 269. Randall, Benjamin, referred to, 701. Rationalism, rise of, 532; the new, its history, .558 f. Ranch, mentioned, .588. Reformatory forces in the later Middle Ages, 3 f. Reform : causes of earlv failures in, 20. 21 ; the problem of 21, 22. Reformation, the : economic and social influences leading to, 7 f. ; political conditions leading to, 10 f. ; the causes leading to, 17 f. ; moral and religious deterioration following, 90 f. ; in England, 248 f. ; fully rec- ognized in England, 265; in Itnlv, 291 f. I in Spain, 294 f. ; in Denmark, Norway, and .^we', 304-306. Reformed Church : its relation to Lutheranism, 312, 316, 317 ; the Ger- man, in Germany and the United States, 585 f. Reformed churches, their history, ,568 f. Regensburg, conference of, referred to. 111. Reign of terror, the, outlined, .501,502. Reimarus, mentioned, .535. " Relief Presbytery," the, referred to, 609. Religious Tract Society, its founda- tion, 650. Remonstrance, its five points, 345. Remonstrants: the term explained, 336 : condemned and persecuted, 347, 348 ; restored to rights, 349 ; their later history, 573 f. Renee, helps Protestantism, 228. Resby, John, martyred, 236. Restitution, edict of, referred to, 405. Reublin, William : sketch of, 135 f. ; mentioned, 170, 171. Reuchlin : sketch of his career (14,5.5- 1522), 28 f. ; his attitude toward Jew- ish literature, 30, 31. Revival of learning; its influence upon the Reformation, 5. Rice, Luther, referred to, 697. Richelieu, Cardinal, and the Thirty Years' War, 402. Rinck, Melchior, sketch of, 162, 163. Ritschl, referred to, 560. Robespierre, his power, 501, 502. Robinson, John , mentioned, 280, 281. Rohr, mentioned, .549. Rome, captured, 96. Roman Catholic Church : its corrup- tion, 3 ; during tlie modern period, 425 f. Roman Catholicism, its present tem- per, 466, 467. (See also Papacy.) Romaine, William, referred to, 648. i Rothe, mentioned, 451. | Rothmann, Bernard, preaches at Munster, 166, 167. , Rousseau, referred to, 494. Rudolf II., Emperor, his part in the Catholic struggle, 394, 395. Ryland, John, referred to, 689. S. P. C. K.. origin of, Wl. S. P. G.. origin of, 641. St. Bartholomew, massacre of, referred to, 2:V2, 2:«. St. Etienne, Rabaut, his labors in France. .599, 600. St. Gall, Reformation at. l:W, 137. St. Germain, peace of, mentioned, 232. Saliger, mentioned, 324. " Salt Covenant," the, referred to, 490, 491. Salvation Army, the, referred to, 709. Salzburgers. the, persecution of. 488 f. Savoy Decloratiou, meutioued, 665,660. GENERAL INDEX 723 " Saybrook Platform," the, described, 671. Schaff, Philip, mentioned, 588. Schaffhauseu, movement for reform in, 137. Schelling, his teaching, 546. Schiller, mentioned, 536. Schlatter, Michael, his work in the United States, 5S7. Sclileicrmarher, sketch of, 550 f. Schinalkalilen, congress of, men- tioned, 103. Schmalkald Articles prepared, 107, 108. Schmalkald League : formed, 106 ; grows, 107; collapses. 112. Schmalkald War : referred to, 359 ; mentioned, 390. Schwenckfeldt, Casper, sketch of, 18-1, 185. Scott, Thomas, referred to, 649. Scotland : the Reformation in, 235 f. ; Roman Catholicism in, 235, 236 ; Presbyterianism in, 605 f. Scottish Reformation : characterized, 238; its triumph, 242. Seceders, referred to, 608, 609. Secret societies, their influence upon the Reformation, 9. Semler, mentioned, 535. "Separate" congregations in New England, 675. Separatists, the : in England under Elizabeth, 273 ; under James, 282. Serfs, their position in Germany, 70, 71. Servetus, Michael, sketch of, 191 f. Seventh-day Baptists, the, referred to, 703. Sickingen, Franz von, his work for the Reformation, 34. Simeon, Charles, referred to, 649. Sin, the Council of Trent on, 363. "Six Articles," the: mentioned, 261 repealed, 263. Socinus, Faustus: mentioned, 199 sketch of, 334, 335. Socinus, Loelius: mentioned, 198 sketch of, 330 f. Socinians, tlie, the element in their movement for reform, 6. Socinianism: in Poland, 302 ; charac- terized, 329. Smyth, John, mentioned, 280, 281. Spain : its influence upon the Refor- mation, 13 ; the Reformation in, 294. Spalatin, referred to, .57. Speier, Diet of : mentioned, 95 ; results of, 110 ; the second edict of, men- tioned, 98. Spener, Philip Jacob, sketch of, 526 f. Spurgeon, C. H., referred to, 689. Stancarus, Francis, his views on jus- tification, 320, 321. Star Chamber : mentioned, 258 ; in the hands of Laud, 283. Stahl, referred to, .561. State Church, under Cromwell, 660 f. Stone, B. \V., referred to, 701. Staupitz: his life and his influence with Luther, 43 f. ; Luther drifts away from, 49, 50 ; denounces Luther, 51. Storch, Nicholas : mentioned, 157 ; assists Miiuzer, 158; preaches in many places, 159, 160. Strafford, executed, 28.5. Strauss, his influence, 558, 559. Stubner, Marcus, mentioned, 158. Suabian League, mentioned, 78, 80. Suleiman I., his power in Europe, 99- 101. Sunday, attacks upon, by James I., 285. Supralapsarianism, referred to, 347. Sweden, the Reformation in, 298, 299. Swedenborg, sketch of, 542,543. Swiss Reformation, characterized, 126 f. ; spreads, 133 f. Swiss Republic, the, rise of, 123; its attitude toward the Reformation, 124 ; divided by the Reformation, 144, 145. Syllabus of 1864, referred to, 506. Syncretism of Calixtus, referred to, 523. Synergistic controversy, the, 322 f. Taylor, Dan., referred to, 688. Tennent, Gilbert, his labors, 616 f. Tetrapolitana, mentioned, 105. Tetzel, his manipulation of indul- gences, 51, .54. Thirty Years' War, the cause of, 304 ; events leading up to, 392-397; the conflict itself, 397 f. ; the horrors of, 410,411. Tillotson, John, mentioned, 630. Tindal, Matthew, mentioned, 636. Toland, John, referred to, 63.5. Toleration : the Westminster Assem- bly on, 287 ; the growth of, 416 f. ; the papal idea of, 448, 451 ; in France, 598, 599. (See also Liberty of Con- science and Church and State.) Tractarian controversy, outlined, 651. Travers, Walter, mentioned, 272. Trent, Council of: its findings on re- form and on doctrine, 26Qf. ; sketch of, 355 f. ; decrees of, 360 f. "Tulchan bishops," the phrase ex- plained, 243. Turgot, promotes toleration, 598, 599. Turks, their power in Europe, 99 ; re- garded as Gijd's scourge, 162. Turkish invasion, the fear of, and its effects, 107, 108. Turretin, F., his views, 569. Turretin, J. A., referred to, 569. Twesten, mentioned, 552. Ullmann, mentioned, .5.52. Uniformity, Act of: mentioned, 265, 268 : its enforcement, 627. Unigenilus, Constitution, mentioned, 4.34, 435, 437. Union Theological Seminary, men- tioned, 621, 622. LTnitarianism, in New England, 677- 680. United Brethren in Christ, the, re- ferred to, 707 f. /■ GENERAL INDEX United Presbyterian Church, its ori- gin, 009. Universities in England, opened to Nonconformists, GGl. Uolimann, baptized, 171. Uytenbogaert. helps the Remon- strants, -MI, 343, 348, 349. Vadianus, referred to, 137. Valero, R(xlerigo de, mentioned, 297. Va-sa, Gustavus, his work, 298, 299. Vatican Council, sketch of, 509 f. Vergerio, his career, 294. Vinet, Alexander, referred to, 571, 572. Viret, Paul, referred to, 207, 208. Virginia Baptists, their achievements, ri9G. Vo'.taire : referred to, 493 ; his memory revered, 502 ; promotes toleration, 598. Walch, mentioned, .536. Wallenstejn. his part in the Thirty Years' War, 403 f. \Valp)ole, Sir Roliert, mentioned, 641. Walsin^ham, mentioned, 269. Warburtoii, William, referred to, 640 Waterland, Daniel, referred to, 639. WuKschiu-ider, mentioned, 549. Wcllh;iuson, referred to, .560. Wereiifels, referrelovinent in his laterdays. 139. 140; his death, 145, 146 ; his theology contrasted with that of Luther, 312, 313. Zwinglianism : sketch of, 123 f. ; re- ceives a severe blow, 146. i DATE DUE ;*«w-r?^ GAYLORD PRINTED !N U S.».