«[i iJ ■«*5i ml ^tmiuM^. PRINCETON. N. J. •0 Part of the f, ADDIEON ALEXANDER LIBRARY, t which was presented by Messrs. R. L. and A. Stuart. I Ca.s<\ Division. Ssr^^. If. W0^Mi:^ HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAI FROM THE REVOLUTION TO THE ACCESSION OF THE HOUSE OF HANOVER. By TV.^BELSHAM, IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL, I, Ac mihi quidem videntur hue omnia effe referenda ab iis qui prsefunt aliis, ut ii qui eorum in imperio erunt, fint quain beatiflimi. Cicero. Beneficio quam metu obligare homines malit ; exterafque gentes fide ac focie- tate junclas habere quam trifti fubjedlas fervitio. Liv. lib. 26. LONDON: TKINTFD FOR G. G. AND J. ROBINSON, PATFRNOSTER-ROW. M.DCC.XCVIII. Digitized by tine Internet Archive in 2011 witin funding from Princeton Tiieological Seminary Library Iittp://www.arcliive.org/details/liistoryofgreatbr01bels PREFACE. JL HE Volumes of this Hiftory fubfequeiit to the Brunfwic accedion, now arrived, through the unexpected favor of the Pub- lic, at a third and enlarged Edition, have by Cenfors, to whofe judgment refpe6l is due, been objected againll as *' deficient in authorities.'* To this accufation it is obvious to anfwer, that nothing would have been ealier than to fill the margin and a great part of every page with hifto- rical references and citations. But this parade of authorities would too evidently have fwelled the fize without adding to the value of the Work ; for the Author pre- tended not to the merit of making new difcoveries. The events and occurrences contained in the Hiitory were never dif- voL. I. a puted; vi PREFACE. puted ; why then oftentatioufly labor to • eftablifh what no one was difpofed to con- trovert ? If any thing can be confidered as fiovel in the Hiflory of the two elder Mo- narchs of the Brunfwic line, it is the fre- quent and pofitive afTertion that Bremen, Verden, and Mecklenburg were the true fprings of the foreign or continental po- litics of the Court of London for almoft twenty years. This is not indeed confirm- ed by marginal references, but by a flate- ment of known and acknowledged fa6ls, combined with original documents, blend- ed and confolidated with the narrative, fo as to enforce conviclion on the moft flub- born incredulity. If the evidence aftually adduced could be fuppofed infufficient, proofs without number Hill remain to be added. With regard to the prefent reign, what- ever appears rem.ote from general know- ledge, is related on the authority of per- fons the difclofure of whofe names, how- ever flattering to the pride of the writer, would be highly and manifeflly improper. In this refpecl, therefore, the Hiftory muft be confidered as an original Work, the credit P R E F A C fi. vii , Credit due to which mufl depend, at leaft for a time, upon the general reputation of the Author; who has inferted nothing but what he had the belt reafon to rely upon as authentic. In that part of the Hiftory which he conceived molHiable to animad- verfio/t — the affairs of India — as in the cafe of Bremen and Verden — he did not con- tent himfelf with bare references, but he has corroburated his narrative by more than ail hundred quotations from original authorities, in little more than as many pages — thus willingly facrificing elegance to exactitude. In relation to the prefent volumes, it mufl fufhce to fay that the Author has deviated little, if at all, from his original plan. Where he has varied from the earlier hif- tories, he has not merely referred to but quoted his authorities ; which are chiefly Sir John Dairy mple and Mr. Macpherfon ; to whom the Public owe great obligation for their interetling and important commu- nications. Ralph is a vafl ftorehoufe of hiftoric information ; and his minute and laudable accuracy as an annalift, makes ample compenfation for his literary defeats, a 2 iiis Vili PREFACE. his captious comments, and perverfe para- doxes. Bifhop Burnet is, for the moft part, highly entertaining, notwithftanding his vanity, his negligence, his creduhty, and his prejudices. Placed in the midft of the fcenes which he delineates with a rough, not a feeble, pencil, he has evi- dently no referves or difguife : and though his authority is very flender, unfupported by any concurrent teftimony, yet is his hillory fuch as every fucceeding writer with caution may greatly avail himfelf of. Tindal, an obfequious Whig devoted to the politics of the Court, contains very valuable materials, although thrown together in a fort of chaotic mafs at once unanimatcd and unenlightened. SmoUet had unquef- tionably talents, but his genius was entirely turned to the low and the ludicrous. Of the dignity and beauty of hifloric compo- fition he had no conception ; and much lefs could he boaft of poffeffing any portion of its all- pervading and philofophic fpirit. His work is a dull and often malignant compilation, equally deftitute of inftruc- tion or of amufement. The Parliamentary Debates and Journals fupplied an inex- hauitible PREFACE. ix hauftible fund of matter ; and the State- papers of Cole, Hardwick, Lambcrti, &c. have been confulted with much advantage. A multitude of inferior, but by no means unimportant, publications have alfo been perufed with no little care and affiduity ; fuch as the Memoirs of the Duke of Ber^ wick, of the Marquis de Feuquieres, M. de Torcy, M. de Villars, M. Mefnager, Ledi- ard's Life of the Duke of Marlborough, Duchefs of Marlborough's Narrative, Colo- nel Hook's Negotiations in Scotland, Lord Balcarras's Letter to King James, &c. &c. and numerous quotations made from them, as will appear in the courfe of the Work. If after this the prefent Hiftory be ftill cen- fured as " deficient in authorities," the Author will filently and patiently await the public award ; not being apprehenfive that any of the fad;s recorded in it are likely even to be queftioned, and much lefs lia- ble to be refuted. 93 CON. CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. INTRODUCTION. Character of King Charks ii. Page. 2 His difcreet Appointment of Minijiers 3 Character of the Earl of Clarendon 4 Change of Meafures — 5 Ad of Uniformity — 6 Marriage of the Kifig — 9 Sale of Du7ikirk — 9 Firji Declaration of Indulgence lO Firjl Dutch War — Dif grace of the Earl of Clarendon 12 Triple Alliance — 12 Cabal Adminijlration > — '3 • King becomes a Catholic — 14 Projeds of the Cabal — 15 Second Dutch War — 16 Second Declaration of Indulgence . 16 a 4 Em ill CONTENTS. Earl cf Shaftejbury joins the Oppofition Page 18 TeJiAdpaJpd — — !• 19 Spirited CunduB of the Commons ■ r- 20 Peace with Holland — ■ 20 Jnfidious Policy of the Court — r- ■ 21 Secret Intrigues of the Patriots — — 23 State of the Nation — 25 Pfl/>//y?? P/o^ — — 26 Jmper'.ch?nentofibeLordTreafurerDanby — 29 JN/ifW Parliament — Bill of E,xcluJton 2 g— 3 1 Habeas Cor us A51 pafjed — r- 32 X)«it^ o/' To. k prjented as a Popifh Recufant 33 New Parliament — Bid of Exch^ton revived -— ^5 Oxford Parliament convened — r 2)^ Triumph of the Court r • 3^ Death of the King .,. , .-.: , -— — ? 37 Accejfion rf King James II. — ■ 38 Arbitary Mcafures of the Court - 41 Emhaffy io Rome — « «»-— 41 Meeting of Vaylio.ment — — 4^ Ahjed Comp .'iianc of the Commons • 44 Rebellion of Monmouth — 45 Barbarities of Jeffries — ■ 48 Diffoluticn of Parliament ^- • 51 Character of the Earl of Sunderlatid 52 Kings difpenfing Power confirmed • r c^^ Artifices of the Court to gain the Diffenters — 56 Affairs of Scotland — 59 And of Ireland — ^ r— m- -■..: 60 New CONTENTS, xili ^ew Court of Ecckftajiical Commijfion I* age 6i BifijC'p of London fufpended — 62 Vice Chancellor of Cambridge ejected from his Office — — 63 Prefident and Fellows of Magdalen College expelled — — — — ^$ T)eclaration of Indulgence — — — ^S Seven Bifhops committed to the Tower 6j Objiinacy and Infatuation of the King 70 Karl of Cajilemaine* s Embaffy to Rome » 7 1 Prudtnt Condu6l of the Prince and Princefs pf Orange 75 Birth of the Prince of Wales — — 7$ Duplicity of Sunderland ■ « . ^y State of Europe ■ 78 Proje^s of the Prince of Orange - 78 Terrors of the King ■ — — . go Prince of Orange lands at Torhay ■ S i King leaves Whitehall • 83 The Throne declared vacant ■ 85 Prince and Princefs of Orange declared King and ^een of England — — 85 BOOK I. ILLUSTRIOUS Charaaer of King William 101 §t ate of political Opinions «— — 102 Jfpoint-^ xiv CONTENTS. Appointment of the new Minifiry Page 107 Corivention converted into a Parliament < 1 1 1 Oatbs of Allegiancey &c. refufed By eight Bi- fhops ■« ..■.■. 114, Calais of the Non-jurors > 1 1 6 Proceedings of Parliament — 116 Bill of Rights 119 Bill of Indermity > t20 A5i of Toleration • _— - 124 Bill of Comprehenfion — — -^ 127 Proceedings of the Convocation 130 Affairs of Scotland 133 Crown of Scotland declared {orfaaltcd 135 Crown of Scotland conferred on King Wil- liam — 136 Exploits of Vif count Dundee ■ 138 Highlanders defcrihed 138 State of Europe — — . — — 1 44 League of Augshurg — - 14^ War declared againft France — 14S Generous Reception of King James by Louis XIV. 14S Jnvafon of Ireland by the French — — j 49 Treachery of Tyrconnel — — 1^0 King James makes his Entry into Dublin — — 151 Battle of Bantry Bay - — - 152 Pretended Parliament of Ireland convened — 153 Ad of Settlement repealed — — 153 Memorable Refjtance of Londonderry 158 Unpr9' CONTENTS. %v Unprofperous Campaign under M. Schomherg Page 1 62 SeJJton of Parliament in England 164 Corporation Bill • , . j66 Parliament dijfolved « — 167 Proclamation againfi General Ludlow 167 Meeting of the New Parliament « -> 169 ConfliSl of Parties -. . ^ 170 ^6? of Grace ~ . 1 74 Triumph of the Tories -- .. 17^ King embarks for Ireland . 176 Vi£iory of the Boyne i ^7 King James abandons Ireland 181 Succejfes of King William ^-, 182 Siege of Athlone raijed ^. - 18" Siege of Limerick raifed 1 8 c King returns to England 185 Earl of Marlborough captures Cork and Kin- Jale . _ — jg^ Command devolves on General Ginckel 186 189 Athlone taken Victory of Aghrim .. j^ Capitulation of Limerick . in^ ^eenconfiituted Regent . .. lo^ Ber amiable Character and difcveet ConduSi — 1 96 ]Sfaval Defeat off Beachy-head - iq^ SeJJion of Parliament 102 Lord Godolphin appointed Firfl Commiffioner of theTreafury ^ 204 /Yij Character ^ ,., . .. , 204 M CONTENTS. King emharks for the Continent Page lo^ In Danger of Shipwreck — — 20 c Congrefs at the Hague .. 207 Conjpiracy againfi the Cover nmeyit 209 Execution of ji flit en > 2 1 1 Deprivation of the Non-juring Bifhops 212 Campaign in Flanders y &'c. 1691 213 Character of4he Emperor Leopold 2T4 Death of Pope Innocent XL — r- — "— 218 Sejfion of Parliament 228 Unpopularity of the King • — 230 j4ffairs of the Eafl India Company ■ 23 1 Difgr ace of the Earl of Marlborough 237 Intrigues carried on with the Court of St. Ger^ maine's — - — ■•- 237 Prince and Princels of Denmark ceafe to appear at St, James's — ^ -1. ..... 240 BOOK ir. KING embarks for Holland ^^-^ • .-■ ' 242 Namur captured by the French — - — 243 Battle of Steinkirk • ^ 245 Grandval's Plot ■■ 24^ Campaign on the Rhine y ^c* 1692 ■ 250 Hanover erected into a ninth Electorate 252 Machinations of the Jacobites 252 Vidory off La Hogue '•' ^ < 256 Sdfiofi CONTENTS. xvil SeJ/ion of Parliament • Page 260 Earl of Marlborough releafed from the Tower 261 Dijmifjion of Admiral Rujfel — ■ 263 Affairs of the Eaji India Company 264 Royal AJfent refufed to the Triennial Bill 265 Enquiry into the State of Ireland 266 Sir John Somers made Lord Keeper • 274 Battle of Landen ^— 275 Charkroy taken by M. Luxemburg 277 Campaign on the Rhine ^ &'c. 16^3 " 277 Sack of Heidelberg 277 Battle of Marfglia < 279 Smyrna Fleet captured • 281 Affairs of Scotland — — — 283 Maffacre of Glencoe . ■ 302 Remarkable Declaration of King James 3 1 4 Intrigues of the Court of St. Germaine's • — 316 Earl of Nottingham dif miffed 3 1 7 Earl of Sunderland in favor with the King — 317 Death of the Marquis of Halifax 319 JVhigs regain their Afcendency 319 Pacific Advances of France rejected 321 Royal Affent refufed to the Place Bill — — 323 Bank of England ejiablijhed 325 Affairs of the Eafi India Company 326 State of Ireland 32S The Lords Jujiices Coningsby and Porter im^ peached 329 Mr, Montague Chancellor of the Exchequer — 330 Ciimpaign xvlft CONTENTS, Campaign in Flanders ^ ^d 1694 Pa^e J3I Admiral Wheeler Jhipwrecked • 335 Dijajlrous . ttempt on Breft — < '• 335 SeJJion of Parliament — • ■ ■ 340 Triennial A£l pafjed -^ 3 40 JDeath of Archbijhop Tillotfon •^— — — ^41 Death of Archbijhop Saner oft 341 ninefs and Death of the ^{een — ~ — 342 Princess cf Denmark reconciled to the King — ^ 344 Speaker of the Houfe of Commons expelled the l-iouje 347 Duke of Leeds impeached for Maherfations in Office 349 Sir William Trumbull inade Secretary of State 354 Affairs of Scotland -■ > 355 India Company ejlablijhed — 355 State of Ireland ■ 357 Wife Government of Lord Capel — 357 BOOK III. DEATH of the Due de Luxemburg — 360 Campaign in Flanders^ ^^9S — 3^c> Namur captured by King William — ' — 361 Campaign on the Rhine J ^c. — ^68 Parliament diffohed 371 Whig Inter efi obtaifis the Afcendency 373 Treafon Bill > • ' 373 Recoinage Contents: ^ Remna^^ of Silver ^^^^ 37i Extravagant Grant to the Earl of Portland — 376 Remonfirance againji the Scottifh India Corn- Dangerous Projed for the EJiabliJhment of a Council of Trade ■ 383 AJfaJfnuition Plot • ■ 385 National Ajfo elation • ■ ■ ■ 389 Execution of Charnock, Friend^ and- Perkins — 391 Great Naval Exertions -— — — — 399 Campaign in Flanders, &'c. 1 6^6 400 Defedion of the Duh of Savoy — — ' — 401 Conqueji of /Ifoph by the Ruffians 403 State of Affairs in- Scotland — «— 405 And in Ireland > 405 Seffion of Parliament — — .— 406 Magnanimous ConduB of the Commons — — 406 Novel Operations of Financi — 408 Freedom of the Prefs in Danger " ■ ■'■ 40 S Fenwicli s Bdl of Attainder — 410 Arguments for and againft it — 417 Negotiations relative to Peace — 426 Congrefs opened at Ryfwick — — • — 428 Campaign in Flanders, 1697 — ■■■ 428 Barcelona taken by the French — — — — 43 a Victory over the Turks at Zenta — — ^ 434 Death of S obi efki 436 Treaty of Ryfwick figned 440 Se£io?i of Parliament — — 443 Vote t% CONTENTS. Vote for iijhandmg the Arr,iy — Tage 444 Refignation of Lord Sunderland — •— — 445 jiffa.rs of the Eofi India Corrfpany 447 Arbitrary and opfrejjive Meafures refpe&'ing Ireland ———__—. 4^j Theological B'fputes — 457 Impolitic Interference of Parliament 458 Advancement of Lord Albemarle — — . 460 Earl of Portland's Embaffy to Paris 460 Czar of Mufcovy vijits England 461 Affairs of Scotland a6 2 Affairs of Ireland — — . 463 Projects of the King of England 464 Firji Treaty of Partition — — ■ 466 Reflexions upon it •'• • • 468 Peace of Carlowitz ' 472 HISTORY * INTRODUCTION, CONTAINING A SUMMARY op AFFAIRS FROM 1660 to 1688. Char a 8 er of King Charles 11. His difcreet Appoint- ment of M'lnijiers. Char ad er of the Earl of Cla- rendon. Change of Meafures. A61 of Uniformity. Marriage of the King. Sale of Dunkirk. Firfi Declaration of Indulgence. Firft Dutch War. Dif grace of the Earl of Clarendon. Triple Alli- ance. Cabal Adminiflration. King becomes a Catholic. Projects of the Cahal. Second Dutch War. Second Declaration of Indulgence. Earl of Shaftejhury joins the Oppofition. Tejl A6i paffed. Spirited Conduct of the Commons. Peace with Holland. Infidious Policy of the Court. Secret Intrigues of the Patriots, State of the Nation. Popifh Plot. Impeachment of the Lord Treafurer Danhy. New Parliament. Bill of Ex- clufion. Habeas Corpus A£i paffed. Duke of York prefented as a PopifJj Recufant, New Parliament. B Bill 2 INTRODUCTION. Bill of E.fchfion revived. Oxford Parlia??ie?if convened. Triumph of the Court. Death of the King. AcceJJlon of King James II. Arbitrary Meafures of the Court. Ejuhafjy to Rome. Meet- i?ig of Parliament. Ahje^ Comflaifance of the Commo7is. Rebellion of Monmouth. Barbarities of Jeffries. Diffolutioji of Parliament. Character ijf the Earl of Sunderland. Kings difpenfmg Power confirmed by the Judges. Artifices of the Court to gain over the Diffenters. Affairs of Scot^ land — and of Irelajid. Neiv Court of Ec cleft affi- cal ComMiffioyi. Bifhop of London fufp ended. Vice- Chancellor of Cambridge ejeSled from his Office. Prefulent and Fellows of Magdalen College^ Ox- ford, expelled. Declaration of Indidgence. Seveji Bifhops committed to the Toiver. Olftinacy and Infatuation of the King. Earl of Cafilemaine s Embaffy to Rome. Pruderit ConduB of the Prince and Princefs of Orange. Birth of the Prince of Wales. Duplicity of Sunderlatid. State of Europe. ProjeBs of the Prince of Orange. Terrors of the King. The Prince of Orange lands at Tor bay . King leaves Whitehall. The Throne declared va- cant. Prince and Princefs of Orange declared King atid Queen of England. ^ CHARLES II. was endowed by nature with qualities which gave him a jufttitle to popu- larity; and his wonderful reftoration to the throne of INTRODUCTION. 3 of his anceftors, amidft the univerfal acclamations of his fubje6ls, after twenty years of calamity and confufion, feemed to prognofticate a reign of un- exampled felicity. Adverfity has been ftyled the fchool of princes; and he pofTefTed a capacity which miffht have enabled him to derive the moll eflential benefits from its difcipline. His know- ledge, though not cxtenfive or profound, was of that fpecies which in public life is of the higheft importance, and which, if it had been rightly ap- plied, would have conferred an honorable diftinc- tion upon his characfter. He was well acquainted with hiftory and politics ; he underftood the in- terefts of his countrv, and perfectly knew the rank ihe was entitled to hold amongft the Powers of Europe. He was poflefled of the moft inlinuat- ing and graceful addrefs ; and, without departing from the dignity of his ftation, he knew how to charm all who approached his perfon, by the un- affecled condcfcenfion and engaging affability of his manners. Notwithfianding, however, the flat- tering appearances which raifed fo high the hopes of his fubje6is, and the expecSlations of the world, fuch and fo great were his deviations from the flandard of political and moral re6^itude, that he incurred, before the conclufion of his reign, the indignation, the odium and contempt of every friend of liberty and of virtue. The Declaration from Breda, the appointment of B 2 the 4 INTRODUCTION. the Earl of Clarendon to the pod of Prime MI- nifter, the admiffion of Anncfley, Afiiley Cooper, Hollis, Robarts and Manchcfler, the leaders of the Prefbyterian party, to the royal councils, and the A61 of Indemnity pafled by the Convention Parliament, were rheafures well calculated to con- ciliate the aife6lions of the Nation, and to re- ilore peace, order, and general harmony. Dur- ing the fitting of the Convention Parliament, in which the Prefbyterian intercft predominated, and which regarded the proceedings of the Govern- ment with a watchful and jealous eye, affairs were condueted with ])rudence and moderation. That atfembly was difiblved in December 1660 ; and in May 1 66 1 a new Parliament was convened, which quickly appeared to be of a complexion very dif- ferent from the preceding one, and from which the perfidy of the King and the violent and wretched bigotiy of the Earl of Clarendon might expert the higheft encouragement and applaufe. This celebrated Minifter was pofiefied of very fhining virtues, both in public and private life. His capacity, if not of the firft rate, was how- ever not inadequate to his elevated flation ; and his integrity and probity are univerfally acknow- ledged. He had the intercfts not only of the king but of the kingdom really at heart ; and though the meafures of his adminiftration were often ex- tremely exceptionable, they invariably proceeded from INTRODUCTION. 5 from a firm perfuaiion that they were calculated to promote the welfare and happinefs of the com- munity. The grand defe6l in the charader of this nobleman was a want of liberality and comprehen- fion of mind. He was a religious bigot ; a cha- rader totally incompatible with that of a great llatefman. He was under the influence of a thou- fand weakneffes and prejudices ; his ideas of the nature and extent of regal authority were extra- vagantly high ; he was wholly unacquainted with the principles of toleration. He was haughty, in- tradtable, conceited and morofe ; and entirely de- ftitute of that fpirit of mild wifdom and enlightened benevolence which conftitutes the higheft perfec- tion of the human chara6ler. The firfl aS: pafTed by the new Parliament pro- nounced every perfon who dared to affirm the King to be a Papifl, incapable of holding any employment in Church or State — a meafure which obvioufly tended to increafe the fufpicions already entertained refpe6ling this point. The Bifhops, who had been previoufly reflored to their fpiritual fun6lions by virtue of the royal prerogative ex- ercifed under color of the A61 of Supremacy, were now admitted to their former flations in Par- liament, from which they had been fo long ex- cluded. The power of the fword, which had been the immediate caufe of the civil war, was folemnly relinquifhed, and the dodrine of non-refi fiance B 3 explicitly 6 INTRODUCTION. explicitly avowed. The Crown was invefted with a power of regulating, or rather of new-model- ling, all the corporations throughout the kingdom at pleafure ; and all magiftrates were obliged to declare, that it was not lawful, upon any pretence whatever, to take up arms againft the Crown. AH thefe different meafures, however, were but fo many preludes to the famous A61 of Uniformity, which took place in the fame feffion ; and which fell like a thunderbolt on the devoted heads of the Prefbyterian party, i. e. upon a clafs of men who conftituted at this period at leafl one half of the Nation. To exhibit this a6l in its proper colors, it muft be remembered, that the Convention Parliament which reftored the King was compofed chiefly of Prefbyterians ; and that their generofity had fo far exceeded the limits of difcrction, as to induce them to rely with unfufpeding confidence upon the Royal Declaration from Breda, in which they were flattered with the profpe(5l of a general am- nefty and liberty of confcience, and to rcje(5l the advice of the more fagacious members of that aflembly, who were of opinion that Ipecific condi- tions fliould be offered to the King, who, in that critical fituation of his affairs, would gladly have acquiefced in whatever terms had been propofed. By the Ad of Uniformity, however, the Church was not only re-eflablifhed in all her prifline rights, but INTRODUCTION. 7 but the terms of conformity were made ftill more rigorous than in any former period, with the exprefs view of excluding all of the Prefbyterian denomi- nation from the national communion ; in confe^ quence of which, about two thoufand of the bene- ficed clergy voluntarily' relinquifhed their prefer- ments on Bartholomew-day 1662, when the A6\. of Uniformity, by a refinement of cruelty, was to take place, in order to prevent thofe who fhould refign their livings from reaping any advantage from the tythes of the preceding year. After making every allowance for that mixture of adventitious motives hy which in fuch fituations human nature will be ever in fome degree actuated, this mull certainly be regarded as an aftonifhing facrifice of temporal iiitereft to integrity and confcience, and as exhi- biting a Uriking proof of the deep imprcilion which the Chriftian Religion is capable of making on the heart. But when we examine minutely into the reafons upon which this magnanimous feceffion was founded, we cannot but ftand amazed at their extreme frivoloufnefs and futility ; and our admi- ration is almoft annihilated by contempt. The leaders of the Prefbyterians, who were many of them men of great learning and abilities, did not objedl to a national eftabiifhment as fuch ; they were far even from profeffing to difapprove of the government of the Church by Bitliops ; to the theological fyflem contained in the Thirty-nine B 4 Articles 8 INTRODUCTION. Articles they were very ftrongly attached ; and the life of a pubHc formulary of vvorfhip they generally regarded not only as lawful but expe- dient. To what then did they obje6l ? — To fubmit to re-ordination, by which the validity of the prior ordination by a prefbytery would virtually be im- pugned. They could not in confcience confent to kneel at the facrament of the Lord's Supper ; nor could they make ufe of the fign of the crofs in Baptifm ; nor prevail upon themfelves to bow at the name of Jefus ; nor would they countenance the fuperflitions of the Romifh church by wearing the ecclefiaflical veftments^ which they reckoned amongft the deteftable abominations of that Mo- ther of Harlots. It is difficult to determine, whe- ther a greater degree of bigotry was difcoverable in iniifting upon thefe petty obfervances as terms of communion, or in reje6ting them as anti-chriftian and unlawful. This, however, is certain, that Cla- rendon, who was now poflefled of abfolute autho- rity, muft have drank deep into the Ipirit of Laud, to have urged a meafure which had a diredl ten- dency to alienate the minds of half the Nation from the King's perfon and government, which plunged a great number of worthy and con- fcientious men into the depths of indigence and diftrefs, and which laid an extenfive foundation for a fchifm, which ftill fubfifts, and which has been produ6live of very pernicious confequences. Though INTRODUCTION. 9 Though it mufi: be acknowledged, that much good hashkcwife refulted from it, but of fuch a nature that the fainted idea of it could jiever enter within the narrow views of that honeft but miilaken Mi- nifter. In the fummer of 1662, the inaufpicious nnar- riage of the King with Catherine Infanta of Por- tugal was concluded. The condud of the Chan- cellor refpeding this important event difcovers rather acquiefcence than approbation. The mif- chievous efFc6ls of a Catholic alliance were furely fufficiently obvious by the example of the former reign ; and how the interefts of this kingdom could be promoted by eftablifhing the independency of Portugal, which was the great political confequence to be expe6led from this union, it were noteaiy to demonftrate. Spain was already funk much too low in the fcale of power ; and nothing could more efFe61;ually contribute to confirm the danger- ous afcendency recently acquired by France_, than this violent difmemberment of her empire. In the fame year a tranfadlion took place, which has ufually been reprefented as highly fcandalous, and even criminal — the fale of Dunkirk. But it mull: be remembered, that the revenue of the Crown was at this period very narrow, and the expence of maintaining Dunkirk difproportionately great, compared either with the amount of the revenue or the advantage arifing from the poflef- iion. 10 INTRODUCTION. fion. The cljininution of the national honor bv the fale of the place was therefore the only rea- fonable objecSlion to which it was liable. Under the falfe and vifionary "idea, that cflential benefits are to be derived from the pofleffion of fortreiles in foreign kingdoms, Calais. Dunkirk, Tangier, Port Mahon, and Gibraltar, have fucceffively beent occupied at an immenfe expence of blood and treafurc ; and the abfurd and unjufl: retention of the laft of thefe places ihews that the Nation is not yet recovered from this fpecies of political Before the clofe of this year, the King exhibi- ted plain indications of that attachment to the Catholic religion which was fo remarkable a cha- ra6ieriftic of the Stuart family, and which at length terminated in their total ruin. In December he ifTued a declaration, in which was expreflcd his intention of mitigating the rigor of the penal laws in favor of his peaceable non-conforming fubjec^s, by virtue of his difpenfmg power. But the Houle of Commons, who were equally adverfe to Papifls jand Prefbyterians, ftrongly remonftrating againft the propofed indulgence, the King gave the firft proof of that cautious and accommodating fpirit which never forfook him, even when engaged in the profecution of the deepeft and mofi: dangerous defigns, by immediately defifting from his projed: ; and, in order to pacify the Parliament, a proclama- tion INTRODUCTION. it tion was foon after iiTued againft Jefuits and Ro- mifh priefts. From this time, however, it was obferved that the Earl of Clarendon began to decline from that height of favor he had hitherto enjoyed. The King became fenfible that this inflexible Minifter, not- withftanding his high theoretical principles, could never be brought to fupport any defigns which might be formed either for the aclual extenflon of Prerogative, or for the advancement of Popery. The relblution taken by the Court in the following year, not without the concurrence of the Parliament and the approbation of the Nation in general, to declare war againft Holland, evidently marked the declenfion, or rather the annihilation, of that noble- man's authority. The King's fettled averfion to the manners, government, and religion of the Dutch Nation was the real ground of this war; and the jealouly entertained of thofe induftrious republi- cans as commercial rivals was the caufc of its po- pularity. It was, neverthelefs, fo palpably unjuft, that the Chancellor, whofe probity remained un- (hakcn in the midft of temptation, openly remon- ftrated againft it, but without any effe6l. The war, however, was not carried on with that fuccefs which was expe6led. France and Denmark de- clared in favor of Holland ; and the King, notwith- ftanding the memorable infult he received from the Dutch fleet commanded by D'e Ruyter, who in 12 INTRODUCTION. in the fummer of 1667 failed up the Mcdway aiu! burnt feveral men ofwar lying in that river, thought proper to fign a treaty of peace at Breda in July, and to referve to a more favorable opportunity the complete gratification of his hatred and revenge. The difgrace of the Chancellor immediately fol- lowed. Popular prejudices ran high againft him ; •and the King had the bafenefs and ingratitude to encourage a parliamentary impeachment for high trealbn againft the man to whom he owed the moft important obligations, who had been the guide and counfellor of his youth, and in whom he had once placed the moft unlimited confidence. Hap- pily he found means to efcape into France, where he fpent the remainder of his life in philofophic and dignified retirement. The firft political meafure of the Court after this event has met with very great and deferved ap- plaufe. This was no other than the famous Triple Alliance concluded between England, Holland, and Sweden, for the avowed purpofe of putting a ftop to the military progrefs of the French Monarch, whofe power began about this time to appear ex- tremely formidable, and who had, in contempt of every appearance of juftice, entered the Spanifh Low Countries with a numerous army, and threat- ened to make an entire conqueft of thofe rich and extenfive provinces. Louis, however, did not choofe to rifque a rupture with this potent confe- deracy ; INTRODUCTION. 13 deracy ; and for a fhort time England, in confe- quence of this fpirited conduct, appeared in her proper ftation as the great bulwark of the com- mon liberties of Europe. Some faint attempts were alfo now made by Buckingham, the new Minifter, to procure a relaxation of the terms of conformity; but the temper of the Commons ap- peared totally adverfe to every idea of that nature. They even inflidled additional penalties upon non- conformifts ; and by a remarkable claufe in the AS: pafled againfl Conventicles, the malignant fpirit by which they were aduated is ftrikingly manifefted. If any difpute fiiould arife with refpedl to the conftruciion of the A6t, the Judges arc di- re6led, contrary to the univerfal praclrlice of the Englifh courts of judicature in the interpretation, of penal ftatutes, to explain the doubt in the fenfe leaft favorable to the delinquent. Such was indeed the violence with which the Legiflature now pro- ceeded, that, had not the political circumftances of the times undergone an unexpedled revolution, another Marian pcrfecution was juflly to be appre- hended. Towards the end of the year 1 669, the principal executive offices of Government were filled by Clifford, Arlington, Buckingham, Afliley Cooper afterwards Earl of Shaftefbury, and Lauderdale, who compofed that Adminiftration fo well known by the appellation of the Cabal — ^the majority of whom 14 INTRODUCTION. whom were, in the general opinion, men, who, to borrow the language of Lord Clarendon, " had heads to contrive, hearts to approve, and hands to execute any mifchief." And it may with i\n€t juftice be affirmed, that the King, in concert with a fecrct, dark, and dangerous fadion, was engaged in a confpiracy againfl: the religion, laws, and liber- ties of his Kingdom. Thediffimulation and perfidy of Charles are fuch as to make it extremely quef- tionable, whether he ever really entered into the views with which the Triple AlHance was formed. However that may be, it is certain, that within two years after that event his political condudt was totally changed ; and in an interview which took place in the fpring of the year 1670 with his fifier Henrietta, Duchefs of Orleans, a fecret treaty was negotiated with the French King for the purpofes of fubverting the Republic of Holland, of making the authority of Charles abfolute, and of eftablifh- ing once more the Romifh religion in the realms of Britain; as a prelude to which, Charles was formally abfolved, and received into the bofom of the Catholic Church *. In * The three great obje6ls of the alliance between Louis and Charles were as ftated in the narrative. But Clifford and Ar- lington only, who were themfelves Papifts, were privy to the vrhole projeft. The fecret was in part kept from Buckingham, Afliley and Lauderdale, who were amufed with a fi6litious Treaty, containing all the articles, except thofe relating to Religion, of the former real Treaty negotiated and figned un- known INTRODUCTION. 15 In purfuance of this plan, the King had the un- paralleled aflurance to convene the PaHiament in the following winter, and to proeure fupplies from them to a very large amount, under pretence of the danger to be apprehended from the increaling power of France, and of the obligation and necef- iity of fupporting the Triple Alliance. When money was thus obtained, the malk was thrown known to tliem by Lord Arundel of Wardour. " But," as Mr. Hume obferves, " if Popery was fo much the objecl of the national horror, that even the King's own Minifters either would ;iot or durfl; not receive it, what hopes could he entertain of forcing the Nation into it f" The King was fo zealous a Pa- pifl, that he wept for joy when he faw the profpeft of re- uniting his Kingdora to the Catholic Church. Dalrympls'.s Slate Papers. King JameSj in his Memoirs under the year 1668, fays, " AbO'Ut this time the Duke of \ork difcourfed with the King if he continued in the fame mind as to his religion, who affured him he did, and defired nothing more than to be reconciled." And in the following yer.v we find the account thus confirmed : *' The Duke fpcaks of Religion to the King, and finds him refolved to be a Catholic. The King appoints a private meeting with Lord Arundel, Lord Arlington, ar.d Sir Thomas ChfFord, in the Duke's clofet, to advife on the methods to advance the Catholic religion in his Kingdonis. They met on the zjth of Ja ■ nuary. The King declared his miiui in matters of Religion with great zeal to the Duke and other three perfons at this private meeting. The refult of the confultation was, that the work jhould be done in conjunftion with France. The Lord Arundel was accordingly fent to treat with the French King, and the Treaty was concluded in the beginning of the year 1670." Macpherjon s Papers, vol. ii, p. ^6. off. i6 INTRODUCTION. off, and military preparations were openly made. But, in order to fecnre an additional fupply, as nothing farther could be expedlcd from Parhamcnt, an inflmious refolution, by the advice of CHfFord, was taken, previous to a declaration of war, to fhut up the Royal Exchequer ; by which means, the vaft fums advanced by the bankers upon the credit of the funds provided by Parliament were forcibly fequeftrated. The diflrefs, conflernation and ruin confequent on this enormous violation of public faith did not prevent the Court from taking an- other ftep, if poffible, ftill more alarming, and fraught with ftill more extenlive confequences. This was the famous Declaration of Indulgence, by which the King took upon him, by virtue of his prerogative, to fufpend all the penal laws at once. The Lord Keeper Sir Orlando Bridge- man, who had put the feal to the Declaration of Indulgence, was foon after permitted to retire upon account of his advanced age and infirmities, and Shafteibury advanced to the dignity of Chancellor. The defign of introducing Popery was now ap- parent to everyone; and the actual declaration of war againft the Dutch, which quickly follov^^ed, raifed the indignation and apprehenfions of the Nation to the higheft pitch. The fuccefsful cam- paign of 1672, in which the United States were reduced to the brink of ruin by the arms of Louis XIV, encouraged the King, after an interval of near INTRODUCTION. 17 near two years, to aflemble the> Parliament ; and the feffion was opened by a fpeech from the Throne expreffed in a very high tone of authority. He fpake of the war as not only juft, but ne- ceflary ; and as what he was fully determined to profecute. And he informed the Houfe, that he had ifTued a Declaration of Indulgence, from which he had experienced very happy effects, to which he fhould therefore adhere, and the validity of which he would not fufFerto bequetiioned or op- pofod. Notwithflanding the courtly difpofition of which this Houfe of Commons had given fo many proofs, and their former bafe and criminal compli- ances, it mud be acknowledged, that upon this great occafion, which involved in it the moll ellential interefts of the whole communit)'', they a6ted in a manner worthy of the reprcfenlatives of a free and fpirited people. They firft pafTed a refo- lution of fupply : but before they proceeded to fubftantiate the vote, they framed a remonftrance againft the Declaration of indulgence ; to which the King replied in refolute terms. The Commons repeated their application, or rather demand, in a firm and decifive tone ; and when matters were thus brought to a crifis, Charles, w^ho found him-^ fclf on the edge of a precipice, and whofe genius was not calculated for great and continued exer- tion, thought proper on a fudden to retreat. i\fter alking, to fave appearances, the opinion of the C Houfe i8 INTRODUCTION. Houfe of Peers, which ofcourfe coincided with that of the Commons, he fent for the Declaration, and with his own hand broke the feal ; acknowledging to the whole world by this adl, that his want of courage bore a very exa6l proportion to his want of wifdom and want of honefty. Shaftefbury, whofe ultimate aims differed widely, as there is reafon to believe, from thofc of the reil of the Cabal, had, on the firft difcuffion of thi« fubje6l in the Houfe of Peers, given a very decided opinion, in oppofiiion to the Lord Treafurer Clif- ford, for the recall of the Declaration; without any previous notice of his intention, and to the amaze- ment of the Court, enlarging in a very eloquent fpeech upon the impropriety and dangei^ of relift- ing the fcnfe of the Legiflature upon a point of this nature, however laudable in itfelf, or however it might be fan6lionedby the fentiments of private individuals or the precedents of former reigns ; the fufpending power being flill an acknowledged, though irregular, branch of the prerogative. Such were the tranfcendent abilities of this nobleman^ and fuch alio the ideas entertained of his genuine fentiments and political rc6iitude of fyftern, not- withflanding his late external compliances, that !he was received by the leaders of the Oppofition with open arms, and from that period became the Ahitophel of all their counfels*. ■'* Vide Note at the end of the IqtroduQii'on.. The INTRODUCTION. |^, The Houfe of Commons purfucd the viv^lory they had gained with great moderation : they even appeared delirous to avoid urging the King to dcfperate extremities. No mention was made of the violation of the Triple Alliance, or of the fhut- ting up the Exchequer. An A6i of Indemnity was pafled, with a view chiefly to fcreen the Minilters of the Crown from any further enquiry, and the Refolution of Supply, to tlie great difappointment of the Dutch, pafled into a law ; in return for which, the King gave the royal aflent to the fa- inous Test Act, which rpquired every man hold- ing a public office to receive the facrament ac- cording to the ufage of the Eflabliilied Church, and to abjure the do6lrine of Tranfubftantiation. This 'wq.s a vigorous and well-aimed ftroke, and, as the Duke of York, who refigned his comuiiffion of High Admiral, with tears declared, the moft fatal blow that the Roman Catholic intereft could have received. Soon after the Treafurer's Staff was taken from Clifford (who had become extremely pbnoxious by the intemperate zeal with which he had fupported the Declaration of Indulgence, and who was now incapacitated by the Teft), and given to Sir Thomas Olborne, created Earl of" Danby; a nian not of fplendid talents, but cau:- tious and prudent, and who in the prefcnt fituatioij of aflairs fecmed not ill-qualified to fill that im- jportant ftation. C 2 111 ao INTRODUCTION. In the month of October 1673, the Parliament was again convened, but a more refra^lory fpirit began now to appear. The Commons were highly offended with the treaty of marriage then in agi- tation between the Duk^ of York and a Princefs of the houfe of Modena, and remonftrated warmly againft it. They voted the alliance with France to be a grievance, and came to a refolution that they would grant no farther fupply, unlefs the Dutch obftinately refufed to treat of peace. Upon which the King, who had relinquifhed thofe mag- nificent projects which he had fo lately enter- tained, thought proper to conclude a feparate peace with Holland, through the mediation of the Spanifli Court, in the beginning of the year 1674. Great rejoicings were made on account of this peace ; and it was hoped that the King, convinced of his pafi: errors, would endeavo\ir to retrieve the efleem and afFe61ion of his fubjedts by his future condu6t. To confirm thefe favorable impreffions, Sir William Temple, who negotiated the Triple Alliance, and who flood higher than any man in the confidence of the States, was again appointed Ambaflador at the Hague: the mediation of the King wasfolemnly offered in order to effedf: a ge- neral peace, and Nimeguen fixed on as the place of congrefs. As the continuance of the war could no - longer anfwer any political purpofe, the King may reafonably be fuppofed fincere^ if not zealous, in his endeavors INTRODUCTION. 21 endeavors to reftore the tranquillity of Europe* Louis, alfo, whofe fchemes of ambition by the defedlion of England were totally fruftratcd, and who now found himfelf engaged alone againft a formidable confederacy, though his armies ftill maintained a fupcriority in the field, was not averfe to a treaty. But the Prince of Orange, ftrengthened by t^e alliance of the Imperial and Spanifh Courts^ and hoping for the acceffion of England, was fe- cretly difinclined to liften to overtures of reconci- liation, and afpired to the glory of humbling the pride of that haughty Monarch, whom he regarded . with dcteftation, not merely as the unprovoked invader of his native country, but as the common enemy and ' difturber of Europe. The French army, however, under the condu(5l of thofe con-* fummate Generals Conde, Turenne and Luxem- bourg, fiill continued to make a rapid progrefs t and the Parliament, finding themediation of Charles not attended with fuccefs, in the feffion held Fe- bruary 1677, after a long interval, during which it appears that large fums were remitted from France, voted an addrefs to the King to enter into a league ofFenfive and defenfive with the States General. The King affected to refent this interference, as an encroachment upon his prerogative, and, in anger, immediately adjourned the Parliament. The fa(5l was, that he had a6lually fold his neutrality lo France ; and that he had regularly received a pea- C 3 lion 22 INTJlO oticTiax iion from that Court to the amount of two miflioflS of livres, as the price of his honor and confcience. Throughout his \vhole feign, however, it was contrar}^ to the ma:iim5? of policy by which Charles was governed, to rifque a feriousor violent rupture with the Parliament ; and he was convinced that fomc popular meafure was abfolutely requifite in prefent circumftanccs, to palliate his conduct, and in fome degree to redeem his reputation ; and no incafure could more efFeclually anfvver thofe pur- pofes, than the marriage of the Princefs Mary, cldeft daughter to the Duke of York, to the Prince of Orange ; who, by this alliance, miglvt be led to entertain no very diftaot profpe6t of fucccedinof to the Endifh Crown. When thjs intention was made public, the higheft degree of fatisfa6tian was cxprefled by all parties: and the Prince arriving in England at the end of the cam- paigUj the marriage-ceremony was performed, to the great furprife and chagrin of the French Mo- ' narch ? who received the intelligence, to ufe the expreffion of Montague the Englidi Ambaflador, " as he would have done that of the lofs of an army." The good confcquences espe6i:ed troni this union did not, however, immediately appear. The King, indeed, pretended to enter into an amicable f confultation with the Prince refpecting the terms of the treaty of peace; which were at lafl: fettled in fu ch a manner as to give fatisfadlion to the Allies. INTRODUCTION. 23 Allies. And Charles protefted, that if the plan then concerted was rejedled by Louis, he would im- mediately join the confederacy. After the Prince's departure, however, he refumed his clandeitine negotiations with France, and made great concef- fions and abatements in the terms originally pro- jected ; for which he received pecuniary compen- fations from Louis. And though Charles, finding that he incurred the indignation and contempt of all parties by*the bafe duplicity of his condudt", feemcd at length refolved in earneft to adopt vigorous and decifive meafures, the Parliament appeared no longer difpofed to confide in his profeffions -, and the Allies, defpairing of efi^e^^ual Uipport fron> England, figned a peace with France, at Nimeguen, in Auguft 1678. It appears from late difcoveries, that the pa- triotic party in the Houfe of Commons, led by Sydney, Rufiel, &:c. were fecretly averfe to engage the Nation in a war with France, notwithftanding the apparent incongruity of their public condud : and in this they concurred with a great majority of the wifefi: and moft difpaffionate members of the United States, though not with the fentiments of the Stadth older ; by whofe authority and influence alone the war, without any adequate political ne- ceffity, had been folong continued. The leaders of the Oppofition in Parliament well knew, that no real danger was now to be apprehended from , C 4 France. 24 INTRODUCTION. France. The King had it in his power to di6tate the terms of the treaty of peace ; and they with good reafon entertained the ftrongeft jealoufies and fufj^icions, that the immenfe fiims which mult be voted, and the vaft armaments which muft be raifed, in order to carry on a war againfi: France, might eventually be diredled againil the religion and liberties of this kingdom. They were fully acquainted with the deep and dangerous deligns ivhich the King had formerly harbdfed againfi his kibjecSls, and which Vvant of power^ and not want of inclination, had at length compelled him to abandon. The Court of France, for very different but very obvious reafons, was equally folicitous to prevent the King from joining the confederacy ; in confequence of which accidental union of in- terefts, intrigues were carried on between th© French Ambaflador and the members of Oppofi- tion ; and great fums of French gold were difiri- buted, with the approbation of even fuch men as Ruflel, Sydney, and Hollis, in order to accomplifli a great political purpofe, which unhappily was not to be effected by more open and honorable Ineans. Men of virtue and inlegrity, who hold the noifelefs tenor of their way through the cool fequeftered vale of private life, are apt to feel a much greater degree of indignation at thefe irre- gular pradices than the nature of the fa6ls will juftify. *' Fiat juftitia, ruat ccelum !" is with fuch men INTRODUCTION. 2j men a fundamental maxim of political morality. They conlider not, that virtue is itfelf founded upon utility, and that the end is not to he ultimately facrificed to the means. And when the public fafety is the end in view, an objc6l of fuch tran- fcendent importance will certainly juftify the ute of fuch means as are indifpenfably neceflary to its attainment. However liable to abufe, and however vilely it may have been abufed, the principle is in its own nature incontrovertible. Had the Nation fallen again under the yoke of popery and arbitraiy power, in confequcnce of thofe refinements of delicacy, or Icruplcs of confcicncc, by which, now the danger is paft, many are ready to affirm that the patriots of the hift century ought to have been adluated; Ruflcl and Sydney, Lyltelton and Hollis, might have a juli claim to. regard and efieem, as honed and well-meaning men : but pofterity would have had little reafon to applaud th;:ir fagacity as flatefmen, or to venerate their memory as en- lightened patriot?. England, after the conclufion of the peace of Nimegucn, remained in a itate of extreme difla- tisfa January 1681. But, deflrous of D 1 making 3 f) I N T R O D U C T I O IS^. making one more effort to cffe6l a reconciliatiotJ with his people, he fummoned another Parliament fo meet at Oxford in March, In his fpeech at the opening of it, he told them in a tone of ferioufnefs and dignity, that, " though he had reafon to com- plain of the im warrantable proceedings of the for- mer Houfe of Commons, no paft irregularities could infpire him with a prejudice againft thofe ailemblies. He now afforded them yet another opportunity of providing for the public fafety j and to all the world he had 2:iven one evidence more.^ that on his part he had not neglected the duty in- cumbent on him." Such however was the infa- tuation of the Houfe of Commons, that though the Minifters of the Crown propofed^ by command of the King, that the Duke fhould be banifhed during life five hundred miles from England ; and that, on the King's demife, the next heir fhould be appointed Regent with kingly power, they deemed no expedient but the abfolute exclufion of the Duke worthy of attention. The patience and mo- deration of the King, which had flood a very fevere trial, now feemed at lafi: to forfake hiin ; and, be- fore the Commons had time to pafs a tingle bill, he fuddenly and unexpe6iedly diffolved the Parlia- ment, with a full refolution not to fummon an- other till the fpirit and temper of the times had undergone an eflential alteration. The popular party were ftruck with conflerna- " 3 tion INTRODUCTION. 37 tion at this vigorous procedure ; and the Nation, difgufted with the obftinacy of their reprefenta- tives, and pleafed with the great conceffions mader by the King, joined in applauding the firmnefs and ipirit with which he a6led on this occafion. The -defperate meafures afterwards refortcd to by the patriots, the fatal cataftrophe which enfued, and ihe tragical end of Sydney, Ruflc^l, EfTex, and others of the party, too plainly evinced tlie im- prudence and indifcretion of their preceding eondudt ; which indeed affords a memorable letlbn to pofterity, how folicitous men ought to be, who have great and laudable ends in view, to adopt rational and pradicablc methods of effecting them. The dcfpotifm cxercifed by Charles from this period was fcarcely inferior to that of Henry VllL though it is certain, that, prefied by pecuniary difficulties, and living in the continual dread of another revolution, his gaiety of fpirit forfook him, and he became filent, abfent and melancholy. It is generally believed, and with good reafon, that he was meditating a change of meafures ; and that he had it in contemplation very fhortly to fumrnpii another Parliament, from which very happy confc- quences would probably have refulted, when he was fuddenly feized with a fit of apoplexy, and died February 6th, 1685, in the 55th year of his age and 25th of his reign. Some remarkable cir- D 3 cumftances 38 INTRODUCTION. cumllances attending his death occafioned a fuA picion of poifon ; but there does not appear fuf- ficient evidence for an accufation of this atroci- ous nature. The whole tenor of his a6\ions and policy prove that this Monarch, whofe fuperiority of underftanding and quicknefs of penetration were no lefs confpicuous than his total want of virtue and of principle, might with more pro- priety than almofl: any man, declare that he always difcerned the things that were right, though he uniformly adopted thofe which were wrong *. It is extremely remarkable, and it may perhaps by fome be confidered as a chara61eriftic trait of that caprice fo frequently afcribed to the Englifh Nation, that, notwithflanding the vehement and furious efforts which had been fo recently made to effect the abfolute exclufion of the Duke of York from the throne, his acceffion to the crown was not attended with any public marks of ditguft or diflatisfaclion. The ftorm had Ipent its rage, and was fucceeded by a dead and fettled calm. This muft not, however, be attributed to any radical change in the public opinion refpedling the eli* gibility of this exclufion in itfelf confidered, but to a general dread of the alarming confequences which muft have refulted from perfifting in the I *..,..... Video mellora proboque, Deteriora feouor. profecutiou INTRODUCTION. 39 profecutlon of a project, in which it was apparent that the King would never be induced to acqui- efce. And though the ludden death of Charles prevented that monarch from executing his in- tention of convening a ParHament, in which fuch reftridlions would doubtlefs have been impoled upon the fucceflbr as the political fituation of the kingdom would have been thought, on a cool and impartial reconfideration of the fubjedl, to require ; yet it was hoped that the underftanding and expe- rience of the new King would fuggeft to him the propriety, or rather the neceflity, of regulating his condudl in fuch a manner as to convince the people that their religion and liberties were not endangered under his government. And refle(5ling men, who always refort with relu(5iance to violent and defperate remedies, clearly faw that no ferious attempt could be made upon either, but with the moft imminent hazard to the King's authority, not to fay his fafety. James II. was now far advanced in life ; the feafon of rafhnefs and temerity, it ITjight be reafonably prefumed, was pad ; and he would deem himfelf, as people fondly imagined, happy by a mild and popular adminiftration to fecure the quiet and peaceable enjoyment of a crown which had once been fo nearly wrelled from him : and after a reign, probably, of no very long duration a bright and glorious urofpedl again opened to their view in the acceffion of the Prince D 4 and 40 INTRODUCTION. and Princefs of Orange. The event, however, proved how deluiive v/ere thefe hopes ; and how juftly founded the apprehenfions of thofe who were but too well apprifed of the bigotry, the en- thufiafm, the blind and deplorable obftinacy of this infatuated monarch. The firft a6l of James's reign, however, feemed not ill-calculated to confirm the prepofleffion which the public were bat too ready to encourage in his faVor. In his declaration to the Privy Council, which aflembled immediately on the death of the late King, he profefled his refolution to maintain the eitablifhed government both in Church and State ; and he affirmed, that, though he had been reported lo have imbibed arbitrary principles, he knew the lawy of England were fufficient to make hinfi as great a monarch as he could wifh, and he was determined never to depart from them. Nu- merous addrcfTes from all parts of the kingdom were prefented to the new Monarch, couched for the mod part in terms of the grofieft adulation ; which no doubt greatly contributed to lull him into that fatal fecurity which was the caufe and the fore-run^ier of his ruin. Though the royal declaration was highly extolled by the partifans of the Court, and indeed by the generality of the peo- ple, who pleafcd themfelves with boaftipg "that they had now the word of a King to rely upon ;'* yet they had very early proof how weak and falla- cious INTRODUCTION. 41 cious was this ground of dependence. ^For, in open defiance of the law agreeably to which the greater part of the duties of cuftom and excife granted to the King expired at his demife, James ifllied a proclamation within a few days fubfe- quent to this declaration, commanding thofe du- ties to be paid as before. And the fecond Sun- day after his acceffion he went openly, with all the injignia of royalty, to mafs ; to the indignation of moil men, and the amazement of all. One Caryl alfb was difpatched to Rome in the capacity of agent, in order to make fubmiflions to the Pope in the King's name, and to pave the way for the re-admi(Iion of England into the bo- fom of the Catholic Church. But thefe expref- lions of duty and obedience to the Holy See were not received with much eagernefs or fatisfa61ion. This, however, will not excite our wonder, when we recolle6l the general ftate of politics in Europe at this period. The grandeur of Louis XIV. had now attained its higheft point of elevation. Since the conclufion of the treaty of Nimeguen, the pride and infolence of that monarch knew no bounds ; and the nations of Europe were concert- ing meafures to reduce the exorbitant power of France within its proper limits. The acceffion of England to this confederacy was the object of general and eager deli re : and as James was be- lieved to be aduated by an higher fenfe of na- tional 4a INTRODUCTION. tional honor and intereft than the late King, and by that jealoufy of the power of France which was naturally to be expelled from a king of Eng- land ; nothing could be more unfeafonablc, oy more oppolite to the political views of the prin- cipal Courts of Europe at this jundlure, than a ferious intention in James to re-eftablifli the Ca- tholic religion in his dominions ; which would in- evitably be the means of involving him in do^ meflic contentions of the moft alarming kind; and which would not only effecl:ually preclude every idea of his becoming a party in the grand confede- racy now a6lually forming, but ultimately reduce him, perhaps, to the neccflity of throwing himfelf into the arms of France, by whofe affiftance alone thefe dangerous proje6ls could ever be carried into execution. The reigning Pontiff Innocent XI. was, in confequence of a recent quarrel, inflamed with animofity againft Louis, and devotedly at- tached to the interefts of the houfe of Auftria. And being, moreover, a man of fenfe and temper, he plainly perceived that the King was not only purfuing meafures manifeftly incompatible with the political fentiments which he affe(5ted to em- brace, but which would probably terminate in the ruin of himfelf and of the religion to which he wa3 fo paffionately devoted. He counfelled him, therefore, to regulate his zeal hy the rules of pru- dence and difcretion, and to endeavor, by mildncf; an4 INTRODUCTION. 43 and moderation, infenfibly to effect what force and violence would attempt in vain. Ronquillo, the Spanifli Ambaflador in England, alfo inculcated the fame leflbns of wifdom ; which were entirely difregarded by James, who was under the abfo- lute government of the priefts by whom he was furrounded, and who were continually urging the neccffity of adopting vigorous and decifive mea- fures, in order to accomplifli the great work of national converfion during the lifetime of the King, as their labors would othervvife be rendered wholly inefFe6lual. The general difpolition of the people, which was at this time patiently, or rather flupidly, paffive, encouraged the King to ven- ture upon meafures, which his long experience of the Englifh Nation, if he had been a man ca- pable of reflediion, muft have convinced him would fooner or later aroufe that dormant but uncon- querable fpirit of refiftance to regal tyranny, which had for fo many centuries diftinguifhed the inhabitants of this ifland. In the month of May 1685 the Parliament was convened ; and fo low was the credit of the Whigs and Exclufionifts now fallen, and fuch the fuccefs of the meafures employed by the Court to influ- ence or intimidate the eledlors throughout the kingdom, that the King declared, upon infpe6ling the returns, that there were not above forty mem- |)ers chofen but fuch as he himfelf wifhed for. 2 It 44 INTRODUCTION. It is fuperfiuous to add, that the religion and liberties of the Nation were never expofed to more imminent danger, than under the govern- ment of fuch a King, and the guardian care of fuch a Parliament. By not only fettling upon James for life the revenue which determined at the deceafe of the late Monarch, but by new grants, which raifed the entire receipt of the Ex- chequer to the annual fum of two millions, they virtually palled a law rendering Parliament in future wholly ufelefs. For this revenue, with pru- dence and economy, was fully equal to the ordi- nary exigencies of Government ; and James was now at liberty to profecute his fchemes free from the apprehenfion of parliamentary check or con- trol. I'hc Speaker of the Houfe of Commons, however, on prcfenting the money bills, ventured to inform the King, " that on giving his Majefly this fignal proof of their loyalty and afFe6lion, .they fnevved how entirely they relied upon his Majefiy's royal word and repeated declarations to fupport the Protedant religion as'profetied by the Church of England, v»'hich was dearer to them than their lives." — A manifeft and decifive proof of that national abhorrence of Popery ariling almoft to phrenfy, vvhich could intia<"nce this aflembly, in other refpedls fo obfequious and abje(fl, to expreis their feelings in language fo bold and energetic. The King received this compliment in rude and ungracious INTRODUCTION. j|§ ungracious lilence. To compenfate for a freedom fo unwelcome, a bill was introduced into the Houfe of Commons, by which any thing faid to difparage the King's perfon arjd government was made treafbn. This dangerous bill was very ably and ftrongly oppofed by Serjeant Maynard, one of the few Whigs fitting in this Parliament, who difplayed in firiking colors the fatal confequences which would refult from any deviation from the famous flatute of Edward III. by which an overt a6l was made the neceflary and indifpenfable proof of treafonable intentions. " If words alone could by any conftrudlion of the law be converted into treafon, he affirmed that no man's life, or liberty, or property, could be fecure. Words were fo liable to be mifunderltood and mifreprefented, and, by a ver}^ fmall variation, might be made to convey a fenfe fo contrary to what was intended, that a law like this, which feemed exprefsly calcu- lated for an inftrument of tyranny, would be a virtual farrender of all our privileges into the hands of the Sovereign." Thefe arguments could not but make fome imprefiion upon the Houfe, callous as it feemed to the feelings of honor, and regardlefs of the national intereft or fafety ; and great debates enfued, which were fud- denly interrupted by the intelligence of the Duke of Monmouth's arrival in the Weft, with an hof- tile armament from Holland. The Commons in- ftantly 4^ INTRODUCTION. fiantly voted an addrefs, afTuring the King of their rcfolution to adhere to him with their lives and fortunes ; and after paffing a bill of attainder againfl: the Duke, and granting a fupply of 400jOooI. for the fuppreffion of this rebellion, they determined upon an adjournment. Immediately on the King's acceffion, the Prince of Orange, knowing the inveterate animofity of James againft the Duke, who had for fome time pad refided at the Hague, thought it expedient to give him his difmiffion. The Duke retired to Bruflels ; but being purfued thither alfo by the unrelenting jealoufy of James, he adopted a fud- €len and rafli refolution to attempt an invalion of England, at a feafon in every refpe61 unpropi- tious to fuch an enterprife. At his lirfl landing at Lyme, in Dorletlliire, he counted fcarcely a hun- dred followers ; but fo great was his popularity, that in a few weeks he aflcmbled with eafe an army of feveral thoufand men, and found himfelf in a condition to give battle to the King's forces, tuicamped under the command of the Earl of Fe- verfham at the village of Sedgemoor, near Bridge- water. Though his raw and undifciplined troops difplayed furprifing valor and intrepidity in the atiack, they were at laft overpowered by the fupe- riority of numbers and of military Ikill. Monmouth liimfclfwas taken in thepurfuit; and though he implored the King's merqy — that mercy which he could INTRODUCTION. 47 could never hope to obtain — with an earneftneis and importunity by no means correfponding with the fpirit and gallantry by which he had been for- merly diftinguifhed, he fnffered death on the fcaf^ fold with calm refolution and conftancy, profelling to confider himfelf as a martyr for the people. The fate of this amiable and accomplifhed no- bleman cannot be contemplated without emotions of grief and compaffion. Educated in the bofom of a corrupt and dillipated Court, and poflefled of every exterior and perfonal advantage, he had im- bibed juft and noble fentiments refpecfling the na- ture and ends of government. His capacity, which was rather below than above the common le\'el, did not qualify him for taking the lead in the oppofition to the Court during the latter years of the reign of Charles II.; but he zealoufly concurred in all the ineafures adopted by the patriots at that period, and in the obftinate and reiterated efforts to carry into efFe6l the famous Bill of Exclufion : after which, as there is reafon to believe, he flattered himfelf with the hope of obtaining an adl of legiti- mation, which would pave his way to the crown. The King however conftantly denied that any con- trail of marriage had taken place between Lucy Walters, mother of the Duke, and himfelf. And this marriage, the report of which gained great credit amongft all ranks of people, and which was never contradidled by clear or demonftrative evi- dence. 4S INTRODUCTIOBT. dence, fiill remains involved in Tome obfcurityi The Duke was uncommonly handfome in his per- fon, and engaging in his manners ; and his dif- pofition was naturally open, affable and generous. He had acquired the aliediions of the people to a very high degree ; and the King his father was perceived by the Duke of York and his adherents, not without the utmofl chagrin, to be flill paf- lionately fond of him, notwithftanding all his po- litical offences. Monmouth, in his public mani- fefio, charged the King with the burning of the city of London, with the Popifh plot, the murder of Godfrey, the death of the Earl of Ellex, and even with the poifoning of the late King. Thefe extravagances gave great offence to all moderate and reafonable perfons ; and the Duke was joined by very few above the lowefi: rank and condition of life — the folly and temerity of this ill-con- certed and ill-conducl.ed attempt being too ap- parent. The barbarity, however, as well as the number of the executions which enfued on the fuppreffion of this rebellion, far exceeded any fc verities of the kind recorded in Englifh hiflory. The favage and infamous Jeffries was exprelsly feleded by the King himfelf, at the enfuing aflifes, as the judge be(^ qualified to difplay the terrors and infiid the vengeance of the law upon the devoted inhabitants of the weflern counties. '* After the defeat of Monmouth,'* INTRODUCTION. 49 Monmouth," fays a late hiftorian*, "juries were overborne, judgment was given with precipitation, and the laws themfelves were openly trampled upon by a murderer in the robes of a Lord Chief Juilice." The King delighted to recount the exploits of what he affedled to ftyle " JefFries's campaigns/* in which many hundreds fuffered under the hands of the common executioner, after the mockery of a trial, in which the innocent and the guilty were almoil indifcriminately in- volved in one common fate. The Earl of Argyle, who had, through the ma- chinations of the Duke of York, been convicted in the preceding reign of high treafon, on the moll frivolous, or, to fpeak more properly, the moft villanous pretences — and who, on making his efcape from the Caftle of Edinburgh, had lincc lived as an exile in Holland — attempted an inva- iion of Scotland in concert with Monmouth, and appeared, unfupported by any adequate force, in theWeftern Elighlands, nearly at the fame time that the Duke landed in a Hate equally deftitute on the fouthern coafi; of England. This feeble at- tempt was fupprefled with very little difficulty ; and the Earl, being t3ken, was executed, without any trial, on his former fentence. Ayloffe and Rumbold, who had been concerned in the Ryt> * Granger. Biog, Hift. Eil^, E ' houfe JO INTRODUCTION. houfe confpiracy, accompanied Argyle on this e^C- pedition^ and fuiftred alio with him the penalties of the law. They appear to have been men of upright intentions, and of undaunted refolution. The latter at . his execution declared himfelf a friend to a monarchical rather than a republican form of government, but the determined enemy of tyranny in every form. AylofFe was conveyed to London, under the idea of his being able to make fome important difcoveries, and was examined by the King in perfon, who took great pains to extort a confeffion from him, though to very little pur- pole. Irritated by the fullen obftinacy of the pri- foner, the King at length faid, *' Do you not know that it is in my pou'cr to punifh, and in my power to pardon ?" To which AylofFe replied, " I know it is in your power to pardon, but not in your nature.'"'' This magnanimous indifcretion only ferved to haften the execution of his fen- tence. So elated was the King with the continual flow of fuccefs which he had experienced from the commencement of his reign, that he feemed to think it fcarcely neceflary to keep up any appear- ance of regard to his moft public and folemn engagements. On the re-aflembling of Parlia- ment in November (1685), he told thetwoHoufcs v/ithout referve, " That, having found the militia during the late difturbances of little ufc;, he had levied INTRODUCTION, ^t levied an additional body of regular forces, for which he demanded an additional fupply; and that he had difpenfed with the Teft Laws in favor of a great number of Catholic officers employed by him, and of whofe fervices he was determined not to be deprived." Openly infulted by this de- claration, the Houfe of Commons began at length to exhibit fome faint fymptoms of political anima- tion ; and, after paffing the vote of fupply, they refolved upon prefenting an humble addrefs to the King againfi: the difpenfing power : to which the King replied in the moft haughty and con- temptuous terms — declaring, " that he expedled no oppotition, after having Co poiitively made known his will upon that fubjedl." This cow- ardly and fervile aflembly was thrown into con- flernation at this reply. It was followed by a long and profound filence : and when one of the Members at lait rofe up and faid, " that he hoped they were all Englifhmen, and not to be frighten- ed by a few hard words," the Houfe voted that he fliould be committed to the Tower. On their next meeting, they proceeded to eftablifh funds for the payment of the fubfidy, and pre- pared to pafs a bill for indemnifying thofe who had incurred the penalties of the Teft. But fo highly did the King refent this feeble fliow of oppofition, that he immediately prorogued, and at length difTolved, the Parliament. As it was im- E 2 ppiTible 5i INTRODUCTION. poffibic however that any Parliament more de- voted to the Court could be chofen, it was uni- vcrlally underftood, that his intention was for the future to govern without Parliaments. And all thole who dared to avow thcmielves inimical to the repeal of the Telt Laws, whatever were their merits in other refpedls, were difmiffed from his fcrvicc ; amongft whom were the Marquis of Ha- lifax and the Earl of Rochefter, who for a time feemed to poffefs the higheft (hare in the King's favor and confidence. Aitairs were now chiefly committed to the management and dirc^^lion of the Earl of Sunder- land, a nobleman of fingular addrefs and capacity, hut wliolly devoid of honor or of re61itude ; bold, iirlfnl, in-fidious, and difpofed or rather determined to go ail lengths with the Court, in order to com- pafs the objects of his unprincipled and immea- furable ambition. As a parliamentary repeal of the Teft Lf/vs could not be obtained, it was thought necefTary that the difpenfing power of the Crown fhould be eftablifhed by a folemn judi- cial decifion. For this pnrpofe, a domeftic of Sir Edward Hales, a diftingaifhed Catholic, who held a commiffion in the arm}'', was diredled to inform agxiinft his mafter for non-compliance with the Teft, and to claim the reward of 500I. given l)y law to the informer. Before this interefting cauic came to a hearing, the Judges were pri- vately INTRODUCTION. $3 vately and feparatcly tampered with^, and fiich of them difmified as would not confent to recognife the legaHty of the difpenfing power. In favor of this mofl alarming and unconftitutional aifumption of authority, it was argued by the Court Law- yerSj " that the exercife of it was very antient in England ; and that the Parliament itfelf had more than once acknowledged this prerogative of the Crown. The great oracle of Englifh law. Sir Edward Coke himfelf, aflerts, that no ftatute can impofe fuch a difability of enjoying offices as the King may not difpenfe with ; becaufe the King from the law of nature has a right to the fervices of all his fubjedls. Nor can the dangerous confe- quences of granting difpenfations be ever allow- ably pleaded before a court of judicature. Every prerogative of the Crown admits of abufe. Should the King pardon all criminals, the whole frame of civil polity muft be dilfolved. Should he declare perpetual war againft all nations, inevitable ruin muft enfue. Yet thefe powers are equally en- trufted to the Sovereign ; and we muft be fatif- fied, as our anceftors were, to depend upon his prudence and difcretion in the exercife of them." Lord Chief Juftice Herbert, who prefided on this extraordinary occafion, affumed as certain and in- controvertible propofitions, *^' that the laws were the King's laws ; that the King might difpenfe with his laws in cafe of neceffity ; and that he E 3 was 54 INTRODUCTION. was the fole judge of that neceffity." To thefe accommodating and courtly doctrines it was in- dignantly anfvvered, and to the entire approbation and convidlion of the far greater part of the king- dom, " that it was falfe to fay, the difpenfing power of the Crown had ever been eftabliOied by law — that, in cafes of real utility or neceflity, the exercife of that power had indeed long been fub- mitted to — and that, in the turbulence of the Go- thic and feudal ages, it formed a falutary though certainly an irregular branch of the royal prero- gative. For, that the Legiflature did not even in thofe dark and barbarous times acknowledge the legality of this power, or at leafl of the unli- mited exercife of it, appears from an a6t of parli- ament paffed in the reign of King Richard II. which exprefsly granted to the King the power of difpenfing with the Statute of Provifors for a li- mited time. The pra6lice of antient times was however in prefent circumdances of fmall import- ance. The Conftitution had, in the courfe of many fucceffive reigns, been gradually altered and improved. The principles of government, and the great ends of government, were now much better underftood than at any preceding period. The danger of admitting this extravagant claim of the Crown had become fully apparent ; and in the laft reign it had been folemnly condemned by Parliament, and virtually relinquifhed by the So- vereign. INTRODUCTION. 55 vereign. Shall it now be revived, and paffively fubmitted to, when the objecl in view clearly, and almofl avowedly, is not to moderate the rigors of public juftice, or to gratify the feelings of royal benignity, but to fap the foundation of that im- pregnable barrier which the wifdom of the Le- giflature had creeled for the protection of the reli- gion and liberty of the State, and which bade defiance to the efforts of open violence ? Let the language of the lawyers, and the precedents ad* duced by them, be what they may, it is prepof- terous and contrary to common fenfe to fuppofe, that a law enacted for the exprefs purpofe of guarding againft the defigns of the Crown can be difpenfed with at the plealure of the Crown. lu a word, the queflion, with every true EngliHiman, is not, what has been the practice of former times, in different fituations and different circumftances ; but, what the a6lual fitaation and prefent circum- flances of the Nation demand. And who will be abfard and ridiculous enough to maintain that the guardians of their country, and the defenders of its religion and liberties, are bound to make a laborious refearch into mufty parchments and anti- quated precedents, in order to afcertain whether they may lawfully refifl a claim, which, if once fully eftablifbed, would fuperfede all law, and ren- der all precedents ufelefs ?" In conclufion, the Judges gave it as their unanimous opinion, that E4 the 56 INTRODUCTION. the difpenfing power was a legal and Indefeafible branch of the royal prerogative, and the Nation faw with amazement this new triumph of def- potifm. In confequence of the general alarm now ex- cited, and the refra6tory fpirit difplayed by the moft zealous Royalifts, and even by the Clergy of the EHablifhrnent, relative to the Teft, the Court affedled to adopt a new language ; and the wif- dom, the juftice and the expediency of an uni- verfal toleration in religion became on a fudden the prevailing and favorite topics of difcourfe. This language was intended, as indeed it was well calculated, to gain the confidence and conciliate the affections of the Proteftant DifTenters, by whofe afliflance the King was now eagerly de- lirous to accomplidi that objcdl to which the more obedient and fubmiflive fons of the Church appeared fo decidedly hofiile. With this view, the corporations throughout the kingdom were entirely new-modelled ; and the King's once zea- lous partifans, the High Churchmen and Anti- J^xclufionifts, were difcarded, in order to make room for his determined adverfaries, the Whigs and DitTcnters ; and, for the moft part, fuch as had moft difiinguiflied themfelves by the violence of their animofity againft him. The King was perpetually exclaiming with affedted abhorrence againft the opprcffivc proceedings of the late reign refpccl^ing INTRODUCTION. 57 relpe(9:Ing the Non-conformlfls ; and reproaching the Church with thofe a6i:s of cruelty of which he was known to be himfelf the principal infti- gator. He ordered an enquiry to be made into all the vexatious fuits by which the Diflenters had been haratlcd in the Ecclefiaftical Courts, and the illegal compoiitions extorted from them as the pur- chafe of redemption from farther perfecution. At length he ventured to ifTue an abfolute and ple- nary declaration of indulgence, including an en- tire fufpenfion of all penal laws in matters of religion : and aflerting the fervice of all his fub- jefts to be due to him by the laws of nature, he pronounced them all equally capable of employ- ments, and fupprefled all oaths and tefts that re-? ftrained or limited that capacity. The DifTenters had fo long groaned under the rod of fpiritual and temporal tyranny, and their minds were fo embittered againft thofe whom they regarded as the authors of all their fufFerings, that it cannot be thought very marvellous they fhould difcover fome fymptoms of temporary fatisfadlion, or rather exultation, at this return of profperity, not very confiflent with that jealous regard and firm attachment to the principles of conftitutional liberty which they had uniformly profefled, and by which their conduct had been in general difiiin- guitbed. To ingratiate himfelf farther into their good opinion, the King, and the Courtiers who were 55 INTRODUCTION. were moft in his confidence, talked much an(| loudly of the popular laws which were intended to be enacl^ed in the approaching Parliament, and of the additional fecurities by which the liberties of the fubjecl would be guarded. In confequence of thefe artifices, numerous addrefles were pre- fented by the Sectaries, containing very ample and jndifcreet proteflations of gratitude and loyalty. But the more intelligent and refpe^table perfons amongft them viewed thefe grofs and palpable at- tempts to deceive, with contempt and indignation. The King having fignified to the new Lord Mayor of London, who was a profefled Ditrenter, and appointed by royal mandamus to that ofiice, that he was at liberty to ufe what form of wor- fhip he pleafcd in Guildhall Chapel, that magif- tratc fcrupled not to offer an open affront to the King's authority by referring the legality of this permiflion to the decifion of counfel, by whom it was pronounced null and void. And the Lord Mayor had the prudence and moderation ufually to attend the eftablifhed worfliip during his may- oralty. Alfo, to fhew their contempt of the dil- penfmg power affumed by the King, he as well as the new Court of Aldermen qualified them- felves for holding their offices agreeably to the requifition of the Tcft Laws. The anniverfary of the Gunpowder Trcafon was likewife commemo- l^ated as ufual, by order of the new Magiftracy, to the INTRODUCTION. 59 the great difpleafure of the Court. And when the Sheriffs by command of the King invited the Nun- cio, who about this period arrived from Rome, to the Lord Mayor's feaft, an entry was made in the Corporation books, that it Vv^as done without the knowledge or apprc bation of the Magiftracy. In- cenfed at thefe repeated marks of difrefpedl and difafFedlion, the King declared, " that the Diffen- ters were an ill-natured and obftinate people, not to be gained by any indulgence." In order, how- ever, to carry on the farce of moderation and tole- ration, the French refugees, who now arrived in great numbers in England upon the repeal of the Edi6l of Nantz, were received with favor, and treated with great oftentation of kindnefs. But this made little impreffion upon the minds of the generality of people, who faw plainly, by the man- ner in which affairs were at this very time condu6l- ed in Scotland and Ireland, how little was to be ex- pe% 70 INTRODUCTION, be, which his malignant revenge at the moment fuggcfted. The policy of James in thus coliedling his forces together in one body, was much queftion- ed by the mofl fagacious of his own adherents. By enjoying the perpetual means of focial inter- courfe, they encouraged and animated each other to relift the farther progrefs of defpotifm, and not to fufFer themfclves to be made the vile and pafiive inftruments of enflaving their fellow fubje^ls and of extirpating the Proteftant religion. The fpirit by which the army was a6\uated, appeared on a variety of occafions ; but the'King was as a man walking on the edge of a precipipe, obftinately and wilfully averting his eyes from the view of the danger. Having determined to recruit and aug- ment his army from Ireland, the attempt was iirlt made on the Duke of Berwick's regiment, Tho Lieutenant Colonel and five of the Captains lirongly remonflrating againfl the admiffion of Irilh Papifts into the army, the order was renew- ed in terms the mod peremptory, and the Duke of Berwick fent in perfon to fee it enforced ; upon which the officers defired leave to lay down their commifllons. The King, tranfported with palTion, commanded them to be tried by a court- martial for mutiny : and they were broken with difgrace, and declared incapable of future fervice. With the evident d^'fign of procuring a parlia- mentary INTRODUCTION. 71 mentary repeal of the penal ftatutes by intimi- dation, if not by open force, the King conde- fcended to communicate to the army his fenti- ments refpecfiing this important obje(!rt, and re- quired them to fatisfy him as to their willingnefs to concur with him in the meafures which he fhould adopt for that purpofe. The firft bat- talion upon whom this lingular experiment was made, on being commanded to lay down their arms provided they did not think proper to enter into his Majefty's views on this point, without he- litation grounded their arms accordingly. The King declined any farther trial, and fullenly told them, that for the future he would not do them the honor to apply for their approbation. Undifmayed, however, by all the indications of the public odium and indignation, which became every day more and more apparent, he refolved to fend the Earl of Caftlcmaine to Rome, in the character of Ambaflador Extraordinary, for tho exprefs^ purpofe of declaring in the moil public and folemn manner the obedience and fubmifllori of the Crown of England to the Pope, and of re- conciling the Britifh realms to the Holy and Apo- ftolic See. Inftead of meeting with a reception correfponding to the dignity and importance of his embafTy;, this nobleman was treated with a cold- nefs and indifference approaching to contempt. The Court of Rome (which at this period as well F4 as / 7i INTRODUCTION. as at moft other times made their religion entirely fubfervient to their politics), fully apprifcd of the egregious indifcretion of James, were careful not to give unneceflary umbrage to the Englifh na- tion, the perpetual rival of France, merely to gratify the fenfclefs bigotry of a monarch vvhofe crown feemed already tottering upon his head. The Earl had it exprefsly in charge from the King, to folicit a Cardinal's hat for Father Petre, a Jefuit, who had acquired a wonderful afcendant at the EngliHi Court, and who was generally confidcred as the fecret but principal advifer of the late defpcrate meafures. But the Pope re- plied, that he had made it a rule never to raife any of that order to the purple. The Ambaf- fador alfo urged the Minifters of the Pope to make fatisfa61ion to the King of PVance, with whom his Holinefs had been long at variance ; and gave intimations of a project fecretly entertained by the King of England, in concert with the King of France, for the utter extirpation of herely. Perceiving his remonftrances negledled, he de- manded an audience of his Holinefs, in which he exprefled his grief and aftonifhment that fo little regard was paid to the reprefentations of thefe two great Monarchs. He even prefumed to throw out fome perfonal refledions on the Holy Pontiff him- felf, as apparently negligent of fpiritual concerns, and engrofled wholly in temporal purfuits, which, he INTRODUCTION, 73 lie fald, had given jufi: caufe of fcandal to all Chriftendom. And he concluded with a declara- tion, that, lince the remonflrdnces and reprefen- tations made in his inafter's name were fo little attended to, he Ihould haften his departure to England. The Pope replied laconically, " that he might do juft as he thought proper." But on quitting his prefence, he caufed it to be iignified to him " that it was, the laft private audience with which he would be indulged — that his Holinefs highly refented the difrefpecl he had been treated with, which was llich as he had never before ex- perienced from any other perfon on any occafion.'*. The Ambaflador foon afterwards J^ivins: formal notice of his refolution to return, and requefting to know if his Holinefs had any thing to give him in charge, it is faid the Pope fent him word, " that he had nothing to trouble him with but his advice to travel in the cool of the morning, as the heat of an Italian fun might be prejudi- cial to his conftitution.*' And thus ended this expenfive, fruitlefs, and ridiculous cmbafly. The Prince and Princefs of Orange had hither- to, with great prudence abftained from taking any a6live part in the affairs of England, in order to avoid giving any juft ground of offence to the King. But they were now conflrained by dire6l and repeated applications of the King himfelf, who carneftly vvifhed to procure their con fent to the 74 INTRO DUCT I 0]>^, the parliamentary abolition of the Tefl and Penal Laws, to make an explicit declaration of their fenti- jnents rcfpecting thofe topics. And Peniionary Fagelj by command of their Highnefles, returned a written anfwer to Stuart the confidential agent of bis Majefty, " that it was the unalterable opinion of their HighnefTes, that no man fhould be ex- pofed to any fpecies of perfecution merely on ac- count of his adopting a faith different fi'om that of the State. They freely confented therefore to the repeal of the Penal Statutes ; but, as to the Teft Laws, they regarded them as by no means of a penal nature, but as juft and ncceflliry precau- tions for the fccurity of the eftablifhed religion, which would obvioufly be cxpofed to the moft im- minent danger (hould thcfe bulwarks of the Na- tional Church be removed*,'* The * On the authovlty of this declaration, BiiTiop Sherlock has affirmed in unqualified terms, contrary to known and eftabh'fhed fafts, that King William was adverfe to the repeal of the Teft Laws. In reply to the arguments and folicitations of James, the Prince and Frincels of Orange very properly diftinguifh be- tween the prtnc'tple of tlie Penal Laws and that of the Teft Laws. The objeft of the firft is the forcible fuppreflion of non-conformity as a fpecies of criminal difobedience j of the fc- cond, a juft and neceflary regard to felf prefervation againft' the attacks of a dangerous adverfary. While the danger ex- ' ifted, to have confented to the repeal of the latter would have been making themfelves acceflary to the national ruin. But when the Revolution had taken place, and the fafet][ of the Na-» tio!^ INTRODUCTION, 75^ The King was highly incenfed at this refufd, and declared that he would not accept of the re- " peal of the Penal Laws, unaccompanied by that of the Tell. He tiiid, he was the head of the fami- ly ; and that the Prince ought to conform to his will, inftead of which he. had conllantly oppofed him. The iCing alfo affe6ted great difpleafure againfl the States of Plolland', and appeared eager to feek occafions of quarrel. On the other hand, the Prince, finding that he had wholly loft the favor of the King, and perceiving that the period was at length arrived when he might exert himfelf with dignity, propriety and efFe(5l, fcrupled not to difpatch Dyl^vell, a man of capacity and addrefs,,|| into England for the purpofe of eftablifliing a correfpondence with the leaders of all the differ- ent parties — atluring them of the Prince's earneft dclire to preferve the Conftitution inviolate both in Church and State, and to concur vvith them in any meafure which they deemed conducive to the public intereft or fafety. About this period happened an event, which greatly tended to accelerate the progrefs and faci- litate the fuccefs of thefe fecret negptiations. This tior. was fecured, the civil and political difabilities created by the Teft, not being warranted by 3 real and urgent political ne- ccffity, were converted into ads of oppreflion and perfecution ; and that great Monarch difplayed his juftice, wifdom and ge- perofity in the efforts made by hira to obtain their repeal. a was ^S INTRODUCTION. was no other than the birth of a Prince of Wales, June lOj 1688. Such had been the unparalleled infatuation difplayecl by the King throughout the whole courfe of his reign, that it cannot be thought ftrange he fhould by the generality of his fubjecls be deemed capable of the crime of impofing upon the Nation a fuppofititious child, in order to enfure the accompli(hment of thofe projc6ls, which he now began to defpair of being able to efFe6l within the compafs of his own life. It tended ftrongly to corroborate this fufpicion, that the Queen had been for feveral years in an ill ilate of health, and was now fuppofed incapable of bearing children. Dur- ing the months of pregnancy, and at the birth, fuf- iicient care was not taken to obviate the jealous fur- mifes which were known to be entertained ; but which the pride of the King and Queen prompted them to treat with difdain. After the reports, at firft whifpered abroad, were more loudly and ge- nerally circulated, and acquired great and increaf- ing credit, attempts were in vain made to afcer- tain with legal precifion the reality of the birth j though there is certainly no juft or reafonable ground to flain the memory of this Prince, how* ever odious or contemptible, by imputing to him a defign fo flagrantly criminal. The Prince of Orange, who perceived in confequence of this event the profpe6l with which he had been fo lon^; flattered, of fucceeding to the Britifli Crowq ftfter IN-BRODUCTION. ff after the demife of the King, fuddenly and unex- pedledly vanifh^ was no longer inclined to keep any meafures with the Englifh Court. And he was now incited no lefs by ambitious than patriotic mo- tives to diveft the King of that authority which he had fo grofsly abufed ; and a great (hare of which mull:, in cafe of a revolution in the Government, naturally devolve upon him. The Englifh Nation, on the other hand, after the birth of an heir-ap- parent, faw no poffible refuge or refource from the defpotifm with which it was threatened, but in the courage, ability and virtue pf the Prince of Orange, who was at the fame time beft qualified and bell entitled to take the lead in^ the plan of reiiftance now determined upon. Invitations to the Prince for this purpofe from a great number of perfons of the firft rank and confequence in the kingdom were carried over by Zuyleftein, on his return to Holland from an embafly of compliment which the Prince, to preferve the faint appearance of amity, bad fent to the King on the birth of his fon. It is remarkable, that even Sunderland himfelf^ from whofe fagacity and penetration thefe intrigues could not be concealed, far from difplaying that firmnefs and decifion which were neceflary to ex- tinguifh or countera6l them, entered into a fecret correfpondence with the Prince, and encouraged him to undertake this cnterprife. Fully fenfible of the dangerous predicament in which he flood, and 7? tiSITRODUCTfoN^. and filled with doubts and fears refpedling the ifliie of the approaching confli6l, this Minifter ex- erted all the arts of his infidious policy to provide fdr his perfonal fafety, whether it terminated in' favor of the Prince or of the King. Whilfl he correfponded with the Prince therefore, and di- rected the Royal Councils in the manner moft likely to facilitate the faccefs of the enterprife ; in order efFe6tually to deceive the King, and to in- g-ratiate himfelf flill farther into his favor and con- fidence, he took this opportunity of declaring him- felf a convert to the Roman Catholic relio-ion : an artifice fufficiently grofs, conlidering the pre- fent pofture of affairs, had not the King's weak- nefs been ftill more open and palpable. The flate of Europe at this period was peculiarly favorable to the enterprife now in contemplation. A warm difpute adlually fubfifting between the Courts of Vienna and Verfailles refpedling the fuc- cefiion to the Bifhopric of Liege, aftbrded the States of Holland, who were nearly interetled in the event, an opportunity of augmenting their forces by fea and land, without giving immediate caufe of fufpicion or umbrage. After their naval and military preparations, however, had continued fome weeks without intermiffion, D'Avaux, the French Ambaflador at the Hague, advifed his Court, that he had good ground to believe not Liege but England to be the principal objeCl in view. INTRODUCTION. 79 View. Louis immediately tranfmitted this intelli- gence to James : but the King of England treated it as a wild and incredible furmife ; and repeat- edly faid, "that whatever the detigns of the Dutch might be, he was fure they were not intended againft him. The King of France, perceiving with aftonifhment the tranquillity of the King of Eng- land in this moment of danger, ordered his Ambaf- fador at the Hague to reprefent to the States, that, in confequence of the ltri6l alliance and friendfhip fublifting between the two monarchs, his mafter would confider any hoftile attempt againft England as a declaration of war againft himfelf. When this was reported to James, he appeared much difpleaf* ed ; and affirmed, " that the amity fubftfting be- tween himfelf and Louis was nothing different from that which ufually fubfifted amongft Princes ; and that, if he was attacked, he knew how to defend himfelf without foliciting the aid and prote6lion of France." By the advice of Sunderland, he had before refufed to accept a body of auxiliary forces which Louis was defirous to fend to his affiftance ; and rejecSled the propofal of the Earl of Melfort to feize the perfons of the moll powerful and dan- gerous of the mal-contents. And in this ftate of unfufpe6llng fecurity he remained till the end of September, when he received a letter from the Marquis of Albeville, his Ambaffador at the Hague, informing him that Penftonary Fagel had at length acknow- 86 INTRODUCTION. acknowledged tliat the invafion of England was the fole end of thefe mighty preparations. Struck with confternation, the letter dropped from his hand ; and, as if awakened from a dream, he perceived at once all the horrors of his fituation. In this def- perate emergency, he had recourfe to the Earl of Sunderland, on whofe capacity and fidelity he chiefly relied. And this nobleman counfelled him without delay to refcind thofe illegal and unpopu- lar mcafures which had excited the prefent alarm- ing fpirit of difafFe6lion and revolt. He now there-. fore eagerly offered to enter into a Treaty of Alli- ance with the States for their common fecurity : he replaced the Magillrates who had been arbitrarily removed from their ofRces : he reftored the Char- ters which had been annulled : he aboliflicd the Court of Ecclefiaftical CommilTion : he took off the Bifhop of London's fufpcnfion : he re-inftated the expelled Frefident and Fellows of Magdalen College ; and he ordered writs for a new Parliament to be made ready for the Great Seal. Thefe lymptoms, not of remorfe but terror, did not however prevent the Prince of Orange's failing from the Texel, November the ifl, 1688, with a fleet of 500 tranfports, having a large body of land forces on board, under the convoy of a flrong fqua- dron of fhips of war. A faperior Englifh fleet, which lay at anchor at the Norc, were prevented putting to fea by a violent eaderly gale of wind, w-hich INTRODUCTION. 8r ^vliich carried the Dutch fleet into Torbay on the 4th of November. And on the day following the Prince of Orange landed his troops without the Jofs of a man. Advancing forwards to Exeter, he was foon joined by great numbers of the nobility and gentry of the weftern counties ; and on the firft intelligence of the Prince's arrival, every pari of the kingdom was in commotion. Afibciationg were daily forming in his favor. The northern counties openly declared for him ; and refiftance feemcd to be no where thought of. The King came down to Salifbury, where his army lay en- camped : but finding that no dependance could be placed on its fidelity, and that it was rapidly dimi-^ nifhing by defertion, he retreated to Andover ; from which place Prince George of Denmark, who had hitherto attended the King's perfon, repaired to the head-quarters of the Prince of Orange. And on the King's arrival in London, he had the inex- prefiible mortification to learn that his daughter, the Princefs Anne of Denmark, had withdrawn from Court in order to put herfelf under the pro- tedtion of the infurgents. Not knowing whither to flee for fafety, and over- whelmed with dejection and difmay, the King convened a Council of all the Peers and Prelates who were in London ; and by their advice he delegated the Lords Halifax, Nottingham and Qodolphin^ as Commiffioners to treat with the « Q Pnnc? S2 INTRODUCTION. Prince of Orange. The demands of his Highnefs were briefly — that a Parliament might be imme- diately fummoned — that thofe who were not qua- lified according to law, (hould be removed from their oiFices — that the Tower of London fbould be confio-ned to the care of the citizens — that the fortrefles of the kingdom fliould be put into the bands of Proteftants — that provifion fliould be made for the payment of the Prince's army — that during the fitting of Parliament the armies on both fides fhould remain at an equal diflance from th^ metropolis — finally, that the Prince fhould have free accefs to the Parliament, and be attended by the fame number of guards as the King. Thefe terms, though fomewhat imperious, were fully juftified by the circumflances of the cafe, and were by the King himfelf pronounced more favor- able than he expe6led. Inftigatcd however by his own apprehenfions, and the inceflant importunities of the Queen, who was terrified at the idea of a Parliamentary Im- peachment, from which fhe was told that the Queens of England were not exempted, James embraced the abfurd and defpcrate refolution of retiring from the kingdom ; flattering himfelf that the confufion which he fancied mud inevitably enfue would operate to his advantage, and that he fhould foon be folicited to refume the Govern- ment. On the loth of December at three in the morning INTRODUCTION. 83 morning he left the palace of Whitehall, with Sir Edward Hales, in the difguife of a fervant ; and proceeded as far as Feverfham, where he was acci- dentally difcovered. Upon the intelligence being carried to London, the Privy Council met, and ordered the King's guards and coaches to be fent to Feverfham, in order to re-convey him to Lon- don ; and on his arrival in the metropolis he was received with various demonflrations of joy. The Prince of Orange, who had heard of the King's departure with great pleafure, and who had, at the exprefs defire of the Nobles and Privy Council, atTumed the executive powers of Go- vernment during his ablence, was extremely cha- grined at his unexpected return ; and a confulta- tion was immediately held, in order to determine in what manner to difpofe of the King's perfon. Some with equal refolution and judgment propofed to commit the King to fafe cuftbdy, at lead till a Parliament fhould be called, and the fettlement of the Nation finally concluded upon. Others were of opinion, that this bold and harfh meafure would have a tendency to excite the public com- paffion, and to turn the tide of popularity in his favor. The Prince declared himfelf averfe to com- pulfion, though difpofed to a6l with iirmnefs and vigor. And it was at length agreed, that the authority a61:ually exercifcd by his Highnefs from the period of the King's departure ought not to G % be S4 INTRODUCTION. be rellnquifhed ; and that the King's defertion of the Nation made it improper to carry on any far- ther correfpondence or negotiation with him. The Earl of Feverfham, who was fent by the King to Windfor with a mefiage to the Prince, was pnt un- der arreft ; and the Lords Halifax, Shrewfbury, and Delamere were deputed by the Prince with a meflage to the King, defiring or rather com- manding him to leave the palace of Whitehall the next morning, and repair to Ham, or fome other leat in the environs of the metropolis. The. King enquired if he might not be permitted to retire to Rochcfter. This was eafily acceded to j and it was perceived with much fatisfa6lion, that the King had another efcape in contemplation. The enfuing day he was accordingly conduced to Rochefter, under the efcort of a military guard. Here he lin- gered for fome days, in the faint hope of receiv- ing a fecond invitation to return to the capital. The Earl of Middleton, who accompanied him, urged his flay, though in the remoteft part of the kingdom. " Your Majefty," faid he, *' may throw things into confufion by your departure, but it will be but the anarchy of a month. A new government will be foon fettled, and you and your family are ruined." The King's refolution, how- ever, w^as fixed ; and on the lafl day of December he embarked on board a frigate for France, where the Queen and the infant Prince of Wales were 3 already Introduction. % already arrived. And though the King of France had no reafbn to be highly pleafed with his con- du6l, he had the generofity to give him a very cor- dial and friendly reception. The very fame day on v^^hich the King left Lon- don, the Prince of Orange took pofTeffion of St. James's. After receiving the numerous congra* tulations prefented to him from all quarters, he fummoned an aflembly confifting of all the nobles, prelates, and gentlemen who had fat in any Parlia- ment during the reign of King Charles II. ; and by their advice he iflued circular letters to all the counties and boroughs throughout the kingdom, to eledl a Convention of the Eftates of the Realm in the form of a Parliament ; which accordingly met on the 22d of January 1689, ^"^» ^^^^^ ^ ^°"S and interefting debate, declared the thrOne of England vacant ; and by a decifive majority of voices conferred the Crown, now at the difpofal of the Nation, upon the Prince of Orange, as the juil reward of that patriotifm and valor by which he had fo glorioufly refcued them from llavery and ruin. Such was the expedition and fuch the facility with which a revolution was accomplifhed, which in its confequances muft be acknowledged one of the moft interefting and important in the annals of Hiftory. From this period, a government was eftablilhed, which had for its bafis — what no other G 3 government m INTRODUCTION. government had ever before exprefsly afiumed— < the natural and unalienable rights of mankind. From this period the grand queftion, whether government ought to be exercifed for the advan- tage of the governors or the governed, was finally decided. Government was by the higheft au- thority allowed, and even virtually aflerted, to be a trujl. And the inference could not with any de- gree of plaufibility be difputed, that the men in whom this truft is vcfted, by whatever names or titles they may be diftinguiihed, are ultimate- ly RESPONSIBLE TO THE COMMUNITY FOR THE PROPER EXERCISE OF IT. ON ON THE CHARACTER OF THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY* JN O charafter ,has labored under greater obloquy than that of the Earl of Shaftefbury : yet he appears from the general tenor of his conduct to have deferved highly of his country ; and thofe parts of it which are at all queftionable have been molt grofsly and invidioufly aggravated. It is the province of Hif- tory to correft thele errors, and to diftribute with impartial juftice the aw^ards of praife or cenfure. Unfortunately for the memory of Lord Shaftelbury, the moft eloquent hiftorian of the age, Mr. Hume, has in relation to him Imbibed all the preju- dices of preceding writers, in all their virulence and all their ab- furdity. His ideas of this celebrated nobleman are indeed evi- dently and almoft wholly taken, from Bifhop Burnet, low as the authority of that prelate ftands with him upon moft other Gccafions. But what Mr. Hume re larks of the Duke of Al- bemarle is at leafl: as true of Lo-d 6haftefbury, " that Bifhop Burnet, agreeably to his own faftious fpirit, treats this nobleman with great malignity." Mr. Hume has even copied the ridicu- lous notion of the Bifhop, that Lord Shaftefbury was addifted to judicial aflrology. Lord Shaftefbury is known to have enter- tained a diflike and contempt of Burnet ; and pcfTeffing a ftrong turn for humor, in order to avoid ferious difquliition, he might polTibly divert himfelf at times with the Bifhop's curiofity and creduhty. At the period of the Reftoration, few perfons flood * Vide p. 18. G 4 higher 88 CHARACTER OF TM£ higher in the efteem of the Nation at large than Sir Anthon^ Afhiey Cooper ; and though decidedly of opinion^ in oppofitioB to General Monk, that conditions ought to have been propofcd for the fecurity of public liberty^ the King, nothing offended at his warmth of patriotlfm, even before his coronation created him a Peer by the title of Lord Afhlcy- And in the preamble to his patentj the Reiloration is exprefsly faid " to be chiefly owing to him; and that after many endeavors to free the Nation from the. evils in which it was involved, he at length by his wifdom and councils, in concert with General Monk, delivered -it from the fervitude under which it had fo long groanedj" He was alfo made Governor of the lile of Wight, Chapcellor of the Ex- chequer, and Lord Lieutenant of the County of Dovfet : and he had, in corjunn political opinion ; and that the harfli, bigoted, and arbitrary meafures of that nobleman were invariably oppofed by tl;e Lords Aihky, Robarts^ Manchefter, Holies, Annefley, Secretary Mor- licc. Sec. and even at times by the Lord Trcafurer Southampton himfelF, the noble friend of Clarendon, and who was alfo, to the chagrin of the Chancellors not lefs intimately conncfted with Lord Afhiey. The Earl of Clarendon was fupported by the Duke of York and the whole French intereft, which on the other hand the Chancellor efpoufcd with ftrong and danger- ous predikftion ; as the negotiations of the Count d'Eftrades evince beyond all controvcrfy. On the difgrace of this Minifter A. D. 1667, a new fyftem was ad<;)pted ; the French and High Church influence fcemed at an end ; the Triple Alliance was concluded ; mild and equitable meafures were recommended from the Thron.e to the Parliament ; they were exhorted by the King, " ferioufly to think of feme courfe to beget a better union and w^^. .- compofure :earl of shaftesburV. f^ Compofure among his Proteftant fubjefts in matters of religion, whereby they might not only be induced to fubmit quietly to his government, but alfo cheerfully give their affiftance to the fup- port of it." And the horrible tyranny praftifed, under the fanftion of Clarendon, in Scotland, was checked by a royal letter addreffed by the King to the Scottifh Council, importing " that another way of proceeding was neceffary for his fervice." This fyftem continued for near three years, to the great advantage of the Nation, and the proportionate indignation of the Duke of York and of the whole French and Popi{h fadlion ; through whofe fatal influence the King, ever wavering between the two parties, was at length induced to adopt new counfels and new ineafures. Agreeably, however, to his refined and cautious po- licy, he ftill retained and treated with great demonfi rations of regard divers of the moderate and popular leaders, amongft. whom by far the moil diftinguifhed was Lord Afhley, who was well known by the Duke of York to be inveterate in his aver- iion, and inflexible in his oppofition, to him and his defigns. Nor is it any juft fubjeft of reproach to Lord Afhley, when fuch men as Holies, Annefley and Robarts remained in office, that he did not immediately quit his connexions with the Court. Un« CHARACTER OF THE early opportunity after his appointment as Chancellor, by an iri* cidcnt trivial indeed in itfelf but decifive in its efFeft, to de* monftrate that he was irreconcileably at variance with the York and Popifli faftion. The Duke of York had been for fevcral years accullomed to place himfelf, in the Houfe of Peers, on the right hand of the throne, upon the feat appropriated to the Prince of Wales. But en the opening of the feflion in the fpriiig of 1673, Lord Shaftefbury, as Chancellor, tefufed to proceed to buliuels till his Royal Highnefs had removed himfelf to his pro- per place on the left hand of the throne. This threw the Duke into a vehement paffion, an infirmity to which he was extremely fubjeft ; and he refufed compliance in the moft provoking lan- guage, ufing, without regard to dignity or decorum, the oppro- brious terms 'uiHaiii and rafcal. To which Lord Shaftefbury, with that command of temper and readinefs of retort for which he was celebrated, calmly replied, " I am obliged to your High- nefs for not alfo ftyling me Papift and coward." In conclufion the Duke was compelled to fubmit, to his unfpeakable chagrin and mortification. When the Parliament had declared their difapprobation of the new fyftem, upon which Lord Shaftefbury doubtlefs de- pended for a change of meafures, without effeft ; this nobleman thought it necelTary to exprefs publicly his concurrence with the fenfe of Parliament, particularly in relation to the Declara- tion of Indulgence. In tlie fame memorable debate, Lord Clifford defended the Court meafures with the mofl intemperate vehemence. At the termination of it, the Duke of York is faid to have whifpered to the King, " What a rogue have you of a Lord Chancellor I" to which the King replied, " What a fo<^ have you of a Lord Treafurer!" But the King, if fijr- prifed, was not enraged at the conduft of Shaftefbury. On the contrary, anxious to preferve that fort of balance in his Councils on which he fecretly relied for refuge and fafety, and placing the highell confidence in the talents of this nobleman, he immediately gave indications cf a change of fyftem, by can- celling the Declaration, and giving his afTent to the Teil Acl, which EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. 51 which Lord Shaftefbury fupported in the Houfe of Lords, In oppofition to Clifford, with fuch energy of argument and fplen- dor of eloquence, that Andrew Marvel, fo famous for his own political integrity, obferves, " Upon this occafion it was that the Earl of Shaftefbury, though then Lord Chancellor of Eng- land, yet engaged fo far in defence of ihat Aft and of the Pro- teftant religion, that in due time it coft him his place, and wa3 the firfl; moving caufe of all thofe mifadventures and obloquy" which he fnice lies under." In his excellent fpeech to the new Lord Treafurer Danby, June 1673, on his taking the oaths be- fore him in the Court of Chancery, he remarks, no doubt with a llrong feeling of the difficulties of his own fituation, " that the addrefs and means to attain great things are often- times very different from thofe that are neceffary to maintain and eflablifh a fure and long pofTeflion of them." Lord Shaftef- bury continued to be much confulted and carelTed by the King during the whole interval which elapfed between the recefs of Parliament on the 29th March, and its next meeting, late in Oftober. But though the King was prevailed upon to re-affem- ble the Parliament at this juncture, adverfe counfels again pre- dominated in his ever fluftuating mind ; and Lord Shaftef- bury was affured that he meant to diffolve the Parliament, to renew his connexions with France, to continue the Dutch •war, and to permit the marriage of the Duke of York with the Princefs of Modcna. That nobleman then took his final refolution ; and by the language which he ufed at the com- mencement of the feflion he fhewed how little he was difpofed to keep any meafures with tlie Court. After finifhing the fpeech which he delivered ex officio and by command, he expref- fed, contrary to the ellablifhed cuftom, and to the indignatiou of the Popifh Junto, " his own hearty wifhes and prayers that this feffion might equal, might exceed the honor of the laft— that it might perfeft what the lafl: begun, for the fafety of the King and Kingdom — that it might be for ever famous for having eflablifhed upon a durable foundation our religion. Jaws, and properties." Shortly after he told the King, " that, though ^1 cha'racter of ths though he was deeply feuGble of the perfonal obh'gations he owed him, he was no longer abte to ierve him— that, had his advice prevailed, he would have engaged his life and fortune to have made him the moft beloved and powerful prince in Chrif- tendom ; and that, feeing him in the hands of a party fo con- trary to the interefls he had been always contending for, he was fatisficd the King's next ftep muft be to fend for the Great Seal." The King feemed much affefted, and promifed never to forfake him or the Proteftant interefl j but would not be dif- fuaded from his purpofe of diffolving, or at leaft proroguing, the Parliament after a fefTiou of a few days. Lord Shaftefoury predided the dangerous confequences of this ftep, and the irre- parable breach it muft create between the King and the Na- tion. But Charles was immoveable ; and inftigated by the Duke of York and the Popifh fadion, he fent, as Shafteft)ury was prepared to exped. Secretary Coventry to demand the Seal No- vember 9th 1673. " The fame day," as we are informed by Dr. Kennet, " he was vifited by Prince Rupert and nioft of the Peers and perfons of quality about the town, who acknow- ledged that the Nation had been obliged to him for the juft difcharge of the truft that had been repofed in him, and return- ed him their thanks.'' But juftice to the memory of Lord Shaftefbury requires, that the confufed and invidious ftatements of Mr. Hume ftiould be more clofely inveftigated, In order to manifeft the utter incompe- tency of that celebrated hiftorian to pafs a judgment upon this nobleman's character and conduft. Mr. Hume affirms, after Burnet indeed, that Sir Orlando Bridgeman was removed from Bis office for refufing to affix the Great Seal to the Declaratioa of Indulgence, and intimates that Shaftefbury was made Chan- cellor for that very purpofe ; whereas Sir Orlando Bridgeman. continued in pofleffion of the Great Seal eight months after the Declaration was figned, fealed, and pubiifhed, i. e. from the 1 5th of March to the 17th November 1672, and was then, as ftated in the Official Notice, " permitted to refign on account of hi» great age and infirmities.'' Mr, EARL or SHAFTESBURY. ^f Mr. Hume aflerts, after Burnet, that Lord SliaftefDury fiig- ^efted to Clifford the infamous advice of fhutting up the Ex- chequer ; although thefe ftatefmen were at this very time inve- terate political adverfaries. And there is extant & paper of ob- jeftions, admirably penned, left by Lord Shaftefbury with the King, againft that violent and iniquitous mcafure; and alfo a letter of the fame nobleman, in which, adverting to this report, he ftyles it " foolifh as well as falfe. If any man confider," fays he, " the circumftance of the tirns when it vvas done, and that it was the prologue of making Lord Clifford Lord High Treafurer, he cannot very juftly fufpect me of the counfel for that bulinefs, unlefs he thinks me at the fame time out of my wits." And the Duke of Ormond, a man of honor, though of the Clarendon or York party, was heard to declare " his wonder why people accufed Lord Afhley of giving that advice ; for he himfclf was prcfent when it was firft moved by Lord Clifford, and he heard Lord Afhley pafiionately oppofe it." Mr. Hume tells us, that in the famous fpeech made by Lord Shafttibury as Chancellor in the Spring fcllion of 1673, he en-p larged on the topics faggefted by the King, and added many ex- traordinary pofitions of liis own. This is extremely inaccurate. According to the fafliion of the times, the fpeech delivered by the Chancellor in the King's name was confidered as the King's fpeech, and Avas previoufly agreed upon in Council as partof it„ Lord Shaftefbury expreffed in ftrong terms to his friend the famous Locke his uneafinefs at the part which he was thus compelled to aft, particularly noticing the obnoxious phrafe ** delenda eft Carthago." And M. Le Clerc remarks upon the cccalion, " that thofe (in Holland) who did not know the Chancellor fpoke only ex officio, conceived a bad opinion of him*." The Earl of Clarendon had in the fam.e manner vin- dicated, ex officio and in his capacity of Chancellor, the firll Dutch war, which he had previoufly and vehemently oppofed in the Cabinet, without any imputation upon his political in- * Bibliotheque Choifie, tome vi. tegrity ^ $4^ CHARACTER OF THE tegn'ty; and why fhould there be one ftandard of reftitude for Clarendon and another for Shaftefbury ? The apology for both muft be found in Lord Shaftefbury's own weighty remark in his addrefs, already quoted, to the Earl of Danby. Mr. Hume's narrative evidently implies, if it does not es- prefsly affirm, that Lord Shaftefbury abandoned the Court he- caufc the King, intimidated by the Commons, had cancelled the Declaration ; whereas the King had as yet given no tokens of an intention to recede from the Declaration ; and Lord Clifford had vindicated it in high and lofty terms, calling the vote of the Houfe of Commons " monflrum horrendum, ingens !" when Lord Shaftefbury arofe, and faid he muft differ toto ccelo from the noble Lord who fpoke laft. And then followed his famous fpeech in condemnation of the Declaration. The King, urged by the Commons, unfupported by the Lords, and alarmed at the defeftion of his mofl popular Minifler, fhortly after broke the feal with his own hand, March 7th; and the next day Lord Shaftefbury, with the King's leave, reported it to the Houfe of Lords. *' Never," fays Mr. Hume, " was turn more fudden, or lefs calculated to fave appearances. Immediately he entered into all the cabals of the Country party, and difcovered to them, perhaps magnified, the arbitrary defigns of the Court, in which he himfelf had borne fo deep a fhare." But this is mere hif- torical romance. Lord Shaftefbury had never relinquiflied his connexions with the Country party, the leaders of which, Lyt- telton, Powle, RufTel, Sfc. w^ere his particular friends ; — and he was never accufed or fufpe£led by the patriots in the Houfe of Commons of any defign inimical to the liberties or interefts of his country. On the other hand, if the King conceived his con- duft to be as bafe and treacherous as Mr. Hume reprefents it, how is his continuance in office for the fpace of nine months after this period to be accounted for ? And why was he at lafl difmified, as the High Church hiftorian Echard himfelf relates, with fuch unufual marks of refpeft and regard ? But truth is always confillent with itfelf j and the fad beyond all poffibility EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. 95 of rational denial is, that Lord Saaftefbury had uniformly op- pofed the French fyftcm with all the weight of his influence and eloquence. By the force of his arguments the King had been often induced to ponder and to hefitate ; and that heafted TREACHEROUSLY, is an affertion not only void of proof, but contrary to the whole tenor of evidence. In reality, Lord Shaftefljury carried higher than almcft any man his ideas of honor as a politician and ftatefman. Mr. Hume himfcif allows, but that is indeed at the diltance of fome pages, **that he main- tained the charafter of never betraying thofe friends whom he deferted." In a letter written to the King fome years fubfequent to this period, he fays, in reference to the early events of his life, " I nenjer betrayed, as your Majefty hio^s, the party or counfels 1 was of." He rather chofe to lie under the imputation of advifing the meafure of fliutting up the Exchequer, than to reveal the King's counfels confidentially entrufted to him. ** I Ihall not deny,'' fays the Earl in the letter before quoted, ** but that I knew earlier of the counfel, and forefaw what neceflarily it muft produce perhaps fooner than other men ; but I hope it could not be expected by any who do in the leall know me, that I fhould have difcovered the King's fecrets, or betrayed his bufi- nefs, whatever my thoughts were of it.'' And when, in avowed oppofition to the Court, feveral years afterwards he made fome fevere refleclions on the then Lord Chancellor Nottingham, that nobleman arofe in great heat, and " thanked God that, what- ever his errors might be, he was not the man who had projeded the fecond Dutch war, who had promulgated the Declaration of Indulgence, who had advifed the fliutting up of the Ex- chequer." The Earl of Shaftefbury with the utmoft calmnefs obferved, in anfwer to thefe implied charges, that there were then in the Houfe feveral Lords who were in the fecret of his Majefty's counfels at the period alluded to— -he would accufe none, but he appealed to all whether he was the author or the advifer of the meafur«s in queftion." A profound filence enfued; and Lord Arlington, going up to the King, who was himfelf prefent in the Houfe, remarked to him the generofity of Lord Shaftefbury, 96; CHARACTER OF THE Shaftefbury, and the indifcretion of the Chancellor. And upon this the King rebuked the Chancellor for meddling with the fe- Crets of the Council in fo public a place ; and told him " he knew nothing of thofe matters.'* So much for the charge of treachery. — Upon other fimilar jiccufations of the Hiftorian it is unnecefTary to dwell. If, as Mr. Hume afferts, " Lord Shaftefbury had furmounted all fenfc of fhame, if he was not ftartled at enterprifes the moll hazard-, ous, if he was a man of infatiable ambition ;" — why did he not fteadily perfevere in the Court fyftem ? Had the Oppofition any thing better to offer him than the Great Seal of England ? This nobleman is ftigniatized by Mr. Hume, as at the fame time under the dominion of furious and ungovernable paflions, and praftifing the infidious arts of a deep and defigning dcma- p-Qfue. But thefe oppofite chara^leriftics are equally remote from the truth. He had an extraordinary command of temper upon the moft trying occafions ; and his fpeeches, though bold and ardent, are not declamatory, but acute, fagaclous, and argu- mentative. He equally difdained to difguife his own fentiments in complaifance to the Prince or to the People. *• I do not know," faid he upon a certain occafion (A. D. 1679) in the Houfe of Lords, "how well what 1 have to fay may be received; for I never ftudy either to make my court or to be popular. I always fpeak what I am commanded by the diftatea of the SPIRIT WITHIN ME." In the high ftations which he filled, his virtues, if we will give any credit to the tellimonies of his cotemporaries, were as con- fpicuous as his talents. His renown was extended far beyond the limits of his native country. On his advancement to the Chan- cellorfhip, M. Cronftrom, a Swede of high diftinftion, who had been Refident in England, wrote his congratulations. " This preferment and dignity, my Lord," faid he, « was due long 'fince to your high merits; and I do humbly affure your Excel- lency, it is generally believed here, the intereft of this and your nation will flourifh under the wife conduft of fuch a renowned Chief Miniller of St^e as you are." Though not bred to tUq EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. 9; the profeffion of a latvyer, none of his decrees in Chancery were ever reverfcd ; and amidft the violence and madnefs of party rage, Dryden himfelf, in his famous political fatire of Abfalom and Ahitophel, could not refufe to pay a tribute of praife to the moral and judicial integrity of his charafter : ** In Ifrael's court ne'^r fat an Abethdin With more difcerning eyes and hands more clean : tJnbrib'd, unfought, the wretched to redrefs, Swift of difpatch, and eafy of accefs." Farther, Mr. Hume is pleafed to inform us, ** that Lord Shaftefbury was reckoned a deift ;" although incontrovertible Evidence remains, that this nobleman was a firm believer in Chriftianity according to the moft rational fyftem of Proteftant- ifm, for which he even declared, in a very memorable debate in the Houfe of Lords on the Non-refiftance Bill (1675), his i^adinefs to facrifice his life. And upon this occafion King Charles, who was himfelf, according to his frequent praftlce, prefent in the Houfe, declared " that Shaftefbury knew more law than all his Judges, and more divinity than all his Bifhops.'* It would extend this digrellive differtation too far, to trace the mifreprefentations of Mr. Hume relative to the conduft of X.ord Shaftefbury fubfequent to his refignation of office, and public jundlion with the Oppofition, of which he was immedi- ately acknowledged as the head. It muft fuffice to fay, that the Hiftorlan exhibits a charafter incongruous, incredible, im- poffible-^ " a charafter from no one vice exempt," yet the objeft of univerfal affeftion and veneration — not the vene- ration of the mafs of the people merely, but of the beft and wifeft men of the age and country in which he lived— -an EfTex, an Holies, a Ruffel and a Sydney. And to the injurious re- proaches of Mr. Hume may with infinitely preponderating ad- vantage be oppofed the difcriminating applaufe of the celebrated Locke, founded on long and intimate knowledgej who fays of this nobleman, " that in all the variety of changes of the lad age he was never known to be cither bought or frighted out of his H publiQ 98 CHARACTER, ETC. public principles." And M. Le Clerc tells us, " that, to chtf end of his life, Mr. Locke recollefted with the greatefl pkafure the delight which he had found in the converfation of Lord Shaftefbury; and when he fpoke of his good quahties, it was not only with efteem, but with admiration *." When at length reduced to the necefiity of taking refuge in Holland, he was received by the Republic, which according to his enemies he had labored to fubvert, with the highell honors. On his arrival at Amlterdam, he was vifited by feveral of the States and perfons of diflindlion, one of whom fmiling remark- ed, ** My Lord, nondum eft deleta Carthago." They told him they were fenfible his fufferings were for the Proteftant caufe» that he had been their real friend, and that he had no ene- mies but who were theirs likewife. They affured him of their conftant protection, and ordered his portrait to be hung up in their public room. On his death, which happened fhortly after, they put themfelves into mourning. Even the /hip which con- veyed his body to England, was adorned with ftreamers and fcutcheons, and the whole apparatus was, by an exprefs decree of the States, exempted from the payment of tolls, fees and cuftoms f . On the fubfequent landing at Poole in Dorfetfhire, it was met by a cavalcade of the principal gentlemen of the county, who attended the proceflion to his antient feat of Win- bonie, where, after all his political conflicts, he repofed from his labors, and received a peaceful and honorable interment. Some of thefe particulars are extrafted from original mate- rials not yet made public, but which will probably appear at no very diftant interval. The remaining information, and much more to the fame effeft, was within the reach of every writer poffefied of competent diligence, and not difdaining the dull la- bor of refearch. But the fine piftures of Mr. Hume are too often little better than fancy-pieces. * Bibliotheque Choifie, tome vi. t lb. tome ii. HISTORY o p GREAT BRITAIN. BOOK I. K. WILLIAM III. Illujlnous Charader of K. WUViam, State- of Poli- tical Opnions. Appointment of the New Mmtftry, Convention converted into a Farliament. Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy refufed by eight Bi- Jhops. Cabals of the Non-jurors, Proceedings of Parliaynent. Bill of Rights. Bill of Indem- nity. AB of Toleration. Bill of Comprehenfion, Proceedings of the Convocation. Affairs of Scot- land. Crown of Scotland declared forfeited by King James — ami conferred on K. IFiUiam, Ex- ploits of Vifcount Dundee. Highlanders de- fcribed. State of Europe. League of Augfburg, fVaa: declared by England againfi France, Ge- - nerous Reception of K. James by Louis XIV. H 2 hivafion loo HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. hwtifinn of Ireland by the French. Treachery of Tyrconnel. K. Janies makes his Entry into Dublin. Battle of Bantry Bay. Pretended Par- liament of Ireland convened by K. James. Adl of Settkfnetit repealed. Memorable Rcfiflance of Londonderry. Un-profperous Campaign under M. Sch&mberg. Seffion of Parluiment. Corporation Bill. Parliament dlffblved. Proclamation againji General Ludhnv. Meeting of the Nezv Parlia- 7nent, ConfliSf of Parties. Act of Grace. Tri- umph of the Tories. King embarks for Irelami. f^idory of the Boy?ie. K. .lames abaiidons Ire- land, Sufxeffes of K. ifilliam. Siege of Ath- lone rafed — and of Limerick. ICi?!^ returns to England. Earl of Marlborough captures Cork and Kinfale. Command devolves on General Ginckel. Athlone taken. ViCfvry of Aghrim. Capitulation of Limerick, Queen conjlitnted Re~ gent'-'Her amiable Character and d'ifcreet Cori- duB. Naval Defeat off Beachy Head. SeJJioji of Parliament. Lord Godolfhin appointed Firfi Commiffiojier of the Treafnry. His Char a tier. King embarks for the Cnntijwnt. In danger of Shipwreck. Congrefs at the Hague. Confpiracy againji the Government. Execution of AJhton. Deprivation of the Non-juring Bijhops. Cam- faign in Flanders., &c. 1691. Chara£ler of the Emperor Leopold. Death of Pope Innocerrt XL Srjfwn of Parliament. Unpopularity of the King. ■ Affairs K. WILLIAM III. loi Affairs of the Edji hidia Company. D'lf grace of the Earl of Marlborough. Intrigues carried on with the Court of St. Gennames. Frlnce and Princefs of Denmark ceafe to appear at St. James s. '^r^HERE are few princes in antient or mo- JL dern times who have a6led a more confpi- cuous or important part on the great theatre ot^ the world, than King William. Scarcely had be attained to the age of complete manhood, when he was called upon by the united voice of his countrymen to refcue them from the dan- gers of an invalion which had nearly fubverted the Republic. When their apprehenfions had reduced them to the loweft ebb of defpondency, he awakened the drooping genius of the Com- monwealth ; and Holland, under the aufpices of a Prince of the houfe of Orange, quickly rc- aflumcd her courage and re-c(iablifbed her power. When thcfe nations were threateneti with the dreadful profped of popery and flavery, this Prince was again invoked for aid and aflifiance ; and, accomplifhing with unparalleled happincfs and fuccefs the glorious and immortal work of their deliverance, was rewarded with that crown which fell from the head of the abdicated tyrant. During the concluding years of his life, he was univcr- fally coniidered as the great bulwark of the liber- H 3 ties 102 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. ties of Europe endangered by the pride and the power of Louis XIV, to whofe vaft and unprin- cipled projedls of ambition he oppofed, in that grand alliance of which he was the former and the head, an infurmountable barrier. Though the two great political factions had united in their oppofition to the late King James ; and though the Tories,, alarmed at the magnitude and, imminence of the danger, feemed for a time to have abandoned their favorite do6lrines of paf- iive obedience and non-refiftance ; in the fpecu- lative difcuffions which fucceedcd at the meeting of the Convention, they evidently fhewed a ttrong- tendency to revert to their original principles, or at leaft a flrong reluctance to depart from them farther than the neceflity of the cafe abfolutely demanded. Though they acknowledged the King therefore to be incapable of government, they could by no means reconcile their minds to the idea of an adlual depofition ; but, as in former cafes of in- capacity arifing from nonage or nicntal imbecility, they propofed the appointment of a Regent vefted with kingly power. To this plan the Whigs, who conftituted a great majority of the Lower Houfe of Convention, were determined, for obvious and important reafons, not to accede. But wifely endeavoring to accommodate their more dignified and rational ideas in a certain degree to the pre- judices of their new aflbeiates, they palled an una- nimous K. WILLIAM III. 103 nimous vote, ** That King James II. having en- deavored to fubvert the Conftitution of the King- dom by breaking the original compa6l between King and People, and having, by the advice of Je- fuits and other wicked perfons, violated the fun- damental laws, and withdrawn himfelf out of the kingdom, has abdicated the government, and that the throne is thereby vacant." The Tories, how- ever, whofe influence predominated in the Houfe of Lords, rejedied the concluding claufe, and changed the term abdicated for deferted, a word of very different import, as it feemed to imply that the right of resumption flill exifted. Not clearly comprehending that emergencies may arife of a na- ture fo tranfeendent as to fuperfede all legal forms and pofitive inftitutions, and that the eflence of the Conftitution is not to be facrificed to its exter- nal fan6lions, they argued, " that, however great might be the mifcondudl of the Government, the law pronounced the King to be in his own perfon exempt from all refponfibility. The authors and advifers of the illegal meafures purfued were indeed deferving of condign punifhment ; but to the King himfelf could be imputed not criminality but in- capacity merely ; and for this incapacity a Re- gency was the only proper and conftitutional re- medy. If however the temporary" defertion of the government on the part of the King (hould, by an unprecedented violence of conftruclion, be H 4 interpreted I04 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. interpreted into an a6liial abdication of the regal office, ftill the right of fucccffion devolved by law upon the infant Prince of Wales, of the legitimacy of whofe birth, notwithftanding the rumors pro- pagated for malicious and faftious piirpofes,'no rational perfon entertained the flightefj doubt,'* Thefe reafonings muft have appeared not only plaufible, but unqueftionably juft and equitable, to very many refpeClable perfons, at a period when the true theory of government had been compara- tively little fludied, and its general principles- not as yet perfedlly underftood or very generally dif-r fufed. It is a facl which needs neither dif^uifc nor palliation, that the Revolution, abftra^iedlv confidered, was an unqueftionable though an il- lufirious violation of the law. And the cflablifli- cd maxims which for the purpofe of fccuring the juft and genuine ends of government it was then thought neceflary to luperfede, are iinee that im'3. as facred and inviolable as before. It is ftill a prin- ciple of the Englifh Conflitution, that tiie King can do no wrong — i. e. to him no criminality can be imputed j that the Legiflative Affcmblies can exercife no jurifdi6lion over the Monarch ; and that the crown of England is held by hereditary right. But, if former times (bould roll round again, and any future King of England fliould dare to confpire againft the civil and religious liberties of his fubjeds, and facrilegioufly to at- tempt K. WILLIAM If I. 105 tempt the fubverfion of the Government ; unlefs the fpirit of liberty were totally extinguifhed in the land, thefe feeble barriers, calculated merely to protect the Executive Power in the juft and, fearlefs difcharge of its confiitutional funilions, would be inftantly burft afunder. And if the fafety of the Nation demanded that the trophies of public juftice fhould be " raifed (to borrow the language of Milton) on the neck of crowned Fortune proud ;" no true patriot v/ould hefitate to applaud the facrifice : nor would it be any im- jieachment of contiftency to demand, at the fame moment, the re-eftablifhment of thofe wife and falutary and conftitutional maxims from which the moft urgent neccllity alone could juftify any de- parture*. * The fiippofitlon of law, as Sir William Blackftone excel- lently obfcrves, is, that neither the King, nor either Houfe of Parliament coUetlivtly taken, is capable of doing any wrong; fince in fuch cafes the law feels itfelf incapable of furnifliing any- adequate remedy ; for which reafon, all oppreffions which may happen to fpring from any branch of the Sovereign Power mull neceffarily be out of the reach of any ftated rule or exprefs legal provifion : but if ever they unfortunately happen, the prudence of the times muft provide new remedies upon new emergencies. Indeed it ia found by experience, that whenever the unconfti- tutional oppreffions even of the Sovereign Power advance with gigantic Itridcs, and threaten defolation to a State, mankind will not be reafoned out of the feelings of humanity, nor will facrifice their liberty by a fcrupulous adherence to thofe political maxims which were originally eftabliihed to prefervc it. 'J The io6 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. The prudence and moderation, and even the magnanimity of the Prince of Orange during the debates of the Convention arejullly and generally applauded. Perceiving the Houfe of Peers dif- pofed to favor the eftablilhment of a Regency, he thought proper, after obferving a long and pro- found filence, to inform fome of the leading mem- bers of that aflembly, " that, though he acknow- ledged their undoubted right to adopt that form of government which to them appeared moft eli- gible, he was determined, if a Regency were ap- pointed, not to take upon him the office of Regent —that, if they chofe to fettle the Crown upon the Princefs of Orange, he claimed no right of ob- jedling to it, but he would never a6l a fubordi- nate part in the adminiflration of the Government. In either ofthefe cafes, therefore, he would re- turn to Holland, fatisfied with the glory he had acquired by the fervice he had been fo happy as to render them." — This judicious and well-timed de- claration put a fudden termination to the debate : and the two Houfes of Convention came to a final refolution Feb. 13, 1689, to offer the Crown, in the name of all the People of England, to the Prince and Princefs of Orange as joint fovereigns; vefting at the fame time the fole adminiftration of Government in the hands of the Prince. This offer, which was no lefs agreeable to the Princefs, who indignantly difclaimed every idea of an in- tercft K. WILLIAM III. 107 tcreft Tcparate from that of her hufband, than to the Prince, was accepted without hefitatlon ; and their Highnefles were crowned King and Queen of England by the names of William and Mary, Ajn-ilthe nth 1689. The firft public act of the new reign was a pro- clamation confirming all Protellants in the offices held by them on the ill of December 16S8. A new Privy Council was in a few days after no- minated, conlifting chiefly of Whigs. The grand difficulty refted in the appointment of a new Mi- niftry, in the formation of which it would have been highly impolitic entirely to have excluded the Tories, who had taken a very ac^tive and zeal- ous part in the late Revolution. The jealous ani- inofity fubfifting between the two State fa61ions began immediately to re-appear j and it was with little fatisfadion to cither that the King at lafl: made his final arrangement. The Earl of Danby, a zealous Tory and High-Churchman, who boaft- ed the fplendid merit of devifing and effiedling the marriafre of the Prince and Princefs of Orano-e. and who was one of the feven patriots who rifqued their lives and fortunes by figning the original in- vitation to the Prince*, tranfmitted to him throuo-h the * The others were Shrewfbur)'-, Devonfhi're, Lumley, the Bi- fliop of London, Adn-iiral Rnffcl, and H. Sydney. The Earl of Nuttirgham liad been applied to, and had once aflented to the invitation J. *. io8 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN, the hands of M. Zuyleftein, aipired to the office of Lord High Treafurer, which he had hdd du- ring the reign of Charles II. But the King deter- mined to put the Treafury into commiffion ; am] Lord Mordaunt, created L'arl of Monmouth, was declared Firft Comoiiffioner. This nobleman, yet in early life, poffciled a moft extraordinary force and verfatility of talents ; and his genius in the lequel taking a military direction, he attained to the higheft degree of celebrity under his fabfe- quent title by deicent of Earl of Peterborough. Danby, thus excluded from, the Treafury, was obliged to content himfelf with the ])oft of Prefi- dcnt of the Council and the title of Marquis of Carmarthen. The Earl of Shrevvfbury, a man of capacity, of moderation, and of probity, whofc characler flood high with both parties, was ap- pointed Secretary of State, in conjunction with the Earl of Nottingham a determined Tory, immove- able in his prejudices, grave in his deportment, auilere in his morals, artful, able and ambitious. This nobleman had refufcd to tign the invitation to the Prince, but declared himfelf willing to fliarc invitation ; but his heart faHcd liim, and (as Sydney wrote to the Prince, June 30,) " lie rctratlcd, under pretence of fcruples of confcience — though they all conduded it to be another paf- lion."-Hc neverthelefs kept the fecvet inviolate. The Prince of Orange, knowing the feiiith and unprincipled verfatility of Ha- lifax, forbade any pofjtive or explicit communication of the de- fign to that nobleman. the K. WILLIAM IIL 109 the refponfibility as far as concealment would go : and though in the Conventional debates he had vehemently oppofed the Vote of Abdication, he fabfequently declared with much plaufibiHty, *^ that though he would not make a King, yet upoji his principles he could obey him better than thofe who did." The Marquis of Halifax, a man of wit, genius and eloquence, had conducted him- felf with fuch duplicity, or, to fpeak more properly, with fuch flagrant incoitfiilency, as entirely to lofe the confidence of both parties. He had originally aeled with the Whigs, to whom he gave mortal offence by the decided part which he took in op- pofition to the Exclution Bill, and by fupporting. the flagitious meafures of the laft years of Charles il. and the firft of bis fuccefibi", under whom he held th^ office of Prefident of the Council. In order to recover his credit with the Whigs, who were now likely to attain a permanent afcendency, he oppofed with all the force of his oratory in the Convention the project of a Regency, and eVcn went fo far as to move that the Prince fhould. be declared King, and the Princefles next in fuccef- fion. This propofition, though immediately nega- tiv-cd, fo far anfvvered his purpofe as to raife him high in the King's favor; but it made him odious to the whole body of the Tories. To him was ^ configned the Privy Seal. The Great Seal was put J ID HISTORY Ot^ GREAT BRITAIN. put into commiffion ; Maynard, Keck/ and RaW- linfon being nominated Cornmiffionefs. And Sir John Holt, a man of great ability and equal in- tegrity, was declared Chief Jiiftice of England. Admiral Herbert, a very popular and reputed a very fkilful feaman, was placed at the head of the Admiralty. The white Haves were beftowed on the Dukes of Devonthire and Dorfet ; the firft being appointed Lord Steward, and the latter Lord Chamberlain. M. Bentinek, a native of Holland, who had long enjoyed the King's confi- dence, was advanced to an honorable flation in the King's houfehold, and foon afterwards created Earl of Portland. Mr. Sydney, brother to the fa- mous Algernon Sydney, a man of engaging man- ners and graceful addrefs, was diflinguifhed in the new promotions, and in the fequel advanced to very high offices in the Itatc, and created Earl of Romney. The diocefe of Saliibury being at this time vacant by the death of the learned Dr. Scth Ward, the King of his own motion nominated as his fucceilbr Dr. Burnet, who had embarked on board the Dutch fleet on the late expedition to England, and been an adlive and zealous infiru- ment in accomplifhing the Revolution. This pre- late, equally famous in his political and theological capacity, has been defcribed, not unhappily, as " a inan of fome parts and great indullry, moderate in his K. WILLIAM in. Ill his notions of Church difcipline, inquiiitive, med- dling, vain and credulous*" — but, as it ought to be added, honed, difinterefted, and lincere. An unexpected difficulty occurred in the pofitive re- fufal of the Primate Bancroft to confecrate the new Bilhop : but, as the time approached, dreading the penalties of a Premunire, he granted a commiffion to the Bifhop of London and three other fuffra- gans to exercife his metropolitical authority ; thus, as Bithop Burnet with fome degree of fpleen re- marks, '* meanly empowering others to do what he himfelf deemed an unlawful a(5t." The firfi: refolution adopted by the new Go- vernment was to convert the Convention into a Parliament, that aflembly being fuppofed by ma- ny to vi^ant a legal fan6lion, not having been con- voked by the royal writ of fummons. On pro- pofingthe queftion in Council, whether it was ne- cetTary to diflblve the Convention and to call a new Parliament, the voices were divided ; but the Whigs, knowing the inconveniences which would arife from a diflblution, and well fatisfied with the apparent difpolition and complexion of the Com- mons, were unanimous in their opinions againtt it. The King, in confequence, went in ftate to the Houfe of Lords, and, in a folemn fpeech from the throne, recommended to both Houfes to *' confi- der of the moll: effectual means to prevent the in- * Smollct, 6 conve- 112 HISTORY OP GREAT BRITAIN. conveniences which might arife from delays in accomplifhing whatever meafures they might have in contemplation for the good of the Nation," A bill was immediately brought in, and carried ra- pidly through the Houfc of Lords, to remove and prevent all queflions and difputes concerning the aiTembling and fitting of this prefent Parlianmit. But in the Houfc of Commons it excited a warm and interefting debate. The Tories maintained, with fome degree of plaufibility, that " if the Con- vention was in itfelf an illegal aflembly, its a6ts could not be legalized by giving it the name of a Parliament — that the King's writ was as neceflary as his prefence to conflitutc a legal Parliament — that the Convention of 1660 was called by the confent, if not by the authority, of the lawful King, and when there was no great feal in be- ing to affix to the writs ; notwithfianding which it had never been confidcred as a legal Parliament, its adls were ratified in a fubfequcnt Parliament, and thence they derived their validity. No con- ftitutional power exifting, therefore, by which the Convention could be converted into a Parliament, they inferred that it muft of neceffity be diflblved, and a new Parliament fummoned." To this rea- foning the Whigs replied with firmnefs and fpirit, "that the whole of the proceedings relative to the Revolution now accomplifhed were in a legal fenfe irregular and anomalous to the eftablifhed principles K. WILLIAM IIL 113 principles of the Conflitiition ; but that eflentiala mud not be facrificed to forms. A King had been dethroned, and another elected, and un- iverfally acknowledged as a King de fa£io at lead, if not de jure. Was it then more difficult, or lefs conflitutional, to acknowledge a Parliament de fa£lo than a King de fado P The eflence of a Par- liament confided in the meeting and co-operation of the King, Lords^ and Commons, whether con- voked by writ or by letter. The Prince of Orange's not being King at the time of his itTu- ing the letters, was an irrelevant obje61ion ; fince he was then the adminiftrator of the Executive Government. From a retrofpective view of Eng- lifh hidory it was fufficiently apparent, that it was never confidered by our ancedors as fo material how the King, Lords and Commons came toge- ther, as that they were together. During the im- prifonment of Edward 11. writs were ifTued for a Parliament in the name of the monarch by the Queen and Prince of Wales ; which, being met, depofed the King, and paded a great variety of acls remaining in force without any fubfequent confirmation. In like manner the Parliament which depofed King Richard H. was fummoncd by the Duke of Lancader, afterwards King Hen- ry IV. ; which Parliament, fo irregularly convened, palled divers a6ls, the legality of which was never quedioned. As to the confirmation of the acts of I the ii4 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. the Convention Parliament of 1660 by the fubfe- t]ucnt Parliament of 1661 convoked by the King's writ, though perhaps politically expedient in or- der to fatisfy the Icrupulofities of fome fceptica} theorifts, it could proceed neither from neceffity nor propriety ; mod of the aS.s pafled in the Con- vention Parliament having produced their full effc(5l before the ,fubfequent Parliament began. Where then was the political prudence or ad- vantage of throwing the kingdom into confufion by a new eleclion at fo critical a jundure, to the great delay and hindrance of public butinefs ? And after all, at their next meeting, as to all the cflcn- tials which confiitutc a true and lawful Parlia- ment, they would gain nothing but what they al- ready pofleiicd." Thefe arguments happily pre- vailed ; and the Com^mons agreeing to the Bill, the Convention was from that time called the Parlia- ment: the Act commencing from the day on which the Crown was accepted by the King and Queen, The ill of March being appointed for taking the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, divers of the diflatisiied members, chiefly of the Upper Honfe, retired on different pretences into the country. Being at length fummoned to give their attendance, the Earls of Clarendon, Litchfield,, Exeter, with a few other Temporal Lords, con- tinued contumacious ; and no lefs than eight of the Bifhops, including the primate Sancrofl, a 3 '' man K. WILLIAM IIL iij man of unblemifhed morals, of great learning and integrity, and of much paffive fortitude — but ia his public rapacity weak, wavering, and pufillani- mous. Though he had joined with the othei' Peers and Privy Counfellors in inviting the Prince of Orange to take the adminiftration of the Go- vernment upon him, he refafed to pay his compli- ments of congratulation at St. James's on his fub- fequent arrival. When the Convention met, he came not to take his place among them — refolv- ing to a6l neither for nor againll^ the interefts of King James: and though he himfelf refufcd the oaths, he cautioufly avoided taking any ileps, by adling or fpeaking, to deter others from fuch compliance. The example of the Bifliops was followed by many individuals amonglt the inferior clergy, who were in confequence deprived of their benefices ; though by far the greater num^ ber fubmitted to the oaths enjoined, but with fuch limitations and mental refervations as redounded very little to the honor of their integrity. The recufant Prelates * were at firft fufpended from their epifcopal fun6lions, and it was not till after' an * The non-juring Bifliops were Sancroft, of Cantertiury ; Turner, of Ely ; Lake, of CMchefter ; Ken, of Bath and Wells ; White, of Peterborough ; Lloyd, of Norwich ; Tho- mas, of Worcefter ; a.id Frampton, of Gloucefter* The five firll of thefe were of the number of the feven Bifhops fenc to I 2 the 1 1 6 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. an interval of more than a year the vacant Se&S tvere filled with men of more liberal principles ; the new metropolitan Dr. Tillotfon, in particular, fuflaining a very high character for moderation, wifdom, candor and probity. The deprived Arch- bifhop Sancroft retired to a fmall paternal eftate in Norfolk, cultivating, as we are told, his garden with his own hands, and enjoying in peace and privacy the fplendid facrifices he had made at the fhrine of re6litude and confcience. The fadtion of the Non-jurors, and many who had taken the oaths to the Government, were quickly difcovered by intercepted letters to be en- gaged in fecret pradtices againft it. The Earl of Arran, Sir Robert Hamilton and others were com- mitted to the Tov^^cr, and a bill pafTed both Houfes fufpending the Habeas Corpus Acl — for the firft time fince that famous law, the bulwark of the Englifh Conftitution and of the perfonal liberty of EngliOimen, was enaded. A fpirit of mutiny alfo at this period broke out in the army ; and the Royal Scotch regiment of horfe and that of Dumbarton, having declared for King James, began their march from South Britain to Scot- the Tower by King James for refufing to promulgate the De- claration of Indulgence ; thus a fecond time, and within a very- , fhort interval, facrilicing, though in an ignoble and unworthy caufe, their intereft to their fincerity and Integrity. land ; K. WILLIAM IIL 117 land ; but were purfued by General Ginckel, and compelled to furrender at difcretion. This inci- dent gave rife to a bill^ now become annual, for punifhing mutiny and defertion, forming in its prefent ftate a complete military code, under the fandlion of which the formidable ftanding army of Britain is difciplined and governed. The revenue of the Crown fettled upon the late King James for life, was declared by the Houfe of Commons to be expired, in contemptuous dif- regard of the allegations of the courtiers, who pretended that the revenue had devolved to the prefent King with the crown, as, during the life of King James at leaft, infeparably annexed to it. By a very juft and wife regulation, they eftablidied a ditlindlion between the ordinary and extraordi- nary expenditure of the Nation ; fettling by a pro- viiional a6t the fum of 600,000 1. upon the Crown, to defray the neceffary demands of the Civil Go- vernment, under the appellation of the Civil Liil ; and leaving all the remaining fupplies to be voted upon eftimate, and appropriated to fpecific fer- vices, itated by Minillers, and approved by the Parliament. This was a political novelty, at which the King was not perfedlly pleafed ; par- ticularly as the Civil Lift itfelf was granted, by a caution perhaps too fcrupulous, for fo fhort a term as one year only : and the bold and innovating fpirit of the Whigs excited in this and other I 3 inftanccs 1 18 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. inftances fome degree of umbrage, not to fay refentment, in the bread of the King*. With a view to extend his popularity, the Mo- nareh fignified, in a mefTiige to the Commons, his readinefs to acquiefce in any regulations they fhould think proper to adopt for the fuppreflion of hearth-money ^ which he underftood to be a grievous impofition on the fubjedt ; and this tax was in the fequel aboliflied, " in order to ere6l a lafting monument of his Majefty's goodnefs," to ufe the words of the A61, *' in every dwclling-houfe of the kingdom." But the profpecl of this monu- ment^ according to the obfervation of the celebrated Commentator of the Laws of England, was ex- tremely darkened by the fubftitution, in a few years afterwards, of an heavy duty on windows, as an equivalent to that on hearths ; and which is per- haps little lefs odious or vexatious. In confequencc alfo of the King's recommendation, the Houfe of Commons voted the fum of 600^000 1. as a com- * The King declared, " that without a fettled revenue a King was but a pageant ;" and upon another occafion he faid to Bifhop Burnet, " that he underftood the good of a Common- wealth as well as of a Kingly Government, and it was not EASY TO DRTERMiNE \v H ic H WAS BK ST : but hc was furc the word of all governments was that of a King without treafure and without power." The late King of Pruffia was more deeply tainted wiih this political herefy than King William ; for hc declared himfelf to Dr. Zimmermann " extremely par- tial tp Republics." pcnfatior^ K. WILLIAM IIL 119 pcnfation to the States General for the expencc incurred by them in fitting out the fleet which •wafted the Prince of Orange to the Britifli (liore. Another very important meafure brought forward in the courfe of the prefent feffion, though not carried into full efFedl till the fucceeding one, was the converfion of the Declaration of Rights pre- fented to the King by the two Houfes of Con- vention, immediately previous to the ofter of the Crown, into that memorable law fo frequently re- ferred to, and fo juftly celebrated, under the ap- pellation of the Bill of Rights*. A claufe of * The declaratciy claufcs of tin's famous Bill are as fol- low : — " The Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, &.c. as their anceftors in like cafes have ufually done, for the vindi- cating their antient rights and privileges, declare That the pretended power of fufpending laws or the execution of laws by regal authority without coufent of Parliament is illegal. That the pretended power of dlfpenflng with laws or the exe- cution of laws by regal authority, as it hath been alTunied and cxercifed of late, is illegal. That the Commiflioa for erecting the late Court of Com- miffioners for Ecclefiaflical Caufes, and all other Commiffions and Courts of the like nature, are illegal and pernicious. That the levying money to or for the ufe of the Crown, by pretence of Prerogative, without grant of Parliament, for longer time or in any other manner than the fame is or fliall be granted, is illegal. That it is the right of the fubjeft to petition the King ; and &\l commitments and profecutions for fuch petitioning are illegal. 1 4 That 120 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. of a very interefting import was inferted in this bill, difabling Papifis from the fjcceffion to the Crown — to which the Lords added, or fuch as fliould marry Fapifls— and abfolving the fubje6ls in this cafe from their allegiance. The King was extremely and laudably felicitous that an A61 of Indemnity, with proper exceptions. That the raifing and keeping a {landing army within the kingdom in time of peace, unlefs it be by confent of Parliament, is againft law. That the fubjefts, being Proteftants, may have arms for their defence, fiiitable to their condition, and as allowed by law. That the eledlion of Members of Parliament ought to be free. That the freedom of fpeech or debates and proceedings in Parliament ought not to be impeached or queftioned in any court or place ont of Parliament. That exceflive bail ought not to be required, nor exceffivc fines impofed, nor cruel and unufual punifhments infli£led. That Jurors ought to be duly impannelled and returned, and Jurors which pafs upon men in trials for high trcafon ought to be freeholders. That all grants and promifes of fines and forfeitures of par- ticular perfons before convlftion are illegal and void. And that for redrefs of all grievances, and for the amend- ing, ftrengthening and preferving of the laws. Parliaments ought to be held frequently. And they do claim, demand and insist upon all and fin* gular the prernifes as their undoubted rights and privileges; and that no declarations, judgments, doings, or proceedings to the prejudice of the People in any of the faid prernifes ought in any wife to be drawn hereafter in confequefice or example. fhould K. WILLIAM III. i2t ffiould pafs without delay. Jeffries, the infamous Jeffries, was now under clofe confinement in the Tower ; and Wright, who had filled the high office of Lord Chief Juflicc of England, with divers of the late Judges and other State delinquents, were prifoners in Newgate: and frojTi amongfl thefe examples of public juftice might be made. But good policy evidently required, that the minds of the multitude who had rendered themfelves more or lefs culpable by engaging in the execu- tion of the illeo-al meafures of the late reio-n (liould be fet at refl and conciliated by the lenity and mo- deration of the prefent Government. This the Whigs, much more in the fpirit of fa6lion than of patriotifm, refifced, from a defire to keep their adverfaries ftill under the lafh, and to eftablifh more firmly their own afcendency. This ungene- rous condu(?i; was openly countenanced and en- couraged by the Earl of Monmouth, now at the head of the Treafury, and Delamere, afterwards Earl of Warrington, Chancellor of the Exchequer — to the great difgufl of the King ; into whofe mind the Earl of Nottingham was afliduoufly in- ililling jealoufies and fufpicionsof the whole Whig party, whom he reprefented as in their hearts re- publicans and levellers, entertaining deep and dan- gerous defigns tending to the fubverfion of kingly government. Under the fpecious pretext of the difficulty of making the proper exceptions^ and of the 122 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. the encouragement which a general indemnity would afford to the partifans of the late King, the bill was lofi: for the prefent feflion. Modelled as it was by the Whigs, it bore indeed more the appearance of a bill of punifhment than of par- don ; for it comprifed no lefs than twelve general heads of exception, including a vafl number of individuals. Amongft thofe fpecified by name were the Chief Juflices Herbert and Wright, the Lords Jeffries and Sunderland*, the Bidiops of Durham, * After the Revolution, the Earl of Sunderland, knowing how obnoxious he had made himfelf by his public conduft, and not daring to truft to his fecret fervices, had tliought it expedient to take refuge in Holland. And from Amllerdam he wrote a letter to King William, dated March 8th (1689), m which he fays, " If I had not followed the advice of my friends rather than my own fenfe, I fhould not have been out of England at this time : for I thought I had ferved the public fo importantly in contributing what in mc lay towards the ad- vancing of your glorious undertaking, that the having been in an odious Miniftry ought not to have obliged me to be ab- fent. But nothing makes me repine fo much at it as that I could not give my vote for placing your Majefty on the throne." —And in a fubfequent letter, March nth, this nobleman lays, *? However unfortunate my prefent circumflances are, I have this to fupport me, that my thoughts as well as atlions have been, are, and I dare fay ever will be, what they ought to be to your Majefty. — Long before your glorious undertaking, I cannot but hope you remember how devoted I was to your fervice.'' The diffimulation of Sunderland, upon which he values himfelf thus highly, was fo profound as completely tQ imppfe on the fagacity of M. Barillon, wuo on th; 5th January i6S3 K. WILLIAM IIL 123 Durham, Chefter, &c. Lord Warrington himfelf informs us, " that the party mod affected by the bill retarded their proceedings by throwing ftum- bling-blocks from time to time in their way" — thinking, no doubt, that their peril would be in no wife diminifhed, but on the contrary greatly increafed, by fuch an a6l of grace and fiivor as this. Such was the terrific latitude of the bill, that it was compared to failing in an illimitable ocean without a compafs — to wandering in an immenfe forefl which no funbeam could penetrate. Of 1688 writes to the King of France, " that he has difcovered nothing which can make the fufpicion of a fecret conneftion between that nobleman and the Prince of Orange to be be- lieved." And a large pecuniary gratification, exclufive of his penjion, was at this time granted to Sunderland by the Court of Verfailles in reward of his good fervices. So late as the month of September 1688, Barillon writes of Sunderland, " Cc miniilre parolt perfuade que le Prince d'Orange n'ofera entre- prendre une defcente." On the 6th of November Barillon, on the repeated appHcations of Sunderland, who told him he fliould be ruined if the Prince of Orange fucceeded, promifed to this traitor-friend a fafe retreat in France." How far Sunderland at any period entered with ferioufnefs and lincerity into the wild and extravagant projects of the Court, it is difficult to afcertain. The Earl of Dartmouth relates, in his Notes on Bifhop Bur- net's Hifiory, that Lord Sunderland declared publicly at his own table, that they were now, i.e. after the violences pradtifed vipon the corporate boroughs, fure of their game ; for it would be an eafy matter to have an Honfe of Commons to their jninds ; and there was nothing elfe to refill them. Lord Brad- ford aflied him If they were as fure of the Houfe of Lords ; for he 124 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Of all the tranfadions of the prefent memorablcr fefRon of Parliament, next to the Bill of Rights, the nrieafure moft interefling to pofterity, and the cfFedls of which have been moft vilible and perma- nent, was the famous A6X of Toleration ; an AS: perfeclly confonant to the views, and which may indeed be faid to have originated in the liberal, juft, and generous difpofition, of the King. The Church and the more refpedlable part of the Dif- fenters having united in their oppofition to the def- potic proceedings of the late reign, notwithftand- ing the infidious means ufed to conciliate theNon- conformifts, and to make them inflrumental to the defigns of the Court ; they were flattered by the heads of the Church with the hope not merely of a general toleration whenever a favorable period iliould arrive, but of a liberal comprehenfion by rendering the terms of conformity lefs rigorous. The King had given a ftriking proof of his own freedom from religious bigotry, when, in hisfpecch to the tw^o Houfes on paffing the Habeas Corpus A 61, he took occafion. to exprcls " his hope, that in providing againft Papifts they would leave room for the admiflion of all Frotejianis who were wil- he believed they would meet with more oppofition there than ^hey expefted. Lord Sunderland, turning to Lord Churchill, who fat next him, in a hidicroufly contemptuous tone exclaim- ed, « O Cilly ! why, your troop of guards (hall be called to the House of Lords," K. WILLIAM IIL 12S ling and able to ferve. And he affirmed that fuch a conjunction would unite them the more firmly amongft themfelves, and ftrengthen them againft their common adverfaries." Accordingly, when the bill for abrogating the old and appointing the new oaths was brought forward, a claufe was in- ferted to remove the neceffity, as to Proteftants, of taking the facramental teft as a qualification for ofnce ; which, though ftrongly fupported by the leaders of the Whigs, particularly by the Marquis of Halifax, who now afpired to the diftin6lion of head of the Whig party, was ultimately negatived. A protefl framed in terms remarkably fpirited was figned by the Lords Delamere, Wharton, Mor- daunt, &c. againfl the reje6lion of this claufe, in which they declare " that a hearty union amongd Proteftants was a greater fecurity to Church and State than any teft that could be in- vented; and that a greater caution ought not to be required from fuch as were admitted into of- fices, than from the members of the two Houfes of Parliament, who arc not oblijjed to receive the fa- crament to enable them to lit in either Floufc." And in a fccond proteft it is afHrmed to be " hard ufage to exclude from public employments men fit and capable to ferve the public, for a mere fcru- ple of confcicnce, v.'hich could by no means ren- der them fufpe61ed, and much lefs difafFe6led to theprefent Government ; that to fet marks of dif- tindlion 126 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. tind:ion and humiliation on any forts of men wha have not rendered themfelves juftly fufpedled to the Government, as it is at all times to be avoid- ed by the making juft and equitable laws, fo might it be of ill effcdl to the Reformed intcreil at home and abroad in this prefent conjundure, which ftood in need of the united hearts and hands of all Pro- teftants." In order to coneiliate the Tories, the King was willing and even delirous to mitigate the feverity of the bill, by veiling a dilcretionary power in the Crown to difpenfe with the oaths in refped to the Eftablifhed Clergy, who were for the moll part notorioufiy inimical to the prefent Go- vernment. In vindication of which provifion, it was faid, " that in former changes of government oaths had not proved fo efFe6lual a fecurity as was imagined. Diftinciions were found out, and fenfes put upon words by which they were interpreted fo as to tignify but little when a Government came to need ftrength from them. The ac- quiefcence of the Clergy muft be prefumed from the ufe of the liturgical forms. If that formidable body were reduced to the hard neceflity of taking thefe oaths, or of retigning their preferments, there \vas indeed little doubt of a general compliance : but far from producing any beneficial cffe6l, it would only tend to inflame their minds and to confirm their animofity. it was alfo remarked, that during Queen Elizabeth's long and glorious reign. K. WILLIAM III. 127 reign, in which fhe had to guard both againft the pretended title of the Queen of Scots and the depoiing power of the Pope, this was the mode adopted j and it was found by experience, that to leave the tendering of oaths to the Queen's difcre- tion was the moll effe6lual way of preferving the public fafety and tranquillity." As the intemperate zeal of the Tories had defeated the former claufe, fo the equally mlfguided violence of the Whigs prevented the adoption of the latter ; and the King himfelf appeared to be almoft the only man in the kingdom who had the wifdom and mo- deration to approve and patronize both. With a view to aceomplifh the truly Chriftian and Catholic project of a comprehenfion, a bill was introduced into the Ploufe of Lords, under the title of a Bill for Uniting their Majcfties' Pro- teitant Subjects ; by which many trivial points in difpute between the Church and Difienters refpedt- ing the ufe of the crofs and furplice, &c. were con- ceded to the latter, and fome verbal alterations admitted in the Book of Common Prayer. This giving little fatisfaClion to divers of the Lords, a provifb was offered, extending much farther the profpedl of reformation ; — " that, in imitation of the a6ls pafied in the reigns of Hen. VIII. and Edw. VI. a number of perfons both of the Clergy and Laity might be empowered to prepare fuch a reformation of things relating to the Church, as lag HISTORY OP GREAT BRITAIN as might be offered to King and Parliament ifl order to the heahng of our divifions, and the cor- re6iing what might be amils or defedtive in our Conflitiition." This was vehemently oppofed by Bifhop Burnet, who, impatient to iignahze him- felf as a champion of the Church, argued with great warmth againfi: taking this bufinefs out of the hands of the Clergy, to whom in his opinion it folely and properly appertained. And in confe- quence of his intervention — if he does not in the relation of this affair over-rate his own importance —it was thrown out by a fmall majority. Againft this decilion an admirable proteft was neverthclefs entered upon the journals of the Houfe, in which the protefling Peers remark, " that, though upon Raimjlj principles the Clergy alone are entitled to meddle in matters of religion, yet with us, where the Church is acknowledged and defined to confill of Clergy and Laity, they can have no fuch claim ; that the things to be confidered are of human- inftitution, and derive their origin from the Civil Power ; that any alteration or improvement of them mufl: depend on the exercife of human rea- fon ; and that the Clergy can have no pretence for infilling upon the exclufion of the Laity, unlefs they mean at the fame time to fet up a claim to divine infpiration. And as to the differences and delays which mi'^ht arife from the mixture of lay- men and ccclelialtics, they could afford no ground of K. WILLIAM IIL 129 of objection, unlefs thofe who advance this plea fuppofe the clergy to have diftincl interefts or de- figns from the lay-part of 'the fame church j in which cafe it would undoubtedly be proper to ex- clude one or other of the oppofing parties, not from the prefent Commiffion merely, but from the Up- per Houfe of Parliament itfelf, in order that the national bufmefs fhould fufFer no obftru6lion." This futile bill was at length fent down to the Commons, where it was oppofcd by the whole ftrength of the High Church party; and being alfobut faintly fupported by the friends of the Dif- fenters, the leaders of whom were fecretly averts from a fcheme of comprehenfion which would diminifh their influence and importance, it was finally loil. At the fame time an Addrefs to the Throne was moved and carried by the opponents of the bill, in which the Lords, after an high de- bate, concurred, thanking his Majefty for his gra- cious declarations and repeated afTurances that he would maintain the Church of England eflabliflicd by Law — and humbly praying that, according to the antient ufage and pra6lice of the Kingdom, in time of Parliament, his Majefty would be pleafed to iflue his writs for calling a Convocation of the Clergy to be advifed in ecclefiaftical matters; and, by way of compromife with the other party, afluring his Majefiy that it was their intention forthwith to proceed to the confideration of giving X eiife 130 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN, eafe to Proteftant difTenters." The way being' thus paved for the Acl of Toleration, it paiicd ra- pidly through both Houfes, and received the Roy- al atlent Vv'ith the moft decided approbation of the public: and though in itfelfvery defe61ively framed, it has in fa6t operated as a charter of religious li- berty ; for very few attempts have been iiiauc to oppofc the letter to the fpirit of the act, and in re- cent times it has been explained^ improved and en- larged. From this toleration the Papifts v^ere ex- prcfsly excluded : but the mild and benignant dif- poiition of the King effectually protected them from the fury of tiieir Protcftant perfecutors. In conformity to the Addrefs of the two Houfes, and as the only remaining chance of effecting any plan of ecclelialtical comprehenfion, the King: fummoned a Convocation^ which met in the au- tumn of the prefent year ; previous to which a Special Commiflion .was iffued under the Great Seal to ten bifhops and twenty dignitaries of the Church to prepare fuch alterations of the Liturgy and Canons as might be fit to lay before the Con- vocation. This was not only a prudential but a necefiary legal' precaution, as the Clergy in Con- vocation would have' fubjeCied themfclves to the penalties of a prenmnlre by attempting "to frame new canons without the King's leave firft obtained. A great majority of thefe Divines were of the mo- derate or Lov,' Church prfrty ; but^ to avoid as far as might K; WILLIAM m. 131 ttilgbt be the rjsproach of partiality, in the number were included feveral o{ a different complexion, fuch as Laifiplugh, Archbifhop of York ; Mew and Sprat, Bifliops of Winchefter and Rochefter ; Jane, Divinity Profeflbr at Oxford ; and Aldrich, Dean of Chriftchurch. No fooner were they convened in the Jerufalem Chamber, and the Commiffion opened, than the legality and authority of it were called in queftion by Dr. Sprat, who had himfelf been one of the members of the criminal and tyrannical court eftablifhed by the late King James — thus proving himfelf one of that odious and pharifaical fraternity who can ftrain at a gnat and fwallow a camel. And thouQ-h ho was in- formed that the CommilJioners pretended to no authority, but were met merely to confult upon fuch matters as it might be neceflary to arrange and prepare for the confideration of the Gonvoca- tion,- he retired in high difguft, attended by Mew, Jane and Aldrich. The Commiffioners neverthelefs proceeded in the bufinefs of their com- mifiion, and digefted a plan of reform, nearly rc- fembling that contained in the Bill of Compre- henfion. But on the enfuing meeting of the Con- vocation, it imrae'di'atdy appeared that the Court or moderate party would be left in a minority, by the choice of Dr. Jane as Prolocutor, in oppofition to Dr. Tilloifon. When prcfented for approba- tion to the Bifliop of London, who officiated a» K a Pr^fes i33t HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Praefes of the Convocation during the rurpen(ioi> of Bancroft, the Prolocutor, in an eloquent Latin fpeech, delivered it as the fenfe of the Lower Houfe, that fuch was the tranfcendent excellence of the Liturgy eflabliilied by law in England, above thofe of all other Chriftian churches, that it needed no amendment ; and be concluded in their name with the famous declaration of the Barons of England at the Parliament of Merton, " Nolu- vais leges AngUw mutari''' A prorogation- forth- with took, place, in the vain hope of mollifying thefe flaming furious fpirits; and at their fecond meeting (Dec. 4, 1689) the Earl of Nottingham delivered to them a Mefiage from the King couch- ^ cd in the ibftelt terms, and exhorting them " calm- ly and impartially to attend to the propofitions which were to be laid before them, and which would aflurcdly tend to the honor, peace, and advantage oi the Proteftant religion in general, and particularly of the Church of England, which was lb eminent a part of the Reformation." After much co4itcution and difficulty, the Lower Houfe of Convocation acceded to an Addrefs propofed by the Bifhops, " thanking his Majefty for his gra- cious Meiiage, and cxpreffing their fidelity and allegiance to his pcrlbn ;" at the fame time re- folving not to enter into any debates refpedllng alterations. The Court therefore, now pcrceiviiag its hopes and defigns entirely fruftrated, deter- mined jfv. WILLIAM IIL 13^ milted to put a period to the fitting of the Con- vocatio.n. And the only effed produced hy this beneficent but perhaps injudicious effort ot' the Executive Government, was to excite a fa61iou3 and .fcnfelefs clamor againfl the Monarch, as in- imical to the interefls of the Church. The feflion of Parliament, which was protradled to the unufual period of feven months, had been previoufly ter- minated on the 20th of Augufl 1689. In thecourfe of it, the attainder of Lord Ruffel, whofe execution i-s fiyled in the Aifl a murder, and that of Alger- non Sydney, -a name which may vie with the mofl celebrated of antiquity, were reverfed, and their memories confecrated to everlailing fame, amid the facred efFufions of national grief and admiration. The Convention of Eflates in Scotland, fum- moned by letter as in England, njet at Edinburgh on the 14th of March 1689 ; and the Duke of Hamilton, a nobleman in the interefl of the Prince of Orange now King of England, waschofen Pre- fident by a great majority, in oppofition to the Marquis of Athol, fupported by the partifans of the late King'James. And different exprefles arriving nearly at the fame tirne with letters from the rival Monarchs to the Convention, a vehement debate enfued which ihould be firfi opened. The quef- tion was at length decided in fayo^ of Kipg Wil- liam ; whofe letter was then read, recomniending j^o the Convention in very conciliatory and judi- K 3 cious J3^ HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. cious terms, " to enter upon fuch confultations as were beft calculated to fettle the public welfare upon fure and lafting foundations, and exhorting them to lay afide all animofities and fadions which might impede fo good a work. ; and expreffing an earneft willi for the accomplilhment of a union of the two kingdoms, as the molt effectual means of fecuring the happinefs and profperity of both na- tions, living in the fame ifland, having the fame language, and the fame common intereft of religion and liberty." A Comm.ittee was immediately ap- pointed to draw up a refpe61ful anfwer to this let- ter ; and it being fuggeltcd that the letter of King James, now about to be read, might contain fome authoritative claufe to diffolve the Aflembly or an- nul their proceedings, a previous and unanimous refokition palled, *^ that the Convention was a free and lawful meeting of the Eltates ; and that they would continue undiiiblved until they had fettled and fecured the Protcftant religion, the govern- ment, laws and liberties of the kingdom." The letter of James was then opened, and found to contain a furious and virulent declamation againft the authors and abettors of what he flyles ** the blacked: of ufurpations, and the mod unjull as well as unnatural of all attempts ; ancl warning the Ccinvention to avoid, by a loyalty fuitable to the many profeffions they had made, the infamy and difgrace they muft bring upon themfelves in this K. WILLIAM III. ^35 \h\s world, and the condemnation dn.-^ to the re- bellious in the next," Not intimidated, but on the contrary inflamed and exafperated, by thefc reproaches and threats, they ordered Crane the mellengcrtobc taken into euftody, and after Ibme time difmifled him with a pafs inftead ot^ an anfwer. At the inftance of the Prelident, a committee of |:wenty-four perfons, confifting ofr.el^hticn'embers ielecled out of each of the three Eftates of Lords, Knights, and Burgeffes, was then- appointed to pre- pare'and digeft the pla^i of a new Settlement— who in a few days came to the following fpirited and memorable refolutioa : ^_' The? Eftates of the Kingdom of Scotland find" and: declare that King James VII. being a profefled Papift, did alTumethe royal power, and a6led as, a King without ever taking the oath required by law ; and had, by the advice of evil and wicked counfellors, invaded the fundamental Conftitution of this Kingdom, and -altered' ?t'' -from a -legal and limited monarchy to an arbitrary defpotic power; and. had governed the fame to the fubverlion of the Proteftant reli- gion, and violation of the laws and liberties of the Nation, inverting all the ends of . government ; whereby he had -fo^faulted thcfKiG'HT of the Crown, and the Throne was become vacant." This- refolution, being reported to the Convention, was adopted and confirmed, with the exception of five difTentient voices only— the pctrtifans of the }L 4 late 136 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. late King James having previoufly feceded from the alTembly. The Lord Prcfident then moved, " that the vacant Throne might be filled with the King and Queen of England ;" which was unani- iiiOLifly approved — the Marquis of Athol himfelf, who had oppofed with vehemence the Vote of Va- cancy, declaring his acquiefcence in the proceed- ings of the Convention, and acknowledging, that, upon the prefumption of a vacancy, none were fo worthy to fill the throne as King William and Queen Mary. The new Sovereigns were on the fame day proclaimed at the Market-crofs of Edin- burgh by the Lord Prefident in perfon, allifted by the Members of the Convention and the Magif- trates of the City. The Earl of Argyle (who had been permitted to take his feat, notwithfianding the attainder of his father). Sir James Montgo- mery and Sir John Dalrymple were then nomi- j nated Commiffioners to inveft their Majeflies with the royal dignity; and on the tith of May 1689, attended by almoft all the Scottifli nobility and gentry refident in or near the metropolis, they were folemnly introduced to the King and Queen at Whitehall, and delivered to them, together with a letter from the Efiates, i. The Inftrument of Government ; 2. A Paper containing a Catalogue of the National Grievances ; and 3. An Addrefs to the King for turning the Convention into a Par- liament— to all which the King replied very gra- cioully. K. WILLIAM III. 137 cioufly. The Coronation Oath was then tendered, conceived and exprefTed in an high Itrain of li- berty, but miferably and ftrangely tainted with fanaticifm— amongll other abfurd things, declar- ing, " that they would abolifh and gainfland all falfe religion — that they would procure to the Kirk of God and all Chrillian people true and perfect peace to the utmoft of their power in all time coming — and that they would be careful to root out all heretics and enemies to the true wor- Ibip of God, &c." Here the King, much moved, interrupted the Earl, and protelted that he did not mean to bind himfelf by thefe words to become a perfecutor. And the Commiffioners replying that neither the meaning of the Oath nor the Law of Scotland did import it; his Majelty rejoined, " that he took the oath in that fenfe, and called upon the Commiffioners themfelves and others prefent to vvitnefs that he did fo." The Convention of Scotland having at their firft meeting declared fo decidedly againft the late King James, the whole kingdom feemed to fubmit to their authority without hefitation or difficulty ; the Caftle qf Edinburgh excepted, of which the Duke of Gordon, a Papift, was governor ; and who, upon being fummoned by the Convention, peremptorily refufed tq deliver up the fortrefs ; upon which he was at the fhgh Crofs by the Heralds at arms pro- claimed a tr^itoj and rebel. But a formidable oppolition jgS HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. oppofition to the new Government was foon ex- cited by the celebrated Vifcount Dundee ; who had formed himfelf upon the model of the heroic Montrofe, and was pofielled of the fame command- ing talents and graceful accompi ifhm^nts. Having left the Convention with the reft of the feceders, he quitted Edinburgh at the head of about 50 horfe. Being alked whither he was going, he re- plied, " Wherever the fpirit of Montrofe Ihall direct me." Repairing to the interior parts of the country, he foon colIe61ed a very coniiderable force. Dundee had inflamed his mrii'd with the perufal of the ancient poets and hiftorians, and yet more by liilening to the heroic aehievemerits cele- brated in the popular and traditionary tongs of his countrymen. ' His-army was entirely cowipofed of Highlanders— a fihgular |)eople, of whomit is not fufncient barely to mention the nam€. Amidft the clouds and darkncfs which envelop the high and remote periods of hifloric antiquity/ ft appears' from itr6rig prefumptiveevidence, that'^ thisaera the His'bland nation exhibited the unmixed re^ mains of that vaft' Celtic empire which onceftretch- cd from the pillars of Hercules to the fea of Arch- angel. The Highlanders were compofed of a number of inhes or Hmis, each of which bore a difrerent name, and Iived_iipon the lands of a dif- ferent chieftain. The members of every clan v/ere conneded with each other not orily by the feudal but K. WILLIAM in. 139 but tbe patriarchal bond; and each of them could recount with pride the degree of his affinity to the connmon head. The caftle of the chieftain was open and eafy of accefs to every individual of the tribe. There all were hofpitably entertained' in times of peace, and thither all reforted at the found of war. They lived in villages built in glens or deep valleys, and for the inoft part by the fides of rivers. At the end of fpring they fowed their grain, and at the commencennent of winter they reaped their fcanty harveft. The reft of the year was all their own for amufenient or for war. In the fhort interval of fumnier they indulged them- felves in tbe cniovment of a brio-ht and length- ened fun, and in ranging over a wild and romantic country , frequently paffing whole nights in the open air among the mountains and the forefts. They fpent the winter in the chace while the fun was up ; and in the evening, aflcmbling round a blazing hearth, they entertained themfelves with the fong, the tale and the dance. Their vocal mufic was plaintive even to melancholy, but their inftrumental was bold, martial, and animating. In order to cherifh high fentiments in the minds of all, every confiderable fiimily had an hiftorian who recounted, and a bard vv-ho funp', the deeds of the clan and its chieftain, or on more folemn oc- ^afions the glorious exploits of their heroic an- cefbors. 140 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. ccftors *. The vartncfs of the obje<5ts which Air- rounded them, lakes, mountains, rocks, cataracls, fcemed to expand and elevate their minds ; and the feverity of the the climate, with the nature ot". the country, and their love^ in common with other fcmi-barbarous nations, of the chace and of war, forced them to great corfx^rcal exertions ; while their ^want of regular occupation on the other hand led them to contemplation and foeial converfe. They received the rare and occafional * Many beautiful fpecimeiib of Highland poetry might be felefled from the Works of the mod celebrated Gaelic Bards, and more particularly from thofe of Offian. But the plea- fure we derive from them would be much enhanced could their pretenfions to the higlj autiquity they claim be more fatis- faftorily afcertalr.ed, Offian's Axldrefs to the Sun, to adduce no other inflance, is truly fublime: " O thou that rollelt above, round as the fliield of my fathers, whence are thy beams, O Sun ! whence thy everlading light ? Thou comeft forth in thy awful beauty ; and the ftars hide themfclves in the flcy. The moon, cold and pale, finks in the weitern wave. But thou, thou thyfelf moveft alone ! Who can be a cofripanion of thy courfe ? The oaks of the mountains fall ^ the mountains them- fclves decay with years ; the ocean flirinhs and grows again ; the moon herfelf is loft in heaven : but tiiou art for ever the fame, rejoicing in the brightnefs of thy courfe ! When the ■world is dark with tempelts ; when thiuider rolls and lightning flies, thou lookeft in thy b£auty from the clouds, and laugheil at the ftoi-m. But to OiTian thou lookeft in vain ! for he be- holds thy beams no more 5 whether thy yellow hair flows on the caftern cloud, or thou trembled at the gates of the Weft." vifits K. WILLIAM in. 141 vifits of ftrangers with a genuine and cordial hof' pitality, never indulging In a rude or contemp- tuous ridicule of manners oppolite to their own. Confidering the inhabitants of the Lowlands in tlic light of invaders and ufurpers, they thought themfelves entitled to make reprifals at all conve- nient opportunities* What their enemies there- fore called violence and rapine, they termed rig-lit andjuftice ; and in the frequent practice of depre- dation they became bold, artful, and enterprifmg. An injury done to one of the clan was held, from the common relation of blood, to be an injury to all. Hence the Highlanders were in the habitual practice of war ; and hence arofe in various in- ftances between clan and clan mortal and d-eadly tends, defcendinc: from crencration to o*eneration. 1'hey ufually went completely armed with a broad fword, a durk or dagger, a target, mufquet and piftols. Their drefs conlilted of a jacket and loofe lower garment, with a roll of light woollen, called ?L plaid, wrapt around them fo as to leave the right arm at full liberty. Thus equipped and accoutred, they would march 40 or 50 miles in a day, fome- times even without food or haltino;, over moun- tains, along rocks, through morafles; and they would fleep on beds formed by tying bunches of heath haftily and carelefsly together. Their ad- vance to battle was rapid ; and after difcharging their mufquets and piftols, they rufhed into the ranks 144 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAITST, ranks of the enemy with their broad fwords ; and in clofe iight, when unable to ufe their ordinary weapon, they fuddenly ftabbed with the durk. Their religion^ which they called Chriftianity, was ilrongly tin dlured 'with the ancient and barbarous fuperftitions of the country. They were univer- fally believers in gholts and preternatural appear- ances. They marked with eager attention the variable forms of their cloudy and changeful H^y ; from the different afpe6l of which, they foretold future and contingent events : and, abforbed in fantaltical imaginations, they perceived in a fort of ecflatic vilion things and pcrfons fcparatcd fom them by a vafl: interval of fpace. Each tribe had its peculiar dogmas and modes of faith, v,'liieh the furrounding clans regarded with indifference, or at molt with a cold diflike far removed from the rancor of religious hatred : and perfecution for re- ligion was happily a fpecies of folly and wicked- nefs unknown and unheard of amongft them. By extraordinary efforts of a6livity and valor, A^ifcount Dundee at the head of his gallant coun- trymen made a rapid and alarming progrefs ; and receiving great promifes of fupport from the late King, he flattered himfelf with the vain hope of ultimately reftoring the royal authority in North Britain. But being clofclv followed by General Mackay, who commanded for the reigning mo- narch in Scotland, after various marches and I counter* K. WILLIAM III 145 tounter-marches the two armies came to an en- gagement May the 2,6th, 1689, at the pals of Kilhcranky,' fome miles above Dniikeld. Such was the impetuoiity of the HighlandcrSj incited by the condu6l of their gallant chieftain,- that the' Englifh troops were entirely broken rn lefs than ten minutes. The dragoons fled at . the firfk charge, and the whole train of artillery fell into the hands of the enemy. Nothing could be. more decilive than the victory thus obtained, when a random (liot put an end to the life of Dundee t and General Mackay, taking advantage of this unexpe6led and fortunate incident, rallied , his' men, and retrieved with great courage and, addrefs the battle thus to appearance irrecoverably loli. The Highlanders, ftruck with grief and confier- nation, were never after able to- make head ; and the clans, wearied with a repetition of misfor- tunes, at length almoft umverfally laid down their arms, and took the benefit of the pardon offered by King V/illiam to thole who Ihould fubmit within the time limited in his proclamation. The Duke of Gordon, alfo, defpairing of relief, fur- rendered the Caftle of Edinburgh at dlfcretion on the 13th of June 1689: fo that the whole ifland of Great Britain now acknowledged the fovereignty of the new monarch ; but Ireland Was far from following this example. In order to form a juft eftimate of the political ft ate 144 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. ftate of this kingdom as conne6led with Great Britain, it will be neccflary to fix our previous at- tention upon the fituation of affairs on the Conti- nent. The rifing power of France and the im- ineafurable ambition of its fovereign Louis XIV. had long excited the moft ferious apprehenfions of the European potentates. Wholly negligent of the rules of policy, the pride of that monarch in- cited him to attempts no lefs infulting to the feel- ings than injurious to the rights of his neighbors. Immediately on the conclufion of the peace of Nimeguen, Feb. 1678-9, two pretended courts of juftice were erected, the one at Metz, the other at Brifac, under the appellation of " Chambers of Re-union," for the exprcfs and avowed purpofe of enforcing the claims of the French Monarch re- fpc6ling thofc cities and diflridis which were faid to be dependencies either uj^on the Biflioprics of Metz, Toul and Verdun, or upon the countries ceded to France by the treaty of Nimeguen ^ The feudal proprietors and lords of thofe places were cited to appear in thefe courts, and in de- fault of fuch appearance were condemned for coa- tumacy. It is evident that claims of this nature, enforced in this mode, muft be produ6live of the bittereft animofitv and contention. On the refufal of Spain and the Empire to furrender feveral places in Brabant, Alface, and Lorraine, thus im- perioufly demanded, Strafburg was feized, and Luxemburg K. WILLIAM III. 145 Luxemburg befieged. The high eft offence and the higheft alarm were alfo excited in Holland and the Proteftant States of Germany, by the re- peal of the famous Edi6t of Nantz, and the furious perfecution now commenced againft the Hugue- nots in France. Leopold Emperor of Germany, the only prince in Chriftendom whofe power could with any profpedt of fuccefs be fet in oppofition to that of France, was engaged in a dangerous war with the Ottoman Porte, affifled by the mal- contents of Hungary ; infomuch that, in the courfe of it, the Turkifh moons had been dlfplayed before the walls of Vienna. But in confequence of the fplendid and memorable vlciory obtained there over the infidels by the heroic Sobielki, the war took an unexpedled and very favorable turn ; and the Court of Vienna was now much more at li- berty to fix her attention upon the bold and afpir- ing projedls of France. In order efi^ecSlually to counteract thofe daring defigns, a league was formed in the year 1686 at Augfburg, to which the Emperor, Spain, Holland, Savoy, and the prin- cipal States of the Empire both Catholic and Pro- teftant, were the contra6ling parties. The accef- fion of England was eagerly looked for to this grand alliance, of which the Emperor was the ■nominal but the Prince of Orange the real head ; from whofe firmnefs and wifdom it derived all its weight and energy. It is fingular, that even the L Pope 146 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIjST. Pope himfelf, Innocent XI. greatly favored this confederacy againft Louis, from vvhofe haughtinefS he had received the moil mortifying perfonal af- fronts, and who had by recent violence vvrefled from him the city of Avignon. Perceiving a vi^ar inevitable, the King of France did not wait for the attack, but in the month of October 1688 caufed a numerous army under the command of the Dauphin to pafs the Rhine, which took pofleffion with very little op{)ofition of the cities of Philipfburg, Manhcim, Mentz, Spires, &c. : but he was wholly difappointcd in his defigns upon Cologne, which, rejev5ling the neutrality offered by Franpe, admitted a garrifon of 6000 men from Prince Clement of Bavaria, recently chofen Eledor. The States General having nothing to apprehend therefore on that fide, the Prince of Orange was left at full liberty to profecute his defigns upon England. This fudden irruption was immediately followed by a manifefto againft the Emperor, and a declaration of war againft Holland, accompanied nearly at the fame time with fimilar declarations againft the other contra6ling parties of the League of Augf- burg. And on the other hand, the States of the Empire convened at Ratift)on palled unanimoufly a decree, pronouncing the Crown of France with its adherents enemies of the Holy Roman Empire, for their manifold contraventions of the treaties of 6 Munfter, K. WILLIAM in. 147 Munfter, Nimeguen, &c. and declaring the war now undertaken to be a common war of the Empire againft the common foe of Chrlflendom. The ravages committed by the French armies in the circles of the Rhine, and particularly the Pa- latinate, were dreadful in the extreme, and ex- cited throughout Europe the livelieft emotions of refentment and commiferation. Strong traces of their devaftations are even yet tlifcernible in many parts of that beautiful territory ; and on this fpot at leaft the memory of Louis XIV. muft be for ever held accurfed. In the month of March 1689, the King by a meffage informed both Houfes of Parliament, that the late King had failed from Bred with French troops in order to eff6(5l a landing in Ireland ; on which a joint Addrefs was prefented, declar- ing " that they would with their lives and for« tunes aflift his Majefly in fupporting the alliances ahroady in the reduclion of Ireland, and in defend- ing the religion and laws of the kingdom." And in the month of April the Houfe of Commons came to a more determinate refolution, " that in cafe his Majefty thought fit to engage in the war with France, the Houfe would give him all fuch affift- ance in a parliamentary way as ihould enable him to fupport and go through with the fame." In the fubfequent Addrefs founded on this refolution, they exprefs their confidence, that through his L 2 Majefty's 14.8 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Majefty's wifdom the alliances already made, and hereafter to be concluded, will be etTe6lual to re- duce the French King to a condition that it may not be in his power hereafter to violate the peace of Chriftendom. On this grand point, a deep and cordial i)'inpathy united the Monarch, the Par- liament, and the Nation ; and the King in reply declared in warm terms his fatisfaclion at this Ad- drefs, and profcflcd that he looked upon the war to be already fo much declared by France againft ^England, that the ftep now taken was not fo properly an acl of choice as of inevitable neceflity and felf-defence. And on the 7th of May follow- ing, 1689, war was in form declared againft the French Monarch. On the abdication of James, and his fubfequent arrival in France, he had been received by Lours with an hofpitality and kindncfs approaching even to oftentation. The palace of St. Germains was afligned him for his refidence, his houfehold fup- ported with great magnificence, and hopes, or rather afllirances, were given him that he fhould be fpeedily re-ellablifhed on the throne of Eng- land. The condu6l of James, however, in this fi- tuation, difcovercd no fymptoms either of fpirit or underftanding. Fie iliewed little fenlibility at the lofs of his Crown. His faculties were abforbcd in the moft abjedi fuperftition and bigotry. His fa- vorite occupation was holding conferences with the K. WILLIAM III. 149 the Jefuits, into which order he had been ini- tiated, on the myfteries of religion : and of the perfonal courage which had diftinguifhed him in his early years no traces were difcernible. He be- came the theme of the public contempt and de- rifion in France ; and the farcaliic remark was every where circulated of the Archbifliop of Rheims, brother to M. Louvois, who feeing this monarch returning from chapel with his priefts about him exclaimed aloud, " There goes a pious foul, who has abandoned three kingdoms for the fake of a mafs 1" The extreme bigotry of Louis prevented, however, his feeing the chara61er of James in its moft odious and ridiculous point of view ; and great naval and military preparations were made with a view of accomplifhing the pro- mife of his reftoration. Early in March, a fleet of 14 fhips of the line was collected at Breft, on board of which James embarked with a coniider- able body of troops, Irifh, French, and Englifh, commanded chiefly by French officers, under M. Rofen, a General of approved flvill and courage. At parting, the King of France, embracing with demonflrations of high regard the King of Eng- land, faid, " The beft thing I can wifli your Ma- jefty is, that I may never fee you again." The whole armament arrived fafely at Kinfale, where a landing was effedled without oppofition March 22, 1689. L 3 The iSo HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. The condud of the Earl of Tyrconnel ha, laying only, '^ Do you not know your friends ?'* The day was far advanced, when the Irifh at length began to retire on all fides ; and General Hamil- ton, who commanded the horfe, making a furious charge, in the defperatc hope' of retrieving the battle, v^'as wounded and taken prifoncr. On being brought into the prefence of the King, who knew him to be the life and foul of the Irifh army, William alked him '^ if he thought the enemy would make any faither refiftance ?" to which Hamilton replied, " Upon my honor^ I believe they will." The King, eyeing him with a look of dif- dain, repeated " Your honor !" but took no other notice of his treachery. The Irifli now quitted the field with precipitation ; but William having ne- gle6led the advice of M. Schomberg to fecure the pafs of Dulcek in the rear, they fufFered little comparative lofs in their retreat, which was co- vered by the French and Swifs troops under M. de Lauzun. The King alfo, recalling his troops from the purfuit, exprefled himfelf averfe to the unne--" ceflary cfFution of blood. The rival Monarch, far from contending for the prize of empire in the fame fpirit of heroifm, kept his ftatlon' with a few fquadrons of horfe on the hill of Dunore, to the fouth of the river, viewing through a telefcope from the tower of the church the movements of the two armies. On re- ceiving K. WILLIAM III. i8t ceiving intelligence from Count Lauzim that he ^vas in danger of being furrounded, he marched off to Duleek, and thence in great hafte to Dublin. On his arrival in that city he alfembled the Magif- trates and Council, and told them, with equal in- difcretion and ingratitude, " that the army he had depended upon had bafely fled the field, nor could they be prevailed upon to rally, though the lofs in the defeat was but inconfiderable ; (b that hence- forward he determined never more to head an Irifh army, but refolved to fhift for himfelf, as they themfelves muft alfo do." Having ftaid at Dublin one night, he departed for Waterford, attended by the Duke of Berwick, the Marquis of Powis, and the Earl of Tyrconnel — ordering the bridges to be broken down every where behind him. At Water- ford he embarked on board a French veflel, and was quickly conveyed to his former refidence in France. This daftardly condu6l expofed him to the perfonal contempt of thofe who were moft ftrongly attached to his caufe — Colonel Sarsfield, as it is faid, declaring " that if they could change Kings he (hould not be afraid to fight the battle •over again." Immediately confequent to the vic- tory, Drogheda was invefted; but though the Governor feemed at firit refolute to defend the place, upon being told that if he compelled the King to bring up his heavy cannon he muft ex- pert no quarter, he thought proper to furrender. N3 On 1 82 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. On the 5th of July the King encamped at Fin- glafs, within two miles of Dublin, where he re- ceived advice of King James's flight to Waterford, and fubfequent embarkation for France. The principal Catholics having alfo abandoned the metropolis, the Proteflants had recovered their afcendency ; and a deputation being fent requeft- ing the King to honor the city with his prefence, he made his public entrance the next day into Dublin, where he was received with triumphal ac- clamation. The Trifh army had now retired in confufion towards Athlone, a ftrong town on the banks of the Shannon. Dividing his forces, therefore, the King detached General Douglas to purfuc the fly- ing enemy, profecuting himfelf his march to the fouthward, and taking pofleffion fucceffively of the towns of Carlow, Kilkenny and Waterford, acquiiitions of great importance. About this pe- riod, a proclamation of grace and pardon was pub- lifhed, which the King was defirous to have made much more comprehenfive ; for the general and vague exception it contained, of " the defperate leaders of the prefent rebellion," rendered it wholly nugatory : but the King was told by thofe vultures in human fhape who prey upon property, and are ravenous for confifcations, that there was a necef- fity for breaking the power of the great Irifh chief- tains. General Douglas having reached Athlone on K, WILLIAM III. 183 on the 17th of July ruramoned the town to fur- render ; but Colonel Grace the- Governor, un- daunted by the ill-fuccefs which had recently at- tended their arms, fired a piftol at the trumpeter, laying " Thefe arc my terms.'* The Englifh Ge- neral on this rcfolved on undertaking the fiege of the place: but his force was not adequate to the enterprife ; and after battering the caftlc for fome days \vith little efFe6t, he haflily withdrew his troops, finding that General Sarsfield was on his march to relieve the fortrels, at the head of 15,00c men. But the principal ob]e(5l of the campaign, now far advanced, was the reduiSlion of the im- portant city of Limericll, in the vicinity of which the Irifli had concentrated the far greater part of their force. The town is fituated partly on an ifland in the midft of the Shannon^ which is here very broad and deep, with fuburbs extending to ' both the oppotite fhores — -the three divilions being conne6led by bridges. The fortifications had been lately ilrengthened by additional outworks con- ftru6led under the direction of French engineers. The garrifon confiftcd of no lefs than fourteen regiments of foot, exclufive of horfe and dra- goons ; and the remainder of the Iritli army, now recovered from its confternation, with the French auxiliaries to the amount of many thoufands, lay at a fmall dillance waiting and watching the fa- vprable opportunities of attack. PolTibly the King, N4 .Hidgirig i84 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. judging from the uninterrupted career of fuccefs he had hitherto experienced, might be prompted to hold the talents and refources of the enemy too cheap. A jun6tion being formed between the King's forces and thofe employed in the attack of Athlone, within a few miles of Limerick ; the city was in veiled with trivial oppofition on the 9th of Auguft 1690 : and a fiimmons being fent to the Governor M. Boifleleau, that officer replied, " that he thought the bed way to gain the Prince of Orange's good opinion, was by a vigorous defence of the fortrefs entrufted to his care." The iiege was now profecuted with great diligence, and the place defended with equal refolution ; but a moft difaftrous incident took place in the furprifal, by General Sarsfield, of almoft the whole train of heavy artillery deftined for the bciieging army, and the total deftru61ion of the carriages, waggons and ammunition ; after having previoufly attacked and cut in pieces the detachment by which the convoy was guarded. The event of the liege was from this time very doubtful. At length, a breach having been made of about 12 yards in breadth, the King ordered a general atlault. But the cou- rage of the enemy feemed on this occafion to rife to fury. After being driven from the court- terfcarp, they returned to the attack with an im- petuofity never exceeded ; the very women rufh- ing forwards and encouraging the foldiers of the garrifon K. WILLIAM in. 18 j garrifon with Amazonian fortitude. In fine, the Englifh were repulfed with the lofs of 1200 of their choicell troops : and the operations of the befiegers being alfo impeded by the weather, which had now become very unfavorable, the King gave orders, in two days after this unfuc- cefsful attempt, to raife the liege ; and the army retreated towards Clonmell. Having conftituted Lord Sydney and Sir Thomas Coningfby Lords Juftices of Ireland, and leaving the command of the army with Count Solmes, who loon after re- ligned it into the able hands of General Ginckel ; his Majefty embarked at Duncannon on the 5th of September 1690, for England, and arrived fafely within a few days at Windfor. In the courfe of the autumn, the Earl of Marl- borough, who had already diftinguiflied himfelf by his military talents, gained great increafe of fame by a fuccefsful attack on Cork and Kinfale with 5000 troops from England, joined, agreeably to the proje6l he had formed, by 5000 more in Ire- land. By the capture of thefe cities, all connec- tion between Ireland and France on that lide was cut off; and the Earl of Marlborough returned to England covered with laurels, having been ab- fent on this important expedition only thirty-feven days. The Duke of Grafton, natural Ion of the late King Charles II. a young nobleman highly amiable and accomphllied, fell bravely fighting 2 in 1 86 HISTORY OF GREx\T BRITAIN. in the firft of thefe attacks. When the Earl of Marlborough was introduced to the King at Ken- iington on his return, that Monarch, far from ap- pearing jealous of his fuccefs, bcftowed upon him the higheft encomiums, and declared that he knew no man fo fit for a general who had feen fo few campaigns'. In order to avoid the neceflity of raverting to the Irifh war, which was protrad^ed to a late period of the fucceeding year, it may be proper here to fubjoin the principal occurrences which took place from the departure of the King, to its final termi- nation. Although it had been the object of the King's anxious folicitude to reflrain the ravages of the foldiery, divers examples of great feverity be- ing made by him during his refidence in Ireland; the moft atrocious exceffes were, as is univerfally acknowledged, committed during the winter up- on the helplefs inhabitants ; and it was difficult to afcertain whether they fufFered more from their Catholic oppreffbrs, or their Protefiant protestors. Between them the country was dreadfully haraf- fed, and the fi:ock of cattle and corn in many parts almoft entirely deftroyed. About the begin- ning of June 1 69 1, General Ginckel, being now reinforced by a confiderable body of troops from Scotland under General Mackay, took the field, nnd immediately dire(5led his march to Athlone, taking in his way the town of Bally more, which was K. WILLIAM in. 1S7 was fortified and garrifoned as a fort of advanced pofl, and on the i8th fat down before Athlone. The town is divided into two parts by the Shan- non : that which is fituated to the eaftward of the river was foon carried by aflault ; but the chief flrength of the befieged lay in the fortifications on the Connaught or Irifh fide, defended by a caflle which could not be approached but by forcing the paflage of the river ; and feveral vigo- rous attempts were made, though unattended with fuccefs, to gain poffeflion of the bridge. This fomewhat difheartening the troops, a Council of War was held on the 30th, to determine whe- ther it would not be advifable to raife the fiege. On which the Generals Mackay, Talmafh, Rou- vigny, &c. urged that no brave a61ion could be performed without hazard, and gave it as their opinion that the attack on the bridge (hould be given up, and the paflage of the river attempted at a ford a little below the bridge -, and they offered themfelves to head the troops which fhould be deftined to the fervice. General Ginckel, who well knew what wonders military enthufiafm can perform, acceded to an offer which a too confi- derate commander would have deemed romantic and impradlicable. The fords of the Shannon arc few and dangerous. That in queflion was only wide enough for twenty meh to march abreafl. The bottom was rocky, the ftream flowing witli prodi- i88 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. prodigious rapidity, and rifing in the fhallovvefl: part nearly breafi: high. On the oppolite fliore was a baftion railed to defend the pafs. In order to deceive the enemy, the troops were not drawn out till fix o'clock, the ufual time of relieving guard ; and on ringing the church bell, the cuf- tomary fignal, a detachment of grenadiers, fup- ported by fix battalions of infantry, commanded by the Prince of Wirtemberg, the Generals Mac- kay, Tetteau, and Talmafh, who ferved that day as a volunteer, entered the water by twenties, to the aftonifliment of the Irifh, who immediately began a very heavy fire from all their forts and bat- teries. General Sarsfield communicating in haflc to M. St. Ruth, now Commander in chief of the combined armies of French and Irifh lying at the diftance of a few miles from the town, that the Englifh were aclually attempting the pafllige of the river, and demanding immediate fuccours ; St. Ruth treated the intelligence very lightly, and affirmed the thing to be impofiiible. " They dare not make fuch an attempt," faid he, " and / fo near! I would give looo pifloles to find it true." Sarsfield, amazed at the vanity and incredulity of this Commander, told him, " he would find Englifh courage capable of attempting any thing." Unappalled at the dangers which furrounded them, the afiailants gradually advanced forward, in the face of a mofi; tremendous firej and having at length K. WILLIAM III. 189 length forced their way and gained the oppofite bank, the reft of the army foon followed on pon- toons, and planks thrown acrofs the broken arches of the bridge. The IriOi, feized with confterna- tion, fcarcely attempted refiftance ; and in half an hour the town was in pofTefTion of the be- fiegers, with the works, which remained entire to- wards the enemy's camp. St. Ruth now made a late and vain attempt to diflodge the Englifh : but the cannons of the garrifon were by this time turned againft him ; and on that very night he de- camped with his whole army without beat of drum, and took a new and very ftrong pofition in the neighbourhood of Aghrim, refolving there to rifque the fate of a general engagement. The Irifh camp was extended two miles on the ridge of a hill, with a morafs in front, paflable on- ly by a narrow central path, crofled by the river Suke, and defended at the extremity by the caftle of Aghrim ; on their left were ftcep hills rifing among Avamps ; and on the right was a pafs de- fended by two old forts about half a mile from the morafs, the interval being occupied by many fmall enclofures lined with mufqueteers. General Ginckel, having viewed the enemy's pofition, de- clared his determination to attack them, for that a retreat muft be attended with lofs and difgrace. St. Ruth on his part, perceiving the preparations made for that purpofe, exerted all the efforts of an I90 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAUST, an able commander to countera6l them, making an harangue to his troops well calculated to pro- duce upon minds fo grofs and barbarous a very powerful effect. *' He told them how fuccefsful he had been in fuppreffing herefy in France, and bringing over a vafl number of deluded fouls into the bofom of the Church. That for this reafon his mailer had made choice of him before others to eftablifh the Church of Ireland on fuch a founda- tion that it (hould not henceforward be in the power of hell or heretics to difturb it : and that all good Roman Catholics depended on their cou- rage to fee thefe glorious things effecftcd. He confefled that matters did not entirely anfvver his expectation fince he came among them, but that ilill all might be recovered. That he was in- formed the Prince of Orange's heretical army was refolved to give them battle ; that now or never was the time for them to recover the loft honors, privileges, and eftates of their anceftors; that they ought now to remember they were no mer- cenary foldiers ; their all being at flake, and their defign to reftore a pious King to his throne, to propagate the holy faith, and extirpate herefy. And laftly, to animate their courage, he affured them of King James's love and gratitude, of Louis the Great's protedlion, of himfclf to lead them on, of the Church to pray for them, and of feints and angels to carry their fouls into heaven." 3 He K. WILLIAM IIL 191 He clofecl his fpecch with a flri6l order to give quarter to none, efpecially not to fpare any of the French heretics in the Prince of Orange's army. He took likewife the rnoft efFe6lual way poflible to infufe courage into the Irifli, by fending their priefts among them to animate them by all the methods they could think of; and efpecially, as the moll powerful and impreffive, making them fwear on the facrament never to forfake their colors. About eleven in the morning of the 12th of July (1691), being Sunday, the Englifh army advanced to the edge of the mofafs with a view to force the pafles, which were defended by the enemy with furprifing and cnthufiaftic refolution. No ground, after feveral hours' contell, being gained, a feint was made on the enemy's left ; on which large reinforcements being fent by St. Ruth to that quarter, to the weakening of the right and centre, the pafles after much effulion of blood were ulti- mately forced. No fooner, however, had the Englifh obtained firm footing on the other fide of the morafs and begun to afcend the hill, than the main body of the enemy fell upon them with fuch fury, that the afiailants were compelled to retreat with precipitation into the morafs; at the fight of which St. Ruth cried out in a bravado, " Now will I drive the Engliih army back to the gates of Dublin." Reinforcements arriving, how- ever, tgz HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAI^T. ever, the Englifli again rallied ; and the enemy at the fame inftant fuftaining an irreparable lofs by the death of their General, who, ftill confident of victory, was, by one of thofe accidents which mock all calculation, taken off by a random ball, the fate of the battle was at once decided. Sarsfield, next in command, but to whom St. Ruth had not deigned to communicate his difpolitions, was un- able to counteract the defpair of the moment. The camp was abandoned, and great flaughter was made by the cavalry and dragoons in the pur- fuit. The Englifh army marched forward with all expedition to Galway, which made no memorable refiflance. But Limerick, now the laft refource of the Irifh nation, difplayed, under the gallant au- fpices of Sarsfield, every iymptom of determined and heroic fortitude. On the 26th of Auguft that, city was a fecond time invefled on the Munfter fide ; two days previous to which died within its walls the Earl of Tyrconnel, at one period fo confpicuous in Irifh hiflory, but who had become odious to the French by his treachery, and to the Iriili by his pufillanimity in exhorting his country- men to an accommodation, fince, as he faid,, their ruin was otherwife inevitable. His admonitions were thought to have more weight after his death than during his lifetime. The operations of the army were feconded by a fquadron of (hips of war, which iC. WILLIAM lit. 19 jt which failed up the Shannon and did confiderable lervice. The liege being prefled for near a month and httle advance made, the enemy receiving con- tinual fupplies from the other fide of the river ; General Ginckel, at the head of a large divifion of the army, pafled the Shannon over a bridge of boats on the 2 2d of September, fome miles above the town, leaving the Prince of Wirtemberg, Mackay^ and Tahnafh to command on the other fide ; and, after feveral bloody encounters, fucceeded in ef- fedling the complete inveftment of the city. The garrifon nov^ feemed to think only how to fecure the beft terms for themfelves. And General Ginckel, well knowing the beneficent inclinations oftheKingin thatrefpe6l, as well ashis folicitude to bring the war in Ireland to a conclufion, ac- ceded without difficulty to terms not indeed in the eftimate of moderation and wifdom too favorable^ but far more fo than in their fituation it was rea- fonable to hope. On 'the firft of 06lober (1691), the Lords jufl:ices arrived in the Englifh camp ; and on the 3d the articles were figned. The capitulation of Limerick is ftill famous in Irifh hifiory. In it is comprehended not the furrender of Limerick merel)', but of all the forts, caftles and garrifons fiill in poficfiTion of the Irifli. In return for which, among many other regulations of fubordinate im- portance^ a general indemnity is granted ; and they Q are 194 HISTORT OF GREAT BRITAIN. are rcinftated in all the privileges of fubje6\s, Oli condition of taking the oaths of allegiance, without being required to take the oath of fupremacy. They were alfo reftored to the enjoyment of fuch liberty in the exercife of religion as was conform- able to that which they poflefled in the reign of Charles II. All officers and foldiers in the fervice of King James defirous to go beyond fea were to be furniflied with pafTports, convoys, and carriages by land and water, to the amount of 70 trimfport vef- fels, accompanied, for their protection and the ac- commodation of the officers, by two (hips of war —and they likcwife had liberty to tranfport 900 horfes. It was alfo conceded, that no perfon fhould be impleaded for any trefpafs committed, or rents received or enjoyed, fince the commencement of the war. The inhabitants of Limerick and other garrifons were empowered to remove their goods and chattels, without fearch, vifit, or payment of duty. Finally, it was agreed that all prifonersof war lliould be fet at liberty. The Lords Juftices, con- fcious that they had ventured beyond the utmoft limit of their legal powers, engaged that their Ma- jefties would ufe their endeavors that thefe articles fhould be ratified and confirmed in Parliament. The military commanders on their part allowed ] all the refpeClive garrifons to march out of the towns and fortrefles yet in their poflefiion, with the honors of war. Such K. WILLIAM III. 195 Sucli were the tetms which this devoted portioii bf a great land generous but Unfortunate nation, ivho had difplayed a firmnefs and gallantry worthy of a far better caufe, obtained from the wifdom and benignity of the Britidi Monarch. But great offence was taken at thefe articles, by the malig- nity of fome, and the rapacity of others, who hoped and expe<5led to have converted the whole country, for their own individual emolument, into one tre- mendous mafs of mifery, confifcation, and ruin. For to fuch a flate of feltifh and rcmorfelefs de- pravity may human nature be degraded, that, to life the forcible language of Lord Bacon, " there are thofe who would not hefitate to fet their neigh* bor's houfe on fire, merely to roaft their own egg5 by the flames." The many thoufands who re- tired to the continent, left behind them, however, fuflicient property to gratify any ordinary lufl of wealth or vengeance : and the refugees were re- ceived, on their arrival in France, with that kind- nefs and generofity which happily on fo many occafions fcrve to foften the traits of the dark and terrific chara6ler of Louis XIV. General Ginckel was folemnly thanked by Parliament for his fer- vices; and the titles of Earl of Athlone and Baron Aghrim were conferred upon him, in perpetual commemoration of his heroic achievements. On the King's departure for Ireland, the Queen was conllituted fole Regent, with a Cabinet Coun* O 2 cil 196 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. cil coniifting of nine perfons, four of whom were Whigs * — but the real power was fuppofed to refide in the Lords Carmarthen and Nottingham. The Whigs, therefore, had Httle reafon to be fatis- ,fied with this arrangement. The Queen had hitherto led a vey private and domellic life, oc- cupied with the amufements of reading and work- ing with her ladies of honors very charitable and exemplary in her focial and religious duties, wholly inattentive to political tranfadlions. But it now appeared that fhe was by no means deftitute of talents for bufmefs ; and, notwithftanding the per- petual confli6l betvv-ecn the two State fadions, flie governed with fuch mildnefs, which on no occa- lion degenerated into weaknefs ; and mediated with fuch addrefs, without any tindture of duplicity or artifice, that by a rare fortune fhe rofe higher than ever in the eftimation of both. Endowed with all the accomplifhmcnts of herfex, flie con- ciliated the moft flubborn by the engaging affabi- lity of her manners. Dignified in her perfon, of a pleafant and cheerful countenance, frank and noble * Thefe were the Marquis of Carmarthen, Prefident of the Gouncil ; the Earl of Nottingham, Secretary of State ; the Earl of Pembroke, who had fuperfeded Admiral Herbert, created Earl of Torrington, in the Admiralty ; Sir John Lowther, Firfl; •Commiflioner of the Treafury ; and the Earl of Marlborough, %vho were all accounted of the Tory party. The Whigs were the Earl of Devonfliire, Lord Steward ; Earl of Dorfet, Lord Chamberlain j the Earl of Monmouth, and Mr. Edward Ruflel. in K. WILLIAM IIL 197 in her manners, above all difguife and conceal- ment, fiudying only how to promote the welfare and happinefs of the nation who had raifed her to her prefent exalted pre-eminence, and to dcferve their love and confidence — hiflory exhibits perhaps no charadler which will endure the teft of a more rigorous invefligation. How unjuftly (he has been accufed of a want of fenfibility, her letters to the King her hufband clearly demonftrate. Daring the Irifh war, notwithflanding the complacency of her outward deportment, her heart was torn with apprehenfion and folicitude ; and the intel- ligence of the vi6lory of the Boyne appeared, as the Earl of Nottingham informs us, to afford her no pleafure till he alTured her of the fafety of the ICing her father. The firft great obje6l of the Government during the Regency was to fit out a fleet, equal at leaft to that which the French were preparing in the har- bor of Brefl. In this, however, the Englifh Ad- miralty was not fuccefsful. By the furprifing ex- ertions of M. de Seignelay, the Marine Minifter of France, a fleet of no lefs than 78 fliips of the line, commanded by the Count de Tourville, en- tered the Englifli Channel, and were difcovered ofl^" Plymouth on the 20th of June 1690. The Earl of Torrington, commander in chief of the combined fquadrons of Englifh and Dutch, fell 4own to St. Helens, in order to give the enemy O 3 battle, 198 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN, battle, though inferior in force by no lefs than sa iliips of the line ; thirty fhips of war lying in Ply^ plouth Sound not being able to join them. Lord Xorrington, extremely chagrined at this difappoint- ment, would have avoided an engagement : but the Queen was over-perfuaded to fend him pofitive orders tofight; fo that, flanding far up the Channel, be again bore down upon the enemy off Bcachy- head, on the 30th of June, making two hours after day-break the fignal for battle, which the French were not difpofed to decline. The Dutch fqua- dron, which led the way, were foon engaged with the van, and the blue divifion of the Englifh with the rear of the French ; but the red, which formed the centre, under the command of Torrington in perfon, could not, or at Icaft did not, come into a6lion till ten : and even then a wide interval was left between the centre and the van ; of which the French took the advantage, and furrounded the Dutch fhips in fuch a manner, that they would have been entirely cut off or dellroyed had not the centre diyifion at length bore down to theirt affifl;- ?ince, and drove between them and the enemy. About five in the afternoon the a6iion was inter- rupted by a calm ; and the Englifh Admiral, per- ceiving how feverely the fleet had fuf^ercd, thought it expedient to wave a renewal of the engagement ; 2nd weighing anchor at the cjofe of day, he retired eaftward with the tide of flood. The Freqph;, wh^ ha4 K. WILLIAM III. 199 fiad neglected to anchor, drifted to the weflward, and in the morning were defcried at almoft viewlefs diftance : and purfuing alfo in a regular line of battle, lefs damage was fuftained than there was reafon to apprehend. They neverthelefs followed as far as Rye ; and the Englifh were compelled to burn the difabled fliips, that they might not fall into the hands of the French. Upon the whole, this was the moft fignal victory ever gained by the JFrench over the Englifli upon their own element; Such, indeed, was the heroic bravery with which the van and rear divilions fought, opprefTed as they were with the fuperiority of numbers, that no veflel would flrike its colors : but three Dutch line of battle flups were funk in the engagement, and three more ftranded and burnt in the purfuit ; befides two tbips loft by the Englifh. The Gallic Admiral giving over the farther chafe as fruitlefs, the Earl of Torrington brought the fhattered re- mains of his fleet into the Thames, whence, de- volving the command upon Sir John Afhley, he immediately repaired to the metropolis, which he found in a flate of the greateft con ft em at ion ; he himfelf being the chief objc<5t of the popular rage and refentment. Nothing lefs than an immediate invafion was expected ; but the French fleet, after infulting the coafts now wholly defencelefs, made the beft of their way back to the harbor ofBreft. The condu6t of the Queen in this critical emer- O 4 gency Qoo HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN, gency indicated great fortitude and fpirit. Sha ifTiied a proclamation, requiring the immediate fervice of all able feamen and mariners, with boun«? ties tor rendering themfelves voluntarily, and penalties for difobedience. She ordered a great number cf new commifllons for the army, and a camp to be formed in the vicinity of Torbay, where a defcent was deemed mod probable. She caufed to be apprehended the Earls of Litchfield,. Aylef- bury, Caftlemaine, and the Lords Prefton and Bellafis, with various other difafFecled perfons. She deprived the Earl of Torrington of his com- mand, and fent him prifoner to the Tower ; and deputed an Envoy Extraordinary to the States General, to inform their Eligh Mightinefles, " how much fne was concerned at the misfortune which had befallen their fqnadron in the late engagement, and at their not having been feconded as they ought ; which matter her Majcfly had directed to be examined into, in order to recompenfe thofe that had done their duty, and to punifh fuch as fhould be found to have deferved it ; that (he had dire6ted 12 great fhips to be fitted out, and hoped the States would do their utmofi; to reinforce their fleet in this conjundure." How far the Earl of Torrington, allowed to be one of the beft and braveft feamen of his time, was cenfurable in this bufinefs, fcems not perfedly clear. The Dutch exclaimed againfi him with the bittereft acrimony^ s and K. WILLIAM III. -201 ancl the French accounts reprefent him as ex- tremely deficient in naval condu6l. The Earl of Nottingham, in his official letter to Lord Durfley Ambaflador at the Hague, exprefsly charges him with treachery ; and the Earl of Torrington, on the other hand, brought an accufation againft Not- tingham for purpofely fupprefllng the neceflary intelligence. After lying many months in the Tower, he was at lafl brought to a trial by a Court Martial, and, to the indignation of the country, acquitted ; but the King difmifTed him from the fervice, and he never afterwards recovered any ihare of reputation *, Oft * It muft be confefTed, that Lord Torrington's official letter off Beachy to Lord Carmarthen is extremely vague and unfa- tisfaftory. He only fays, " That on the preceding day, accord- ing to her Majefys ordiv^ they had engaged the enemy's fleet. The Dutch had the van. By the time they had fought two hours, it fell calm; which was a great misfortune to them all, but moft to the Dutch, who being mod difabled, it gave the French an opportunity of deftroying all their lame fhips 5 which he had hitherto prevented by falling with the red fquadron be- tween them and the enemy." He acknowledges, neverthelefs, ♦' It is utterly impoffible to make good their retreat, if prefTed by the French j" and e-xclaims, " I pray God fend us well off !'* " Had I," fays he, " undertaken this of my own head, I fhould not well know what to fay ; but it being done by command vji^t I hope, free me from blame." On the 2d of July 1690, the Queen, in a private letter to the King, thus expreffes herfelf : " What Lord Torrington caa fay for himfclf, I know not > but I believe he will never be forgiven* 202 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. On the 2d of October 1690 the Englifh Par- liament aflembled at Weftminfter ; and the leading topics of the Speech from the Throne were the fuccefsofthe war in Ireland, the late naval defeat, and the neceffity of adling with vigor in fupport of forgiven. The letters from the fleet, before and llnce the en- gagement, fhew fufliclently he was the only man there who had no mind to fight ; and his not doing it was attributed to orders from hence. I am more concerned for the honor of the Nation, than anything elfe. But I think it has pleafed God to punifii them juftly ; for they really talked as if it were impollible for them to be beaten/' — On the intelligence of the viftory at the Boyne, theQiieen writes, July 17 : " How to begin thia leitter I do not know, or how ever to render God thanks enough for his mercies. Indeed they are too great, if we look on our dcferts : but, as you fay, it is his own caufe ; and flnce it is for the glory of his great Name, we have no reafon to fear but he will perfeft what he has begun. When I heard the joyful news from Mr. Butler, I was in pain to know what was become of the late King, and durft not ailc him. But when Lord Nottingham came, I did venture to do it, and had the fatisfaftion to know he was fafe. I know I need not beg you to let him be taken care of, for I am confident ycu will for your own fake ; yet add that to all your kindnefs, and for ray fake let people know you would have no hurt come to his perfon." Auguft 5th : " We have received many mercies, God fend us grace to value them as we ought ! But nothing touches people's hearts here enongh to make them agree ; that would be too much happir nefs." Au^ufl; 19th: " Holland has really fpoiled me in being fo kind to me. That tliey are fo to you, 'tis no wonder. Would to God it were the fame here !" Auguft 26th: " I am in greater fears than can be imagined by any who loves lef$ thafli K, WILLIAM III. '203 pf the confederacy abroad, The moft loyal Ad- drefles were returned, and extraordinary fiipplies voted, to the amount of four millions^— at that time the largefl fum ever afkcd, or given to a King of England^ in one feffion. And in order that the than myfelf. I count the hours and the moments, and have pnly reafon enough left to think that as long as I have no letters all is well. Yet I mud fee company upon n;y fet days, I muft play twice a week, nay I muft laugh and talk though never fo much againft my will. I believe I diflemhle very ill ; yet I muft endure it. All my motions are fo watched, and all I do fo obferved, that if 1 eat lefs, or fpeak Icfs, or look more grave, all is loft, in the opinion of the world." DalrympWs State Vapers. King William told the Duke of Leeds before his departure for Ireland, as Lord Dartmouth in his MS. memorandums on Bifhop Burnet's Hiftory Informs us, " that he m,uft be very cautious of faying any thing before the Queen that looked like a difrefpedl to her father, which (he never forgave ; and that the Marquis of Halifax had loft all manner of credit with her for his unfeafon- able jefting upon this fubjecl. That he, the Duke, might de^ pend upon what (he faid to him to be ftridly true, though (he would not always tell the whole truth j and that he muft not take if for granted that (he was of his opinion every time (he did not think fit to contradict him." This Princefs, alking the caufe of her father's refentment againft M. Jurieu, was told by Bifhop Burnet, ** that it was on account of fome indecencies fpoken of Mary Queen of Scots," On which fhe replied, " Ju- rieu muft fupport the caufe he defends, in the beft way he can. If what he fays of the Queen of Scots be true, he is not to be blamed for the ufe he m.akesof it. If Princes will do ill things, they muft expeft the world will take revenge on their memories, l^ncf they cannot reach their pcrfons," inoney ■io4 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. money thus liberally beftowed might be honeftly expended, a Committee of Accounts was at the fame time inflituted, conlifting of nine members of the Houfe of Commons, invefted with full powers to fummon whatever perfons they thought proper, and to tender them an oath to anfwer all fiich queftions as fhouldbe required of them. In the month of November Lord Sydney was ap- pointed Secretary of State, in the room of the Earl of Shrewfbury ; and Lord Godolphin Firft Lord of the Treafury, in the room of Sir John Lowther. This nobleman was one of thofe rare characlers, upon which the tooth of malice knows not how to fatten. Though Itrongly attached to the Tory party, and even fufj:)e61ed of a predilection to the interefis of the late King, in whofe favor he had flood very high ; fuch was theclearnefs of his head, and the incorruptibility of his heart, that the choice now made fecmcd to give great and almoft uni- verfal fatisfa6lion. He had been employed in the bnlinefs of the Treafury, by the two lad Sove- reigns, with the highell reputation to himfelf, and advantage to the public ; and his example, yet, more than his authority, would, it was hoped, reftrain thofe abufes which, in fituations expofcd to perpetual temptation, it will ever be found im- pradlicable wholly to eradicate. The King was now impatient to repair to the Grand Congrefs appointed to be held at the Hague K, WILLIAM IIL .60S Hague during the prefent winter. On the 5tlx of January 1691, therefore, he came to the Houfe, and, communicating his intentions in a very hand- fome fpeech, gave his aflent to the Bills which were ready, and put an end to the feffion. Earl/ in the fame month the King embarked at Gravef- end, under convoy of a powerful fquadron com- manded by Admiral Sir George Rooke ; and on the 1 8th about noon, being informed by a fiflier- raan that Goree was diftant only a league and a half, his Majefty refolved to quit the yacht and go on board a fhallop, attended by the Duke of Ormond, the Earls of Devonfliire, Dorfet, Port- land, and feveral other perfons of diftin6lion. But, a thick fog coming on, and the coaft being fur- rounded with ice, they were not able to make the Ihore, and for the fpace of 18 hours, expofed to the inclemency of a winter's night, were tolled about at the mercy of the winds and waves. The fea ran very high, and the danger was extreme: but the fortitude' and even heroifm of the King, in this fituation, did not for a moment forfake him. On hearing fome of the failors exprefs their apprehenfion of the event, " Are you then," faid he, " afraid to die in. my company ?" Soon after day-break, however, they made good their landing on the ifland of Goree, and about fix in the evening arrived at the Hague ; where he was received with tranfports of joy, and immediately complimented by the States General, 20^ HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. General, the States of Holland, the Couricil eft State, the other Colleges, and the Foreign Mi- niftcrs. On the 26th hfe made his public entry by dcfire of the Magiftrates; feveral triumphail arches having been ereded to reprefent his achieve- ments, and all the Burghers appearing in arms with unufual magliifieence. In the evening, fireworks were exhibited, and the cannon fired on the Viver- borg oppofite his palace, and bonfires lighted througti the whole towii. Two days after, the King went to the Aflembly of the States General, and addrefled thefn in an aflxiftionate fpeech, in which he reminded them, " that the laft time he was with them he had declared his intention of going over to England, to deliver that kingdom from the evils with which it was threatened — That God had fo blefled his juft intentions, that he had met with fuccefs, even beyond his hopes — That the Englith having offered him the Crown, he had accepted it, as God was his witnefs, not out of ambition, but folely to prcferve the religion and laws of the three kingdoms ; and to be able to aflift his allies, and efpecially the United Provinces, againft the power of France — That he could have wifhed to have aided them fooner, but was pre- vented by the affairs of Ireland ; which being now in a better condition, he was come to concert mea- fures with the Allies, and to excrcife the functions of Stadtholder." The refi. of his fpeech confifled I of K. WILLIAM III. 207 of exprcfTions of bis zeal and aiFe6lion for the Republic. He was anfwered with the refpedl and acknowledgment due to a Prince who was looked upon as the father of his country, the deliverer of Europe, the prefer ver of the Proteftant religion, and the foul of the Grand Alliance. After this, was opened the mofi: extraordinary and fplendid Congrefs of Princes and Minifters which Europe had ever known. Of thofe who at- tended in perfon, exclufive of the King of Great Britain, were the Electors of Brandenburg and Bavaria ; the Dukes of Wirtemberg, Holftein, Brunfwick, and Zell ; the Landgraves of Hefie- . Caffel and Darmftadt ; the Princes of Anhalt, he, &c. The Ambafladors prefent were thofe from the Emperor, theKings of Spain, Denmark, Swe- den, and Poland ; the Ele6lors of Saxony, Treves, Mentz, Cologne, and the Ele6tor Palatine ; the Dukes of Savoy and Hanover; the Bifhops of Munfter, Liege, &c. &:c. To this illuflrious afiem- bly his Britannic Majelty addrefled himfelf in an eloquent and pathetic fpeech, reprefenting to thenx " the imminent dangers to which they were ex- pofed from the power and ambition of France. In the circumftances they were in," he faid, " it was not indeed a time to deliberate fo much as to a6V, Every one ought to be perfuaded, that their re- fpe6tive and particular interefts were comprifed in the general one. If not oppofed with united vigor, the ffioS HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. the enemy would like a torrrent carry every thiii^ before them. Againft fuch power and fuch in- juftice it was m vain to oppofe complaints, or cla- mors, or unprofitable proteftations. Nothing but the force of fupcrior armies could put a flop to his conqueds, or refcue Europe from the impending ruin. As to himfelfj he would neither fpare his forces^ credit, nor perfon, in fo juft and necelTary a defign. And he propofed to appear, in the fpring^ himfelf at the head of the army of the Allies, and they might depend upon his royal word for the ilridt performance of his engagements." Actuated by the fame fpirit^ and animated by the example of their head, the aflembly came, without delay or helitation, to the moft vigorous refolutions : and it was agreed to employ in the enfuing campaign 222,000 men againfl France, of which aggregate number each State was to furnifh its fpecific and equitable proportion. The Con- o-refs broke up early in March; and it is remarked by hiftorians, that no difputes relative to preceden- cy, or any perplexing etiquette of ftate, fo com- mon in alTemblies of this nature^ impeded theif deliberations. In the prefence of the King of England, whofe chara6ler was marked by fim-* pUcity, who was above all oftentation, and whofe dignity defcended not to call in the affiftance of pride to its fupportj thofe frivolous and minute diftindlions which appear in the eyes of the vulgar of K. WILLIAM III. 209 of all ranks fo important, fhrunk into their native nothingnefs. The King, after palling fome weeks at his fa- vorite refidence of Loo, embarked for England^ and arrived fafely at Whitehall on the 13th of April (1691). The chief event which occurred during the abfence of the King, was the difcovery of a confpiracy againft the Government, ill-con- certed, indeed, and imperfedlly digefted. Notice being given to Lord Carmarthen by the owner of a veflel at Barking in Eflex, that it was taken up to carry fome unknown perfons to France, it was fo contrived that it fhould be boarded under the pretext of fearching for feamen the moment llie fell down to Gravefend ; when three pallengers were found in the hold, who proved to be Lord Prefton, Secretary of State to King James; Afhton, who had occupied a place in the houfehold of the late Queen, and one Elliot. Certain papers which Afhton at- tempted to throw into the fca were alfo fecured, and Lord Preflon's feal of office. Upon examin- ing the papers, they were found of a very mifcel- laneous nature. The moft remarkable of them was Hyled " The Refult of a Conference between fome Lords and Gentlemen, both Tories and Whigs, re- fpedingtheReftoration of King James," — though, as the paper adds, " without endangering the Pro- teftant religion, and civil adminiftration according to the laws of this Kingdom." For fuch was the P rage 2IO HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. rage of fa6tion, as to prevent their difcerning the utter incompatibility of thefe things ; and even to caft a veil over the deep moral and political guilt of endeavoring to fubvert a Government lawfully eftablifhed, from motives of perfonal animofity, in- tereft or caprice. The counter-revolution in view being however profefledly founded on Whig prin- ciples, and deligned to be carried into effe6l by the inflrumentality chiefly of the Whig party, this lirange paper was drawn up in an high ftrain of li- berty, fuch as would have given probably at the Court of St. Germaine's nearly as much offence as the moft hoftile manifefto. " The natural wealth and power of thefe Kingdoms being," as it is ex- prefied, " in the hands of the Proteftants, the King may think of nothing fhort of a Proteftant Admi- niftration, nor of nothing more for the Catholics than a legal liberty of confcience — He may reign a Catholic in devotion, but he muft reign a Pro- teftant in government — He mufl give us a model of this at St. Germaine's, by preferring the Pro- tenants that are with him above the Catholics." — And from the general tenor of this paper, and of the declaration annexed, it is plain, that the Whigs concerned in this political intrigue — for with re- gard to them the bufinefs had not advanced, and in all probability never would have advanced far- ther~infifted upon nothing lefs, on the part o^ the King, than an entire furrender of himfelf into ^ their K. WILLIAM IIL 211 their hands. Amongft a great number of letters, were two by Dr. Turner, Bifhop of Ely, to the King and Queen, under the names of Mr. and Mrs. Redding, full of expreffions of high-flown loyalty, and afluring them " that he fpoke the fen- timents of his eldei- brother and the reft of his re- lations." In a paper of memorandums in the hand- writing of Lord Prefton werefound the names of the Lords Dorfet, Cornwall is, A-Tontague, Stamford, Shrewfbury, Macclesfield, Monmouth, Devon- fhire — immediately after which follow the words " In February the King come to Scotland — endea- vor to unite the Epifcopal and PreftDyterian parties — land at Leith — the Scots army, not a French one — ^Goo good Swedifli foot — the reputation of a Proteftant ally — two months to fettle Scotland- leave all to free Parliament &c. &c." — From thefe dark and doubtful hints men were left to draw their own variable conclulions. Elliot found means to make his peace with Government : but the other delinquents were brought to their trials before Lord Chief Juftice Holt ; and both Lord Prefton and Mr. Aftiton were pronounced guilty. The latter, a blind and honeft bigot^ fuff^ered with great refolution; but the for- mer, who was ftippofed to have communicated the whole fecret of the intrigue or confpiracy to the Government, was ultimately pardoned. Shortly after, a proclamation was ifTuedfor the apprehend- Pa ing 1 1 2 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN*. ing the Bifhop of Ely, Mr. James Graham, and Penn the famous Quaker, noted for his attachment to the Stuarts. But they had previoufly abfcondeci, as it was, no doubt, the intention of Government they fhould. The Earl of Clarendon, uncle to the Queen, who had refufed the oaths, was committed to the Tower : but after a confinement of fome months, though his guilt was indubitably afcer- tained by the intercepted letters, he was releafed by the King's order, out of tcndernefs to the Queen, and merely confined to his houfe in the country. Lord Dartmouth was alfo fent to the Tower, where be foon after died, and was buried with funeral honors. Upon the whole, the wifdom and dilcre- tion of the Government were confpicuous in the whole of this tranfadlion : no one of the Whig Lords, fuppofed privy to it, being queilioned; but on the contrary the evidence againft them was af- liduoufly fupprefled ; and all things reverted to their former ftate, without any farther or more va- luable facrifice than the life of the unfortunate Afh- ton. .At this period it was, however, judicioufly de- termined to bring matters to a crifis with refpedl to the Non-juring Bifliops and Clergy, who were now deprived of their fees and preferments, to the general fatisfaction of the Nation. Even thofe of the Prelates, who had acquired fuch unbounded popularity by their oppolition to royal defpotifm in the K WTTTTAM IIL 2 1 3 "ilie late reign, expt.ienceci little (ympathy in tiieir prefent fufFerings in confequence of what was now called their obftinate fadlious defiance of the Na- tional will. The vacancies were fiipplied wuii men of fuch known candor and moderation, that it wa§ plain the prefent Tory Minifters were Cither too wife to attempt, or had too little influence to ef^ fedl, the revival of the High Church maxims ufu- ally aflbciated with the political principles of their party. Amongft thefe promotions we find the emi- nent and venerable names of Tillotfon, Sharp, More, Cumberland, and Patrick. Nothing more provoked the refentment and chagrin of the Non- juring party at this period, than the defe6f ion of the famous Sherlock, Mafier of the Temple, after a long and pertinacious refufal to fubmit to the oaths, and his public juflification of his cpndu6it in fo doing. This was a great triumph to the Court ; and he was immediately rewarded, for what one party ftyled his happy converfion, and the other his faithlefs apoftacy, by the acquifition of the rich deanery of St. Paul's. Early in the month of May (1691) the King, in purfuance of his refolution to command in perfoa the grand confederate army, embarked for Hol- land, and after a fpeedy and profperous voyage ap- rived fafely at the Hague. The affairs of the Con- tinent were at this period in a truly critical ftate, ^Leopold, Emperor of Germany, nominal chief of P3 tfec 214 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. the League of Augfburg, was not one of thofe Princes vvhofe chara6lers are calculated to adorn the page of Hillory. Weak, haughty, fuperflitious, and exercifing a cruel defpotifm over his own fubje(5ls, he was ill-qualified or entitled to ftand forward as the champion of the liberties of Europe, Vain and infolent in profperity, mean and pufilla- nimous in adverfity, he poireffed neither the efieem nor affection of his co-eftates of the Empire: from his want of capacity only he was not the objedl of their fears *. It was the power of France which excited the univerfal dread : and the Empire had never, fmce the zera of the rival fhip of the two great houfes of Bourbon and Auftria, been fo entirely united in intercft, defign, and defire. But averting their eyes with difdain from their immediate chief, * When the capital of his Empire was befieged by the Turks, the Emperor retired for fafety to Lintz, without making any effort for averting the impending ruin. After the ever memora- ble defeat of the Ottoman army under the walls of Vienna, by the great Sobiefki, this imperial ingrate fought to decline an interview with his deliverer^ — and, finding it unavoidable, he condufted himfelf with the mod difgufting coldnefs and affec- tation of fuperiority. The King of Poland, perceiving and de- fpifing his meannefs, only faid in return to his reludtant acknow- ledgments : " I am glad, brother, that I have been able to do your Majefly this little fervice." By a popular and felicitous allufion the Cardinal Archbifhop of Vienna preached on this great occafion a thankfgiving fermon, in the cathedral of St, Stephen, on the text of fcripture '* There was ^ man fent from Godj whofe name was John." 3 «s K. WILLIAM in. ai5 as altogether incompetent to the accomplifliment of lb great an object, the Germanic Princes fixed their attention exclufively on the King of England, even previous to his elevation to the royal dignity, and while merely Prince of Orange and Stadt- holder of Holland, as the real and efficient head of the grand confederacy formed for the purpofe of humbling the pride, and of oppofing an infuper- able barrier to the encroachments of France. They faw in him all the qualities of a patriot and a hero ; and the influence of prejudice and calumny ope- rating feebly beyond a certain fphere, his chara6ler appeared in an higher and truer light to the fur- rounding nations than to the majority ofperfons in England itfelf, where, in his fituation, every word and a6lion of his life was liable to the molt injurious andmalignant mifreprefentations. It has already been related, that the Continental war began on the part of France with a furious ir- ruption into the Empire, and the moll horrid de- vaftation of the provinces bordering upon the Rhine. The confederacy againft France was fuch as had never been equalled in Europe. All the contiguous countries, Switzerland excepted, were engaged in it as principals ; yet it was remarked, and it could not fail to excite admiration, that, though thus every way furrounded with enemies, fhe neither difplayed any figns of defpondency, nor made any unbecoming fubmiffions. But, on P 4 the 2i6 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. the contrary, fhe prepared to exert her flrength, fpirit, and genius, in proportion to the difficuhies and dangers that threatened her ; and, tingle as (he was, entered the lifts againft them all. But the honor (he acquired by her magnanimity fhe fullied by her cruelties ; and the fmoking ruins of the ci- ties of Spire, Worms, Manheim, Oppenheim, and Heidelberg, were the trophies of her deteftable triumphs. At the commencement of the campaign of 1689, the French were almoft entire mafters of the three Ecclefiaftical Electorates. But the Marechal de Duras, who commanded their armies on the Khine, found it extremely difficult to maintain his conquefts. In the month of May an offenfive an4 ^efenfive confederacy, which afterwards obtained the name of the Grand Alliance from the number and rank of the princes and potentates who ac- ceded to it, was figned between the Emperor and the States General at Vienna, to which the King of England was eagerly invited, and in a fhort time afTented to become a party ; though the treaty was not figned in form by the AmbafTadors of Eng- land till the 9th of December (1689). By the arti- cles of this confederacy, it was agreed that neither of the high contra61ing powers fhall enter into <^ feparate negotiation, and that no peace fhall be concluded till the treaties of Weflphalia and the Pyrenees fliall be fully vindicated and reftoreci. 4 TO! K. WILLIAM IIL ai7 To this treaty were appended two fecret articles ; by the firfl of which England and Holland en- gaged to affift the Emperor, in cafe of the death of the King of Spain without ifllie, to take pofTeffion of the Spanifh Monarchy with all its dependen- cies; and, by the fecond, to ufe their endeavors that the Emperor's eldeft fon, the Archduke Jofeph, ihould be fpeedily ejeded King of the Romans. The Imperial Court, in conjun61ion with the States General and the Princes of the Empire, brought three great armies into the field. At the head of the firfl, the Duke of Lorraine, a general of high reputation, inveftcd the city ofMentz. The grand battery againft this place was opened with a general and tremendous difcharge of cannon, bombs, .&c. accompanied by a graqd chorus of hautboys, trumpets, and kpttle drums. The garri- Ton made frequent fierce and defperate fallies; and the Germans, who confidered themfelves as the avengers of their bleeding country, repelled the fpveral attacks with heroic courage. '* pvery day the fun rofe and fet in blood, and every hour pro- duced fome new fpecftacle of horror.**' After a gallant defence of two months, this formidable for-? trefs furrendered on honorable terms of capituU-. tion. The Ele61or of Brandenburg, receiving from the Baron de Berenfan the keys of Rheinberg, fat * Ralph.- dowo 21 8 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. down before Keiferfwart, which held out but a Ihort time. He then attempted Bonne, a much more important place. Here his fuccefs was doubt- ful, till the Duke of Lorraine led part of his army, after the conqueft of Mentz, to his affiftance. Bonne then demanded to capitulate, after 55 days' blockade and 26 days' clofe liege. In Flanders the Prince of Waldeck was oppofed by the Marechal d'Humieres at the head of a fu- perior army. Nothing memorable pafTed on this lide except that on the 15th of Augufl (1689) an attempt was made by the French General to fur- prife the Allies, then encamped near Walcourt, while a part of the army was engaged on a grand foraging excurfion. The enemy were, however, rcpulfed by extraordinary eiforts of adivity and valor, with the lofs of 2000 men. The Englifh troops under the Earl of Marlborough particu- larly diftinguifhed themfelves on this occafion ; and the Prince of Waldeck declared, that the Englifli General had acquired in one day what others could gain only in years. On the fide of Catalonia, the Due de Noailles took the town and citadel of Campredon, which was fubfequently razed. But the chief advan- tage gained by the Court of Verfailles, in the courfe of this year, was in the demife of Pope In- nocent XI. of the family of Odefchalchi, who died Auguft the 2d, 1689, in the 14th year of his pon- tificate. K. WILLIAM IIL 219 tificate. He was of a character highly refpeclable ; exemplary in his morals ; a zealous yet judicious patron of reform ; devout, yet free from fuperftition; difintereftedj though economical ; mild, yet deter- mined. His ruling paffion for feveral years was hatred to Louis XIV. by whom he had beea treated with a rudenefs and haughtinefs as deflitute of provocation as it was contrary to policy. He was fucceeded by Cardinal Ottoboni, a Venetian, al- ready fourfcore years of age, who fat 18 months in the papal chair under the name of Alexander VIII. Wearied with his vexatious and diigraceful difpute w4th the Court of Rome, and fuperiti- tioufly apprehenfive of the efficacy of the Papal cenfures, Louis notified to the new Pope, in a letter written with his own hand, the reftitution of the city of Avignon, and his relinquifhment of the pre- tentions he had hitherto maintained to the fran- chlfes. But the Pope, though he complimented the King of France, in return for this conceffion, with the promotion of Fourbin and fome other perfons whom he recommended as Cardinals, yet refufed to yield the point of the regale * ; nor would he grant * The regah is a right claimed by the King of France to en- joy the revenues of the vacant Sees till the oath of fidelity 13 taken and regiftered in the Parliament of Paris. It includes, alfo, the power of nominating to the benefices and dignities in the gift of the Bifhop or Archbifhop, during the vacancy. The franchifes were privileges of afylum, annexed not only to the jhioufes of Ambafladors at Rome, but even to the whole diftrid where 220 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN, grant the Bulls, for the vacant French Bifhoprics, to thofe who had figned the Formulary of i6Sz declaring the Pope fallible and fubjedi: to a Ge- neral Council. And at the approach of death, he pafled a Bull exprefsly confirming all thofe of his predeceflbr. Alexander VIII. was fucceeded by Cardinal Pignatelli, who took the name of Inno- cent XII. in refpe<5l to the memory of Odefchal- cbi, to whom he owed his promotions, whofe prin- •where any Ambaflador chanced to live. This privilege was be- come a moft terrible nuifance, inafmuch as it afforded protedion to the moft atrocious criminals, who filled the city with rapine and murder. Innocent XI. refolving to remove this evil, pub- iifhed a Bull, abolifhing the franclvfes ; and almoft all the Ca- tholic Powers of Europe acquiefced in what he had done, on being duly informed of the grievance. But Louis XIV. from a fpirit of illimitable pride and infoleuce, refufed to part with any thing that looked like a prerogative of his Crown. He faid, the King of France was not the imitator, but a pattern and example for other princes. He rejefted vvith difdain the mllJ reprefent- ations of the Pope. He fent the Marquis de Lavardin as his AmbafTador to Rome, with a formidable train, to affront In- nocent even in his own city. That nobleman executed his com- mltTion with every circumftance of infult. He entered Rome in an hoftile manner, vvitli feveral troops of horfe, which kept guard in the Franchifes, and fet the papal authority at defiance. The Pope in revenge excommunicated Lavardin ; and concurred ■with the Allies in all their projefts for the reduction of the power of France, refufing to confirm the election of a Coad- jutor to Cologne, and defeating the views of France in favor of Cardinal Furftcnberg upon I^iege ; by which means a great facility was given to the Prince of Orange's expedition to Eng- land. # clple« K. WILLIAM IIL 221 Giples and policy it was his ambition to adopt, and of whofe maxims and condu6l he had been a Ions: and attentive obferver. In the fummer of 1690, the Duke of Savoy, after long hefitation, openly declared himfelf in favor of the Allies, and became a party to the Grand Alliance. His dominions wci j immediately in- vaded by a French arrr^y under M. de Catinat, a. commander of confummate fkill, who, Auguft the 3d, defeated the troops of Savoy with great lots, at Saluzzo, and captured the important fortrcfs of Suza. The Duke, who was a man of ability and addrefs, finding himfelf deferted by Spain and the Emperor, notwithftanding their lavifh promifes of fupport, now applied himfelf, in a moft refpe6lful, or, more properly fpeaking, adulatory manner, to the King of England, through the medium of his chief Minifter and Ambailador Extraordinary the Count de la Tour. " His Royal Highnefs, my mafter," faid the Count, at his firft pubHc audi- ence of the King, " docs, by me, congratulate your facred Majcfty's glorious acccffion to the Crown. It was due to your birth, was deferved by your vir- . tue, and is maintained by your valor. Providence had deiigned it for your facred head, for the ac- complifhment of its eternal decrees, which, after long patience, do j^ways tend to raife up chofen fouls to reprefs violence and protect juftice. The wonderful beginnings of your reign are moft cer- tain 222 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. tain prefages of the bleffings which Heaven pre- pares for the uprightnefs of your intentions, which Lave no other fcope than to reftore this flourifhing Kingdom to its firft greatnefs, and break the chains which Europe groans under. Thefe are the iincere fentiments of bis Royal Highnefs ; to which I dare not add any thing of mine : for, how ardent foever my zeal may be, and however profound the vene- ration which I bear to your glorious achievements, I think I cannot better exprefs either, than by a filence full of admiration." Gratified, probably, by thefe high and flattering compliments, and cer- tainly incited by the moft forcible and obvious mo- tives of policy, the King received the Ambaflador of Savoy very gracioufly, and gave him theftongeft afliirances of effedlual fupport and protection. During this campaign, the Prince of "Waldeck was oppofed in Flanders by the Marechal Due de Luxemburg : and in June 1690 a general engage- ment took place at Fleurus, in which Luxemburg, by a difplay of great military talents, obtained the advantage ; the confederate army being compelled to retreat with the lofs of 7 or 8000 men. The cavalry of the Allies in this engagement behaved ill, and, having been once difcomfited, could ne- ver be brought to rally : but the infantry did won- ders, and, deferted as they were, refitted all at- tacks, and at length quitted the field in fuch ad- mirable order, that the Duke of Luxemburg in rapture K. WILLIAM IIL ii23 rapture exclaimed, ** that they furpafled the Spa- nifh foot at the battle of Rocroy. The Prince of Waldeck/' faid he, " ought ever to remember the French horfe ; and I fhall never forget the Dutch infantry." Early in the prefent year (1690) the Archduke Jofeph had been unanimoufly ele6led King of the Romans, in conformity to the eager withes of the Emperor. The Duke of Lorraine being now no more, the command of the Imperial army on the Rhine was conferred on the EIe6tor of Bavaria ; and the French w^ere conduced by the Dauphin : but the campaign on this fide was merely and mu- tually defenfive, and its operations too unimport- ant to relate. An inroad was a fecond time made by M. de Noailles into Catalonia ; but at the ap- poach of the winter he abandoned his conquefts and retired to Routillon. Before the King of England had taken the field, in the fpring of 1691, and even while the Con- grefs was ftill fitting at the Hague, the French fuddenly inveiled the city of Mons, which the Prince of Waldeck attempted in vain to re- lieve. And the Marechal de Luxemburg was on his march to furprife BrulfelSj when the King of England put himfelf at the head of the allied army, by this time confefiedly fuperior to that of the enemy, and effedlually covered BrufTels from at- tack ; after which he fent a detachment to the re- lief S24 HISTORY OF dilEAT BRITAIN". lief of Liege, threatened by Marechal Boufflers* The King, now palling the Sambre, tried all poffi- ble means to bring the enemy to a battle, exhauft- ing his invention in marches, counter-marches, and llratagems ; but, being in every attempt dif- appointed by the fkill and caution of Luxemburg, he relinquiflied the command to the Prince of Waldeck, and retired in September to Loo. The campaign on the Rhine, where the Eledlor of Saxony this year commanded, was equally ina6tive. In Catalonia, the Due de Noailles again renewed fcis unavailing incurlions. But on the lide of Italy, M. de Catinat made himfelf mafter of Montalban, Villa Franca, Nice, and Carmagnola, a place not more than nine miles diftant from Turin. He then invefled the lirong fortrefs of Coni, lituated on the fummit of a fteep and craggy mountain, and defended by a numerous garrifon. At this critical period the King of England fent to the afliftance of the Duke of Savoy a body of auxiliary troops commanded by a very able officer, the Duke of Schomberg, fon of the late famous Marechal Schomberg, preceded by a welcome and feafonable fupply of money. A refolution being taken, in purfuance of the advice given by the new General, to attempt the relief of Coni ; a large body of troops under the command of Prince Eugene of Savoy, then rifing into military eminence, was detached upon this hazardous expedition; which he executed with "K. WILLIAM III. 22^ vith fuch addrefs, that M. Bulonde, who diredled the operations of the liege, after loiing a great number of men before the walls, raifed it in ex- treme hafte and confufion, leaving behind him large quantities of flores, and fcveral pieces of ar- tillery. Prince Eugene then attacked and captured Carmagnola, and obliged M. Catinat to retire with his whole army beyond the Po. At this intelli- gence the Court of Verfailles was ftruck with great aftonifhment. Louvois appeared inconfolable ,• and ihedding or pretending to (Tied tears when he re- lated thefe difafters to the King, Louis told him with calmnefs, " That he was fpoiled by good for- tune." At the end of the campaign, neverthelefs, M. de Catinat again retrieved his reputation, and in fome degree his fuperiority, by taking the town and caftle of Montmelian. Although the Emperor had been repeatedly and ferioufly exhorted by the Diet to conclude peace with the Turks, in order to carry on the war with greater effe6lagainfl France ; and the Grand Seig- nor had himfelf requeftcd the mediation of Eng- land for that purpofe ; yet the tide of fuccefs which had attended the Imperial arms in Hungary fines the defeat of the Turks at Vienna incited him to profecute the war, with the hope of adding each year fomething farther to his conquefts. He was well pleafed that the war in Flanders and on the Rhine (hould be carried on at the expence of Eng- Q^ land, £26 HISTORY OF GREAT BRFTAIN, land, Holland and the Empire, while he was mak- ing fuch confiderable acquifitions of power and territory in the provinces bordering on the Danube, llatrcd of herefy and hatred of France being his ruling paffions, he deemed himfelf in fomc fenfe a gainer whichever fide fhould lofe. Prince Louis of Baden had fucceedcd to the Duke of Lorraine in the command of the Imperial armies in Hunga- ry, and acquired fuddenly a mod fplendid repu- tation by defeating the Turks during the courfe of the campaign of 1689, in three fucccffive engage- ments, and taking the towns of NifTa, Widin, &c-. His career of victory was, however, for a time impeded by the efforts of the Grand Vizier Kui- perli, lineally defcendcd from the two former ce- lebrated Viziers of the fame name ; who alone had given to the Ottoman Empire, fmccits foundation, the example of a family powerful and illuftrious for fucccffive generations. This able Statefman and General, during the Ibort term of his command, recovered Belgrade ; and infufcd a new fpirit into the Turkith armies. After giving a linking proof W'hat great things may be effected in a very fliort time by a man of extraordinary virtues and talents, he lofl his life, A. D. 1691, glorioully fighting in an engagement with the Germans commanded by the Prince of Baden, at Salankaman on the Da-? nube. His death was followed, as might be ex- pedled, by a total defeat of the Turkifh army ; and 4 the K. WILLIAM IIL 227 the Emperor was now anew prompted to perfevere in the profecution of a war, in the courfe of which he had rifen from a ftate of the loweft political de- preffion to fo exalted an height of fortune. The apprehenlions of his Imperial Majelly refpe6ling the defe6lion of his great ally the King of Poland, who was married to a French princefs, and whofe fentiments in relation to the objedl of the Augf- biirg Confederacy had been regarded as fomewhat doubtful, were now alfo happily removed. " Hav- ing," fays the Emperor, in a letter written by him to the King of Poland, dated March 18, 1689, " for what concerns a fpeedy and honorable peace with the Turks, already declared in our former let- ters our fentiments to your Serenity'' — for the Auf ■ trian pride had ever refuted to the elective Kings of Poland the title oiMajeJiy — " and being glad to hear that your Serenity is fending to us an Envoy Plenipotentiary ; we have now thought fit, at the inflance of the States of the Empire, and out of the fraternal confidence we have in your Serenity, t© write this ; not that we think your Serenity wants to be exhorted to prefer the friendflnp which for fo many ages has continued without interrup- tion between us, the Roman Empire, and the Crown of Poland, before the machinations of France ; or that your Serenity, after having fought lb glorioufly againfl the common enemy of Chrif- tendom, can now be induced to favor their abettors, 0^2 adhe- 228 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. adherents and confederates, the French ; or to a0ilt diredly or indirectly their defigns — but ami- cably and brotherly to delire yon, on our part, and in the name of the Empire, to take fuch meafurcs and refolutions with the whole Republic of Po- land, that, proceeding with united councils and forces, the horrid perfidioufnefs of France may be punifhed, and a firm and lafting peace at length eitablifhed in Chrifiendom.*' — And concluding in a Ityle of unprecedented condcfceniion, he fays, "We doubt not your Majesty will return ns an anfvver agreeable to our mutual fVtcndfhip." A favorable anfwer being received from the King ot Poland to this cpiltle ; and the Poles and Vene- tians continuing faithful to the league againft the Infidels; the Emperor ftill indulged fanguine hopes of new victories and conquefts, and fuffered himlclf to be amufed and flattered by the circle of courtiers and paralitcs with the fplcndid dream of advancing to Conftantinople, and of fubvcrting the Turkilb empire in Europe. Towards the clofe of the autumn 1691, King William returned to lingland, the Parliament be- ing fummoned to meet on the 2 2d of Odober. The Speech from the Throne recommended in ilrong terms the vigorous profecution of the war. Loyal addrefles and great fupplics were voted as ufual ; but the Nation at large vi^as much difap- pointed and chagrined at the ill fuccefs of the laft campaign : K. WILLIAM in. 229. campaign : and the more enlightened part of th© public began extremely to donbtthe policy of con- tinuing the Continental war at fo enormous an ex-, pence and with fo little effe6i. It was faid, that the Confederacy of Continental Princes, if they re- folutely exerted their powers, was fully equal to check the ambitious projedls of France ; that Eng- land had but a remote and fecondary interell: in thefe contentions ; that the Emperor, depending oii the ftrength and refources of Great Britain, pur- fued his vidlories in Hungary, apparently forgetful that he was himfcif the head of the League of Auglburg, and the chief of the Grand Alliance. *' It would have coll lefs," fays Lord Delamere in his famous pamphlet fiyled Im-partial Enquiry, &c. *' than the money given, to have fent out yearly a royal fleet of an hundred tail for our defence and glory. This alone had fecured Europe from French tyranny, had given fafety and peace to England, and made all nations court our friend- iLip. Surely thefe thmgs could not have been for- gotten, having been fo lately proved by thofe who purfued this courfe, who were without right and title to the Government, and yet were fubmitted to by all the world- But, on the contrary, thefe ad- vifers muft needs underftand, that when they coun- felled the King to war againft France at land, it muft be upon very unequal terms both of expence and hazard. — Can we hope this fummer, or the 0^3 "^^^ ^30 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. next, to gain thofe frontier cities and garrifonS which it- hath coft the French Monarch near thir- ty years to complete and many milHons to fortify ?" The zealous Whigs were not indeed at this time difpofed to view the meafures of the King with any pecuhar predilection. The Tories were ftill the favored and governing party ; and at this very pe- riod the Earl of Rocheller, Lord Ranelagh, and Sir Edward Seymour, three of the leading men in that intercll, were fworn of the Privy Council. The Earl of Pembroke, who wavered between the two parties, was advanced to the office of Lord Privy Seal ; and Lord Sydney, a man of art and ad- drefs, who retained a pcrfonal intcreft with the King, though a Whig, was appointed Lord Lieu- tenant of Ireland. The behavior of the King him- fclf was not calculated to acquire popularity. He was of a difpofition naturally lilcnt, refervcd and thoughtful. He never appeared pcrfe6lly natu- ralized amongft theEnglifh ; and was fcarcely ever known to unbend himlelf but in com})aiiy with his Dutch counfellors and favorites, Bentinck, Zuylc- fiein, Auverquerque, &c. He avoided coming to the metropolis except on council days, and fpent his leifure hours either in flag-hunting, of which diverfion he was paffionately fond, or at his fa- vorite refidcnce of Hampton Court, where he ex- pended much money in magnificent and, as many affedtcd to ftyle them, fupcrtluousembellKlimcnts. He K. WILLIAM in. 231 He was perfuaded indeed to make a vilit to the Univerfity of Cambridge, to partake, like King Charles II. of the fports of the turf at Newmarket, and to accept of the freedom of the city of Lon- don ; but thefe condefcenfions not being natural to him, the coldnefs of his manner predominated over, and perhaps even cancelled, the fenfe of the obli-. gation. An attempt, which extremely attra6led the at-> tention of the public, was made during this feffion, by a very powerful combination of commercial ad- venturers, wholly to fuperfede and annihilate the cxitting Eaft India Company, who had, as their enemies alleged, greatly abufed their powers and privileges, and to eitablifh a new company upon their ruins. This dcfign was however oppofed with vigor and fpirit. The Company was firli incorpo- rated in the 43d of Elizabeth, with an exclufive right of commerce, upon a joint ftock, for the term of 15 years. In the 7th of James I. they obtained a charter erecting them into a perpetual body po- litic. In the year 1661 they received from King Charles II. a charter of confirmation, vs/ith a do- nation iliortly afterwards from the royal bounty of the iflands of Bombay and St, Helena. Laftly, an- other charter of confirmation was granted them in the fecond year of the late King James II. ; all however under a provifo, that upon a three years notice it iliould be in the power of the Crown to 0^4 make 1^2 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. make thofe charters void. Such was the flonriili- ing flate of the Company's affairs in 1680 and fevera! following years, that the price of India ftock rofe to 360 per cent, and the dividends were pro- portionable. But for about feven years paft, by reafon, it was affirmed, of the pernicious proje6ls and under the mifchievous management chiefly ot Sir Jofiah Child, the flock was greatly funk in va- lue, and the Company involved in extreme embar- rafli-nent: . It was faid, " that the Dire6lors had en- gaged in unjuil and unneeeilary wars, both with the Emoeror of Hindoftan and the King of Siam, to the great injury both of their finances and re- putation ; that there had been grofs abufe refpec^- ing contracts and in the article of freight, and the proprietors injured thereby to a valt amount ; that great fums had been corruptly advanced, to feeuro the favor of })erfons fuppofed to have interelt at Court ; that they had difgraced themfelves and de- frauded the public, by fixing a paper on the trea- fury door, declaring that they could pay no more for a certain time; proving, by this means, that thofe in the Dire^lion had been fo bufy in dividing that the obligation of paying was forgotten. Lafdy, it was alleged againfl them, that they had exceeded their powers, and had acled not only illegally but criminally, in putting perfons to death at St. He- lena by martial law, in contempt of the known conftitLition of the kingdom." The Company re- plied. K. WILLIAM III. 23J plied, " that they had neither exceeded their powers- nor abufed their truft. Among their powers was that of holding courts martial, and of" military punithments. Even in the affair of St. Helena, which had drawn down upon them fuch heavy cenfure, they were jiiftified by an exprefs com- miffion from the late King James ; that the temper of the Court was fuch at the time that commiliioii was granted, that if they had prefumed to queftion its validity, or even to infinuate the expediency of its being ratified in Parliament, they had ex-, changed pi'otedlion for indignation, and been in-» fallibly expofed to all the rigors of a ^0 ivar^ ranto. As to the war with the Mogul, it was fo iar from being perfidious, unprovoked and piratical, as reprefented by their adverfaries, that it was jull, jieceilary and unavoidable*. Under fuch a variety o( prefilircs, opprefled and embarrafied by the In- dian * The partifans of the exiftlng Company having pretended that the war with the Mogul had terminated in a very advan- tageous peace y their opponents were malicious enough to pub- liili a tranilation oitht PbirTaaund\S\xt6. upon that occafion by Aurengzebe, Emperor of Hindoftan, which is as follows : "All the English having made an humble fubmiffive petition, that the ill crimes they have done may be pardoned ; and requefted a noble Phirmau7id to make their being forgiven manifeft, and fent their Fakecls to the heavenly palace, the moft illuftrious In the world, to obtain the royal favor ; and Ettimaund Chaune the Governor of Surat's reprefentatlon to the famous Court equal to the fkles being arrived, that they would prefeut the Great King 234 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN, dian GovernorSj oppofcd by the French, the Dutch, and the Danes, they jldmitted that their returns had diminiihed, and the management of their af- fairs was become more difficult ; that neverthelefs the Company was fo far from being in a bankrupt condition, that they were abundantly able to fa- tisfy all demands, and to carry on their trade with as large a ftock, and, as they had now reafon to believe, to as much advantage as ever ; that in truth it was not on account of their fuppofed poverty, but their fuppofed wealth, that all this clamor had been let loofe againfl them ; that, as to their poit- poning their payments, it was no more than had been done, not only by the Chamber of London, but even the Exchequer itfelf ; that, upon the whole, they had done nothing to forfeit the proted^ion of the Government, the good opinion of the people, or the powers and privileges granted to them by their charters; and whatever national improvements King with a fine of 150,000 rupees to his noble treafury re- fembling the fun, and would reftore the merchants goods they took away to the owners of them, and would walk by the an- tient cuftoms of the port, and behave themielves for the future no more in fuch a Ihameful manner : wherefore his Majelty, according to his daily favor to all people of the world, hath par- doned their faults, mercifully forgiven them ; and out of his princely condefcenhon agrees that the prefent be put into the treafury of the port, the merchants' goods be returned, the town f fiourifli, and they follow their trade as in former times, and Mr. Child, who did the difgtace, be turned out and expelled. This Order is irrevcrJlbU,'* the K, WILLIAM III. -235 the trade was capable of, might be as well obtained on the prefent model as under any other." After long and vehement debates, the Houfe of Commons pafled a feries of rcfolutions upon the ground of which " it might he proper to prolong and continue the charter of the prefent Company^" The Comjjany thought good to accede to thefe con- ditions, amongft which were feveral very hard of digeftion ; particularly the refolutions enjoining that no one perfon fhoaid have or poflefs any fliare of Eaft India ftock exceeding 5000I. ; and that all perfons now having above the fura of 5000I. in the ftock of the ])refent Company, in their own or other perfons' names, be obliged to fell fo much thereof as fhould exceed the faid fum of 5000I. at the rate of lool. in money for every lool. flock. A Committee was at length appointed to prepare and bring in a Bill to eflablifli an Eall India Com- pany according to the regulations and refolutiorjs agreed to by the Houfe. In the month of January 1692 a Bill was brought in accordingly : but the efforts of their enemies were now redoubled ; x\e.vf petitions were prefcnted againfl them ; the temper of the Houfe fuddenly changed, and they came to an ultimate refolution, " that an humble Addrefs be prefcnted to his Majcliy, to diJfolveihQ Eafl In- dia Company, according to the powers referved in their charter, and to conflitute another Ealt India Company, for the better preferving of the Eatl: In- dia 23^ HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. dia trade to this kingdom, in fuch manner as big Majefty in his royal wifdom fhould think fit/' This Addrefs was prefented by the whole Houfe ; and though it could not be unacceptable to the Court, as throwing the game entirely into their hands, the King replied with apparent indifference, " that this was a matter of very great importance to the trade of the kingdom ; that he would confider of it ; and that in a fhort time he would give the Commons a pofitive anfwer." The farther management of this intricate bufinefs was now transferred to the Privy Council ; but when the F.arl of Nottingham, as Secretary of State, in the May following fent the Company a copy of the conditions agreed upon by the Lords of the Council, in order to a renewal of their charter, they objeded to almofl: every article, and generally with very good reafon, as impofing abfurd and impolitic reilraints on the freedom of commerce : and in a feparate memorial, they en- deavored to (how that the prefcnt Confiitution of the Company needed no material alteraiion, and admitted no ellentiai improvement ; and in this ftate of fufpenfe the contefl remained till the com- mencement of the fucceedingfcflion. On the 29th of February 1692 the King, in a gracious fpeech, had acquainted the two Houfes with his intention of going beyond fea very fpeedily, and prorogued the Parliament. Somewhat previous to this period, the Earl of 5 Marlborough, K. WILLIAM III. 237 Marlborough, who had ever appeared to be in high favor with the King, was fuddenly difgraced ; the Earl of Nottingham demanding of him, by the King's order, the relignation of all his, offices, civil and military. And in May following he was com- mitted to the Tower on a charge of high treafon ; and, as it is exprcfled in the warrant of Council, *' of abetting and adhering to their Majefiies' ene- mies." Though the fpecitic accufation on which the warrant was ifliied proved fubfequently falfe and fcandaluus ; there unhappily exilts incontro- vertible evidence that the Earl of Marlborough, in common with many other perfons of high rank and confequence, held a clandeftine and unlawful cor-, refpondence with the Court of Sr. Germaine's;and the difgrace of that nobleman was beyond all rea- fonable doubt owing to the authentic information received by the King of his trcafonable pra61ices. The dark and crooked policy of thofe who engaged in this extraordinarv fcene of diflimulation, makes it extremely queftionable whether any meafures were really taken by them with a view to facili- tate the reftoration of the late King, The Earl of Marlborough, who was perhaps the greatcft adept in this Machiavelian fchool, wrote, as appears, let- ters of deep contrition to the Court of St. Ger- maine's, imploring pardon and forgivenefs for his paft condudl, whTch James thought it expedient to grant, though he juftly entertained the greateft doubts 2;8 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. doubts refpe(?ling his prefent fincerity ; and which his recent fervices at Cork and Kinfale were ill cal- culated to remove. A mellage was moreover fent by Marlborough to James, engaging to excite a revolt in the army ; of which being after a conli* derable interval reminded, he declared that he had been mifunderfiood by the perfon. Captain Lloyd, who conveyed it. On which James remarked, " that he fufpe61ed Churchill wiflicd to regain his confi- dence only to be able a fecond time to betray him." Not only were fuch flagitious , or problematic cha- ra($lcrs as Sunderland, Halifax, Monmouth, Marl- borough, &c. deeply involved in thefe machinations and cabals, but men of the greateft private, and, in other refj)ccls, public virtue — Godolphiu, Shrewf- bury and Ruflel. Even the Marquis of Carmar- then, one of the heads of the prefent Adminifira- tion, became a plotter or pretended plotter againfl the Government : but the chara61er of the Earl of Nottingham, to his latling honor, ftands untainted and unimpeachcd *. The moft eat}' and obvious mode * Vide the Dairy mple and M'Pherfon CoUedions of State Pa- pers, palVim. — About the end of the year 1600, it appears that Col. Bulkley and Col. Sackville arrived from St. Gerniaine's in England, and applied %viih fucccfs to the Lords Godolphfn, Halifax, and Marlborough ; and a fromife of pardon being not Only obtained, but formally granted, Shrevvfbury and Carmar- then profeffcd their converfion, Tiie Admirals Rulll-1 and Car ■ ter followed their example ; and in a fl^ort time alio the Princefs of Denmark joined the fame paily. Some months afterwards, the K. WILLIAM IIL 239 mode of accounting for the prevalence of a con- duct Co treacherous, is the extreme apprehcnfion which appears to have been almoft univerfally en- tertained ofthe eventual reftoration ofthe late King. For the extraordinary political revolutions which had taken place in the courfc of the lafl half century — the dethronement and death of King Charles I. — the eflablidiment of a Commonwealth, with its fudden fubverfion — the confequent refto- the Earl of Middleton was fent over to England. A confider- able time was fpent in adj lifting terms, becaufe the Whigs, and particularly Ruflel, contended for conceffion after conceffion for the fecurity of the Conftitution. At length all things were fet- tled, and the Court of St. Germaine's obtained afTurances tliat the army would be directed by Marlborough, the fleet by Ruf- fe!, and the church by the Princefs Anne. Marlborough was, at his own requeft, and as a refinement of diffimulation, excepted from the Declaration of Pardon. During the preparations for an invafion, the correfpondence between Ruffel and James conti- nued j in the courfe of which Ruflel entreated James to prevent the two fleets from meeting, warning him, that, as an officer and an Englifljman, it behoved him to fire upon the firit French fliip that he met, although he faw James upon the quarter-deck 3 and he complained that proper provifion was not yet made for the fecurity of the fubjeft — fo that James was provoked to fay, *' Ruflel's views were not fo muchdirefted to ferve him, as from republican principles to degrade monarchy in his perfon. If he mifled the French fleet, he would claim credit with him; if he met it, he would, as was manifeit, ufe his utmoft efforts in favor of his rival." In the books of the Privy Council, May 3, 1692, there is a warrant for feizing Bulkley, Lloyd and Middleton; and on the 23d of June following the names of Shrewfbury, Hali • fax and Marlborough areftruck out ofthe Couacil book. ration 240 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. ration of King Charles II.— the depofition and ex- pulfion of James, and the furprifing advancement of the Prince of Orange to the Crown, made the re-eftablifhment of the late King appear incompa- rably more fealible to the contemporary actors than it is now ealy to credit or conceive— fupported as, it mufl ever be rememb ered, James at this period was by the mighty and, in the current opinion of numbers, irrefiftible power of France. A great coolnefs had for fome time fubfiflcd be- tween the King and Queen, and the Prince and Princefs of Denmark, on account of an application made by the Princefs to Parliament for an inde- pendent revenue without the privity of the King, and the actual grant of the fum of 50,0001. per annum, by the Houfe of Commons, out of the Ci- vil Lift for that purpofe. This mifunderftanding was now much heightened by the rcfufal of the Princefs, at the requeft or rather command of the Queen, to difmifs the Countefs of INIarlborough from her houfehold, where fhe had long occupied the ftation of Firft Lady of the Bedchamber, and had pofleflccithe highefl: place in the affe6lion and favor of her Royal Millrefs. From this time the Prince and Princefs of Denmark no longer ap- peared in the Court of St. James's, and the rupture in the royal family became unavoidably public and viljble to all, B 0 0 K K. WILLIAM III. . 241 BOOK II. King emharks for Holland. Namur captured hy the French. Battle of Steinkirk. GrandvaVs Plot, Campaign on the Rhine, &c. Hanover erected into a Ninth Electorate. Machinations of the Jacobites > Victory off La Hogue. Seffion of Far- iiament. Earl of Marlborough releafed from the Tower. Difmijfion of Admiral Riffel. Affairs of the Eaji India Company. Royal Affent refufed to the Triennial Bill. Enquiry into the State of Ireland. Sir John Somers made Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, Battle of Landeti. Charleroy taken by M. Luxemburg, Campaign on the Rhine. Sack of Heidelberg. Battle of MarfigUa. Smyrna Fleet captured. Affairs of Scotland. Maffacre of Clencoe. Remarkable Declaration of K. James. Intrigues of the Court of St. Germaines. Earl of Nottingham df miffed. Earl of Sunderland in fa- rd Lieutenant, demanded a fund for the railing 7P,ocol. per annum to make the income of the Govern- 268 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Government anfwerable to its expences. Though the country was fo exhaufled with the late war as to be rather in a condition to demand abatements than to grant frefh contributions ; fuch was their zeal that they adopted the Secretary's motion, and re- folved to make provifion accordingly. Ways and means came next under conlideration ; but fuch was the. impatience of the Court, that two bills were fent down to them ready drawn from the Council Board, which they were required to pafs without any farther ceremony. One of thefe was an impoft of excife upon beer, ale and other li- quors ; and the other laid a tax of i^6. per acre on all corn throughout the kingdom. The firft of thefe was not objected to as to the matter, but the fecond was univerfally reprobated. Then, as to the manner of introducing thefe bills, though by Poyning's Lkw no bill was to be patTed in Ireland till it had lirft received the fanc^ion of the Englifh Privy Council, it was never pretended that the Com- mons of Ireland were by that a6l foreclofed from taxing themfelves in their own way. Not to give color, however, to mifreprefentation, they fuffered the Excife Bill to lie before them, and prepared a Poll Bill to make up the deficiency thereof. But the Courtiers refufed to give ear to any fuch tempe- rament. They faid publicly, * That if their money bills were not pafled in their own way, the army iliould continue at free quarter.' At this period there K. WILLIAM III. 269 there were various National Bills depending in the Houfe, viz. a Habeas Corpus Bill, a Bill for re- ftraining the jurifdi6^ion of the Council Board ; a Bill to prevent the buying and felling of Offices, &c. which were intended to accompany the Tax Bills. But the ncceffity of an immediate fupply was fo earneftfy prefled, that the Houfe confented to pafs the Excife Bill, with a provifo that it fhould never be drawn into precedent. At the fame time they reje6ted the Corn Bill, for the exprefs reafon that it did not take its rife among the Commons, All the Courtiers joined in this compromife ; and the Houfe had every reafon to believe that his Ex- cellency the Lord Lieutenant was perfedlly fatisfied with it. On the 2d of November he fent for the Committee to wait on him in Council upon the 4th, with the heads of their new laws — yet, no fooner was he in pofleffion of the new Excife, i. e. on the 3d, than he reprimanded them feverely for en- trenching on his Majefty's prerogative and the rights of the Crown of England by their votes and rejedion of the Corn- Bill, and entered his protefl: in the Lords' Journal againft thofe votes — after which he prorogued them to the 1 6th of April. This behavior of the Lord Lieutenant," Slone faid, " had opened the eyes of the Members, and they refolved to fend over agents of their own to England, to guard againll his devices, by laying a plain and true (iateof their whole condu(5t before their Majef- 6 ties* 2 70 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. ties. In order, however, that their condudi might be in all refpedls unexceptionable, they determined to afk the confent of the Lord Lieutenant. The an^ fwer they received was, * that they could not have a bettsj* agent than the King himfelf^ — but if they would have leave for any to go over and beg the King's pardon for their riotous and diforderly meet- ings, they might have it.* Nor was this all : an or- der was ifliied to profecute them upon an informa- tion in the King's Bench, but flopped on better zdv\te, the gentlemen being refolved to defend what they had done- Laflly, to fhew how reafon- ably the petition to fend agents to Court was founded, it was farther alleged by Slone, that the Papifts were in a6lual poffcffion of that liberty which, if extended to Proteflants, would have pre- vented the neceffity of rendering the Irilli Houfe of Commons obnoxious by the rejection of fo many bad bills with fair titles, viz. the Bill for confirming the A61 of Settlement, fo worded as to make the remedy worfe than the difeafe — another, to reverfe the proceedings under King James's A61 of At- tainder, which had a claufe no one dared to accept — a third, for punifhing Mutiny and Defertion, but without any claufe for regulating quarters, for ia dated term of three years, and from thence to the next feffion of Parliament, which it was in the power of the Crown to poftpone for 27 years longer — ^ai^d a fourth, for a new eft^blifbment of the 4 Militia, K. WILLIAM IIL 271 Militia, which required fome counties to raife more men than the Proteftant inhabitants in them amounted to ; and impofed fuch arbitrary methods bf railing the money for their fupport upon all, under fuch levere penalties, that the Houfe, though defirous to render the militia ufeful, rejected it as a burden too grievous to be borne." This is a brief fummary of Slone's famous evidence, and it affords a wide fcope for deep and ferious reflec- tion. The King, finding that Lord Sydney had made himfelf extremely obnoxious to the Irifh Na- tion, had the good fenfe immediately to recall him, though he flill retained the high place he had al- ways held in the King's perfonal favor. The govern- ment of the Kingdom was again committed to Lords Juftices, who were Lord Capel, Sir Cyril Wyche, and Mr. Duncombe. The fefTion of Parliament in England terminated on the 14th of March 1693 ; the King informing the two Houfes in his fpeech, that the pofiure of affairs necellarily required his abfence abroad. The Tories flill retained their afcendency at Court ; and the Earl of Nottingham was confidered as the Minifter who pofielTed the chief credit with the King. Neverthelefs it was the policy of William in a certain degree to balance the two parties : the Whigs had at no time, therefore, been totally ex- cluded from the great executive offices of Govern- ment; and the genius of the King himfelf per- vading 2^2 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. vading the whole tenor of the Adminiftration, the general fpirit of it was mild, fagacious and bene- ficent. With the public it was evident that the Earl of Nottingham's reputation was on the wane j though the accufations laid to his charge appear to have been falfe or futile. It was impoffible but that fome mifcarrlages fliould have taken place, in a Miniftry now of feveral years' duration. The Ian* guage of Oppofition is always popular; the con- duct of a Minifter is often neceffarily unpopular* The vidlory of RufTel had fafcinated the Nation^ and his prejudices and animofities were adopted by the multitude with little knowledge or difcrimina- tion. The King, perceiving the neceffity of far-^ ther conciliating the Whig party, at this period gave the Seals vacated by Lord Sydney to Sir John Trenchard, who had been engaged in Monmouth's rebellion, and afterwards lived fome years on the Continent. He w^as a man of macb calm refolu-* tion, ftrongly attached to the principles of liberty, and well acquainted with foreign affairs. On the fame day Sir John Somers, Attorney General, wa^ declared Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, which had been now feveral years in commiffion. No appoint- ment could be more popular, or more judicious, Somers was a man of flri6l integrity, of great ca- pacity for bufinefs, of the mildefl: and moft enga- ging manners, of the moft generous and liberal prin- ciples. Not fatisfied with the reputation of being the K. WILLIAM III, 273 tire firft lawyer and ftatcfman of the age, he was alfo an exquifite judge and moft munificent patron of literary merit. In a word, in him were united all the virtues and accomplifhments which can make a character either great or amiable ; and Hiflory is proud to exhibit him as one of thofe exalted perfonages who occafionally appear to adorn and to enlighten a world too often ignorant or infenfible of their merits. The department of the Admiralty was now placed in the hands of Sir Cloudefley Shovel, an officer diftinguifhed by his profeffional and perfonal merit, affifted by the Ad- mirals Killegrew and Del aval. The King embarked for Holland March the 31ft 1693, and immediately repaired to the -..ny in Flanders, where the French had allembled a force far fuperior to the Confederates. The King of France having joined his army in perfon, it was concluded that fome grand delign was in contem- plation either upon Maeftricht, BrufTels or Liege, But the King of England having with great dili- gence pofleffed himfelf of the ftrong pofition of Parke near Louvaine, the meafures of the enemy were broken ; and Louis, after detaching a body of 20,000 men to the Upper Rhine, left the care of the army to the Marechals Luxemburg and Bouf- iiers, and returned in fome difappointment to Ver- failles. The Duke of Luxemburg now removed his camp to Meldert, within half a league of the T Allies-. 274 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Allies — and an engagement was hourly expelled j but neither lide found a favorable opportunity of attack. The Duke of Wirtemberg, however, with a detachment of 33 battalions and fquadrons, forced the French lines betv/een the Scheld an 281 «nemy, with almoft all their artillery, and above 1 60 ilandards. But the French army was fo weakened by this victory as to be incapable of attempting any farther oifenfive operation. The war in Hungary was ftill carried on to the difadvantage of the Turks, who this year loft the fbrtrefles of Jeno and VillaguAvar. But the Impe- rialifts under the Due de Croy were repulfed in an attempt on the city of Belgrade. After the prodigious lofs fuftained by the French at the battle of La Hogue the preceding yeaf, their naval exertions during the prefent fummer were truly aftoni filing. So early as the month of May, Vv^hile the Britifh fhips were ftill in harbor, the different fquadrons, having joined, formed a grand fleet of no lefs than 71 men of war of the line. In the beginning of June the Enghfh and Dutch fhips failed down the Channel. On the 6th, Sir George Rooke was detached to the Straits with a fquadron of z^ fhips as convoy to the Mediterranean and Smyrna trade — the whole fleet accompanying him 50 leagues to the fouth-weftward of Ufhant, for greater fecurity to the merchant-fhips, amounting to near 400 in number. Unfufpicious of danger, Rooke proceeded on his voyage j and on the 1 7th defcried to his aftonifhment the whole French fleet cruifing about 60 leagues oft" Cape St. Vincent. In this emergency there was no alternative than to make fignal for the merchantmen to fhift for them- felves-— a8a HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. felves — the convoy maintaining as well as they were able a running fight for their protedion. In the refult, two men of war, one Englifh and one Dutch, were burnt, and two Dutch fhips after a defperat« retiftance taken by the enemy, who alfo captured about 40 of the merchantmen, feveral of them Smyrna fhips richly laden, and dcftroyed about 5© ^Tiorc. The greater part faved themfelves in Faro, St. Lucar or Cadiz. Sir George Rooke bore away for the Madeiras, whence he arrived at Cork in Auguft. The French Admiral, M. de Tourville, after infulting the coafts of Spain, and burning feveral Englifh and Dutch veflels at Malaga, AH- cant and other places, returned in triumph to Tou- lon. The greatefl clamors were not without fome appearance of reafon excited in England by this misfortune. The Whigs and Anti-courtiers re- newed their attacks on the Earl of Nottinghami, through whofe criminal negligence, if not more criminal treachery, it was affirmed, this unparal- leled calamity had happened. The Admirals Kil- ligrew and Delaval, both ftrongly attached to the Tory, not to fay the Jacobite, party, alfo fell, an.d with far more reafon, under great and grievous fufpicion. No attempt was made to retrieve the honor of the Britiffi flag, except by an attack on St. Maloes, a noted rendezvous of privateers, by a fquadron under Commodore Benbow, who can- nonaded and -bombarded the town, to the great confternatiou K. WILLIAM IIL 283 confternation of the inhabitants, for three daysfuc- ceflively. In the fpring of the prefent year 1693, a Seffioii of Parliament was held in Scotland, of which it is necellary to give fome account, as well as of the general flate of affairs in that kingdom for fome years back. The l}Hem of government which it was the part of wifdom to adopt confequent to the Revolution in Scotland, it was difficult to define, and yet more difficult to execute. The majority of the Convention and of the Nation at large be- ing Prefbyterians, who were flrongly attached to the new Governm.ent, as the Epifcopalians on the other hand for the mofl part were to the old, it was a matter of neceffity rather than choice in the King to confide the adminiflration of affairs to that party. The Earl of Melville was raifed to the office of Secretary of State ; a nobleman of honefl inten- tions, but of very flender capacity ; firm to Prefby- tery, accounted fomewhat avaricious, but not a man of violence or malignity. He was perfonally known to the King, having taken refuge in Hol- land from the perfecutions of the late reigns, and had the merit of advifing and adventuring in the memorable expedition to England. But the King- was thought chiefly to rely on the counfels of Dai- ry mple Vifcount Stair, conflituted Prefident of the College of Juftice (father to Dalrymple the Com- Wiiffi.oncr), a man of great craft, who had formerly beea 284 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. been an inflrument of oppreffion in the hands of Lauderdale, but who now ftrove to recommend himfelf to favor by his zeal in fupport of the new eftablifhment. By the promotion of Melville great and indeed mortal offence was given to Sir James Montgo- mer}', one of the leaders of the Prefbyterian party, of far greater ability, but of proportionably lefs moderation and lefs principle ; and who now af- fedted on all occafions to head the party of the dif- contented Whigs. The Parliament of Scotland met on the 17th of June 1689. In the Scottifli Remonftrance of Grievances, the ill article was as follows : — " The Eftates of Scotland do reprefent that the Committee of Parliament called ' The Articles' is a great grievance to the Nation, and there ought to be no Committee of Parliament, but fuch as are freely chofen by the Eftates to pre- pare motions and overtures that are firll made in the Houfe." The Committee in queftion, generally denominated Lords ofArticles^ by the gradual ufur- pation of the Crown conllituted indeed a griev- ance which might well be pronounced intolerable in a free nation. In the inftrudions of the Duke of Hamilton, Lord High Commiflloncr, the confent of the King was given to the reform and regulation of this Committee, but not to its abolition — fo re- Iu6lant are the beft and moft patriotic Sovereigns to relinquifh power, however invidious or flagrant its K. WILLIAM m. 285 its mifiire. The King indeed was told, that to part with the Lords of Articles was to part with the brighteft jewel in his crown. When apprifed of the warmth excited by this refufal, he tranfmitted an additional inftru6iion to the Commiffioner, to concede to the three Eftates of Nobles, Knights €«• Barons, and Burgefles, the choice of eleven delegates each, to be chofen monthly or oftener if they thought fit ; and a claufe was added to enable the Parliament not only to take any matters into confideration which had been rejecled in the Com- mittee of Articles agreeably to the original inftruc- tions, but primarily to move and regulate the lame. But the patriots in Parliament declared that, if the inftitution remained, the grievance would remain with it; and they would hearken to no modification of fo deteilable and unconflitutional an appoint- ment. This Committee was of obfcure and remote^ origin, and was apparently intended merely to pre- pare and facilitate the bufinefs of Parliament with- out afluming any fpecies of feparate or independ- ent power. But they foon (hewed a difpofitipn to innovate on the rights of Parliaments, and almoft every reign added fomething to their encroach- ments, till Charles I. in the Parliament held A. D. i^33> when he was in the height of his greatnefs, divefted by his own royal and fovereign power the refpe<9:ive Eilates of the privilege of chooling their refpcdive Commiffioners, and virtually configned the 286 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAlK. the Avhole appointment over to eight Bidiops, no- minated by himfelf or the Lord High Commif- lioner, who were to choofe eight Noblemen, and the fixteen were then to nominate eight Barons and eight Burgeiies ; and thefe thirty-two perfons, in conjundion with the Officers of State as fuper- numeraries, fhould be the whole and fole Lords of Articles exclufive of all others. And to them was committed the right and liberty of bringing in mo- tions, of making overtures for redreffing wrongs, and of propofing means and expedients either for the relief or the fafety and benefit of the fubje<9:. Neither was it lawful for any member or number of members not of the Committee to make the leaft propofal or motion either for the repealing of an ill law, or for the enabling of a good one*. Such was the nature of the inftitution which the wifdom and virtue of the Scottifh patriots aimed, not merely to meliorate or modify, but for ever to annul and abrogate. The Parliament being now, in confequence of the difappointment they had fuflaincd, in a very difcontented mood, a bill was introduced to incapacitate " all perfons of whatever rank or degree from occupying any public trufl or employment, who in the former evil Government had been grievous to the Nation, by a6ling in the encroachments which in the Claim of Rights were * Vide the celebrated traft entitled." Proceedings of the Scot- tlflx Parliament vindicated S:c.'* declared I K. WILLIAM III. 2S7 •fleclared to be contrary to law, or had fhewed dif- afFedion to the late happy change, &c.'* To this the Lord Commiffioner refufed, not without good reafon, the royal aflent ; it being evidently the effort of a fa6lion to avenge themfelves upon their enemy, and to engrofs the whole power of the Government. On the King's acceffion to the Crown of Scot- land, he had filled up the vacancies in the judicial department as in England, where no oppofition to fo obvious and neceflary an exercife of the prero- gative was thought of. But it was fuggefted by the difaffe6led and difcontented in the Parliament of Scotland, that by a vacancy in the throne all cora- miffions were vacated ; that, though the King by his prerogative had a right to fill fuch partial and occafional vacancies as might occur in the ufual courfe of things, a general nomination could onl)'' be made by the authority and concurrence of Par- liament ; and a bill was ordered in for that purpofe. But this the King confidered as an high affront ; and pofitive orders were given to theCommiflioner to reject it. Another bill was introduced for re- pealing the A61 of Supremacy, patled in 1669 under the miniftry of Lauderdale, which carried the au- thority of the King in matters ecclefiaftical fo high, that it feemed within the limits of his prero- gative to ellablifh any religion that he faw fit in Scotland. This was fpecified, and juftly, in the In- flrument 288 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. ftrumcnt of Government, as a fundamental grier* ance ; and the King in his inftrudlions had autho- rifed the Lord Commiffioner to aflent to its re- peal : but the aflent was neverthelefs refufed. An a6l, however, pafled early in the feffion for the abo- lition of Epifcopacy, and, as the a6l exprefl^s it, the pre-eminence of any orders in the Church above that of prefbyter — and it vaguely and gene- rally declared that the King and Queen's Maje- fties, with the advice and confent of Parliament, would fettle by law that Church in the Kingdom which was moft agreeable to the inclinations of the people : and by a fubfequent proclamation, "all fuch miniftei-s as were in pofieffion of the miniftry upon the 13th day of April, were allowed to continue there undifturbed." The pertinacity and ill humor of Parliament feemed to increafe as the feffion drew into length. They pafled a refolution, that it was illegal for the Judges nomi- nated by the King to continue in the exercifc of their fun61ions; and forbade them to open their commiflion. The Judges were on the contrary required and compelled to a6l by the authority of the Privy Council ; and fuch was the ferment, that it was thought neceflliry to order a number of troops into the neighborhood of Edinburgh m or- der to preferve the public peace. In the midft of this confufion, his Grace the Lord Commiffioner adjourned the Parliament to S. the K. WILLIAM ML ^89 Ine 8th of 06lober following : but fiich a flame did the refufal of the Court to accede to the meafures bf the patriots excite, that, previous to the adjourn- ment, a rismonftrance was framed in flrong and energetic language, reprefenting to his Majefly the evil confequences which muft enfue from a refufal *^ fo contrary to his Majefty's acceptance of the Claim of Right, and to his Declaration promifing the redrefs of grievances." The King, fenfibly touched with thefe reproaches, caufed his inftruc- tions to his Commiffioner to be publilTied, by which it appeared that his Grace was authorifed to have made greater conceffions than he chofe to do re- fpedling the points in queftion ; and it was to be inferred that the King, who had little knowledge of Scottifh affairs, was not well pleafed with the condu6l of thofe on whom he had placed his reli- ance. The ambition of fome, and the difguft of ♦ others, who conceived that the King had violated his engagements, induced them to enter into dan- gerous cabals and intrigues with the High Epis- copal and Jacobite party, for the reftoration of the abdicated Monarch, who in his prefent fituation was fuppofed willing to concede whatever might be demanded. At the head of thefe mal-content Whigs was Sir James Montgomery, who, being difappointed in his views of obtaining the Secre** taryfliip of State, with the chief management of af- fairs, became the mofl virulent oppofer of the Go- U vernment. S90 IIISTOJLY OF GREAT BRITAIN. ' vernment. Cherifhing the fame chimerical proje(9s with the difcontented Whigs in England, he formed a clofe connection with the Earl of Monmouth, the Duke of Bolton, and other men of the fame ftamp — and they were fo far actuated hy the fpirit of fadion and folly, as to imagine that the national happinefs and fafety could be permanently efta- blifhed only by a counter-revolution— that King James, convinced of his errors, would detach him- felf entirely from the French intereft; and that, if his reftoration were cfFeded by the Whigs, he would entruft himfelf and his intercfts wholly into their hands. The particulars of this confpiracy were difclofed by the brother of Montgomery to Bifhop Burnet. He affirmed that a treaty was fet- tled with King James, articles agreed on, and an invitation fubfcribed by the whole cabal. During the recefs of Parliament, endeavors were ufed by the Court to foften the rage of oppoiition by an artful diftribution of places ; almoil every confiderablc office of Government being put into commiffion, in order to provide for as great a num- ber as poffible. , The Great Seal was committed to the cuftody of the Duke of Hamilton, the Earl of Argyle, and the Earl of Sutherland — the Privy Seal to the Earl of Forfar, the Earl of Kintore, and the Lord Carmichael : the Treafury was di- vided among the Earl of Crawford, the Earl of Caffilis, and the Earl of Tweeddale, the Lord Ruth- 4 ' ven, K. WILLIAM IIL 2gi ven, and the Mafter of Melville ; and the Clerk Re- gifler's Office between the Lord Belhaven and tour other perfons. As the fupplies granted by Parliament had been for obvious reafons very fcanty, it viras abfolutely neceflary either to difband the army or fpeedily to convene another meeting. As the leaft of thefe evils, a fefllon was held in the following fpring^ April 1690 ; the Earl of Melville being appointed Lord High Commiffioner. Such was the ftrength of the different parties united in oppofition, that, on the firft divifion on a trivial queftion retpe6t- ing a contefled eledlionj the majority in favor of the Court was not more than fix or feven voices. Even this majority would have been loflj if all the Jaco- bites who were returned had taken their feats in Parliament, and ofcourfe the Oath of Allegiance 5 agreeably to the fecret wifhes and inf}:ru6lions of the Court of St. Germaine's, and to the earnefl entreaties of thofe who had the mofl zeal and the leafl confcience of the party; among whom men- tion is particularly made of Paterfon, the deprived Archbifhop of Glafgow. Although the violent Whigs and the violent Tories were equally eager to obflru6l the meafures of Government, their views and defigns were fb irreconcileable that no cordial coalefcence could long fubfifl. There were in fadl three dif^in6l parties in oppofition — the Jacobites, headed by the U 2 Dukes zgs HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Dukes of Athol and Queenfberry, the Lords Atl- nandale, Breadalbane, BalcarraSj Sec. — the dlfaf- fe6led Whigs, led by Sir James Montgomery, col- leagued with the Lords Argyle, Rofs, &c. — and the difcontented Revolutionifts, at the head of whom was the Duke of Hamilton; who thinking his merits not fufficiently rewarded, and aiming at the chief dire6tion' of affairs, had no farther defigm than the ruin of the Lords Melville and Stair. The Court faw the neceffity, in order to diflblve this connection, of making thofe conceffions which had been formerly refufed. The Lord Commiflioner now therefore gave the royal affent to the Bill for refcinding the A61 of Supremacy ; to another for the diredl eftablifhment of Prefbytery and anni- hilating the right of patronage ; and to a third for the abolition of the Lords of Articles. By thefe decifive meafures, thofe Members who vi^ere ac- tuated by public and patriotic motives, and vvhofe difcontent had never rifen to difafFe6tion, were at once conciliated, a clear majority afcertained, and the Bills of Supply voted without difficulty. It is remarkable, that Sir James Montgomery, imagin- ing the Court would not dare to aflent to the un- referved eflablifhment of Prefbytery in Scotland, from the jealoufies it was calculated to excite in England, made a vehement and inflammatory fpeech in Parliament, declaring "that heknew there were in(lru61ions for fettling religion, and he thought K. WILLIAM III. 293 thought it a (hame it was not done ; but fome, to flatter the Court, againft their own principles had delayed it. He knew likewife fome were for one kind of government, fome for another; fome were for a certain kind of prelbytery called Eraftianifm, like that of Hollancl : but he told them there could not and ought not to be any other eftablifhed in Scotland than the prefbyterian model of 1648, which was the government mofl conformable tp the Word of God, and beft able to control the ex- travagant power of Kings, under which they had groaned fo many years." " This fpcech," fays Lord Balcarras in his Account of the Affairs of Scot- J.AND, ^' to us that knew his fecrets feemed a little extraordinary , but he excufed himfelf by being obliged io do fo, otherwife he fhquld lofe all credit with his party ; and that it fignified nothing, fince he knew that Lord Melville never durit pafs it, though it came to be approved." The proje6ls of the parties were now entirely difconcerted, and mu- tual reproaches fuccecded. " To all your friends," faid Lord Balcarras in the celebrated tradt now quoted, and addrefled by him to the abdicated Monarch, " it was very evident how great an ad- vantage might be had by joining with the violent party ; for by that we thought ourfelves fure of breaking their army, which coniifted of about 10, coo men, and which mud immediately be dif- {)anded when they faw the Parliament ellablifh no, U 3 fund. $94 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. fund, neither for paying their arrears nor fub- iiftence : and all having gone in confufion, and your Majefty being then in Ireland, and the High- landers in a better difpofition to rife, it were eafy to make a good ufe of their diforders. Sir James, in the firft meeting we had with him, laid out the great advantages your intereft would obtain if this fucceeded — the ftrength of his party, and all the influence he had over them. He told us likewife of their fending a meflenger to your Majefty, with afTurances of their returning to their duty ; but faid nothing of the inftruclions, commiffions, and pernicious advices he had fent along with them, believing undoubtedly it would have hindered us from joining with them. For by this we fhould have clearly fecn it was only trying to make a bet- ter bargain for themfelves that made them change parties, and not out of any fentiments of convic- tion for having done amifs." A dire6l rupture however did not take place be- ween thefe jealous and difiruftful friends, till the arrival of a meflenger from the late King with a great black' box of papers, diredled to Sir James Montgomery. This Sir James firft opened alone, and afterwards difclofed to the Lords Argyle, Ar- yan, and Rofs, who agreed that various of the pa- pers were improper to be fccn by the other party. Sir James Montgomery therefore again clofed and feale4 the box, and appointed a meeting at the apartments K. WILLIAM IIL 295 apartments of the Marquis of Athol, at which the Marquis himfelf, and the Lords Linlithgow, Rofs, Breadalbane and Balcarras attended. At this meet- ing, Sir James informed the perfons prefent, that a box of papers had arrived, which he had deter- mined not to open but in their prefcnce ; protefl- ing, as Lord Balcarras in his narrative of this tranfadion affirms, in the prefence of Almighty God, that he was entirely ignorant of the con- tents. But the Lords prefent, ftrongly fufpe6ling the integrity of Montgomery, examined the box and feals with the greateft attention, and plainly perceived not only that the cord was changed, but that the feals themfelves were by a flrange in- advertency Montgomery's own imprellion. A fcene of the utmoft confufion now enfued, not merely from the dete6lion of fo infamous a collu- fion, but from the adUial infpe6lion of the papers ; by which, notwithftanding the withdrawment of thofe deemed mod obnoxious, it appeared that the King had confented to put the whole power of the Government into the hands of the Prefbyterians. "They," fays Lord Balcarras, "were in nolefs confufion than we ; finding we faw their folly in undertaking things they had not the lead flia- dow of power to perform. They had promifed to get all the Parliament to declare for your Majefty, and immediately meet in your name ; and the Earl of Argyle Commiffioner, who was made a U 4 Marcj^uis^ 296 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Marquis, and Sir James made Earl of A r, and Rofs likewife an Earl; and all employments of Church and State, an army entirely put into their hands and thofe of their friends, who were gene- rally the greatefi: enemies to monarchy. There were likewife great bundles of letters not diredled, but left to their dire6lion, to be given to any of your friends they thought fit to truft; which indeed we thought a little hard to he put into their hands, who had been for fighting your Majefly, and alfo endeavoring to ruin us on your account." All confidence being now for ever loft, the only queftion at ifflie between the parties feemed to be, which fliould firft impeach the other. The Lord IRofs, after protefting with oaths, as Lord Balcarras Informs us, that he never would make any difco- very, communicated to a fanatic miniftcr at Edin- burgh that he was under great trouble of confcietice, and dclired his prayers to enable him to open his heart to him. After long prayers and many fighs and tears, he told him all he knew. The mi- nifter repeated next morning to Lord Melville the refult of this conference, and defired a pafTport to London for Lord Rofs; who before his departure informed Melville in general terms, that there were dangerous matters in agitation againfl the King and Government, in which he had too great a fliare, and for which he fought God's pardon but >vas denied, and was now going to feek it from the % Queen, K. WILLIAM in. 297 Queen. On his arrival in London and examlnar tion before the Lords Nottingham and Danby, being thought to prevaricate in his evidence, he was committed clofe prifoner to the Tower. The Earls of Argyle, Annandaieand Breadalbane with- drawing alfo under different pretences to Eng- land; Montgomery himfelf repaired to the Earl of Melville, and made a full difcovery of the whole confpiracy. The good- nature and credulity of Melville, miflaking confternation for contrition, furnifhed this man alfo with a paffport to Lon- don, and a letter to the Queen in his favor, But, on his fubfequent examinations, having, from a fenfe of honor not to be expedled from a man who had adled a part fo treacherous, perlilled in his re- fufal to reveal the names of thofe with whom he carried on a correfpondence in England, he failed in obtaining his pardon. After abfconding and lying concealed fome months in London, he made his efcape to the Continent, where his plotting genius involved him in new dangers and difficul- ties, till at length fpleen and vexation put an end prematurely to a turbulent and miferable life : and he may be regarded as one of the many ftriking examples which hiftory exhibits, how great is the carfe pf potTeffing fplendid talents, when unac- companied by judgment and difgraced by moral flepravity. The Jiarl of Annandale alfo threw himfelf up- on 298 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. on the Queen's mercy, and, as he had not per- fonally treated with any in England, he could make no difcov^ries to their difadvantage. He gave however a depofition on oath againtt one Neville Payne, as the man who had been the chief medium of connedlion and correfpondence be- tween the Englifh and Scottifh malcontents. Be- ing taken in Scotland, Payne was twice put to the torture, according to the barbarous cuftom of that country, without making any confeffion : and it does not appear that the extent of thisconfpiracy, which the Government (hewed much folicitude to fathom, was ever perfectly afcertained ; though, ac- cording to the accuitomed lenity of this reign, free pardon was granted to many who acknow- ledged themfelves concerned in it. Several of the Scottifh Lords were fet at liberty, on giving their words of honor not to difturb the Government ; but Lord Arran refufed, faying, " he was certain he fhould not keep it." Upon the whole, the icC- fion of Parliament, which opened with fo dark an afpe61:, terminated very profperoufly. During the fitting, alfo, it was announced that a body of Highlanders to the number of about aooo, com- manded by the Colonels Buchan and Wachop, who had rendezvoufed at Strathfpey, with a view to :* defcenl into the Low Country, were furprifed and defeated with great flaughter by the King's troops under Sir Thomas Levingltone. — ^And this was K. WILLIAM III. 299 was the lafl: military effort of any confequence made by the party of King James in Scotland. The power of the Church being now in the hands of the Prefbyterian Clergy; the Epifcopa- lians fuffered from the former fufferers a perfeeu- tion as rigorous as the benign fpirit of the new Government would permit. For, though the hif. lory of the world exhibits no charadl^rs more illuftrious than thofe of many individuals of the clerical order whofc ardent and generous minds have as it were burft the bonds of their own intel- le6lual thraldom ; no truth is more certain as a general axiom, than that priefts of all religions are the fame — all, colleftively fpeaking, tainted with the fpirit of holy malignity, of lordly pride, of barbarous dogmatifm, of relentlefs intolerance. All this is very con fiftent with the praelice of many amiaye and eftimable virtues in focial and domeftic life. Such is the imbecility of human nature, and fuch the pernicious and fatal tendency of this afpi- ring and dangerous profeffion : — "having," as has been obferved, " what Archimedes only wanted, another world on which to fix their engines, no wonder they move this world at their pleafure.'* A General Affembly as it is flyled, or Synod of the Church of Scotland, having been convened in the autumn of the prefent year, 1690 ; the proceed- ings of the Clergy were fo difagreeable to the Courts that the AlTembly was, little to their fatis- fadion. 300 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN, fadlion, diflblved by an A61 of State^ and another convoked for the following year. In the mean time the King determined in fome meafure to rcflore the balance of the parties, by bringing fome of the Tories and Epifcopalians into office. The Earl of Melville, as the man mofl obnoxious, was re- moved from his pofl of Secretary of State, and made Lord Privy Seal. James Johnllon, late En- voy to the Eleclor of Brandenburg, and Sir John Dalrymple, Hyled the Mafter of Stair, were con- flituted joint Secretaries ; Lord Tweeddalc, created a Marquis, a man of fenfe and moderation, was appointed Chancellor ; the Earl of Lothian, High Commiffioner ; and the Earl of Crawford, Prefi- dent of the Council. But this motley Admini- ftration did not condu6t the affairs of Government with much ability or fuccefs. The General Af-» fembly met at the clofe of the year 1691 ; and and fome retaliation made for the horrid exceflfes committed by the French on the banks of the Rhine; which indeed Was the only juftifiable motive that could b» afligned for fo barbarous a mode of waging war. The honor of the Britifh flag was much more effe6iually maintained during this fummer by Ad- miral Ruflel, who rode triumphant in the Mediter- ranean : and, after relieving Barcelona, and driv- ing the French fleet into their ports, he received orders from England to winter with his whole fleet at Cadiz. On the appearance of this vaft armament, conflfting of 60 fhips of the line, in the Mediterranean, the Italian Powers of Venice and Tufcany thought proper to acknowledge the title of the King, which they had hitherto evaded : and the Duke of Savoy in all probability was prevented from concluding a feparate treaty with France. On the 9th of November 1694 the King landed at Margate, and was met by the Queen at Ro- Z 2 chefter. 340 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. chefier. Their progrefs to the metropolis was every where attended with loud acelamations. On the 1 2th, the feflion of Parliament was opened ; and the King in his fpeech congratulated the Houfe on the favorable pofture of affairs by fea and land ; and earneftly recommended to the Com- mons to provide fueh fupplies as might enable him to profecute the war with vigor. Loyal addrefles were returned, and fupplies to the amount of five millions, at that time confidered as an immenfe fum, readily granted. But with the Supply Bills, the Bill for the frequent meeting and calling of Parliaments kept pace. It was prepared by order of the Commons, and brought in by Mr. Harley, a Member of the Houfe, now rifing to great par- liamentary eminence, on the 2 2d of November, and, in a few days pafTmg the Houfe, was fent up to the Lords, who gave it their concurrence with- out any amendment ; four days after which, De- cember the 22d, the King, fenfible of the impro- priety of longer reiifting the national will on this favorite point, gave it the royal affent. It enacted, that a new Parliament lliould be called every third year, and that the prefent Parliament fhould be diflblvcd before the 25th of March 1696. This act was received by the Nation with great joy, as the moft fatisfadory fecurity ever yet obtained for the perpetuation of their rights and liberties. But unhappily, in the earneftnefs of their zeal for the acquifition K. WILLIAM III. 341 acqulfition of one great conftitutional point, they entirely overlooked another ; and it was not con- lidered that the purity and equality of the national reprefentation were of no lefs importance than the term of its duration — an overfi^ht which the fuc- ceeding generations have had reafon bitterly to lament, and which the moil ftrenuous efforts of patriotifm have not yet been able to repair. At this period the Church of England fuflalned a great lofs, in the fudden death of its Metropo- litan, Archbifhop Tillotfon, a prelate, who in a very difficult and critical fituation had condu6ted him- felf with great wifdom, temper and moderation. He had a clear head, with a tender and compaf- fionate heart ; and, like his celebrated predeceilbr Cranmer, was a faithful and zealous friend, but a gentle, generous, and placable adverfary. He was fucceeded in his high office by Dr. Tennifon Bi- fhop of Lincoln, a man highly refpe61able for un- derftanding, piety and candor. Sancroft, the de- prived Metropolitan, had died fome months before Tillotfon — greater in his village retirement of Scarding, than on his archiepifcopal throne, which he appeared in the times in which he lived but ill qualified to fill. Though he could never confcien- tioufly take the oaths to the new Government, he difcovered nothing of a fa6lious or feditious fpirit, and abftained from whatever had a tendency to violate the public peace. In a conference which Tj 3 during' 342 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN, during his laft illnefs we are told he held with one of his conforming chaplains, it feems evident that he died in charity with all men, " You and I,'* faid the dying prelate, " have gone different ways in thefe late affairs ; but I truft heaven's gates are wide enough to receive us both. What I have done, 1 have done in the integrity of my heart — indeed in the great integrity of my heart." But the Nation was deftined at this period to feel another and yet heavier lofs. In December the Queen was attacked with what appeared a tran- fient indifpofition, from which fhe foon in a great degree recovered. But the diforder returning with more ferious l}'mptoms, the • phyficians of the houfehold were called in, who pronounced it to be the mtailes ; and very improper remedies were applied, for it was foon afcertaincd to be the fmall- pox of the c^>r. fluent and moll: malignant fort. She probably thought herfelf in danger from the firft, as in an early flage of the illnefs fhe (hut herfelf up in her clofet for many hours, and, burning many papers, put the refl in order. The new Aichbi- Ihop attended her ; and when no hope of recovery remained, he, with the King's approbation, com- municated to her the true ftate of her condition. She received the intelligence vi^ith the mofl perfetl^ compofure, and faid, " fhe thanked God fhe had always carried this in her mind, that nothiqg was to be left till the laft hour — fhe had nothing then to K. WILLIAM lit 343 to do but to look up to God and fubmit to his will ;" and continued to the laft uniformly calm and refigned. She gave orders to look carefully for a fmall efcritoire, to be delivered to the King. The day before ibe died fhe received the facrament — all the Bithops who were attending being admit- ted to receive it with her ; after w^hicb (he. had her laft interview with the King, to whom fhe addreffed a few broken fentences imperfe6tly underftood. Cordials were adminiftered, but in vain. She lay lilent for fome hours, and from a few words which then dropped from her lips it was perceived thaj her thoughts were wandering. In conclufion, fhe died on the 2 8lh of December 1694, about one in the morning, in the thirty-third year of her age and lij^th of her reign. She was buried at Weftmin- fter with unufual honors, both Houfes of Parlia- ipent alliftipg at the folemnity ; and her memory was confecrated by the tears of the Nation. All diftinc^ions of party feemed for a moment to be forgotten and abforbed in one general fentiment of afFedljonate and grateful admiration*. The King was juf^ly inconfolable for her Ipfs. During her * Yet fuch is the tendency of fadlipn to de;bafp an4 bru- talize the mind, that a certain non-juring clergyman was capa* jble of infulting the memory of this accomplifhed princefs, by preaching, on the occalion of her funeral, on the following re- markable text : " Go now fee this accurfed woman and bury her, for flie ig a king's daughter." Z 4 illnefs 344 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. illnefs he had given way to the moil paflionate burfts of grief : and after her death he feemed for many weeks and months plunged into the deepeft melancholy. The neceffity of attending to the great affairs of Government at length roufed him in fbme meafure from his lethargy ; and he gra- dually recovered his compofurc of mind : but to the laft moment of his life he retained the fondeft and tendereft affedlion for her memory. The mifunderflanding between the King and Queen and the Prince and Princefs of Denmark had arifen to a great height ; but during the ill- nefs of the Queen the Princefs had requefted to be permitted to vifit her. This was civilly declined, the phyficians deeming it not advifable ; but a for- giving meflfage was fent by the Queen to the Prin- cefs, and after her deceafe a reconciliation was ef- fedted between the King and the Princefs, through the fole intervention of the Earl of Sunderland*. By his advice a letter of refpe6lful condolence was written to his Majefty by the Princefs, who was again received at Court, and treated with great de- monftrations of regard-f-. The King appropriated the * Vide Duchefs of Marlborough's Account. •\ The letter was expvefied in the following handfome terms : ** Sir, I beg your Majefty 's favorable acceptance of my fincere and hearty forrow for your great afflidion in the lofs of the Queen ; and I do aflure your Majefty I am as fenfibly touched with this fad misfortune as if I had never been fo unhappy as to have fallen into her difplcafure. It is my earneft defire your Majefty K. WILLIAM IIL 345 the palace of St. James's for her refidence, and pre- fented her with the greater part of the Queen's Majefty would give me leave to wait upon you as foon as it can be without inconvenience to you, and without danger of increaf- ing your affliftion, that I may have an opportunity myfelf, not only of repeating this, but of afluring your Majefty of my real intention to omit no occafion of giving you conftant proofs of my fmcere rcfpedl and concern for your perfon and intereft, as becomes, Sir, your Majefty's moft affeftionare lifter and fervant, Anne." What appears moft extraordinary in this reconcih'atioa is, that Lord Sunderland fliould have had the addrefs to acquire for himfelf the merit of accompliftiing it. By what arts of in- finuation he ingratiated himfelf into the confidence of the Prin- cefs, we are not informed ; but certain it is, that ftie had at a former period expreffed herfelf in very vehement and indig- nant terms refpedling him. — In a letter addrefled to her fifter, the Princefs of Orange, a fliort time previous to the Revolution, fhe ftyles him " the fubtileft workingeft villain on the face of the earth." It is worthy of remark, that at this precife period we find Lord Arran, in a diipatch to King- James, dated March 13, 1695, '-^^"^ expreffing himfelf; " With regard to news, it IS certain that the preparations that are made here for the Medi- terranean are defigned for attacking Toulon, if it is poflible. It Is Lord Sunderland who has given me in charge to afl"ure your Majefty of this." M'Pherfon, vol. i. p. 487. On comparing this intelligence with a letter from Admiral Ruflel to the Earl of Galway, it appears ftrongly corroborated. The Admiral de- fires his Lordfhip " to let him know, whether there was a pro- bability of doing any fervice with the fleet at the French ports j and particularly, if with our troops, and fuch ftrength as the Duke of Savoy could add to them, they and the fleet together might not attempt even Toulon itfclf with hopes or fuccefs." This letter was communicated to his Royal Highnefs and the Marquis Leganez, who were of opinion, " that not any thing could he done therein,'^ jewels — 346 HISTORY OP GREAT BRITAIN. jewels — but a mutual jealoufy and diflike fubfifted pnder thefe exteriors of friendfhip and efteem. On the demife of the Queen, a very perplexing queftion of law was ftarted in the Upper Houfe by the Lords Rochefter and Nottingham, the chiefs of the Tory party, who infifted that the Parliament was diflblved in confequence of that event, the writs being ifllied in the joint names of the King and Queen. The Earl of Portland with indig- nation replied, " that this was a matter not fit to be mentioned, and much lefs debated" — in which fentiment the Houfe feemed unanimoufly tq con- cur ; and the People at large, being fatisfied with the provifion made by the Triennial AS. for a fpeedy diflblution, difapproved the unfeafonable fuggeftion of a legal fcruple, which might be at^ tended with fuch dangerous cdnfequences. In the courfc of public bufinefs, foon after Chriftmas, a petition was prefented from the in- habitants of Royfton, complaining of oppreffive ufage from the officers and foldicrs of Colonel Haftings's regiment quartered there, in exa6ling fubfiftence-money, &c. by a fort of coercion little fliort of military execution, The Houfe, inflamed with this intelligence, fct on foot an enquiry intp the condudl of the colonels of regiments and army-agents, feveral of whom were committed to cuftody in confequence of a reprefentation to the King, and Haflings was cafhiered ; alfo a pro- clamation K. WILLIAM III. 347 elamation ifHied againft all fuch llle2;al and criml- ?ial pra(51ices. This enquiry led to other inveftigationsof a ftill rnore interefting nature ; and it appeared that fe- veral of the leading Members of the Houfe had been guilty of receiving bribes to facilitate the paf- fing of certain bills. A Bill called the Orphans' Bill, brought into the Houfe by the Corporation of Lon- don, after feveral years' fruitlefs folicitation, it was remarked, had palTed in the courfe of the lall feC^ on without difficulty. On appointing a committee to examine the Chamberlain's books, the copy of an order was found for paying Sir John Trevor, the Speaker of the House of Commons, one thoufand guineas fo foon as the faid bill fhould be pafied, with an intimation from Barret the City Solicitor, that unlefs the faid fum was given the bill would not pafs. On receiving the report, the Speaker was reduced to the unparalleled mortifi- cation of putting the queftion, " that Sir John Trevor, Speaker of this Houfe, in receiving a gra- tuity of one thoufand guineas from the City of London, after paffing the Orphans' Bill, is guilty of an high crime and mifdemeanor." This being carried in the affirmative, the Speaker thought it expedient to abdicate the chair, and was immedi- ately expelled by an unanimous vote of the Houfe, and Paul Foley, Efq. chofen Speaker in his room. Mr. Hungerford, Chairman of the Committee on the 348 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. the Orphans' Bill, having alfo been proved guilty of corruption, was in Hke manner expelled the Houfe. But the inveftigations of the Houfe did not ter- minate here. The fame Committee being em- powered to examine the books and accounts of the Eaft India Company j it appeared on infpe6lion, that whereas the fums ifTued for fpecial or fecret fervice did not in the year 1688 amount to more than 1284I. and in the two following years to more than 2096I. and 3056I. — in the laft year 1693 it rofe to 167,000!. Sir Thomas Cooke, a member of the Houfe, having been Governor of the Com- pany during the laft year, was called upon to de- clare in what manner this money had been ex- pended. Cooke, refuting to anfwcr, was committed to the Tower; and a Bill of Pains and Penalties brought in, obliging him to difcover how the fum mentioned in the Report of the Committee had been diftributed. This bill was vehemently op- pofed by the Duke of Leeds in the Houfe of Lords, as contrary to law and equity ; and furnith- ing a precedent of a moft dangerous nature. The warmth of the Lord Prefident only tended to create farther fufpicion, efpecially as his Grace was loud and earned in the proteflations of his own innocence, although no accufation had been exhibited againft him. The bill ultimately pafled, with a claufe indemnifying Cooke from ,any of- fence K. WILLIAM III. 349 fence committed by him in the diftribution of the money in queftion ; on which Cooke deHvered in aftatemcnt of the various fums paid by him to va- rious perfons : amongft the reft, 40,000]. to Sir Baiil Firebracc for favors and fervices done to the Company. Sir Balil, being examined as to the nature of the fervices he had performed for the Company, fell into great confufion and lofs of me- mory— complained of illnefs, and requefted that the examination might be deferred — faid he had done the Company fervice by his folicitations ; but knew not of any money or ftock given to any per- fon whatibever for procuring a new charter. On his re-examination he could now recalled that, in confequence of a treaty with Mr. Bates, whom he thought able to do fervice in palling the charter, he had given him two notes for 5500 guineas — that Bates had acquaintance with feveral great Lords, particularly the Lord President, to whom he, i. e. Firebracc, had free accefs after the notes were given ; and found him cafy and willing to grant the Company his affiftance refpedling the renewal of the charter. Sir Bafil farther faid, that having at the firft intimated to Bates that a prefent of 2000 or 3000I. might be made for the fervice required ; Bates replied, that more than this had been offered by the other fide. Sir Bafil at laft confented to give 5000 guineas : on which Bates faid^ " this yvas nothing to him ; he ought not to -? be 350 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. be employed for nothing" — on which an addition of 500 guineas was made to the 5000: and finally^ that, about a week ago, Bates defircd to return the 5000 guineas, faying it might make a noife — the 500 ftill remaining in his hands," Bates, being fummoned, depofed, that Firebrace had applied to him for his intereft, faying, that the Company would be very grateful for it — that he did accord- ingly ufe his jnterefi: with the Lord Prefident, who faid he would do what fervice he could, agreeably to the opinion he had delivered in public, viz. that the charter ought to be confirmed — that he did re- ceive the notes in queftion — that he told the Lord Prefident of it, and would have pajfed them upon him ; but his Grace refufed them — that counter- notes were given, making the payment of the mo- ney wholly dependent on the renewal of the char- ter—that the money, when paid, was lodged in the hands of a foreign domellic of the Lord Prefidcnf, Moniieur Robart, where it had remained till he had returned the prefent to Sir Bafil, from the ap- prehenfion of the noife it might make — and that the whole was to be applied to his own private ufe." This account was corroborated by the Lord Prefi- dent in a vindicatory fpeech delivered in his place as a Lord of Parliament; when his Grace, receiv- ing notice that the Commons were proceeding to a- Vote of Impeachment againft him, abruptly broke off, and, prcfenting himfelf at the door of the 5 Lowei' K. WILLIAM III. 3 Lower Houfe, caufed the Houfe to be Informed that he defired to be heard in his own defence. He was accordingly admitted, and complimented with a chair within the bar, and leave to be covered. Then riling with his hat off, he " thanked them for the favor they had granted, and exprefTed his im- patience to juftify himfelffrom whatever might ap- pear to deferve the cenfure of that Houfe. His Grace then alTumed a very lofty tone, ill fuited to the occafion, and declared it to be a bold word indeed, but a truth, that the Houfe would not have been fitting at this time but for him — That he had been formerly purfiied for being in the French intereft, but that he hoped all the actions of his life would juftify him from the charges brought agalnft him. — As to the prefent matter, it was true Firebrace had been introduced to him — but that, upon his faith and honor, he had neither diredlly nor indire6lly touched one penny of the money ; Kor did he think Bates was a man to be concerned in an ill thing. He infinuated that a defign had been framed againft him, previous to the naming the Committee — that relative to this bufinefs h« had a thread which he hoped to fpin finer ftill. . That he afked nothing but juftice, but he trufted that no fevere fenfe would be put on what would bear a candid one. — He trufted that the Houfe would reconfider this matter ; and, if they were determined to proceed, he hoped it would be fpee- dily i 352 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. dily ; for that he would rather want counfel, want time, want any thing, than lie under their difplea- fure — And he prayed that he might not fufFcr upon a rack, or under a blall, till a Parliament fhould lit again ; bat that he might have fpeedy jultice.*' The Duke being withdrawn, it was remarked by his enemies in the Houfe, that fpeedy juflice was indeed to be wifhed ; and that if any malicious contrivance againft him could be traced by the means of any fuch clue as his Grace boaficd to have in his polleffion, he would no doubt be cleareii by his peers, who were the proper judges of the merits or demerits of the charge. The Houfe then refolved, ift, that the Impeachment fliould be immediately carried up to their Lord- Ihips' bar by Mr. Comptroller Wharton, &c. And adly, that the Committee do forthwith draw up Ar- ticles of Impeachment in due and regular form. In a few days the Articles were reported to the Houfe, and, being agreed to, were engroflcd and fent up to the Lords : charging the Duke of Leeds with " high crimes and mifdemeanors, in that, being Prefident of the Council, and fworn to give their Majefties true and faithful advice, he had, con- trary to his oath, office, and duty, &c. contra61ed and ao-reed with certain merchants tradins: to the Eaft Indies, to procure a Charter of Confirmation, &c, for the fumof550o guineas." During this interval Robart, in whofe hands the money had been K. WILLIAM III. 253. been depofited, thought it expedient to abfcond; and the Duke of Leeds, knowing the evidence to be now incomplete, urged anew the immediate profecution of the Impeachment, and talked in high terms of the hardfhip and injuftice of delay. He moved the Houfe of Peers, that, if the Houfe of Commons did not reply to the anfwer he had put in, that the Impeachment might be difcharged : Gtherwife he might lie under the reproach of it all his life. The Commons, confounded at this inci- dent, acknowledged that the withdraw^ment of M. Robart fince the Impeachment was drawn up was the reafon why they were not in readinefs to make it good. His Grace the Lord Prelident then, ex- claiming In fevere terms againfl the Commons for doing fuch an unheard of and unprecedented thing, as to charge a man with crimes before they had all the evidence to make it good, informed the Houfe, that from a letter left by Robart, from the temper of the man, and from a particular know^- ledge he had both of him and the thing, he would not be feen here again in hafte. " So," faid his Grace, " if this man be infifted upon as a material evidence, and that my trial is to be delayed till he is forthcoming, when am I likely to be tried ?"— And he concluded with again urging tliat the Im- peachment (hall fall, if not immediately proceeded upon. A prorogation of Parliament taking place at this precife jan6lure, and in the midftof thefe A a proc'eedingSj §54 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. proceedings, the enquiry, though not formally, was virtually relinquiQied; but the mod difgraceful imputations adhered from this time to his Grace's cheiocler. It ought at the fame time to be re- corded, to the honor of the Earls of Portland and Nottingham, that it appeared from the Report of the Committee, that thefe noblemen refufed with indignation the prefents or bribes feverally offered them from the fame quarter, and for the obtain- ment of the fame object. Notwithftanding the ftigma thus indelibly af^ fixed to the Duke of Leeds, he ftill continued, little to the fatisfa6lion of the public, at the head of the Council. His name, however, was not to be found amongO: the Lords of the Regency appointed by the King on his departure for the Continent* Thefe conlifted of the Archbifhop of Canterbury, the Lord Keeper Somers, the Lord Privy Seal Pembroke, the Lord Steward Devonfliire, the Lord Chamberlain Dorfet, the Secretary of StatCf- Shrewibury, and the Firfl" Lord of the Treafury Godolphin. About this time Sir John Trenchard, Secretary of State, removed from his office by the mighty mandaie of death, was fucceeded by Sir William Trumbull, a man formed very much upon the model of Sir William Temple ; and who, like him and a few others, had been employed in the con- duit of affairs previous to the Revolution, with honot K. WILLIAM IIL 355 honor to himfelf and advantage to the pubh'c. Be- ing Envoy in France when the Edidl of Nantz was repealed, he adled a moft humane and worthy part in affifting the Proteflants to efcape with their pro- perty from the rage of perfecution. From Paris he was fent to Turkey, and relided feveral years at Conllantinople with great credit and abiHty. In the prefent fpring (1695) a feflion of Par- liament was held in Scotland — the Marquis of Tweeddale being High Commiffioner. During the courfe of it, a fevere inquifition Was made into the affair of Glencoe, and heavy cenfares palTed on the Mafter of Stair and the other principal adlors in that difmal tragedy, and profecutions ordered to be inftituted againft them. But it does not appear that the examples made were fo fignally confpicu- ous as might have been wifhed and expedled. And it feems probable, that the King, perceiving the quiet which had prevailed in the Highlands from that period, had, with the chara(5leriftic indiffer- ence of a foldier, harbored the opinion that the military execution of Glencoe, though attended -with circumftances of culpable barbarity, was in itfelf juftifiable, as calculated to produce effe6ls permanently beneficial. But this feflion of Parliament was chiefly re- markable for an A61 to eflablifh a Company, by the name of the Company of Scotland, trading to Africa and the Indies. This Company, in which. A a 2 almofl 356 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN, . -almoft the whole commercial ftrength of Scotland was comprehended, were authorifed to freight their own or hired fhips for ten years from any of the ports or places in that kingdom, or from any other ports or places in amity with his Majelly, to any lands, iflands, &c. in Afia, Africa, or America ; and there to plant colonies, hold cities, towns or forts, in or upon the places 7iot mhahited ox fojfejjed by any European Sovereign or State : with an exclufive right againft all perfons not of the faid Company — provided that all the fliips fo freighted fliould make their returns to Scotland, on pain of con fi feat ion. And an exemption from all im- pofitions, duties, and taxes was granted to the Company for the term of ai years. This very important A6I, which was paffed by the Lord Commiffioncr under the general inflru6lions he had received for paffing fuch laws as might tend to the encouragement of trade, excited in Scot- land the moll eager and flattering hopes, and in England the mofi: alarming jcaloufies and ap- prchenlions ; and it was in the fecjuel produ61ive of very ferions confequences. In the courfe of the feffion the Earl of Breadalbane, who with the Mafter of Stair were univerfally accounted the original contrivers of the matlacre of Glencoe, was brought to the bar of the Parliament to anfvver to a charge of high treafon ; it being proved upon him, that in treating with the Hio:hland chiefs he had K. WILLIAM in. 357 Iiad profefled his adherence to the intereft of King James, &c. But he alleged that he had fecret orders from King William to fay any thing that would give him credit with them.-— That he had adled with the permiffion, at lead, of the King, cannot be doubted ; and a remote day being fixed for his trial, in the interim the Parliament was prorogued, and a pardon granted him. — Of this nobleman it was faid, " that he was as fubtile as a fcrpcnt, and as flippery as an eel ; that he had no attachment of any kind but to his own intereft; that he was not only Jacobite and Williamite by turns, but both at once; and that he played this double part with fo much fuccefs in the Highland Treaty, that he received the thanks of King James for having preferved his people whom he coulcj not* fuccor ; and was rewarded by King William for having reconciled to his Government thofc defpc- radoes whom he found it fo difficult to fubdue." The lirft feffion of a new Parliament was held this year (1695) ^^ Ireland, by Lord Capel, now advanced to the dignity of Lord Deputy ; in which affairs were condu6ied, through the prudence and moderation of the new Governor, with unanimity and difpatch ; and many judicious laws cna6led for the fettlement of that unhappy and diftracied country. At the termination of the feffion, the Commons of Ireland tranfmitted an Addrefs to the King, in which they thus exprefs themfelves : Aa3 "And 358 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. " And we muft ever acknowledge to your Majefty the great benefit we do, and our pofterity fhall receive by thofe ineliimable laws given us by your Majefty in this feffion of Parhament, held under your Majefty's Deputy, and our excellent Gover- nor, the Lord Capel ; whereby not only our religion and legal rights are confirnaed to us, but this your Majefty's Kingdoni of Ireland is firnaly feoured to the Imperial Crown of England." Amongft the laws alluded to, was an A6t for abolifhing the Writs de Haeretico Comburendo ; an A6i declar- ing all Attainders and all other Acls in the late pretended Parliament held by King James null and void ; an Act for difarming Papifts ; an A61 to reftrain Foreign Education, and an A61 for the bet- ter fettling Inteilates' Eilates, BOOK K. WILLIAM IIL 359 BOOK III. Death of the Due de Luxemlmrg. Campmgn in Flanders^ i6^^. Namur captured hy King ////- liani. Campaign on the Rhine, in Italy ^ Spain and Hungary, Parliament dljfolved. Hljig Intereji ohtains the Afcendency. Treafon Bill. Recoinage of Silver. Extravagant Grant to the Rarl of Port~ land. Remonjlrance againji the Scoltijlj India Company. Dangerous ProjeSt for the Ejlahlijhmejit of a Council of Trade. AJfaJfination Plot. Na- tional Affociation. Execution of Charnock, Friend, and Perkins. Great Naval Exertions. Campaign in Flanders, &c. 1696. Dcfe6lion of the DuLs of Savoy. Conquejl of Afoph hy the Ruffians. State of Affairs in Scotland — and Ireland. Seffion of Parliament. Magnanimous C9ndu6l of the Com- mons. Novel Operations of Fina^ice. Freedom of the Prefs in Danger. Fenvjiclis Bill of Attainder, Arguments for and againji it. Negotiations rela^ five to Peace. Congrefs opened at Ryfwick. Cani" paign in Flanders, 1697. Barcelona t alien hy the French. Vicfory over the Turks at Zenta. Death of Sohiejki, Treaty of Ryfvuick Jtgned. Seffion of Parliament. Vote of the Hoi fe of Commons for A a 4 dijbandivg 360 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. dijhandmg the Army. Refignat'ion of Lord Sun' derland. Affairs of the Eajl India Company. Ar* hitrary and opprefpve Meafures embraced refpeB- ing Ireland. Theological Difputes. Impolitic Inter^ ference of Parliament. Advancement of Lord AU hemarle. Earl of Portland's EmhaJJy to Paris, Czar of Mufcovy'vfits England. Affairs of Scot- land— and of Ireland. ProjeBs of the King of England. Firjl Treaty of Partition. Reflexions upon it. Peace of Carlowitz, HAVING reviewed the flate of affairs in the Britifh dominions at this period, it will now be proper to advert to the military operations car- rying on upon the Continent. Early in theprefent year died Francis de Montmorenci Duke of Lux- emburg; who ranks, JDy univcrfal pcknowledgment, amongft the greateft generals of the age. The King of France publicly declared, that a greater lofs could not have befallen him. After fome hefita- tion, the Marechal Due de Villeroi was appointed Jiis fucccflbr ; M. de Boufflers commanding a fe- parate and fecondary army under him. It being the general expectation that the Allies would pxert themfelves with redoubled vigor this campaign, 3. new line was drawn for theprotctftion of French Flanders from the Lys to the Scheld, where the florm was fuppofed moft likely to fall : tnd M. Villeroi was reftrained to a6l fiddly on the K. WILLIAM III. 361 ihe clefenfive. The King of England, having put himfelf at the head of the Alhcd Army, advanced by rapid marches to the pTcnch lines, as if with a determination to rilk an attack ; and, to maintain the deception, an attempt was adually made on Fort Knoqne. Perceiving that the feint fucceeded, and that all the French forces were drawn within the lines, the King difpatched orders to the Earl of Athlone, who commanded a feparate army on the lide of the Maefe, to invell: the city of Namur. This fervice was performed with fuccefs, though by rca- fon of the difficulty of the ground, and the vafl extent of the circumvallation, it was not poffible to prevent M. de Boufflers from throwing himfelf into the place with a ftrong reinforcement; fo that the garrifon now amounted to 15,000 men. And great additions under M. Vauban having been made to the fortifications, it was confidered by the French as impregnable ; they had even the vanity to place over one of the gates of Namur the in- fcription " Reddi quidem, fed vinci non potefl." And this attempt was fpoken of as an inftance of unparalleled temerity. The King of England, having marched back! bis'army to Roufelaar, left the command to the Prince de Vaudemont ; and at the head of a grand divifion of the troops joined the Eledlor of Bavaria and the Earl of Athlone, and took the command of the covering army before Namur. The feafon, far froqi bein^ remarkably rainy, as was the cafe in 1^92, 3^2 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. 1692, was now fo dry that the convoys of provifion and amiYiunition could not be fent up the Sambre and Maefe for want of water. The main body of the forces late under the feparate command of M. Boufilers having joined M. Villeroi, that Ge^ neilil was expeded to march to the relief of the beiieged. But the Prince ofVaudemont being pofied in an expofed fituation three leagues only from the French camp, he determined firft to at- tack and deftroy this inferior enemy, and then to proceed on his expedition to Namur. The prefumption of the Prince de Vaudemont in choofmg fo indefenfible a pofition has incurred the fevere cenfure of that great military critic M. de Feuquieres ; who at the fame time re- marks of M. de Villeroi, " that he was as blin'd as Fortune herfelf, who had fo undefcrvedly be- flowed this opportunity upon him." For when the enemy was thus evidently in his power, the Marechal refolved, in oppofition to all the in- ftanccs that could be made to the contrary, to de- fer the attack till the next day. But the Prince, fenfible of his danger, made in the mean time admirable difpolitions for a retreat. He pofted his cavalry in a manner fo artful as to conceal the complicated manoeuvres of the infantry ; and a grand movement taking place with the utmollex- a^lnefsand regularity, the French with amazement faw a whole army vanilli as it were from before 4 their K. WILLIAM in. 353 their eyes at once. Towards the clofe of the even- ing, the Prince reached the plain of'Oyendonck, where he defigned to have taken poft ; but, recol- ledting, as he afterwards faid, a maxim of the great Duke of Lorraine, " that, when an army is retreat- ing, it muft be fure to retreat beyond the enemy's reach," he continued his march all the night, after refrething his troops, and by nine in the morning found himfelf perfetSlly fafc under the walls of Ghent. This retreat was extremely admired and cele- brated by all military judges ; and the King of England wrote with his own hand a letter to the Prince, in which he compliments him by faying, ^' that it demonftrated more confummate Ikill in the art of war than if he had won a battle." The Marechal was compelled to content himfelf witli the capture of the petty fortrefles of Dixmuyde and Deynfe, which he difmantled, and detained the garrifons contrary to the conditions of the cartel eftabliihed between the Belligerent Powers. In the mean time the liege of Namur was car- ried on with the greatcft vigor and fuccefs, under the dire(5lion of the celebrated Coehorn. The allied Generals feemed to feel that they had no longer a Luxemburg to contend againft, and exerted themfelves with unufual activity and per- feveranee. The King and the Elector infpircd courage in every breall, by fliaring the toils and dangers 3^4 HISTdRY OF GREAT BRITAIN. dangers of the fiege equally with the men whom they commanded. On the ftorming of the firft counterfcarp, the King remained expofed in the trenches a confiderable time to a very hot can- nonade from the enemy ; which killed feveral per- fons about him, and amongft the reft Mr. God- frey, Deputy Governor of the Bank, who came over to eftablifh certain regulations relative to the army remittances ; and was curious to fee fomething of the nature of military attacks *. On the 4th of Augult (1695), the town was furrendered by Count de Guifcard, on condition of being allowed to withdraw the garrifon into the cafde. M. Villeroi now advanced with his forces, as if determined to attempt the relief of the caftlc : but on a fudden he defiled with his whole army towards Bruflels, at that time the refidence of the Eleclrefs of Bavaria, to whom a polite meflage was fent by the Mare- chal, that he had orders to bombard the place, but would fpare the quarter where the had her abode. This terrible menace was immediately put in exe- * Tlie following conveiTalion is faid to have paffed between the King and Mr. Godfrey, a very few minutes before the cannon-ball earae which deprived the latter of his life. King. *' As you are no adventurer in the trade of war, Mr. Godfrey^ I think you fhould not expofe yourfelf to the hazards of it." GoDFRt V. " Not being more expofed than your Majefly, fliould I be excufable if I fhewed more concern i"' King. "Yes: I am in my duty, and therefore have » more reafonable claira ts prefervation," cution ; K. WILLIAM III. 365 cution ; above 2000 bombs and a prodigious num- ber of red-hot fhot were thrown into the place, a great part of which was in confequence laid in ruins. This was faid to be a retaliation upon the Englifh for the bombardment of the French mari- time towns. Reirardlefs of this barbarifm, the liejre of the caftle of Namur was continued with un- abating vigor ; and M. Boufflers, fearing a fpeedy furrender, and dreading the difgrace of a capitu- lation, formed a defperate attempt to break through the allied camp with his cavalry, but was pre- vented by the vigilance of the King. On the 2 ill of Auguft the batteries opened with a general dif- charge from 166 pieces of cannon and 60 mortars ; fo that the very hill on which the caftle is fituated feemed, according to the ftrong expreffion ufed on this occafion, " to reel with the violence of the fhock." On the 28th of Auguft M. Villeroi, having received a great reinforcement from the Rhine, took poft at Gemblours, and drew out his army in battalia as near the Allies as the ground would permit. On the other hand the King quitted his lines, and made every difpofition to receive his at- tack. But in the night the Marechal decamped, and retreated along the banks of the Mehaigne. A general aflault was made on the callle the day fucceeding this retreat ; and, after a dreadful car- nage on both fides, a lodgement was made near an ICngliOi mile in extent. Propolitions being in a few 366 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. few days in forwafdnefs for a fecond aflatilt, the Governofj Count de Gaifcard, d^fired to fpeak tvith the Elector; and an offer was made to fur- render th-^ Coehorn fort. But the Eledior refuting to treat for lefs than the whole, M. de Boufflers confented to a capitulation — terms the moft ho- norable being granted to the garrifon. The King ©f Great Britain had therefore the honor of taking jti fevert weeks one of the tlrongeft fortrefles in Europe, defended by a Marechal of France, in fight of an army of 100,000 men commanded by an- other Marechal of France. This was juftly ac- counted the mofl glorious of all the warlike ex- ploits of this martial and heroic Monarch*. On the marching out of the garrilbn, Marechal Bouf- flers * The celebrated Prior, who in his various attempts at the more elevated and fublime poetry is uniformly unfortunate, but who traverfcs with eafe and grace the lighter' and gayer walks of Parnafius, has ridiculed with exquihte humor the pompous Ode of Boileau on the taking of Namur, three years before this period ; and has celebrated this achievement of King William in a very agreeable llrain of pleafautry. Boileau, ia his oftentatious performance, had laid ; Mais qui fait s'cnfler la Sambre ? Sous les Jumeaux cffraycs, Des froids torrens de Decembre Les champs partcut font noyc3. Ceres s'enfuit, cploree De voir en proye a Borce 6cs guerets d'epics charges, Et fous les urnes fanorucufes K. WILLIAM IIL 367 Hers was arrclled, by way of reprifal for the deten- tion of the garrifons of Dixmuyde and Deynfe. He appeared at firfl much incenfed, and declared that the King his mafter would revenge the affront. But he was told, that, far from intending any per- fonal affront, it was the highefl compliment to de- tain him, as alone equivalent to the thoufands in- cluded in the captive garrifons. The arreft of Boufflers being made known to the French Court, orders were difpatched for the inftant releafeofthe garrifons ; and the Marechal, on his return to Ver- failles, was received with diflinguifhed marks of efteeni Dcs Hyades orageufes Tous fes trefors fubmerges ! Deployez toutes vos rages, Princes, vents, peuples, frimats : RamafTez tous vos nuages : Raflerablez tous vos foldats! Malgre vous Namur en poudrq jS'en va tomber fous la foudre Qui domta Lille, Courtray, Gand la fuperbe Efpagnole, Saint-Omcr, Bezan9on, Dole, Ypres, Maftricht, et Cambray! Thus happily parodied by the Englifh Poet* Will no kind flood, no friendly raia Difguife the Marfhal's plain difgrace ? No torrents fwell the low Mehaignc ? The world will fay he durft not pafs. Why will no Hyades appear, Dear Poet, on the banks of Sambre^ Juft 368 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. cfteem and regard. Satisfied with the fuccefs at- ready gained, the King left the command of the army to the Elector of Bavaria, and forgot the cares of royalty for a few weeks, after fuch exer- tions not inglorioufly pafled, at the beautiful retire- ment of Loo. The campaign on the Rhine, where the oppo- lite armies were again commanded by the Marc- chal de Lorges and the Prince of Baden, was dif- tinguithed only by ina6lion and inlignificance. In Italy, the Duke of Savoy recovered the important fortrefs of Cafal, with fo little fhow of refinance on the part of the French, as to furnifh an addi- tional proof of the fecret underftanding ftrppofed to Jufl as they did that mighty year When they turn'd June into Decenjber ? The Water-nymphs are too unkind To Villeroi — Are the Land-nymphs fu ? And fly they all at once combin'd To fhame a General and a Beau i Truth, juftice, fenfe, religion, fame May join to fmifh William's ftory : Nations fet free may blefs his name. And France in fecret own his glory : But Ypres, Maeftricht, and Cambiay, Befantjon, Ghent, St. Omers, Lifle, Courtray and Dole ! — Ye critics, fay. How poor to this was Pindar's Ilyle ? With eies and al/os tack thy flrain, Great Bard ! and Jing the deathlefs Prince Who loft Namur the fame campaign lie bought Dixmuyde, and plunder'd Deyftfe ! rubflit K, WILLIAM [11, 369 fublifl: between the Courts ofTurIn and Verfailles. By the terms of the capitulation, Cafal was to be reftored to its rightful proprietor, the Duke of Mantua. The war in Spain, alfo, was feebly profecuted. The King of France was impatient for peace, and contented himfelf with a6ling every where on the defenfive. The fiege of Barcelona was rendered impratS:icabIe by the fuperiority of theBritifh fleet, which, under the command of Admiral Rutlel, ftill gave law to the Mediterranean. And to have adventured farther into the interior provinces be- yond the Catalan frontier, would have required ex- ertions which the French Court were not prepared to make. On the contrary, orders were fent to abandon Palamos and the whole tra6l of country in their pofleffion beyond Qironne. The Maritime Powers were not yet able to fuc- ceed in their favorite defign of effe6ling a peace between the Imperialifts and the Turks. Lord Paget, Ambafl^dor from England, had arrived at Adrianople in the beginning of February 1695, with full inftrudlions relative tp a pacification ; but was informed that the death pf the Grand Seignor Achmet II. had juft taken place. He was fuc- ceeded by his nephew Muftapha II. fon of the de^ pofed Emperor Mahorqet IV. who declared his re- folution to take the field in perfon, and reflore the glory of the Ottoman arms. In effe6l, the cam- B b paigq # 370 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. paign was carried on vigoronfly on the part of the Turks, and very feebly on that of the Germans, who had expelled no fuch extraordinary exertion. The command in Hungary was this year confer.- red on the Eledlor of Saxony, accompanied by Ge-^ neral Caprara. But before the Imperial armv was completely formed, and even before the Saxon troops had arrived, the whole Ottoman army had palTed the Danube, and reduced the fortrefles of Lippa and Titul, which they demolifhed and aban- doned. The Elector, putting at length his army in motion towards the enemy, was informed iirhis inarch, that the Turks had fallen with a prodi-^ giousfuperiority of numbers uponGeneralVeterani, who commanded in Trani^lvania; and, after a very long and brave refinance, the General himfclf be- ing mortally wounded, forced his camp, and cut to pieces the greater part of the troops. The town of Caranfebes was then feized upon and demolifhed. After thefe exploits, the Grand Seignor repatled the Danube; and the Imperialifts were unablp, during the remainder of the campaign, to obtain any advantage which might ferve as an ec^uivalent for thefe fevere and repeated loiles. In the beorinning; of the fummer, a confiderablc naval force under Lord Berkeley, joined by a Dutch fquadron under Admiral Allemonde, was employed, though with little effect, in the odious fervice of bombarding the maritime places of Dunkirk, Calais and w K. WILLIAM III. 371 swid St. Malo. But they had the fatisfac^jon of to- t;ally deftroyingthe neighboring town of Grandval, which was lefs prepared for defence. Thefe re- peated outrages furnifhed but too juft a pretext for the bombardment of Bruflels, as a juft and necef- fary retaliation on the part of the French— and it Ipems to have anfwered the purpofe intended. The event proved, that the fhips thus employed in the deftrudlion of the property of the enemy would have been more beneficially engaged in the pro- tection of our own : for the trade of the kingdom ffjfFere.d greatly during the fummer from the de- predations of the French privateersj many mer- chant vetlels from Barbadoes and the neighboring iflands, and no lefs than five Eaft India-men, valued at a million flerlir)g, having fallen into their hands, to the equal wonder and difcontent of the commercial world ; the Englifh fleets being jiovv every where mafters of the fea. The King returned to England early in 0(5lober 1695, and was received as a conqueror with great and univerfal acclamation. A refolution was taken in Council f^Drthwith to diflblve the Parliament, which might yet have fat another feiTion. During the eledlion, the King made a progrefs to the North ; and partook, as before, of the diverlions pf the turf at Newmarket, where he received the .compliments of the Univerfity of Cambridge. Jiaving ftaid there three days, he went on the 21ft Bl?2 to 372 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. to Althrop, a feat of the Earl of Sunderland, who was now publicly known to be in high credit with the King. From Althrop he proceeded to Caflle- Afhby and Boughton, the manfions of the Earls of Northampton and Montague ; thence to Barghley, Welbeck, Warwick Cafllp, and Woodffock. From this place he repaired on the 9th of November to Oxford, and was waited on by the Duke of Or- mond, Chancellor of the Univerfity, and the Heads of Colleges, Profeflbrs, &c. in their formalities ; the conduit at Carfax running all the time with wine. And fo much gratified was the Univerfity with his Majefty's condefcenfions, and fo well recon- ciled to his government at this period, that Sir William Trumbull, the new Secretary, was chofen to reprefent them in Parliament. Throughout the kingdom the Whig intereft prevailed in the new ele6lions ; and at the meeting of the new Parliament, November 2id 1695, the King exprefled in his opening fpeech his entire fatisfa6lion at the choice which his People had made. Mr. Foley was again placed in the Speaker's chair ; and the two Houfes, in their AddrefTes to the Throne, congratulated the glorious fucccfs of his Majefi:y*s arms ; and engaged efFe<51ually to affifl him in the profecution of the war, which they confirmed by voting very large and liberal fupplies. Four days after the meeting of Parliament, a bill, which had been formerly offered and rejected, for m K. WIXLIAM Iir. 3.73 for regulating trials in cafes of high treafon, was once more brought into the Houfe by the Tories. The defign of it, according to Bifliop Burnet, feemed to be to make men as fafe in all treafon- able confpiracies and pracflices as poffible; it being ena(5led, " that all perfons indided for high trea- fon, or mifpriiion of treafon, Iball have a copy of the whole indi^lment five days, and of the panel of the Jurors two days, at leaft, before the trial ; that they (hall be permitted the aflidance of counfel ; that they (hall not be convi(?ted but upon the oaths of two witnefles. joining to evidence fome overt a6t ; that the indidlment be found within three years after the offence be committed; that no evi- dence be admitted of any overt a6t not exprefsly laid in the indi6iment ; that they fhall have like procefs to compel their witnefles to appear for them, as is ufually granted to witnefles againfl them ; and that they be allowed peremptorily to " challenge thirty-five of the Jury." The Whigs, in common with the Court, loth openly and diredly to oppofe fo equitable and popular a meafure, were contented to argue, that the fecurity of the fubje6l was befi: provided for when the befl pro- vifion was made for the fecurity of the Govern- ment. And that, therefore, the law ought to con- tinue on its antient footing, at leafl till the war fhould be brought to a conclufion. Amongfl thofe who rofe in fupport of this bill was Lord Afhley, B b 3 grandibn m 374 HISTORY OP GREAT BRITAHSf. grandfon of the great Earl of Shaft efbury, and pu« pil of the famous Locke ; at this time little known, but at a latter period of his life univerfally admired and celebrated as the author of " The Charac- terillics." Although he had premeditated his fpeech, it fo happened, that, flruck with the auguft pre- fence and deep attention of his auditory, he was difconcerted and unable to proceed. After a paule, recovering from his embarrafiment, he converted, by the happieil; and moll: brilliant effort. of inge- nuity, this incident, fo common and trivial, into an argument in favor of the bill irrcfiftibly powerful and impreflive. " If 1, Sir," faid he, addreffing the Speaker, " who rife only to give my opinion on the bill now depending, and have no perfonal concern in the qucftion, am fo confounded that I am unable to find voice or words to exprefs the leaft portion of that which I propofed to fay ; what muft the condition of that man be, who without any affiflance is pleading for his life, "and fuffering under the immediate apprehenlions of being de- prived of it ?" This fudden appeal to the heart operated more powerfully than the moll labored eloquence. The bill pafled in a tumult ofapplaufe.; and it was immediately transferred to the Lords, who added to it a claufe repeatedly rejedVed by the Commons : " that to the trial of a Peer all the Peers Ihould be fummoned." Contrary, however, to the hopes of the Court, the Commons^ rather .5 than K. WILLIAM III. 375 than rifque the Bill, agreed to the. amendment; and the A6t received the royal aflent. The final fuccefs of this attempt, after the repeated failures of the Patriots refpe*6ling this great point, con- firmed anew the maxim of Lord Coke, " that fel- dom or ever any good bill or good motion, which had once been entered on the Journals of the Houfe, though it mifcarried at firft, was wholly loft to the Nation." The ill ftate of the fdver coinage, which had long been a fubje6l of grievous complaint, was this feffion taken into the ferious confideration of Par- liament. Such was the depreciation of the current coin, in confequence of tlie pra6lice of cl'ippng and other infamous frauds, that thirty fliillings in the common courfe of exchange were equivalent only to one guinea. A refolution was therefore taken to call in and recoin the whole of the filver currency : and though confident predidlions were hazarded of the evils that would enfue from the temporary fufpenfion of the ufual medium of com- merce, the whole project was carried into fpeedy and fuccefsful execution, under the able and dex- terous management of Mr. Montague, Chancellor of t)ie Exchequer, who condudled himfelf in this difficult bufinefs entirely to the fatisfa6tion of the Parliament and of the Public. An affair of a very different nature was nearly at the fame time canvaffcd ia Parhament, which B b 4 expofed 3^6 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. fexpofed the King to fevere cenfure, and excited in hisbreaft very fenfible chagrin. The Earl of Port- land, a man highly and upon many accounts de- fervedly eftcemed by the King, but of a difpofition too prone to rapacity and avarice, had received repeated marks of the royal bounty — fuch as in the opinion of the Nation at large were at leqft ade- quate to his fervices. This nobleman, to whom the King, indifferent himfelf to pecuniary con- cerns, knew not how to refufc any thing, had lately folicited and obtained from the Crown a grant, to him and his heirs for ever, of the lord- lliips of Denbigh, Bromfield and Yale, in the county of Denbigh. This was no fooner made known to the gentlemen of Wales refiding in that vicinity, than they determined in the fpirit of an- tient Britons to refill it to the utmoft of their power : and while the warrant was yet pending in the public offices, they petitioned the Lords of the Treafury for a hearing. This being complied with, Sir William Williams, in the name of the refl-, re- prefented to the Board, " that thefe lordfhips were part of the antient demefnes of the Prince of Wales ; and always confidered by the Wclfh Na- tion as inalienable — that in the Statute for granting of fee-farm rents, there was a particular exception of the Welfh rents — and it was added, that the falaries of the Welfli were payable out of the re- venues in queftion." Lord Godolphin having a iked K. WILLIAM in. 377 afked whether the Earl of Leicefler had not thole lord (hips in grant to him in Queen Elizabeth's time ; Sir Robert Cotton anfwered, " that the Earl of Leicefler had a grant from the Queen of the iordfhip of Denbigh only — that this was fo much refented as to occation an infurredtion in the prin- cipality, for the part they took in which feveral of his family had capitally fufFered ; but that the Earl had been compelled in the end to relinquifli his grant." Lord Godolphin, after giving the pe- titioners a patient and candid hearing, declared, " that they had offered weighty reafons for their oppofition, and that he would not fail to reprefent them to his Majefty." The aftair after this was fufFered to lie feveral months dormant ; but the grant not being formally revoked, the Denbigh- fhire gentlemen refolved to petition Parliament againft it ; and Mr. Price, himfelf a Member of the Houfe of Commons, introduced the petition with a bold and energetic fpeech, of which a tery curious and ample report yet remains. This gentleman, amongft a great variety of obfervations equally jufl and forcible, faid, " that he would gladly be in- formed from thofe who were better verfed in pre- rogative learning than himfelf, whether his Majefty can,hy the Bill of Rights, without the confent of Parliament alienate or give away the inheritance or abfolute fee of the Crown lands. If he can, I would likewife know," faid he, " to what purpofe was 378 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. was the Crown fettled for life^ with a remainder hi fuccejfton, if the tenant for life can give away that revenue which is incident to the Crown. — Can the King have a larger power of difpofal over the revenue, than over the Crown to which it belongs ? — Far be it from me to fpeak in derogation of his Majefty's honor — it cannot be expedlcd that he fhould know our laws who is a ftranger to us, and we to him— but it was the province and duty of Minillers to have acquainted the King of his power and intereft — that the antient revenue of the Crown is facred and unalienable in time of war and the People's neceffities. By the old law, it is part of the Coronation Oath of the Kings of Eng- land, not to alien the antient patrimony of the Crown without confent of Parliament. But as to thofe oaths of office, moll: Kings have Court ea- fuifts enough about their perfons to inform them that they hnve a prerogative to difpenfe with thole oaths, efpecially when their intereft, as it generally happens, g^x^s along with their council. It l>as been the peculiar care of Parliaments in all ages to keep an even balance between King and People ; and therefore, when the Crown, was too liberal in its bounties, the Parliament ufually refumed thofc grants. Kings have their failings as well as other men j being clothed with frail nature, and apt to yield to the importunities of their favorites and flatterers ; therefore it becomes neqeflary that tha K. WILLIAM III. S79 the Great Council of the Nation fhould interpole for the intereft of King and People. — And vvhen- ►ever our Princes entertained foreigners as their counfel or chief advifers, the People of England were reillefs and uneafy until they were removed out of the King's council ; nay, out of the king- dom. We fee moll places of power and profit given to foreigners. We fee the revenues of the Crown daily given away to one or other, who make fale of them, and tranfmit their eftates elfe- where. If thefe ftrangers find themfelves involved in an oppoiition of interefts ; to whofe intereft arc they moft likely to adhere ? I would have us to confider that we are Englifhmen, and muft: like good patriots fl^nd by our country, and not fnfier it to become tributary to others — if we fubmit to fee our properties given away, our liberties will foon follow." ^Thrown into a flame by this fpeech, the Houfe inftantly agreed upon an Addrefs to the King, framed in very decilive terms, to recall his grant to the Earl of Portland, which the King, not with a very good grace, engaged to do. He de- clared, '* that he had a kindnefs for the Earl of Portland which he had deferved by his long and faithful fervices — that he fliould not have given him thofe lands, if he had imagined the Houfe of Commons could have been concerned — he would therefore recall the grant, and find fome other way of fhevving his favor to him." This was ac- cordingly 380 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. cordingly done ; and in the month of May fuc- ceeding, a frefh grant was made to the Earl of the manors of Grantham, Dracklovv, Pevenfey, Eaft Greenwich, he. &c. in the feveral counties of Lin- cohi, Chefter, SufTex, and Kent, together with the honor of Penrith in the county of Cumberland. Of thefe extravagant donations the Parhament did not think proper to take farther cognizance ; but the beft friends of the King lamented that he Ihould expofe himfelf to fuch unneceflary obloquy, for the fake of gratifying the infatiable claims of an haughty and rapacious favorite. The difcontent of the Commons more confpi- cuoufly appeared in an affair of a nature much more important and national. The recent efta- blifhment of the Scottifh Commercial Company with fuch extenlive privileges and exemptions, ex- cited in England both envy and apprehenlion. At a conference of the two Houfes, an Addrefs to the Throne was agreed upon, which had the air rather of a remonftrance than a petition, reprefenting " that by reafon of the great advantages granted to the Scots Eaft India Company, and the duties and difficulties to which that trade was fubje6l in England, a great part of the flock and {hipping of this nation would be carried thither. By this means Scotland might be made a free port for all Eaft In- dia commodities — and confequently thofe fevera! places in Europe which were fupplied from Eng- 3 land K. WILLIAM in. 381 land would be furnlfhed from Scotland much cheaper than could be done by the Englifh. — And further, that when that nation fhould have fettled themfelves in plantations in America, the Englifii commerce in tobacco, fugar, cotton, wool, ikins, mafts, &c. would be utterly loft, becaufc the privi- leges of that nation granted to them by this A61 were fuch, that that kingdom muft be the magazine for all commodities — and that by a claufe in the faid A61, whereby his Majefty promiled to inter- pofe his authority to have reparation made for any damage done to the (hips and merchandize of the laid Company, his Majefty did feem to engage to employ the fhipping and ftrength at fea of this nation to fupport this new Company, to the great detriment even of this kingdom/' To this addrets the King made anfwer, " that he had been ill ferved in Scotland, but he hoped fome remedies might be found to prevent the inconveniences which might arife from this A61." As a convincing proof of the King's lincerity in this bufinefs, the Marquis of Tweeddale, High Commiflioner, and the two Secretaries of State were indignantly difmifled from their offices, and the feals of secretary given to Lord Murray, fon of the Marquis of Athol. This Scottifli Ad of Par- liament was a truly unfortunate bufinefs, and boded nothing but dilafter. It is certain that the Mar- quis of Tweeddale and the difcarded Secretaries were 382 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. were men of honor and integrity ; but, aSwAed by a very pardonable partiality to their native country, they had, without fufficient warrant of authority, and with httle forefight of confequences, promoted and patronized a project which could not in the nature of things but give extreme umbrage to the Englilh Nation— though it is highly probable that the AS. itfelfvvas in an abftra6l view wilely planned. The infant bloflbms of commercial adventure, which had with fuch extreme difficulty furvived the chilling blafis of the winter of poverty, required and demanded the foftering warmth of legiflative indulgence to mature and expand their foliage, Such a competition was far too feeble to excite any rational alarm. As well might theilatcly oak fear to be overfhadowed by the trembling ofier. In fa6t, Scotland could have gained no acceflion of wealth and profperity of which England would not have been an immediate and almofl equal participant. Not fatlsfied with the fteps already taken, the Houfe of Commons appointed a Committee to exa- mine by what methods this bill was obtained. The Committee having in a fliort time made their re- port, and delivered a copy of an oath de Ji^icU taken by the Directors of the Scottifh India Com- pany ; it was refolved, " that the Diredlors of the Company of Scotland trading to Africa and the Indies, adniiniftering and taking here in this king- dom an oath defiddi^ and^ under color of aScot^ Aa K. WILLIAM IIL ^83 AS: of Parliament, ftyling thcmfelves a Company, were guilty of a high crime and mifdemeanor : and that Lord Belbaven, William Paterfon, David Nairne, and eighteen other perfons named in the from Hampton Court, or from banting ; and if they found no pofiibillty of carrying him off alive, to make no difficulty of killing him. The King was neither privy to this delign, nor did he commif- lion the perfons — though he fuffered molt undc- fervedly both in his reputation and interell. For thofe K. WILLIAM IIL 399 tliofe unfortunate gentlemen — by mijiahng mejfages on the one hand, and their too forward zeal on the other, molt of them loft their own lives, and fur- niOied an opportunity to the King's enemies of renewing their calumnies againft him." It appears by this account, therefore, that the perfons con- cerned in this dark and defperate bufinefs imagined they were adding under the fandlion of the Court of St. Germaine's : and it is not eafy to conceive bow it was poffible in fuch a cafe to miftake the meflages or inftructions to which we are necefla- rily led to infer that they meant to c-onform. The Government having with fuch luccefs de- tedded and punifbed the authorsof this daring and dangerous confpiracy at home ; the moft vigorous efforts were at the fame time made to counteract the machinations of the enemies of the nation abroad. Admiral Ruflel, having with incredible diligence collected a valt fleet of fifty fhips of the line, flood over to the French coaft, and difcovered in the port of Calais between 3 and 400 tranfports, drawn up clofe in fhore, as alfo feventeen or eigh- teen men of war lying amonglt the fands of Dun- kirk, Vk'hich were intended to cover the embark- ation. The enemy, afloniftied at the fudden appear- ance of the Englifh fleet, inilead of continuing their preparations for a defcent on the adverfe coaft, became anxious for the fafety of their own. The Englidi Adraii'al, after detaching Sir Cloudefley Shovel, 400 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Shovel, an officer of great merit, to bombard the town of Calais, and completely difconcerting the defigns of the Court of Verfailles, returned in tri- umph to the Downs. King James, after having tarried fome weeks at Calais with a view to em- bark for England as foon as matters were futii- ciently ripe, now returned difconfolate to St. Ger- maine's. The troops aflembled for the purpofe of invafion were marched back into the interior of the country ; and the people of France exclaimed, " that the malignant ftar which ruled the defliny of James had blafted this and every other proje6l formed for his reftoration." Early in May 1696 the King of England em- barked, as for feveral preceding years, to take upon him thecommandof the Allied Army in Flanders. Some weeks previous to his arrival, a fpirited at- tempt had been made, under the condu6l of the Earl of Athlone and General Coehorn, on a vaft magazine of ammunition and military flores, which the French had collecled at Givet, in order to en- able them to make an early opening of the cam- paign. Such was the fuccefs attending this enter- prife, that after a bombardment of a few hours the whole was fet on fire, and before the clofc of the day completely confumed ; the two Generals re- turning to Namur without lofs or moleftation. Vaft armies were this year brought into the field without any vifible end or purpofe ^ no offenfive operations being K. WILLIAM III. 401 being attempted either by Marechal Villeroi or the King of England ; and a more linking proof could hot be exhibited of the folly of continuing a war at fo immenfe an expence, without the profpedl, or, in this mode of conducing it, the pofllbility, of advantage. The campaign on the Rhine refembled that in J'landers, and confided wholly of marches and counter-marches, affording no incident which cati be fappofed to claim the flighteft attention of the general hiftorian. In Catalonia, M. de Vendome, an officer rifing into great reputation, who had fuperfeded the Due de NoailleSj pafling the Ter, attacked and forced the Spanith army under the Prince of Helle Darm^ ftadt encamped near the town of Oftalric. The Spaniards, however, upon this occafion made a good defencCj and a regular retreat under the can- non of Oftalric; fo that no farther advantage could be gained over them : and it appeared on this, and many other occafions, that the ftate of imbecility into which Spain had for near a century fallen was owing not to any want of energy in the people, but to the miferable and wretched policy of a fenfelels and diftradled Government. The moft important event of the prefent year was the defection of the Duke of Savoy, who, find- ing the leading Powers of the Alliance fi:ill relu6l- ant to meet the advances of France, and at the D d fame 402 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. fame time, as Lamberti affirms, fecretly apprifed by the Court of Verfailles of the infalliUe rejtora' /iowof King James in confequence of the mcafures then conceited, thought it expedient to provide for his own fecurity by a feparate treaty, figned early in the fpring privately and confidentially at Loretto, to which place the Duke had repaired on a pretended pilgrimage, and openly and avowedly towards the clofc of the fummer. The Emperor and the Kings of Spain and England were highly exafperated at this defertion. One of the conditions of the treaty went to eftablifli a neutrality in Italy^, and the confequent evacuation of that country by the Confederate Armies. To this the Courts of Vienna and Madrid refufed with difdain to accede; upon which, the Duke of Savoy, taking upon him the command of the combined forces of France and 'Piedmont, entered the Duchy of Milan, and invefted the fortrefsofValentia. After the trenches had been opened for thirteen days, a courier ar- rived with difpafches fignifying the confent of his Catholic Majefty to the propofed neutrality ; on which' the Imperial and French troops retired to their refpectivc countries. And his Moft Chrif- tian Majefty ordered a moft Iblemn Te Deum to be fnnir at Notre Dame for the termination of the war in Italy, and fplendid fireworks to be exhi- bited before the Hotel de Ville, with the happy de- vice oi Alexander cutting the Gordian knot. 2 In K. WILLIAM IIL 403 In Hungary the Imperial ariiwes were again commanded by the Elector of Saxony, who dif- tinguifhed himfelf as a General rather by his bra- very than his military ikill and condu(9;. A fierce but indecitive engagement between the two armies took place Auguft 1696, on a plain bordering on the river Beque, after which a fort of ceflation of hofiilities feemed to enfue. The attention of Eu- rope waSj however, forcibly drawn to this fide of the Continent, in confequence of the fudden and fuccefsful attack made by Peter Czar of Mufcovy on the Turkiili dominions, and the furrcnder of the important city of Afoph, fituated at the mouth of the Tanais, to the Ruffian arms. The Emperor Leopold was eager on this event to conclude a treaty of alHance with the Czar; and Europe now for the firft time began to entertain fome faint idea of the greatnefs of that power, which was deftined to make fo diftinguiflied a figure in the tranfac- tions of the fucceeding century. The talents of the young Czar, clouded and obfcurcd as they were by the defedls of a barbarous education, al- ready appeared in the view of penetrating ob- fervers to bode extraordinary changes and events. His father Alexis, who died in 1675, left three fons, Theodore, Iwan and Peter, and a daughter, Sophia. Theodore dying in 1682 conftituted Iwan and Peter joi nt fovereigns ; and, on account of the imbecility of Iwan and the tender years of Peter, D d 2 Sophia 404 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Sophia was declared Regent of the Empire. She was a woman of great courage, addrefs and am- bition. Her adminiftration was violent and bloody ; and fhe harbored the defign offeizins: on the Em- pire, to the erckifion of her brothers. But Peter, who had now attained to the age of feventeen, with equal fagacity and refolution attacked the Princefs fuddenly at Mofcow, defeated her parti- fans, and, making her a prifoner, compelled her to retire within the walls of a monallery. iwan dying in the prefent year, Peter now reigned fole Empe- ror, and foon gave indications of an ardent and af- piring mind, formed for vaft and boundlefs entcr- prife. The Court of Verfaillcs having renewed its over- tures for peace, and even delegated M. de Callieres to the States General with fpecific propofals; the Maritime Powers, alarm.ed at the defedlion of the Duke of Savoy, feemed at length to lend a ferious ear to the propofitions of France. And on the 3d of September 1696, their High MightinefTes, with the approbation of the King of England, came to a folemn refolution, " that, in confequence of the conceffions of France to the Imperial demands, matters were now brought to fuch a crifis, that in concert with their Allies the mediation of Sweden might be accepted." But Spain and the Emperor in haughty terms fignified their opinion, that the declarations of France were not yet fufRciently 5 explicit K. WILLIAM III. 405 explicit — ihey inlifted upon the re-ellablifhmcnt of the treaty of Weftphalia in all its parts; and they added this extraordinary condition to their acceptance of the mediation, " that the King of Sweden, as guarantee of the Treaty of Weftphalia, Ihould join his forces to thofe of the Allies, in cafe France fhould refufe to accede to the terms pro- pofed." Theprofpe<5l of a peace, therefore, was to appearance Hill very diftant j and the King of Eng- land, after adjufiing meafures for the next cam- paign, returned early in the month of 0(^ober to England. During his abfence in the fummcr, a feffion of Parliament had been held in Scotland — Lord Murray, created Earl of Tullibardine, prefiding as High Commiffioner. A fpirit of loyalty feemed to pervade the whole of their proceedings ; the Supplies demanded by the Court were granted with- out difficulty, and an Allbciation fimilar to that of England was adopted with equal unanimity. Ireland this year fuilained a great public lofs by the death of the Lord Deputy Capel, Peace and order feemed, however, in a great meafure re- ftored. The government of that kingdom was tranf- ferred to Sir Charles Porter, Lord Chancellor, and the Earls of Montrath and Drogheda, as Lords Juftices. A feffion of Parliament being held, the Ailociation of the Engliffi Legi0ature was ligned Dd3 by 4o6 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. by all the Members, excepting one Sanderfon, who was thereupon indignantly expelled the Houfe. On the 2oth of October 1696, the day fixed for the meeting of the Parliament of England, the King acquainted the two Houfes, " that over- tures for peace had been made on the part of the enemy. But," faid he, " I am fure we fhall agree in opinion, that the only way of treating with Trance is with our fwords in our hands." In re- ply to which, the Commons prefented an Addrefs framed in the fpirit of Roman magnanimity. " This is the eighth year," fay they, " in which your Ma- jefty's moft dutiful and loyal fubjc61s, the Com- mons in Parliament aflembled, have afTifted your Majefly with large. fuppHes for carrying on a juft and neceflary war in defence of our religion, pre- fervation of our laws, and vindication of the rights and liberties of the People of England, which we' have hitherto prcferved, and by the bleffing of God on your Majefty's conduct and good govern- ment will fleadfafilv maintain, and entail on our pofterity. This has cod the Nation much blood and treafure : but the hopes of accomplifhing fo great and glorious a work have made your ^ubje(51s cheerfully fupport the charge. And to fhew your Majefty and all Chriftendom, that the Commons of England will not be amufed or diverted from their firm refolutions of obtaining by war a fafe and honorable K. WILLIAM III. 407 honorable peace; wc do, in the name of all thole we reprefent, renew our afTurances to your Ma- jefty, that this Honfe will fuj^port your Majefty and your Government againll all your enemies both at home and abroad ; and that they will effec- tually alliil you in the profecution and carrying on the prefcnt vvar againft France." The King, highly plcafed and gratified with thefe afTurances,. replied in warm terms, " that the continuance of their zeal and afFe(51ion was what of all things in the world he valued mofl ; and that he would make the good and fafety of the Nation the prin- cipal care of his life." The profefRons of the Commons by no means evaporated in mere words. The eftimates of the neceflary fupplies being laid before the Houfe by Mr. Montague; it appeared that near fix millions were wanting for the current expences of the year ; and upwards of five millions of floating debt, occafioned by the deficiency of former funds and taxes, were to be provided for. Meeting the cmbarrafTments of the moment with firmnefs and fortitude, they came to a refolution, " that the fupplies for the fervice of the year 1697 fhould be railed within the year ;" which was efFe6led by a land-tax of three {hillings in the pound, and a very heavy capitation tax, in addition to the exifling bur- dens. The arrear of 5,i6o,oool. was provided for by loans and Exchequer bills, which till this time, Dd4 from 4o8 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. from the delay and uncertainty of payment, had fufFered an enormous depreciation. But the mod vigorous and efFe6!ual meafures were now taken for the relloration of the public credit. An intereft of ^1. I2S. per cent, was allowed upon thefe bills; they were taken by the Government as money, in the payment of all duties excepting the land-tax ; ^nd the Commiffioners of theTreafury were autho-r rifed by Parliament to contrail with fuch indivi- duals or bodies corporate as they thought fit to ex- change thefe bills or laUies for ready money at a certain premium ; which was firft fixed at ten per cent, but afterwards funk to four ; till in a fhort time, to the aftonifhment of the public, who had fo long feen them at 20, 30 or 40 per cent, difcount, they rofe to par, in confequence of thefe very eafy and obvious, but at this period novel and marvel- lous operations of finance. There were, neverthe- lefs, thofe who mourned in fecret to fee national profufion and extravagance organifed into a fyflem, and millions upon millions lavifhed and diflipated, as if the national wealth could never be exhaufted, and the hearts- blood of the public were deftined eternally to feed the infatiablc vulture of war. So anxious were the Commons to retrieve and eftablifli parliamentary and public credit, that they condefcended to take very great alarm at a trifling jefiing paragraph in a certain periodical paper pub- lilhed at this time^ called The Flying Pofl, exv prefied K. WILLIAM in. 409 prefled as follows : " We hear that \yhen the Ex- chequer notes are given out upon the capitation fund, whofoever fhall delire fpecie on them will have it, at five and ahalf fer cetit. of the Society of Gentlemen that have fubfcribed to advance fome hundreds of thoufands of pounds." They voted this palFage lO be " a malignant inlinuation in order to deftroy the credit and currency of the Exchequer bills." They ordered the Printer, John tSalifbury, to be taken into cuilody ; and gave leave to bring in a bill to prevent the writing, printing, or publiiliing any news without licenfc. And yet, when fuch a bill was prefented by Mr. Pulteney, it was, to the everlafting honor of the Houfe, tbrovi'n out before a fecond reading ; be- paufe, though they law the mifchiefs of the liberty of the prefs, they knew not where to fix the power of refiraint. This was happily the lafl: attempt ever made to fetter the freedom of the prefs, that palla- dium of our liberties. Soon after the Rcftoration, an a61:, founded chiefly on the Star Chamber decree of 1637, paffed, to fubjed; the prefs to the reftric- tive power of a licenfer ; but this, as the celebrated Blackfione obferves, " is to fubjedl all freedom of fentiment to the prejudices of one man, and make him the arbitrary and infallible judge of all contro- verted points in learning, religion, and govern- ment. The will of individuals ought to be left free ; the abufe only of that free will is the proper objed: 4io HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. objedl of legal punifhmcnt." The Licenfing Acl determined in 1679, but was revived by ftatute in the firft year of James II. and continued till 1692, when it was again renewed for two years, and finally expired in 1694, when the prefs became properly free, as it will now in all probability remain till the Conftitution of England, already fiiaken to its cen- tre, fhall perifli with it*. The attention of the Houfe was for a great part of the feffion engaged and almoft engrofPed by a bulinefs, which, in the view of a diilant poftcrity, can by no means appear of that moment and im- portance which it accidentally and artificially ac- quired in confequence of the temporary warmth of political contention. Sir John Fenwick, a man deeply concerned in the late confpiracy, had been apprehended in the month of June at New Rom- ney, in his way to France. He had been accom- panied during part of his flight by one Webber, * " It feems not more reafonable," fays Dr. Johnfon, " to leave tlie right of printing, unreftrained, becaufe writers may be afterwards cenfured, than it would be to fleep with doors un- bolted, becaufe by our laws we can hang a thief." Thus, bya dangerous illufion are wit and metaphor too often by men of parts fubftituted for grave and folid argument. In the prefent initance, the edge of the remark has been with great felicity turned againft the remarker, by the counter obfervation, " that, to fuffer no book to be publifhed without a licenfe is tyranny as abfurd as it would be to fuffer no traveller to pafs along the highway without producing a certificate that he is not a robber." -—Hajlry's Life (/Milt ok. to K. WILLIAM [II. . 411 fo whom he entrufted a letter to his lady, which was unfortunately intercepted. In this confiden- tial effufion of afFedion and terror, he faid, " that nothing could fave his life, but the endeavors of Lord Carlifle his brother, the family of the Howards, &c. or elfe the fecuring a jury." On his examination before the Lords of the Regency, he refolutely denied the charges brought againft him : but at length the letter was produced ; the furprife of which {o afFed^ed him, that he could not conceal his difmay and confufion, and no longer perfifled in his former proteftations of innocence. Soon after this, on hearing that a bill was found againil him by a grand jury, he petitioned for a delay of trial, and offered to difcover all he knew, on condition he might have a pardon, and be excufed from appearing as an evidence. This propofal was tranfmitted to the King, then in Flanders, who refufcd to accede to it ; and declared, that he would' be left at full liberty to judge both of the truth and importance of his difcoveries. Sir John, then refolving to throw himfelf upon the King's mercy, fent him a paper, in which, after a very flight and unfatisfa6lory account of the plots and projects of his friends the Jacobites, he had the egregious indifcretion to bring forward an accufa- tion againft the Earls of Shrewfbury, Marlborough and Bath, the Lord Godolphin and Admiral Ruf- fel, for having made their peace with James, and engaged 412 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. engaged to a 61 for his intereft. By this impru- dence he made of courfe the moft powerful men in the kingdom his inveterate and determined enemies — and the charge having its foundation in truth, though blended perhaps with fome inaccu- racies and exaggerations, it behoved them to adopt bold and decitive meafures to filenqe the accufer, " Till the year before the bufinefs of La Hogue," fays ^ir John Fenvvick, in that fatal confelTion, which of itfelf conftituted a crime too great for abfolution, '* we knew only of my Lord Godol- phin concerned in this Government who held a correfpondence with him (i. e. King James) from the iime he went over. — This winter my Lord Middleton came to town, who had often been de- fired to go over (i. e. to St. Germainc's), believing it would be great fervice to King James to have him there in his bufinefs. He alleged be could da little lervice by going, unlefs he could engage and fettle a correfpondence here before he went — that he had entered into this affair with Lord Shrewf- bury and Lord Godolphin already ; and there were fome others whom he believed he (liould gain, and then he would go. Soon after Captain Floyd, a groom of the bedchamber to King James, was fent over to him from my Lord Marlborough and Ad- miral RufTcl, with an aflurance from them of their interefl: in the fleet and army, which they did not doubt but to fecure to him if he would grant them K. WILLIAM IIL 413 them his pardon for what was paft. At his re- turn, which was within a month, he acquainted me with fome things King James had ordered him, and told me he had no difficulty in Mr. Ruflel's aftair : but the anfvver to Lord Marlbo- rough was, that he was the greateft of criminals, where he had the greateft obligations ; but if he did him extraordinary fervices, he might hope for pardon. My Lord Middlcton, having fettled his correfpondence, went over in March following* — Sir Ralph Delaval and Killigrew were both engaged to ferve King James : their opinion was alked of Shovel ; they faid, he was not a man to be fpoke to, &c." This information was treated with great con- tempt. The King would not appear to give any fort of credit to it ; and an order was iflued for bringing him to trial unlefs he made fuller and more material dilcoveries*. Bat various delays intervened ; * No doubt the parties concerned endeavored to vindicate themfelvcs as well as they were able from thefe accufations — but the Duke of Devonfhire, to whom Sir John Fenwick. read th« papers, told him " that the King was acquainted with nioH .of thofe things before." There is a curious letter extant from Shrewfbury to the King, in the Kenfington Cabinet, dated September the 8.th, 1696, containing proteftations of innocence to which it is unpleafant to be obliged to refufe credit. " I want words," fays he, " to exprefs my furprife at the impudent and unaccountable accufation of Sir John Fenwick. I will, with all the fincerity imaginable, give your Majelly an account of the only^ 414 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. intervened ; and Sir John Fenwick, perceiving how little chance he had of efcape from this quarter, thought it neceflary to play a new game, and be- gan with great art and affidiiity to pra6tife upoa the witnedes who were to be produced againft him. Thefe were Porter and Goodman, both of them men very obvious to corruption. The firft, being the mod confiderable perfon of the two, was offered the fum of 600 guineas to bear his charges to France, and an annuity of 300I. for life. Por- ter, inftead of accepting thefe propofals, thought he confulted his intereft better in divuljrins: the offers made by the prifoner, to the Government. But only thing I can recolleft that Ihould give the leail pretence to fuch an invention. After your Majefty was pleafed to allowr mc to lay down my employment, it was more than a year before I once faw my Lord Middleton. He told me, he intended to go beyond feas, and afked if I would command him no fervice. I then told him, by the courfe he was taking it would never be in his power to do himfelf or his friends fervice 3 and if the time (hould come that he expefted, I looked upon myftlf as a'n offender not to be forgiven.— He ftemed fhocked at my anfu'er, and never mentioned any thing elfe to me, but left a meffage with my aunt (Lady Middleton) 'that 1 might depend upon his good offices upon any occafion ; and in the fame manner he relied upon mine here, and had left me truftee for the fmall con- cerns he had in England.' I only bowed, and told her I fliould always be ready to ferve her, or him, or their children. Your Majefly now knows the extent of my crime ; and, if I do not flatter myfelf, it is no more than a King may forgive." In a fubfequent letter (Odlober 1696) he craved permiflion to re- fign K. WILLIAM IIL 415 But Goodman, being alfo tampered with, proved more compliant ; and when the time of the trial approached, it appeared that, one of the witnefles having abfconded, no legal conviction, as the law of treafon now ftood, couid take place — all colla- teral evidence, however cogent or fatisfa(5iory in it- felf, being invalid and nugatory : and the prifoner had great reafon to flatter himlelf that he was in a flate of perfed fafety. But the enemies of Fen- wick were far too powerful to fufFer him thus to fign the Seals on account of the ill ftate of his heakh, and the fufpicion he lay under — but to this the King would by no means hearken., Mr. Macpherfon, on the authority of the MS. Memoirs of King James, imputes the attainder of Sir John Fenwick to a perfonal enmity of William againft him. Macr pherfon's Hilt. vol. ii. chap. 3. But, as Dr. Somerville ia his Hiftory of Political TranfaAions, &c. juftly and judicioufly obferves, " if the Life of James is admitted as authentic, on the one hand, with refpedl to every allegation and faft favorable to his bwn chara6ler, and as equally authentic, on the other, in eftablilhing every infinuation reproachful to the charader of Williamj it is obvious what the confequence mud be, and how unfairly a perfon trufting to fuch information muft judge of the conduft of James and William. — Had he been prone to refentment, he might have gratiiied it more extenfively and ef- feftually by faving Sir John Fenwick, and admitting him as an evidence againft thofe men whofe treachery was aggravated by ingratitude ; but upon this and many other occafions William facrificcd refentment to conliderations of prudence and gene- rofity." In this, as in alq?oft every other inftance, Mr. Macpher- fon's poifoned ihaft miffes its mark, and " hits the woundleli air." I'eap 41 6 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. reap the benefit of his own artifices. On the 6ih of November 1696, Admiral RufTel acquainted the? HoLife of Commons, " that his Majefty had given leave to lay before them the feveral papers which had been given in by Sir John Fenwick, in the na- ture of informations againtt himfelf, and feveraS other perfons of quality ; and he defired that thofe papers might be read, that fo he might have an opportunity of juftifying himfelf; or, if he did not,- that he might fall under the cenfure of theHoufe^ The papers being read, Fenwick was ordered to the bar of the Houfe, and interrogated by the Speaker as to his knowledge of the defigns and pradices of the enemies of Government j being at the fame time told, that to make a full and clear difcovery Was the befl and only method he could take to dc- ferve the favor of the Houfe. To this he made a very weak and prevaricating reply — declaring *' that he had already, in the hope and profpecl of pardon, difcovered all he knew ; and the an-, fwer conflantly was, ' This is not fatisfa6lory ;' — fo that," faid the prifoner, '^ 1 am where I was. Now, when a man hath told all he knows, and this mufl ftill be the an fwer, it is very hard. I hope I fliall not find this from this Honorable Houfe : I know this Houfe is good fecurity, if I had it ; but till I have it I am under thefe cir- cumfiances that I may at laft be told, ' All is not fatisfadory." In conlequence of this indifcretion, he K. WILLIAM III, 417 he inflamed the anger of the Houfe by his refufal, and the refentnient of the Executive Government by his implied reproach — reducing himfelf, by his own ftatement ofthings, to this unhappy dilemma: Either he had, previous to this examination at the t>ar of the Houfe, made a full and clear difcovery as he pretended, in which cafe it was great pre- fumption and abfurdity to ftipulate for a pardon, when he had nothing frefh to communicate — or, if he had not already made a full difcovery, he ftood, felf-convidiedofthe grofleft falfehood and diffimu- lation, with regard to the Court, which would then be entirely exculpated as to any expreffions of dif' iatisfadlion. A motion was forthwith made, and carried by a great majority, to bring in a bill to attaint Sir John Fenwick of high treafon ; and counfel was affigned him by order of the Houfe. But the bill in all its ftages, and in its progrefs throughout both Houfes, had to encounter a mod unexpcdtcd op- pofition, invigorated by all the animation and elo- quence which the rage of fa6lion could infpire. The Tories and concealed Jacobites in the Houfe felt that they ftood upon high and popular ground ; and they improved their advantage with great art and ability. The queftion refolved itfelf into two parts : ii\, Whether any deviation from the efla- bliflied and legal mode of proceeding, and the af- fumption of Co extraordinary a power as that of E e paffing 4 1 8 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. paffing bills of attainder on evidence not admiffible in the inferior courts, was in any cafe jufiifiable ? And, adly, Whether, if fuch an arbitrary exertion of authority was ever to be vindicated, the cafe of Sir John Fenwick was of fo great magnitude as to juftify the exercife of it ? The advocates for the bill alleged, that the or- dinary and eftablidied laws of the land were in- tended and calculated for ordinary cafes ; but that there never exifted a government where there was not a refort to extraordinary power when the na- ture of the cafe required it. The reafon why any man deferves to be puniflied, is bccaufe he is cri- minal, let his crime be made evident in any way whatfoever — whatever makes the truth evident, is and muft beheld fair and reatpnable evidence. Can any innocent man think himfelf in danger, when he is judged by the Reprefentatives of the Nation and the Peerage of the Realm. If the bill in quef^ tion eflabliflied a precedent for punifhing a man vvhofe guilt was doubted of, it would indeed be a very ilj and dangerous precedent. But, on the con- trary, it is in ta6t a precedent for puni(hing a man notorioully criminal, who had eluded the jullice and dared the refentment of his country. For fuch a cate provifion could not be made by fixed and ftanding laws. The Legiilature was indeed not bound to obferve juftice and equity as much, if not more than the inferior Courts ; becaufe the Supreme K. WILLIAM IIL 419 Supreme Court ought to fet an example to all others : but they might fee caufc to pafs viver forms as ocpafion fhould require. The Conftitution of England admitted neither State inquifitions, nor tortures, nor any magiftrate Vefled, like the Di6la- tor of the Romans, with unlimited power j and therefore, upon great emergencies, recourfe mull be had to the Supreme Legiflature. The method of ,att^inders had been pradliled at all times ; and when parliamentary attainders went upon good grounds, they had never been thought to merit cenfure. Bills of attainder pafled in times of viof lence had indeed been reverfed, and^fo likewife had judgments of the inferior courts. The poflible abufe of power is no argument againft its jufl and re.afonable exercife. The Nation and every perfon in it mufl be fafe in the hands of a Parliament felecSted by themfelves ; or, if they are not fafe, there is no help for it — the Nation mud perifh, for it is by their own fault. The antient Romans car- tied their idea of liberty fo high, that by the For- tian Law no citizen could be put to death for any crime whatfoever. Yet in the famous cafe of Ca- tiline's confpiracy, as the evidence was clear, and the danger extreme, the accomplices in it were executed notwithftanding the Portian Law. And this was done by the order of the Senate, without either hearing them make their own defence, or E e 2 admitting 420 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAi:^. admitting them to claim the right which the Valc'- rian Law gave them of an appeal to the People. In reply to thefe arguments the opponents of the bill infifted, that the High Court of Parliament, though not bound by the forms of law, could not depart from the rules of evidence. Parliament could not alter the nature of things ; what was juftice and equity in Wettminfter Hall was juftice and equity everywhere. It had been folemnly de- termined by a late AS:, that two witnefles were neceflary to prove an overt a6t of trcafon. If Par- liament afTume a power of difpenfing at pleafurc with the laws moll cUcntial to the liberty and fafety of the fubje6t, who is fccure ? Sir John Fenwick may not indeed be a good Englishman, yet his caufe may be the caufe of a good Englifhman. Shall it be faid that there arifcs danger to the Government from fufFering Sir John Fenwick to cfcape in confcqucnce of a deficiency of evidence, and at the fame time forget the danger to our- felves, which will be incurred from the conviction of Sir John Fenwick under that deficiency of evi- dence ? Is it a propolition to be endured, that the Conflitution muft be weakened, in order that the Government may be flrcngthcned ? Who is Sir John Fenwick, that fuch alarm and apprchen- fion fliould be excited in the poilible event of his ■'enlargement ? Even the Regicides, Hotwithdand- K. WILLIAM III. 421 ing the notoriety of the fadl charged upon them, were admitted to the benefit of a trial by the Jcnovvn laws of the land ; and did not fuffer with- out a previous conviclion on the faired and fulleft evidence. As to bills of attainder in former Par- liaments, many no doubt had pafled, but not with- out heavy cenfure in all cafes where the perfons attainted were neither fugitives nor outla\^'s, but ready perfonally to appear, and defirous to abide the liVim of a regular trial. In the glorious and memorable times of Elizabeth, however, it was remarked that not a fingle bill of attainder had palTed, And though continually haratied with plots and confpiracics, the wifdom of that reign knew how to maintain the honor and fafety of the Government without having recourfe to fuch odi- ous expedients. We can tell at prefent on what ground we fland ; for by the Statute of Edward III. we know what is treafon ; by the two Statutes of Edward VI. and the late A61 of Treafon, we know what is proof; and by the Statute of Magna Charta we know how we are to be tried — by the law of the land, and the judgment of our peers. But if bills of attainder come into fafhion, we fhall neither know what is treafon, what is evidence, nor how nor where we are to be tried. In a trial of this nature, if it deferves the name, the two characters of Judges and Jurymen are confounded; tjiere is no power of examining upon oath ; there / E e 3 is 422 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. is an ultimate power of condemnation, without a correlative ultimate power of acquittal. It is the province and duty of a Judge, as Lord Coke fays, difcernere per legem. If Judges make the law their rule, they can never err ; but if the uncertain ar- bitrary dictates of their own iancies, which Lord Coke calls " the crooked cord of difcretion," be the rule they follow, endlefs errors mufl be the effect of fnch judgments. Even fnppofing in the prefent cafe Sir John Fen wick guilty ; the mode of trial being itfelf iniquitous, his blood is unjuftly fpilt. Such is the fubftance of the arguments ufed on each fide, in the difcufiifion of this celebrated bill ; but blended with the bittereft effufions of paffion and perfbnality. Sir Edward Seymour doling his fpeech againft the bill with thefe words : " I am of opinion with the Roman, who, in the cafe of Catiline, declared he had rather ten guilty perfons ihould efcape, than one innocent fuffer" — General Mordaunt in reply remarked, " that the Honorable Member feemed not to recolle(5l that the Roman. who made this declaration was fufpec^ed of being a confpirator himfelf.'* Another Member of the Houfe, Mr. Manley, having in relation to the bill with vehemence exclaimed, " that it would not be the iiril time they had reafon to repent making court to the Government at the hazard of the li- tjerties of the People ;" fuch was the clamor raifed againft K. WILLIAM III. 423 againft him, that he was by an immediate vote of the Houfe, which refufed to accept any expla- nation, committed prifoner to the Tower. Upon the whole, it appeared that the arguments of the opponents of the bill made great impreffion both in and out of the Houfe. The firft divifion on the motion for leave to bring in the bill was 1 79 voices to 61 : and the bill was finally paiTed by 189 voices againft 156. It was then transferred to the Lords, where it occafioned another vehe- ment conteft ; and it was ultimately carried on a Hill clofer divifion of 68 Lords againft 61 ; forty- one of whom fubfcribed a ftrong proteft againft the bill. The impolicy of the Whigs was manifeft in thus affording their antagonifts the Tories an opportunity, which they eagerly embraced, of ap- pearing in the advantageous light of the advocates and defenders of the Conftitution. For, however romantic it may be to deny the abftracf principle, that there are extraordinary cafes which juftify extraordinary deviations from eftablifhed rules ; yet cannot the concluding obfervation of the Lords' proteft be juftly controverted, " that Sir John Fen- wick is fo inconliderable a man, as to the endan- gering the peace of the Government, that there needs no necefiity of proceeding againft him in this extraordinary manner." A circumftance which tends to invelop the evi- dence of Fenwick refpe6ling the great leaders of E e 4 the 424 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. the Whig party in deeper obfciirity is, that the Earl of Monmouth had, as we are informed by Bifhop Burnet, exprefled a too vehement concern left he fliould be mentioned amongft the corrc- fpondents of the Court of St. Germaine's ; but, ■finding himfelf fecure, he gave fecret encourage- ment to Fenwick to perfifi in his difcoveries againft the Earl of Shrewlbury ; and rcfcnting his rcfufal — Fenwick having ah-eady, as he repeatedly af- ferted, told all he knew — Monmouth made a fpeech of great length and vehemence in the Houfe of Lords, in favor of the Bill of Attainder. Upon which Fenwick, impelled by anger and revenge3 in his turn revealed to the Houfe, on a fubfequent ex- amination moved by Lord Carlifle at his defirc, the bafe and finifter praclices of Monmouth, who was thereupon committed to the Tower, and dif- mifled from his employments. But he was foon relcafed, with a flight ccnfure only — the King not wifhing to have the matter farther inveftigated. He even fpoke to Bifhop Burnet to do all he could to foften the cenfure ; which he readily complied with, " not knowing," as he fays, " what new fcene of confufion might have been opened by him in his own excufe." The Bill of Attainder received the Royal afient early in January 1697, ^"^^ "^'^ John Fenwick, finding that there was no mercy in referve fo^ |iim, prepared v/ith fortitude to meet his approach- K. WILLIAM in. 425 ing fate. And notwithftandlng the proofs of weak- ijefs and pufillanimity which he had previoufly fliewn, he refigned himfelf to the ftroke of death with calmnefs and compofure. On account of his rank and noble connection, his fentence was changed to decapitation, which he fuffered on Towcr-hill, January the 28th, leaving in the hands of the Sheriff a paper containing, with a denial of fome circumftances, a virtual confeffion of the fub- ftance of the charges adduced againrt him ; and " praying Gop to blefs his true and lawful Sove- reign King James ; and to rcftore him and his poilerity to the throne again, for the peace and profperity of the Nation." The feffion of Parliament terminated on the 16th of April 1697, the King declaring, as ufual, his intention to embark fpeedily for the Continent. Previous to his departure, he introduced the Earl of Sunderland, who had long been known covertly to influence his councils, once more to a confpicu- ous ftation in public life, by appointing him to the ■ofFice of Lord Chamberlain, vacant by the refigna- tionoftheDuke of Dorlet. This Nobleman was at the fame time fworn of the Privy Council, and conftituted one of the Lords Jultices during the abfence of the King. The Lord Keeper Somers was created a Peer, and advanced to the dignity of Chancellor of Great Britain ; and Admiral RufTel was made Earl of Orford_, and continued to occupy 426 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. the poft of Firfi: Commiffioner of the Admiraltf, with powers little inferior to thofe ufually vefted in a Lord High Admiral. The Maritime Powers being at length ferionfly difpofed to liftcn to the pacific overtures of France; a joint memorial was prefented to the Court of Vi- enna by the AmbalTadors of England and Holland^ early in the prcfent year 1697, to entreat his Im- perial Majefty to accept the mediation of Sweden without referve, and name a place for holding the Congrefs. In confequence of this ])ropolition, the Emperor deigned to fignify, in cold and haughty terms, his acquiefcence : and the Miniiters and Ambafladors of the Allied Powers, excepting Spain, who aiTedled to ftand aloof, as if able fingly to vin- dicate her own rights and to maintain her own fe- parate interefts, being aiTembled at the Hague, Fe- bruary 1697, M. de Callieres, in the name of his Moll Chriflian Majefty, offered to confirm and re- eftablifh the treaties of Weftphalia and Nimeguen as the balls of the prefent pacification ; to reftore the city of Straiburg to the Empire, and Luxem- burg to Spain, or an equivalent for each ; to reftore Mons, Charleroy and the places captured in Cata- lonia to Spain, in the ftate in which they were taken, and the town and caftle of Dinant to the Bifliop of Liege ; to annul all the decrees of re- imion made linee the conclufion of the peace of I^imeguen ; to reftore Lorraine according to the a condition J K. WILLIAM III. 427 conditions of the faid treaty; and to recognize the Prince of Orange as King of Great Britain. Thefe were great and ample conceffions ; and fuch as fully demonftrated the fincerity of the King of France, and his earnefl. defire to give fatisfa6lion to the different powers of the Alliance. The Em- peror, however, ftill appeared a6liiated by fallen and angry difcontent. He infifted, in a memorial de- livered to M. Callieres, not only on the rc-efta- blifhment of the Treaties of Weftphalia and Nime- gucn in their full extent, according to the explana- tion of Nuremburg, but on the unconditional re- ftitiition of Lorraine to the Duke, of the caftle and duchy of Bouillon to the Ele6lor of Cologne ; and >yith refpedl to Spain, to place all things on the ba- lls of the Treaty of the Pyrenees, And in a fub- fequent memorial, delivered April the loth to the Swedifti AmbafTador as mediator, ftyled the Ulte- rior of his Caefarean Majefty, the fame extravagant demands are renewed — with the addition of the in- fulting declaration, " that his Imperial Majefty would not have confented to accept the mediation at all, if the King of Sweden had not confented to guaranty the preceding declarations of France." The death of the Swedifh Monarch Charles XI. which happened at this period, did not impede the progrefs of the negotiation ; the AmbafTador Me- diator declaring, " that his late Royal Mafler had pcrfevered to the laft in his purpofe of fulfilling the promifed 4^8 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN, promifed guarantee. And feeling the approach of death, he had earneftly recommended the fame thing to his fuccefibr : and that his Majefty now reigning had inherited the fame incHnations and attachments, and dcfired to manifeil the fame fin- ccrity in all things."' 1'hc Emperor and Spain at length, through the urgent and repeated inftances of Sweden and the Maritime Powers, agreed to open the conferences in form ; and the Congrets was transferred from the Hague to the village of Ryfwick, where King VVilliam had a palace, which now became the feat and centre of political intrigue and negotiation. There many tucceffive weeks and months pafled away in unavailing diplomatic dif- cuffion and altercation. But while the x\llicd Potentates afFc6led to give law to France in the Cabinet, the armies of that formidable power, taking advantage of thefe impo- litic delays, were luccefsfully exerting themfelves in making new acquititions and conquefts. And on the arrival of the King of England in Holland, he received the unwelcome intelligence, that the town of Aeth was inveftcd by the enemy, now un- der the conduct of M. Catinat ; the Marechals Vil- leroi and Boufflers having the command of the co- vering army. The place was furrendered after a defence not very vigorous, and thirteen days open trenches only. King William had now taken upon him the command of the allied army, which he poflcd K. wiLLrAiM fir. 44^ polled in fo llrong and judicious a pofition, that M. Catinat could gain no farther advantage — the can)paign being, on the part of the King, profef- fedly and entirely defenfive. The oppofite armies lying very near to each other, in the vicinity of Bruflcls, the attention ofthe public was powerfully excited by the repeated inter- views ofthe Earl of Portland and Marechal Bouf- flers, who, leaving at fome diftance their trains of officers and attendants, met by agreement in the plain of Halle, in the fight ofthe two camps j and at the laft of thefe conferences the two military negotiators retired to a cottage, where they figned the articles previoufly concluded on. It was then lignified to the Plenipotentiaries at Bruflels, that the King of England had adjuflcd his feparats concerjis \y\\.h France; and William immediately retired from the camp to his palace at Loo. What were the precife fubjects of the confer- ences of I'lalle, and what the feparate articles agreed to, has been the fubje6l of much curious fpeculation. Bifhop Burnet informs us, that the Earl of Portland himfelf told him, that it was thea and there ftipulated, that the King of France fhould give the late King James no affiftance, and the reigning Monarch no difturbance upon his account ; that James (hould retire to Avignon or Italy ; and that the Queen's jointure of 50,000!. per annum Ihould be paid as to a Dowager — ^Jamcs being con- \ fidcrcd 430 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. lidered as dead in law. This account is corrobo- rated by M. de Torcy, who from the information of M; Boufflers fays, " that, for the farther fecurity of his malter, the Earl of Portland demanded that this unfortunate Prince fhould be obliged to re- inove from France, and to follow his unpropitious flar to Rome, or whatever other part of the world he chofe." This condition not being in the fequel complied with by James, the jointure was of courfe with-held. On the other hand, M. Boufflers, as M. de Torcy tells us, infifted that a general A6t of Grace fhould be granted to the Englifh who had followed the fortunesof King James, and that they fhould be reflored to the poiTcffion of their eftates ' — alfo, that none of the fubjeds of the French King fhould be allowed to enter, or to fettle in, the city of Orange ; becaufe his Majcfty forefaw thht the new converts, fiill attached to their former errors, ^Vould flock to the provinces bordering upon Orange, and, if leave was given them, would fettle there*." It farther appears from the Memoirs of King James recently publifhed, that the King of France propofed to the King of England to obtain a parliamentary fettlement of the Crown after his deceafe upon the nominal Prince of Wales, a child not as yet nine years of age ; and that William did not indicate any averfion to reftore the Prince to that inheritance of which he had been deprived * Torcj, vol. i, p. 25. K. WILLIAM IIL 431 by the extreme, and, in relation to him, unmerited rigor of fortune. The overture made to the Englifh Monarch was confonant to the generofity of his nature ; and it feemcd no lefs agreeable to the principles of policy than of juftice, as it obviated the dangers to be apprehended from a difputed fuc- cefiion : and the King owed no obligation to the Princcfs of Denmark, whofe perfonal interefts were of little moment in his eftimation. But on the communi<:ation of this project to James he op- pofcd it with great vehemence. He faid, " he could not fiipport the thoughts of making his own child an accomplice to his unjufl dethronement : he could fufrer with chriftian patience the ufurpa- tion of the Prince of Orange, but not that of his own ion. Should even the Prince of Orange,"' faid the abdicated Monarch in a letter addrefied to the King of France, "induce the Parliament of England to repeal the A