■J IT< 1, !liT: 8?m "T"F llUllllUilillliilliiiUi[lliiUlllLiiiilill-^':'LLJ.,; WOV 6 1911 *) Division BXS565 Section .&G4 5 " iHt Swamp College " of Rev. Dr. Herman. See Pages 15-18. Rev. Thomas WrNTERS Private Theological Seminary, (Jermantovvn, Ohio. ,^v^^ !!r^ HISTORY L of the Reformed Church in the U. S. NOV 6 i9i: in the Nineteenth Century By y REV. PROF. JAMES I. GOOD, D.D. Author of ^'Origin of the Reformed Church in Germany " "History of the Reformed Church in Germany," "History of the Reformed Church in the U. S. (1723-17Q2) " "Famous Women of the Reformed Church," "Famous Missionaries of the Reformed Church,'''' "Famous Places of the Reformed Churches,''"' etc. New York THE BOARD OF PUBLICATION OF THE REFORMED CHURCH IN AMERICA MCMXI Copyright, 1911 To the Memory of my father, REV. WILLIAM A. GOOD, who loved the Old Reformed doctrines and worship PREFACE. This work brings the author's series of histories up to the present time. Although it is named after the nineteenth cen- tury, yet it includes a little more at each end of the century (1793-1910). It has been a difficult task, because of the com- parative absence of materials during the first half of the century (up to 1840) and the excess of material during the last half. For the first period he has been compelled to seek information from all conceivable quarters ; for the second he has tried to state the liturgical controversy fairly and fully. But his standpoint is that of the Old Reformed or low-church. >• It could not be otherwise as a historian. For the Old Re- formed party represented the old views of the Reformed Church from her beginning. And yet he has tried to be fair in giving the opinions of the Mercersburg theology, letting its adherents speak as far as possible in their own words. He has even given unusually large space to them, so that their posi- tion might be fully understood. He feels that the controversy was a great movement by great men who were honestly con- tending for what they believed to be the truth. He has pre- ferred to let the facts, articles and discussions speak for them- selves rather than give his own summary of them. This has made the book much larger, but it better enables the reader to see things as they came up and enter more fully into the spirit of the past. The less important parts, as the book-con- tents and discussions are in smaller type, so that the general reader, who does not care to enter into details, can get a fine summary of the history from the large print. But, of course, there are many valuable facts hidden away in the fine print. In giving the discussions there are sometimes inaccuracies which he has not corrected because it would spoil the discus- sion as it appeared at the time. Any remarks of his own in the midst of a book-contents or discussion he has marked with V vi Preface. an A., meaning the author. While there is much in the con- troversy that we would gladly have left out, yet we felt that the truth should be told, so that later generations might under- stand its significance. A controversy is not always pleasant reading, but God overrules it for his glory. Any corrections the author will be glad to place in the second edition, as also any reply to criticisms made on the book. He desires to express his indebtedness and gratefulness to the many friends who have given him infomiation and whom he fears he has often wearied with inquiries in order to find out the facts. He regrets that the already large size of the book precludes the mentioning of them by name. James I. Good. May 6, 1911. TABLE OF CONTENTS. PART I. The Early Church (1793- [844.) CHAPTEE I. The Early Synod. Section 1. The first Meeting of the Synod, 1 ' ' 2. The Conflict of Languages, 7 ' ' 3. The Schools of the Prophets, 12 CHAPTER II. The Free Synod. Section 1. The Causes that led to the Free Synod, 21 ' ' 2. The Separation of the Free Synod, 30 ' ' 3. The Controversy Between the Two Synods, 37 ' ' 4. The History of the Free Synod, 46 ' ' 5. The Religious Agitation of 1829, 49 ' ' 6. The Return of the Free Synod, 52 CHAPTER III. The Early History of the Theological Seminary and the College. Section 1. The Founding of the Theological Seminary, 56 " 2. History of the Theological Seminary at Carlisle (1825- 9), 63 " 3. The Theological Seminary at York and the Organiza- tion of the Classical School (1829-1835), 72 " 4. The Theological Seminary at Mercersburg and the Founding of Marshall College (1835-44), 76 ' ' 5. Rev. Prof. Lewis Mayer, D.D., 82 ' ' 6. Rev. Prof. Frederick Augustus Rauch, 91 " 7. The Early Years of Rev. John Williamson Nevins' Professorship (1840-4), 107 " 8. The Attempt to Found a Theological Seminary in Ohio (1838), 117 vii viii Table of Contents. CHAPTER IV. Revivals. Section 1. Early References to Revivals, 124 ' * 2. Revivals During this Period, 130 " 3. The Support of Revivals by the Institutions of the Church, 136 ' ' 4. Approval of Revivals by the Classes and Synods, 139 ' ' 5. The ' ' Anxious Bench, ' ' by Dr. Nevin, 141 ' ' 6. The Effect of the Revivals on the Church, 150 CHAPTER V. The Doctrine and Cultus of the Church (1793-1844). Section 1. The Doctrine, 153 " 2. The Private Catechisms of Our Early Church, 161 ' ' 3. The Cultus or Worship of the Church, 168 CHAPTER VI. Union and Disunion. Section 1. Union and Disunion Within Our Church, 178 ' ' 2. Union with Other Churches, ; 179 CHAPTER VII. Missions. Section 1. History of Domestic Missions, 189 ' ' 2. Various Mission Fields, 192 PART II. The Liturgical Controversy (1844- 1878). Book I. The Theological Preparation. CHAPTER I. The Controversy About ' ' The Principle of Protestantism. ' ' Section 1. Preparatory Tendencies, 202 ' ' 2. The Call of Prof. Schaff to America, -^ 203 " 3. Dr. Nevins' Sermon on "Catholic Unity" (1844), 210 " 4. "The Principle of Protestantism," by Prof. Schaff, ..214 Table of Contents. ix ' ' 5. The Attacks on ' ' The Principle of Protestantism, ' ' by the Different Church Papers, 219 ' ' 6. The Action on it Within Our Church, 225 " 7. The Action of the Eastern Synod on "The Principle of Protestantism" (1845), 227 CHAPTER II. The Dogmatical Preparation — the Formulation of the Mercers- burg Theology. Section 1. "What is Church History?" by Schaff, 232 " 2. " The Mystical Presence, ' ' by Nevin, 234 CHAPTER III. The Second Controversy About Prof. Schaff — His A^iews on the Middle State. Section 1. The Attack in the ' ' Christian Intelligencer, " 243 ' ' 2. The Eastern Synods of 1846-7, 245 CHAPTER IV. Significant Events (1847-50). Section 1. Dr. Nevins ' Controversies, 251 ' ' 2. The Controversy About Dr. Krummacher 's Letter, . . . 255 " 3. "The History and Genius of the Heidelberg Cate- chism, ' ' by Nevin, 256 " 4. The Dissolution of the Triennial Convention Between the Dutch and German Reformed, 259 " 5. " Antichrist ' ' or the ' ' Spirit of Sect and Schism, ' ' by Nevin, 263 ' ' 6. The First Years of the Mercersburg Review, 266 " 7. " Early Christianity, ' ' by Nevin, 271 CHAPTER V. The Resignation of Dr. Nevin. Section 1. His Reasons for Resigning and the Events Prior to the Synod of 1851, 277 ' ' 2. The Synod of 1851, 279 " 3. " Cyprian, ' ' by Nevin, 282 X Table of Contents. CHAPTER VI. The Uprising Against Mercersburq Theology. Section 1. The Departure of Rev. Dr. Berg to the Dutch Church, 286 ' ' 2. The Synod of 1852, 291 " 3. The Uprising of the German Students at Mereersburg, . . 293 " 4. Organization of Franklin and Marshall College, 295 " 5. The Withdrawal of North Carolina Classis from Our Church, 298 " 6. The Withdrawal of the Reformed Church of German- town and of Rev. Jacob Helffenstein, D.D., 303 ' ' 7. The Sj-nod of 1853, 307 " 8. The Rumors of Dr. Nevins' Going Over to the Cath- olic Church, 310 ' ' 9. Review of the Controversy, 313 BOOK II. The First Liturgical Controversy (1854- 1863). CHAPTER I. Liturgical Preparation for the Controversy. Section 1. The First Request for a Liturgy, 322 ' ' 2. The Early Position of Dr. Nevin on the Liturgy, 327 ' ' 3. The Synods of 1850-1852, 329 ' * 4. The Revulsion Against the Liturgy in the West, 333 " 5. The Attack on Mereersburg Theology by the Reformed of Germany, 336 ' ' 6. The Synods of 1853-1855, 339 ' ' 7. The Mereersburg Review (1854-55), 342 CHAPTER II. The Adoption op the Provisional Liturgy and Its Results. Section 1. The Adoption of the Provisional Liturgy (1857), . . . 347 " 2. The Early Discussion About the Liturgy (1857-8), ... 352 ' ' 3. The Liturgical Events of 1859, 360 ' ' 4. The Office of Bishop, 369 ' ' 5. The Liturgical Discussion and Events of 1860, 373 " 6. The Tiiturgical Discussion and Events of 1861, 377 ' ' 7. The Liturgical Discussion and Events of 1862, 385 ' ' 8. The Synod of 1862 and its Antecedents, 394 Table op Contents. xi CHAPTEE III. The Observance of the Tercentenary of the Heidelberg Catechism (1863). Section 1. The Preparation for the Tercentenary, 404 " 2. The Tercentenary Convention (1863), 407 ' ' 3. The Addresses at the Tercentenary, 409 " 4. The Organization of the General Synod, 418 " 5. The Closing Convention of the Tercentenary at Bead- ing (1864), 420 BOOK III. The Second Liturgical Controversy (The Contro- versy about "The Order of Worship"). CHAPTEE I. The New "Order of Worship." Section 1. The Preparation of the New Liturgy, 424 ' ' 2. The ' ' Eevised Liturgy, ' ' by Bomberger, 426 " 3. The General Synod of 1866, 428 " 4. "Vindication of the Liturgy," by Nevin and "Ee- formed not Eitualistic, ' ' by Bomberger, 431 CHAPTEE II. The Action of the General Synod of 1869 on Both Liturgies, Section 1. Liturgical Events in the East (1866-9), 436 ' ' 2. Lay-baptism, 442 ' ' 3. The Liturgical Events of 1866-7 in the West, 444 ' ' 4. The Myerstown Convention (1867), 452 ' ' 5. The Eastern Synod of 1867, 456 ' ' 6. Controversy on Infant Baptism, 463 ' ' 7. The Preparation of the Western Liturgy, 467 " 8. The Corner Controversy (1868), 471 ' ' 9. The High-Church Movement, 475 " 10. Constitutional High-Churchism or Church Authority, . 477 ' ' 11. The Eastern Synod of 1868, 484 ' ' 12. The Iowa Controversy, 488 ' ' 13. The Eastern Synod of 1869, 491 ' ' 14. The General Synod of 1869, 495 " 15. The Mercersburg Eeview and the Western Liturgy, ... 501 xii Table op Contents. CHAPTER III. The Endorsement of Ursinus Theological Department by General Synod (1872). Section 1. Liturgical Events (1871-2), 504 ' ' 2. The Priesthood of the Ministry, 506 ' ' 3. The Eastern Synod of 1870, 510 ' ' 4. Fritschel 's Review of Mercersburg Theology, 512 " 5. The Perversions to Rome and to the Episcopal Church (1870-3) 517 ' ' 6. The Eastern Synod of 1871, 525 " 7. Union with the Dutch (1871-2), 528 " 8. The Charge that Ursinus College Grew Out of Disap- pointed Personal Ambition (1872), 532 9. The Eastern Synod of 1872, 534 ' ' 10. The General Synod of 1872, 539 CHAPTER IV. The Liturgical Discussion up to the General Synod of 1878. Section 1. Liturgical Events ( 1873-8), 545 ' ' 2. The Messenger and the Old Doctrine of the Atonement (1872), 549 ' ' 3. Rev. Dr. Rupp Charged with Pantheism, 550 ' * 4. Another Perversion to Rome, 555 ' ' 5. The Synods of 1873, 559 * ' 6. Rev. Dr. Schneck 's Book on ' ' Mercersburg Theology, ' ' 561 ' ' 7. The Synod of 1874, 567 ' ' 8. The Semicentennial of the Theological Seminary, . . . 569 ' ' 9. The General Synod of 1875, 570 10. The Synods of 1875-8, 574 ' ' 11. The General Synod of 1878, 578 PART III. Events After the Liturgical Controversy (i 878-1910). CHAPTER L Important Events. Section 1. The Peace Movement, 581 " 2. Summary of the Liturgical Controversy and Contrast of the Two Theologies (Mercersburg and Old Re- formed), 587 ' ' 3. The Worship of the Church, 595 Table of Contents. xiii ' ' 4. The Government of the Church, 595 ' ' 5. Recent Theological Developments, 598 ' ' 6. Revivals, 606 CHAPTER II. Union and Disunion. Section 1. Union Between the Eastern and Ohio Synods, 610 2. Union With the Dutch Reformed Church, 612 3. Correspondence and Union with the Presbyterians, .... 614 4. Correspondence with the Lutheran Church, 616 5. Alliance of the Reformed and Presbyterian Churches, . 616 6. Correspondence with Foreign Bodies, 617 7. The Evangelical Alliance, 619 8. The Independent Synod of Ohio, 621 9. The Stiely Synod of Pennsylvania, 623 CHAPTER III. The Activities of the Church. Section 1. The Society for the Relief of Ministers, 625 2. The Home Missions of the Church, 626 3. The Foreign Missions of the Church, 632 4. The Educational Institutions of the Church, 636 5. The Publication Work of the Church, 638 6. The Orphans ' Homes of the Church, 643 7. The Sunday School Work of the Church, 644 Appendix 1. The Re\aval at York, 648 " 2. Letter of Rev. Samuel Helffenstein, D.D., about the Liturgy, 651 * ' 3. The Reformed and the Evangelical Association, 653 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. The ' ' Swamp College ' ' of Eev. Dr. Herman, Frontispiec* The Early Theological Seminary of Eev. Thomas Winters, German- town, Frontispiece Eev. Samuel Helffenstein, D.D., 18 Eev. Prof. Lewis Mayer, D.D., 83 The House in which Prof. Eauch was Born, 92 The Church in which Prof. Eauch was Baptized, 93 Portrait of Prof. Eauch, 101 Eev. Pres. John W. Nevin, D.D., 108 Heidelberg College, 123 St. Matthews Arbor Lincoln Co., N. C, 140 Eev. Prof. Philip Schaff, D.D., 206 Eev. Joseph F. Berg, D.D., 220 Marshall College, 231 Carawba College, , 300 Eev. Pres. J. H. A. Bomberger, D.D., 426 Eev. Prof. H. Harbaugh, D.D., 440 The Mission House at Franklin, Wis., 445 Eev. F. W. Kremer, D.D., 453 Eev. Pres. G. W. Williard, D.D., 469 Eev. Pres. E. V. Gerhart, D.D., 496 Eev. Prof. Jeremiah H. Good, D.D., 508 Eev. Pres. T. G. Apple, D.D., 525 Eev. Prof. Henry Super, D.D., 538 Frsinus College, 541 The Peace Commission, 581 XV PART I. The Early Church (1793- 1844). CHAPTER I. The Early Synod. Section 1. The First Meeting of the Synod. In 1793 the coetus of the Reformed Churches of Pennsyl- vania was transformed into a synod. From being a church subordinate to and dependent on the Reformed Church of the Netherlands in Europe, it now becomes an independent body. As early as 1791 the coetus began officially to show signs of independency by claiming for itself the right to ordain min- isters without asking or waiting for permission to do so from Holland. In 1792 they went a step farther. Whether they, at the beginning of this movement, intended that it should be a breach with Holland is not clear, but it resulted in that. They appointed a committee consisting of Pomp and Hendel to prepare a new constitution. This decision to prepare their own constitution was a virtual declaration of independence on their part, especially as the Church in Holland was talking of preparing a constitution for them, and this fact may have led them to take the step they did. The first meeting of what proved to be the synod was held at Lancaster, April 27, 1793. There were 13 ministers pres- ent and nine are noted as absent, making 22 in all. This, how^ever, does not include all the Reformed ministers in America, as some were independent. The ministers present were Hendel, Helffrich, Runkel, Pauli, Rahauser, Faber, Mann, Wagner, Winckhaus, Wack, Stock, Ilautz and Gobrecht. 1 2 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. Those noted as absent were: Dellicker, Otterboin, Troldenier, Dubendorf, Weber, Pomp, Gueting, Bliimer and Herman. The statistics of the church at the time of the organization of the synod were 78 congregations (of them 55 were vacant), and about 15,000 communicants, representing perhaps about 40,000 adherents.* The congregations were mainly in eastern Pennsjdvania and IMaryland, though tliere were a few in west- em Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina and even in Nova Scotia.f • Domine| Winckhaus opened the session with an edifying sermon on 1 Cor. 15:58. On the next day (Monday) they went to the schoolhouse of the congregation, where they held their business sessions. "Winckhaus was made president, and Wack, secretary. Blumer, Pomp, Otterbein and "Weber sent excuses for their absence. Dellieker started from Falkner Swamp for the meeting, but was prevented from attend- ance by the rains. Troldenier Avas known to be sick. What caused the absence of Herman, Dubendorf and Gueting is un- known. The items of the synod were mainly of a routine character. Their special acts were in regard to a liyinn-l)ook, a catechism and also their independence from Holland. A committee was appointed to prepare a new hymn-book consisting of Hendel, Helffrich, Blumer, Wagner, Pauli and Mann. Winckhaus also promised that he would do some- thing toward an arrangement of the catechism and distribute it among the members of the synod. There seemed to have been no thought of preparing a liturgy, as it is not mentioned. The synod took the following action on its relations to the mother church in PTolland : , 1. "Inasmuch as we have not received a reply to our last letters and procedure, it was resolved by a majority of votes that for the present we will transmit to the Fathers in Holland only a letter and not our proceedings." *Soe Buhb'a American Church History, Vol. 8, page 324. fWhere Eev. Bruin Uomcas Coniingoe labored in six congregations till 1820 and was succeeded by Eev. Mr. Moschell. When he resigned in 1840 the congregation went into the Presbyterian denomination. |They still, after the Holland fashion, called the minister "Domine. " The Early Synod. 3 2. It also completed its independence and organization by the adoption of its own constitution. Tliis had been prepared and was submitted to the synod by Hendel and Blumer, the latter having: for some reason taken the place of Pomp on the committee.* The adoption of this constitution made the coetus a self-governing body and changed it into a synod. The cause of this separation from Holland was therefore not on account of any difference in doctrine. The Reformed ministers in Pennsylvania agreed with those in ITolland in their adherence to Calvinism. Every minister that the Dutch had sent over had, before coming, signed his adherence to the Belgic Confession and the Canons of Dort, both creeds being strongly Calvinistic on predestination, etc. From their theo- logical works, some of which we have seen in manuscript, we learn that Helffrich, Weyberg, Winckhaus and Herman were predestinarians, Helffenstein and "Weyberg belonging to the Federal School of Holland, which emphasized the Covenants. Winckhaus was somewhat more liberal, but still strongly Calvinistic, and Herman, though trained under the rational- istic Mursinna, yet was also Calvinistic. There had already been differences between the Pennsyl- vania coetus and the church in Holland mainly on two points : 1. The right of ordination. This the Holland Fathers had been slow to grant. The coetus, however, after waiting for a sufficient length of time and getting no answer, would ordain. as in the case of Rahauser and Stock. Or if it were considered a necessity (as in the case of Gueting), they would do so. In 1791 they took action affirming their right to ordain without waiting for permission from ITolland. 2. A second difference of opinion had arisen in regard to education. Our Church felt the need of a school at which young men could be educated for the ministry. In 1785, Helffrich in a letter avsked the Holland Fathers that the *Blunier evidently skett'lierl this constitution as a fragment of it is in his handwriting. We have alwaj'S been suspicious that because Pomp did not serve on the committee, he was one of the minoritv in the coetus who were not favorable to complete separation from Holland. This, too, would accord with his generally conservative disposition. 4 History of Keformed Ciii'rcii in the T"^. S. Pennsylvania churches he alk)\v(Ml to move on this subject. The coetiis of that year, however, is careful to intimate that this request was not made with any idea of separation from Holland, wliich tli(y say "would ])e the basest ingratitude for all the kindness thoy had received." Later their activity and presence at the opening of the Franklin High^School at Lancaster in 1787 fanned anew the suspicions of the Holland Fathers, that this was a new tendeney to ind('pcn(h'n('y and they asked some pointed questions. Another reason that led them to lliis desire was th(^ un- worthy character of some of the latei- ministers that Holland had sent over, as Pernisius and Willy ; while on tlu' other hand the young ministers Avho were raised up by the eoetus itself were doing most excellent woi'k. Still neither of these differ- ences are mentioned as the cause of the separatiim. As to the second of these, too much stress should not perhaps be laid on it; for although Franklin High School at Lancaster had to succumb to adverse fate, yet the members of the synod made no attempt for nearly a quarter of a century to found a theological school of their own. The only reason given is lack of correspondence. Corre- spondence across the Atlantic was always difficult in the eigh- teenth century. Winter would largely suspend commerce. W^ars, as the Amer-ican Revolution, interrupted it, yes often prevented it entirely. The Holland fathers, as well as the mem- bers of the eoetus, complain of breaches of correspondence. The Classis of Amsterdam and the Synod of South Holland complain repeatedly of the lack of news from Pennsylvania. Holland, too, was undergoing serious political strife Ix'tween the patriots and its luler. which at times provoked war until Holland was fiiudiy tak<'n by France, llengstenberg* says that with the French occupation of Holland, the bond between Hol- land and our churcli was pei'inancntly broken. All tliis would tend to interfere with con-esi)ondence, and yet in the reports of the Holland ecclesiastical bodies every meeting has an item about the Pennsylvania atif'aii-s. whether an\- news were re- *See Messenger in the Kail <>f J 847. The Early Synod. 5 ceived or not, showing their continued interest in us. The only direct light, therefore, that we have as to the cause of separation is given in the action: ''Inasmuch as we have re- ceived no reply to our last letters and procedure, it is re- solved by a majority of votes that for the present we will transmit to the Fathers in Holland only a letter and not our proceedings." Two facts are to be noticed in this action. One is that the action was not unanimous. Evidently there was a minority who still desired to continue their former relations to Hol- land. Another- is that it is so worded as if it were intended to be temporary. It is to be- "for the present." Either this indicated that they did not expect the separation from Hol- land to be ])ermanent. Or if it were to be permanent, that modifying statement was made to satisfy the conservative members of the coetus who still wanted to remain under Hol- land. If the latter were the idea, it failed in its aim, for these seem to have voted against it, as it was adopted only by a majority, not by a unanimous vote. One thing, however, is evident : The coetus was hoping to go slow about separation from the Holland Church. This is shown by two reasons: (1) In this action it was only a tem- porary arrangement. (2) In the i)revious coetus, although they had taken action that they had the right to ordain, they did not so notify the Holland fathers; for that action is not in the draft of the coetus' minutes sent to Holland. It is, therefore, very evident that the separation of our church from the mother church in Holland was not an act of rebellion or of any great difference in doctrine, but simply because they were drifting apart, due mainly to the lack of correspondence. This is proved by the report of the connnittee of the Synod of 1817 on the origin and progress of the synod. It says that because the last coetus' minutes sent to Holland were not answered, the separation took place.* Before leaving this first synod it might be well to notice the men who organized it, cradled its infancy and guided the new- *See also my History of the Refornieil Cliuieh in the U. S., pages- 659-665. 6 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. born child. Of the members reported, ten had been sent over from Holland : Otterbein, Hendel, Pomp, Blumer, Helffrich, Dubendorf, Herman, Dellicker and Troldenier. Thirteen had been raised up by the eoetus on tliis side of the Atlantic : Go- brecht, Wack, Xevelino;. Weber, AVagner, Runkel, Hantz. Pauli, Gueting, Rahaiiscr, Stock and ^lann. Besides these, there were some Reformed ministers independent of the eoetus, as Willy, Lupp, Loretz. Wilms, etc. It is to be noticed that while the majority of the ministers were those raised up in America, yet the leaders of the synod were virtually the men sent from Holland. They were at this time the older members of the s^aiod ; and as a general rule were better educated than the others, as they all had a university training in Europe, although some of the latter, too, had a fine education, as Stock and Pauli. Hendel was evidently the leader, a fine combina- tion of intellectual and spiritual power, but his life was soon cut short by death from yellow fever in 1798. Of the first generation of Reformed ministers who came to America, Boehm, Weiss, Schlatter, Rieger, all were by this time gone. Of the second generation (those who came over with Schlatter in 1752), only one was still in the eoetus, Otter- bein. Of them Stoy was still living, but was independent and long a bitter enemy of the eoetus. Otterbein, too, on account of increasing age and because living at a long distance from the centre of the church, found it difficult to attend the eoetus, although he was present at the later meetings of 1797, 1800 and 18U6, and still professed himself to be Reformed.* It was, however, the ministers who came over from Holland after 3760 who were now the leaders: Hendel, Pomp, Helf- frich, Dellicker, Troldenier and Herman. As, however, the synod grew in years, these fathers of the synod gradually passed away as follows: Hendel 1798, Dellicker 1799, Trol- denier 1800, Stoy 1801, Helffrich 1810, Wagner 1810, Go- brecht 1815, Pauli 1815, Weber 1816, Rahauser 1817, Pomp 1819, Blumer 1822, Hautz 1830, Runkel 1832, Faber 1833, Wack 1839, Neveling 1844, Herman 1848, the last living a *See pages 128-130. The Early Synod. 7 half century after its organization. Their passing away re- minds ns of the beautiful lines: Our Fathers, where are they, With all they call their own. Their joys and griefs and hopes and cares And wealth and honor gone. Of all the pious dead May we the footsteps trace, Till with them in the land of light We dwell before Thy face. — Doddridge. Section 2. The Conflict of Languages. The first great problem that came up was that of language. The change from the German language to the English brought up serious complications. As the German families (especially their young people) became more English, they desired Eng- lish services because of the difficulty of understanding Ger- man. On the other hand, the Germans clung tenaciously to their mother-tongue, because they loved it as Germans always do. The problem was made more difficult because different parts of the church differed, some becoming English before others. Hrid the change occurred simultaneously everywhere, they might have sympathized with each other. But as they did not^ the prevailing German districts were apt to be more conservative than the English districts. Thus the Germans of New Jersey became English before those of Pennsylvania. Wack, in 1782, when pastor at German Valley, preached in English. In the early part of the nineteenth century, the district west of the Susquehanna, especially Maryland, be- came English faster than that east of the Susquehanna, which was the great stronghold of the church and which was conservative. This diversity later threatened to make serious trouble in the church Avhen the founding of a theological seminary was talked of, as the Maryland Classis w'as far in advance of the German classes east of the Susquehanna. So great was the prejudice against the English by some of the German pastors, that at the Synod of 1826 the president 8 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. publicly reproved a yoimg member for attempting to deliver an address in English. This inequality in the change of language is also sho^\Tl by the cities becoming English faster than the country districts. Thus it is said that at German- to^^^l. Herman preached English as early as 1792, although he had been but six years in America among English-speaking people. (President Washington is said to have attended the Reformed Church at Germantown when Provost Smith of the Episcopal Church preached English.) Runkel is said to have preached English in 1802, whether at Frederick or German- towTQ we do not know. Controversies in denominations are caused by such differ- ences as these and in this lay the possibilit}' of serious danger in the church. The first appearance of trouble occurred at Philadelphia in 1804. The consistory of that church on April 2 appointed a congregational meeting for May 8 to test the feeling of the members on the subject of the introduction of the English language. In the meanwhile the synod met at Reading on April 29. One of the parties, evidently the German element, sent a petition to it, asking it to come to the assistance of this congregation, as it was threatened with total division because a strong party desired to have English worship every two weeks. The synod took no decided action except to write to the congregation a friendly letter represent- ing the danger of an unhappy separation and exhorting them to walk together in brotherly love. But the quarrel had become too deep to be settled by kind advice. The congre- gational meeting was held and the result was almost a tie. Owing to some defects in the method of the election it was de- clared illegal. The agitation continued. Various petitions came before the consistory urging the introduction of the English. At the next synod (1805) a request came that Eng- lish services would be permitted every third Sunday of the month and also a complaint was brought against their pastor. Dr. Helffenstein. The synod granted the petition of the con- gregation for an English service, but made it a condition that it should be held by either a minister of our own denomination or of the Presbyterian Church and that to it the consent of the The Early Synod. 9 German minister must be obtained. The consistory therefore on July 9, 1805, voted on the question. It resulted in a tie. Dr. Helffenstein, who at that time favorc^d the German ele- ment, voted in the negative and so it was lost. Th(> result of this was that a large and influential part of the congrega- tion withdrew in 1806 and organized an independent Re- formed congregation. They worshiped in the Whitfield Acad- emy on Fourth above Arch.* For a time the differences in our First Church of Philadel- phia ceased as the English party had withdrawn ; but another English party gradually grew up, so that by ]812 the sjmod's attention was again called to it by complaints from different persons in the congregation. Its committee reported that the difficulties came partly from misunderstandings and partly from design. It ordered that the parties should be reconciled, or, if not, reprimanded. The differences seem to have con- tinued, for in 1816 the sad state of the congregation was again brought before the synod and Dr. Helffenstein 's re- moval urged. It seems that during these years Dr. Helffen- stein had changed his views and now favored the English party. Perhaps the loss of so important an element of a con- gregation to the Dutch church had opened his eyes. The synod unanimously decided that there was not a single ground to justify the removal of Dr. Helffenstein. In 1817 the Ger- man party, having elected a majoritj^ of the board of the congregation, took summary action and dismissed Dr. Helf- fenstein. On the following Sunday, he took his place as usual in the chancel and gave the congregation an account of what *Tliey first called themselves the Second Reforniernat(>ly. 2. The calling of an English pastor. 3. A division in the church. But our church has learned wisdom by experience and now English is gradually introduced by a gradual increase of the number of its services. The old prejudice of the German against the English has largely ceased and the English have been more careful in dealing with the Germans. Still the English denominations in this country knew nothing of the difficulties caused by the change of language. It made us lose thousands of members and caused strifes that greatly hin- dered our work. Section 3. The Schools op the Prophets. The kingdom of Israel had its schools of the prophets foimd- ed by Samuel, and the early Christian Church had its cate- chetical schools as at Alexandria for the training of ministers. So, too, our early Reformed Church in Pennsylvania had its schools of the prophets. These were private theological semi- naries; for the days of a church tlieological seminary had not yet arrived. Individual ministers tried to su])ply the increas- ing demand for ministers ])y educating i)romising young men. A study of these private theological seminaries is interesting and leads to some surprising results somewhat at variance with previous traditicmal opinions. The first minister in our church who is mentioned as trying to prepare a student for the ministry privately was Stoy in 1756, but the young man (Hoimer) never entered onr minis- try. The first effort that pi-oduced results was by Alsentz. who, when pastor at Wentz' church, ju-ejiared Ciobrecht (1764- 6), and Faehring (1765-6). From this time the preparation of young men privately by ministers received considerable at- tention. Thus Pomp aided in preparing Faehring (1766-7). Gros aided in preparing Neveling (1770) and also Wagner. The Early Synod. 13 Weyberg was (|uite active in noticing young men titted for the ministry and preparing tliem. He prepared Faehring (1766- 7), Waek (1766-9), Neveling (1769), Weber (1770), and Stahlschmidt (1772). Bnt the most prominent teacher was Rev. William Hendel. AVhile pastor at Tulpehocl^en he pre- pared Wagner (1770-1), Stahlschmidt (1773), and at Lan- caster Hautz (1785), Chitara (1785-8), J. Rahanser (1785- 9), J. J. Faber, Jr. (1791-2), John Gobrecht (1793), and while at Philadelphia, S. Heltfenstein (1795). There seem to have been very few years that he did not have as an inmate of his family some student for the ministry. Well was it for the early church that a man at once so learned and so spiritual could leave his impressicm on so many of her ministers. It did much toward giving her an efficient ministrJ^ When the synod separated from the Church of Holland, its supply of ministers from Holland was cut off.* It became increasingly necessary for the synod to provide for a supply of ministers. This was, after the difficulty of language, the second great difficulty that faced the early synod. After 1793, as w^e have seen, Hendel trained up two, Grobrecht and S. Helffenstein. AVagner, one of the best of the fathers of the synod, practical, efficient and spiritual, but lacking the university training of Hendel, educated a few of the most useful ministers. While pastor at York he educated Hiester (1797), and while pastor at Frederick, Lewis Mayer (1806), F. A. Rahauser (1807) and Fries (1808). But there were three ministers who were especially prominent iji ministerial education. They were C. L. Becker, L. F. Herman and Samuel Helffenstein. The first of these was Rev. Christian Lewis Becker, D.D. He was a fine scholar and eloquent preacher, ''impassioned in his eloquence, sometimes swaying his congregation as a wind *A few oanie over after that at their own expense from Germany. That our ministers of that day were concerned about the supjily of min- isters is shown by a letter from Hendel to Helffrich, Ang;ust 21, 179.3, in which he says that Troldenier and Herman would look after getting students of theology from Europe. But he says, "we must be careful lest the rationalism of Germany be lirought in." Troldenier and Her- man introduced quite a number of young men info our ministry, who came from Bremen and northern Germany. 14 History op Reformed Church in the U. S. moves the forest." Born at Anlialt-Cothen, in Germany, Nov. 17, 1756, lie was educated at the university of Halle and the Reformed gymnasium there. In the former he was taught church history by Semler, and in the latter theology by ]\Tur- sinna. Before he came to America in 1793 he had been a li- centiate of theology for fourteen years at Bremen and had revealed considerable ability and scholarship in the publica- tion of two works. One was an exposition of the fifty-third chapter of Isaiah and the other a treatise on the best method of converting the Jews. The certificate of the Bremen ^Min- isterium of May 14, 1703, bears high testimony to his ability and activity and especially commends his work on the fifty- third chapter of Isaiah. He was admirably fitted to prepare students for the ministry, for at Bremen he had devoted part of his time to preparing young men for the university. While pastor at Lancaster he began this work, 1)y preparing Charles Helffenstein (1800), Jonathan HelfPenstein (1804) and J. Diefenbach (1806). He continued his work after he removed to Baltimore, preparing Gloninger, Dechant, SchaflP- ner, Albert IJelffenstein and his son J. C. Becker (1807). Philip Mayer (1808), Reily (1809-1811), Hableston and Weinel (1814), Geiger (1816). Hess and Zwisler are also spoken of as having studied under him.* At the time of his death he was educating Denues, Hacke, Koch and TIamm. Nine- teen in all passed under his training. It was quite a compliment to his ability that the sons of the late Rev. J. C. A. HelfPen- stein, who, later, became leaders in our church, were one after the other committed to his care after the death of Hendel, who had begun their preparation. One of these, Rev. A. HelflFen- stein, thus describes Dr. Becker's methods of teaching: "Every clay except Saturday, Dr. Becker visited the class-room and heard recitations in Latin, Greek or Hebrew. Then he lectured either on dogmatics, moral theology, exegesis or church history, He h:iTiod a great deal of trouble in regard to the seminary at .Carlisle), and also Hassinger and Leidy.* Gutelius also thought that it was not pos- sible to arrange a imion between the synods. Dubbs replied that the Free synod had received these ministers without knowing they were under censure. Besides, if they were re- ceived back into the old synod, that synod could then deal with them again by disciplining them, whereas now they could not reach them. Smaltz said, "Perhaps Ebaugh had changed," and Berg said "it was our duty to forgive." Gu- telius replied that he would stand alone as he had done once before in the synod. The only real opposition came because the Free synod had been somewhat careless in granting li- censure. But when the final vote was taken it was unanimous in favor of union. *To show the feeling tliat liad existed, it might be mentioned that some years before in 1828 the ohl synod had received Schneck, one of the mem- bers of the Free synod. At that time tiiere was some objection to liis reception because he had been ordained by the Free synod, and this was looked upon as irregular by the old synod because performed by a body in secession. But this objection was overruled by the synod and after he had sustained a satisfactory examination he was received into member- ship. By this time, however, most of that feeling had passed away. THE FREE SYNOD. 55 The next meeting of the Free synod was held at Pottstown in 1837. The delegates to the old synod presented their report. It was found, however, that there was unexpected opposition, as old Dr. Herman was said to be opposed to the union and his influence was still great in the synod. But he was no longer able to control that body as he used to do in its early days. Most of its members had determined to return to the old synod. So, after considerable discussion, the report of the delegates was ratified and the Free synod passed into the old synod and the schism of fifteen years (1822-1837) was healed. CHAPTER III. The Early History of the Theological Seminary and the College, Section 1. The Founding of the Theological Seminary. The seminary project had been formally launched in 1820. We have already seen some of the opposition to it in the Free synod movement. We will now look at its history in connec- tion with the old sj-nod. Here various difficulties arose, mainly educational and financial. The first was the declination of Rev. Milledoler. He has been at times severely criticized by some in our church for this action. But on careful study, the criticism does not seem to be just. It is to be remembered that from the first, his con- gregation in New York was very bitterly opposed to his ac- ceptance. Besides, there was the uncertainty about the rais- ing of sufficient funds for the seminary. So, before February 15, 1821, he sent his declination to the iiianagers of the semi- nary. He has been charged with keeping our Church in sus- pense for a long while. But it is to be remembered that his later actions were the result of the advice of the managers of the seminary. At a meeting in March, 1821, it was at their request that he finally agreed to suspend his decision while they made desperate efforts to raise the necessary funds. He was finally persuaded by them to accept conditionally, conditioned however, that if by the next synod sufficient funds were not at hand, he would be at liberty to withdraw. The synod of 1821, instead of clearing up matters brought them into greater confusion. It was a stormy synod, as we have seen. But it approved the location of the seminary and Dr. Milledoler 's election, which had been criticized by some. In that regard, it was a gain. He was now the choice of the whole Church. But the synod desired him to give instruc- 56 Early History of Seminary and College. 57 tion in German as well as in English, which, however, was not agreeable to him. The financial aspect, too, began to clear up. Dr. Mayer reported cash and subscriptions amounting to $22,500, and that nearly $30,000 was in sight. Of this, however, $14,500 was conditioned on Dr. Milledoler's accept- ance. On account of the favorable appearance of things, Dr. Milledoler, in December, 1821, accepted the call and arrange- ments were made for liis installation at Baltimore, June 18, 1822. But now two events occurred to change everything. His consistory at the last moment refused to let him go. And at the same time the Free synod had sprung into existence and was rapidly spreading in eastern Pennsylvania, revealing di- vision in the church and protesting against his election. He, therefore, in March, sent his declination to the managers of the seminary. His letter reveals that he was influenced in his decision by the action of his consistory and by the dissensions that had appeared in the German Reformed Church, especially in the formation of the Free synod and in the action of the West Pennsylvania classis, which urged the appointment also of a German professor. He says that ''H." and "V d S." declared that the seminary would not have their support. The resignation of Dr. Milledoler left everything at loose ends. The subscriptions, conditioned on his acceptance, of course fell, as also did many of the others. The Church was now faced by the difficult problem of finding a suitable person to be professor. Rev. S. Helffenstein was in favor of calling another convention-synod to select a professor. Hinsch and others thought that a suitable person should be imported from Germany, but Dr. Mayer was suspicious of this lest, as he says, they might get "a cat in a bag." The action of the classes in 1822 reveal the varied state of opinion in the Church. Philadelphia classis favored the call- ing of a convention-synod. North Carolina classis also asked synod not to elect a professor even temporarily but to call a convention-synod. Zion's classis asked that a professor be elected as soon as possible. Northampton classis asked Becker as its representative in the seminary corporation to ask them 58 History op Reformed Church in the U. S. not to elect a professor but to postpone it until sjTiod met on account of the restlessness in the Church. The synod of 1822 at Harrisburg revealed a reaction. In- stead of the progressiveness and seeming extravagance of the synod of 1820, it now went to the other extreme of penny- wise economy and conservatism. Harrisburg loomed up as a suitable site and it was suggested that the professor be also pastor there and the salary ($1,000) be divided between the congregation and the synod. But there was a difficulty in the way. The pastor of the Harrisburg congregation at that time Avas Rev. John Wine- brenner. An influential party in the congregation were seek- ing to get rid of him and thought this a good method of doing so. It made the proposition to the synod and a committee was appointed to confer with the Harrisburg congregation. The consistory were favorable to it, but AVinebrenner sought for time to consider it. And so the synod had to leave the matter with a committee. The synod, however, changed the constitution of the board of managers from having only min- isters to nine ministers and three laymen.* As if prophetic of the future location of the seminar}^, some of the classes in 1823 took action about Franklin Col- lege at Lancaster. Zion's classis declared against applying funds to that institution. Lebanon classis declared that under no circumstances should our synod relinquish its share in the college. North Carolina classis declared that the plan to place the seminary at Harrisburg would fail and asked synod that the plan be given up for the present. Maryland Classis asked that, as there seemed to be no hope of founding the seminary, synod give permission to found a society which should labor toward founding such a school. The synod of 3 823 appointed a committee to confer with the delegates of the Harrisburg congregation, Judge Bucher and F. Kelker. They reported that their congi-egation was without a pastor and that the way was open to enter into the *This was the synod which the Governor of Pennsylvania, Joseph Hiester, visited in person and was recognized and received by them standing. He was a prominent member of our church. Early History of Seminary and College. 59 arrangement. The synod therefore chose Harrisburg as the location and elected a professor. Three candidates were named: S. Helffenstein, L. Mayer and J. C. Becker. On the first ballot the votes were nearly equal. But on the third ballot Mayer withdrew and Helffenstein was elected at a salary of $1,000, one-half of which was to be paid by the Harrisburg congregation to him as pastor. Dr. Helffenstein was a very worthy selection. He was descended from a family of preach- ers both in Germany and here. He was himself one of the ablest and most influential of the ministers in the church. Be- sides, he had ample experience in this line of work, because for years he had been preparing young men for the ministry in his own private theological seminary at Philadelphia. But after the synod adjourned, it became evident that the way was not clear yet. The Harrisburg charge got into con- troversy with Winebrenner, who had a considerable following in it. He continued to officiate in the country congregations belonging to it, as Shoup's and Wenrich's, His opponents in the Harrisburg charge brought charges against him to the synod of 1824, which, however, sent the matter for deci- sion down to Lebanon classis, to which the charge belonged. Winebrenner, however, did not go to Lebanon Classis but to Susquehanna classis, to which Harrisburg had belonged be- fore 1822, on the plea that the synod had transferred the congregation but not himself to Lebanon classis. And, strange to say, in this he was supported by a majority of votes in that classis, which complicated matters still more. It brought up the constitutional question w^hether the transfer of a congregation also meant the transfer of its pastor or not, a point which synod had never before decided. It arrayed one classis against another — Susquehanna against Lebanon. Leba- non classis declared Harrisburg vacant. Winebrenner then appealed to synod which very properly in 1825 sustained Lebanon classis. Finally, after three years of this contro- versy, Winebrenner wrote a letter, November 2, 1825, stating that he had in contemplation the formation of a new denomi- nation. His case was continued in the church courts until 1828, when synod finally excluded him. He then, in 1830, or- 60 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. ganized the denomination which he called "The Church of God" and which was a combination of the Methodist and Bap- tist principles. Winebrenner had not at first opposed the seminar}^ project, but had been quite sanguine in it, for in 1821 he pledged $200 a year toward it. It has been suggested that later, when he found that Harrisburg would be its location, he conceived the notion that, as he was pastor there, he might be elected pro- fessor. But he was as yet too young a man for such a posi- tion, having been only two years in the ministry. While he afterwards revealed elements of ability and became a man of considerable talents and popular gifts, he was as yet untried and his later course shows how unreliable he would have proved in the professor's chair. It has been said that he; was driven out of our church because he was a revivalist. Thnt is not true, for at that time there were other men in the synod as full of revival zeal as he. It was his continued insubordina- tion that drove him out. He had refused to notice the citat- ions of synod and had begun preaching against infant bap- tism. Synod -finally, after waiting for years, deposed him. Synod did not act hastily, as if glad to get rid of him, but carried it along, hoping for a reconciliation. The great op- position to revivals did not begin till about 1844, after Dr. Nevin wrote his tract on the Anxious Bench. And with the writing of this book, as we shall see, Winebrenner had iiuid- vertently something to do. Tlie seminary movement thus far seemed to have brought only liarm and no good. It had a professor-elect. Dr. Helf- fenstein, but no place for the seminary. And the result had been two schisms in the church, the first the Free synod in 1822, and later about 1830 the organization of the "Church of God" under Winebrenner. But the darkest day is just before the dawn. The Synod of 1823 found the church divided as to the best policy. Phila- delphia classis asked for a further postponement and sug- gested there be a board of three or four ministers to examine young candidates as also did Northampton classis. Maryland, with its usual boldness, was ready to shoulder the movement Early History of Seminary and College. 61 alone by erecting a seminary, but Philadelphia classis objected to s3aiod giving any such authority to any classis. Susque- hanna and Lebanon classes left it to the wisdom of the synod. The synod of 1824 was a convention-synod, not a delegate- synod. So the whole church was virtually present to come to a final decision on this important question. This synod re- vealed another critical time in the history of the seminary. In 1821 the difficulty had been between the German and English sections of the church. In 1824 the difficulty was that the church was becoming disheartened with the repeated difficul- ties which had cope up one after the other. So great was the opposition to going forward that the whole matter virtually rested on one vote. "When the vote was taken it resulted in a tie. Then the president, Dr. Hendel saved the day by voting, saying, "I vote for the seminary," adding, on account of the opposition to it: "I have broad shoulders and can carry very much." (He had to carry much for voting thus, for because of it he afterward resigned his charge.) His course was con- sidered all the more remarkable, since he came from. a section of the state that was German and prevailingly conservative. Fortunately at this synod there came an offer from the trustees of Dickinson College, a Presbyterian institution at Carlisle.* Dr. Cathcart, its president, thought it would be strengthened by an alliance with our Church, and so he made overtures. He made a liberal proposition, offering the use of the lecture-room in the college and the conveyance of a lot 100 feet square for the erection of suitable buildings, and also giving to the students the use of the college library and grant- ing tuition free of charge in all lectures in moral philosophy, evidences of Christianity, natural theology and political eco- nomics. They would pay the house-rent of the professor, for which he, in turn, Avas to teach history and German in the college and also be a member of the faculty. This proposition was accepted, although the report of the committee led by Hinsch, the leading representative of the uncompromising *It had been founded 1783 but had been declining because other insti- tutions had been started. 62 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. Germans, reads as if the leading purpose of the seminary were the perpetuation of the German consciousness and literature.* The synod having at last found a place for the seminary renewed the call to Rev. S. Ilelflfenstein to be professor of theology and elected Rev. L. Mayer as his alternate. Dr. Helffenstein declined the call, so it was offered to Dr. Mayer, who accepted it at a salary of $700. Dr. Mayer was a suitable person for the position in many respects. Although he did not have the advantages of a college training (very few of the ministers then were college graduates), yet he had had a fine classical education and had been a diligent student. His theo- logical studies had been under Rev. Daniel Wagner, one of the most pious and judicious ministers of our church. He had not had an experience in educating young men for the ministry like S. Helffenstein or J. C. Becker. He, however, had been a leader of the seminary party in the synod since its beginning and had borne much of the brunt of the opposition to it. He was, therefore, the natural choice of the synod for a position which he had so largely helped to create. With some diffidence and reluctance he accepted it, rather from a sense of duty than of the honor connected with it. He thus wrote al)out lu's acceptance of it more than ten years later: "When I accepted the call, the prospect of establishing a seminary was so dark and discouraging, that no brother whose situation Avas ])leas- ant could have been induced to accept it. I gave up a certainty for an uncertainty, relinquishing a bettor living and subjected myself to a sense of untried labor, resolved at the hazard of all I found dear, to make the effort to lay the foundation of an institution which I hoped would be a blessing to the church for ages to come." Before he began his work, lie visited the tboological semi- naries at Princeton and New Brmiswick, seeking information about studies and books. He then returned to Carlisle after a twenty -two days' trip and opened the seminary IMareli 11. 1825, Avith five students (one of them a Lutlieran), John Frederick Huber, of Bedford; Henry Wagoner, of Centre *Appel calls attention to tlio interesting custom of our synod at that time, that the ministers all sat in a row on the front seats around the chancel, arranged according to age. The elders sat behind them in like order. The ministers spoke according to (iieir seniority of age. Early History of Seminary and College. 63 County ; John Fritchey, of Dauphin County ; John H. Craw- ford, of Frederick County, Md., and Daniel Heilig, of Cumber- land County. Of these Huber alone had considerable prepara- tion. The rest were raw young men. "I am obliged," he said, "to teach them the rudiments of Greek and even of the grammar of their mother-tongue." He taught them the first chapter of Genesis, Shuekford's Connections and Greek. For dogmatics he used Stapfer's as well as Mursinna's. He deliv- ered his Inaugural Address April 6, at Carlisle. It was an Evangelical defense of Christianity and the Bible. In it he says of his work that "the course in the institution was de- signed to be Biblical, not scholastic. Our principal book Avill be the Bible and an instant eye will be kept on the re- ligious character of the students. Nothing inconsistent with piety will be allowed." Section 2. History of the Seminary at Carlisle (1825-29). The seminary was now at last opened, but its course was not smooth. It had five studtots, $300 in funds and a library of 100 volumes. Its first difficulty was. lack of students. In November, 1825, there were ten. Then, in the fall of 1826, they fell off to eight, but rose to twelve in January, 1827, and at the beginning of 1828 to thirteen. Another difficulty arose from the relations of the seminary to Dickinson College. The students of the college did not care to study German and the recitation room of the seminary was found to be unsatis- factory because of the pranks of the students. As the college was itself continually embarrassed for want of funds. Dr. ]\Iayer was not willing that they should pay his house-rent without being able to render the college some equivalent, so the next synod (1826) agreed to pay his house-rent. This set him freer in his relations to tlie college. Reily speaks of a misunderstanding between Dr. Mayer and some of the trus- tees of the college, but does not state what it was.* The financial difficulties of the seminary were the most seri- ous. The agents of the seminary had been able to raise very *From 1825-1828 Dr. Mayer is mentioned in the catalogues of Dickin- son College as professor of history and German. 64 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. little money. Dr. Mayer reported that up to Oct. 1, 1826, only four ministers had taken up a collection for the seminary, which, all told, amounted to about fifty-eight dollars. Then it was that one of the most faithful friends of the col- lege, Rev. J. R. Reily, pastor of the church at Hagerstown, suddenly conceived the notion that money could be raised in Europe. He almost took away the breath of the board of managers by the proposition. He rode up to the house of Dr. Bernard Wolff's father at Martinsburg, Va., sprang from his fine horse to the pavement, grasped the hand of young "Wolff and startled him by saying, "I am going to Germany." "But you are not on your way," replied Wolff. "No, but I soon will be. Wait till I get in the house and I will tell j^ou." They went in and he told Wolff of the idea which had struck his mind on the way. When the matter was brought before the seminary board on April 25, the board was at first some- what doubtful whether it ought to undertake such risks. But Mr. Reily w^as ready to father all losses if there be any, while the seminary was to get all the profits. All he asked was that if successful, his salary might be paid out of the fund. Still many looked on it as a wild-goose chase. He went on his journey with the recommendations of the board. To the surprise of many, he made a wonderful suc- cess at it. He was, however, admirably fitted to it. He was of Irish and German descent, and combined in himself the best elements of both nationalities. He was as well equipped in German as in English, and to the thoroughness and patience of the German he added the fluent oratory and quick wit of the Irishman, On the floor of synod he was the equal of any in debate. He sailed from Newcastle, Delaware, May 20, 182.5, and arrived safely at London. There Rev. Mr, Zieka, pastor of the German Reformed Church, encouraged him and gave him letters to Germany, Rev. Dr. Wer- ninck, the pastor of the Dutch Reformed Church of London, gave him letters of introduction to Holland which proved of the greatest value to him in giving him a hearing in that land. On June 23 he arrived at Rotterdam, but getting no aid he went to The Hague, where he also met with no success. He then went to Leyden and Haarlem ; at the latter place, Rev. Dr. Hacke encouraged him to go to Amsterdam. There Early History op Seminary and College. 65 Rev. Dr. Weyland, to whom lie harl a letter of introduction, encouraged him, recalling the fact that there had once been a Pennsylvania fund in the Hol- land churches.* He counselled him to wait until the synod of South Hol- land would meet at the Hague, July 6th, which he did. He went to the synod with letters of introduction and recommendation from Dr. Wey- land. The synod cordially welcomed him. This was the first time that the mother-church of the Netherlands and the daughter-church in America had been brought face to face since their separation in 1792, 33 years before. He inquired about the fund that had belonged to the Pennsylvania churches and was after- wards notified by the president that it had been distributed to destitute churches. However, the synod appointed a committee to confer with him and voted 1,000 guilders ($400) for the seminary in the hope that the broken-off correspondence between the two churches might be restored. And now, having the authority of the synod, liberal gifts began to come in. At Utrecht the Shunaman brothers had the appeal of our seminary board translated into Dutch and printed at their own expense, with an introduction by Professors Heringa and Schroeder, of the Uni- versity of Utrecht, and Rev. Mr. Weyland. Reily succeeded in interesting prominent ministers in Haarlem, Leyden, Hague, Rotterdam and Schie- dam. On October 7 he left for Germany. At Elberfeld, Oct. 25, that Reformed centre of Germany, he was most cordially received. The Appeal of the seminary board was reprinted in German and distributed. At Saren, near Muehlheim, he called to see Rev. Mr. Stahlschmidt, then aged 85, who had labored in our church in America at the beginning of the revolution. He was glad to see some one from his former church in America, but died soon after Reily 's visit. Reily visited Dusseldorf, Crefeld, Cologne, Mayence and Frankford. He arrived at Heidelberg (Nov. 18), where he was ably supported in his efforts by Professors Daub and Schwartz, and by Rev. Mr. Dittenberger, who collected books for the seminary library. At Stuttgard the king of Wurtemburg gave him pennission to take up collections. At Tuebingen Prof. Staeudal aided him. He then left Germany for Swritzerland, going first to Schaff- hausen (Dec. 29) and to Basle (Jan. 7). At Basle ho received his most cordial welcome in that land. He stayed six weeks with Mr. Stahelin and created great interest among the ministry in his work. Prof. De Wette became so interested that he wrote a pamphlet on the seminary which was published by Spittler, an elder of the Reformed Church of Basle. This pamphlet contained the letter of Hendel, the president of our synod, and Hinsch, its secretary, and the endorsement of the seminary by Governor Schulze of Pennsylvania, Henry Clay and others. It gave a brief history of the German Reformed Church *See my "History of the Reformed Church in the U. S., " pages 666- 673. / 66 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. in America, of Reily's journey, the articles of the seminary and its opening, also letters of recommendation by Veith, antistes of Schafif- hausen, dated Jan. 1, 1826, also of the Dutch ministers and of Inspector Blumhardt of the Basle Mission-house. DeWette offered to continue raising funds for the seminary and to continue the publication of re- ports on the condition of the church in America. Beily then visited Zurich where Antistes Hess, then SO years of age, although too old to do much personally for him, yet endorsed his efforts and issued a circular commending him, which brought in considerable money and books. He also visited Bern and Geneva successfully. In- deed he was so successful in pleading his cause that ladies gave their jewelry and one gave her gold watch. But unfortunately his health, which had been restored by the ocean voyage, broke down and he was prevented from going to the more distant parts of Switzerland. He, however, recommended to the seminary a young tutor at Basle (who was willing to come to America) that he might become the second pro- fessor in the seminary. Dr. Mayer generously offered to give up his position in Dickinson College to him if he would come, so that his appointment might conciliate the German brethren who were still some- what lukewarm toward the seminary. From Switzerland Reily returned to Germany. At Darmstadt, Van Ess gave him .500 copies of his New Testament for the poor people of America. At Leipsic the booksellers aided him with gifts of books. At Berlin, though unwell, he was very cordially welcomed by the King of Prussia, who was a warm adherent of the Heidelberg Catechism. The king gave him 200 rix-dollars and the royal sanction to collect funds (June 18, 1826). He was supported in this by the press and the min- isters. A female society was there formed to aid the seminary. He then went to Hamburg and Bremen, where he also raised money. Then he traveled to Amsterdam. Leyden, Liverpool, whence he sailed (Oct. 14), arriving at Philadelphia Nov. 16, after an absence of a year and a half. The total amount raised by him was $6,605, to which were added about 5,000 books. The shipping of these cost $1,653, leaving $5,042 for the seminary. But more important than the money returns, etc., from this trip was the impulse it gave to our church in seminary matters, for it served to rouse our congregations. If foreigners were so willing to do so much, our churches felt it their duty to do more. During Reily's absence in Europe an interesting correspond- ence occurred. It is very hard to find any material on the period of the seminary at Carlisle, but Dr. Mayer's letters to Reily give some very interesting sidelights to it. Tliese letters PlvRLv History of Seminary and College. 67 were written 1825-6, and have been published in the Haus- freund in 1879. From these we see that in the first years of the seminary's existence, its future was by no means as- sured. One of the letters says that if the seminary jiroject fails, then Mary- land and Zion's classes will unite together to raise money so that young men can be educated in an eastern seminary. In his first letter, March 25, Dr. Mayer says : ' ' Your mission to Europe is my chief source of encouragement." It seems that although the board of directors of the seminary had assumed no responsibility for Reily 's success in Europe, yet after all his lack of success would have been a severe blow, while his success abroad would stimulate greater efforts at home. On October 7, 1825, Dr. Mayer writes that he had laid Reily 's letter before the synod, stating that he had been raising money and getting books and that they had produced a great impression. As a result all opposition to the seminary was given up, although on the part of a few ministers there was still a xt synod (1826) learned that the last legislature had pigeon-holed the charter, it ap- pointed a committee of tive gentlemen prominent in the state, Judge Bucher, Gabriel Iliester, surveyor gmieral of the state, Dr. Luther Reily and J. P. Helffenstein to aid the directors in securing a charter in the legislative session (1826-7). Find- ing this difficult, they placed the matter in the hand of Rev. Mr. Ebaugh, the pastor at Carlisle, who claimed to have been appointed agent for the seminary. He sfill further compli- Early History op Seminary and College. 60 cated matters. ]iy nature an enthusiast and visionary, he con- ceived the idea that the seminary ought to buy the Reformed church and parsonage at Carlisle. The value of the prop- erty was about $5,000. He offered to collect the amount in Cumberland County. This would have enabled the con- gregation to build a new church. To this plan five members of the seminary board, (less than a quorum) agreed on May 24, 1826, and the consistory of the church also agreed to it. IVIr. Ebaugh looked on this transaction as a contract, entered into by the directors of the seminary with the congregation. But the majority of the directors did not so view it, but only as advisory. The synod, they said, must approve or reject the purchase. This synod did not do but claimed it was not bind- ing. Meanwhile, Mr. Ebaugh had gone ahead, collected a thousand dollars in subscriptions and also some books. He and his congregation had the Reformed church altered into a lecture room and some of the classes of the seminary used it. They also began building a new church. The result was (as the directors claimed they were not bound to him, as the synod gave them no authority,*) that the church became bank- rupt. Their new building was sold and pui'chased by the Methodists. While Ebaugh was thus complicating matters financially, he was in the meanwhile also complicating the matter of the charter. After the matter had been placed in his own hands, what did he do but on his own authority amend the charter by changing it so as to give the synod less authority and give more authority to the board itself. He omitted articles which gave to the synod the absolute control of the seminary, of its property and of the election of professors. These matters were placed in the hands of the directors. This gave the di- rectors such great powers that it virtually made them a close corporation. He then appealed to the supreme court for a charter, instead of to the legislature as synod had ordered, and it granted the charter. *Ebaugh's consistory, after synod liad iiict, forbade him to go any farther in collecting money, as synod was not favoralile to his proposals and did not promise to make Carlisle the permanent location of the seminary. 70 History of Reformed Church ix the U. S. The next synod (1827) repudiated this charter and ordered the articles omitted by Ebaugh to be restored. It also changed the charter so as to allow its removal from Carlisle, if deemed necessary. (Ebaugh had had it stated in his charter that it must remain at Carlisle.) But the synod, while rejecting the charter, unfortunately for the sake of a compromise, left the old directors in office. It appointed a committee, with Rev. Mr. Reily, as chairman, to apply for a charter to the legisla- ture and not to the supreme court. He could have gained it if he had been sustained by all the members of the committee, but there was one member on the committee who, in spite of its adoption by synod, prevented the verdict. So when the next synod (1828) met, there was still no charter. The synod, having by this time lost faith in Ebaugh 's judgment and lost patience at his actions, now took matters into its own hands and appointed a committee of five to take charge of all the property of the seminary and instructed that noth- ing be paid out except by order of this committee. Reily was again instructed to secure a charter. This was a great disappointment to Ebaugh and he entered his protest, which synod did not heed, and later Ilinsch, Ebaugh and Jacob Hendel as a committee of the l)oard filed a protest. In the meantime another difficulty came up. The charter re- jected by the synod had of course by that act become a dead letter. But as the directors named in it were retained as di- rectors of the synod, it had, as a legal document, a certain degree of vitality. The members present at a board meeting under the pseudo-charter, gave Ebaugh a judgment bond of $2,024 against the seminary for losses sustained l)y the Re- formed congregation in Carlisle in building their church, as it was sold by the sheriff at that nnich less than cost. So Ebaugh had sold, as the property of the seminary, the Re- formed church parsonage and three lots, although the semi- nary never had any papers of transfer or deeds for any of it. This property, said by Ebaugh to be worth $7-8.000, was sold at only $1,500, and the sheriff was authorized to get the bal- ance out of any property the seminai-y might have. Early History of Seminary and College. 71 Such was the state of affairs when the Synod of 1829 met. There was still no charter. The seminary was alienated from the Reformed church at Carlisle. Ebaugh was the bitter foe of Dr. Mayor. At this synod, Ebaugh read a statement vin- dicating himself and his friends. Reily, as chairman, replied and was supported by Dr. Mayer, All these things revealed the strained condition of affairs at Carlisle. Dr. IVIayer wrote that as the sheriff* was only w^aiting to levy, he Avas careful that no one should get the keys of the library. It was evident that Dr. IMayer and the seminary were very uncomfortable at Carlisle, also that the church at large had entirely lost faith in Ebaugh. So at this synod Dr. Mayer gave it as his view that Carlisle was not the place for the seminary. Be- sides the Cumberland Valley was a Scotch-Irish district, with comparatively few Germans and, therefore, was not sympa- thetic to our work, while York was located in a German settlement with many adherents of our Church and especially of Dr. Mayer, who had formerly been a pastor there. And Dr. Mayer also reported that there was no room at Carlisle for the library or for recitations, and he had to have them in his own house. The synod then, by a vote of twenty -three to one, ordered its transfer to York. This change originated with Rev. Dr. Cathcart, pastor of the Presbyterian church at York, who suggested that probably considerable subscriptions might be there obtained. It is interesting to notice that if it had remained at Carlisle it might have become heir to Dickinson College which was later (1833) transferred from the Presbyterians to the IMethodists. Had we remained, we would have been on the ground ready to take it. But evidently God's plan was otherwise. Thus the seminary, after being about four and a half years at Carlisle, was removed to York. The number of students continued small, but these few were greatly needed by the Church and proved the usefulness of the seminary by becom- ing influential in the Church. 72 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. Section 3. The Theological Seminary at York and the Organization of the Classical School (1829-1835). The seminary was opened at York November 11, 1829, with twelve students. Dr. Mayer, on his own responsibility, pur- chased a property for the seminary at the northwest corner of Market and Penn streets, which synod later accepted.* An important step had been taken by the Synod of 1829 in the election of Rev. Daniel Young as professor. He Avas of Reformed ancestry but had been reared and educated in the Presbyterian Church. He was a brilliant young man and when delegate from the Presbyterian General Assembly to our synod in 1827 had made a most favorable impression. He was also elected to the editorship of the new "German Re- formed Church Magazine." He was well versed in Hebrew and cognate languages and M'rote an article in the Princeton Biblical Repertory (1829) on "The Sacred Poetry of the Early Christians" which reveals his Syriac studies. He also wrote a "Review of Essays and Dissertations on Biblical Literature" in the same work in 1830. In early life he had hoped to go as a missionary to Arabia, and so had made a special study of Arabic and Syriac. He understood German well. At first he taught Biblical literature, exegesis and church history. Unfortunately his health soon broke down and he was compelled to go south, where he died at Augusta, Georgia, in March, 1831. He was a beautiful Christian char- acter and his death was a great loss to the seminary and tlio Church. The most important step taken at York was the founding of a Classical School, which was opened in 1831 .f So many students for the ministry came so poorly prepared that such a school became a necessity. The school seems at first to have been taught by Rev. Mr. Boyer, a Presbyterian minister, who had had charge of the York Academy, then by William A. *It had l)oon an old-time sclionl-liouse and was about fifty foot in length. j-Accordinfr to a wcll-fonnch'd traditinii IIk^ classical school was start oil in a building on Routli (Icorge Stroct, adjoining the site of the present St. Mary's Catholic (Church, says William Welsh. In this building the Goethean Society of Marshall ("ollcue was founded. Early History of Sfjminary and College. 78 Good, one of the few students in the seminary who had had the advantage of a good preparatory training and was there- fore better qualified than most of the students. He taught during the summer term of 1832 ''with much acceptance," says A. H. Kremer, one of his students. In September, 1832. Dr. Ranch was elected principal of the classical school and by the synod, ])rofessor in the seminary. Rev. John A. Agnew, formerly professor of languages in Washington College, had been appointed assistant. The latter resigned September, 1832, and Rev. H. Miller, a licentiate of the Free synod, was his successor till 1834. Later, Rev. Mr. Dober, of the ]Mo- ravian Church of York, taught (1833-5).* Finally Mr. S. W. Budd, later Prof. Budd, became teacher. The number of seminary students slowly increased, Mayer reporting fourteen in 1831. But it was especially the founding of the classical school and the coming of Prof. Ranch that gave the educa- tional movement a boom. Ranch reported already in 1833 forty-seven students, and in 1834 seventy-six students. In 1834 the name was changed to High School, which was the German name for a small university. But in spite of the prosperity of the seminary, its old trou- bles about the charter followed it. Ebaugh had tried to re- tain the seminary at Carlisle. As he could not do that, ho made its departure as difficult as possible by taking out a judgment against the seminary for the amount of money which he said was due his church. As a result, the sheriff of York County, by reason of a process from Cumberland Comity, in which Carlisle was situated, levied on the property of the seminary and sold a part of the lil)rary, which Reily re- purchased on his own responsibility and money. (When the charter troubles were over, he afterwards sold it to the semi- nary for what he here paid for it.) In return, the seminary took a process of trespass against the sheriff of York County. The lawyers of York, says Prof. Theodore Appel, were pitted against those of Carlisle. This suit was finally gained for the seminary in 1831. A motion, however, was made ^or a new *He used to say. " O, Hebrew; T have learned it. seven tinn's and for- gotten it seven times." 74 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. trial and the decision of the jury was set aside by the court on a legal technicality. This further delayed and complicated the case. The seminary pressed its suit and the case was con- tinued for a number of years, becoming known in the annals of the sj^nod as the Sheriti' Dimcan case. It became a by-word at the synod's meetings, all becoming heartily tired of it, and nothing was ever expected to come out of it. But it was pressed by Jolm L. ]\Iayer, Esq., of York, (a son of Dr. Mayer and a leading lawyer), and in 1836 it was reported that the case with Ebaugh was settled. The costs of the suit were $1,187, and this was apportioned among the classes. Synod finally made a full settlement in 1839. The suit against ex- Sheritf Duncan was continued. Rev. J. 0. INIiller, of York, and J. J. Naille, of Hanover, were a committee to take charge of it. They continued it until 1866, when they reported that the heirs of Duncan, to get rid of a lien which the committee had placed on their property, paid $1,000 to the seminary. So closed one of the unpleasant experiences of the Church. Rev. Mr. Reily, after his return from Europe, learning of the difficulties that had come up through Ebaugh, retained the money and books he had collected in Germany until all the differences had been adjusted and a charter for the school obtained. After this was done he turned over both books and money, with interest, to the seminary in 1829. And finally the seminary gained its charter in 1831. But financial difficulties continued to harass the seminary. The increase in the num- b(^r of students brought new expenses which the tuition fees did not cover. In November, 1832, Rev. Dr. Cathcart, of the Presbyterian church at York, made a suggestion that $2,500 be raised by $50 subscriptions. This was pushed and con- siderable money was realized. But in 1834 the agent of the seminary was dismissed at his own request, because the money collected was not sufficient for his expenses. At a meeting of the Synod of 1835 the prospects of the seminary were very depressing, there being a deficit of over $2,000, which had to be paid out of tlie synod's treasury. It looked as if there were some danger that Prof. Ranch would be compelled to resign for lack of support. He had flattering Early History of Seminary and College. 75 offers from other institutions. One old minister at tlie synod hearing of this said, "he had flour and potatoes at home, but that if the prosperity of the High School required it, Ranch should eat the flour and he the potatoes." So two new movements led to new unrest about the loca- tion of the seminary. The first was financial stringency, the second was the growth of the classical school toward a college. It was felt that something must be done to meet these two conditions. It had been expected that York would do much for the seminary, but she had done nothing, so its removal to another place was suggested. The subject of removal came up at the synod of 183-1 at Pittsburg. As Pittsburg was so far from the centre of the synod, it was a small synod ; so a convention was ordered to 'be held at Harrisburg in December to decide on the removal of the seminary. When this met, it declined to come to a de- cision. In June, 1835, a convention of ministers and the board of visitors decided to throw open the matter for bids. At the synod of 1835 propositions came in from INIercersburg, Chambersburg, Lancaster and also from York. IMercersburg was especially strongly championed by Rev. Jacob Mayer, the Reformed pastor there. He so interested that connnunity that it made an offer of $10,000 and also ground for a building and a house for the professors till their houses were built. Lan- caster wanted the classical school, so as to add it to its Frank- lin College. Chambersburg also presented its claim through Rice, the Reformed pastor there. Prof. Dubbs says that the school might easily have been retained at York if there had been, as in the other places, any one to rouse the people to a sense of its importance. The Synod of 1835 decided for Mercersburg, probably on the ground of its gift of $10,000 (of which only $3,934.37 are said to have been paid,* al- though there was a promise held out then that the great rail- road (later the Pennsylvania Railroad) would go west through Chambersburg and IMercersburg, a promise never fulfilled. There was, however, considerable opposition to the seminary *Dubb's History of Franklin and Marshall College, page 243, note. 76 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. r«Mnoval at York, and among the students as well as in certain parts of the Church.* Thirty-four students were graduated from the seminary wliile it was at York, many of whom soon became leaders in the Church. The classical school was removed in the fall of 1835. But the theological seminary was not removed at that time, for the board of trustin^s objected to its removal, fearing lest by consenting to the removal, the charter would be for- feited, the board dissolved and legal control of the fimds lost. The treasurer refused to pay the salaries of the pro- fessors if it were removed to ]\Iercersburg. For this reason and because of affliction in his family, Mayer refused to go to Mercersburg. The synod, however, took legal advice on this subject and, when the legal difficulty was removed, ordered the seminary also to "be removed to JMercersburg. For this reason the seminary was not removed until 3837, a year and more after the removal of the preparatory school. Section 4. The Theological Seminary at IMercersbijrg AND THE Founding of Marshall College (1836-18-1:4). The Classical School opened at Mercersburg, November. 1835. It came from York with eighteen students and two pro- fessors, Ranch and Budd. The college soon after, INIarch 31, 1836, received its charter from the State of Pennsylvania. The state also made an appropriation of $12,000 towards its endowment, but required it to give tuition to twenty students free of charge. It was named after the late Chief-Justice Marshall who had died the year before, "out of respect to his exalted character, great worth and high mental attainments." Of tlie ])oard of trustees of \ho college. Rev. Mr. Rice, pastor *Rev. Moses KielTor, in a reiiiiiiisceiice, tells the story that the students used to go out canvassing for the Mcs.scnger. A })ious older of one of the congregations met one of them, who was bemoaning the change and asked him what was the matter. lie replied that the institutions were to be removed to Mercersburg, an out-of-the-way place, — a nuidliole, — where there was no society or religion either, nothing V)ut blue stocking- ism. "O," said the elder, "y(ni must not take it so liard ; Mercersburg will i>ay .$10.1)00 for the buildings." "Ten thousand dollars." he re- 2jlied. "The ten students who are working for the Mrsscnger could easily have raised $10,000 for ^'ork in order io i)ut up buildings." Early History of Seminary and CoiiLEOE. 77 of our church at Chambcrsburg, was made president. lie greatly aided in securing- money. The board, July 12, 1836, elected Prof. Ranch president of the college and also professor of Hebrew, Greek, German and evidences of Christianity. He was also to remain as before, professor of Biblical theology in the seminary. Prof. Budd was made professor of mathe- matics, chemistry, natural philosophy, etc. Rev. Mr. Berg, pastor at Harrisburg, was later elected professor of Latin and Greek. This action of the college board, in going ahead and organizing the college without waiting for the action of the synod, was criticized by some at the next s.ynod.* The board replied that it became necessary for it to do so, as Dr. Ranch had an urgent call from Ohio and b}^ electing him president he was induced to remain. A law school was also established in connection with the college in February, 1838, but located at Chambersburg. Judge Alexander Thompson was made professor of law in it. It continued in existence up to 1848, but was not closely identified with Marshall college except that its graduates received their degrees from the college. The Preparatory. School was established as soon as the college was organized and Rev. W. A. Goodf w^as made its first rector. We can not pass from this notice of the beginnings of Mar- shall College without some reference to the Rev. j\Ir. Rice, the president of its first board of trustees. He was elected the agent of the college in 1836 and with his usual earnestness he undertook the work, his pulpit being supplied by neighboring brethren during his absence. He returned in the spring of 1837, having raised, it is said, nearly $6,000 but at the sacri- fice of his life, for he returned imwell and died on May 3. He was a most spiritually-minded, self-sacrificing man. "When he died Marshall College was on his mind. As he died, he wliispered to a friend at his bedside, "Give my love to the professors and tell them not to despond." *Alroa(ly tlio qupstion was coming up ■nbether the eollefje should be under the direct or indirect control of the synod. The latter finally pre- vailed and it has been controlled by its own board, though reporting to the synod. fThe father of the author of this book. 78 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. The Theological School was not removed until 1837. A new building was erected for it, its comer-stone being laid August 17, 1836, when an English address was delivered by Rev. Mr. Rice, of Chambersburg, and a German address by Rev. William A. Good. Dr. Ilendel had charge of the cere- monies. As the seminary virtually owed its existence to his vote at the Synod of 1824, he was very cordially welcomed. The building was completed by December, 1837, but Dr. jNIayer refused to come to Mercersburg and had resigned February, 1837. Prof. Rauch was therefore the only professor of the- ology. Fortimately the number of theological students was small. Rauch reported, September 24, 1838, that there were only three, of whom two had to give up studying and only one (Bomberger) remained. The resignation of Dr. Mayer pro- duced a new emergency in the Church. Lebanon, IMaryland and Susquehanna classes requested that some one from our own Church be elected and the latter desired Prof. Mayer again. At the synod of 1838 there were three nominees, Smaltz, Willers and INIayer. The two former declined and ]\layer was re-elected at a salary of $1,000. He removed to ]\lercersburg, re-opening the seminary No- vember 9, 1838. He taught for one year (1838-9). At first everything went along harmoniously, but soon friction Ijegan to develop. Dr. ^Mayer was charged by some of the students with heretical teaching. Five of the students be- came dissatisfied and after one of them had interviewed Dr. ]\Iayer to see if they were right in their understanding o£ his views, one of them went to Dr. Schneek at Chambers- burg to notify him of their proposed withdrawal from the seminary. None of the students preferred any charges against Dr. Mayer. They only gave notice of tlicir dissatis- faction. So the board of visitors was called together. TIk^ students one by one were brought before the board and examined. Afterward Dr. ]\Iayer was interviewed by the board. The decision of the board was: (1) that the students had failed to understand Dr. INIayer correctly and (2) that he was advised to be more careful in the expression of his views so as not to be misunderstood. But the students Early History of Seminary and College. 79 were not satisfied with tliis reflection on their ability to un- derstand. So four of them* asked for hitters of dismissal. Another left without dismissal and a sixth left to earn some money to pay his way through the seminary : so that by the end of the term there were only three students. G. Williard, Miller and Webb. Dr. Mayer became sick and resigned at the Synod of 1839. When the matter came up before synod there was a sharp discussion. Dr. Mayer attempted to vindicate himself and in so doing made statements that reflected on Prof. Ranch, who then replied at length. The synod accepted the resigna- tion of Dr. Mayer, passing a vote of thanks for his faithful and valuable service. The synod then proceeded to elect a successor. Three can- didates were named: J. C. Becker, Willers and W. A. Good. Rev. Dr. Becker was elected. He was a man of ability and one of the last ministers to prepare students for the ministry privately. But he declined. The board of visitors then elected Rev. A. Helffenstein to the position temporarily but he declined. So all the theological teaching (1839-40) was given into the hands of Dr. Ranch again. He reported, how- ever, that the number of students in the Fall of 1839 was in- creasing, being nine. Finally a special meeting of synod was held, February 5, 1840, at which Rev. J. W. Nevin, D.D., professor in the Western Theological Seminary of the Presby- terian Church at Allegheny City was elected. On jMay 20 of that year he was inaugurated as professor of theology. But the college and seminary were called upon to pass through a very severe trial in the death of Prof. Ranch, on March 2, 1841. At his death Dr. Nevin was asked to accept the presidency, which he did. Dr. Nevin now had also the sole charge of the seminary, assisted only by a teacher of Hebrew. The financial condition of the college still gave concern. Still, with the election of Dr. Nevin came new inspiration to lift the seminary out of its financial troubles. Rev. Jacob Mayer was appointed special agent for the seminary for eight years. Finally a movement was started in 1841 to put the col- *Kieffer and A. Kremcr, of the Class of ]839, ami Gcrhart and Martin, of the next class. 80 History of Reformed Ciiircii ix the V. S. lege and seminary in a good financial condition by the offering of a Centenary fund. This movement was first suggested by i\Iaryland elassis, but was later ordered by the synod. "Why they chose 1841 as the Centenary is not clear. Perhaps because the Philadelphia congregation had recently ol)served its cen- tennial in 1839, or perhaps because Boehm's church, which was then reputed to be the oldest church, had over its door the date 1740. The Holland records, since discovered, reveal how wrong they were in observing this year as a centennial, for the centennial of the organization of the first congregation would have come in 1825 and of the eoetus or synod in 1847, so that 1841 was not the Centenary of anything.* l^ut right or wrong they observed this centennial and it turned out to be a financial success as a large amount of money was raised. The plan was to raise ^100,000, $1,01)0 for each year of the existence of the synod. The project was taken up with great alacrity in different parts of the chui-ch. fSpecial meetings of the classes were held in order to further the movement. ]\Iercersburg elassis agreed to raise .$25,000 and Nevin called on Franklin County to raise .$10,000. At Mercersburg an enthusiastic meeting was held. Dr. Ranch pledged himself for .$500. as did Prof. Hudd. Dr. Nevin gave $1,000 for himself and family, the largest amount, says Dr. Appel, probably contributed during this Centenary year. As far west as Ohio the centennial move- ment found some support. Of the three district synods there, only the third took special action, for it resolved to gather $20,- 000 for beneficiary students and missions. i\laryland elassis aimed to raise $30,000. Much was raised in $.500 scholar- ships, payable in five years, and named after the congrega- tions raising them or after individuals designated by them. Thus the Philadelphia congregation raised three scholarships and named them after their former pastors, Weyberg, Wynck- haus and Hendel. By August, Nevin reported upwai-d of 100 scholarships taken. Various towns raised considi'rable, *For in 1741 tho Pennsylvania "Reformed wore in a sad condition. Boehm was trying to get the Ifolland C^hurches interested in us and the Holland fathers were trying but in vain to do something for our Churches. Early History of Seminary and College. 81 Eastou, $1,200; Lebanon, in four days, $4,300; North Caro- lina, $5,000; Reading. $4,-$5,000 and expected to raise $7,000. To stimulate the interest, Eev. S. R. Fisher wrote his excellent "Notes on the Palatinate Catechism," Avhich were published in the Messenger and afterwards in book form. Dr. Nevin wrote a long series of articles in the Messenger on the "History of the Heidelberg Catechism," which were afterward published in book form but very much changed, altered and abbreviated to suit the later IVIercersburg the- ology. t)r. Heiner also wrote a series of articles in the Mes- senger on the Swiss Reformers. A centennial hymn was pub- lished, written by Lydia Jane Pierson,* which was set to music by Rev. Dr. Schneck. Thou, who are enthroned in glory, Crowned with joy and robed with grace, Lo, we humbly bend before thee, Offering up our songs of praise. Mighty God and gracious Saviour, Spirit of enduring grace. Come in thine especial favor. With thy glory fill this place. Since our fathers — poor — and strangers Sought the western forest 's shade. From Helvetia's vine-clad moun- tains Came a little friendless band. By the rich Ehine's infant foun- tains Others left their fatherland. See the star whose riding splendor Heralded a Saviour's birth, Now in its meridian splendor Smiles upon the joyous earth. Heart and han would get on the steps of the parsonage and preach. As he was often interrupted by his step-mother the father said, "Let him go, he will make an excellent preacher. ' ' * Frederick was cate- *The father was a very strict man. Tie would say to his catechumens, "My name is Rauch (meaning 'smoke') and when I smoke I smoke right. ' ' But he was an earnest i)reachpr. Early History op Seminary and College. 93 chized by his father. The catechumens, usually sixty to eighty in number, met in the parsonage in a room set apart for them. He was confirmed by his father at Lichenroth, June 4, 1820,* when he was fourteen years ohl, after wliich he went to The Church in Which Professor Rauch Was Baptized. study at the gymnasium at Ilanau.t U^ entered the fourth grade and studied there for three years. Dr. Welker, in his Eulogy after Ranch's death, gives the fact that his father *One of tlie branch churches of tlie charge of which the church at Kirchbracht was the chief. f "^Ticn he came home, the people used to say he was ' ' over-studied. ' ' 94 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. thought him too yoimg to go to the gjniinasiiim. although his eager thirst for knowledge would brook no delay. At this time he visited an aunt, to whom he confided his diffi- culties .".nd desire to prosecute his studies. She sympathized with him and furnished him Avith the means to go. His father finding him credital)ly attending to his studies, later cheer- fully supplied him with the means. At Hanau he was espe- cially impressed by the teaching of Prof. Sduippius, who taught him Nepos, Ctesar and Ovid and inspired him with a great love of the classics. From Hanau he went to Biidingen because "of necessity" he says. We notice among the teachers there a Haderman. perhaps a relative of his mother's, with whom perhaps he could live cheaply. After a year or two he went to the uni- versity at Giessen.* His father wanted him to study for the ministry and take up especially religious and theological branches, but to his father's regret he preferred linguistic, philosophical and historical studies. He remained at Giessen for three years (]82'4-27). Then he went to Frankford-on-the Main, where his uncle (his mother's brother) had opened a commercial school,f and Ranch was to help him because he was in ill-health. While at Frankford, he made application to the University of IMarburg to grant him the degree of doctor of philosophy, submitting to them a Latin dissertation on "The Electra of Sophocles," which he imblished (1827) at their recpiest. It was an able and elaborate discussion of the literary and j)hil()Iogica.l characteristics of that Greek work. He was finally granted his degree while still teaching in the Haderman Institute at Frankford. On December 17, 1727, he matriculated at the University of Heidelberg as a student of philosophy. Prof. Daub was the great attraction there, but as vacillating in judgment as he was brilliant in *These main facts of his early life and studies we have gleaned from a Latin autobiography which he submitted to the University of Mar- burg on his application for his degree. f Haderman 's Erziohungs-anstalt was opened March, 1S02, and con- tinued in existence till September, 1832, says Dr. Ebrard, the director of the City Library at Frankford. Early History of Seminary and College. 95 mind, swinging the circle philosophically. He was first a Kantian, then a follower of Schelling and finally a Hege- lian, and for this changeableness he has been called "the Tallyrand of modern philosophy. ' ' When Ranch came nnder him it was during the Hegelian period of his life. Like Hegel, Daub resolved everything down to ideas. Thus he made Judas Iscariot the incarnation of evil just as Jesus was the incarnation of God. While Strauss carried these Hegelian ideas out into rationalism. Daub still tried to keep near the borders of orthodoxy, although very speculative. Ranch al- ways spoke of Daub with great veneration. Indeed he was one of Daub's favorite pupils. "He was favored," says Welker, "with private intercourse with Daub, and the con- versations during their private walks formed epochs in his life to which he often loved to refer. At such times the great truths of ethics were investigated in their origin and consequences." Daub gave a great intellectual stimulus to Raueh, as had Schuppius at Hanau and Schmidhenner at Giessen. A year later, November 29, 1828, he again matricu- lated at Giessen University. In 1829 he was noted in its catalogue as the youngest private docent or teacher. He made a request, March 31, 1830, to be allowed to give thirty lectures during the summer semester on logic, dialectics and psychology according to Hegel. There was considerable ne- gotiation between him and the faculty about the recognition of his doctor's degree, which had been gained at another university (Marburg), but finally the Bureau of Justice of Hesse-Darmstadt granted it on April 18. In that year he also published at Marburg an elaborate pamphlet, "The Identity of the Hindu, Persian, Pelasgic, German and Slavic Nations as Sho^^^l by their Languages and Customs." It was dedicated to Daub and to Schmidhenner, his professor of his- tory at Giessen, the preface being dated April 15, 1830. It is an elaborate disciLssion, revealing great linguistic ability and considerable research. In the preface he pays a special tribute to Prof. Schmidhenner. He evidently intended pub- lishing another volume, probably giving a comparison of the 96 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. customs of these nations as this is taken up onl}^ with the lan- guages. In 1830 he published at Biidingen his Lectures on "Goethe's Faust," part of which he had given as lectures at Giessen to a considerable body of students and as he had been pre- vented by "external circumstances" from delivering the later lectures, he published them. Welker says that Gjtpthe in his conversation with Eckerman. pronoimced it to be the best of the numerous work's that had been written on his Faust. It reveals fine literary criticism. He aimed, how- ever, to show the theological meaning of the work as well as its literary character. But it reveals his theological stand- point as Hegelian and very speculative. He evidently was inclining to be. like Daub, quite lax in his views. There is a tradition that when he would preach for his father (as he did occasionally) he revealed his tendencies toward rational- ism. He Avas at this time a teacher rather than a preacher. There is a tradition that he was invited to a position in the University of H(Mdel])erg, but we have been alile to find no record of it. He remained at Giessen until the Fall of 1881. Of the other works mentioned by Harbaugh as having been published while Ranch was yet in Germany, as the ResurriH'- tion (in Latin), Auricular Confession. Separation from the Church, a treatise on Apostasy, we have not been able to find them or even a notice of their publication. He. however, l)ublished a small work which appeared after he left Ger- many, 1832, entitled "The Glorification of the Universe, or The Destiny of Men."* The cause of his sudden departure from Giessen was the fact that he expressed himself too freely on the subject of civil government. After the Napoleonic wars a spirit of free- dom was awakened in Germany. The assassination of Kotza- bue by Sand in 1819 aroused the suspicions of the German rulers and they began a policy of repression and espionage. As this movement was prominent among the students, many *A copy of this work was sold at Iloidelbprg in 1910, but wc have never been able to see a copy of it, as the university libraries do not have it. Early History of Seminary and College. 97 professors and students were compelled to flee from the country. Thus De Wette lost his professorship and went to Switzerland. The Bursehenschaft arose out of the French wars and was founded by "Welcker. A society was founded at Giessen in 1814 and Carl Follen became a leader. Suspected of revolutionary tendencies by the university, this society was outlawed and he came to America.* But in 1826 a new Ger- man Burschenschaft was organized. "This Burschen element was prominent at Giessen," says Prof. Schiedt.f "Its great- est enemy. Baron Franz Joseph von Ahrens, was appointed chancellor. He imprisoned Pastor Weidig and other patriots. Ranch publicly declared himself in their favor and was threat- ened with arrest. As this might mean life-imprisonment or even death, he fled. ' ' He went first to his father, then pastor at Hitzkirchen, but could spend only a couple of hours at midnight secretly with him. His father, then in an agony of sorrow at his departure, upbraided him, saying "O, Fritz." Frederick then took a solemn vow that when he would reach America he would be a different man. His previous manner of life seems not to have been quite pleasing to his father, as we have seen, not because there was any immorality but perhaps because he was inclined to literary and philosophical studies rather than theological, perhaps because he was too impulsive or inclined too much toward liberal theological views. "Whatever the reason, he kept his promise on arriving in America. He became a new man, as we shall see. This, however, does not seem to have been the only reason, according to our recent researches, of his departure. There had evidently been a controversy for some time against him in the faculty of the University of Giessen. When attending the lectures in philosophy (or philology) in the winter of 1828-9, Prof. Osann, because of some absences from lectures, which Ranch claimed were unavoidable, forbade his further attendance. And Prof. Osann afterwards in his lectures referred to him publicly as "a poor subject," and in speaking of him, refused to give him his title of "Doctor," and called *See "Karl Follen iind die Giessener Schwarzen" by Haupt, 1907. fReformed Eeview, 3906, page 438. 98 History of Reformed CnuRcn in the U. S. him only "Mister." This, in Germany, was usuallj'- consid- ered a gross insult. Ranch, therefore, complained against this to the state authorities, who had charge of the education of the duchy and under whom the university was placed, that such language was abusive and that he rightly was entitled to the title of Doctor because he had received the degree from the University of Marburg. This controversy with Prof. Osann lingered on from 1829 until after his coming to America, and must have made him very uncomfortable.* He arrived at New York after a voyage of forty-nine days, for on November 14, 1831, he wtote a letter home, telling of his safe arrival. He went to Easton, where he learned the English language, also giving lessons in music and teaching German in Lafayette College. There he became acquainted with Rev. Thomas Pomp, the pastor of the German Reformed church. He was present at East Pennsylvania classis in the spring of 1832, and asked the classis to support him in the publication of a work on the trinity. Classis agreed to support him and gave him a special recommendation. In June, 1832, he went to York, highly recommended by Presi- dent Junkin of Lafayette College, Rev. Dr. Gray, the Presbyterian minister of Easton, and the Rev. Messrs. Pomp, Becker, Hoffeditz and Gerhart, of our church, as a person fitted to be the principal of our newly-founded Clas- sical School there. His election to it met with general ap- proval. Susquehanna and IMaryland Classes in 1833 both ap- proved of his election as principal of the Classical Academy. He soon revealed his remarkable linguistic talents and in 1832 the synod elected him professor of sacred languages in the theological seminary at a salary of $600.t He was *Not infrequently a professor in Germany is forced out of a university faculty by the continued opposition of one or more of the other pro- fessors. Cuno Fisher, the eminent professor of philoso])hy at Heidel- berg, was thus forced out of that faculty many years a<^o, tliough he returned after the death of his enemies. fThe synod ran a great risk in electing an almost unknown young man (so soon after his arrival in America) to such a responsible a posi- tion as professor of theology. If Eauch had continued holding, the speculative views he had, under the influence of Daub, held in dermany, our church would soon have had trouble with him. But fortunately he Early History op Seminary and College. 91) ordained to the ministry October 17, 1832, when the sermon was preached by Rev. A. Helffenstein and the charge deliv- ered by Prof. Mayer, Dr. Zacharias presiding. The next day he was inaugurated as professor in the theological seminary, when he delivered an address on ''The Object of Theological Study." It was a fair production, stating the Evangelical standpoint but not revealing his peculiar ability. His ap- pointment gave great satisfaction to the German part of the Church, as many of them had all along felt that the semi- nary was too nuich under English influences. The election of Ranch disarmed nuicli of the opposition of the Free synod to the seminary and was one of the causes that pre- pared the way for the return of that synod to the old church. Dr. Ranch's tine pedagogical talent soon brought the school into great prosperity. In the Spring of 1833 he was called to the presidency of Pennsylvania College, the Lutheran institution at Gettysburg, but at the urgent request of his Reformed brethren he declined. His salary was raised to $800. In 1834 he prepared a work, "History of Neology in Ger- many," a defense against the rationalists. A prospectus of this work appeared in the Messenger, stating it was to be translated by Rev. Herman Bokum, professor of German literature of the University of Pennsylvania.* This work was, we understand, never published because not sufficiently supported by subscriptions. In 1835 he went with- the Classical School to Mercersburg and soon after was elected the first president of Marshall College (1836) at a salary of $1,000. He, therefore, refused became a changed man, as he had told his father, and through the influ- ence of Rev. Mr. Rice Avas thoroughly converted to Christ, so that to intellectual ability he added genuine heart-experience of salvation. This the author was told by Mrs. Young, a near relative of Dr. Ranch's, and corroborated by Rev. Dr. McCauley, of Reading, her pastor. *It was to be a careful, comprehensive survey of the rationalism of Germany and a reply to its pretensions. In it he would discuss: 1. Rationalism in its idealistic and poetico-mystical schools. 2. Rationalism in theology, especially in dogmatics and ethics. He aimed to give a fair view of Kant, Jacoby, Schelling, Fichte and others in relation to the great doctrines of religion. 100 History of Reformed Church in the XL S. a pressing call to be professor in AVestern Reserve College, 0., and also a call from West Pennsylvania Classis. In 1837 he published in the "Biblical Repository" a re- markable article on "The Ecclesiastical Historiography of Germany.* In it be discusses its deinaiiils, tlu> |in>i>i'r uses of its snurcos, the character of the historian and his styh- and juruiiirenuMit. lie then passes on to review the different classes of Church historians, tlie orthodox school as Seckendorf, the more impartial as Mosheim, tlie heterodox as Henke and Planck, the transitional as Giesclcr, the evan- gelical as Milner, Neander ajid Guericke. He gave a splendid summary of the effect of Kant's philosophy and especially of Jacoby, over against Kant's emphasis on morals. Neander united the spirit of Pietism with the views of Jacoby who based everything on man's innate consciousness of God which he calls faith. It was a masterly, comprehensive view^ of German Church History and of the philosophy that was underlying it. He holds to the historical doctrine of tlie church as an organism like Neander.f In 1840 he published his Psycliolugy, which introduced the German type of philosophy to American readers. When Dr. Nevin became his colleague, he was greatly relieved of the excess of his college and seminary duties. But his health began to fail early in IH-tO and for a year he was not well. He spent the summer of that year in traveling. — visited Saratoga in the hope of regaining his health. Dur- ing the latter part of the Winter of 1841, a calai-i-lial fever becaiiu; epidemic in IMercersburg. It seizcnl his already weak- ened frame and carried him off on AFareh 2, 1S41. at the early age of 34. AVelker says, "In the last conversation I had with him on the prospect of death, he told me that if it were the Master's will he had no desire to remain ami tliat he was willing to leave behind the world and his conlcmplated labors for its benefit." He was buried on a l)aliiiy fourlli of .\b-ii'eli. *This work has recently been repriuicd in the Reformed Church Re- view, 1905, page 380. fit is very remarkable that Rauch, who had given most of his studies in Germany to philology and philosoi)hy was able to write so comi>re- hensively on a theological subject. With his usual clearness of thought he gives a masterly bird's-eye-view of the history of Church History just before his time. Rev. Prof. FREnERiCK Augustus Rauch. The onlv true i)ictiiri'. The original being kindly loaned by Mrs. Frof. J. H. Dubbs. (See page loi note.) Early History op Seminary and College. 101 the same day tliat President Harrison was inaugurated. His remains were afterwards removed (1859) to Lancaster* As a teacher, Dr. Rauch excelled. Welker says: "For a period of five years I have enjoyed the privilege of his instruc- tions and advice. His felicitous faculty in communicating knowledge is spoken of in highest terms by all 'nho enjoyed his instructions. The most dry and abstruse subjects of study would assume life and agreeableness under his explanations. It did him good to see an inquisitive mind and he took pleasure in urging such a youth onward. I have heard him unravel a tissue of contradictions and seeming absurdities by a simple and com- prehensive course of reasoning, that when he was done my every diffi- culty had vanished as if by magic : and I Avas left to wonder when in- troduced into this flood of light and reason how it was possible I did not see it before, now it appeared all so simple and natural. ' ' Dubbs tells a story of Eauch that he did not like text-books, and once threw the book across the room, exclaiming : "I don 't want that ; I can teach you all that is in Aristotle without a book. ' ' The truth was that his mind was so full that it went out beyond the book. He had the wonderful power not merely of imparting but of inspiring thought in the student. He would say, says Kieffcr in his Eeminiscenees, ' ' Now, young gentlemen, think." He aimed to make them thinkers for themselves. As a preacher, he was not so great as a teacher. The desk was his throne, not the pulpit. Especially in preaching Eng- lish was he diffident, for he never mastered our language with the fluency of liis successor. Dr. Schaff. Yet his volume of sermons published posthumously by Gerhart reveals a very sweet religious spirit. "Welker says : ' ' The great distinctive features of the religion of Jesus Christ were themes he loved to dwell upon. It created a pleasure that warmed up the heart to listen to him when conversing or discoursing on the love of God. He never grew weary in telling of the love of heaven. Then it was that a celestial flame seemed to burn in his bosom for he became truly eloquent. ' ' As a writer, his special field before he came to this country had been in the line of philology and philosophy. In this country he issued but one great published work, his Psy- *A painting of him when dead was made by an artist of Mercersburg, Jonathan Good (an uncle of the author), which is in the library of Franklin and Marshall College. It gives a much better idea of Dr. Rauch 's appearance than the portrait commonly shown, which is said to look very little like him. 102 IIiPTORY OF Reformed CrirRcn tx the TT. S. cliolog3'. His iiitt'iitiou was to have followed it with a woi-k on Ethics and another on Aesthetics. The peculiarities of his Psychology w^ ere : 1. His emphasis on Anthropology^ looking at it from the standpoint of the physical — a sort of forerunner of the later theory of evolution. Tn Uiie Eauch followed the i^hilosophieal anthropology of Daub. Scotch philosophy criticized this peculiarity of German philosophy. 2. His emphasis on idealism as over against Scotch realism in phil- osophy. 3. His popular presentation of the most profound subjects. Such a gift of popular style belonged only to a master, to one who had thor- oughly grasped his subject. Prof. Murdock, of New Haven, in his work, "Sketches of Blodern Philosophy Especially Among the Germans," devotes a whole chapter to Ranch's work, and charges him with pan- theism and transcendentalism, because he never alludes to a special revelation, man's apostasy, a Saviour's forgiveness, atonement, judgment and eternal punishment. He says that "he is a transcendentalist and pantheist of the school of Hegel. He utterly denies the freedom of the will in the natural man and gives to the divine will absolute control over the human in regeneration" (see pages 155, 292, 309). "Religion is not a mere quality but the sub- stance of man. He ceases to be a man in the full sense of the term when he has no religion (page 4, preface). Regeneration is a change in man's substance or nature. It is by the power of God, yet allowing no room for pardon of sin through an atonement and no work for a medi- ator between God and man. In short, like other transcendentalists he makes religion an operation of God, carrying out and perfecting the creation of a rational soul (199-201)." A minister of the Presbyterian Church in 1855, who published a series of articles in the CJiristian Observer on German Theology in America, quotes these remarks of IMur- doek as conclusive testimony in favor of Rauch's pantheism. Dr. Nevin declared that Ranch w^as not a pantheist when ho wrote his Psychology. Whatever Ik^ may have been in the fatherland, his sermons are against this. Schncck refers to his "Inner Life" (page 152), "Christ died that he might recon- cile the world to God. And the Father makes use of their (the Jews') arms to slay him whose pure and innocent blood was to be the ransom of our sins." Such is not the language of a pantheist. Welkersays: " His views on the great doctrines of the Bible — the sovereignty of divine grace — the justifying Early History op Seminary and College. 103 merits of the Redeemer 's blood — the eternal sonship and deity of Christ were orthodox as held by the Reformed Church in all ages." This tendency to pantheism, Dr. Nevin denies in his Re- view of Ranch's book in the Messenger. "Thevc- is no pantheism in it as lie holds to a personal God, although some expressions have strayed into it from the pantheistic camp. But some of h"'3 subjects, as the influence of plastic power, instinct, sleep, dreaming, etc., are as yet unproved and, therefore, avoided by the British philosophers. He questions his proofs of prophetic dreams and animal magnetism.'' This criticism about the book is probably correct. Dr. Ranch was not a pantheist. But he inherited from Germany some pantheistic forms of expression which he uses in his work and which appear as pantheizing (see page 171). The truth is that Ranch never fully got over the Hegelianism in which he had been trained as a young man. Nevin grants this by saying that Ranch believed that in spite of bad use made of it, Hegelianism had wrought a real reform in the world of mind. Perhaps Ranch w^ould better be classified as an idealist of the German type and reveals its advantages but also its dangers, one of which was its minimizing of the necessity of second causes in nature or of media in redemp- tion. The half-century that has elapsed since he lived, has sho\vn that the dangers of idealism referred to by Murdock are real. Ranch, not foreseeing these, did not guard his statements as he should have done. Ranch's Psychology found considerable favor in the United States. Its sale was so great that the next year a new edition was necessary. "Before it," says Buettner, the best of the early historians of our Church, 'Hhey used in the American schools only a History of English and Scotch Philosophy by Dugald Stewart, or an eclectic book after Cousin." It was introduced into three of our colleges, into the University of Vermont and Dartmouth College, as well as into Marshall College. The work, however, when viewed from the stand- point of tlie present time, seems rather superficial because of the immense progress made since then in observation and 104 History op Reformed Church in the U. S. induction especiall.y in pliysioo-psyehological phenomena. It had been described as an attempt at psychology rather than a finished work — a popular statement of it. Its popular style atones for some of its faults, for some of the positions and illustrations would not pass muster to-day. In Ranch's own judgment, his most important work was to have been his Ethics. But, alas, he was taken sick with his last illness just as he was about to prepare it. His Ethics were based on Daub, says Appel, and was divided, as are most works on ethics, into general and special. "Ranch," says Welker, "made the will of God the eternal source and spirit of all morality and firmly built his beautiful and well-proportioned superstructure of ethical science in strict conformity with the divine precepts as revealed in the inspired volume. He discarded the theories that made happiness, usefulness or any of the varied forms of selfishness to be the basis of moral obligation, as low and derogatory to the majesty of God. His system was eminently calculated to exalt God — to make him the centre of all that is holy and good and an object worthy the love, reverence and obedience of man. Love to God he insisted on as necessarily the constraining motive to duty in the strictly moral man. The man only who is purely moral is free and this liberty of man consists in the harmony of the human with the divine will. The acuteness of Kant, — the transparency of Schliermacher and the vast speculations of the capacious mind of Hegel were laid under contribution by him. He combined the richness and profundity of German thought with the per- spicuity and intelligibility of the English." In Aesthetics he, too, was a master. "Art," says Appel, in describing his views, "involves the inward union of thought and form, of ideal and real, of visible and invisible, of finite and infinite — a unity in diversity. Welker says his ideal of beauty was that it was thought realized. In the sphere of beauty as presented in the fine arts, he viewed the human mind as realizing its thoughts in forms that presented the highest idea of the compass and power of the intellect of man. In nature all that was sublime was the handiwork of the divine thought realized. These fundamental ideas he applied to the various fine arts, but especially to poetry as the most expressive and universal of the arts. He described its various forms as national, didactic, descriptive, lyric, epic and dramatic and went into the analysis of the great poems of different languages as the Cid of Spain, the Niebelungen Lied of Germany and the works of Goethe, Schiller, Homer and Shakespeare. ' ' Early History of Seminary and College. 105 Dr. Raueh's theological position may be stated as simply Evangelical. His former rationalism he had left behind in Germany, and now he looked on infidelity as shallow. He was ready to admit in his later years that his views in Germany had not been the most Evangelical, but they had become changed by his contact with the practical religious life of America, especially by his intercourse with our heavenly- minded pastor at Chambersburg, Rice. In Germany, he had been brought up on the formal idea of Church and religion, due largely to the union of church and state. This had passed away as religion became a living experience to him in America. His sermons on the Inner Life, published fifteen years after his death by his pupil, E. V. Gerhart, reveal an Evangelical position. The first one reveals the struggle he had had with doubt. A New England paper criticized them be- cause there was less in them about the atonement than is usual in a course of sermons. Still that may have been due to his subjects rather than to the doctrine. But while he may be rated as an Evangelical, he did not occupy the old Reformed position of Calvinism. He had been brought up in Germany after the union of the Lutheran and Reformed churches in 1817, and had been affected by the me- diating spirit prevailing. Thus, although he was by birth Reformed, yet he studied at a Lutheran university (Giessen). Daub's influence, too, was away from all confessionalism and toward speculation. Rauch showed this tendency to union by suggesting that our Reformed Church in America should declare its adherence to the United Church (Lutheran and Reformed) of Prussia by turning over the western fields in this countr}^ to the IMissionary Society of that denomination.* For this non-confessional attitude, Rauch brought down on himself the criticism of those who were ardently attached to our Reformed Church. Ilis tendencj^ toward unionism was *He would have led our chureh into the mistake made by the Congre- gationalists about a century ago, when they turned over New York and Pennsylvania to. the Presbyterians and lost immensely by it; for their adherents moving into those states became Presbyterian, while the few Presbyterians removing into New England and becoming Congregational- ists was not sufficient to balance the loss. J ion History of Reformed Ctturctt in the U. S. corrected at the 83-001! of 1836, which took guarded action against the formation of such union congregations. It has been said that he started the Mercersburg theology. M. Kieffer in his Reminiscences,* says "his (Rauch's) notes on the mystery of the trinity and incarnation contain generally all that has subsequently been developed by the thinking of the Mer- cersburg School in the department of dogmatics. He was the Schleiermacher of the Reformed Church in America. ' ' But this statement of Dr. Moses Kieffer 's is not true to the facts. It is to be remembered that Mercersburg theology had not yet arisen in his day. He nowhere shows the high views of the sacraments and their objective efficacy which Nevin de- veloped. His philosophical position may have prepared the way for Mercersburg by his emphasis on organism and by his realism, which Nevin afterward incorporated into his the- ology. But where Nevinism emphasized even in a crass form the objective, Rauch gave prominence to both sub- jective and objective; indeed, his emphasis in his religious works was rather on the subjective, which is quite different from Nevin and Nevinism. But theologically he was not in accord with Mercersburg views. His love for the plain Re- formed worship of Germany was contrary to their ritualistic tendencies and his simple preaching was in contrast with the exaggerated emphasis placed on philosophy by their ser- mons. He belongs with Mayer to the earlier type of Re- formed. Wolff in his paper at the Tercentenary Festival (1863) on the History of the Seminary, hints at Rauch being the bridge to the later views of theology of the Mercersburg and adds that he was opposed to the revivalism of his day and to the Mayer liturg3^ This does not harmonize with what Welker says : "Rauch took special delight in the socLal prayer-meeting which was held by the students as long as his health and pressing duties permitted. Tie never felt so happy as when standing in their midst, speaking of re- deeming love. He acknowledged the gracious revival that God sent to his soul when he took to heaven that dear friend of his, the beloved Rice." And E. M. R. says {Reformed Church Monthly), "We never * Christian World, Aug. 4, 1870. Early Histokv o.' Skminauy and College. 107 heard a taunt from Rauch's lips that revived popish and prelatical hatred against the Puritans. (The writer refers to the habit of Mer- eersburg in attacking Puritanism.) Tie had no affection for Rome — never regretted the want of form and style in our worship. ' ' Another writer says: "Rauch's plain, almost Quakerish simplicity was opposed to the ornateness of their ritual. Was his philosophy Mercersburg's philosophy? On the organic it was, but no farther." His was em- phatically idealism; Nevin's, realism. President Ranch thus reveals himself a thinker, a scholar, a brilliant teacher and an earnest preacher. His was a great mind especially for one so young. He lived only long enough to lay great foundations for others to build upon, — if they had only built upon them and not exaggerated their equipoise or veered from their truth. Section 7. The Early Years of Rev. John Willlvmson Nevin's Professorship (1840-4). The third professor in the Theological Seminary was Rev. John Williamson Nevin, D.D. We separate these first years of his professorship from his later years because his views were different then from what they were later.* Before the controversy over Schaff's "Principle of Protestantism" in 1845, he was in the main in sympathy with the previous theo- logical position of the seminary on two points: 1. He was a churchly Pietist. While he opposed the noisy anxious bench system, yet, as his work on the "Anxious Bench" shows, he approved of true, quiet, churchly revivals. 2. He was Calvinistic in doctrine, that is his whole system of doctrine was based on Calvin. He was Calvinistic not only on the sacraments but also on predestination. Later, how- ever, he ridiculed Calvinism as a system, declaring he had found a new solution of the difficulties between Arminianism and Calvinism in his Christocentric system of the person of Christ. His inaugural Address reveals his inner agreement witli other Reformed Churches, not excepting that branch *Apple. in his Semi-centennial History of the Theological Seminary, ignores the difference between the earlier years of Dr. Nevin and the later ones, as do most of the Mercersburg historians except Prof. Pubbs. 108 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. which he afterward chided for bondage to metaphysical Cal- vinism— the Dutch Reformed. It is very important to notice these early positions of Dr. Nevin, as they have been forgotten in the course of the controversy. Yet they appear clearly in his writings at that time. And it will also be interesting to watch the later development of his !Mercersburg theology from these earlier positions as it passes through its various stages in his mind. Prof. J. W. Nevin was born February 20, 1803, at Herron's Branch, near Shippensburg, Pa. He was of Seoteh-Trish Rev. Prof. J. W. Nevin, D. D. Presbyterian stock. After the old Presbyterian iiu'lhod he was brought up on the Shorter Catechism. His father, who was a farmer, but a graduate^ of Princ(^ton College, put a Latin grammar in liis son's liaiuls at a very' early age. He entered Union College at Schenectady, N. Y., in 1817, then under the presidency of Dr. Nott. He there passed through a revival of religion and was, under the inliucncc of ^Ir. Nettle- ton, the great evangelist, converted to Christ. This he after- ward, when he became imbued with his Mercersburg theology. Early History of Seminary and College. lOf) severely criticized as a mere fanaticism. He later called his fellow-students who brought him to Christ "miserable obste- tricians."* He graduated there in 1821 with honors but with broken health, on account of which he remained at home for two years. In 1823 he entered Princeton Theological seminary. There he enjoyed his .studies under Professors Miller, Alexander and Hodge. He especially distinguished himself in Hebrew — reading the whole Hebrew Bible through during his seminary course, and was considered the best He- brew scholar among the students. As a result, when Prof. Hodge went to Europe for two years, he was made temporary professor of Hebrew. During this time he wrote his Biblical Antiquities, an excellent handbook of the Bible, which gave him quite a reputation and had a large circulation.'! When Prof. Hodge returned in 1828, his reputation as a Hebrew scholar led him to be called as professor to the new Presby- terian Theological Seminary at Allegheny City, Pa., although he did not enter upon his duties there till 1830. In the mean- time he had been licensed (October, 1828) by the Presbytery of Carlisle, and had become active in the temperance cause, due especially to the influence of his uncle, after whom he was named, Dr. Hugh Williamson. The latter had given him as his advice when he went to college, "Take care, my boy, that you do not learn to smoke, for smoking will lead to drinking and that is the end of all good." He had fulfilled that com- mand in his college course and now joined quite heartily in the temperance agitation that was sweeping over Pennsyl- vania. For ten j^ears he filled the professorship of Biblical lit- erature at Allegheny Seminary, during which time he was ordained to the gospel ministry. He was not, however, or- dained till April 22, 1835, five years after beginning his pro- fessorship. Why he postponed it so long is a mystery, espe- cially when one remembers his later high-church views of *Messenger, March 9, 1870. fin his autnbiograj)hy he quotes a passage from his preface to his Biblical Antiquities to show that that early he was beginning to be more liberal than the theology taught at Princeton. 110 History op Reformed Church in the U. S. the importance of ordination. In addition to his duties in the seminary, he frequently acted as a pulpit supply and de- livered a number of addresses, some of which Avere published as "The Claims of the Bible," 1831; "The Scourge of God" (on the cholera), July 6, 1832; "The Claims of the Chris- tian Sabbath," 1836; "The English Bible," 1836; "Personal Holiness," 1837; "The Seal of the Spirit," 1838; "Party Spirit," 1839; "A Pastoral Letter" (about minister's sal- aries), 1840. He also became quite prominent in the anti- slavery agitation and as editor of "The Friend," its organ, was once in danger of a mob. He was compelled to give up the paper, therefore, in 1835, on account of the pro-slavery spirit. He afterwards declared he had been too extreme on the sub- ject. In the Seminary, he taught dogmatics as well as Biblical Literature. He was a Calvinist in his system of doctrine. None but a strong believer in predestination would have been tolerated in such a Scotch-Irish Presbyterian commimity as Pittsburg then was. His type of Calvinism, as he afterwards said in his autobiography published in the Messenger, was the Federal Theology or the theology of the Covenants as held by Witsius and Cocceius and as is still taught at Princeton and Allegheny Theological seminaries. When the controversy began to divide the Presbyterians into Old-School and New- School, he was opposed to polemics. He said he did not see why their western Presbytery should be rent asunder by an eastern controversy about Rev. Dr. Barnes, of Philadelphia. When the Pittsburg Presbytery favored the action of the General Assembly against the New-Schoolmen. Nevin was in the minority, voting against their action. When in 1839 that Presbytery declared its adherence to the Old-School General Assembly, he with three others presented a paper, explaining that they went with the Presbytery, but not, how- ever, with the idea that its General Assembly was the only true and legal assembly in this country, (thus tlicy recognized the New-School Assembly). Owing to his lilxM-al sympathies with the New-School, his position as professor at Allegheny Early History of Seminary and College. Ill became uncomfortable.* Plis strong temperance and anti- slavery agitation had made him a nimiber of enemies. In the midst of this strife between Old and New-School Presbyteri- ans he began to feel, as did others like Rev. Talbot G. Cham- bers, D.D., later of the Collegiate Dutch Church of New York, who said he had so many friends in both the Old- School and the New-School branches that he did not know which one to enter, so he entered neither, but left the Presby- terian Church and entered the Dutch Reformed Church. Like him. Dr. Nevin was thus led out of the Presbyterian Church into the German Reformed Church. "While these events were taking place to cause his departure from the Presbyterian Church, others were occurring in the German Reformed Church to prepare for his entrance there. Prof. Lewis Mayer had resigned and the board of visitors of the seminary had been unable to fill the place. The board therefore called a special meeting of the synod in general convention January 27, 1840, as some effort must be made to get a professor for the seminary. Meanwhile rumor had it that Prof. Nevin had resigned his professorship at Allegheny. It seems to have been Rev. Dr. Schneck (whose wife knew Prof. Nevin, being a cousin of Rev. Dr. Riddle, of Pittsburg) who called the attention of the Reformed Church to Prof. Nevin, although Dr. S. R. Fisher afterward claimed the honor of it. At the request of the board of visitors. Dr. S. R. Fisher Avrote to Prof. Nevin, inquiring whether he would consider a call to Mercersburg and to the German Reformed Church, and Dr. Schneck was asked to write to Dr. Riddle, of Pitts- burg, about him. Dr. Riddle gave no encouragement. Dr. *Dr. Schaff, in the Palm -Blatter, 1847, says Dr. Nevin, chiefly through his sympathy with German thought and feeling, was led to give up this professorship. Dr. Schaff there overstates the matter. This was not the main reason, perhaps not a reason at all. For the German did not gain such power over his mind until he came under the influence of Eauch at Mercersburg. The real reasons for his resigning at Allegheny were the lack of funds to pay the professorships at the seminary, and also the fact that he had, in the controversy in the Presbyterian Cluirch be- tween the Old and New-School, joined the New-School minority in the Presbytery, which destroyed confidence in him to a considerable degree. These facts are clearly brought out by the minutes of the Presbytery of Ohio, 1835-1840. 312 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. Nevin did not reply to Dr. Fisher because his resignation had been conditional and as the seminary had met his conditions, he felt it his duty to stay. Besides, he did not know how he would be received by another denomination. When the synod met, three persons were nominated, Nevin, Smaltz and A. Helffenstein, Jr. The two latter withdrew and Nevin was elected. (The synod was a small one, as it was held in mid- winter, when traveling was difificult.) But the Church soon rose to the support of the synod and the meetings of the classes in the spring of 1840 endorsed his election. Dr. Schneck, the president of the synod, and Dr. S. R. Fisher, were appointed a committee to lay the call before Dr. Nevin. They went across the Alleghenies in a sleigh in the dead of Winter, suffering greatly from the cold. Their visit Avas quite a surprise to Prof. Nevin, Avho asked time for considera- tion. He finally accepted the call and removed to Mercers- burg in the spring of 1840, and on ]\Iay 20, 1840, he was in- augurated into office, delivering an address on ''The Chris- tian Ministry and the ]\Iission of the German Reformed Church in establishing this fSeminary. " Dr. Nevin had before his coming known something of the German. Influenced by Prof. Moses Stuart, of Andover Theological Seminary, he had read some hermeneutical works as Ernesti's and Morus'. He had also read Neander's Church History because since 1835 he had been compelled to teach Church history in the seminary. But except that he had be- come acquainted with the German language and that Neander had given an impulse to his mind, he does not seem to have been much influenced by German theology. As to the Catholic Church, which he later defended as a true church, he then regarded her as gross superstition. He looked upon Pusey- ism with pity and contempt (although a volume of Oxford Tracts placed in his hands had made him feel that they were earnest but mistaken men). ' Dr. Nevin came to Mercersburg, a Calvinist in the fullest sense of the word, with no sign of any future aberration from its theology. His change from the Presbyterian Church to the German Reformed Church was not looked upon as involv- Early History of Seminary and College. 113 ing in itself a change of denominational faith. It was con- sidered simply the passing from one section of the Calvinistic church to another. It took place with the approbation of Dr. Nevin's friends in the Presbyterian Church and under the advice of his former teacher at Princeton, Prof. Archi- bald Alexander. So Dr. Nevin writes of it*J i He not only came as a Calvinist, but he taught Calvinistic theology at first at Mercersburg. These facts are proved: 1. The text-book that he used in teaching at Mercersburg was the Theology of Rev. John Dix, D.D., of Scotland. This was a stiff Calvinistic treatise after the type of the Federal School of theology. At first he is said to have very closely followed this work in teaching; although later, as his new theological views developed, he spent most of his time in criti- cising it. In thus teaching Calvinistic theology, at first he followed Mayer, but his Calvinism was then of a higher and more rigid type than Mayer's. 2. His articles in the Messenger and other publications during this period reveal his predestinarian position. This is clearly shown for instance in his Inaugural Address as pro- fessor. Speaking of the Presbyterian Church which he left as compared with the German Reformed Church, he says : ' ' Though two coninuinions in one aspect, they are in another altogether the same. The Eeformecl Church of Scotland and of Germany are twin sisters by birth, not merely of the Protestant Reformation but of that reformation in its purest form as it was perfected at Geneva, under the instrumentality of the gigantic spirit of Calvin. In no sense do they constitute different sects. The Heidelberg Catechism may be regarded as the ground-work doctrinally on which the Westminster Confession of faith was erected in the century following. Both churches stand on the German platform as to faith." And again, "If orthodoxy in the Cal- vinistic sense is to prevail in eastern Pennsylvania, if Presbyterianism is destined to be to any extent a leading interest in that section of country it must be under the standard of the Heidelberg Catechism especially. Our English Presbyterians should do all in their power to encourage and sustain the German Reformed interest at every point." *See Dubbs' American Church History, Vol. Ill, page 362, and also / his History of Franklin and Marshall College, page 192. ^ 114 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. These sentiments he expressed later in an article on Read- ing,* where he intimated that there the Presbyterians should leave the field largely to the German Reformed because they were the same as the Presbyterians, and yet were far more nu- merous. All this was very different from his later view, where he attacks the Presbyterian Church as Puritanism and de- nounces all views like her's as rationalistic. It is very evi- dent that he then held what he afterwards called meta- physical Calvinism. His articles in the Messenger on the Heidelberg Catechism in 1841-2 also reveal this. They were quite different from his later book, "The Heidelberg Catechism," published in 1847, in which they were abbreviated and changed to suit his new Mercersburg theology. But their older form reveals his position then. Thus he says,t in regard to Calvin's influence: "The system (of the Heidelberg Catechism) is substantially Calvin- istic, as the Eeformed Churches before the Synod of Dort were all sub- stantially of this character, notwithstanding the material deviations that were tolerated among them from the rigid form in which the doctrine of predestination was held by Calvin himself." Again, J in speaking of the doctrines of the Heidelberg Catechism, he says ' ' The doctrine of unconditional election is involved in the system, but was not directly ex- pressed, for the reason, no doubt, because it was not universally received in the Eeformed Church, and at all events was considered too deep and difficult to be made an article of necessary force in the constitution of the general platform of religious faith. It was once contended by some very learned men, Grotius among the rest, that the answer to the 37th question in which Christ is said to have sustained the wrath of God against the sins of all mankind must have the meaning that all the human race have been equally respected in the work of redemption, which would exclude, of course, the idea of an election of grace. But it has been abundantly shown that this is by no means the necessary sense of the article and that the system in which it is comprised de- mands imperiously a different view. Eedemption is exhibited as some- thing universal indeed so far as its intrinsic cfTiciency and fulness is concerned, but the election of grace is represented throughout to be its ground and fountain, by the measure of which the entire work from its commencement to its close must necessarily be ruled and defined. ' ' *Messenger, Aug. 24, 1842. ■\Messenger, May 4, 1842. %Messenger of May 18, 1842. Early History of Seminary and College. 115 All this is very different from his later views, when he claimed that the German Reformed were different from other Reformed churches in holding to Melancthonianism, an idea which he came to hold after Prof. Schaff's coming. 3. Again others looked upon him as a Calvinist. The Chris- tian Intelligencer, the church paper of the Dutch Church, re- joiced at his election, that the German Reformed Seminary would have so strong an advocate of Calvinism. Winebrenner charges him with Calvinism. Prof. Archibald Alexander, of Princeton Seminary, his former teacher, approved of his going to- Mercersburg because it would strengthen the cause of Calvinism. But not only on the Calvinistic system is he different at this time from what he was later in the Mercersburg Theology, but also on other points. His position about the papacy is quite different. Instead of considering the papal church as a true church as he did later, his criticisms on it are very severe. Thus* he says : "Nothing can be clearer than the fact that Zwingli was brought sooner than Luther to perceive the rottenness of popery as a sj'stem. " In a review of Berg's book on Lectures on Romanism, he approves of them as thoroughly as he later opposed him on this point.f He says: "Small as {he volume is, it is large enough to drag some of the most hideous features of the Romish system into the broad light of day." After speaking of the danger of a fanatical zeal against Popery, he says, "But it is to be feared that the prevailing habit of thought is at the other extreme. The system must, by virtue of its own constitution, work for the subversion of our institutions, both civil and religious. Popery is at war with our government. It works also to undermine and sap the truth as it is in Christ. It is the mystery of iniquity always ready to evolve itself anew from the depths of Satan in the soul of man as fast as circumstances will permit." He speaks of it as Antichrist, as the great apostasy, whereas later he spoke of the spirit of sect and schism in Protestantism as Antichrist. He also speaks of the Centenary movement in our church as a revival of the spirit of the reformation in its pro- test against popery. In his Anxious Bench, he says "Popery in popish countries is a fruitful source of infidelity." Dur- *Messenger of Dec. 23, 1840. fMessenger of Nov. 25, 1840. 116 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. ing this period lie appealed only to the reformation as his model, never to the early church, as he did later when under the Mercersburg theology. On the sacraments it is interesting to note that in his Anxious Bench (pages 130-1), he declaims against baptismal regeneration, saying "regeneration may take place in the womb or in infancy or in early childhood or in adult age." This is very different from the later views of his IMercersburg theology, which limited regeneration to baptism. He holds to the old Calvinistic view that infants born in the church are to be treated as members of it from the beginning. This is very different from his later position that infants were born out of the elmrch and made members of the church by bap- tism. On the Lord's Supper he holds to the old Reformed view^ Appel* saj'^s Nevin brought from the Presbyterian Church the Melancthonian-Calvinistic view of the Lord's Supper. In this he is wrong, as Nevin 's statements then show. Li his articles on the Heidelberg Catechism, f when he speaks of Calvin's emphasis on Christ's glorified humanity at the supper, he says : Calvin taught that Christ's body remains in heaven ^hile the sacra- mental emblems arc exhibited on earth and that it is by the organ of faith exercised in conjunction ■with these, that our souls ascend to him and reach that communion with his nature which it is the object of the institution to effect. This is quite different from his later statements of Calvin's views where Christ's humanity came down from heaven as his theanthropic life comes to us tlirougli the cliiircli and the sacraments. This view of ''our minds ascending \i\) to heaven" as liere stated, is the exact opposite of his later views. All this W'Ould be too subjective according to his laler \ie\vs, which emphasize the objective. It is evident from these facts that the Dr. Nexiu nf llie first four years of his professorship was different from the later Dr. Nevin of the IMercersburg theology. Tiie only ])asis for his later view^s was in the Hegelianism of Ranch's philoso- *Life of Nevin, page 149. fMessenger, April 27, 1842. Early History of Seminary and College. 117 phy, the plastic power, the organic idea, the philosophical realism. It remained for Prof. Schaff to come, for Puseyism to gain influence, for a controversy to arise in order to de- velop him. Then he added these to this original philosophy and out of them all came Mercersburg theology. / Section 8. The Attempt to Found a Theological Seminary in Ohio (1838). One of the most important efforts of the Ohio sjTnod was its attempt to found a theological seminary. As in the early days of the Eastern synod, many young men were then edu- cated privately b.y ministers; but this was found to be insuf- ficient. The first action toward a theological seminary was taken by the synod in 1833. A little later (1835) , West Penn- sylvania classis, feeling the need of such a seminary, began correspondence with the Ohio synod about it. In 1836, West Pennsylvania classis sent to Ohio synod a proposition to ap- point a committee to confer with its committee on union and on the establishing of a theological institute. Ohio synod agreed to this. So the joint-committees met September 5, 1836, and its plan was adopted at their next meeting by both synods. At the preliminar}' meeting between them in 1837 there was, however, some rivalry between the Ohio and West Pennsylvania members. The Ohio were the larger body and did not wish to lose prestige in the new organization, while the West Pennsylvania men were many of them better edu- cated than the majority of the Ohio men, as some of them had been educated abroad. This rivalry led Weisz, of the Ohio synod without the Imowledge of his brethren to precipitate a plan for a charter prepared by Dr. Winters at the meeting of 1837. The West Pennsylvania men looked upon this as an attempt of the Ohio men to gain control of the new project. But at the next synod the charter, with slight modifications, was adopted and a plan for a seminary prepared, which had been the plan of the West Pennsylvania men. An election for professor was held, at which there were six nominees. Rev. J. G. Buettner was elected by a majority of seven more than all the rest. His salary was to be $250, while at the same 118 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. time he was to serve two congregations, one at Osnaburg and one at Massilon. The seminary was to be located at Canton, 0. He w-as inaugurated professor in our church at Canton, Aug. 14, 1838, Daubert preaching the sermon, Ilerbruck read- ing the formula. Schlosser made the prayer and Buettner delivered an address.* Dr. Buettner was an interesting character and a superior scholar. He was born at Miinchenbernsdorf, in Prussia, Au- gust 23, 1809. He matriculated at the University of Leipsie, May 26, 1829, and at the University of Jena, 1831-1834, as student of theology. On INTarch 15, 1834, he gave a historical critical dissertation on the life of Rufinus, and thus became a doctor of philosophy. He came to America, September, 1834, according to his published volume of "Travels in America," landing at Baltimore. From there he went to Wheeling, West Pennsylvania and Ohio. It was through Rev. Mr. Begeman, then pastor of the Reformed church at Washing- ton, in Western Pennsylvania, that he was led to join the Re- formed Cburch rather than the Lutheran, to which he had be- longed in Germany, for he says he foimd the Lutherans here too narrow and exclusive, while he sympathized rather with *Eev. E. P. lierbruek, D.D., of Canton, lias foniul tlie follow iiij^- adver- tisement in tlie Ohio lieponitori/, September 13, 18:58: ' Theological Seminary of the German Reformed Synod of Ohio, &c. This institution, for the present located at Canton, Stark County, 0., a city which for health and beauty is surpassed by none in the flourish- ing State of Ohio, will be ojien for tiie reception of students from and after the first of October next. The Rev. Dr. J. G. Buettner has been elected professor. He is a man whose theological and ])hilological ac- quirements recommend him to all who desire a thorough theological education and whom the committee feel proud to recommend to the Christian public for his orthodox doctrine, integrity and moral worth. All lectures will be given in the German and English language if re- quired, and no efforts spared to qualify students to preach in both lan- guages. Those who are desirous of attending are requested to make im- mediate application. Tuition to all theological students free. Rev. N. p. Hacke, Greensburg; ^ ... . Rev. C. L. A. Allardt, and Coimmtteeof Rev. G. Schlosser. of Ohio. Arrangements. This advertisement appeared in eight issues of the paper. There is also an advertisement of Mrs. Buettner for pupils in embroidery. She gives her residence as on the West Side of Market Street (she calls it Main), between Seventh and Eighth Sts. Probably the theological insti- tution was in this residence. Early History of Seminary and College. . 119 the union of the Lutherans with the Reformed. He went to the elassis of West Pennsylvania in 1835 for licensure and ordination. He was appointed a missionary among the Ger- mans, receiving $150 for six months. He then went through Cincinnati and Louisville to St. Louis; where, while doing missionary work in the neighborhood, he was called to be pastor of the German Evangelical Church of St. Louis. While there he was charged by a Lutheran pastor, Haverstick, with being a rationalist, which charge he denied and tried to dis- prove. He, however, gave up the church and came east to the next meeting of the West Pennsylvania Classis in 1836. He continued his work as missionary among the Germans, travel- ing through Ohio, then northward to Buffalo and then going east to Boston, New York and Pennsylvania, stopping at Easton and IMercersburg. At the classis of West Pennsyl- vania (1837) he was appointed on the committee on union with the Ohio synod. After this he was called to the Re- formed congregation at Osnaburg, 0., and also as supply to the Evangelical German congregation at Massilon, 0, At the sjTiod of 1838 he was, as we have seen, elected professor of theology by the synod. He was a very learned man.* In the "Biblical Repository" for 1836 there is a Latin article by him on John 1 : 29, " Behold the Lamb of God, ' ' etc. It was written while he was preaching at St. Louis. It begins with a description of his travels in the United States as a mission- ary among the Germans in the West. After he has praised the study of the classics he goes into the exegesis of the text. *His ability was so recognized by his brethren of the Ohio synod that an amusing illustration is given by Kev. Prof. J. H. Good, D.D. (Dubbs' Reformed Church in Pennsylvania, 314, note), that when his students were to appear before the classis for examination, nobody wanted to examine them and thus perhaps expose his own ignorance and inef- ficiency as compared with their teacher. When the day appointed for the examination arrived, the committee, students and Prof. Buettner as- sembled at Canton, but the chairman of the committee had not yet arrived, Z. of Canfield. The rest of the committee wanted to place the responsibility of the examination on the chairman, while he in turn evi- dently stayed away, hoping they would go ahead in his absence. After waiting all day he finally arrived toward evening and was astonished to find that the examination had not been held. He pled all sorts of ex- cuses as that he had been called away to a funeral, and that now he was too tired from the journey to begin the examination that night. Sr^ 120 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. But in spite of all his ability the seminary did not succeed. At first only two students applied, A. Stump and S. Hess, and Stump soon left, as he did not succeed in his studies as he desired, and went to study imder a less learned minister of the Ohio synod, Schlosser, as also did Hess. By jMay, 1839, there were no students. So that after eighteen months in the professorship, Buettner resigned and the semmary closed. The seminary board attempted to have another meeting after Buettner 's resignation, but only one member was present be- sides the president, and so nothing was done for some time. The only thing that remained of the seminary was an old- fashioned stove long shown in Canton as a relic of the semi- nary. Several reasons seemed to have caused his failure. While he was universally recognized as a very able man, yet he was not a man exactly to the mind of the Ohio sjTiiod. He was a very strong union man, urging the union of the Re- formed and Lutherans, which did not suit the strict Reformed, many of whom had had controversies with their less liberal Lutheran brethren. Again, he was a strong opponent to re- vivals and confesses that one of the reasons why he accepted the professorship was to raise up ministers opposed to such movements. But many of the ministers of the Ohio synod were strongly in favor of them and so they did not feel any sympathy with his work. Besides, as a German, he could not accommodate himself to many of the peculiarities of Ameri- can life. And perhaps a little of the rivalry still existed be- tween the Ohio and West Pennsylvania men, so that although his seminary was located in Ohio, yet he was looked upon as a West Pennsylvania man. In later j^ears he is described in the Evangelist, the German paper of our Western church, as it was delayed until the next morning. Buettner Avent back to Osna- burg that night and the committee cunningly decided to have the exami- nation very early in the morning before Buettner could arrive. The examination was just about beginning the next morning with not a single question asked, when Dr. Buettner was seen coming to the gate of the house. When Buettner, on entering, asked whether the examina- tion had begun, the chairman replied "it is ended," and that the young men have been licensed. Of course, the students kept mum about the examination since they got off so easily; but this incident passed down as one of the humorous traditions of the Ohio synod. Early Histojry of Seminary and College. 121 friendly to rationalism, especially in his History of the Refor- mation. If he had in any way gained this reputation, whether true or not, it must have interfered with his success and influence. At any rate, whatever may have been the cause, the seminary failed. In the meantime Buettner determined to continue his travels and also to sell his small book "A Short History of the Reformation." He was elected president of the Ohio synod of 1839. It had a severe controversy on the subject of prayer-meetings, which was finally harmonized by a motion to acknowledge prayer-meetings such as were held in the New Testament.* Soon afterward he started eastward, to- gether with his wife whom he had married at Osnaburg. He sailed from New York June 10, 1840, arriving at Bremen. After his return to Germany, he became pastor (1846) at Volkmansdorf and Essbach near Schleiz, in the County of Weimar. He published a brief history (in German) of the German Reformed Church in the United States, (1848,) which is excellent — the best early history of our church, and also his book of "Travels in America" (1844), at Hamburg, from which many of the facts of his life here given are gleaned. Thus the seminary plan lapsed. The only thing that re- mained was a legacy of five hundred dollars which C. Reedy left to the seminary, and also about $1,600 in notes. When the Centenary movement began in 1840, it was hoped that it would aid the endowment of the seminary. But though con- siderable money was raised in the synod, yet the want of unity among the ministers prevented any formal attempt and the whole matter was postponed. We may be permitted to pass beyond the limits of this period (1793-1844) in order to complete the establishment of the institutions in Ohio. The effort for a theological seminary slept in the Ohio Synod till 1844. New trustees were elected and Rev. Jacob Peucer, a Presbyterian, the head of an acad- emy in Germanto\^^l, Avas temporarily made professor of the- *For the coutroversy in the Ohio Synod about New-Measures and Temperance, see Eeiter "Eeformed Church Review, " January, 1879, note. 122 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. ology. But the controversies in the synod as between old- and new-measui-ism and the secession of the Independent SjTiod of Ohio caused that nothing was done. Not a student presented himself. In 1846, Rev. A. P. Freeze founded an academy at Columbus with the idea that it would lead up to a theological seminary. And Rev. J. H. Good did the same at Lancaster, 0. In the Synod of 1846 there were stormy debates whether to go on or not. In 1847 the synod decided to go ahead and raise money for the institution. And in 1848 the synod elected Rev. A. P. Freeze as professor of theology and Rev. J. H. Good as professor of languages. This institution, which was called "The Ohio Literary and Theological Institution," was opened at Columbus, October 31, 1848, and had five students (all Eng- lish like the professors). But on July 1, 1849, Rev. Mr. Freeze left and went east afterwards to enter the Dutch Re- formed Church. The synod then requested Rev. J. H. Good to give instructions in theology to the students Avho desired it. Then, on April 18, 1850, a special meeting of the Ohio Synod decided to locate the theological and literary institution at Tarlton, near Columbus, w'here Rev. S. S. Rickly had charge of an academy, and call it Tarlton College. Tarlton offered th(^m $7,200 in subscriptions and $800 in land. The synod requested Rev. S. S. Ricklj^, the principal of the Academy there, and Rev. S. Jacobs to give theological instruction until other arrangements were made, but it postponed the election of a permanent professor of theolog}^ until the regular meet- ing of the synod that year. Preparations were then made to ])uild a college building at Tarlton and an order was given for the delivery of 200,000 bricks. But after the synod was over, there was a good deal of dis- satisfaction in the synod at the choice of the place, because there were so many schools at and around Columbus. Be- sides, Tarlton was rather a Methodist commiuiity than Re- formed. Rev. H. Schaull, of Tiffin, seeing the dissatisfaction, started a subscription at Tiffin and went to the regular synod meeting of 1850 with an offer of $11,000 in subscriptions from Tiffin, 0. This synod reversed the action of the special synod and ordered the institutions to be located at Tiffin. The Early History op Seminary and College. 123 synod, however, iudoiimified the citizens and Academy at Tarlton for loss sustained by paying them $300. The college, which was called Heidelberg College, was opened at Tiffin, November 18, 1850, with seven students in rented rooms on the third floor of Commercial Row. In the first year, 1850-51, its catalogue reported 149 students. Rev. B. Schneck was elect cd professor of theology but declined, and Rev. E. V. Gerhart was elected president and professor of theology. Rev. J. 11. Good Avas made professor of mathematics and Rev. Reuben Good rector of the Academy. In 1855, Rev. M. Kieffer suc- ceeded Rev. E. V. Gerhart as president and professor of theol- ogy. Rev. II. Rust was added as professor of Church history in 1855. Heidelberg University. CHAPTER IV. Revivals. Section 1. Early References to Revivals. Those who have declared that revivals are not in harmony with the genius of the Reformed Church will be surprised to learn that revivals were quite a distinguishing mark of this period and were considered soimdly Reformed by the Church. It was our privilege to unmask the falsity of their assertion by revealing a new chapter in the history of our Church in Germany, the chapter on Pietism in our History of the Reformed Church of Germany.* It is now our privi- lege to lay bare a part of the history of our Church in this country which has been persistently hidden or minimized by the Mercersburg historians except Prof. Dubbs. Some of us remember how a quarter of a century ago and more, prayer- meetings were stigmatized in certain quarters of our Church as Methodistic. Free prayer was discouraged. Those who made these assertions would have done well to have read the history of our Church diii'ing this earlier period. In saying that our Church was favorable to revivals especially during the latter part of this period, we do not mean to say that there were not some ministers who opposed them, as Pomp and Becker, or were liikewanu toward them, — many of them earnest, godly, excellent men. This, however, has been true of every denomination except, perliaps the Methodist. But the attempt to read evangelism and revivals out of our Church as not Reformed, would take out of her a very considerable part of her best life and history. Revivals have been an in- tegral element in our Church from the beginning and have had an important part in the making of her history. *Pages 307-395. ]24 Kevivals During This Period. 125 In the eighteenth century the six Reformed ministers who held the big meetings in Maryland, Hendel, Henop, Otterbein, Wagner, Weymer and Schwob, brought this movement into prominence before the Revolutionary War.* Since giving those facts, several other facts have turned up. The elder Helffenstein seems also to have been a minister of that stamp, for when he died at Germantown it was in the midst of a blessed revival there. In those days when prayer-meetings were a new thing in America, Hendel had them before New England had them, in his pastorate at Tulpehocken, where he held them on Thursday afternoons. In the early part of Troldenier's pastorate, about 1802, the Baltimore congrega- tion adopted a rule that those who were candidates for admis- sion into the church should be conversed with in private by the pastor at least one hour before they were confirmed, and they also made a rule- that the first Thursday of every month there should be a meeting for public prayer. Harbaugh says that Hiester observed the old Reformed custom of inviting all to call at the parsonage before the observance of the com- mimion, so as to receive admonition and instruction. It was customary for our early ministers to hold prayer-meetings at the houses of their parishioners where they happened to spend the night. Harbaugh mentions several, as Lupp, who would hold a service on Saturday night at the home where they Avere staying. Wagner did the same at Tulpehocken. One of the most beautiful illustrations of this is given in the Messenger-^ by an old person who belonged to Wagner's con- gregation at Tulpehocken (1786-1795). "Mr. Wagner," he said, "gave out a hymn and then prayed so earnestly that there was not a dry eye to be seen in the house. Then he preached a sermon so earnestly that it brought deep conviction of sin to my own soul." He describes how Wagner's ear- nest preaching led to many conversions. The church book at Tulpehockeni says that when Wagner spent the night in *See mv Iliston* of the Reformed Cluirch in tlie United States, 592- 601. fDecember 30, 1835. :j:Haiisfreund, January 17, 1867. 126 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. a family, he often asked parents and children, "How is it with your souls' salvation?" These are a few illustrations that reveal the spirit and custom of the times. Prof. J. H. Dubbs, speaking of the early church, confesses that its leaders were pietistic* There has, however, been a tradition in the Church, fos- tered by the Mercersburg theology (which was not friendly to experimental religion of this kind) that several ministers were put out of the church for being Pietists and holding re- vivals. Let us see. One of them was Gueting. He was one of the converts of the big meetings in Maryland and was ordained by the coetus in 1788, notwithstanding Pomp's opposition because of his Pietism. Gueting was present at the coetus meetings of 1791, 1794 and 1797. In 1798, Hinsch complains against Gueting as making encroachments on his congregations, and it was resolved that he be written to about the matter. He was reported as excused at the meetings of 1802 and 1803. In 1802, on account of his absence from synod, it resolved that a brotherly letter be written to him and that he be urged to attend the next synod. This does not look as if the synod were trying to drive him out because of his Pietism. Still, however, he did not appear at synod. So, in 1804, coinphiint was preferred against him because of disorderly conduct. Two motions Avere made to the synod, one by Rahauser and Kuiikel, that the matter be postponed for another year and he be earnestly admonished to abstain from his disorderly conduct. The other was by Becker, that he be immediately expelled from the synod. The vote stood for the latter 20-17, and so he was expelled, but a note was added to the action that he might at any time be restored on giving evidence of true reformation. All this does not look as if they wanted to get rid of him. From this it has been argued that he was put out because of his Pietism. This may be true, but two things need to be noticed. In the official action by the synod. Pietism is not mentioned as the cause, but first absence and *American Church History, Vol. VIII, 311; also. The Reformed Church in Pennsylvania, page 236. Revivals During This Period. 127 then disorderly conduct. Nothing else is referred to. And again the majority was so small as hardly to commit the synod much against Pietism, especially when it is to be re- membered that some of the leaders of the pietistic party, as Otterbein, Wagner and others were not present. Besides Otterbein would hardly have been present at the coetus the next year if the action of the coetus had been looked upon as a direct assault against revivalism and Pietism. The other case quoted is that of Aurandt. He had been an attendant on "the big meetings" and had accompanied Pfrimmer, the leader of these United Brethren, who about 1800 served Driesbach's charge in the Buffalo Valley. In 1801 the congregations of New Berlin and Buffalo Valley asked for his (Aurandt 's) ordination. But it was found that he had baptized without ever having been ordained. He confessed his fault, saying he was very sorry and asked that his examination be postponed because he felt unfit to undergo it. He asked that he might be placed under Wagner for instruction. The synod ordered him to present himself at its next regular meeting, but forbade him to administer the sacraments or to attend the big meetings and ordered him to prosecute his studies under some minister. From this con- nection it seems to appear as if his attendance on the big meetings had something to do with his irregular administra- tion of baptism, for the United Brethren were not careful about those things. This action by the synod was held by some to be an attack on the revivals as revealed in the big meetings. These two actions of the synod would seem to reveal two things: 1. That our Church was opposed to the "big meet- ings" as held at that time. It is a well known fact that by the beginning of the nineteenth century, the "new Re- formed" who afterwards became the United Brethren Church, were very noisy and fanatical in their services. Even the Re- formed ministers who had begun those meetings, as Hendel, Wagner, etc., would hardly approve of them as later held, because their character had changed. The action of the sjTiod can not be quoted against revivals, only against noisy re- 128 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. vivals such as were common at that time in the big meetings of the United Brethren, for there is a clear distinction be- tween noisy and quiet revivals. The Reformed never con- demned the latter as they did the former. The third case that has been quoted against revivals is that of Otterbein. The United Brethren have declared that he was put out of our Church because he was a revivalist and this has been echoed by the adherents of ]\Iercersburg the- ology in their opposition to revivals. We have discussed the case of Otterbein in our previous book,* to which the reader is referred. We shall only add a few additional facts. As stated there, there are two questions: 1. Did Otterbein ever leave the Reformed Church? 2. Was his church Reformed during his life? We there proved that he did not leave the Reformed Church and that his church was Reformed. The following additional light has appeared : 1. As to his leaving the Reformed Church. We have re- cently been reading the diary of Bishop Newcomer, of the United Brethren Church. He bears strong testimony to the impressive preaching of Otterbein and also describes their yearly conferences. But from his diary we have not been impressed that these conferences were meetings for ecclesias- tical action. They were rather sacramental occasions as at Antietam 1797, 1798, 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802, 1804 and ISOo.f Only at the conference Sept. 25, 1801, were l>usiness matters discussed and at the conference, 1802. Oct. 6, preachers were examined. Otterbein, Oct. 2, 1813, irregularly ordained New- comer to the office of elder and preacher of the gospel. All that can be made from these facts in Newcomer's diary is that Otterl)ein was intimately associated with Avhat became the United Brethren movement. But there is absolutely nothing in them to prove that he left the Reformed Church in order to do this. That he acted irregularly in the ordina- *See History of the Reformed Church in the United States, p. 650-658. fThe discipline of the United Brethren Church, published 1817, kindly shown us hy Rev. A. Stapleton, U.T)., speaks of only four conferences: 1, at Baltimore, 1789, where Otterbein and ducting were ])rcsent; 2, at. York, 1791, where Pfrimmer was also present; 3, in Frederick Co., 1800, where also Aurandt was present, and at Mt. Pleasant, 1815. Eevivai.s During This Period. 129 tion of Newcomer is certainly true, for he had no ecclesiastical authority to ordain him. This may, perhaps, be explained by his great age and nearness to death though even that does not excuse him. Otterbein's nephew, Rev. Wm. Hendel, D.D., says Otterbein never intended to found a new sect but simply sought to elevate his own church and infuse new life into her. Rev. Thomas Winters, who had been converted by Otterbein, says he was often urged to join the new sect of United Brethren, but ho refused for the same reason that Otterbein did, namely, that he did not believe that a new sect was called for. He says that Otterbein never thought of leaving his church. "I have often heard him say to an audience," says Winters, "I do not ask you to leave your church, I only ask you to forsake your sins. I do not know that he was ever charged with having left his church while living. ' '* Rev. Dr. Schneck, the editor of the Messenger, says he had a letter from Otterbein one or two years before his death in which he says that he had lived and would die a German Reformed minister.f These facts prove he was Reformed to the end of his life. 2. As to his church being Reformed. The congregation had the Presbyterial form of government like the Reformed, by a consistory composed of elders and deacons together with the pastor. This is proved by the constitution drawn up June 1, 1785, but this is an entirely different organizatioij from that of the United Brethren which knows only stewards, class lead- ers, exhorters, etc. Again this constitution insisted on cate- chization to which the United Brethren have always been opposed. Again, it insisted on parochial schools, another pe- culiarity of the Reformed over against the United Brethren. The stress laid by it on the baptism of children is contrary to the United Brethren who make it optional, even allowing im- mersion. Again, the constitution requires that the pastor be elected by the congregation, whereas in the United Brethren Church the pastors are appointed by bishop. The United Brethren have tried to argue that the constitution says that *See Harbaugh's Fathers of the Reformed Church, Vol. IV, pages 140 and 144. fSee Messenger, March 1, 1837. 130 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. no minister wlio holds to predestination or who denies falling from grace shall become pastor and it orders class-meetings. As to predestination, we have Otterbein's own words in his letter to Holland: "I believe in election but cannot persuade myself that God has absolutely and without condition pre- destinated some men to perdition." As to the class-meetings, they were but a reproduction of the prayer-meetings [eccle- siola in ecclesid) commonly held by the Reformed of the Northern Rhine, where Otterbein came from. These facts, together with what are given in our previous work abund- antly prove that the Church was Reformed. An effort was made by the Reformed to get the Otterbein Church at Balti- more back by legal process, but the court finally decided that the United Brethren could keep it provided they made some use of the Heidelberg Catechism. Section 2. Revivals During This Period. We have searched the Messenger and other sources and from them can give a bird's-eye view of the revivals of this period. These references are important as revealing the his- tory of many of the congregations. The first publication of the church, the German Reformed Magazine, from the begin- ning, was favorable to revivals, giving notices to them espe- cially in the foreign fields. Pietism was quite evidently recognized here.* In 1827 Rev. Jacob Mayer published a German translation of a work on "Repentance," by Thorn- ton, his object being to clearly state what repentance was and to emphasize the need of personal experience. In 1828 a revival is reported at York under Reily with 300 conver- sions. In 1829 there was a great revival in the Philadelphia congregation, where Rev. Dr. Finney, the great evangelist of that day, preached his terrible law-sermons, mowing men down as with a scythe.y Dr. Finney Avas endorsed by the *In 1822 Zion's classis urged the introduction of prayer meetings, as did Susquehanna classis in 1823. fOne of our oh;ler members at the Heidelberg Church of Philadelphia, Miss ilary Hahn, told the writer that Dr. Finney stayed at her father's house and was always praying. She was converted at that time and was one of the most beautiful Christian characters we have ever known. Revivals During This Period. 181 board of trustees of that church and recommended to other Reformed congregations. There was also a great revival at Frederick, Md., in 1829, under the pastorate of Rev. Jonathan Helffenstein. who had for his assistant Rev. Jacob Helffen- stein. The former says "there were eighty conversions, great good done and that other congregations of the town were feel- ing the intiuence of this revival in the Reformed Church." IMaryland Classis (1829) says his (Jacob Ilelifenstein's) la- bors were crowned with an awakening. In 1831 that classis reports a revival at Emmittsburg and states that revivals are the only hope of the church. In 1832 revivals are reported at Hagerstown, Nittany Val- ley, Greencastle with fifty conversions, and Chambersburg with sixty confirmations. A revival in the Presbyterian Church at York that year greatly affected the students of the German Reformed seminary there. In 1833 revivals are re- ported at Jonestown and at Penn Valley mider Schneck. Maryland Classis (1833) reports a number of revivals. Ebaugh published, with the approval of the synod, an Eng- lish translation of Zollikofer's Prayerbook, as an aid to the introduction of family worship. In 1834 revivals are re- ported at Lebanon, where Kroh was assisted by Scluieck, and reported 130 conversions. Revivals are also reported that 3^ear at Davidson County and Lexington, N. C. In 1834 a protracted meeting was held at AVoodstock, Va., just before the meeting of Maryland Classis and continued by it through its sessions. In 1835 revivals are noted at Penn Valley, near Landis- burg, at St. Matthew's, Brownback's and St. Peter's in Chester Coimty under Guldin assisted by Smaltz and Davis. St. Peter's received 15, Brownback's, 61. In 1836 Carlisle reports a revival imder its pastor, Aurand, assisted by Ra- hauser, of Hagerstown, and Smaltz, when 80-90 were awak- ened and 32 united with the church. Landisburg reported a revival under Scholl. At Brick Church, N. C, Crawford reported a revival with 35 additions, as did Penn Valley, Pa. In 1837 the York congregation had a great revival under Cares, assisted by Guldin. Two prayer-meetings were started, 132 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. one for malos, the other for females,* the latter taking a pledge somewhat like tlie Cliristian Endeavor of to-day. f This revival was espeeially imi)ortant beeause it affected the students of our Theological Seminary at York. Boehm's Chureh had a revival, where the conversion of a prominent young man who opposed the meetings led to more than 100 conversions. Grindstone II ill, Bakersville, Md., under Re- baugh ; St. JMatthew's, Chester Comity, imder Knipe, report revivals as do Shepherdstown, Va., and Germantown under Osborne. Wagner, at Lebanon, reports a great work of grace — 100 conversions. In 1838 the religious interest continued at Lebanon. The Philadelphia congregation, under Berg, Liverpool, Perry County, under Gerhaj-t ; St. Peter's, Ya., under Ilensell, with 30 conversions; Trenton, -under Smaltz, with 35 additions, and Attica, Ind., report revivals. Guldin, assisted l\y Jacob Ziegler, added 35 at Trappe and reported a revival at Brown- back's. In the Fall of 1838 Taneytown, under Feete, aided by Freeze, Fisher, AVeiser, AVagner and Keller, added 21. Germantown, under Osborne, had 20 additions, making 86 in one year. In 1839, Philadrlphia, under Berg, Centre County, Pa., Hagerstown, under A. llelffenstein, Germantown and Glade, Md., imder Freeze, reported revivals. At Waynesboro, Gless- ner reported 100 serious persons. Boalsburg, Centre County, under P. Fisher, assist(>d by Yj. KiefFer, had a revival, and as a result raised $100 for foreign missions. Stone Church, N. C, under Crawford, Lexington, N. C, under Crooks, witli 30 additions, had revivals. Ileiner reported that he had shared in the general revival in Baltimore under Knapj), the great evangelist. lie was assisted by Berg and Cares and had nearly 100 additions and the church was greatly bene- fitted. Maryland Classis (1839) reports revivals at Hagers- town and Waynesboro. *Eev. A. Helffenstein had the first female prayer meeting in our Church, begun by his wife in the Baltimore congregation as early as 1830. fSee Appendix I for Rev. Mr. Cares' letter about the revival. Revivals During This Period. 133 In 1840 the interest at Baltimore continued. Carlisle, under Aurand, had 30 conversions. Hensell, from St. Peter's Church, Jennings Branch, Va., reported that 50 years before there had been a great revival in his church and so again now. lie had meetings at St. John's Church, where he was assisted by Colliflower, with 30 conversions. Boehm's Church had a revival under Ewing. A revival under Ewiug in a grove near Pleasantville led to the organization of a Reformed church there. Tarlton, 0., St. Thomas, Pa., under Kremer, reported revivals. Zion's Classis reported revivals at Chambersburg, also Fayetteville, York, Shippensburg, Carlisle and in part of the Gettysburg charge. In 1841, Boonsboro reported 40 conversions. Berg's con- gregation in Philadelphia had 200 additions, 150 by con- version. Bethlehem, 0., under Slosser, Sugar Valley, Pa., under P. S. Fisher, Gettysburg, under Gutelius, Lebanon, under Wagner, Maytown, under Hoffheins, Waynesboro, under Bomberger, assisted by Kunkle, of Greencastle and Jacob Helffenstein, of Chambersburg, reported revivals. Middletown, under Bucher, assisted by Heiner and Bom- berger, Shippensburg, under Kremer, Grindstone Hill, mider Guldin, Mansfield, 0., under Leiter, reported revivals. In 1842, Emmittsburg, imder Freeze, AVaynesboro, imder Bomberger, Glade, under Colliflower, who was assisted by Zacharias, Bucher and Hoifmeier, Frederick, under Zach- arias, Dauphin County, under Kooken, Dayton, 0., Maytown, and Lebanon, under Wagner, had revivals. Several members of the Hill Church, near Lebanon, attended the revival serv- ices in Lebanon, and were so impressed that they were con- verted and begged for meetings at their church. Millerstown had 50 conversions. Tiffin, under Kroh, Littlestown and Ab- bottstown, under Sechler, Dauphin County, under Gerhart, Centre, Lancaster County, under Hertz, Friends' Cove, under Leidy, Schellsburg, Landisburg, imdei- Leinbach, had revivals, as had Mt. Bethel, Zulieh's charge in East Pennsylvania, Tarlton, 0., and nearly every charge in Maryland Classis also. In 1843, Bucher reported a great work of grace at Reading, in which he was aided by Berg and Wagner. Berg at Philadel- !134 History of Reformed Ciiurcii in the U. S. phia, Wagner at Lebanon, Tobias and J. L r at Blooms- burg, report revivals, the latter with 200 saved. ]\IcConnells- town, Harrisburg, under Mesick, York, under Cares, reported revivals. Bonnell, at Chambersburg, assisted by Ramsey, of the Presbyterian Church, added 43 to the church. Near jMcConnellstown there were 100 inquirers in a district without a church. Tobias and J. L r held meetings at Orangeville and Mifflinburg under E. Kieffer. There was a revival at Milton. The Paradise church near there, sent for Kieffer to hold a revival, which resulted in 300 converts. Tobias re- ported a revival in Mahoning Township, near Danville, with 100 conversions. Lancaster, under Glessner, had 65 conver- sions. Manchester, Md., under Geiger, aided by Sechler, Gutelius and Philips, Water St., under M. Kieffer, and Me- Connellstown, with 100 converts, reported revivals. Sechler, at Littlestown, had 300 converts. The movement spread into Eastern Pennsylvania, then the most conservative part of the Church, at Mt. Bethel, Hamilton and Cherr}'^ Valley, under Hoffeditz. Philadelphia received 25, New Buffalo, Perry County, 50 converts. Bethlehem, 0., had a revival. A great increase is reported in our Church as the result of these movements during 1S43: in Pennsylvania, 3,47() ; in Ohio, 1,536; total, 5,012. In 1844, Boehm's reported a revival, as did Reading, under Bucher, where there were 300 conversions and 85 added to the chui'ch. Orangeville declared it would take no min- ister who would not have revivals. Womelsdorf and Myers- town reported 30 converts under T. Leinbach, assisted by Rev. Mr. Chapman, a teacher in the academy there, and by Rev. J. B. Shade, a colporter of the American Tract Society. Such are the facts reported in the Messenger and elsewhere. It is to be remembered that in those days church papers gave very few items of local news. So these may be taken as' an evidence of many more not mentioned. We thus see that re- vivals were then common in the Church. While there were ministers who opposed them, as Helffrich and others, who relied only on catechization, it is to be noticed that the Revivals During This Period. 135 leaders of the Church held revivals and thus committed the Church to them. We have not especially referred to revivals in the West during this period for two reasons: 1. There is very little information about them, there having been no Western church paper during this period. 2. There never has been any con- troversy in the West as in the East where, under Mercersburg theology, it has been denied altogether that the Reformed Church was a revival, yes, even a prayer-meeting church. But the West never had a Mercersburg controversy to chill its evangelistic spirit. The English portion was in the main revivalistic, although there were a number of ministers, espe- cially German, who opposed them. Later the Church in Ohio was more inclined to revivals than our eastern Church, and many are reported. There were, how- ever, a number of ministers, (especially the Germans,) and congregations who opposed revivals in any form, using only catechization, while others endeavored to combine both as by holding a revival meeting before organizing a catechetical class or in connection with the class. Some of the revivalists, how- ever, began to go to great extremes, ignoring catechetical in- struction altogether and introducing the mourners' bench. Often what one pastor had done would be undone by his suc- cessor, who held to the other method. Often congregations were distracted, yes, divided, so that in a number of places there would be two Reformed churches almost opposite each other, the one old-measure, the other new-measure, as conservatives and revivalists were then called. The result of these diverse views was that hardly had the Ohio synod and the West Pennsylvania classis united when it was deemed wise to di- vide the synod into district synods until the church coalesced better. So, from 1840 to 1842, three district synods were held annually, and not till 1842 was a general synod held. As a re- sult, the two extremes came to collision and finally matters came to a crisis. In 1840 the second or northern district took action stating that It recognized only such prayer-meetings as were like those held by the early Christians of the primitive church, but not such as were held in 336 History op Reformed Church in the U. S. these days. A petition from some members of Manchester Church, Sum- mit County, O., asked their next meeting in 1841 for information as to how the prayer-meetings were held in the early Christian church. The synod replied that it considered only those to be according to the New Testament which observed proper decorum. The matter was finally settled when the three districts of the Ohio synod again met in united session in 1842. Then a request came before it from Wayne and Richland Counties, 0., asking it to take extreme measures — to discountenance new- measures, protracted meetings, the mourners' bench, temper- ance societies and all fanaticism. The synod took the wise action that It aimed to prevent all fanaticism and errors contrary to the customs of our Church as by the instruction of the youth in the Heidelberg cate- chism. "We ought," it says, "to have especial regard for Acts 2: 24, and not only aim to preserve ourselves in the true life after the manner of the early church but also to produce awakenings where the congrega- tions are cold and lukewarm. ' ' This sane action seems to have been considered too gencrrd, so at the same meeting an additional action was taken : "Resolved, That the synod disapprove of disorderly protracted meet- ings, the introduction of the mourner's bench, the public praying of women in mixed assemblies or the praying of more than one person at the same time. But this action is not to refer to orderly protracted meet- ings and prayer-meetings." Thus the synod took conservative action, clinging to catechi- zation and disapproving of fanaticism, but approving of solemn religious and protracted meetings. Section 3. The Support op Revivals by the Institutions OF THE Church. The leading institutions of the Church at that time were the seminary and college and also the church paper. The Messenger, and its predecessor the German Reformed Maga- zine give prominence to revivals, whether the editor was Prof. L. Mayer, Rev. Mr. Young, Dr. Schneck or Dr. S. R. Fisher. Not merely did they give accounts of revivals but by editorials endorsed them. Thus, in 1838, when a conservative German Revivals During This Period. 137 Lutheran paper, The Protest a)it, attacked Dr. Winters' re- vivals at Dayton, 0., it took up their case and attacked the assertions made by it. The Messenger says: ' ' The impression is attempted to be made that revivals are of recent date. So far as our denomination in this country is concerned, we would ask who were Schlatter and Hendel and Helffenstein and Wagner and Runkel and Geistweit and Graves and a host of the departed dead. They were the fathers of our church, and who were more zealous in promoting genuine revivals of religion, — who more anxious to see souls converted to God than they. ' ' And yet while favorable to revivals, The Messenger never favored fanaticism. Speaking of the inquiry room, it says : "We are free to confess that there have been extravagant measures connected with such meetings which deserve to be condemned. But the abuse does not set aside the proper use, or else we might lock up our churches because some abuse the privileges of divine worship." It then goes on to endorse the inquiry-room method for personal conversation and special instruction and counsel to the awakened. It states that dur- ing the centennial year (1841) revivals were instrumental in raising considerable money as well as in quickening interest in the congre- gations. In 1843 it devotes an article in praise of revivals and says, "A healthy state prevails among the churches." The Seminary, like The Messenger, supported revivals. Prof. Mayer inherited this pietistic tendency from Wagner, whose convert and student he was. Ranch had not been ac- customed to them in the part of Germany where he came from, but he says in The Messenger: "As to revivals, I must admit that many Germans are opposed to them. But Germany has had its revivals and may have them again ; what is to be done in regard to the Germans of this country is to re- move the causes of their prejudice. Let the good proceeding from revivals be seen and the Germans will be sooner blest with them than we could expect." The surroundings of the seminary, especially at York, were favorable to them. The revival there in the Presbyterian Church (1832) and afterward the revival in the Reformed Church under Cares (1837) greatly affected the students. In 1838, according to accounts in The Messenger, special prayer was offered in our churches for a revival among the students 138 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. at Marshall College in connection with the day of prayer for colleges in Februar}^, 1838, and Berg then reports consider- able religious interest among the students. In 1839, The Messenger again urged the church to pray for the college in connection with the day of prayer. In 1840, at the September meeting of the board of visitors, Rev. Jacob Ilelffcnstein preached to the students on the "Nature and Reality of Re- vivals," which was published in full in The Messenger. Appel* speaks of a large and solemn prayer-meeting at col- lege, when a number left to enter the ministry. Another ac- count speaks of a revival in IMarshall College in 1840. Even Appel,t who is not in sympathy with revivals because of his Mereersburg theology, grants their existence in the college and says that Dr. Ranch during a revival (Appel stigmatizes it as "a religious excitement") which broke out among the students, tried to turn it to useful account by visiting them from room to room and speaking to them about their spiritual interests. Dr. Ranch, in a letter of March 21, 1838, to his father in Germany, says: "Our land is blessed with a revival and our school was not left out from this great blessing. Without any special effort on our part, without any expectation of it, suddenly there was an awakening in our midst. All the students suddenly became earnest, thoughtful, asked for twice as many services, yes, three times. They held prayer-meetings among themselves and there was( such a favorable change in the behavior of all, in their diligence, etc., and their desire for the revelation of the divine Word, that no one who would only preach the morality of the Bible, could set himself against such a blessing of God. And this new life of which the revival was a part, was for my blessing and I have had hours of greatest joy among the students who desire to give themselves to God in the bloom of life." Later in the letter he defends the revival. A student of the college in those days, writing about twenty- five years later, says : "We have a distinct recollection of the Bible class and prayer- meeting, both in the college chapel and tlie private houses at Mercers- burg in those days. These meetings Avere held regularly once a week and generally conducted by Prof. Green or the tutors of the col- *ColIege Eecollections, page 160. f College Eecollections, 157-8. Revivals During This Period. 139 lege and sometimes by students of the seminary. Appel says,* ' ' The practice was, of course, encouraged by Dr. Nevin and the faculty of the college and by leading members of the congregation. They were at- tended by members of the church and by many of the students. The students and laity were encouraged to take part in prayer. ' ' Another alumnus, writing of those days, says: "The seminary and the college was largely nurtured by the ministers and churches who in that day were styled new-measures. They were the fruits of a revival from dead formalism and lifeless, and often godless, churchliness. The men and ministers who raised the first endowment of $10,000 were all or nearly all of those who favored revivals. ' ' If this is true, as we believe it is, then how far did that seminary in later years under Mercersburg the- ology depart from the expectations of its founders by its opposition to revivals. Section 4. Approval of Revivals by the Classes and Synod. Nothing gives a clearer indication of the position of the Church than the official action of its governing bodies. These bodies were quite outspoken about revivals. Maryland Classis was perhaps the leader in this, as it was at that time in most of the forward moveinents of the church. In 1831 it held a 99 sunrise prayer-meeting. In 1832 it requested of the members of classis that- two or three or more of them unite in holding protracted meetings. In 1835 it speaks approvingly of revivals, as also in 1836 and 1841. Zion's Classis reports revivals in 1839. Its report of 1843, written by E. V. Gerhart, says : ' ' With many portions of our church we must record a grand revival of true piety within our bounds. The Holy Spirit had been poured out in answer to believing prayer. ' ' Virginia Classis, in 1840, speaking of formalists and opposers of re- vivals, says : ' ' Blessed be God ; his grace is sufficient for every emergency and will bring them to submission." Lebanon Classis went farther than the others. It not only endorsed revivals but attacked their opposers. When Dr. Bucher, the pastor at Beading, was charged by some of his members with departing from Ee- formed custom by having a revival, the classis most decidedly upheld him and sharply rebuked his opponents. It went farther than this; it ordered prayer-meetings to be introduced into the congregations. And when Eev. William Pauli refused he was disciplined for con- tumacy. Ills name was finally el, "in the style of his Puritan education." He later reveals the same idea in a number of missionary articles. jHistorv of Mercersburg congregation, pages 8-9; Appel, College Recollections, 317-23. Revivals During This Period. 143 preached several days before. In the service at Mercersburg on Sunday evening, when the church was densely crowded, without consulting any one, on the spur of the moment, he introduced the anxious bench and called for persons to come forward to it, as the catechumens had boon instructed to do by him. He then called on Dr. Nevin to make a few remarks. Dr. Nevin in a judicious way reminded his hearers that they should not suppose that coming to Christ and to the altar were one and the same thing, for one could come to the anxious bench and not to God. The congregation was so much pleased with Mr. Ramsey that they were about to elect him as pastor. Dr. Nevin, who had been anxious for his elec- tion by the congregation, however, wrote him a letter, saying that if he accepted he would have to adopt the catechetical system which was in use in the Reformed Church or else he could not work heartily with him. Ramsey took offence at this and at once declined the call, assigning as a reason for it Nevin 's letter, and he wrote Dr. Nevin a letter severely flaying him for his opposition on revivals. The students generally sided with Ramsey, for the spirit of the Theological seminary under Prof. IMayer had been favorable to revivals. One student undertook to write a petition and to get signers to it, so as to lay it before Nevin, asking him to recall what he had said about the anxious bench. Dr. Nevin was forced by popular opinion to defend himself, which he did in "The Anxious Bench." Thus Ramsey's attack was one of the causes that led him to write that book. The second event that led to its writing was the attack made on Dr. Nevin by Rev. Mr. Winobrenner, the founder of the denomination called the "Church of God," and for- merly, as we have seen, a Reformed minister. Dr. Nevin. in his excellent articles in the Messenger on the Heidelberg Catechism, was led in the issue of August 10, 1842, to refer to the Winebrennarians as a secession from the Reformed. He said Winebrenner "Had dexterity enough to put in motion a similar ball (to the United Brethren) which continued rolling to this hour, not without abundance of sound. This latter sect especially glory in being the patron of ignor- 144 History of Reforihed Cihrcii in the U. S. ance, rail at hireling ministers, encourage all sorts of fanatical, iin- scriptural disorder and institute their own fancies and feelings for the calm deep power of faith." He also added that thoir doctrines were Pelagian. For this severe arraignment Winebrenner wrote Dr. Nevin a severe letter on September 30, 1842, which Dr. Nevin did not publish until July 32, 1843. AVinebrenner declared that Nevin erred in making the Winebrennarians patrons of ignorance and substituting their own feelings for the calm, deep power of faith. Winebrenner very shrewdly made use of Nevin 's previous articles on the Heidelberg Catechism against him to show that Nevin himself had bewailed the coldness of the German Reformed Church in this country. Winebrenner con- tinued this attack on Nevin in the Religious Telescope, the or- gan of his church, in a very severe manner. These attacks seemed to have annoyed Dr. Nevin. so that later, in pub- lishing Winebrenner 's letter in July of 1843, he announced (September 9, 1843) that he was about publishing a book of revivals. He had been lecturing to the students in the semi- nary on pastoral theology, and included in his lectures some on New-j\Ieasurism, in which he defended his position. These he enlarged into "The Anxious Bench," and "The Anxious I^ench" appeared before October 4. In this book he has re- peated references to Winebrenner, showing that the latter was a cause for its publication. In it Dr. Nevin said that a crisis had come to the church, namely, whether the church was to be ruled hy the anxious bench or by her old catechetical method. He is very careful to distinguish the anxious bench with its noisy excitements from true revivals, and his book is aimed against the former, especially against those who think that the anxious bench in itself saves and is an act without which there is no salva- tion. The book is divided into six cliapters. After showing (chapter 1) that the anxious bench was a clearly defined system distinguished from any other, he (chapter 2) shows that its success is not to be measured by its popularity; (chapter 3) that reliance on outward forms is a weakness; Revivals During This Period. 145 (chapter 4) that it creates false issues for the conscience, un- settling true seriousness and usurping the place of the cross. In chapter 5 he meets the arguments for the anxious bench, as, that it causes decision on the part of the seeker and in chapter 6 he charges it with tending to disorder. As compared with his later development into Mercersburg theology, it is interesting to notice certain things in the book. Thus the Romish Church is not to him a true Church, as it ap- peared later when under the influence of Mercersburg the- olog}^ He says : "What might seem more rational and becoming than the sign of the cross as used by Christians on all occasions in the early church. And yet when the corruptions of Eome were thrown off by the Protestant world in the sixteenth century, this and other similar forms were required to pass away. And why is it that the sign of the cross as once used is now counted a dangerous superstition not to be permitted among Pro- testants. Simply because it falls naturally over to the vast system of abuses of which it forms a part in the Eomish church. Chapter 3, where he attacks the anxious bench because reliance on such outward forms is a weakness, reads strangely in the light of his later emphasis on outward liturgical forms. His later emphasis on baptismal grace is quite in contrast with what he says here, w'hen speaking on the anxious bench as having been placed instead of Christ, he says, "So the Puseyite and Papist disclaim the idea of putting into Christ's place the baptismal font, but in both eases it is perfectly plain that Christ is seriously wronged notwithstanding." On the meaning of infant baptism, he here holds to the old Reformed view that the children of Christians, being born into the covenant, are regarded as members of the church from the beginning, and this privilege is something more than an empty show. Yet later he charges Prof. Rust with being a Pelagian for holding such views, for he later held that the child became a member of church not by virtue of its birth, as here, but by baptism. But while in these respects he is against his later views on theological points, he shows signs on some philosophical points of veering toward his later positions. He is beginning to ' 146 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. love the figure of organism, which hiter pla^axl so prominent a part in his system. He reveals realism in philosophy in his emphasis on universals and says that humanity in general must go before the particular. His empliasis on the exact parallelism between the first and second Adam is beginning to appear. Christ's generic life as the root of the Church is incidentally referred to. But he does not yet make this gen- eric life dependent on the objective force of the church and sacraments as he did later (which was the distinguishing feature of the Nevinistic view theologically), but on the Holy Spirit. "The book was not an attack on revivals of religion but rather intended to show that true revivals grow out of the true life of the church and must not be imposed upon it from without or accompanied by what the author calls ]\Iontanistic ^extravagance. ' '* The book created a sensation. So rapid was its sale that by January, 1844, a new edition was needed. f Trying as he did to hold the middle position on revivals, he was misunderstood by both extremes. Those, who were opposed to all revival movements hailed it as a new ally for them, while those who either used or were lenient to the Anxious Bench regarded it's moderate positions on revivals as too narrow. It was bitterly attacked, especially by the latter. Replies to it were made by no less than six Writers, representing five different denominations: United Brethren, Lutheran, Albright, Meth- odist and Presbyterian (New School ).$ Davis, pastor of the Fifth Presbyterian Church of Pittsburg, wrote a pamphlet against it, entitled "A Plea for New Measures," in which he said there had been many revivals witliout the use of an anxious bench, such as the great revival of 1800. He called Nevin's work "the product of a theological Rip Van "Winkle and an icicle pamphlet." Denny, of the United Brethren Church, wrote strictures on it. Nevin, in replying to him, *Says Prof. Dubbs, "The Ecfornied Church in Ponnsylvriiiia," page 305. fDr. Nevin consi(lerjiV)ly modified his vieAvs in later editions when his Mercersbnrg views had once developed. Thus he later refers to a re- vival as "a religious frenzy," Appel, Life of Nevin, page 160. tSee Appel, College EccoUections, pages 322-8, Revivals During This Period. 147 called him the politico-theological plough manufacturer (it seems he was engaged in the manufacture of ploughs). The Christian Botschaffcr, the organ of the Albright or Evan- gelical Association, severely denounced the book. Wyeth, a JMethodist, attacked it in the Lebanon Courier, as did Rigdon in the New York Christian Advocate, a Methodist paper, who facetiously declared that Nevin had given the book a wrong name, as it was not the bench that was anxious. Rev. Dr. Kurtz, the editor of the Lutheran Observer, replied to it in the Lutheran Observer, charging him with vagaries and want of Scriptural authority. This was published in a "Tract for the People." Rev. Reuben Weiser, a Lutheran minister of Bedford County, Pa., published a reply in 1844, saying that forty Reformed ministers were using the anxious bench as occasion required. Some years after, about 1855, he published in the Lutheran Observer, a retraction. The book was approved by the Christian Intelligencer and the Presby- terian. . The Princeton Beview joined Avith him against the view that makes the anxious bench a sort of a third sacra- ment. In our own church it was generally approved, although Stem says that only one of the students at Mercersburg, Har- baugh, had the courage to come out in full sympathy Avith Nevin at first, for it seems that whole institution, as we have seen, had been pervaded with sympath}^ with all such revival movements before. The Messenger supported it, although, says Dubbs, there was some doubt at first whether Fisher, the editor, would do so, owing to his previous sympathy with re- vivals. It was attacked in the Messenger by Rev. Jacob Helf- f en stein,* who claimed that such movements were not new movements, and that the Methodists do not call it the anxious bench, but the mourners' bench. He declared that the anxioiLS bench was not wrong in itself and said it had been first used in 1804 at Bashing Ridge, N. J., by Rev. Robert Finley. The Synod of Ohio, led by David Winters, recom- mended its members to read it with candor. But one of its *Deceniber 6, 1843. 148 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. members declared he would not touch the wicked thing with a ten-foot pole. Dr. Berg, who was looked upon as a leader in revival movements, said that with the exception of unimport- ant particulars, he could subscribe to all in the book. Rev. Dr. Hacke, one of our conservatives in West Penns.ylvania, re- joiced that the true way had been so ably described and proved. Still the publication of the "Anxious Bench" was used by some of the German ministers who were opposed to revivals as being in their favor, and it led some conservative ministers to take a decided stand against all revivals.* These attacks led Dr. Nevin to write a series of articles in the Messenger on the anxious bench. He first notices the various attacks made on his book and then goes on to define what is really meant by New IMeasures. For there seems to be a difference in the use of the term "anxious bench." Nevin used it as synonymous of the peculiar method used by Method- ists, while others use new-measures in the larger sense as in- cluding revivals of all kinds, prayer-meetings and everything evangelistic. Nevin emphasizes the fact that the anxious bench is bastard revivalism, not true revivalism. lie claimed that the system of the bench was contrary to that of the Catechism, and said that Jacob Helffenstein did not distin- guish between the anxious bench and tlie true form of re- vivalism. Nevin was right, but Helffenstein was also right in writing against the underlying tendency of such a work as Nevin 's to disparage all revivals, wliich tendency appeared later in the Mercersburg theology. As Jacob Helffenstein had complained that Nevin was not clear in his statements as to what was meant by the "Anxious Bench," Nevin explains the difference between a true and false revival, that by new-measures he meant extra meetings out- side of prayer-meetings, protracted meetings, revivals, etc. Thus he says : "Even those who iulinire the anxious bench in the proper sense must admit that they do not stand inseparably connected with the idea of revivals, prayer-meetings, etc. ; and that it is greatly to be regretted, *It was translated into German by Rev. A. Bierdcmann, a Lutheran minister in Ohio. Revivals During This Period. 140 therefore, that they should be so confounded in any part of the church as to stand or fall together in the judgment of the people. Even if the anxious bench be a good thing it is most unfortunate that those who think otherwise should consider it necessary in any cause to condemn and reject prayer-meetings at the same time. All should wish then to see a distinction made among the people between things that are thus confounded without reason under the general name of new-measures. A large part of the opposition that is now manifest toward revivals, prayer-meetings, etc., as included under the common term with the anxious bench noise and Methodistical excesses, would at once become silent if confronted with the same interests in the proper form. I can not persuade myself that there is any part of the German Eeformed Church for instance where the people would make strenuous opposition to a prayer-meeting, to the cause of missions, to the idea of a revival or any other Evangelical interests, if only proper pains were taken by the pastors to bring them forward in the right way." He also adds : ' ' Those who love revivals and those who hate them will come to see before long that they constitute an interest which has nothing to do with the system here ex- posed (the anxious bench).* In the 3l€sscnger-\ he says that the charge of Davis and others that it is a blow struck against revivals and prayer-meetings is false. No one, he says, who knows what a revival is, can believe that the "Anxious Bench" was intended as a tract to represent such interests as these. In the Messengerl he also says that his opponents by con- founding things which do not belong to it at all and by countenancing in its name all sorts of extravagance have brought all into discredit. He speaks approvingly in this article of Spener, Whitfield, the Tennants and Edwards, the great revivalists. He also, in the second edition of the "Anxious Bench" answers attacks, adding whole paragraphs, and he closed the edition by adding the last chapter on the system of the catechism. In this edition he reveals his newer views of the organic and generic life (page 125), but is careful to favor true revivals. He says page 140) : "The churches that hate revivals may be said emphatically to love death. Every faithful pastor will be concerned to sec his ministrations crowned *For further extracts, see Beformed Church Monthly, 1876, page 250. fFebruary 21, 1844. ^February 28, 1844. 150 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. with such special affusions of God's Spirit. Meetings for prayer will be multiplied. Protracted meetings will be required. It will be necessary to have special conferences with the awakened. ' ' He declares that the reformation was a widespread revival and enlarges on the revival at Kidderminster under Baxter. The man who is opposed to all revivals would not speak thus. This volume is not, therefore, an argument against all re- vivals but an argument against a peculiar type of them, namely, the anxious bench. In its preface he declares that its object was to rescue the cause of revivals from abuse. It is also to be carefully noted that in it, he is not only severe against those who hold to the anxious bench but also against those formalists who opposed all revivals. Section 6. The Effect of These Revivals on the Church. The effect of these revivals was great and beneficial. "While there may have been some extravagances,* in general, how- ever, they aided the church. The church hitherto a sleeping giant woke up from its lethargy. Quite a number of valuable results are mentioned by. pastors as coming from them. They led to the estal)lishment of prayer-meetings where before they were unknown. In many congregations a weekly i)rayer- meeting was established and sometimes two. At Cherry Valley the new converts established one for themselves. Quiti^ a number of female prayer-meetings are reported, as at York under Cares. The number of those wlio would take part in public prayer was greatly increased. Together with these prayer-meetings, family altars innumerable arose, often in places where they were unknown before. One or two miji- isters report that family altars existed in almost every family in their congregations. Many Sunday schools were estab- lished. Osborne at Germantown reported three where, before the revival, there was one. Bucher reported, at Reading, a Sunday School teachers' prayer-meeting, at that time a nov- *Occasionally an evil result appeared as when tlioy led in one ease to the desire of one congregation (Boehm's) to adoi>t a constitution as an independent church. Still such independency showed itself in our Church more frequently, where there were no revivals and can not there- fore be made a charge against them. Revivals During This Period. 151 elty. These revivals brought converted teachers into the Sim- day school and greatly added to its efficiency. Large addi- tions were made to the churches as the result of these revivals. In the various public operations of the church these re- vivals produced important results. They aroused interest in missions especially foreign missions. Thus a protracted meet- ing at Boalsburg raised $100 for missions, a large sum at that time. The number of students for the ministry was consid- erably increased and the young men who entered the ministry had learned by experience the nature of conversion, which would greatly aid their usefulness. These revivals led to the suppression of vice, especially of intemperance. Thus, in 1838, all the bars of public houses at Cherry Valley except one were closed as the result of a revival. But the special cause greatly aided by these revival movements was the Cen- tenary of the Church in 1841. The interest they caused, led to the gathering of a much larger amount of money. The seminary at Mercersburg owes its growth largely to this movement. Mayer, Rice, Beeeher, the Ilelffensteins, Berg and others who aided it in its infancy were of this stamp. Yet many of its graduates later, under the influence of Mer- cersburg theology', have minimized and some even sneered at revivals. But without them, their seminary would not be what it is to-day. They ought to be thankful to the worthy men and for this great movement that thus laid the founda- tions of their education. Perhaps the best witnesses of the value of these revivals were the ministers themselves. We select two of the most prominent testimonies from among the many testimonies : Kev. J. H. A. Bomberger, thus wrote about the revival at Waynesboro in 1841: "We feel called upou to acknowledge our conviction that so- great a blessing has been bestowed by God measurably in view of the removal of the great stumbling-block which hitherto hindered the opera- tions of divine grace, namely, sectarian prejudice. May the Almighty God pass through the length and breadth of our beloved churches and revive them all. ' ' Prof. J. W. Nevin, in his article on a Visit to Reading,* says: "This re\dval has served to vindicate in Reading and to the view of all Berks *Messenger, July 4, 1843. 152 History of Reformed Church ix the U. S. County the true original spirit of the German Kefomied Church as it regards the great interest of Evangelical piety. The men who oppose heart-religion and prayer-meetings in the German Reformed Church are the enemies of the Church. "When they S£fy that prayer-meetings are contrary to the spirit of the Church, they lie and do not tell the truth. The Heidelberg Catechism inculcates serious heart-religion from beginning to end. The old hymns of the Church are full of it. It is wretched impudence for any one to stand up in the face of our hymns and our Catechism and the example of the fathers and say that ministers who preach repentance and the new birth are bringing new doctrines and new-measures. The mere cry of new-measures will not serve to keep the people in the dark. They will understand that the use of new-measures is one thing and the serious use of the old-meas- ures is another. They will be able to distinguish between things that differ as light and smoke, having nothing to do on the one hand with anxious benches, shouting, clapping and the whole Babelism of false excitement, while they hold fast on the other to all that is vital in the religion of the closet, the family and the social circle as embodied from the Bible in the Heidelberg Catechism." CHAPTER V. Teie Doctrine and Cultus of the Church, 1793-1844. Section 1. The Doctrine. A. Orthodoxy. — It has been the habit of the historians of the Mercersburg school to claim that our Church passed through a period of rationalism before 1840, and that the Mercersburg theology was the savior of our Church by bringing it back to the Evangelical position. It is necessary, therefore, to examine and see whether the el^arge be true or not. Thus Schaff* declares that our Church had been founded at a time when German theology was rationalistic and the pious elements had fled to the chapels of Pietists or to the Moravians. He says that among the ministers there was much open and secret rationalism. In this charge he was fol- lowed by Nevin and the Mercersburg men, who delighted to write up their supernaturalism by writing down about all the Reformed who went before them, saying that the latter had all been tinctured with low views of the Church and the sacraments. Gerhart, too,t says: "From 1747 to 1819, a period of 72 years, neither the ministers of the coetus nor of the synod make any reference either to the Heidelberg Cate- chism or any other confession of faith. Such a negative atti- tude is in sympathy with the dominant rationalism in Europe of the eighteenth century." Gerhart 's statement about the Heidelberg Catechism has since been disproved by the publi- cation of the coetus' minutes, where the Heidelberg Catechism is often spoken of. But neither Schaff nor Gerhart are right in making our early church to be rationalistic. They did so to write up ]\Iereersl)urg theology as having saved the Church from rationalism. No doubt to them with their ultra-high *Palmblatter, 1846, page 92, also 1847. tSesqui-centennial Address, 1896, page 36. 153 154 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. views of the Church and the sacraments, the old view of our Church would seem low, and so they charged it with being Puritanic and rationalizing. But it was nevertheless the old Reformed view, as old as the reformation, in comparison with which INIercersburg Theology was "new-measureism." But let us look at the facts that disprove their theory. The synod very early took its position against infidelity. The minutes of 1796^ say : "Domine Hendel brought up the sad consequences of Paine 's blas- phemous works. It was resolved that the ministry endeavor to operate against these results by watchfulness and prayer according to the example of the apostles." Hendel at the same meeting called attention to the propositions in the House of Representatives, threatening to over- throw the instruction of the youth Ju the true Christian religion and proposed to take into consideration how it may be defeated or amended. It was resolved that the standing committee be requested to be vigilant and as soon as they thought encroachments were being made, to have a petition opposing the measure or asking for amendments printed and sent to the ministers for subscription by the members of their congre- gations. In 1797, the Reformed and Lutherans joined hands against the public school bill of Pennsylvania, because they thought it godless and would lead their children from the church. Pauli, in a letter to Helffrich, September 20, 1800, speaks of the fear by Christian people of Jefferson's infidelity. He says: "We flatter ourselves here with the hope that Adams will again be elected president; the unbelief of Jefferson, his atheistic efforts are clearly to be seen, so that every one who names himself a Christian ought to be ashamed to vote for him." The boldness of infidelity was so great that the character of Runkel, pastor at Germantown, was openly and scandalously attacked in the Germantown Democrat. It was replied to by Billmeyer's paper sharply. The synod of 1802 put itself on record against the; introduction of infidelity into tlie synod : ' ' Inasmuch as the attention of the synod has been called to the prevalence of neology, especially in Euro])C, it was resolved to guard against the introduction of this as far as possible, that all ministers coming from Europe as well as those ordained in this country shall hereafter for a period of three years be merely lionorary members, Doctrine and Cultus of the Church. 155 and shall ouly after the expiration of that period and in ease their life and doctrine harmonize with the gospel, be permitted to vote."* It is therefore evident from this that our synod officially was sound in its orthodoxy. While the Lutheran Church in this country had rationalistic elements or passed, it is said, through a rationalistic era, we find only two or three Reformed minis- ters in connection with the synod against whom rationalism is charged. One of them was Raschig, who spent some time at the seminary at York, was licensed 1833 and after being a pastor in Dauphin County, went to Cincinnati in ]834 to a congregation fomided largely on a unionistic basis. In 1835 he endeavored to introduce into his congregation, because many of them were from the Rhine, the Rhine-Bavarian Cate- chism. This was attacked by Jacob Gulich, who wrote a long letter, March 15, 1836, to Raschig, who ignored his letter as Gulich was not a member of his congregation. Gulich then had his letter published. Raschig was urged by his congre- gation to continue the use of the catechism. Gulich then brought complaint before the Ohio Synod of 1836, asking them to pass judgment on the catechism. The synod ap- proved the complaint and published the letter as an appendix to its minutes. But its decision had little effect on the con- gregation. It is strange that the synod took any action on Gulich 's complaint, because he was not a member of our Church and, therefore, his complaint had no ecclesiastical standing. The Messenger criticized the catechism because it nowhere states Christ's divinity, total depravity, atonement or regeneration by the Holy Spirit, and said that Raschig, whom it believed to be Evangelical, ought not to have intro- duced it. Miami Classis reported to the Ohio Synod of 1847 that it had erased Raschig 's name. Foersch w^as another illustration of rationalism. He had become somewhat prominent by the publication of a life of Zwingli in 1837, but soon after became a rationalist. For this he was promptly deposed fi'om our ministry in 1839. He subsequently repented and asked to be reinstated as a min- *Eev. Mr. Dreyer, of onr Clnucli, liad an article in the Evangelische Zeitung against uuiversalism. 156 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. ister, which was done, but he was later again deposed. The Church by thus casting off those of rationalistic tendencies declared itself orthodox. Of the period of rationalism in tlie Church, as charged by the Mercersburg historians, we can find scarce a trace, not even, as we shall see, in the private catechism's published. Nevin declared that period to be rationalistic because they did not hold a^ high views of the Church and sacraments as himself. But in so doing he set up a man of straw so as to attack it. Our forefathers of this period would not have known themselves among the rationalists. They thoroughly believed in the divinity of Christ, original sin, the atonement and regeneration more fully than some who now cast the charge against them. They w^ould have indignantly repudi- ated the charge of being rationalists. The following illustrations of the opposition to rationalism are told of some of the ministers: Wack was once annoyed by a Universalist preacher who said: "Our doctrine is old; it was preached in Para- dise," and quoted as his proof "The seed of the woman shall bruise the serpent's head," to which Wack made prompt reply, "Yes, it is old; it was preached in Paradise and the Devil was the first preacher of it and his text was "Thou shalt not surely die." To another such preacher who held that all will ultimately be saved, Wack abruptly re- torted, "If that be so, I don't see what you have to do here, where I am doing all I can to save people from going to hell. Your proper mission is in hell itself preaching the gospel of prospective deliv- erance to those who are in torment." Reily with a number of ministers happened to stop at a hotel on the way to synod. A minister of an- other denomination, but a rationalist, happened to dine at the same place. Knowing Mr. Reily, he came up to him with a pompous and bantering air to show off his learning and lead him into an argument. Drawing himself up into an attitude of great dignity, he addressed Reily: "What is reason? Please give me a correct and full definition of reason." "O, well," replied Reliy, his eye beaming with humor, ' ' Reason ! reason is something one takes by the nose and turns any way one listeth. " The discussion was brought to a sudden close amid the half suppressed smiles of all present. B. Catholicism. — The Church had no more sj^mpathy for Catholicism than for rationalism. In 1840 the synod com- mended Berg's "Lectures on Romanism" which he had deliv- ered before publication to great crowds. Nevin also favorably Doctrine and Cultus op the Church. 157 criticized Berg's book. In 1841 Berg published "Auricular Confession." He also became editor of the Protestant Ban- ner, a magazine devoted to polemics against Romanism. In 1841 he published a synopsis of Den's Moral Theology to re- veal the awful moral standard of the Catholics. Berg thus be- came a leader against Romanism. lie tried, in 1843, to have the synod take action against the Catholic Church as Anti- christ, but seems to have failed. In that year Berg engaged in an open discussion in the Reformed Church at Lebanon with a Catholic priest at Leb- anon. It seems that Rev. Gardner Jones, who had left the Catholic priesthood and become a minister in our Church, had made an exposure of Catholicism at Lebanon. This led the Catholic priest, Steinbacher, to offer, through the Leb- anon Democrat, a challenge to enter into a discussion with any teacher of religion who might think differently from himself. Jones offered to meet the priest, but would not agree to the conditions and refused to have anything to do with him. A copy of the paper was sent to Berg. He ac- cepted the challenge and came to Lebanon, October 12, 1842. The controversy was arranged for October 17, 1842. Two questions were to be discussed, the first prepared by Stein- bacher, the second by Berg: 1. Are the marks of the great apostasy as found in the Bible found in the doctrines and prac- tices of the Church of Rome? 2. Is the Church of Rome an idolatrous church ? They were to have five meetings of two hours each, each to occupy thirty minutes at a time. Tlie Re- formed church was crowded at the opening of the discussion. The priest opened by saying that he had been persecuted by some Protestants entering into his parish at Lebanon. Berg replied that there was no persecution. Berg read from Den's theology, "Are here- tics rightly punished with death?" Steinbacher shrewdly took the position that Catholicism could not be called an apostate faith for it was the earliest faith. A second argument that it was not apostate was that as it was infallible it could not be so. Berg replied that they did not know what infallibility was, as they differed greatly in its definition, and he denied that the Catholic Church had been founded twenty years before the Book of Revelation was written, as the priest had said. 158 History of Reformed Ceiurcii in the U. S. On Monday evening they again debated before a crowded audience. TEe priest showe.l that the Albigenses, Manicheans and Waldenses had on them marks of Antichrist. Berg then Avent on to show that Catholics were idolatrous in praying to and worshiping the Virgin Mary, quoting Colossians against them. The priest in reply tried to show that their prayers to Mary did not mean that they worshiped her. He went on to show that the Catholic Church did not possess the marks of apostasy as given in the seventeenth chapter of Eevelation. Berg, in reply, applied the seven-hilled city of that chapter to the seven-hilled city of Eome and ridiculed their doctrine of apostolic succession. They met again on Tuesday, but tlie two topics agreed upon were not closely adhered to. The priest defended the popes and declared that Berg's statements were fallacious. He defended the Orders and the relics of the church, basing his argument on tradition. Berg at once denied that there was any proof for them from the Bible. He then attacked the Orders and the doctrine of justification by works. He pointed to the Ijang wonders of Catholicism as the House of Loretto. He declared that, as the priest dared not reveal a secret of the con- fessional, he might keep secret a plot against our country. The i)riest in reply defended prayers to the saints and the celibacy of the priest- hood. Berg then attacked celibacy. On Tuesday evening the priest defended the priest's oath to secrecy. He tried to prove that Eome was the true church, while Protestantism was not the true bride of Christ. Berg then spoke of the fifth mark of the beast forbidding to marry and showed that Rome had every one of the marks of the apostasy. Steinbacher then arose and referred the Antichrist of the Bible to tlie Manicheans and tried to show tliat Protestantism had apostatized from Rome. Berg applied Paul's mark of the -worship of Antichrist to the pope and spoke a solemn warning against an apostatizing church. On Wednesday afternoon the discussion turned upon whetlier Rome was an idolatrous church. The priest attacked the Protestants as not properly commissioned to preach the gospel. He also attacked the Protestant doctrine that the Bible was the infallible rule of faith be- cause he said the Reformers (lifl'crcd so much in its interpretation. Berg, without paying attention to tlie somewhat rambling charges of his opponent, then went directly to tiie question whether Rome was an idolatrous church. He held up a piece of the true cross which they worshiped. He also referred to their worship of the host, quoting the second commandment against them. He said they worshiped the saints and the pope, whereas all worshij) was forbidden by tiie Bible except of Christ. The priest replied somewhat angrily but did not answer Berg 's arguments, and went on directly to defend transub- stantiation. Berg defended the differences of interpretation among the Reformers and declared they did right in leaving the Catholic Church. Doctrine and Cultus op the Church. 159 He then attut-ked transubstantiation and closed with a hope that all priests mijjht see the ligiit as it is in Protestantism and called Rome an apostate church. All through the argument it seemed evident that the priest was on the defensive. As he had had the lead in the diseus- sion it was somewhat rambling in its character. Berg un- doubtedly had the better of the argument, both in logic and as to the facts. The influence of the discussion was favorable to Protestantism. _^ C. Calvinism. — The Church was in the main Calvinistic, | although the doctrine of election was never greatly empha- sized. It was treated as it is in the catechism in an irenic way and as a spiritual comfort rather than as a metaphysical speculation— as God's grace rather than God's sovereignty. Nor did adherence to it keep the church from having some Arminians in it. And there were also some who boasted that they were Zwinglian rather than Calvinistic. Thus, Prof. Mayer, in 1835, says: "The issues between Calvinism and Arminianism are left to every man's conscience. We have ministers and members on both sides of the question." He speaks of there being Armininans especially among the laity. But although Dr. Mayer states the matter thus, in his dog- matical lectures as we have seen, he is Calvinistic, although it is in a mild form. ^ But other facts reveal the strength of Calvinism in the Church. Thus, Thomas Pomp, in his article in the Messen- ger* reveals very strong Calvinism. The Messenger, in an editorial June 19, 1844, criticizes Rev. Dr. Morris, the Lu- theran, of Baltimore, who said that the only difference be- tween the Reformed and the Lutheran churches was that the one said in German "our Father" and the other "Father our" in the Lord's prayer. The editorial gives eleven differences be- tween the Lutherans and the Reformed. Among them it says that the Lutherans are Armininans, the Reformed moderately Calvinistic in doctrine like their standards, which are mod- erately Calvinistic. *April 19, 1837. 160 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. The theological position of the teachers of the three pri- vate theological seminaries is significant. As to the type of doctrine taught in these schools it was confessionally Reformed and orthodox based on the Heidelberg Cate- chism. Becker's published sermons reveal him as ortho- dox but broa'd and liberal in his views and sympathies. Becker's theological lectures* reveal fine scholarship, wide learning, clearness of thought and systematic arrangement. He gives a good deal of prominence to natural theology, plac- ing it first and emphasizing ''healthy reason." But Biblical theology, which follows, composes the larger part and is es- sentially Evangelical. He has no sympathy with high-Cal- vinism, calling it subjective predestination (that is subjective in the mind of God). He inclines toward Arminianism — • that election is objective, — based on God's foreknowledge. He also holds to universal atonement. He was probably in- fluenced by Mursinna, his teacher, toward freedom of dog- matic thought though he did not follow him in his rational- ism, but perhaps under his teaching some of our ministers became Aveak in their Calvinism or were Arminian. Dr. Samuel Helffenstein was a strict Calvinist of the Federal School, as is revealed by his theology, "The Doctrine of Di- vine Revelation." In it he says that its statement of doc- trine was what had always been common in the German Re- formed Church. This book was commended by a committee appointed by synod composed of Pomp, Becker and Wolff. Rev. John Ilelffrich says HclfFenstcin used Lampe's (Cal- vinistic dogmatics in teaching liis students. Dr. Herman, *We found a cnj)y of Becker's lectures on theology in nirinuscript in the librar,y of Franklin and Marshall College, presented to it by Schaff- ner. Schaffner was the son of Becker's organist at Lancaster and began his studies under Becker there. The dates in this book are interesting. 8chaffner began stmlying with Becker February 10, 180G, and went with Becker to Baltimore, where he continued his studies under him, closing with moral theology, January, 180S. There is also another copy in the library of the Central Seminary at Dayton, presented by Rev. A. Helf- fenstein. The same theology in a somewhat abbreviated form was taught by his son. Rev. J. C. Becker, a copy of which is also in the Central Theological Seminary library, j)resented by Rev. Dr. Keinnierer. Perhaps it was to get this unusually fine system of theology that so many of his father's students went over to Rev. J. C. Becker. Doctrine and Cultus op the Church. 16] who was head of the third private theological school, al- though a pupil of the rationalistic Prof. Mursinna at Halle, yet was thoroughly Evangelical and strong on the doctrine of predestination, as is revealed by his theological lectures, some of which were published later by Guldin in the Christian hitel- Jigenccr and the Messenger* Section 2. The Private Catechisms op Our Early Church. Although the Heidelberg Catechism was the creed adopted by our Church from its beginning in this country, yet. especially in the early part of the last century, a number of ministers prepared catechisms of their own, which they used in the instruction of the youth for church-membership. In doing so they were but following the example of our Church in Germany, where Lampe and others had published a num- ber of such aids to the Heidelberg Catechism. None of these catechisms were ever officially adopted by our Church, although several attempts were made to legitima- tize some of them at the synods. In the constitution of 1793 (published in 1805) the Heidelberg Catechism was not men- tioned. But in 1820 the synod directed that the Heidelberg Catechism be exclusively used in the churches. That synod appointed a committee to publish in English an Extract of the Heidelberg Catechism. But two of the committee were already using catechisms of their own, so nothing came of it. In 1822, Samuel Helfifenstein reported a catechism (which may have been his own) as suitable for adoption hy the synod, but it was not adopted. In 1823, synod appointed another committee but they did nothing. The new constitution of 1828 ordered that the Heidelberg Catechism, or an ab- breviation of it, be used, but this did not stop the use of these private catechisms. In 1833, Rev. J. C. Becker sub- *There is a fourth system of theology that has come down to us in manuscript from those early days. It is a theology brought to this country by Wynckhaus and is credited by him to .Tanssen, the professor of theology at Uuisburg in Germany, where he had studied. It was later used by the Wacks (Casper and George) in training those who studied under them. Eev. S. E. Fisher and Shenkle also had copies. It is also Calvinistic. 162 History of Reformed CiinRCii tn the U. S. mitted his catechism to the synod, but the committee, to whom were referred several such catechisms, never seems to have reported. The Synod of Ohio in 1820 ordered the Heidelberg Catechism to be used; but in 1838, though refusing to adopt Weisz 's catechism, its use was allowed. Several of these private catechisms were used beyond the parish of their authors, especially Helff enstein 's and Ra- hauser's. But most of them were used only in the congre- gations of their author. It is important to note, however, that while these private catechisms were much used, yet the Hei- delberg Catechism does not seem to have been set aside or to have lost its circulation, as quite a number of editions were published during this period by different printing houses in different places. The earliest of these private catechisms pub- lished was by Rev. C. L. Becker, of Baltimore. It was pub- lished in 1805 at Lancaster, where he was then pastor. But his catechism does not seem to have been the first in use, for the Helffrich catechism, which was published in 1826, claims in its preface to have been used forty years before, which would puts its use back to 1786. In 1810, two private catechisms were published, one by Rev, Mr. Pliester, of Lebanon, the other by Rev. Samuel Helffenstein, of Philadel- phia. In 1813, Rev, L. F. Herman, of Falkner Swamp, pub- lished a catechism at Reading. In 1817, Rev. Jonathan Ra- hauser, of Hagerstown, published a catechism there. In 1820. a catechism appeared at Allentown, known as the "Dubl)s catechism," In 1826, the Helffrich catechism was published at Allento\\-n, In 1833, Rev. J. C. Becker, the son of Rev. C, L, Becker, published a catechism at Allentown, and Rev, Samuel Hess at Easton in 1843. These were the private cate- chisms of this period. Others, as Fisher's, Gerhart's, Schaff 's were published later,* These catechisms are interesting be- cause they throw a side-light on the doctrinal history of our Church at a time when there was little church literature. In- cidentally they reveal some facts about the tendencies of *An interestinfj articlo and biMiof^rapliy of those private catechisnis is found in Prof. W. .T. Hinke's "Early Catocliisnis of the "Reformed Church in the United States" in the Kcformcd Church Kcview of 1908. Doctrine and Cultus of the Church. 163 their authors. These catechisms can be divided into three .classes : 1. Those that follow the Heidelberg Cathechisni in its ar- rangement and were intended merely as a connuentary on it. 2. Those whose arrangement of material is different from the Heidelberg, but which fre(iuently refer to the questions and answers of the Heidelberg. 3. Those that make no reference to the Heidelberg Cate- chism, but which have their own arrangement and view Chris- tian doctrines from their own standpoint. 1. Four of the catechisms belong to the first class : llelffenstein 's, Ra- hauser's, the so-called Dubb's Catechism and Hess'. Helflfenstein 's was jmblished by Rev. Samuel llelffenstein, of Philadel- phia, and most closely follows the order of the answers of the Heidelberg Catechism. It is entitled "A Short Instruction in the Christian Re- ligion according to the Heidelberg Catechism." It contains about 500 questions and refers directly to 63 answers of the Heidelberg Catechism in their order. It has 55 quotations from Scripture. After a brief introduction on religion, the Scriptures and God, it takes up the ques- tions of the Heidelberg one after the other. It is clear and logical in its statements, revealing Dr. Helffenstein 's known theological ability. Much of it seems to be taken from llelffrich's Catechism. For it is to be remembered that the older Helffenstein and the older Ilelffrich were stepbrothers. It is also possible that both of these catechisms may have had a common source in some earlier German catechism in Germany, familiar to these older ministers, but that yet remains to be found. This catechism seems to have been used by some of the min- isters who studied tlieology under Dr. Helft'enstein. Thus Rev. John Brown, in A'irginia, ])ublished a catechism in 1830, entitled "A Short Instruction According to the Heidelberg Catechism," at Harrisonburg, Va., in Ger- man and English. It is the Helffenstein Catechism considerablj^ abbreviated, having about 340 questions.* Rev. George Weisz, in 1837, at Lancaster, O., published "A Short Instruction According to the Heidelberg Cate- chism." It is also the Helffenstein Catechism somewhat abbreviated, having 339 questions. Neither Brown or Weisz give any credit in their publication to Helffenstein as the author of the catechism,f although catechisms may have been looked upon in those days as public property belonging to the church. The next catechism to closely follow tlie Heidelberg is Rahauser's. Rev. Jonathan Rahauser was the pastor of the Reformed church at *A copy of it is in the possession of General J. E. Roller, of Harrison- burg, Va. fLet us hope they did so as they lectured on it. 164 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. Hagerstown, Maryland. Its title is "Short Extract from the Heidel- berg Catechism in Questions and Answers. ' ' Its motto on its title-page is "To promote the knowledge of trutli, wliicli is after godliness." It has 421 questions. Without any introduction, as in the Ilelffenstein Catechism, it at once goes into the questions of the Heidelberg Cate- chism. It directl}' refers to 57 of the questions of the Ileiilelberg and has 77 references to Scripture. A peculiarity of this cHtechism is tliat it takes up the ten commandments in the first part of the catecliisiu instead of the third part, as in the Heidelberg. Many of its answers are based on the Helffrich Catechism. The so-called Dubbs Catechism was published at Allentown in 1820, but it is evident that Dubbs did not write it, for he did not enter the ministry until 1822. Who its author was is a problem. Its preface is dated Weissenberg. In 1819, when this preface was written, the pastor at Weissenburg and around Allentown was Kev. John Gobrecht ; but his pastorate was short and he was not a man of much education, so that it seems to us likely that he used the catechism of his prede- cessor, Eev. Abraham Blumer, which would make Blumer the author. A pointer in that direction may be the fact that the catechism was pub- lished by a firm whose leading member was a son of Eev. Mr. Blumer. Blumer was a university graduate of Europe and fully able to prejiare such a catechism. Its title is "Christian Instruction in Eeligion in Questions and Answers. ' ' After a brief introduction of seventeen ques- tions, it takes up the questions of the Heidelberg Catechism in their order, though omitting some of them. Although it directly refers to only nineteen questions of the Heidelberg Catechism, yet under these questions it gathers many of the surrounding answers of the Heidelberg. It has about 439 questions and refers to Scriptures 47 times. Hess' Catechism was prepared by Eev. Samuel Hess and publisiied at Easton in 1843. It is entitled "Short Instruction in the Christian Eeligion in Questions and Answers for the Use of Children." After a brief introduction of ten questions, it enters on the second question of the Heidelberg and so continues throughout the wliole Heidelberg, embodying many of its answers in it. It refers directly to 26 questions of the Heidelberg and has about 441 questions. It refers to Scripture 66 times. It closes with a confirmation hymn. , 2. The second class of private catechisms are tliose wliicli li.-ive a dilTcr- ent arrangement of materials from the Heidell)erg, but frequently refer to it and base themselves on it. Of this class there are tiiree: Helf- frich's, C. L. Becker's and Hiester's.* Hiester's Catechism was entitled "A Sunimnry of Cliristian Doctrine after the Order of the Heidelberg Catechism," Lebanon, ISin. It does *We do not consider the "Short Summary of Cliristian Doctrine" published at Lebanon, 1804, as a catechism. It is a summary of doc- trine rather than a catechism. It seems, liowever, to Iiave li;i- (Palatinate), with some improvements, be retained. Synod, at the suggestion of Sus- quehanna Classis, appointed a new committee, who were to send to each classis a copy the next spring. Evidently the synod did not expect that many changes would be made by the committee, or it would not have expected it to have its work done by Spring, especially as it was difficult for com- mittees to meet in those days, when there were no railroads. Doctrine and Cultus of the Ciiurcii. 171 The committee consisted of Wack, Sr., Helffenstein and Van- dersloot. The change of the committee was probably due to the difificulty of getting the former committee together. Th^se did not live so far apart. To the Synod of 1823 the commit- tee reported through Helffenstein that they favored the Pa- latinate liturgy with some improvements. To the synod of 1824, Helffenstein reported that they had not been able to fulfil their duty. The synod did not seem to be pleased with their delay, and declared it awaited its appearance the next year. A committee was appointed to examine the liturgy prepared by Helffenstein. This committee consisted of Becker, Hinsch and Dechant. This was the last heard of a liturgy at synod for nearly ten years. Evidently there was no great desire on the part of the Church for the "enrichment of liturgical services," as has l)een claimed 1)y the IMercersburg historians. The Church greatly needed an p]nglish pulpit-liturgy, as its congregations were continually becoming more and more Eng- lish, and it had no forms in English even for the sacraments; but in spite of this, the matter rested. In 1834 the matter came up again. Susquehanna Classis asked that the liturgy (the Palatinate) be published in Ger- man and English. Synod appointed a committee consisting of Mayer, Ranch, Hoffeditz, Fries and Geiger.* In 1835, Mary- land Classis asked synod to hasten the publication of a liturgy adapted to the Church. To the synod of 1835 the committee reported that they were not in a position to fulfil this duty. In 1836, Dr. Mayer, as the chairman, reported progress, but that owing to his ill-health he had not been able to complete his work. In 1837, he submitted to synod in manuscript the liturgy he had prepared. A considerable part of it was read to the synod. It was then placed in the hands of several com- mittees. These eonunittees made verbal reports to synod and a committee composed of Cares, Gutelius and Zacharias was ap- pointed to make l. Weiser, of our church at Selinsgrove. CHAPTER VI. Union and Disunion. Section 1. Union and Disunion Within Our Church. In 1824 the Ohio classis separated from the old synod, forming a s\Tiod of its o\^ti, to which later the classis of West- ern Pennsylvania, of the old synod, joined itself. The divi- sion occurred in this way: In 1823, the classis of Northamp- ton, in eastern Pennsylvania, asked synod for permission to ordain ministers, as a candidate (Zeiser) had applied to it. Sj^nod declined to grant the request, claiming that such an act could only be performed by synod. This action struck home more seriously many miles laway. It seems that three yoimg men, David Winters, Jacob Descombes and John Pence, had applied for admission to the ministrj^ to the Ohio classis. This classis declared (1824) its inability to require its candi- dates to go to the expense of traveling to Pennsylvania for ordination. It, therefore (June 14, 1824), declared its inde- pendence of the mother synod. It contained eleven ministers, of whom eight were present, and had about 2,500 members. Three of the Reformed ministers of this classis did not go out of the mother synod with it, Reiter, at New Philadel- phia; Larose, of Preble Coimty, Ohio, and Riegel, of Miamis- burg, Ohio. They connected themselves with the West Penn- sylvania classis, the nearest classis of the old synod. (Still it is to be remembered that in eastern Ohio, Mahnenschmidt and Sonnendccker were still members of the West Pennsyl- vania classis.) The Ohio s.ynod then ordained Pence, AViii- ters and Descombes. It adopted the Heidelberg Catechism and the constitution of the German Reformed Church, which it adhered to till the adoption of its own constitution in 1832. In 1842 it adopted the constitution of the Eastern synod and 178 Union and Disunion. 179 later its revision in 1846. As late as 1840 it was called by its members a coetus. The Eastern synod asked the Ohio synod to come back, but they declined. In 1833 and 1834 some efforts were made to have them again united, especially as the Eastern synod had in the meantime granted to its classes the very thing it had refused to Ohio classis in 1823, namely, the right of the classis to ordain ministers. In 1834, Lebanon, Susquehanna and JMaiyland classes expressed a desire for a union with the Ohio synod, but nothing came of it. In 1840 the second and third districts of the Ohio synod discussed the question of reuniting with the mother synod, because the causes of the separation no longer existed, but postponed action till their General Synod of Ohio should again meet in 1842. So the synod of Ohio, 1842, decided to open correspondence by delegates with the mother synod. Two delegates were to be sent from each body who were to have a seat and a vote in the other body. They also agreed to interchange their reports of th(^ state of religion and statistics. This was adopted by the Eastern synod with joy. It prepared the way for them to enter the more heartily into the movement culminating in the Triennial convention l)etween the Dutch Reformed, the Eastern synod and tlie Ohio synod. Section 2. Union With Other Churches. The German Reformed Cliureh, like its founder, Zwingli at I\larburg (who there reached out his hand to Luther but was refused), has always been irenic and favorable to church union. She very early revealed this tendency to union in America. In doctrine and government, she naturally inclined toward union with the Dutch Reformed, while in language she was nearer the Lutheran. A. Union ivitli the Dutch lu j'onital. — Between the Dutch and the German Reformed Chureli there was always a most cordial feeling during this period (1793-1844). Nurtured originally by the same mother, the Reformed Church of the Netherlands, their associations have always been very close. Dr. Corwin says that "at the first meeting of the Dutch 180 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. General Synod in 1794 union with the German Church was looked forward to as a desirable consumiuation and a com- mittee was appointed to take effectual measures to bring so desirable a thing into effect." In 1803, Rev. Dr. Living- ston, of the Dutch Church, sent a letter to the synod asking that young ministers of our church be sent to the destitute parts of New York state, Avhere Germans were settling and suggested that fraternal correspondence be opened with our synod, which was begim the next year (1804). This was the first form of imion with the Dutch — ^by correspondence, which continued doAMi to 1813. Then came delegate-union; two delegates from the Dutch Synod appeared before our synod and suggested that in addition to correspondence by letter it should be by delegates. The synod agreed to this and appointed Gloninger and S. Helffenstein delegates to the Dutch Synod, 1813, and Helffenstein and Hendel, 1814. This was continued, although sometimes the delegates were not able to go. In 1817. this union tendency grew still closer. Our synod, feeling the need of a theological seminary, ap- pointed a committee consisting of Pomp and Helffenstein to confer Avith the Dutch Synod on the subject. They sent a letter to the Dutch Sj-nod of 1818, expressing a wish to unite with them in a theological seminary. In 1818, Rev. Peter Labagh also presented an overture from the Dutch Synod to our's, that the two Reformed Churches imite in support- ing the Dutch Reformed Theological seminary at New Bruns- wick. Our committee reported to our synod that as negotia- tions were in progress among the Germans toward ostablisli- ing a school in connection with Franklin College, in which both Lutherans and Reformed had an interest, the coiiuuittec therefore declared nothing could be done toward union with the Dutch. As our Church started its own seminary project in 1820, there was therefore no further attempt at union l)e- tween these two denominations on the basis of a one semi- nary.* Correspondence by means of delegates, however, con- tinued until in 1842 the time seemed ripe for a still closer *In 1834 Susquchaiiiia C'lassis ovortuvod Symxl to unite witli tlic Piiteh. Union and Disunion. 181 union. Then Rev. Drs. Heiner and Berg, the delegates from our synod to the Dutch fSynod, suggested it. It was very cordially taken up b}^ the Dutch Synod and an overture pre- pared to our synod. A connnittee of the Dutch Synod was ;i])p(>inted to confer with us, consisting of Revs. Drs. Har- (li'iihcrg, Ludlow, Knox and Strong, together with Elders Fre- linghuysen, Van Nest and llardenberg. Our synod replied favoral)ly and appointed a connnittee to confer with the Dutch about closer union. The committee consisted of Revs. B. C. Wolff, Schneck, Heiner, Berg and Elder J. C. Bucher. The committees on conference met at Philadelphia in March, 1843, and drew up an elaborate plan of co-operative union in five articles — that the three churches, Dutch and German (the latter in its two synods, Eastern and Ohio) should hold a Triennial convention of thirty-six delegates, to which the Dutch Church appointed one-third and the German two- thirds. The first convention met at Plarrisburg in August, 1844. Dr. Nevin preached the opening sermon. After a free interchange of opinion, a committee of seven was ap- pointed to introduce any proposals for action. The following were proposed by it and adopted by the convention : 1. The licentiates of either of the theological schools of the three de- nominations should be considered as candidates in either church. Each seminary must send to the faculty of the other seminaries a list of recent graduates. 2. A corresjiondenee must be kept up among the various institutions of the respective churches by the students to cultivate affection and awaken a mutual interest in the rising ministry of the respective bodies. 3. That the system of instruction in the several seminaries should be as nearly alike as possible. The same text-books in didactic theology should be used. 4. The liturgies should be conformed to each other as nearly as pos- sible. 5. Domestic missionary operations should be blended together as much as possible. In closing, the convention adjourned to meet in 1847, a Dutch minister to preach the opening sermon. Its actions were adopted by tlie different synods except that relating to text-books on didactic theology in the seminaries. High hopes 382 History of Reformed Church ix the U. S. were entertained of the success of this plan that it would draw the two denominations closer together until their co- operative union would result in an organic imion. The Dutch Church at once appropriated $10,000, to be expendecl in the domestic field of the German Church. The rest of the his- tory of this Triennial convention will be told later in this book. B. Tlie Lutheran Church. — The Lutheran Church was also near the Reformed because they used the same language, they very often worshiped in tlie same church building and. be- sides, they had a common interest in one of the educational institutions of Pennsylvania, the High School at Lancaster. The union tendency was early shown by the synod, as it approved a resolution (1812) to support "The Evangelical Magazine," founded by Rev. Dr. Ilehnuth, of the Lutheran Church. But as a synod, it inclined more toward the Dutch than toward the Lutherans, as Buettner, the earliest of our historians,* says. He himself was strongly in favor of union with the Lutherans but declared he made little progress. As a significant fact he calls attention to the fact that while the synod accepted correspondence with the Presbyterians in 1824, although a member offered a resolution for a luiion hymnbook with the Lutherans, it was voted down. The relation between the two churches comes out promi- nently in 1817 on the anniversary of the Lutheran Reforma- tion, when the Lutheran ministerium sent an invitation to our synod, inviting them to unite with the Lutherans in ob- serving this Tercentenary on October 31, 1817. Our synod ap- pointed a conniiittee on this overture. It reported favorably on it. But evidently there was a strong difference of opinion in our synod for there was considerable discussion and the final action of synod was less favorable, namely, not to of- ficially observe it but to leave to each minister the option to do as he wished. Iloffmeier, as the secretary, was ordered to prepare a report of the origin of the festival. But Bu<'ttncr says he did not believe a single Reformed minister held such a service. *Page 37, History of German Reformed Church. Union and Disunion. 183 It was hoped by some; that the uiiiou movement that went over Germany and united the Lutherans and the Reformed in a United Evangelical Church, would favorably affect those churches in this country and incline them to unite. As a re- sult of such a request of the Lutherans to our sj^nod, there came negotiations with them in reference to a joint theological seminary. The Synod of 1817 appointed a committee consist- ing of Hendel, Hoffmeier and Wack, Sr., to confer with the Lutheran Synod, as was to be done by a similar committee with the Dutch Reformed. The Lutheran General Synod ap- pointed a committee of five to meet with this committee and asked that a similar committee be appointed by our synod. Synod appointed Hoffmeier, Herman, Hendel, Pomp and S. Helffenstein. This committee reported to the synod of 1819 a plan and requested that the plan of union be printed and laid before each of the synods interested, our synod to bear half the expense. But in 1820 our synod went ahead without the Lutherans and founded its own seminary, so that union in a seminary failed. The matter of church-union came up again in 1822. The Lutheran Synod made overtures. This time it was not merely union in a theological seminary but a union of the synods. Dr. Henry H. Muhlenberg, the secretary of the Lutheran Synod of Pennsylvania, wrote a letter seeking for the union of the Reformed and Lutherans and the appointment of a committee for that purpose. A letter was also received from D. F. Schaeffer, secretary of the Lutheran Synod of Maryland and Virginia, asking for a fraternal understanding with the Reformed. The Reformed synod, however, postponed action on account of the gravity of the case. In 1824, the Lutheran Synod appointed a committee of three, among them Muhlenberg, to confer with a like commit- tee of our Eastern synod concerning the publication of a common hymnbook. One of the Reformed made a motion, says Buettner, to appoint such a committee, but the motion was not passed and so the matter fell. The subject of union then rested until 1828. Then again, on motion of Hinseh, of Zion's classis, an overture was sent 184 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. up to sj^nod asking for union. Susquehanna classis also over- tured the synod. But synod did not find it timely to act upon it. In 1832, the synod went into a union German period- ical published by Revs. Dreyer, of the Reformed, and Schmucker, of the Lutheran Church. In 1833, the union movement again appeared. jMayer called the attention of East Pennsylvania classis to it. The classis declared that it heartily desired it but believed that at present the movement would have many difficulties. Lebanon classis (1833) re- plied to Mayer that it was not prepared to state its mind in regard to union. He had asked for a conference the third Simday in June at York and Lebanon classis appointed Zacharias, Kroh and Hertz to attend. jMaryland classis, 1833, approved of the union on the basis published in the Messenger of March, 1832, but said it would be dissatisfied with the miion of the institutions of the Churches before the Churches were united. So this was the animus — the union of institutions. Doubtless Rauch's early union sympathies influenced Mayer at the time and started ambitions for a larger university. Frequent articles on the subject appear at this time in the Messenger. Finally the Messenger states that the Lutheran Observer attacked the Reformed and Dr. Mayer then says that there would be no union, if union meant absorption. Rev. Mr. Brobst, of the Lutheran Church, an enthusiast for union, wanted the American churches to follow the union in Ger- many. He wrote a book on Union and as a delegate from the Lutheran Church to our synod urged it. In 1836, the Lu- theran Synod of Pennsylvania again took action for union and asked their delegates to the Reformed synod to bring the matter before it. If a union were not possible, then they would attempt to form a United Church as in Germany. It appointed a committee of four ministers. The Reformed synod this time went so far as to appoint a committee of four ministers. In 1837, the committee on union reported favorably to our synod but synod dropped the matter because it found that the minutes of the Lutheran Synod contained no refer- ence to union. Thus the Lutherans failed to respond to the Union and Disunion. 185 subject of union after having begun the movement. When the Lutherans were favorable, the Reformed were slow and when the Reformed were favorable the Lutherans were silent. The Lutheran Observer says it thought Dr. Mayer, when editor of the Messenger, to be favorable to union, but that Schneck, the new editor, was not. Sehneck replied tliat thus far the union had been of a vague, indefinite kind, not needing a newspaper discussion, — that when the Lutheran Church re- sponded in her ecclesiastical capacity it would be worth while to discuss it. The synod of 1837 refused union and so the subject was dropped, never to be resumed. East Pennsylvania classis (1840) asked synod that more copies of the Zurich Bible be gotten from Germany for the use of the theological seminary, and also for the ministers who desired to use it. This looks, says Buettner, as if that classis wanted to break the bond between Lutherans and Reformed by the use of the Zurich Bible instead of the Luther Bible, wliich was commonly used by the Germans. Li 1823, Ohio classis asked synod to appoint a committee on union but synod refused to act because among the many Lutheran synods no one is named with which the classis sought a union. The Ohio synod at its first meeting (1824) opened cor- respondence with the Lutheran synod of Ohio by interchange of minutes, and by 1832 appointed a delegate to the Lutheran Synod. In 1834, the Ohio Synod was invited by the Lutheran Synod to send their students for the ministry to the Lutheran theological seminary at Columbus for their education, as the Reformed had no theological seminary. Rev. George Long, one of our ministers received his training there. In 1837, the Evangelical congregation at Pittsburg, Pa., asked West Pennsylvania classis to do all in its power in favor of imion. It replied by saying there was no difficulty from the side of the Reformed. In 1839, the Ohio synod appointed a com- mittee on union with the Lutherans, probably led into it by Buettner, who was strong in his union views. Buettner was made chairman of the committee. But nothing came of it. 186 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. Finally a quietus was put on all such efforts for close union by Schneck's visit to Europe in 1843. He wrote an article on the Union in Germany.* ' ' The attempt to unite the Lutheran and Eef ormed churches in Ger- many has been anything but productive of good results. To attempt to bring about an outward union without the inward spirit of union must always fail. It led the Lutherans in some parts to react into ex- treme ultra-orthodoxy, a sort of Puseyism in Germany. One thing he siiys, there is no union in reality. The Lutherans hold their view and so do the Eef ormed. It is an outward union with an inward disunion, ' ' Still although these various efforts toward union failed, yet correspondence between the Lutherans and the Reformed was kept up regularly during this period. C. The Presbyterians. — In 1822, negotiations toward closer relations began with the Presbyterians. A committee consist- ing of S. Helffenstein, Hinsch, Brunner and Rev. John M. Duncan, of the Presbyterian Church, met the committee of the Presbyterian Church, October 1, 1828. They decided that or- ganic union was not possible and agreed to a yearly inter- change of delegates, also that ministers and members under discipline in either denomination should not be received by the other. The interchange of delegates began in 1824. "When the Presbj^terian Church split into Old and New School, our sjTiod was at a loss what to do. It did not feel competent to decide which of the General Assemblies was the proper one, with which to correspond. This perplexity is revealed at the Reformed synod of 1838, when Rev. John Grant appeared as the' delegate of the New School General Assembly. The synod finally took action that it could not decide which was the proper General Assembly, but that interchange of dele- gates should take place with both of them.f *See Messenger, Nov. 1, 1843. fOceasionally a little local friction occurred, however, betwoon tl)oni as in Maryland classis at Loudon, Va., where Eev. E. C. Hutchinson wtis trying to draw away our congregation to the Presbyterians. But the cor- responding delegate to our synod in 1831 assured our synod that as soon as it appointed a supply, Mr, Hutchinson would withdraw. Synod appointed J. C. Bucher as supply. As Hutchinson persisted in su})])ly- ing them, Maryland classis took action and in 1832, as ho still con- tinued, it ordered a remonstrance to be placed before the Presbytery of Winchester. In 1833 Maryland classis took action because several Union and Disunion. 187 D. Foreign Correspondence. — There seems to have been no correspondence with the churches abroad until Mr. Reily's visit to Europe to collect money for the seminary. The officers of the sjTiod of 1824, Hendel president and Ilinsch secre- tary, issued a circular appeal to the foreiun churches, April (i, 3825, endorsing Reily's appeal to them. And the Hol- land church gave $400, in the hope that correspondence with our Church would be resumed. But nothing came of it. In 1826 Reily was ordered by synod to express the warmest thanks of the synod for the zeal and kindness of the foreign friends. In 3828, a committee consisting of Ilinsch, S. Hel- ffenstein and Prof. Lewis Mayer was appointed to correspond with various friends in Europe and prepare a letter to them. In 1833, a new impulse to this movement came to the synod through the coming of Ranch. The synod ordered that a circular be prepared giving an accoimt of the condition of the theological seminary which was to be sent to the Christian friends in Europe and that Mayer and Ranch, together with the president and secretary of the synod, prepare it. But they reported in 1835 that because of the press of other busi- ness, it had not been attended to. In 1838, Susquehanna classis asked synod to open correspondence with Europe and .synod appointed a committee of three, with Willers as chair- man, to open correspondence with the Ministerium of the Reformed Church of Bremen. Willers prepared an accomit of the origin of our Church and its present condition and sent it, with two copies of our religious papers and the minutes the synods of 1838 and 1839, through a l^altimore house. The ship sank in the Weser, Germany, Jan. 26, 1840. The letters, etc., it is said, were saved, but no answer came. The synod ordered Willers to continue, and in the Centennial of the Church in 1840 to send a circular letter to the fathers and Presbyterian ministers had created disturbances in several of its con- gregations by persuading tliem that the Presbyterians and the Re- formed were the same. It took action that the}' were not the same, that there was no such thing as a German Presbyterian Church and urged that where titles of property were made in the name of the German Presbyterians that they be changed. In 1835 it ordered its ministers to preach on the differences between the German Reformed and the Pres- byterians. 188 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. brethren of Germany, inviting them to join with us, but Ger- many gave no response. The synod of 1842 appointed the editors of the religious papers a committee to open corres- pondence with the Reformed Church of Germany. Finally, in 1843, the delegation, Drs. Schneck and Ilolfeditz, sent abroad to lay the call of the professorship before Dr. Krunnnacher, were ordered, wherever opportunity offered, to present the friendly greetings of the Church and tliey were kindly re- ceived everywhere. E. Conclusion. — From this survey of our Church in regard to union, it is evident how our Church stood in relation to other denominations. AVhile liberal and fraternal in spirit, she yet placed herself squarely on the position that she was a Reformed Church. She also revealed whither her theological sympathies went. Although there was much to make her tend toward union with the Lutherans — they had a common lan- guage, were of a common race, often worshiped in the same church-buildings and were linked by intermarriage, yet al- though overtures were made toward their imion, our Church nevertheless got nearer in fact to the Dutch Reformed Church than any other. For with her she was not only in corres- pondence as with the Lutheran, but she entered into a closer relation by forming the Triennial convention in 1844. This close alliance with the Dutch in spite of the difference of lan- guage and the separation of their territory from ours, shows that, as Buettner says, our Church was closer to the Dutch in doctrine, etc. Our Church was not IMelancthonian in spirit or her closer affiliation would have been with the Lutheran. But she was in the main Calvinistic and took her place with the Calvinist Churches (the Dutch Reformed and Presby- terians). CHAPTER VII. Missions. Section 1. History op Domestic Missions. It took considerable time to develop the organization of Home or Domestic Missions. Many had been the calls from congregations on the l)orders even in the days of the coetus. But no official action was taken by the Church toward home mission work until the synod of 1812. Then a collec- tion was taken up for the congregations west of the Alle- gheny ]\Iountains. The first suggestion for Home Missions came in the parochial school-room at Philadelphia, when it was proposed to send a missionary to Ohio. The suggestion was received with silent amazement. "What! leave family and home and venture on so long and perilous a journey as a missionary?" laconically remarked one of the brethren. But before synod had adjourned, it had commissioned Hendel to go. Dechant went a year later. Whitmer says that in the North Carolina Churches there is a tradition that Captain AVilliam Albright appeared before that synod in 1812, begging for pastors for North Carolina. In 1813 calls came to synod from various parts of North Carolina. As a result, Reily was appointed missionary to Carolina at a salary of thirty dollars a month for traveling expenses and what the congre- gations raised. Dr. Becker, with whom Reily had studied, rose Hud in a touching wfiy, ]iled for tliese North Carolina congregations and proposed that synod kneel in prayer for Reily, which was done. Reily went on a missionary tour to North Carolina in 1813.* To this synod also came Winters, having traveled six hundred miles, bringing three petitions from Miami Valley, Starke County and Lancaster, 0. The synod was not able to give a favorable answer to these requests *S(n' iraiKaujih 's FatluTs of the Reformed Church, p. 2o0. 189 190 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. from Ohio. But these appeals deeply impressed the synod and it ordered that all licentiates before accepting a congre- gation should make missionary tours for two or three months under the direction of the synod, and that all pastors should take up collections to pay the traveling expenses of these missionaries. Isaac Gerhart, during his theological studies at Philadelphia which closed 1813, spent three months in mis- sionary work in western Pennsylvania. The synod of 1814 received a communication from several congregations in South Carolina, who asked for Hauck. It licensed him for three years and paid him thirty dollars out of the home missionan- fund. The synod of 1815 appointed Weinel to go to North Carolina and Habliston to Greensburg, Pa. The synod of 1816 appointed Weisz to Ohio. To the synod of 1817 there came a letter from North and South Carolina which gave favorable testimonials to Hauck, and asked for the renewal of his license. Synod raised sixty to seventy dollars, of which half was to go for missions. It de- cided to send Reily and Zulich to North Carolina as soon as money came in. A special collection was taken up. amounting to $67. At the synod of 1818. Boger from the Carolinas, ap- peared as a regular member. Diefenbach was permitted to resign his charge so as to go as a missionary' to North Caro- lina. The synod ordered licentiates Daniel, J. H. Kieffer and Jacob Scholl to go to North Carolina, but they failed to go. Reily and Zulich r('y)()rtod that they had not been able to go to North Carolina, and were excused. In 1819. the synod took another step forward toward organizing the work of missions — it appointed a Home ]\rissi(mai'y committee consist- ing of Lewis Mayer, Jonathan Helffenstein, Reily and F. Rahauser. In response to an appeal from North Carolina, it appointed Leidy to go there. In February the missionary committee issued an earnest address calling attention to the fact that in 1819 eighteen pastoral charges were vacant, of which fifteen contained eighty congregations. The total vacant congregations in New York. Pennsylvania and Ohio were 200, representing 30,000 souls destitute of religious ministrations. It was a powerful appeal. To the synod of 1820, Reily gave Missions. 191 an account of Leidy's tour in the South. The synod of 1821 not only ordered ministers to take up collections in their churches for missions but also to explain to the people the ob- jects of the work and their duty towards it. To the synod of 1822, Reily gave an account of his missionary tour to the West, in which he traveled 1,400 miles. The synod of 1823 voted $200 toward the traveling expenses of men who an- swered the calls that came to synod, and to the synod of 1824 Rudy gave an account of his tour to South Carolina. Up to 1826 the synod had only a committee on missions, but then it took another step forward and organized a Missionary society, September 28, 1826, at Frederick. Every one who paid a dollar was a member, $25 making a life member, $100 a di- rector and $200 a vice-president. It adopted a constitution for itself and for auxiliary societies. Its first treasurer was Jonathan Helffenstein. The next year, S. Ilelffenstein was made president and John P. Ilelffenstein secretary. At first, owing to the strong popular prejudice against all enterprises of general benevolence, synod was careful to explain that these movements were wholly voluntary and it was Imown as a Missionary society, not as a board of the synod. Soon auxili- ary societies began to be formed. The first was organized at Frederick, ]\Id., 1827, a ladies auxiliary, the second at Ger- mantown, July 2, 1827, also of ladies, and the third of both sexes at Philadelphia. Other auxiliaries, as at York and Hagerstown, were formed and many classes formed themselves into auxiliary societies. The synod of 1827 was full of mis- sions and contains the report of IMaryland classis on the Churches of North and South Carolina and the constitution of the missionary society and its yearly re])ort. Susque- hanna classis was the first to become an auxiliary classical missionary society in 1832, every minister and charge being members. The first annual sermon before the society was preaclied by Rev. J. W. Dechant. In 1828, the; missionary so- ciety branched out into publication and published "The Maga- zine of the German Reformed Church, ' ' the forerunner of the Messenger. Up to 1832, the society was auxiliary to the synod because of lack of interest by some members of the synod and 192 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. also open opposition on the part of some to the cause of mis- sions. But in 1832 the synod determined to take it directly under its care. It formally elected a board of missions of eighteen members, two from each classis and four from the church-at-large. In 1834 it came into friendly relation to the American Home ]\Iissionary Society and co-operated with it. But a difficulty had already begun to grow up. The classes kept their missionary work in their own hands and the board had little to do. Besides, as the members of the board were from so many classes widely dispersed, it was diffi- cult to get the board together. So the board was greatly ham- pered though still doing excellent work, which was continued year after year. In 1837, the board reported thirteen mission- aries, but some were under the care of classes, some were aided by the American Homo ^Missionary Society. Its income was $675, its outlay $503.* The great difficulty was the unwilling- ness of classes to let the board do their work. In 1841, it had only three missionaries and its income only $306. The Centen- ary of the Church brought no relief, as that money went into the institutions of the Church. So unsuccessful was the work of the board, that IMercersburg classis in 1844 overtured synod to dissolve the board and let its work be done by the classes. The Church had not yet learned how to get the classes and the board to work together. The foreign missionary work of our Church, whose board was elected by Synod of 1838, and who chose Rev. Benjamin Schneider as our missionary to Turkey, we will take up later. Section 2. Varjous Mission Fields. A. Wcsfern Pennsylvania. — f To this wild westorn district, Weber went as the luoiioer niissiuiiary in 1782, usually going armed because of the danger of wild animals and Indians. According to Schopf, Fort Pitt had no churches at that time (1782), but there was a German minister who preached to the people of different confessions. This minister is generally supi)osed to have been "Weber, who was pastor at Harrold Settlement, Westmoreland *See Whitmer, One Hundred and Fifty Years of Home Missions. fSee History of the Reformed Church in the Bounds of Westmorelaml Classis, 1877. ' Missions. 193 County. He is said to have preached in Pittsburg (1782-1812). After he had preached one year he organized the German Evangelical Church.* Tliey bought property in 1788 and their church was dedicated 1834. Weber 's labors extended over Somerset, Westmoreland, Fayette, Arm- strong, Venango, Butler and Crawford Counties, while that part of the country was a wilderness and Avhen the people went to church with rifles and placed a sentinel at the door against the Indians. Eev. Henry Giesy went west in 1794 from Virginia and founded our churches in Somerset County, organizing Stony Creek, Levanville, Centreville, Wel- lersburg and Salisbury. Eev. Mr. Aurandt went to Huntingdon County, 1803-4. f It is said he preached also' in Washington and Allegheny Counties. Rev. Mr. Mahnenschmidt preached in Washington County, 1806-1812. He also from Ohio visited northwestern Pennsylva- nia, as Mercer County, occasionally. In 1811 he went to the synod for licensure, where he expressed regret that he had acted disorderly in baptizing without ordination, and was licensed as a catechist. In 1812 he was licensed and ordained 1817. Rev. Mr. Weinel accepted a call to Westmoreland County in 1815.:{: Hableston went to Greensburg, 1815. In 1819, Hacke and Koch went to Western Pennsylvania, the former to Greensburg. He also preached at St. Paul's, near Mt. Pleas- ant, Pleasant Unity, Brush Creek, Harrolds and Manor. Koch was the first minister in Clarion County. His first sermons were preached in cabins in winter and in the -noods in summer. Said an old man, who told this: ''We did not deem it too far to go twelve miles to church with guns in our hands." Koch on one occasion leaped from ice-cake to ice-cake across the Allegheny River to reach his family in winter, two miles from any neighbor. He organized St. Paul's, Beaver Town- ship, St. John's at Churchville, Trinity at Red Bank, St. Peter's at Petersburg and Sugar Creek in Armstrong County between 1820-8. P. Zeiser came to Mercer and Crawford Counties in 1825. He organized Zion's, near Mercer, also Good Hope and another at Conneaut Lake, all in 182.5, and Meadville 1826, Reichel's 1830, Jerusalem, Christ 1837, and St. John's Salem 1843, organizing ten congregations in eight years.§ In 1824, Zwisler went to Washington County; in 1825, D. Ra- hauser, to Butler and Mercer Counties ; in 1826, Mayerhoft'er, to Meadville and Crawford County. Kemmerer was at Pittsburg 1827-41. Voight, in 1833, went to Westmoreland County. In 1830, Berentz was at Johns- town, Cambria County; in 1831, Ibbeken was in Somerset, Erie and Crawford Counties; in 1838, Douglass went to Pittsburg for a year; in 1839, J. F. Dieffenbach at Harmony, Butler County. In 1837 West Pennsylvania classis joined the Ohio synod. *Mcssenger, Feb. 10, 1875. fSee list of his congregations, llarbaugh Fathers of the Reformed Church, Vol. Ill, page 196-7. JSee list of congregations, Harbaugh, IV, 150. ^Messenger, April 11, 1858. 194 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. B. Ohio.— In 1803 the acquisition of the Louisiana Purchase threw open the great West and emigration began to pour westward. North Carolina nobly gave three of its ministers to western missions, Weyberg, Christ- man and Larose. S. Weyberg went, 1803, to Missouri, then called the Louisiana Territory, and preached, it is said, the first Protestant ser- mon west of the Mississippi Kiver, where before only Catholic priests had been in control, lie preached (1803) in a house one mile below where Jackson now stands, in Cape Girardeau County, Mo. He had catechization, 1804-5, although he reported that there were Indian towns within ten miles of his settlement, and no civilized inhabitants nearer than forty miles. In 1823 he began visiting Anna, Southern Illinois, preaching there once a month each year, riding on horseback over five hundred miles. After him came Kroh, in 1840, and then Stone- berger. Weyberg died 1833 and his work was dissii)ated because no min- isters went there to take it up. Rev. Jacob Christman began preaching January 29, 1804, at Springboro, Warren County, O., where the first congregation in Ohio was organized. The first administration of the I^ord's Sujiper occurred May 29, 1804. In 1805, the apostolic Jacob Larose came from North Carolina and began preaching in Montgomery, Preble and Warren Counties, O. (then called the Northwest Covmty), at St. John 's, Stettler 's, Twin Creek. As. catechisms were few, he copied the catechism he used for his catechumens. He had been licensed by the Presbyterians in the South and preached as a licentiate until he was ordained by the Ohio Classis in 1821. He became pastor at High- land County, O., later, 1821, in Columbiana and Preble Counties, O.* In 1809, T. Winters went west and preached at Beaver, Green County, O. He returned east in 1815 to be licensed by synod and later, in 1819, to be ordained. He preached around Germantown, Beaver Creek, West Alexandria, etc., preaching in Green, Montgomery, Preble, Warren, Butler and Hamilton Counties, and as far down as Cincinnati.! In 1812 Mahnenschmidt went to Ohio and preached at Springfield, Salem, Good Hope, St. James, Rollers and Ackertown, Liberty, Canton and Canfield.^ J. W. Dechant labored, 1815, in Butler and Montgomery Counties; George Weisz labored, 1817, at Lancaster; Benjamin Poust, 1818, at Canton; Foust's congregations were, Uniontown, St. James', Canton, Osnaburg, Paris, Martin's, Sherman's, Zion's and Bethlehem. Sonnedecker was at Wooster (1819) and Mansfield. These founders of our Church organized the first classis in April 30, 1820, by order of *For list of congregations, see Ilarbaugh Fathers of the Reformed Church, Vol. Ill, 30-1. fSee list of congregations, Ilarbaugh Fathers, Vol. IV, page 141. JHarbaugh, Vol. Ill, 213. Missions. 195 the Eastern Synod. Five ministers were present at the organization : Mahnenschmidt, Winters, Sonnendecker, Weiss and Faust, together with four elders: Jacob Mayer, John King, George Wertz and Peter Waltz. Mahnonscliniidt was elected president and Winters, secretary. The classis had fifty congregations and 1,800 communicants. In 1821, Peter Dechant went west but died soon after. As ministers were greatly needed to meet the rapid increase of congregations, the min- isters began training them for the ministry privately. Weisz trained a number, as King 1825, Long 1825, and Keller 1826. Winters trained Pence 1823 and others; Sonnendecker trained Reiter, 1822. The classis had four meetings at Canton 1821, Gennantown 1822, Lancaster 1823, New Philadelphia 1824. During the four years the number of ministers doubled and the number of congregations and of the membership rap- idly increased. In 1824 the classis organized itself into a synod. Several subjects caused a good deal of friction in this synod: the conflict of languages, about the introduction of the English into the German congregations, the controversy between those who wanted to unite with the Lutherans and those who wanted to stay Eeformed, the controversy about revivals and also temperance between the extremes of Oberlin teetotalism and foreign German tolerance of drinking. We will pass over the strife about revivals, as we have already referred to it. There was lack of unanimity in regard to union with the Lutherans. There had been, as we noticed in connection with the life of Rauch, an effort to form union congregations in the West after the pattern of the United Church of Prussia in Germany, and thus do away with the Lutheran and Reformed churches as separate denominations. There was a considerable element favorable to this in the Reformed Church of Ohio and Western Pennsylvania. At West Pennsylvania classis (1837), the Pittsburg congregation urged the classis to labor for the union of the Reformed and Lutherans. And at the synod of 1838 petitions came in from various congregations urging a union of Eeformed and Luther- ans. Some of the ministers did not believe in or use the Heidelberg Catechism, although the great majority did. But there was sufficient laxity to make the confessionalists anxious. The synod of 1842 was one of the most important held in Ohio. It not only harmonized differences but matured a plan of correspondence with the Pennsylvania Synod and adopted a constitution. It divided itself not into synods, but into six classes: Miami, Lancaster, Columbiana, Sandusky, Westmoreland and Erie. In 1844 it took very decided action against intemperance and for teetotalism and discouraged the use of liquor by the ministers. C. The North.— In 1802 a number of Pennsylvania-Germans settled in German Valley between Geneva and Waterloo. In 1803, Rev. Anthony Hautz, after a dangerous journey, arrived there from Pennsylvania as pastor. He lo- 196 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. cated three miles from Union Springs and began to i^reach at two ])laces, Merkel 's school-house and Burg, the latter being named after an Indian fort. He then left, 1805, for Tenoa, in Tompkins County, where many Germans had settled near Cayuga Lake. lie preached in two school- houses in Lansing and Salmon Creek, forming there two congregations. lie preached in Seneca County till 1813, and being then seventy-one years old, he limited his work to Lansing and Salmon Creek, where he lived. He died in 18.S0. In 1821, Rev. Dietrich Willers, a soldier of the battle of Waterloo, accepted a call to Zion 's and Christ ( 'hurches, later serving Lansing and Salmon Creek. He first located at Bearytown (Fayette), where Rev. John Pulfish had been pastor, 1814-19. This congregation dated from 1809. He served six preaching points in tliat county and seven or eight in Tomjjkins, Cayuga, Wayne, Livingston and Niagara Counties. He frequently wrote excellent home missionary articles in the Messenger, pleading for more laborers, as in 1829, when he asks for a pastor at Dansville, Hanneyhey, Groveland and Flint Creek. In it he speaks of the Lockport church as being served by a Mr. Meyerhorfer, but the members desired a minister of the Reformed Synod. At other places Pennsylvania-Germans and Swiss were moving in. Section 3. The South. A. Virginia. — Tiiere had been congregations in Virginia very early, the oldest German Reformed congregation having been founded there by Rev. Mr. Haeger in 171-1 at Germanna Ford, in the Rapidan. During the period of the coetus the congregations in Virginia had no regular ])astor, excei)t some independents, like Willy, who seemed to have redeemed his former character in Pennsylvania by a long and excellent work in Virginia. Yet the ministers of the coetus made large tours through that state, preaching and performing ministerial acts. Especially the Maryland ministers, as Otterbein, did this. However, about the time of the be- ginning of the synod, regular pastors began to be sent to them from the synod. Tlie father of the Virginia Reformed Churches was Rev. John Brown. Before him, Willy had been operating, 1786-1810, and a Mr. Hoffman had laborcy the synod's missionary *See Journal of Presbyterian Histdriciil Socioty, Docombor, 1906, fSee my History of the Reformed Cliunli in I he V. S., pnge 256. Missions. 201 society and labored for a year or two among six congregations. Bennet made an ajipeal to tlie synod for these congregations in Soutli Carolina that they had had no pastor for twenty years, and that in Burk County there were thirty persons waiting to be confirmed. Because there was no pastor after he left, the congregations gradually disappeared until not a vestige of the German Reformed Church is to be found in that state. If they and their descendants had been gathered into our Church, we would have tliousands of members there now. PART II. The Liturgical Controversy (1844-1878.) Book I. The Theological Preparation. CHAPTER I. The Controversy About "The Principle of Pro- testantism." The theological controversy was the first sign of the later liturgical controversy, which did not begin to show itself until about 1858. For the doctrinal was underlying the liturgical ^ and came first. . f Section 1. Preparatory Tendencies. 1. The first tendency that may be said to have prepared the way for the liturgical movement was the anti-revival feel- ing that arose in the Church, after the publication of the "Anxious Bench" by Dr. Nevin. Tliis book aimed, as we have seen, to strike a medium between the noisy revivals of the anxious bench and the opposition to all revivals. But in his intense attack on the anxious bench, he may be said to have failed to sufficiently guard himself on the other side, so that it started a reaction against all revivals and led to a tendency toward formalism and liturgism. This book may therefore be called a negative preparation for a liturgy, because it set in motion a tendency that lowered the value of experimental and subjective religion. 2. The second prei)aratory influence was the call of I'rof. Schaff from Gi'rmany. His inaugural address on the "Prin- ciple of Protestantism" started another controversy in 1845, to be followed by an attack on liis views of the intermediate state. This may be called the historical preparation. 202 The Principle of Protestantism. 203 3. The theological preparation was the formulation of the principles of Mereersburg theology in 1846. This was done on the theological side by the publication of the "Mystical Presence" by Dr. Nevin, and on the historical side by the publication of "What is Church History" by Prof. Schaff. The controversy was later increased by the publication of "Antichrist, or the Spirit of Sect and Schism," by Nevin, and by the foundation of the Mercersburg Review in 1849, in which the theological controversy may be said to have cul- minated in Nevin 's articles on Early Christianity and Cyprian. -i Dr. Schaff says,* "The Mercersburg controversy did not originate the liturgical movement in the German Reformed body, but it gave it new impulse and direction and carried it to a practical result." We take issue with his statement as not quite right. The German Reformed Church never before had been a liturgical church but a semi-liturgical church. The facts we have gathered upf reveal that she had no such con- tinued hankering after a ritualistic service as the liturgical men have claimed. There must have been some other cause for it. This was the ]\Iercersburg theology which was the originator of the effort to make our Church a liturgical church. Historically and logically the liturgy came out of the Mercers- tl burg theology. 4. The liturgical tendency. This, beginning in 1847, was at first so slight that we postpone its consideration until later. Section 2. The Call op Prop. Philip Schafp to America. A special meeting of the Eastern Synod was held Jan. 24, 1843, at Lebanon, to elect a successor to Prof. Ranch, as pro- fessor of theolog.y. The idea of calling so prominent a for- eigner as Rev. Dr. F. AV. Krununacher, pastor of the Great Reformed Church at p]lberfeld, Germany, is said to have orig- inated with Dr. Zacharias, of Frederick, Md. Rev. F. W. Krummaeher, D.D., was pastor of the largest Reformed con- *Mercersburg Review, 1858, page 208. fSee pages 1G8-175. 204 History of Reformed Ciiurch in the V. S. gregation in Germany, and was one of the most eloquent pulpit orators of the 19th century. He had been privately corresponded with before the synod and was supposed to lend a favorable ear to the proposal.* At this synod. Dr. Nevin very earnestly urged his election in a letter, as did Revs. B. C. Wolff, Schneck and others. The synod unanimously elected him and appointed Rev. Drs. Schneck and IToffeditz as its commissioners to go to Europe and lay the call personally before Dr. Krummacher. This action of the synod created great interest in the Church and subscriptions toward the chair began to come in, some in considerable amounts. Drs. Schneck and IToffeditz sailed 5n May, 1843, for Havre, France. They left Havre (July 5), going to Strasburg, Ger- many. There they separated, Schneck going to Basle, in Switzerland, and Hoft'editz to Cassel, from which he had come to America thirty-eight years before. But they met again at Elberfeld, July 8, to formally present the call to Dr. Krummacher. (They seem to have made a fine impression on him, as indeed they did everywhere else, for the Elector of Cassel and King of Prussia were greatly impressed by their tallness and wanted to know if all Americans were as tall as they were. The King of Prussia, Frederick William IV, be- came so interested through them in our Church that he gave them 1,500 thalers for the seminary at Mercersburg.) Dr. Krummacher replied to them that he would carefully C(m- sider the call, and they left Elberfeld for a tour through Germany. But on August 12, Dr. Schneck wrote home that he had received word from Dr. Ki'uinmacher, that after con- sidering the call for four weeks, he had finally decided to de- cline it. His main reason was that he felt his sphere was in the pulpit rather than in the professor's chair. And he was somewhat fearful, that at his time of life, he might not succeed in a new sphere of work. It is said, liowever. that other influences were at work. Various niinors. gross exag- *Dr. Krummacher in liis cliurcli ])apor, The Palm-Lenvcs, declared that when he first hearrov<'d of it and wlien the call finally came to him he was greatly surprised. The Principle of Protestantism. 205 gerations. had gotten abroad about his call to Amorica. The Chureh-paper of Dr. Ileiigstenberg reported that his salary at Mercersburg would l)e $20, ()()() a year. The Germans be- came greatly exeited, as they were anxious to retain so valua- ble a preacher. It is said that the King of Prussia intluenced him against going by giving him a hint that he would later receive some prominent position in Prussia : which was ful- filled by his election as court-preacher to the King at Pots- dam.* Ilis father, Rev. Prof. F. A. Krummacher, also op- posed his acceptance, as it would be a change of occupation and he was no longer young. Prof. Dubbs sa^'s his declination was a blessing in disguise. lie was 47 years of age, imper- fectly accpiainted with the English language and accustomed to social conditions which in those days could hardly have been reproduced in America. In this country at least his magnificent German sermons would not have been appreciated. Prof. Rupp agrees with him that it was best he did not come, for he saj's "he would have brought with him his high-Cal- vinism." from which IMercersburg theology was emancipated by Schatf. (Dr. Krummacher was a strict Calvinist and later, in 1846, attacked Prof. J. B. Lange (also Reformed) for not being sufficiently Reformed because the latter inclined too much to the Mediating theology of Germany.) If Dr. Krum- macher had come, IMercersburg theology would never have played the role it did in the history of our Church. It was probably best for Dr. Krummacher that he did not come, but we believe it was worse for our Church. For had he come, her later controversies would probably never have occurred. Drs. Sclnieck and Hoffeditz returned to America October 8, 184.S. The former attended the Eastern synod of 1843 and reported of^cially that Dr. Krummacher had declined. He also reported that Dr. Hoffeditz and himself had spent some time in the leading universities of Germany, seeking some one suitable for the chair which Dr. Krummacher had declined. They believed they had found a man suited to take the place of Ranch in Philip Schaff, a ])rofessor-extraordinary at the *Diibbs, Eefornicd Church in Pennsylvania, page 305, says that the king of Prussia forbade his coming. JOG History op Reformed Cjiurcii in the U. S. University of Berlin.* He was hifjlily recommended by Prof. Neander, the great ehurch-liistorian, by Hengstenberg, the editor of the German Chureh paper the Kirchenzeitung , hy Professors Thohiek and Julius IMuller of Halle, by Sti-anss the court-preacher of Berlin and by Dr. Krummacher himself. The synod then elected Prof. Schatf. only one vote being cast against him, which was done out of fear lest some German neology might through him find an entrance into our Church. Rev. Prof. Philip Schaff, D.D Philip Schaff was born January 1, 1819, near Chur, the capital of the canton of the (irisoiis, in eastern Switzerland. y After attending the pul)lic scliools at ( -luir, he went to Korn- thal in Wurteml)erg, Germany, a pietistic school of high rank. There he was confirmed in the Lutheran Church, going later to the gymnasium at Stuttgard, and then to the Lutheran uni\'ei"sitv of Tuebingen. Tuel)ingen was then divided into *Prof. Ebrard's name had been sugscstod but Schaff was preferred because he was a Swiss and would therefore the more easily accommodate himself to our republican ways. fFor Dr. Schaff 's life, see the excellent biography "Life of Philip Schaff," by his son, Kev. Prof. D. S. Schaff, 1897. The Principle of Protestantism. 207 two camps, the critical school of Baur and the Evangelical of Schmidt, Schaff ranging himself with the latter. From Tueb- ingen he went to the imiyersities of Ilalle and Berlin. Schaff spent six months in Tlioluck's house at Ilalle, and was greatly influenced by him. The two teachers who left the greatest impression on him were Schmidt, the Lutheran professor of theolog;^^ at Tuebingen, and Neander, the famous professor of church-histoiy at Berlin, a member of the Evangelical or United Church. In history he claimed to follow Neander but confessed that he gained his first idea of "historical de- velopment" which he afterwards so much emphasized, from Prof. Bauer, the famous Hegelian at Tuebingen. In 1841 he had completed his course of studies at the university at Berlin. For his degree of bachelor of divinity he published his first book, ' * The Sin against the Holy Ghost. ' ' It was dedicated to liis honored teacher Thereniim, the famous and elo- quent Reformed court-preacher of Berlin. Ohlshausen had advocated three degrees of sin against God, corresponding to the three persons of the Godhead. Schaff denied this threefold distinction and claimed that the sin of blasphemy was not committed against the second person of the trinity but against the Son of Man in his earthly manifestation. So the sin against the Holy Ghost was not against him in the trinity but as he operates on the human soul. "Blasphemy against the Holy Spirit is the rejection of the divine itself as it manifests itself in the soul." At the end of the pamphlet, as an illustration of this sin, he recounts the life and remorse of Francis Spiera, the reprobate of the Reformation. Though written by so young a man, Prof. Julius Muller, in his great work on "Sin," says it is a complete discussion of the topic and entitled to re- spect and confidence. One of Schaff 's fellow-students at Berlin attacked this pamphlet for its scholasticism. In the fall of 1842 he returned, after traveling' in southern Europe, to Berlin to become private-docent in the university. He began lecturing there on "The Apostolic Type of Doc- trine" and "The Nature and Aims of Theology," and then advanced to lecturing on the "Catholic Epistles" and the "Theology of Schleiermacher. " In 1843 he published another pamphlet, "The Relation of James the brother of our Lord to James the son of Alpheus." He held that James was the natural brother of our Lord but not one of the twelve and 208 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. that he hitcr took the phice of James the son of Alpheus among the diseiples. Prof. Schaff aeeeptcd the e;ill to Ainci'iea, although other ])ositions were beginning to apfx'ar for him in Eui'ope, as at Zurich, to whieh professorship) Ebrard was later ealled. Eieh- liorn, the Prussian minister of education, told him that a position would always be open to him if he retui-ned from America to Germany.* Preparatory to his coming he at once began the study of English, in which he acquired remarkable fluency later. He was ordained April 12, 1844, in the Great Reformed Church at Elberfeld, by the Pastors' Aid Society, which had been organized at Langenberg, in the Wupperthal, June 7, 1839, to aid the Germans in America, and which had branch societies at Bremen, Basle and Hanau. The super- intendent of the Society, Rev. Dr. ITuelsman. delivered an address on "The harvest is great and laborers are few." The act of ordination was performed by the ministers present, including Prof. Kling, of Bonn. After the oi'dination Dr. Krummachcn- preached on Jer. 1 : 17 : "Thou therefore gird up tiiy loins and arise and speak unto them all that I command thee." The sermon produced a profound impression on the audience by its eloquence. Then the 134th Psalm was sung and Prof. Schaff preached a sermon on "Paul's Vision of the ]\Ian of Macedonia. " Like Dr. Krummacher he took a low view of the religious condition of the Germans in America because so many adults among them were unbaptized, which was counted a great scandal in Germany. Three foes, he said, thi'eatened the Germans in America, paganism, f Romanism and sectarianism. The service was very long, twilight setting in before Schaff concluded and the church becoming so dark that the speaker could be seen only in outline. *As KinfJ^ Frederick William III hail <,Mveji money to Kev. Mr. Kelly for the Hemiiiary at Mercersljury, so King Frederick William IV gave l.-iOO thalers (.^97')) when Sclialf came. It was applied to the exjiense of the two delegates to Europe, Schneck and Ilolfeditz, and the small balance that remained was given to the lil)rary.^l)nl)bs' History of F. & M. College, 199, note. fThe Germans in America, he said, were in danger of a return to lieathenism. The Principle op Protestantism. 209 On his way to America he spent six weeks in England, where he attended the May anniversaries of the various religious so- cieties. He also examined the Puseyite movement, meeting per- sonally Pusey and Newman of the higli-churchmen and Stanley and Jowett of the broad-churchmen. He arrived at New York, July 28, where he was met by Rev. B. C. Wolff, of Easton. On his way to Mercersburg he attended the first Triennial convention of the Dutch and German Reformed Churches at Ilarrisburg, and arrived at Mercersburg August 3 2, where he was Avarmly welcomed by the professors and students. He had hardly arrived in America before he was severely at- tacked (the forerunner of many controversies to come). His sermon at Elberfeld had been published in Dr. Krummach- er 's chiu'ch paper, entitled ' ' The Palm-Leaves. ' ' The German secular press of America had gotten hold of it and from New York to Wisconsin and the Mississippi Valley they at- tacked him with great bitterness because of his low views about the Germans in America, denouncing him as a slanderer of his countrymen and a traitor to his country. Some of them warned parents against sending their children to the school where he taught. In some places indignation meetings were held in vindication of German honor. Dr. Nevin wrote a defence of him and gradually the excitement subsided. From this sketch of his life it should however be noticed that Prof. Schaff, though traditionally Reformed, was not confessionally so ; that is, he was bom in a Reformed comitry (Switzerland), but confirmed as a member of the Lutheran Church. His theological views were from the Lutheran uni- versity at Tuebingen, his historical, from Neander of the Evangelical Church of Germany, composed of Lutherans and Reformed. It was not until he came to this country that he promised adherence to the Pleidelberg Catechism and our Reformed doctrines. lie therefore did not come to us bring- ing the old theology of the Reformed Church of Germany as represented by her leaders in the past, Ursinus and Olevianus, Parens of Heidelberg, Wendelin of Anhalt, Lampe of Bremen, or of the Reformed in their conferences with the Lutherans at Leipsic 1631 and Cassel 1661, -wiiere they were strictly 210 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. Calvinistic on predestination and the sacraments. But lie came representing a new and different theology — the IMediat- ing theology of Sclileiermacher, but of the right wing, that is inclining toward orthodoxy. Schleiermacher had tried first to mediate between pantheism and orthodoxy and then l)e- tween the Reformed and the Lutherans. His mediating the- ology' had given np most that was distinctively Reformed therefore and was ver}' different from the old doctrine of the Reformed of Germany. Some of the Reformed, like Ullman. had tried to mediate betw'een Schleiermacher 's view and the old Reformed position. And Schaff may be said in the main to follow him. Prof. Jacobs, of the Lutheran Theological Seminary of Philadelphia, says Dr. Schaff 's ideal on coming to Mercersburg was the foimdation of a German-American Church, uniting the Reformed and the Lutheran, that is, he was unionistic rather than Reformed. Dr. Schaff 's biographer in comparing him with Dr. Nevin, says (page 103) : ' ' To the German spirit which Dr. Nevin never could fully assimilate, he added that historic temper which is tolerant and irenic. He did not possess the gift of the theological disputant; his was the power of the churchly historian. The wonder is that with their sharp differences of originality, temper and education, these two men should have studied together for a score of years in friendly co-operation. It will appear, however, that this very relation put Dr. Schaff more than once in posi- tions where his real views were subject to serious misconstruction." Section 3. Dr. Nevin 's Sermon on "Catholic Unity" (1844). Although this sermon was not pul)lished until 1845 it merits notice here Ix'causc it reveals Dr. Nevin 's views at the time ot Schaff 's ai-rival and before he was influenced by Schaff. It was preached at the Triennial convention of the Dutch and German Reformed Churclies at Ilai-risburg. August 7, 1844, and was i)u])lishe(l tlie next year with Schaff's "Principle of i*rotestantism" at Schatf "s reciuest. This sermon reveals that Nevin was already coming out from his old Calvinism and inclining toward tlei'nian |)liilosopliical and theoloi^iciil positions. This was ])roI)ahly due to Raueli's inlluenee. The Principle op Protestantism. 211 The sermon is in two parts, (1) the nature and constitution of the Holy Catholic Church, (2) the duty of Christians as regards the unity by which it is declared to be Catholic and true. Krenier, one of Nevin's biographers, says Nevin held there could not be a true Christian spirit of unity without a true Church-spirit and correct views in regard to the Church itself, — there must be organic unity. Kremer fails to notice that his statement is Dr. Nevin's later view of the Church, as revealed in his articles about 1851 and later, but not here. The new position of Nevin here is his emphasis on the organic in dealing with the Church and Church unity. ' ' The wliole humanity of Christ, soul and body, is carried by the pro- cess of the Christian salvation into the jierson of the believer. Ilis resurrection is only his regeneration fully revealed at last- — complete. Union with Christ is organic, is not a mere aggregation or abstrac- tion, not an all but a whole. Individual Christianity is not older than generic Christianity, but the general in this case goes before the par- ticular. ' ' He thus taught Adam 's generic humanity, that he was not a man but the man. In the light of this organic unity what is the church and its union? But Dr. Nevin was proceeding beyond Ranch. The spir- itualistic idealism of the German mind as in Rauch was deli- cate and beautiful. Nevin, with his Scotch mind, aimed to grasp it, but did not quite do so. Like the Scotch, he uncon- sciously emphasized the real over against the ideal, while Rauch emphasized the ideal like the Germans. And although Nevin believed himself to have gotten into the German frame of mind, his Scotch-Irish heredity led him to produce a crass reflection of Ranch's idealistic positions. Rauch taught the distinction between the subjective^ and objective, which was then much emphasized by German philosophy ; but he empha- sized the subjective. Nevin followed him on making the same distinction, but he, on the other hand, luiduly emphasized the objective. In his later doctrine of the Church and the sacra- ments he minimizes, if not ignores, the subjective and experi- mental when he says the grace of baptism does not depend on subjectivity. It is possible that had Dr. Rauch lived longer, he might have corrected this tendency in Dr. Nevin, but Nevin 212 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. was with him at Mercersbiir^ Init ten months before Ranch died, and much of that time Ranch was sickly and part of it away. Nevin undertook to develop Rauoli's philosophy but developed it beyond him. Ranch's philosophy and theology would never have caused the controversy that Nevin 's did, for Rauch leaned not to high ehurchism or to Romanizing but toward simplicity, even Quakerism in his emphasis on the ^subjective. Nevin, in this sermon on Cntliolic Unity, there- fore reveals that he hnd adopted the realism of the German philosophy over against nominalism. And he reveals in this sermon germs of his future theology in his application of his realism to the Church and the sacraments.* In the Church, generic Christianity is before the individual. Christ took upon himself generic, not individual hunmnity. He took the race on himself as Adam had at the beginning. The second Adam comprised in himself humanity redeemed as a whole. "A divine seed is implanted in the Christian, the germ of a [new existence. "t Here we notice another difference between Raucli and Nevin. They not merely differed in their emphasis on the objective and subjective but they also differed in their idea of organism. An organ may be the avenue or channel through which the life comes. Or the organ may be more than a channel ; it may be the force of that life itself. Both Nevin and Ranch emphasized the organic process but they differed in their emphasis. Rauch emphasized the organ as a channel or avenue, while Nevin gives it intrinsic, objective power in itself. Ranch called attention to the organic connection, *Realism in philosophy over against nominalism is quite a different thing from realism in philosophy over against idealism" to which we re- ferred above. Nominalists emphasize the name, realists the thing. Nominalists say the reality lies in the name, which is the conception of the thing in our own mind. Realists say the reality lies in the thing itself, of which our name is merely the reflection. Nominalism places the individual before the universals and makes the individual to be the basis or norm ; realism says that the universal existed before individuals and is the basis of them. fThe generic possessed a reality to which the individual can never at- tain. The Church is not a voluntary but a divine institution and order as real as anytliing eye can see or hand feel, says Callender in Dubbs' American Church History, pages 369-70. The Principle of Protestantism. 213 Nevin to the organic force. Thus Nevin begins to place in- trinsic power in the sacrament and Church. Nevin in this sermon held that Christ's generic huraanit}^ comes down to us in the Church and sacraments and unites iLs to him in a mystical imion. If his views were considered too high he reminded his hearers that they were Calvin's views. Ill' j)i'()l)ahly hoped thus to ward t)tif criticism at the conven- tion. And there were a few nuitterings of criticism even as early as that Triennial convention. Having thus hiid his philosophic basis, he proceeds to dis- cuss the unity of all believers and dt^claims against the evil of so many sects in the Protestant Church. His subject wasj timely, suited to a convention to promote union between the Dutch and German Reformed; but his peculiar method of handling it was not the happiest, for it roused the suspicions of some of the Dutch ministers against what they called his German Hegelianism. Still it was a profound, stimulating dis- cussion of the subject. Certain peculiarities, however, need to be noticed in the sermon, showing he had not yet come to the theological posi- tions he later took. Mercersburg theology was a growth and he was evolving it gradually. Thus, 1. He calls the Pope Antichrist. This is very different from his position in his pamphlet published only four j^ears later, ■ when Antichrist is not the pope, but the Spirit of Sect and Schism in the Protestant Church. 2. He calls the German and Dutch Reformed the same in spirit and doctrine. "The faith of Switzerland, the faith of the Palatinate and the faith of Holland in the six- teenth century were emphatically one faith." Later he held that the Reformed Church of Germany was different from all the other Reformed Churches by being Melancthonian and not Calvinistic. This latter view he got from Prof. Schaff. Dr. Nevin in this sermon still believed (and rightly) that our Church, having been nurtured in the eighteenth century by the Reformed Church of Holland, was Calvinistic. He extols Dutch Calvinism. "The Reformed liad glorious representa- tives at the ev<'r memorable Synod of Dort." (He spoke quite 214 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. the opposite about that synod later.) He rejoiced that this convention revealed to the world that the two divisions of the Reformed Church proclaimed themselves inwardly as well as outwardly united. This sermon revealed that Dr. Nevin had ])een moving out from the old Priiicf^on Calvinism of the Federal School toward German theology. He was at this time in a receptive state of mind, wide open to receive impressions from Germany. Just at that moment Prof. Schaft* came to strengthen his i)hih)sophieal and theological leanings. And ^together they l)uilt up jMercersburg theology. Section 4. "The Principle of Protestantism," by Prof. Sch.vff. Prof. Schaff was received into the Eastern Synod at Al- lentown, October 17-23, 1844. Immediately after the close of the synod he was inaugurated professor of theology at Read- ing, where he delivered his inaugural address on "The Prin- ciple of Protestantism." "When it was heard there was a slight murmur of dissatisfaction at some of its positions. But the criticisms did not appear until it was published (in German in March, 1845, and in English in June, 1845). It had been careful!}' enlarged and revised because of these criti- cisms, r" To understand the significance of Schaff 's Address, it is to be remembered that there have been several ways of vindi- cating Protestantism against Catholicism. There were in the main two Protestant theories : 1. The connnon Protestant view that Protestantism was a return to the j)rimitive Church of the New Testament. After the first century the Church became more and more corrupt until the Reformation of the sixteenth century revived apos- tolic times. This view looked on the Catholic Church, espe- cially of the IMiddle Ages, as evil and corrupt. Nevin later calls this the Pui-itanie theory. 2. The Anglican or Ki)iscopali{in view. This held that Pro- testantism was a return not to the first century but to the early Church of the first four or five centuries. This view The Principle op Protestantism. 215 allowod room for the development of Church government by bishops and also of some rites not Biblical but ecclesiastic- ally sanctioned, which were rejected by the other view. This view, like the first, looked upon the Catholic Church as a cor- rupt Church but not as Antichrist, for it had preserved in the midst of it a remnant of truth. 3. The third view which Schaff proposed, was that neither were right, that there was still another view, namely, his- torical development.* The Protestant Church was not a return to either the first century or to the first five cen- turies, but it was different from both, yet connected with them by historical development. Church history is organic. It was not a collection of facts promiscuously thrown together but an organism unfolding its j^owers. The Church is an ever-living organism, "with a continuous flow of life in which every succeeding age is a true develop- ment of its own organic will from the life preceding." This was contrary to the first view for it denied that the Catholic Church was only evil and corrupt. It held, on the contrary, that the Protestant Church was a development right out of the good forces within the Catholic Church before the Reforma- tion. Prof. Schaff however added, "This development would continue — the Protestant Church would not stop with the Church of the Reformation, but would continue developing until Protestantism and Catholicism would approach and finally unite. His Principle of Protestantism was "Historical Development." -J The pamphlet was divided into two parts: 1. The Principle of Protestantism in its original relation to the Roman Catholic Church. 2. The Principle of Protestantism in its relation to the later development and present state of the Protestant Church. Under tho first part, he discusses the two elements that made nji the Principle of Protestantism, Justification by Faith on the one hand and *Ullman, in the Studien and Kritiken (18.59), in rcviewinjj Schatf 's History of the Ajiostolic Cluirch, says that tliis idea of devidojiment was first enunciated by Herder, l)ut is in the Schelling philosophy and especially in Hegel's conception of history, from which doubtless Schaff, through Baur, received it. 216 History of Reformed Ciiurcii in the U. S. the Authority of the Scriptures as the rule of faith on the other. The Lutherans emphasized the former, the Eeformed the latter. But both were inseparable — different aspects of the same principle. He later on, says his biographer, added a third principle, the priesthood of all believers.* (If he had emphasized this last principle then, he would have saved our Church from controversy and from Mercersburg theology, which emphasized the priesthood of the ministry, to which the priesthood of all believers would have been an antidote. — A.) He describes the rela- tion of this principle to the Romish Church before the Eeformation. The Reformation was not a violent revolution against the previous order nor was it a restoration to the original apostolic Christianity. It was a development out of the Middle Ages, the ripe fruit of better tendencies in the Catholic Church. The Eeformation is the legitimate offspring, the greatest act of the Catholic Church, but that Church, instead of following the historical development, stuck to its law of commandments like the Jews in Christ's time, and refused to develop with the ages. In the second part of his book he discusses the principle of Protestant- ism in its relation to the present state of the Protestant Church. He describes : A. The diseases or caricatures of Protestantism. These are: 1. Rationalism or one-sided theoretic subjectivism. This develops into a papacy more tyrannical than the hierarchial papacy of Rome. 2. Sectism or one-sided practical subjectivism. He inveighs against the many denominations of America, calling this sectism * ' a second plague. ' ' B. The Remedies. 1. The first was Puseyism, which, however, is not a jemedy but a reaction caused by the disease. Puseyism had deep moral spiritual earnestness, but failed to appreciate the significance of the Reformation. It looks backward, not forward. 2. The secontl is liistorical development, or, as he calls it. Protestantism, which would heal all its diseases. And it would ultimately bring it into union with Catholicism to form a grander Christianity. The final form of Protestantism is yet to come. It will not come through outward unity, as the Puseyites hold, but from within Protestantism. The pamphlet closes with 112 tlu'scs, which siiinmarize his positions. It reveals his wide scholarship and encyclopaedic mind. For a young man only 25 years old, it is a very re- markable production. But it also reveals the inexperience and false hopes of youth. lie would fain be a new Luther summoning the Protestant world to a new reformation, as did Luther in 1517. His hope that historical development would unite Protestantism and Catliolieisui into a larger Clu-istiau- *Christ and Christianity, pages 128-134. The PiiiNCiPiiE OF Protestantism. 217 ity was the impractical dream of a young enthusiast. The publication of this work at once attracted attention to his ability and brilliancy as a church-historian. Dr. Nevin, in the preface to the pamphlet, evidently feeling that it would be attacked, tries to ward off the coming attacks. He defends Schaff: 1. Against the attacks of the German secular press on his address at Elberfeld. 2. Against any charge of Ro- manizing, by granting that there was trutli in tlie midst of the errors of Rome. Eomanism in every one of its errors included vast truth. Protestants erred in their view of liberty of private judgment and Catholics in their view of Church authority. Each complemented the other. The papacy was the womb out of which was formed the life of the Reformation; and the Middle Ages was not the great apostacy but the Catholic prepa- ration for the Eeformatiou. The view of some that the Protestant Church was derived from the early Church through heretical sects, the Waldenses, etc., he derided. He held that Schaff 's argument was the strongest that could be produced. He closes by developing Schaff 's historical development more fully into his own view of organic religion through the Church, emphasizing the organic as Schaff emphasized de- velopment. Some of the positions of the book at once attracted criti- cism. The most prominent was its Romanizing tendency. In- stead of calling Rome the great apostasy, Babylon, the Sink- of Iniquity, he made the Catholic Church a true Church, which connected the Protestant Church with the early apos- tolic Church. Again, he was criticized for his emphasis on tradition as a rule of faith with Scripture. He divided tradi- tion into ecclesiastical, historical and dogmatical.* Tradition should not be separated from Scripture as Protestants hold. It was the contents of the Bible as settled by the Church against heresies. In stating tradition he fails to guard himself sufficiently against the Catholic view. (See page 108). An- other sign of Romanizing charged against him was his com- *Under his discussion of the Bible as the rule of faith, he states its relation to tradition and defines the different kinds of tradition, ritual, historical, dogmatic-moral and formal-dogmatic tradition. Ritual refers to the ancient customs of the (Jhureh, historical to the testimony of an- tiquity— to the genuineness of sacred books, dogmatic-moral comprehends doctrines ascribed to Christ and the apostles whicli the Bilile rejects and formal-dogmatic incluiles the ancient creeds and tli(> onward movement of church doctrine and life from age to age. 218 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. mendation of Puseyisin, its moral earnestness, reverent so- lemnity, holding fast to the sacraments "that hang not on the preearions side of the subjective but include the actual pres- ence of Christ as really as when he stood before his disciples." But although he makes such statements he is not satisfied with the position of the Romish Church because its fornuilas are fixed and allow no room for the historical d(nM'loi)ment which is the corner-stone of his system. For the same reason he criticizes Puritanism. lie errs in not guarding himself against Romanism. While he is so easy with Rome, he is very severe on Protestantism for its disease of sects and its Puritanism. Another criticism was on his philosophy. He was charged with Hegelianism. It was evident that he was opposed to the destructive school of Strauss but still be used Hegelian methods. Thus, in thesis 17, he shows it by holding to its dia- lectic contra-positions, and on page 186, where he makes cor- poreity the scope of God's ways. On page 169 Schaff says, "the unity must proceed from within, from the deepest ground of the religious life and then it will provide itself a suitable form." This is the Hegelian method of development. Another criticism of the book was that it was more Lutheran than Reformed. In a letter to Dr. Mann he says, "my Ger- man Reformed friends used to call me a Lutheran theologian and were displeased with my eulogy of Luther in this book." And there was ground for this charge, for he almost entirely ignored Zwingli, whom the Reformed in America had always idolized. While he refers occasionally to Calvin, yet Luther and the Lutheran Reformation figure by far most prominently in this book. His education in Germany led him to magnify the Lutheran Reformation and minimize the Zwinglian. ' Finally, another criticism on the book was on its optimistic hope of a final union of Protestantism and Catholicism. This was the dream of an idealist, not yet rcndized, for they are farther apart to-day than then, because the pa])acy has since then promulgated the doctrine of infallibility. The truth is that there is no middle ground between these two great faiths. Every attempt to bring Protestantism nearer Rome, as Pusey- ism, has failed. The Principle of Protestantism. 219 Many years after, D»\ Sehaff says he confessed that he tiling this book as a firebrand, l)iit it was not understood. ' ' ^ly little book was a harmless book, and I had not the remotest thought that I was out of accord with the views of the Re- formed Church in this country. " It is very evident that as a foreigner he failed to understand fully the American hostility to Rome at that time, which made many look on his conces- sions to Rome as treason to Protestantism. For it is to be remembered that his address was delivered just at the time of the bitterest feeling against Catholics. On May 3, 1844, the Irish Catholics of Kensington, Philadelphia, had attacked a meeting of the American party at which a number were killed and wounded. The American party afterward paraded with the American flag, which they had taken from the Catho- lics in the riot and on it they placed the inscription, "This is the flag trampled upon by Irish papists. ' ' This feeling was so bitter that a fire broke out which consumed thirty-nine houses and the militia were called out. Two Catholic churches in Philadelphia were burned. This bitterness was caused to some extent by the efforts of the Catholics to gain possession of the public schools. As the grand .jury did not make its returns on these Philadelphia riots till July 1st, Sehaff 's irenic ad- dress came too soon after this. His subject was therefore ill- timed and his method of treatment laid him open to criticism of which he never dreamt. TIk^sc political events are a for- gotten element in the controversy against him in our Church. Section 5. The Attacks on "The Principle op Protestant- ism BY the Different Church Papers. A. The rroiestant Quartcrhj. — The first attack on the pamphlet is said to have been in the Protestant Banner in the summer of 1845 by Berg. He continued his attack on it in the Protestant Quarterly, of which he was then editor. He was, as we have already seen, a warm champion of anti- Romanism. He had had, as we have already noted, an open debate with a Catholic priest at Lel)anon. He had also for a number of years been publishing a number of books against Romanism. At the Synod of 1843, he had tried to get that 220 History op Reformed Church in the U. S. synod to commit our Church against the validity of Romish baptism. Nevin later charged that the synod refused to sustain Berg's position. Heiner, however, says that the synod was very much divided on the subject, many voting )wh liquit, Rev. Joseph F. Berg, D.D. and when the synod decided to recognize the validity of Rom- ish baptism, it was only by a small majority. The minutes of the synod report no action on the suliject, so that officially the synod could not well be quoted either way, as Nevin claimed. Dr. Berg therefore was one of the first to scent any ten- dencies toward Romanizing in Sehatf 's address. He had pub- lished "The Old Paths" in the spring of 1845, in which he takes the usual Protestant view of his time, that the reforma- ti(m was a return to the Church of the New Testament, and that the Catholic Church was the great apostasy. Over against Schaff's view of historical development he attempts to trace the connection of Protestantism with the Apostolic age through John's disciple Polycarp, Ireneus, tlu^ Waldenses and other The Principle of Protestantism. 221 sects. The Messenger, in reviewing the book, donbts the trnth of his theorj^, and J. II. Good soon after Avrote against it in the Messenger. Berg replied that if the reformers ought to claim the Papal Church as their mother because they came out of it, on the same principle he must regard Father Lot as deriving his patriarchal succession through Sodom. It needs hardly be added that Berg's theory since then has been given up as untenable, for the historical connection of Pro- testantism with the primitive Church lay not through the heretical sects, as Berg said, or through the visible Church, as Schaff and Nevin declared, but rather through the invisible Church. Dr. Berg charged Schaff with exalting tradition above the Bible, the Church above Christ, the sacraments above personal faith ; and that both Professors Schaff and Nevin had violated their oaths as professors by not teaching the doctrines of the Heidelberg Catechism. The passage in the "Principle of Protestantism" that gave so much offence was on page 87, ending with ' ' The tradition w^as not a part of the divine Word separately from what is written, but the contents of Scripture itself as apprehended and settled by the Church against heresies past and always new appearing."* B. The attack in the Lutheran Observer. — This paper, the organ of the Lutheran Church, reviewed Schaff 's pamphlet, April 11. 1815, and slightly criticised it, saying that a longer stay in America would modify his views. On July 11 it criticised Nevin 's sermon on Church Unity as too transcendental to be understood and charged him with being an ultra-Lutheran. After that, the paper came out squarely against Nevin 's views. On September 26, 1845, the editor said : "Wc have been acquainted witli many distinguished divines of the German Keformed Church, such as the Helfifensteins, Sr. and Jr., Ka- *Just about this time occurred the Leahy episode. Edward Leahy was an ex-monk of La Trappe, whom Berg had converted and sent to Mercersburg to study theology (1844). Leahy was surprised to be taught there that the Church of Rome was a part of the Church of Christ and that Christ was really and truly present in the Lord's Supper. Such Eomanizing he reported to Berg. 222 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. hausers, Hendels, Hiester, Glotiinger, Iloffineier and many others, and last but not least that clear-headed, strong-minded and by no means 'small' theologian, Dr. Mayer.* Not one of them understood the Heidelberg Catechism as Nevin does, but all believed in a real spiritual presence. ' ' In the same issue and in October 10, this new pet phrase of Nevinism "spiritual real presence" was discussed. The phrase "real presence" had been used in Catholic theology and in none of the Protestant confessions except the larger West- minster. Real presence was but another name for transub- stantiation. "We would note that Nevin 's opponents were al- ways willing to use the phrase "real spiritual presence" as over against an imaginary spiritual presence. But Nevin always put the real after spiritual, making it "spiritual real presence." He clung to the Catholic phrase "real pres- ence," only he tried to Protestantize it by putting the word spiritual before it so as to distinguish it from the corporeal presence which was the Catholic view. As he would not ac- cept real spiritual presence, it is evident that "real presence" meant something more than merely spiritual presence, namely, the presence also of Christ's humanity. C. The attaclx of the Clu-islian IntdJigenccr.^ The editor says a copy of Schaff's Pamphlet had come into his office in July accompanied with a note from Dr. Nevin. He notices it first (Aug. 7), saying it revealed great learning, honesty and l)oldness. On August 14 he goes farther, saying "that some of the principles of Puseyism which Schaff praises contain the seeds of Romish errors. Wliile Schaff might be far from affinity to Rome yet others taking up these principles would be led to undesirable results. "$ "Schaff holds that not only is Rome a part of the true Church of Christ but, previous to tlie reformation, a depository of the Christian faith." This was very different from the general view of the Dufch Cliui-cb that the Romish Church was an apostasy. On Sei)t('mb('r 11. *This refers to the common statenieiit of iniiiiy Neviiiists in iiiiiiiiiiizing Prof. Lewis Mayer. fThe official organ of the Dutcli licformcd ( lunili. JThis proyed a true prophecy, tor later a nundjcr of the pujjils of Schaff and Nevin went over to Rome. The Principle op Protestantism. 223 S. N. attacks another aspect of Nevinism, namely, its error about the ministry — That it holds to a sort of apostolic succession not in the Catholic or Episcopalian sense but modified to suit Presbyterianism, — that grace from Christ through the apostles conies to every minister at ordination, so that by the imposition of hands he becomes a depository of that grace and has the remarkable power of transmitting this grace to others after the fashion of a Leyden jar full of electricity which discharges its electricity by coming into contact with objects that are conductors. The whole theory, he claimed, was a fanciful speculation. In the same issue the editor says the saddest impression made on him by Schaff's address and Nevin's sermon is that its principles would be a barrier to the union of the two churches, which, alas, proved only too true, as they later became sepa- rated more and more on account of Nevinism.* The editor disclaims (October 16) the charge made by some of the Nevinists that his paper was gratuitously circulated among the ministers of the German Reformed Church to prejudice them against Nevin. He says that a worthy individual procured some twenty or thirty copies of the Intelligencer from the office and circulated them, but that the editor was not responsible for it. As the Messenger had now opened its columns to both parties in the German Reformed Church he would hereafter abstain from editorial comment. But articles continued to appear in the Intelligencer against Nevin and Schaff by Berg and Helffenstein and Ilciner. Ilelffenstein has an article (Dec. 18) quoting Schaff as favoring Puseyism, when he said *'he goes with young Oxford." Guldin, for- merly of our Church but now in the Dutch Church, jniblished extracts from the theological lectures of the late Prof. F. L. Herman to show that the German Reformed Church was orig- inally Calvinistie and against tlie newer views of Nevin. *One of the writers in the TntcUigcvccr, arguing against tliis emphasis of Mercersburg theology on the necessity of outward church rites, sup- poses a case of careless, unbaptized ])ersons on a desert island, who were converted by reading the Bible, organized themselves into a church, elected a pastor from their number, lived and died without any other means of grace. He asks would they be lost because they had re- ceived none of the rites of the Church from a projierly accredited minis- try. This supposition evidently annoyed Nevin, for he refers to it in one of his articles but fails to answer it. 224 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. D. Aitaclis on Schaff hij Other Church Papers. — The Pro- testant church papers, except the Episcopalian, disapproved of Schaff 's position. The Princeton Repertory (Presby- terian), reviewed it favorably as to its ability, ])ut criticised him for his tendency toward Puseyisni, for givintjj more weiojht to tradition than was done by l*rotestants ; also for his finding fault with the Free Church of Scotland because it seceded from the State Church; also criticised his secti(m about the sects as being marred by false principles. The CaihoUc Her- ald (Episcopalian) went into raptures over it,— that a Protest- ant should concede so much to the Catholic Church as to say it was a true Church. The True Catholic of Maryland went into ecstasies that now the German Reformed sect was on the eve of joining the Church. In Germany the Palm-Leaves, published by Dr. Knunmacher, said Schaff was charged with mysticism, transcendentalism, Puseyism, yes, with a Romaniz- ing tendency. E. Nevin's Reply in His Atiicles on Pseudo-Protestantism. '^In the Messenger of August 13, 1845, Nevin began a series of articles replying to these attacks. He tried to show that the views of his opponents were not true Protestantism but a false or Pseudo-Protestantism— an extreme Protestant view. He defined the distinction between a true and a pure Church. The true church was one that had a regular ministry, where the Word of God was preached and the Christian sacraments were properly administered. The Roman Church, he claimed, ijH'as a true church. He refused over against his opponents to uncluirch the entire Romish conununion as such by denying the validity of their baptism. In this Prof. ( -luirles Hodge, of Princeton Tbeological Seminary, agreed with liiiii and had opposed the action of the Presbyterian General Ass('ml)ly in 1845 when it denied the validity of Romish baptism. Dr. Nevin thus tried to answer Berg's first charge, namely, that his views had a Romanizing tendency. He then replies to Berg's second charge, namely, that he held to a "spiritual real presence" in the Lord's Supper. He grants this and claims it is the doctrine of tlu; Reformed confessions. "Real The Principle of Protestantism. 225 presence," lie defines, "is a literal concorporation, an actual insertion into the substance of Christ's humanity." lie claims that he represents Calvin's doctrine that Christ's humanity had a vivitic presence (streaming from his body to earth like the rays of the sun — A.). Nevin however, grants that he goes beyond Calvin in his psychology for he tries to correct Cal- vin's false psychology by a proper conception of organism and a proper distinction between the genus and the individual, M'hich was made by realism. It had been suggested by his op- ponents that the presence of Christ in the Lord's Supper is a real spiritual presence not a spiritual real presence as he held. They charged that the latter phrase came from the Catholics. He replies that he can not accept their phrase : "Because Christ is tliere, by virtue of his ever-living present divinity and it may be by the efficacious presence of the Spirit just as he is present in the rolling stone and the evening zephyr." Section 6. The Action on it Within Our Church. A. The Attack of Philadelphia Classis. — The previous at- tacks were non-official. This was more serious because by an official body of the Church. Philadelphia classis, at a meet- ing September 16, 1845, appointed a committee to examine the "Principle of Protestantism." This committee, of which Berg was the chairman, reported against it. The report ob- jected to Schaff's imdervaluation of Scripture in favor of tra- dition, to his emphasis on the sacraments rather than on faith as the life-giving principle of Christianity^ and to his views of Christ's corporeal presence at the Lord's Supper. Over against this, it held that the Bible was the rule of faith, that the sacraments were only a channel of grace and that their efficacy depended on the subjective state of the believer, namely, faith. It considered Schaff's divergences so serious that classis called the attention of synod to them. These reso- lutions were adopted, only one voting against all of them, Foulk, although Kessler, Young and Kooken voted against some of them. But the Helffensteins, of whom there were four, w'ith Berg and Bibighaus, were the majority. Nevin used to say it was the Helffenstein faction who opposed him 226 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. in the Church. But the}- were not the only ones, for the con- troversy was more than a personal one; great principles and doctrines were at stake. The classis also expressed regret that the Messenger should close its columns to the opponents of Nevin and Schaff, while surrendering its pages to Nevin for such a long and severe series of articles against his opponents as Pseudo-Protestant- ism. (This was the reason why a number of our ministers, as Berg, J. Helffenstein and Ileincr were compelled to write in the Lutlieran Observer and Christian Intelligencer, because their articles were not accepted by the Alessenger.) The classis concluded its action by declaring itself in favor of the doctrine, which Schaff and Nevin opposed, namely, that the Romish Church was the great apostasy, the man of sin, the mother of abominations, etc., and as such was destined to utter and fearful destruction. B. The Action of East Pennsylvania Classis. — While Phila- delphia classis attacked Nevin and Schaff, East Pennsylvania Classis defended them. At its meeting (Oct. 1) it passed a resolution, defending the professors at Mercersburg and or- dering its delegates to synod to do so on the floor of synod. The action was not quite unanimous. Wack, one of the oldest and most influential ministers, voted against it, thus joining the Helffensteins in Philadelphia classis in their opposition to Nevin. C. The Discussion in Our Church Papers. — After the protest of Philadelphia classis, the Mcsscnrjer opened its columns to articles on the other side, and published an article from the Lutheran Observer on the "real presence," which had been written by Berg. Nevin replied by an article on ' ' The Mystical Union. ' ' Heiner wrote an article against Nevin and Schaff, calling attention to a distinction to be made, in the historical connection of Protestantism with Apostolic Christianity, between the visible and invisible. There was no visible Evangelical Church from the first to the sixteenth centuries, but the invisible church existed in all true believers. In the next issues of the Messenger, Nevin finds a number of defenders as Sechler, Bomberger, Glessner, Brettell and B. Wolff (of whom the first three afterwards be- came his strong opponents in the liturgical controversy). Heiner in a second article contrasts the Protestantism of Mercersburg with the Pro- The Principle op Protestantism. 227 testantism of the Bible and of the German Reformed Chiircli. He espe- cially attacks Schaff 's statement that Puseyism was a legitimate reac- tion against the rationalistic Psendo-Protestantism as well as against the religious subjectivism of the low-church party of the Episcopalians. He ironically declares that Schaff has the honor of introducing the American Church to Oxford and then to Rome. He also criticised Schaff for suggesting as cures of the evils of Protestantism, the revival of pictures, images, crosses, beautifying the sanctuaries and altars and emphasizing the objective in the sacraments, but the German Reformed Church says we are ('hristians not by being in the Church but by being in Christ. He closes by saying that since the publication of Schaff 's "Principle of Protestantism" and Nevin 's "Catholic Unity" there had been a woeful lack of unity in the German Reformed Church. Section 7. The Action op the Eastern Synod on the "Principle op Protestantism" (1845). Such was the condition of affairs when the synod met at York, Oct. 16, 18-15. It received the complaint of Philadel- phia elassis, also two letters from Revs. Strassburger and I. Gerhart, expressing their belief that the charges were nnfomided. It declared the complaint of Philadelphia elassis irregular, because not first presented to the board of visitors. The professors, however, waived this constitution- ality and the synod proceeded with the case. It was referred to a committee of one from each elassis : Wolff, Bibighaus, Iloffeditz, Leinbach, Ziegler, Kreiner, Seibert, Ilensell and Welker.* The investigation lasted four days. This was the only meeting of the Eastern synod that lasted over two Sim- days. The committee's report vindicated the book and its position on tradition, etc. It also criticised the action of Philadelphia elassis as revealing an absence of consideration and forethought, and it reconunended that the professors of the seminary receive the support and confidence of the Church. Berg spoke for two hours, Nevin for two, Schaff for three, mainly in German. Berg replied and Schaff replied in Eng- lish to hiuL The report was adopted by a vote of 37 to 3, Berg being the only minister voting in the minority. There were *It is interesting to note that four of these, almost one-half of the committee, later became strong op]>onents of Nevin in the liturgical controversy: Bibighaus, Holi'editz, Ziegler and Welker. 228 History of Reformed Church in the TJ. S. however, other ministers sympathizing with Berg, some of whom were present at the synod but who were not members and, therefore, had no vote, as Ileiner and Prof. Lewis IMayer.* This partly explains why Nevin and bis followers detracted continually from Prof. Lewis ]\Iayer's ability and work. It Avas because Mayer opposed them. Bei-g entered an eloquent protest against the report, concluding witli tbe his- toric words of Luther, ''Here I stand, I can not do otherwise." The synod appointed a committee to reply to Berg's protest. Schaff and his book were thus vindicated by synod. The de- bate was sharp, but Berg at the end of it said, "It makes me sad that Proff. Schaff and I must strike at each other, and I must grant he has a very hard head. But at tbe same time I can draw his heart to mine with the utmost love. ' 'f Schaff afterwards said that if the result had been otherwise, he would have gone right back to Berlin, Germany. He wrote gleefully to Dr. Krummacher's church paper the "Palm- Leaves," of his victory at synod,! also stating that in many German Reformed churches in America there was no catechi- zation, no confirmation, no observance of the Church festivals, no congregational singing, and that in Berg's chilrch the mode of worship was likc^ the Presbyterian. Schaff says§ that the synod of 1845 did not adopt the Principle of Protestantism, He had not expected that. But it declared the charges against him as mi founded and that his views were not a departure from those of the German Reformed Church. It had not de- clared Nevin 's doctrine of the Lord's Supper as the only true one, but it had refused the Zwinglian views of liis opponents. He says the German Reformed Church adopted a principle whose consequences would be remarkable, viz, giving up I'uri- tanism and Methodism and going back to the C-hui-cli-tbeory. Dr. Schaff in this article shoots beyond the action of tlie synod. *Sce Valm-Leaves of Krununaclicr, 1S4(), ims*' l^f*- fThe Ohio synod, 1845, exaniinod SdialT's i);nnplil«'t and rccoiiiiiicndcd it for circulation. JAppcl says it was a victory of lof^ic over rhotoric. lie misses entirely the gravity of the situation, for great principles were at stake, as is evidenced "by the length and severity of the controversy that followed. IPalmUatter, 1847, 114. The Principle op Protestantism. 229 when carefully examined, for some of the things he refers to never came up Ix'fore that synod for action. Philadelphia classis met September 16, 1846. It took no- tice of synod's statement that -they liad shown want of fore- thought and consideration in their action. This they deny and they renew their action: 1. That Scripture over against tradition is the only rule of faith and practice. 2. That the sacraments have no inherent efficacy. 3. That the actual humanity of Christ is not on earth and that his presence is none the less real "because divine and spiritual. They approved of Berg's protest. They oppose Schaff's advocacy in his pamphlet of the use of images as aids to devo- tion, as a dangerous innovation, contrary to the simplicity of Reformed worship and to the Heidelberg Catechism (Answers 97 and 98). As to Schaff's theory of historical development, while they admitted there was truth in all ages in the Romish Church, yet they could not regard it as the main stream but as the great apostasy, the opposite of the Reformed Church and the Heidelberg Catechism. The complaint of Philadelphia classis against the editor of the Messenger for not admitting the articles of Schaff's op- jionents also came before this synod. Synod refused to cen- sure the editor but suggested that the colunms of the paper should be impartially accessible to all temperate and judicious communications on any doctrine and practical subject agitat- ing the Church. D. E. F., a friend of Nevin, in the Messenger, April 21, says the synod left the great question (about Schaff's principles) open and undecided, — it simply declared that there were no grounds for charges. The action of the synod failed to quiet the Church. There was a small but a very respectable minority, composed of the Helffenstcins, Berg, Heiner, Zacharias, Wack, Prof. Mayer and othei's outspoken in their opposition to Nevin. The discussion continued in the church papers. Nevin continued writ- ing in the Messenger. Hudson defended Nevin, making the Church and tradition equal. Jacob Helffenstein wrote in the Lutheran Observer on the 230 History op Reformed CnuRcn in the U. S. likenesses of Mereersburg theology to Puseyism (1) on the real presence, (2) the inherrtit efficacy of the sacraments, (3) the mystical union, (4) tradition, etc. (the editor of the Messenger having refused the article). J. G. Z. defends Nevin and ffttacks J. llelffenstein in the Messenger. Nevin, on January 14, attempts to quote Ursinus in his favor, and charges his opponents with being rationalists because holding to the low Zwinglian view of the Lord's Supper. (This is not a true charge, for the memorial view grants the supernatural, which the rationalists do not. — .4.) By January 21 Nevin finds a new supporter and that in the Dutch Church in Prof. Taylor Lewis, of Union College, Schenectady, N. Y. He claims that the resemblances between Mereersburg theology and Puseyism were more a])parent than real, and that its authors were honest in their devotion to Protestantism. lie approves of their theory of Christianity as a life rather than a doctrine, but can not believe that through the black line of popes the true vitality of Christ's mystical body could have flowed. He differed from Schaff on some points, as when he says that the Keformation is a return to primitive Christianity, ■ — that the papacy was necessary to such a rude era as the Middle Ages and is still a necessity in Spain, Italy and Ireland. He defends Puritan- ism, which Schaff had so severely attacked and believed Schaff had not done full justice to the Evangelical tendencies of the day in the United States. He agreed with Nevin 's positions l)ut he was inclined to make the mystical union to be with the human soul of the Eedeemer, rather than with his humanity. On January 28, 1846, Berg and Nevin began a controversy in the Messenger on the Mystical Union. It began with organic unity viewed spiritually and went on to organic unity viewed bodily. The controversy lasted until March 25. Sechler defends Nevin, saying Nevin held Calvin's views. Prof. W. W. Nevin tried to popular- ize Nevin 's views by a dialogue in the Messenger between 'Squire Schlosser and Solomon Traxler, to which S. llelffenstein, Jr., replied in another dialogue. Guldin, of the Dutch Church, also published in the Messenger a translation of Stajifer, the Swiss theologian, against Nevin, and S. Helffenstein quotes Hciody in heaven streaming out to us like the rays of the sun. And yet, while claiming to reproduce Calvin he also states that he differs from Calvin owing to Calvin's false psychologj\ He grants that some of his views were additions. PI is aim, however, Avas to bring the great Reformer up to date. (Three men have .claimed to do this in the nineteenth century, Schweitzer of Switzerland, Schleiermacher of Germany, and Nevin in Amer- ica. Schweitzer represents the mediating theology of Ger- many, but inclined toward rationalism. He claimed that God's eternal decree must be taken in a pantheistic sense. Schleiermacher claimed he was Reformed because he too be- lieved in God's decree, but that decree was universal, for God had elected all. This was universal ism. Xevin endeavored to re-state not the decrees of Calvin as they had done, but his doctrine of the Lord's Supper. In the first two cases, the effort was unsatisfactory. Over against Schweitzer Calvinism is not pantheism.* Schleiermacher 's view was false, for Calvin always held to particular election not universal. It remains to be seen whether Nevin will be more successful. — -.4..) He claims Calvin's philosophy is false on three points and makes three additions to Calvin. 1. Calvin did not sufficiently distinguish between law as a life-force and law as a method of procedure. In the former it has oV)jective force, in the latter only the subjective idea of the mind.f 2. Calvin failed to insist on the absolute unity of the person. We are not two distinct natures, body and soul, but these are blended and intermingled in one personality. So, too, Christ is not a union of two distinct natures, for that would be Nestorian. He is a blending and intermingling of the two in a third form, called the theanthroi)ic life. 3. Calvin does not distinguish between the generic and the universal, which Nevin does by distinguishing between the generic and individual luimanity. (He thus adds his intense realism to Calvin. — A.) *Fairbairn to the contrary notwithstanding. fHere Nevin 's adherence to Schelling's philosophy comes into view. Formulation op Mercersburg Theology, 237 We might also add to these points that he differs from Calvin in his explanation of Calvin's figure of the vivific rays. Neviu claimed that that figure was a reality, that those rays were Christ's real body coming down to earth. Calvin, however, uses them as figurative. The reality was not in Christ's humanity coming down to us, as Nevin held, but those rays, according to Calvin, were the Holy Spirit stream- ing down upon us. while Christ's glorified body remaiiu>d in heaven. We give the statement of Dr. E. V. Gorhart, one of Kevin's followers. It agrees with our statement, only it is couched in their language : "Calvin fails, however, to distinguish between the idea of the organic law which constitutes the identity of a human body and the material volume it embraces as exhibited to the senses. He does not insist with proper freedom and emi)hasis on the absolute unity of w'hat we denomi- nate person, both in the case of Christ and his people. And he makes no clear distinction between the individual life of Christ and the same life in a generic view. Hence, while Calvin emphasized the absence of Christ 's humanity from earth, the elevation of the soul to him by the power of the Holy Spirit and a real participation of his flesh by which the believer is nourished to eternal life, Nevin emphasized the presence of the humanity of Christ in his Church on earth — that is of the vivific virtue of the human, hypostatically one with the divine, nature — the participation of the believer in the entire humanity of Christ, the soul no less than flesh and blood."* Nevin therefore departs from Calvin on several fundii7 mental points. Though he claims to be Calvinistic, it is evi- dent that he is not. He adds to Calvin, fundamental philo- sophical principles that Calvin never knew, for Hegelianism and kSchellingism had not appeared in his day. These later_( philosophical views added by Nevin changed everything. Nevin endeavors to pour these views into Calvinism or rather to state (Calvinism according to these later views. This was a grand conception, but it could not be done. Nevin 's position is no longer that of Calvin because his philosophic position is entirely different. It was Calvinism plus rationalizing philosophy. His realism was different; his view of organism *" German Reformed Church," 1863. 238 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. different; his view of law different and these were funda- mental differences. Wlien he goes to apply these differences to the doctrine of Christ he leaves Calvin far behind. In this new system of doctrine, it is to })e noticed that it differs from the old Reformed doctrine on a nuiii])er of i)()ints.* Old Reformed theology held that : 1. At the incarnation Christ took u[)ou liiinself individual- ized humanity, not generic as Nevin claimed. But Nevin claimed that he united himself directly with the race and only mediately with individuals. j 2. Christ was a person of two natures, huuian and divine. each of which preserved its own integrity. Nevin calls this Nestorianism, but it was the creedal statement of our Church. Nevin claimed that these two natures are so united in the per- son of Christ as to be interfused and mixed. On p. 181 he seems to hold that Christ had one nature, not two. He was. therefore, later charged with Eutychianism and pantheism be- cause he failed to properly preserve tiic distinction between the divine and the human. This distinction, pantheism al- ways blurs and in its extreme form obliterates. 3. The union with Christ was mediated by the Holy Spirit. Nevin 's opponents never denied, as he chargi'd, that religion was a life. They hold it was a life, but it was the life of the Holy Spirit in -us.| Nevin added to the old Reformed view (that this uuion was mediated by the Holy Si)irit) another view that it was mediated by Christ's humanity. The old Re- formed view was that Christ's humanity was in heaven (see ^Although Nevin claimecl to repristinate and coinpletn Calvin, yet the later Merccrsburg theologians, as Ilarbaugh, grant that Nevinisni is an advance on old Reformed theology. See Mercersburg Review, 1867, page 400. fOn this Schneck (Mercersburg Theology, page 42) says that all this is a pure assumption, 1, that there is such a thing as generic humanity; 2, that Christ took it; 3, that Christ took it for our redemption. JThey never hold it was merely a doctrine, as Nevin asserts. It was both life and doctrine. The doctrine produced life, the life crowned the doctrine. Nevin, by minimizing doctrine, knocked out the very basis of life because life is always intelligent in man. Formulation of Mercersburg Theology. 239 Heidelberg Catechism, answers 47 and 76), while Nevin's view was tliat by virtue of its close imion with the divine, Christ's humanity came down to earth and is present in the Lord's Supper.* He here misunderstands the old Reformed creeds which always state that the union was by the Holy Spirit, — they clearly state that Christ's humanity was in heaven and not on earth in the sacraments. This they espe- cially denounce as the Lutheran view. Indeed Nevin, in the very quotations from the Reformers and our creeds in his own book, reveals that it is the Holy Spirit that mediates between Christ and us. His own extracts are therefore against him. Thus Calvinf says the union with Christ is only by the Holy Spirit. So does Beza,$ also the Gallic Confession,! the Belgic,|| the Second Helvetic,^ Ursinus,** and Hospinian,ff as well as quotations on pages 80, 81, 82, 83, 92, 93. In none of these is Christ's humanity said to come down to us, but all is by the Holy Spirit. And yet Nevin, from these extracts, tries to build up proof for his system. He says± that "The flesh of Christ or his humanity forms the medium and the only medium by which it is possible for us to be inserted into his new life." But the Reformed said that all this was done by the Holy Spirit, not by the hu- manity of Christ. Appel§§ confesses that Nevin is somewhat contradictory to himself in saying now that it is the Holy Spirit who mediates between Christ and us and at other times saying that it is the humanity of Christ that does this. *Nevin says Christ is related to his people by organic conjunction. "This makes him the actual life principle of believers. It is the sub- stantial conveyance of the very substance of the incarnate Christ to be- lievers that saves them. The regeneration of believers flows from the general regeneration of humanity by the incarnation. ' ' f" Mystical Presence," page 69. I" Mystical Presence," page 78. §" Mystical Presence," page 79. II" Mystical Presence," page 81. ^' ' Mystical Presence, ' ' page 82. **" Mystical Presence," page 84. ff"Mystical Presence," page 70. %%' ' Mystical Presence, ' ' page 68. §§Life of Nevin, page 274. 240 IIisTORv OF Reformed Church in the U. S. 4. There is also another distinction between the old Re- formed view and Nevinisni. Nevin held that Christ's hnnian- ity must come down to ns. The old Reformed view was the opposite, that our hearts must be lifted up to Christ in heaven where Christ's glorified body was. This is the statement of their old liturgies. Of course this lifting up of our hearts is subjective, too subjective for Dr. Nevin, who alwa.ys empha- sized the objective. And yet (m page 124 he grants that Calvin says "I teach that Christ raises us to himself so as to transfuse into us the vivific vigor of his flesh." ' 5. In regard to the Lord's Supper the old Reformed view was that there was no objective efficacy in the sacrament. The reality in it lay not in the mere bringing together of an invisible grace and visible signs, as Nevin held, but its reality to us lay in bringing the believing heart into contact with the signs and through them with the Holy Spirit. Nevin laid emphasis on the objective, the Reformed on the subjective, side of the act. The amount of grace in the sacraments de- pends not on the amount of intrinsic grace in the elements themselves, as he held, but on the amount of faith in the be- liever. The more faith we have, the greater blessings we re- ceive. But Nevin held that the sacraments had grace in them before the worshiper partook of them, — that grace came into them when they were consecrated by the minister and that the grace did not depend on the recipient's faith or act. All this was very different from the views of the Reformed ministers in this country on the Lord's Supper. Some of them were so-called Zwinglians, holding the low memorial view and glorying in it because it was the view of Zwingli, the founder of our Church. (3thers held a higher view, the spiritual view of Calvin, but that the grace in the saei-Mineiits came thi-ough the Holy Spirit. Christ's humanity was not especially emphasized except as the Holy Spirit mediated our connection with it. Prof. Maj^er said in 1844 that "the theory of Calvin on the Lord's Supper (the spiritual, not the Nevin- istic view) was generally rc^ct^ved in our Church but that that of Zwingli had many friends. The latter was gaining ground Formulation of Mercersburg Theology. 241 and was probably the predominant theory in the United States." In regard to this doctrine Nevin says that the sacrament of the Lord's Supper is not in the elements as such but in the transaction. The sacramental mystery as a whole makes present objectively the true life of Christ. Nevin thus places the reality in the union of the two, and not in either the elements or in the soul of the believer. We see here Hegel 's absolute or relative idealism, — that the reality lies in the rela- tion of two opposites. Thus Nevin says "the Lord's Supper is the outward sign of inward grace. Its reality lies not in either the outward sign or the inward grace but in their relation."* Again, he claims the reality lies not in either faith or objectivity but both must go together.f But he claims over against Lutheranism that his views are not Lu- theran. Lutheranism, he says, brings the body of Christ to the elements. "What, however, he means by body is the spirit of Christ's humanity, not his fleshly humanity. The Luther- ans, however, would hardly grant that they held this carnal Capernaitic doctrine with which he charges them. They, too, claim that it is the spirit of Christ's humanity, not his fleshly body, that is present. Nevin also claims that he differs from them on another point. They hold that Christ's body enters the mouth, which he denies. He says it is spiritually received because it is spiritual.;}: Several other points might be noticed where his view de- parts from the old Reformed. He places the atonement in Christ's person rather than in his work especially on the cross, — an atonement in life rather than an atonement by his death. He therefore emphasizes the incarnation rather than the atonement. Again, the old Reformed view of justification was that of forensic imputation, that Christ's merits are charged over to *Page 178. fSee pages 178-9 and 186. JFor the most trenchant review of Nevin 's doctrine of the sacraments, see Fritschel "The Mercersburg Theology," in the Theological Monat- schrift, published by Brobst, of Allentown (1870-1). We shall refer to it in a subsequent section. 242 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. our account as the ground of our salvation. Over against this Nevin placed the theory of implantation, that we are justified by the impartation of Christ's theanthropic life to us. This virtually means that we are justified only so far as we are sanctified. Our justification must be "in Christ,"* not by Christ. On pages 166, 180 and 191 he attacks the old forensic view as a fiction, saying justification rests not on the objective merits of Christ, but that to become ours, justification must insert us in Christ's life. We thus see the contrast between the old Reformed views and the new Mercersburg theology, which is outlined by these two books. They completed the formulation of the Mercers- burg theology at its beginning and became its working basis. It is interesting to note that Dr. Nevin had not as yet pro- ceeded any farther in his development of doctrine than that of the union with Christ and the Lord's Supper. Its refer- ence to baptism did not come up till later, when the doctrine of the baptismal germ and of bajitismal grace appears. But these two books were hardly completed when another storm broke over the head of Dr. Schaff. *Pages 180 and 189. CHAPTER III. The Second Controversy About Prof. Schaff — His Views on the Middle State. Section 1. The Attack in the "Christian Intelligencer." The first eoutroversy had hardly tdeared up, indeed tlie Church was just in the midst of the surprise occasioned by the publication of Schaflf's and Nevin's recent books on Church History and the Mystical Presence, when this new controversy burst on them, and it proved a more serious thing for Prof. Schaff than did the first. The Christian Intelligencer* published a translation by Rev. ]\Ir. Guldin, of Schaff 's tract on "The Sin against the Holy Ghost" in which he taught a doctrine akin to purgatory (page 145), — "For all men there is an intermediate state beginning with death." The extract he quoted was as follows : 1. "Those who already have despised the salvation published and offered to them were immediately at death provisionally judged and come into prison in Hades, about whose How and Where it is not be- coming for us to wish to be given greater disclosures. * * * 2. For the undecided who had not here an opportunity to learn to know the way of eternal life, also especially for the heathen and Turks and such Christians as are jtlaced under the touch of heathenism as the Armenians and Abyssinians, there is after death a season of grace in which is the possibility of forgiveness of sin and conversion, but only under the same conditions as here, namely, the penitent faith in the Saviour of the world. In a wider sense there falls under the same cate- gory also those in whom faith was truly begun before death, but without any fault of their own was not developed to maturity in the full com- munion with the Lord. These must on their side pass through a like school as is here necessary for the development of the future Christian life. All sensual ideas of a material fire are entirely to be cast aside as figurative and as prejudicial to the all-sufficient merits of Christ. *July 16, 1846. 243 244 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. According to the Bible all salvation is alone and entirely to be sought and found in the justifying faith in the sufficient and redeeming merit of Christ." Prof. Scliaff replied to this,* trying to explain the matter by saying That his tract had been written before he left the university, when he was only twenty years old, — it was a juvenile performance considered quite proper in Germany, where much freedom of thought is allowed, — it was written to gain the degree of bachelor of divinity and had been approved by Neander, Hengstenberg, Twesten and Marheineke. He did not think it fair that he should be judged by a production of his youth. Since that time he had learned much that would enable him to treat the subject in a more careful and thorough manner. When he came to America he had not concealed his views on this subject, but had made them known to the German Eeformed Church before coming to Mercersburg. He had declared that he did not wish to be judged by it and, therefore, had not had it translated. He claimed that the trans- lation of the extract from it in the Christian Intelligencer was not a good one, as it omitted extracts from Luther, Melancthon, Zwingli, Calvin and others in favor of the Middle State. A writer in the Christian Intelligencer^ asked, what does Schaff mean when he assigned to Hades ' ' those who had a beginning before their death and must develop. to maturity." What does he mean by the middle condition of souls not yet j)urified. The influence of such a view on missions would be ' disastrous. The motive given by James is that "he would save a soul from death." If that sinner be a heathen, James' weighty argument is converted into a bubble. Schaff says the saving activity of Christ enters and extends to Hades. "The blessed jire- pare themselves for their own resurrection and glorification by tlieir continual sinking into the essence of God." (This last remark is dan- gerously near to Pantheism. — A.) In the same paper of July .30, Guldin rej)lies to SclialT. He says that Schaff 's book, in spite of his desire that it should not be sold in America, was on sale in the chief German bookstores of New York; it had been recommended to him ])y Schatf's friends as an excollont work. It had been advertised Jill over the country, in- cration of the water in any of the baptismal forms. AVhen and how does the special grace come into it; when the minister touches it or when it touches the head of the person baptized ? The omission of any such preliminary praja^r of consecration in the Reformed liturgies is against any special grace inher- 254 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. ently in it. How can it have objective grace or get it, if the water has not been first prayed over just as the bread and wine are in the Lord's Supper? If it be replied that the grace comes into it when the name of the trinity is spoken over the child, that is putting a magical meaning into the words Father, Son and Holy Ghost, such as the Catholics hold. 4. There may be said to be a practical difficulty. If this grace is so easily lost by many who are baptized because they fall away, of what practical use is it. If it can be so easily frustrated by unbelief, it can not be great grace. The covenant idea of baptism, which was the old Reformed view, put a meaning into it which this one. leaving out, leads to an ab- surdity, making baptism virtually a nil in its effect. Dr. Nevin also came into a long controversy with Kev. Dr. C. Hodge, of Princeton Theological seminary, who attacked his book, "Mystical Presence," in the Princeton Eepertory in 1848. Hodge grants Nevin 's ability but takes exception to his views on the Lord's Supper. He quotes in support of his position, as Dr. Nevin had done for his, the Reformers and the creeds of the Eeformed Church. He says that there had been in the Reformed Church two views as to the meaning of the reception of Christ's body and blood at the sacrament. Its virtue was: 1. In the crucified body and blood; or, 2. In the vivifying influence, not from the crucified body, but from the glorified body. The first emphasized the crucified body, the second the glorified body. Both were supported by the Refonned creeds. But the first was more strongly supported and was the most Scriptural. The second, which was the view of Calvin, was not held even by Calvin's successors, Beza, Turretin and Pictet. The controversy was also carried on in the Lutheran Observer. A. H. wrote on Mercersburg Theology, saying the name "mystical" is very suit- able because it is hard to be understood. Hoes Nevin in some places cnm- jjrehend his own phraseology? The editor of the Ob) objects to Brownson, because he sets the supernatural out of nature and above it. The question, Nevin says, is not the full objectivity of the supernatural as an order above nature, but we ask for a correspond- ing subjectivity on the part of man, so that he be lifted up into his superior sphere not by magic but by faith. Nevin, in his article on Wilberforce on the Incarnation, gives a re- view of Puseyism. He says he cannot agree with some of Wilberforce 's admirers in saying that it was the greatest theological work of the age, for they undervalued the works of German theologians. But he was glad to find that Wilberforce, though hazy at times, agreed with the positions he took in the Mystical Presence, as: 1. That the mediation of Christ holds prominently in the constitution of his person. The Protestant view was to make the mediation always stand outside of the transaction of the Mediator, whereas it is within himself. The incarnation is not in order to mediation, but is the media- torial fact in height, depth, length and breadth. "Christ is the actual medium of conjunction of God and man. ' ' The Bible is secondary to, and rests on, Christ. The Bible is not the principle of Christianity, neither its origin, its fountain or foundation. 2. The Incarnation is in strict organic and historic continuity with the human world as a whole. The universaluess of Christ does not con- sist of his assumption of the lives of all men into himself, but of that living law or power which forms the entire fact of humanity irres])ec- tive of the particular human existence in which it may appear. These are a finite all, the other a boundless whole, two different concep- tions, as far apart as the poles. Humanity as a single universal fact is redeemed in C'hrist truly, really without regard to other men, any farther than they are made to partake of this redemption by being brought into living union with his person. 3. Tiu> humanity of Christ is the repository and medium of salivation for the rest of mankind. 4. Christ carried our universal human nature in his person so that all men may be joined with God through him. 5. Christ's presence in the world is in and by the mystical body, the Church. *Pages 76-7. Significant Events (1847-50). 271 6. The idea of the Church as standing between Christ and Christians, implies of necessity a visible organization, common' worship, public ministry and ritual. This article is especially valuable because it gives more clearly than before Neviu's philosophical views about the universal humanity which Christ assumed and also reveals his friendly attitude to Puseyism. In the early part of 1851 there are several articles by Nevin. The first is one on Catholicism, by which he means not the Catholic Church but the universal Church, viewed especially as an organism. There are two kinds of universality, all and whole. All is individual; whole, collective. The latter produces an organism and it is in this sense that the word Catholic is used. No other order of society except the Church can be Catholic. The state can not. No sect can be Catholic, and here he inveighs against the sects. He derides the Puritan theory of the atonement and justification as a magical supernatural change by the Holy Spirit. He has also a review of Balmes' work, "European Civilization." Balmes was one of the most prominent of the apologists for the Catholic Church. Nevin, in his review, says that Protestants ought to read Catholic books in order to be properly informed. He commends this book to all who are under the baneful influences of Pseudo-Protestantism. It lives, not in an element of infidelity like them but of faith. Unlike them, it aims not at undermining faith in the divine character of Christianity, but at establishing it. He agrees with the author that the Catholic Church was the true mother of modern civilization and culture, but disagrees with him in saying that Pro- testantism hindered the forward movement. In May, he writes on "Cur Deus Homo." In his review of Liebner's Christology he had declared that Christ would have become incarnate, even if there had been no sin. He viewed it from the organic standpoint, because otherwise the race would have no true unity or holiness. If its parts are .not to fall asunder, it needed to have a personal head in whom the human is joined to the divine. He endeavors to prove it from Scripture. Section 7. "Early Christianity," by Nevin. This article in the Mercershurg Kevicw in 1851-2 caused a tremendous sensation. Before writing it, he wrote an article in that' Review (1851) on "The Anglican Crisis," which is significant. There is, he says, a crisis in the Anglican Church. The question is whether the original doctrine of the Church as it stood for ages before the Eeformation is to be received and held as a necessary part of the Christian faith or to be rejected as a dangerous error. The al- ternative is Church or no Church, sacrament or no sacrament. The two general alternatives are really four: 272 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. 1. The giving up of the sacramental system, for hajitistic indeiieiiuenfy and unclmrchly Orthodoxy. 2. Despair of Protestantism and reeoneiliation with Rome. 3. A new miraculous dispensation by Christ as hehl by the Sweden borgians, Irvingites and Mormons. 4. The only one left to a thoughtful mind is historical development. By this, without prejudice to the Catholic as first in its order and sphere, or without prejudice to the Protestant as a real as by tlie professors. The Eejnnned Church Quartfrli), by its articles on "Early Christianity" and "Cy- prian." added to the discontent. Some of the students de- fended the doctrine of an intermediate state, or purgatory. The result was that the students split into two pai'ties, the one arrayed against i*rof. Schaff. the other defending him. In the theological society in the seminary, fiery debates were held. The enemies of Nevinism were called Puritans, fanatics, unchurchly sects. The professor very naturally sided with his adherents. jMatters finally came to a crisis. The faculty sus- pended J. C. Klar. As a result, the German students would not attend lectures. They went to the board of visitors in January, 1852, and made matters known to them. That board made an investigation. Each student was heard and examined and an effort was made to reconcile professor and students, but it was imsatisfaetory to the students, as the Board said that they had misunderstood the professor. As a result, six of the students left: Becker, Winter, Bruecker, Toensmeier, Biehl and Blaetgen. Two of the German students remained, ]\Iuehl- meier and Lienkemper, although they made known to the pro- fessor their fundamental position against him. Thus Nevin- ism was threatened at its very center, the seminary.* The Reformed Church Monthly^ adds "other Romish books were recommended, as Wiseman's Doctrine of the Church, Eabiola, a roman(;e, Sadler's First and Second Adam (High- Church Episcopalian), Bishop England's Works, The Poor Man's Catechism, Faber's "All for Jesus." This list was furnished by one mainly in sympathy with the ]\Iercersburg theology. When these ])ooks were; recommended, the Monthij asks, was there an antidote recommended, as Roussel 's "Catho- lic and [*i'otestant Nations (Compared" aiul iiacon's "Two Sides against the Poor Man's Catechism." Rev. W. IM. Reily, one of Dr. Nevin's pupils, | says Dr. Ncvin had so lost confi- *Tliis section we have siiliinittccl to i>i\(- ni' tlicsc stiiresident fled and the buildings were idle and the bonds were cancelled. Uprising Against Mercersburg Theology. 299 unless the synod takes some measures to satisfy the just con- cern of this classis for the teaching of sound doctrine in the seminary, classis nuist withdraw her sympathy from the seminary entirely. It appointed no delegates to the synod. In 1853 this movement culminated in the withdrawal of the classis. It had first appointed a committee of three (Welker, Ingold and an elder) to examine into the teachings of Mer- cersburg and report at the annual meeting of 1853. That com- mittee reported at length and the classis noted five objections to Mercersburg theology : 1. It undermines the Word of God as the only rule of faith bj' making the Bible subordinate to the Church. 2. It destroys the proper divinity and humanity of Christ by teaching the interpenetration of his nature. 3. It has no need of a personal Holy Spirit, but in his stead introduces ' ' the ideal man ' ' and says that ' ' the Holy Sjiirit constitutes rather the form in which the higher nature of Christ reveals himself. ' ' The great office of the Holy Spirit in the salvation of sinners is transferred to the Church as the continuation of Christ's life. 4. The system attributes to the sacraments a virtue not warranted in the Word of God. They are not "signs of invisible grace" but "the grace exhibited belongs to the sacramental in its own nature. ' ' This is different from the Catechism and the Bible, where the great object in the view of the Holy Spirit seems to have been to give no possible occasion for believing in such "objective grace" or force. 5. It assumes a relation to the papacy opposite to the spirit of Pro- testantism, speaks harshly of Puritanism, but is tender of the ' ' scarlet lady's" feelings. It is Germanized Puseyism, a strange mixture of the infidel philosophy of Germany and Popish superstitions. * ' Classis has waited with intense solicitude for some satisfactory action by the German Reformed Church on these departures from sound doc- trine. Twice has this classis directed the attention of synod to these errors. Not only has synod failed to take action, but it delights to cherish their authors, retaining and re-electing them as ])rofessors. We are told that our Protestantism has no affinity with that of other Evan- gelical denominations. We are, therefore, left to the alternative of taking our position near the papal apostasy or to be strangers among our brethren or unrecognized in the Church of our fathers." They therefore passed the following action : Fesolved, That we use ail pn)j)er means within our power to oppose and counteract these errors. 300 History of Reformed CiiTJRcn in the U. S. Besolved, That we use all diligence to raise our institution of learn- ing (Catawba College) to a high position as furnishing a sound and ele- gant education and also to make it a foundation from which shall issue streams of faith and piety that shall refresh our churches. Ih'.soh-ed, That we receive no minister into our classis who luihls or li;is ;in.v syinpatliy witli tlie errors of Mercersburg. Catawba College Resolved, That the Classis of North Carolina no longer acknowledges the jurisdiction of the German Reformed Synod of North America, and that we declare ourselves in(le])endent of said synod until we are satis- fied that said synod has not held or defends tlic heresies of Mercers- burg.* The synod of 1853 appointed a eonnnittee to eoiilVr with th(^ classis; but the next year the classis responded lo the letter ad(lrcss<'d to it ))y that eonnnittee that It regretted to find in the synod the spirit manifested in its report on the separation, and stated that "this chissis has no grounds to Justify it in a return to the juiisdictioii of t lie synod, — that until chissis is satisfied that synod has withilrawn her \irtual cinhirsfnicnt and sym- pathy from the heresies of Merccislmi'g, we must remain true to the ]>rin<-i]dos of our ]uisition." *Prof. Albert, tlie ])resident of Catawba College, seems to have been the only one in the classis in sympathy with Mercersliurg theology. After classis had taken this action, he resigned and returned to the North, where later he entered the Episcopal Church. TTprasiNG Against IMehcersburg Theology. 1301 The classis made overtures to unite with the Dutch Re- formed Church in 1855, two of its charges, Newton and Ca- tawba, having nmdo such an overture to the classis. The classis referred the question to the several congregations to ascertain their wishes and also appointed a cominissioner to visit the General Synod of the Dutch Church. Dr. Welker was ap- pointed commissioner and ]Mr. Butler his alternate. Welker was prevented from attending the meeting of the Dutch Synod l)y sickness. Butler attended the Dutch Synod in the summer of 1855. He was cordiality received and the motion was made tiiat the synod reciprocate the fraternal feelings of North Carolina classis and regard with favor the proposed union. But opposition began to devc^lop in the Dutch Church on the subject of slavery. Rev. Drs. Duryea and Wyckofif op- posed the union because slavery would bring discord into the peaceable and harmonious Dutch Church as it had into the Old-School and New-School Presbyterian Churches. Rev. Dr. IIow championed the cause of North Carolina classis on the floor of the Dutch Synod. He took the ground that slave- holding was not necessarily sinful, quoting 1 Tim. 6: ], Rev. Dr. Dur^'ea one of the few^ out-and-out abolitionists said, "I would rather carry Dr. Nevin and all his theology on my back all the rest of my life than to give the slightest seeming en- dorsement to the crime of slaver.y, with its attendant host of evils." Rev. Mr. Butler replied, but in his statement con- fessed that three of the ministers of North Carolina classis were slaveholders. Finding that there was opposition, Mr. Butler asked permis- sion to withdraw the application of his classis. The synod, however, asked Mr. Butler to reconsider the withdrawal of his application and it postponed action until a special session the following October. It passed a resolution that it regarded with gratitude the noble stand of that classis against the errors of the ]\rercers])urg theology and declared it could not let Mr. Butler retire without an expression of kindest feelings and assurance of fraternal sympathy. It commended the classis to the material aid of the Dutch Church (Mr. Crawford had been in New York City collecting for Catawba College the pre- 302 History op Reformed Church in the U. S. vious year) and said that their Theological seminary was open to them for the education of their ministers. Rev. Dr. How later published his remarks in a i)amplilet, "Shivcholding not Sinful," which was replied to by Rev. 11. D. Ganse, in "Bible Slaveholding not Sinful." At the extra session of the Dutch Synod in October, Dr. Welker appeared from the Nortii Carolina classis. IMeanwhile several of the Dutch classis, as Schoharie and Holland, had overtured against the union. On the other hand the classis of Philadelphia had approved of the reception of the classis. At the synod there was a very animated debate between Drs. How, championing the miion, and Duryea, who opposed it, mainly on the ground of slavery. Another objection, tuo, was raised that the classis wanted to come into the Dutch Church with- out offering to accept the creeds of the Dutch Church in addition to the Heidelberg Catechism. The vote was a close one, 50 against the union to 47 for it. In view of the clo.se- ness of the vote, the subject was tabled. Because of the oppo- sition, Welker withdrew the request of his classis, which was granted by a vote of 55 to 34. The North Carolina classis afterwards approved of this action of Welker. Dr. Welker says that those in the Dutch Synod, who were original Dutch, were in favor of the reception of North Carolina classis. But the Church had had a strong infusion of New England aboli- tion element who did not want slavery to trouble them. He says it was probable that the vote would have carried if Dr. Bethune, a Scotch-Irishman, whose fears were awakened for the peace and unity of his church, had not deserted to the opponents. Welker says that after the war the Dutch Cluirch would have been glad to have undone the work done at this synod. In 1857, Rev. Jesse Rankin appeared before Noi-th Carolina classis and presented the resolutions of the Presbyterian synod of North Carolina looking to a closer union. The offer, says Walker, was liberal but it was found that it would divide che classis to accept it, so that matter was dropped. In the meantime the German Reformed synod continued negotiations to get the classis to return but in vain. The synod of 1857 Uprising Against IMercersburg Theology. 303 appointed a committee which visited North Carolina in the spring of 1858, Dr. Zacharias being chairman of that com- mittee. As a result, two commissioners appeared at the east- ern synod of 1858, Welker and Butler. These commissioners laid before the class! s of 1859 the invitation from synod to resume its former relation. Thf classis almost e(|ually divided four voting for it; six against and two not voting. The Civil War later kept them apart from the North. The matter of union with our synod rested until 1865, when a committee of classis was appointed on the matter. In 1866 it was decided to return to the old synod. Section 6. The Witiidraw.il of the Reformed Church of Germantown and of Rev. Jacob IIelffenstein. Rev, Jacob Helffenstein, pastor of our church at German- town, Pa., decided to follow the example of Dr. Berg and leave our Church ; and his congregation prepared to follow him. They had their charter changed April 13, 1853, and finally decided to withdraw and join the New-School Presbyterian Church. This was a more serious loss to our Church even than the withdrawal of Dr. Berg, for in this case it carried the congregation and church-building along. Dr. IIelffenstein on leaving (March 27, 1853), preached a very severe sermon against Mercersburg theology, entitled "The Perverted Gos- pel." He charged Mercersburg theology with five errors, that, — 1. It denied that the Bible and the Bible alone (not tradition) was the religion of Protestantism. 2. It erred in regard to the sacraments in giving them intrinsic ef- ficacy and in holding that outside of the Church there was no salvation.* 3. It denied that the papacy was the great apostasy and declared that all attacks on Eomanism were uncharitable. 4. Its publications sanctioned Catholic abominations, as the use of images as helps to devotion and the denial of the Evangelical doctrine of justification. 5. If Mercersburg theology were carried out to its end, it would run into Komanism. *Principle of Protestantisuij page 177. 304 History of Reformed CiinRcri in the U. S. When his application for dismissal to the New'-School Presbyterians came up in the Classis of Philadelphia, there was a severe struggle. An effort was made to get the classis to grant his request for dismissal, but that in doing so, it did not mean to sanction his statements against Mercersl)urg theolog,y, upon which his request and the action of liis church was based. The vote was lost by ten yeas to eleven na^'s.* The classes then constituted itself a committee of the whole for investigation. This committee arose and reported to classis they could not grant his request. The next day they took action that they could not grant it, because he had not first resigned his charge and because it meant the transfer of the congregation as well as himself. In this, the action of the classis was undoubtedly right constitutionally. The classis protestetl against the action of Ihc congrega- tion in leaving our denomination and appointed a com- mittee of vigilance of five jnem])ers. who wore to forward the protest to the Fourth or New-8chool Presbytery against the reception of the congregation, liut the connnittee on vigi- lance was never able to do anything liecause the congrega- tion imanimously supported the pastor in leaving our Church. The Reformed Church of Philadelphia has never gotten over the loss of this church. It has as yet no church in the main part of Germantown, whereas if this congregation had re- mained with us, there would prol)ably be now two or tJiroc. Section 7. The Withdrawal of the Dutch Reformed Gen- eral Synod prom Correspondence with Our Cihirch. The next event was the withdrawal of the Dutch Reformed Church from fraternal relations with our Church. This Church had from the beginning, a.s we have seen, looked with suspicion on Mercersburg theology. It had withdrawn on this ground from the Triennial Convention in 1847. It now with- drew from all connection with our Church for the same reason. Meanwhile certain events had occurred in connection with the *Wack, J. Helffenstciii, Slienkel, S. nelffenstein, Sr., S. IFclH'oii- stein, Jr., and four elders voted for it. Kooken, Ermentrout, Reid, HefPelfinger, Bonekemper and six ciders voted against it. Uprising Against Mercersburg Theology. 305 interchange of delegates which led to increasing friction be- tween the synods of the two bodies. Thus the Dutch delegates to our synod of 1851 reported to their General Synod of 1852 that the German Reformed Synod by refusing to accept Nevin's resignation had unanimously sanctioned Nevin's doc- trinal views. This report led the next synod of our Church in 1852 to take action declaring that its action of 1851 did not sanction Nevin's views, as no issue like that had been brought before the synod. It protested against the report of the Dutch delegates, that the interchange of delegates did not give those delegates the right to sit in judgment on the synod of the other Church. Because the Dutch General Synod had adopted the report of its delegates, Porter and Hallaway, our synod felt aggrieved and wronged. Still, in spite of what it consid- ered injurious treatment, it appointed delegates to the next Dutch General Synod. Rev. Dr. Porter, one of the Dutch delegates, replied to these charges of our synod, stating that he was present through the debate on Schaff's resigna- tion, and his report was based on Nevin's own words when he said that the action of the synod in Schaff's ease meant approval or disapproval of his teachings. Porter was corroborated by his companion, Rev. Dr. Halloway, who said that Dr. Nevin declared that Schaff made his application to synod not because he wished to resign, — that Nevin said the action would cover the future as well as the past and Schaff would consider himself sustained in pursuing the same line of teaching he had followed. Dr. Porter said he was not present when action was taken on Nevin's resignation, but the rule Nevin laid down for Schaff must apply to Nevin's case also. He also added that the sjniod by refusing to accept Dr. Nevin's resignation and leaving the position vacant showed its colors on Nevinism. The Dutch General Sjoiod resolved to send only one delegate to the German Synod in- stead of two delegates as before. The Messenger replied to Porter's remarks that Nevin's re- mark was not the synod. It declared that the vote of the synod was only on his general orthodoxy, not on his par- ticular views. It said that while the synod never formally 306 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. endorsed the views of Nevin, it at the same time did not condemn them. Berg naively* asks what is meant by "general orthodoxy." A man, it appears, may be generally orthodox and specially heterodox, generality a Protestant and specially a Papist. At the synod of 1853, Revs. Drs. Harbaugh and S. R. Fisher were present as delegates from our synod. The Dutch Synod decided to discontinue the sending of delegates "because it maintained unflinchingly its Protestantism and its opposition to the Romanizing tendencies of the Mercersburg theology," Before the final action was taken, Harbaugh made an address in which he could not conceal his soreness of feelings in re- gard to the sentiments of the Dutch. He gave utterance to the phrase "We consider ourselves persecuted and slandered by the secular and religious journals." To this the editor of the Christian Intelligencer later replied, denying it, but saying that the press was right and Nevin 's views were wrong and closing with an illustration: "A clergyman was once asked by a lady whether she might wear all the finery and ornaments of worldly people, since these were external and showed nothing of the state of the heart." "Why, madam," he answered with much gravity, "Avhen I see the fox's tail stick- ing from the hole I generally conclude the fox is there." The action proposed by its committee to the Dutch Synod was adopted as follows: "that as correspondence with the German Reformed Church was the occasion of that body vio- lating the principles of Christian courtesy and charity and the continuance of correspondence would seem to sanction senti- ments favorable to Rome, as an expression of disapprobation aiul protest against it, we withdraw from sending delegales. " The general sentiment among the Dutch was that inasmuch as our Church had not repudiated the Mercershui-.u' theology but implicitly endorsed it and tacitly sanction(Ml it, they nnist withdraw. After the action. Dr. Fisher made an address in which he gave utterance to some unguarded remarks. He declared that Mercersburg theology was not understood, — ♦December 16, 1852, Christian Intelligencer. Uprising Against Mercersburg Theology. 307 that Dr. Berg was mistaken at every point. "Time will show," he said, "tliat the German Church is the elinrch of the Heidelberg Catechism." Ursinns' Commentary was used as a text-book at Tiffin and Dick's Theology at Mercersburg. He spoke slightingly of the Noi-th Carolina classis. He said that our Church had its difficulties and he was not disposed to cloak them. "But," he added, "we will have our difficulties until our Church is free from all those men who made all the trouble. All that we wish of all those who trouble us is that they will every one just quietly leave us." This ill-advised remark of Fisher was later severely criticised by Heiner, who was one referred to. This suspension of correspondence between the Dutch Church and ours lasted tw^enty years, until the Tercen- tenary (18G3). Section 7. The Synod of 1853. The last act of this part of the controversy occurred at the Synod of 1853. Rev. Dr. Zacharias, of Frederick, Md., brought charges against Rev. S. R. Fisher, the editor of the Messenger, for refusing to publish articles against the Mer- cersburg theology. Rev. Dr. Ileiner, of Baltimore, brought a similar charge against l)oth editors. The case of Zacharias came up first. He charged Fisher with endorsing and vin- dicating the views of Nevin and otliers, about which there were many contlicting opinions among the ministers and mem- bers of our Church. He charged him with abusing his posi- tion as editor by refusing to give the of)ponents of the Mer- et'rsburg theology a hearing through the colunnis of the paper, — by allowing abusive and slanderous articles against individuals of the Church, and yet refusing them an ()])por- tunity to answer,— by allowing articles witii a Romanizing tendency and by holding up Protestantism in such a way as to raise doubts and by keeping its readers in the dai-k as to the true nature of the situation in regard to the controversy. Zacharias stoutly maintained his charges before synod. He said he knew S. R. Fisher's heart was right but he was in the haiids of others,— a remark at which Dr. Fisher took mortal 308 History op Reformed Church in the U. S. offense. But the synod sustained Fisher by nn almost unani- mous vote, Aurand alone voting for Zacharias. A friend of Dr. Zacharias speaks* of the Synod of 1853 as a turbulent synod and how terribly in earnest he was then and the greatness of his mortifieation and cliagrin at his de- feat. Heiner's complaint was declared out of ordci-. l)ut tlic com- mittee offered to go on with it nevertheless. lie, however, asked leave to withdraw it, for the action of the synod on the Zacharias case virtually settled his case against him. Zacluu-ias felt this decision for many years. lie had a resolution adoptfd by his consistory in opposition to the Messenger. Ilis chuiTh stood by him and gave no aid for the institutions of the Cburch as late as 1863, for when the Tercentenary offering was mad(\ his congregation did nothing. It was not until the General Synod of Dayton in 1866 that he became more friendly to the ]\Iercersburg men. The synod also appointed a committee to act on the articles published in the Christian Intelligencer hy a "member of the German Reformed Church," reflecting on its character. Di-. Heiner at once arose and avowed himself the author. The committee reported that the contents of the articles were cal- culated to do great injustice and injury to the Church and that the author was censurable. It, however, referred the case to his classis so as to give him an opportunity for retraction or explanation. "Ilarbaugh," says A Member of the German Reformed Church in the Lutheran Ohsrrrrr o\' DcciMiibcr 9, 1853, "was the leader against Heinei-. He had inlciidcd jilso to prosecute Douglass for his relation to slavery, l)ut Heiner gave him to understand as to his n^ncption south of Mason's and Dixon's line on the subject.'' The treatment of Dr. Heiner by the synod raised a storm of protest from his eongregalion. His consistory met Novem- ber 4, and took action against the synod, declaring its action disorderly and irregular, contrary to all the just principles of action and a violation of the spirit of the synod's constitu- tion. It said the original report of the committee, as drawn "Chnstiun If'urhl, Sopteniber 3, 1874. Uprising Against Mercersburg Theology. 309 up by Harbaugh, was referred to by Bomberger as being too hot, "there being too much of Nebuchadnezzar's furnace in it." They assured Heiner of their undiminished confidence in him and they protested against the action of the Synod. They declared that the synod- had prejudiced Reiner's case in order to silence him and destro}^ his usefulness. On November 9th a large congregational meeting was held, 400 or 500 being present. The congregation endorsed the action of the consistory approving of Heiner 's course. One member, a Mr. Super, offered a paper looking to suspension of correspondence with the synod, but this was admitted to be premature, both by Heiner and most of the congregation. The classis of Maryland took up Dr. Heiner 's case at its next annual meeting find took the following action : '^ Ulicreas, The Classis of Maryland does uot regard the language of the resolution of synod in reference to Dr. Heiner as implying a cen- sure; and WJiereas, Dr. Heiner has availed himself of the opportunity and given satisfactory explanation, Therefore the classis deems it unnecessary to take any farther action on the subject. This was reported to the next synod and the matter dropped. But it is very evident the congregation was very near the spirit of secession. As a result it tried some years later to go over to the Dutch Church. This synod also appointed a committee on North Carolina classis. This committee reported that this classis could not withdraw without the will of the synod, and that its action was schismatic. But instead of taking severe measures, it appointed a committee to address a letter to the classis, point- ing out their fault and exhorting them to repentance. An- other matter that came before the synod was the acceptance by Dr. Wolff of the theological professorship. He very much desired to be relieved from the responsibilities of the posi- tion, but synod insisted on his acceptance. He, however, did not accept until February 27, 1854. And as Dr. Schaff went to Europe late in 1853, the seminary was closed for about twelve months. The financial aspect of the seminary was dark. When Schaff went abroad there was considerable 310 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. arrearage due him ; new students were slow to come, as it was not kno'\\-n what would be the fate of the seminary as to professors. Confidence had been lost and indifiference pro- vailed. The only ray of hope was a legacy of $10,000 that came to thein just at this time from Daniel Kieifer. of Berks County. One of the reasons why Wolff hesitated was his aversion to burdening the Church with the expense of his support. Section 8. The Rumors of Dr. Nevin's Going Over to the Roman Catholic Church. Rumors w% Mr. Snively, a student of the Theological seminary at IMercersburg, went over to Rome in 1854. IMercersburg classis, June 7, 1854, tries hard to gloss over his departure by stating he had gone to "another connection." The WacJiter, twenty-six years after, says that in a private lecture Nevin then said that if he had to choose between the communion of the old Catholic fathers and the Reformers he would choose the former. In his theological lectures it says it was declared that a man is no farther justified than he is sanctified. Rev. ]\Ir. Stern says that for five years after his resignation from the theological seminary. Dr. Nevin lingered on the borders of Rome. Some polemist on the other side in the later liturgical controversy calls this period Dr. Nevin 's "five years of dizziness." And yet Dr. Schaff was afterwards made the scape-goat by the Mercers- burg men for the perversion of a number of later perverts to Rome, which Dr. Schaff indignantly denied. The truth was that Dr. Nevin 's logic nearly carried liim off his feet. His continual depreciation of Protestantism, his exaltation of the visible Church in Catholicism and his emphasis on the objective whether in the church or the sacra- ments, all prepared him to tend that way. In his philo- sophical position he followed Schelling but his high-church views came from Pusey and Klieforth. But Dr. Schaff, whose philosophical principles Avere those rather of Hegel and who laid less emphasis on the objective but rather on relative idealism, stood firm, although there is no doubt that at times his language and his counsel to his students was very un- guarded. It is to Dr. Nevin 's credit that he did not yield to Rome and enter the Catholic Church, — that he regained his balance and remained in the Protestant Church. But this period of his Romanizing tendency left a lasting and \m- fortunate influence on our Church-life, in ritualism on the part of his friends and the lack of confidence on the part of his opponents. He continued in our ministry until his tJPRisiNG Against Mercersburg Theology. 313 death, doing valuable service as president of Franklin and Marshall College for ten years. Section 9. Review op the Controversy.* This controversy as viewed from the standpoint of a half- eentury later reveals some interesting pliases. It was a real controversy^ Mere personalities will never explain it, al- though they may have entered into it in a minor wsiy. ]\Ien divided on great issues. Drs. Nevin and Schaff, it is true, tried to make it appear that it was a mere personal matter — a quarrel betAveen Berg and the Helfifensteins on the one side and the Mercersburg men on the other. That it was a controversy involving great principles is shown by the fact that Berg and Helffenstein passed out of our Church and yet the controversy continued. It was therefore a controversy about fundamentals. It was ably conducted and yet there were misrepresentations and mistakes in it, as in all controversies. 1. Dr. Nevin, for instance, thought that he had laid hold of German philosophy and so he had, but a Scotchman cannot do so fully; for a Scotchman is not a German. lie viewed the idealistic German philosophy (which he supposed he accepted) with realistic Scotch eyes. Very naturally he became a Schell- ingite in his emphasis on the objective and the reality of ex- ternals. We have seen how Dr. Schaff, a genuine German, was more of a German idealist, as indeed had been Ranch. It was this emphasis of Nevin on the objective in regard to the Church and the sacraments that nearly led him to Rome. 2. Again, Dr. Nevin raised up a number of false issues,—-] of men of straw who did not exist. In the intensity of his • conviction and the extremity of his logic, he declared that Protestantism, especially Puritanism, was rationalistic and that they made the Church and the sacraments meaningless. This was mot true. The Evangelicals were not rationalists nor did they make the Church and sacraments a mere form. They believed in the divinity of Christ and all the funda- *For a contrasted summary of the two theologies (Mercersburg and Old Reformed), see pages 587-94 of this book. 314 History op Reformed Church in the U. S. mental doctrines. His own statements blinded his judgment to a just decision. 3. Again, he made a mistake in severely attacking Protest- antism, especially the evil of its sects, while at the time he apol- ogized for Romanism and magnified its positions. Dr. Nevin's idea at first was not to go over to Rome (as he so nearly did afterwards), but it was an honest attempt to save Protestant- ism from rationalism by the doctrine of historical develop- ment. If he had kex^t that doctrine within the limits set by Neander (who got it from Hegel) and had not permitted Pnseyism in England or Rothe in Germany to affect him, he would have been saved from the extremes to which his lugh-churchism led him. Though not a Romanist, he was Romanizing in his influence on the following points: 1. The Church was virtually placed above the Bible. 2. The Church came between the believer and Christ. 3. He emphasized the visible church and minimized the invisible church imtil it amounted to nothing. 4. He held to objective sacramental grace. His theory of the historical development of the Church from Apostolic times through the Catholic Church of the middle ages was in error in its undue emphasis on the visible church. This, of course, was due to his philosophical emphasis on the objective. The old Reformed view was to leap over the Middle Ages and make the Reformation a return to the Apostolic Church. It made the New Testament and its age the norm. In the nineteenth century there came a conflict between this view and the new philosophy which emphasized the historical. This new philosophy demanded a connection between the Reformation and Apostolic Christian- ity. It was not merely a leap across the Middle Ages but a succession, but where was the succession? The Catholic Church was quick to see her opportunity and ask where was Protestantism before the Reformation? Nevin answered this by saying it was in the Roman Catholic Church, out of which it developed. Here he was wrong. The historic succession lay in the invisible Church of the Middle Ages, which, like leaven, had leavened the Catholic Church and some of the Uprising Against Mercersburg Theology. 815 sects. But Dr. Nevin refused to grant tliat there was an invisible Church or so minimized it that it amounted to nothing. Yet the invisible Church is a Scriptural view and had as real an existence in the Middle Ages as the visible^ It was through it that the historic succession came to us in these later days, if historic succession be a necessary thing, as perhaps it is when viewed from a merely human stand- point. Nevin 's opponents did not care for the merely his- toric standpoint, because they went back to the Church of the Bible. The Reformation had gone back to the Bible, and they went back to the Church of the Bible. What came between Bible times and the Reformation they cared little about. Nevin 's articles on Cyprian and Early Christianity were beside the mark in defending the Church of the second to the fourth centuries. About these, as Berg said, there was no controversy ; for the old Reformed went back to the first century instead of the second to the fourth. Unfortunately for Dr. Nevin, a number of allied articles appeared to prejudice men at that time against him, as Plar- baugh's on the public school question, and Schaff's on pro- bation after death, all of which looked like tendencies toward the positions of Rome. 4. Dr. Nevin was charged with pantheizing. This does not come out so prominently yet,* but pantheizing views will appear in the later development of Mercersburg theology, although there are hints at it already. 5. He was charged with rationalizing. He charges his oppo- nents with rationalism ; they retorted by charging it on him. Dr. Nevin was a supernaturalist himself in belief, but his methods were an inheritance from pantheistic rationalism. Organism was the word by which he conjured. Everything, every doctrine must be organic. But this making everything to be organic was rati(malism in the last issue, for it put every- thing under law. The organic means that it lives and grows by its own forces according to the laws of its own being. But put- *A fundamental error of Nevin was his psychology — what constitutes a person. Like Hegel and his pantheizing school, he tends to the identifi- cation of body and soul in us and of tlie divine and the human in Christ. 316 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. ting everything, even God, thus under law, was ultimately pan- theistic. It allowed no room for God working as he wills in the laws of nature. The supernatural was reduced to the natural. Again, the relation of God to us in salvation was not or- ganic in his sense. God's relation to us through the Holy Spirit is not organic, i. e. through law; for the Holy Spirit as divine is above law. He works when, where and how he wills. He works in the laws, through them and a])ove them. The Holy Spirit can not be reduced to mere law for he is a free being. Again, he combined the Holy Spirit and sacramental acts which reduced the activity of the Spirit and lowered his po- sition. The relation between the Holy Spirit and us (or as he emphasized it, between Christ and us) is not the less real because not organic. There is something more real than an organism (although the latter plays a great part in nature), and that is Deity. Organism may be a law of the natural but not of the supernatural. God is not an organism. He is above law, even above the laws of his own being, because infinite. Nor are his relations merely organic. They are the free acts of an infinite being, in whose acts all reality con- sists and upon whom all relations depend. 6. Dr. Nevin also was mistaken in his views of the incarnation — that Christ took universal humanity. If Christ took universal humanity as Adam had it, h(^ nuist either have taken the old universal humanity or a new one. If he took a new one it would not be like Adam's. But then Christ did not take oui* luunan nature ujxm himself, but a new human nature, which is contrary to the New Testament. So Nevin and the I\l(»r- eersburg theology therefore held that Christ took our old universal humanity. But how did he get it? i. e., the uni- versal humanity that was in Adam. It had been scattered Ihrough an infinite number of Adam's d(;sceiidaiits, some of them on earth, some in heaven, some in hell. To gather it up again, those in heaven and hell would have had to come back, which is an absurdity. It may be said by tliem tliat he took the individual humanity of IMary and changed it into universal humanity in himself at his conception by tlie Uprising Against Mercersburg Theology. 317 Holy Spirit. But the Scriptiire makes no mention of this. As far as we can see he took not generic but individualized humanity— the humanity that was in Mary as an individual. He is said by Scripture to be the "son of Abraham," the "son of David, the seed of IMarj^, but Abraham, David and Mary had only individualized humanity. The Bible is also careful in its statements to show that the body and soul of Christ belonged not to all men but especially to himself alone, — thus he says "this is my body" — "the bread which I will give is my flesh." (See Crawford on the Atonement, pages 311-317.) Our Heidelberg Catechism is also against Nevin's generic hu- manity of Christ, for it, like the Bible, says he was "of the flesh and blood of the Virgin IMar}^ and of the true seed of David." This corner-stone of generic humanity in Nevin's system ' is false and with it the whole structure falls to the ground. Salvation is not, as Nevin holds, exactly like original sin in its methods. We inherited sin but no man inherits salvation, for salvation is accepted only by a free act on our part. Sal- vation is a "gift," and not "wages," as in the case of sin. "The wages of sin is death, but the gift of God is eternal life." The connection between salvation and us is not natural as between sin and us, but it is supernatural. The method of salvation, instead of being like everything else organic, is the great exception, is above nature. It is a gift and must be accepted by our free act. On this view all the great so- called doctrines of grace depend. In the main we agree with Dr. Berg in iiis i)ositions against Nevin and yet in doing so we do not do it blindly and there are some corrections to be made. j 1. We are doubtful whether I))-. Berg ever thoroughly understood Nevin's realism in philosophy. Here was the fundamental point — the philosophy that was underlying the theology. There was, however, litth^ attack on that point by either Berg or Ilelffenstein. Their attack was mainly Biblical and practical. That Dr. Berg understood German and Ger- man philosophy we believe, but his method of thought was the opposite of German realism. It was like all the Federal 318 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. theology, noniinalistic. Nominalists often Tail to grasp real- istic positions, and he labored under this difficulty. Some of Nevin's views were misunderstood by him, though in the main he was correct in his inferences and results, although he might have used different arguments had he taken Nevin's philosophical standpoint more into consideration. 2. In regard to tradition. Dr. Berg often misunderstood Nevin. He charged Nevin witli holding to the Catholic view ,of ecclesiastical tradition as authoritative. But Nevin meant by this, because of his realism and historical development, only historical tradition. This meant that in history the Catholic Church had carried down with it certain views, as its endorsement of the canon of Scripture, etc., and this fact gave authority. Nevin did not refer so much to the ecclesias- tical side of the Catholic tradition as to the historic side, al- thougli there is a likeness between the two. Schaff guards him- self by making a distinction between the different kinds of tra- dition, and yet as the controversy ran on he and Nevin empha- sized more and more the visible Church, — Nevin virtually in effect began to assert the very things which Berg charged to him. 3. In regard to Dr. Berg's theory of the historic succession of the Protestants tlirough the early sects, as the All)igenses. Waldenses, etc., in order to connect the Reformation with the Apostolic Church, he is clearly wrong. That view has since been entirely given up. It erred in limit iiig the historic succession to what was outside of the Cftholie (Miiircti. The difficulty is to establish the connection between these sects as the links are missing. He should not have limited the his- toric succession to those sect« outside of the Church but taken the true view that the histoi'ic succession lay in the genuine Christians within the Church as well as in the sects outside of it, — that all wiio Ix'iong to the invisible Cinirch and \ver(>. true Christians connected us historically with the Early Church. That some of these erred somewhat in rites and doc- trine does not imj^air their Christian character. Thus Au- gustine, though a high sacramentarian, was Evangelical on the Uprising Against Mercersburg Theology. 319 doctrines of sin and grace ; for when the head was wrong, the heart was right and the Evangelical fundamentals were more powerful than the errors. The true view of historic suc- cession is through the invisible Church, Avhich though invisible is still very visible in the lives of the ynen who have been actors in the history of the Church. But after all, historic succession plays a very small part as far as authority is con- cerned, for according to all the Reformed creeds the Bible is the rule of faith and practice. 4. As to the Pope being Antichrist and the Catholic Church, the Mother of Harlots, etc., we believe that Berg went too far in pressing this side. Still the times in which he lived are to be remembered. Polemics were then in the air even be- tween Protestants, how much more so with the Catholics. Catholics had just attacked our public school system. There had been riots. Feeling ran high. No wonder most of the Protestants were bitter against Rome. But times have changed and we live in an irenic age. Polemics between Protestant bodies have ceased. The Romish Church is ac- corded its rights. And yet with all the change of sentiment, care must be taken that we dQ not give up fundamentals. The Catholic Church still has great and grave errors and sanctions them with all its authority. The Pope is Antichrist in so far as he sets himself up against God by being God on earth, by taking the place of Christ or of the Holy Spirit, who is God's Vicar on earth. This false doctrine has been especially held since the promulgation of tbe papal infallibility, which, however, had not taken place in the early days of the Mercersburg theology. He is Anti- christ in so far a.s he opposes the Evangelical gospel — the doctrines of grace which are fundamental. But he is not the only Antichrist. There are others to-day. Rationalism is an- other, mere secularism is another, etc. Antichrist is any power against true Christianity. We believe that Dr. Berg em- phasized the Pope as Antichrist too nuich and yet there is a truth in what he said, but truer to-day than then. It needs but a visit to Papal lands of Southern Eun^pe or South and Central America to see its idolatry and opposition to Evan- 320 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. gelical views, all of which are endorsed by the Pope and the Church. In a word, Dr. Berg and his adherents in the main repre- sent old Reformed theological views combatting the new the- ology which had come up through Nevin and Schaff. Doc- trinally their views were like those of their predecessors, the Fathers of our Church of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, of Weyberg, Hendel, Helffrich, the Helifensteins and others. The men who opposed Nevin at first were not the lesser lights of the Church but its leaders, the Helffensteins all of them (Samuel, father and son, Alfred and Jacob"), together with Berg, Wack, IIeiner,-Zacharias, Mesick, Mayer and others. They aimed to keep up the old historic theology of the German Reformed Church in our country ; while Nevin aimed at the historic development of that Church into some- thing new. They emphasized the permanent principles in it —were conservative, whereas Mercersburg Theology empha- sized the changeable and progressive and was a theology new to the Church. A brief summary may now be given as a guide to the fundamental differences betiveen the Old Reformed views and those of Mercersburg theology'. It was not merely a con- troversy of personalities but had regard to great principles. These were in the main three, — 1. On doctrine. We have already stated the difference on this point. 2. On worship, JMercersl)urg was liturgical, the Old Re- formed were semi-liturgical. 3. On constitution, IMercersburg held to ari.stocratic Presby- terianism, tbe Old Reformed to democratic Presbyterianism. These fundamental differences ramified out in many direc- tions as we shall see as we follow the liisfory in flie succeeding pages. As a result of the Mercersburg theology, not only did Berg and Helffenstein leave our Church, the latter taking a fine congregation with him, but Rev. Alfred Nevin resigned the Reformed Church at Chambersburg and went back to the Presbyterians, Jamison left the theological seminary and went Uprising Against Mercersburg Theology. 321 over to the Dutch, the Phoenixville congregation under Fulton declared itself independent because of Nevinism, and finally Mesick began to find that in his congregation at Harrisburg there was an influential minority favorable to ]\Iercersburg and against him. So he resigned and returned to the Dutch Church. At the close of this controversy the old Reformed element was quiet. Its leaders, Berg and Helffenstein, had left the Church. Those who remained, as Heiner and Zacharias, were silenced. The Western Church remained in the main true to the old Reformed faith, but Mercersburg theology seemed to control everything in the East. It remains, however, to be seen whether the old Reformed consciousness would again assert itself. For there were those in the Church who did not wish to make the break with the seminary and its profess- ors but were out of all sympathy with the extreme views of Nevin and Schaff. It remained for another issue to develop this latent old Reformed consciousness. It came, as we shall see, in the later liturgical controversy. Some one asks, Why 1 did not Berg and this first movement against Nevin prove successful? The answer is, because the full import of the ]\Iercersburg theology did not break on the mind of the Church in its full development until the liturgical controversy which did not begin till 1858. If the forces in the Chui'cli, which later rose against Nevinism, had joined hands with Berg and his sympathizers, the extremes of Nevinism at least would have been checked and perhaps the whole movement stopped. BOOK II. The First Liturgical Controversy (1854-1863). CHAPTER I. Liturgical Preparation for the Controversy. First came the doctrinal controversy (1845-53), then the liturgical (1857-1878). And between the two there were about four years of quiet. During that time there was no controversy, but there were certain premonitions of it. Section 1. The First Request for a Liturgy. The first request for a liturgy came from East Pennsyl- vania classis in 1847. This beginning of a movement, which was destined to have such far-reaching results in our Church, was quite interesting and significant. Rev. Wm. Helffrich* says that at the East Pennsylvania classis of 1847 he spoke to Revs. Hoffeditz, Dubbs and Reubelt, asking whether the Palatinate Liturgy coul-d not be printed by our Publication House and he asked Dubbs to request classis to petition synod to get a new edition of the Palatinate Liturgy printed. It seems, however, that it was Rev. Max Stei-n, who made this motion or overture to synod, "That this classis is not satisfied with the liturgy in use at present (Mayer Liturgj^), and re- quests the synod either to liave the old liturgy printed or io publish another prepared in the spirit of our catechism." ]\Ir, Stern later declared that he never dreamed of such a liturgy as was later published. Indeed, he became a most outspoken opponent of Nevin, Schaff and the liturgical party. His idea in 1847, he says, was either a reprint of the Pala- *Autobiography 270. 322 Liturgical Preparation for Controversy. 323 tinate Liturgy or a liturgy like it. He never dreamt of a responsive liturgy like those published by the liturgieal party. At the synod of 1847, this overture provoked mueh discus- sion and many motions were made upon it. The Church un- eonseiously seemed to feel that it was on the eve of a great crisis if it once entered on this subject. Some contended that the overture was premature and that it would be better to wait until the Church was ready to move unitedly on this subject. But the synod finally referred the whole matter to the several classes for their consideration. The synod of 3848 received the reports of the actions of the classes. Appel,* in his zeal for the liturgy, overstates the result when he says that the classes with one exception favored the onward movement for a liturgy. The truth was that only three classes favored it, — East Pennsylvania, Gosh- enhoppen and Zion's. Philadelphia classis recommended the reprinting of the Palatinate Liturgy with such improvements and corrections as were necessary. Virginia classis recom- mended to synod to postpone action for one year, that in the meantime the subject might be discussed by a committee ap- pointed by synod, so that the members of the Church might be informed on the subject. Maryland classis revealed a clear dividing line between the older and the younger min- isters, the latter revealing the liturgical influence on them in the seminary. It compromised between them by favoring a liturgy but one that should be Biblical and in harmony with the catechism and the German Reformed Church. Leba- non, Suscpiehanna and Mercerslnirg seem to have taken no action. New York sent no minutes. North Carolina classis was the only one to declare positively against it, — that it did not consider it judicious to have any liturgy enforced upon the Church. Thus three classes favored a liturgy, two wanted a particular kind of liturgy — the Palatinate or a Reformed liturg}^, one opposed the liturgy and four seemed to care nothing about it. This does not bear out Dr. Appel's state- ment that there was a great desire for men; liturgical serv- ices. Evidently the desire for a liturgy was a limited one, *Life of Nevin, 481. 324 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. and there was much difference of opinion on the subject. The Synod refused the request of Virginia classis, whieh has its significance, — it seems to show that it did not care to have too much discussion on account of the difference of opinion at that time. The synod finally referred the whole matter, together with the actions of the different classes to a committee consisting of Bomberger, Zacharias and ]Mesick, with two elders. At the synod of 1849. Bonil)erger. the chairman of the com- mittee, reported, stating: 1. That the litur^cal form of worsliip as rot'ofrnized )^y our fore- fathers had a clear sanction of the practice and peculiar jreuius of the Protestant Churches. 2. There is nothing in the present circumstance of our Church in this country to call for or to justify a total departure from this well-estab- lished usage. 3. That the present liturgy is inailequate to our wants as apart from its other deficiencies, it makes no provision for the ordinary occasions of public worship. 4. The older liturgies of the Church and especially that of the Pala- tinate are of such a character as to commend large portions of them for adoption; yet there is neeti for various modifications in order to adapt them fully to our needs and circumstances. 5. That syi\od proceed to jiiake necessary arrangements to secure a liturgy. The subject of the litui-gy was discussed for nearly two days after the reading of the report. Says the Mcsscii(i( r, objec- tions were raised to the reception of the rejiort as that the com- mittee had not had a meeting. The chairman replied that he had written to each member desiring them to give liim tlieii- views. One member declined acting altogether, the other did not reply imtil very recently, — he therefore thought that if the members of th| committee ilid not feel sufficiently inter- ested to even write a letter, much less could he expect a i)er- sonal meeting because of the distance they would have to travel. Dr. Zacharias at once replied tliat he supposed Bom- berger referred to him, for he had found it convenient to write, and he knew that he and liombergcr would not agree in their views. He said he could not unite in the report. Liturgical Preparation for Controversy. 325 (He seems, therefore, to liave been opposed to a forward movement on the liturgy.) Tn the debate on the first item, Samuel Ileltt'enstein. Jr., wanted to know what kind of a liturgy was intended, liigli oi- low. Hoiiiberger said a medium liturgy. Zaeharias also in(|uired in the same strain as Hel- . ffenstein, saying that it' only a liturgy for the sacraments and occasional forms were intended, they were all agreed. The first resolution was then passed, and so was the second with- out debate. On the third item, a debate arose. Douglass opposed it because he wanted free prayer. Bomberger replied by saying that the Reformed Churches in Europe had forms of prayer for the regular services. Ingold, of North Caro- lina, said that if a liturgy were adopted it would put read- prayer before free-prayer. Naille asked, "if I read another man 's prayer, is it I that pray or the composer ? ' ' Berg, who, like Bomberger, then favored the liturgy, replied, "if I sing another man's hymns, is it I that sing or the composer?" Naille objected because all the prayers must be read. Welker, from North Carolina, said that "a liturgy instead of produc- ing uniformity of worship would produce the opposite. The southern churches would not accept the liturgy." Bernard Wolff spoke on the other side, that the liturgy would be a safeguard against errors in the pulpit by being orthodox and doctrinal. Sechler wanted a liturgy like the old Re- formed liturgy. The resolution was then adopted. On the fourth item Nevin said that he had originally been opposed to the liturgy but was now surprised at his earlier ])rejudices. He said if the Church does not feel the need of it, it ought not to enter into it. Schaff was strongly in favor of it, basing it on the universal priesthood of all believers (a far different view from what was advocated later by them on the special priesthood of the ministry. — A.) But he repudiated the idea that the liturgy would be a barrier to free prayer. The Reformed C'hurches of the Continent had never been restricted in worship, least of all the German Reformed. The church service was to be both liturgical and free. Berg spoke in favor of a liturgy, for he said that as a IMoravian in his early life, he had been accustomed to it. Ingold and 326 History op Reformed Ciiurcii in the U. S. Welker asked Berg whether there was not a danger lurking somewhere in liturgical movements. Berg replied, "no, it will be a Reformed liturgy." Heiner also spoke in favor of a liturgy. The report was then adopted in full. Sehneek then ])roposed a resolution that a committee be appointed to whom should be referred the whole subject of the proposed liturgy to report a plan or outline at the next meeting of the synod. The committee was expected to examine the various liturgies of the Reformed Churches and the literature relating to this subject and specifv as far as possible the forms needed and furnish specimens called for by the circumstances of our Church. It is very evident that all in the synod, as Zacharias had said, were willing to have a liturgy with forms for only special occasions, as the sacraments, marriage, etc., but the point of difference seems to have been whether a liturgy, which had also forms for the Sabbath services of the Church, was needed. Even the friends of the liturgy, however, said that the use of such forms was not intended to preclude free prayer. Bomberger, who drew up the report, says later that the report was a vindicatiim of liturgical forms and empha- sized the fact that "liturgical forms were recognized by the Fathers of our Church," and it pointed out the old Palatinate as our true ideal and as furnishing the larger portion of the material needed in the preparation of the work. Prof. J. H. Good,* of Tiffin, said afterwardsf that the action of this synod was threefold : 1. It endorsed the i'alatinale Litui'gy as the basis of Re- formed liturgies. 2. Nevin was already pi'epared to denounce a ]uilpit liturgy.^ 3. The synod w;is luii'inonious in its action. Nortli Carolina classis in revicwinj; tiic acts of tliis synod, says: "This classis heartily disapproves of any action of the synod niakinj; the use of any liturgy binding upon ministers and churches. *Uncle of the writer and later jirofessor of theology at TilHn. fSee Christian Uurlil, October 9, 1868. JSee pages 227-9 of this book. Liturgical Pkeparation vu\i Controversy. 327 The Ohio S.ynod of that year also had an overture in favor of a liturgy. This was brought before it by the Westmoreland elassis, whieh asked it to unite with the Eastern synod in the preparation of such a liturgy as will meet the needs of the various parts of Christian worship. But the Ohio synod in- definitely postponed action by a vote of 14 to 4. The Ohio synod evidently was then not favorable to a liturgy or to any agitation of the subject. Section 2. The Early Position of Dr. Nevin on the Liturgy. About Dr. Nevin 's early position in regard to the liturgy, there seems to be some difference of opinion, some holding that he was not at first favorable to a liturgy. We do not, however, find that this is borne out by the facts. His sermon on the Church preached at the synod of 184G has a significant statement showing that he was then inclined toward a liturgy. He says, "The sense of the objective must ever create a detnancl for liturgical worship. A subjective unchurchly piety has no sense of the liturgical principle. * * * We have a liturgy, only it is not much used. Here is a contradiction which needs to be cured. There is perhaps no subject more entitled at this time to the serious attention of the German Re- formed Church." Two years later,* Nevin, in an article on Liturgical Worship, asks whether all worship is not liturgical? He then goes on to say that ' ' in the common mind, worship is not always used in the same sense, thus in the closet there is worship which no one speaks of as liturgical. Again, worship may be silent as well as audible, whereas a liturgy refers only to the latter. To call liturgical forms of prayer crutches is super- ficial or to set formal worship over against special worship is un- satisfactory. Liturgical worship means something deeper than this. A good liturgy may be unliturgically used, as the Wesleyans of England use the Book of Common Prayer — the liturgy is external. A minister or a congregation may be unliturgical in feeling or a liturgy itself may be unliturgical. On the other hand, free worship may bear a liturgical * Reformed Church Messenger, February 9, 1848. o28 History op Reformed Church in the U. S. character. All i)ul)lic worship ought to be liturgical whether free or with prescribed forms. Our Church at present calls for an earnest considera- tion of the question; but we must dread action without aiod had not j'et attained the liturgical spirit. He makes a significant confession that the desire of the Church then was for a liturgy for special services rather than for a liturgy for Sunday services. In this he agrees with what Zacharias had said at synod. All this only shows that our Church never had had a liturgical form for the Sabbath services and did not want them. Section 3. The Synods of 1850-1852. At the synod of 1850, the liturgical committee reported that after such attention as they were able to give the subject and in view of the general posture of the Church at the present time they did not consider it expedient to go forward with the work. If synod felt it necessary to produce a new liturgy', the most advisable course for the present would be to simply *When the author interjects remarks into other's statements he will sign himself by A. ■\Christian World of October 9, 1868. 830 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. give a translation of the old Palatinate liturgy, although the committee did not think that this would be the best ultimate form to provide for the liturgical (|uestion. At that time other questions of vital moment were before the Church that needed first to be settled. The report was adopted and the committee continued. The other (piestions of vital moment referred to in the report were the financial condition of the seminary (which was in straits), the exact position of the Mercersburg theology then being developed toward Roman- ism and the want of unity in the Church. At the synod of 1851 the conunittee on liturgy reported that they had made no farther progress in the work com- mitted to them. Nevin resigned as chairman of the com- mittee. Schaif was made chairman and Porter was added to the committee. The committee was instructed to report as soon as possible. The truth was that at this synod the resigna- tions of Nevin and Schaif from their theological chairs over- shadowed everything else. Nevin later says in his "Vindica- tion,"— That the coiniiiittee had come to despair very much of being able to pro- duce any liturgy that would prove generally and permanently satisfactory to the Church. He says "this was especially my feeling. 1 had not led the way at all in the movement. My heart was not in it in any special zeal. T was concerned in it only on obedience to the appointment of Synod. Other interests a])peared to me at the time to be of more serious consequence and I had no faith in our being able to bring the work to any ultimate success. In these circumstances I was not willing to stand charged with the responsibility of continuing as chairman of the committee and accordingly I asked synod to relieve me from tho chairmanship. ' ' This statement of Nevin does not quite agree with his state- ments quoted in our previous section. They show that he did have a liturgical tendency, ])ut by 1851 he saw tlie difficulty so great that he gave up liope of success. Before the next synod one or two significant articles appeared in the Messenger. A writer* calls attention to the fact that the edition of the Mayer liturgy was exhausted and a liturgy was *See the issue of March 3. Liturgical Preparation for Controversy.- 331 needed in its place. He urged the ministers of the church to express their views on a new liturgy. But in spite of this re- quest there was no response. Then the editor of the Messenger laments the fact that not a single correspondent of the Mes- senger had as yet opened his mouth on the subject of the liturgy even after his earnest request. From all this, one of two things are evident. Either a liturgy was not greatly desired by the Church, or there was such a great division of opinion on the subject that each party was afraid to speak out for fear of the other. The truth probably is that most of the younger ministers who were pupils of Nevin and Schaff wanted a new liturgy, while on the other hand the great ma- jority of the Church, especially tlie older ministers, was either opposed to it or, if they wanted a liturgy, wanted the Pa- latinate. It was a calm before the storm that broke five years later. At the synod of 1852 the liturgical committee reported that since the last meeting they had done what they could. The members living in Mercersburg had met weekly during the summer while the other members were requested in the meantime to prepare certain parts of a liturg>^ to be laid later before the committee for revision. The more they entered upon the work the more they felt its importance and difficulty. The difficulty increased because of the great number and va- riety of materials before and after the Reformation. They proposed the plan of a liturgy (see p. 86 of the minutes) and also the following basis for work : 1. The liturgical worship of the Anglican Church as far as in har- mony with the Bible, the old church fathers and the Greek and Latin liturgies were to be the universal fundamentals of the liturgy. The more so as these were the sources from which the best materials of the liturgies of the sixteenth century came, such as tlie formulas for con- fession of sin, also litany, creed, Gloria, Te Deuni, collects, and Decalogue. 2. Among the later liturgies special attention was to be paid to the Palatinate and the other Reformed liturgies of the sixteenth century. 3. But neither the old Catholic or the old Reformed liturgies were to be slavishly followed but to be reproduced in a free Evangelical spirit and made suitable to the peculiar necessities of our time and denomina- tion. Various kinds of forms were to be prepared, some with responses 332 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. and some without, with a view to avoid mouotony and to adai)t it to the varied conditions of the various congregations. The language and style to be as nearly like that of the Bible as possible, though the strict dog- matic tone of the Calvinistic liturgies was to be lessened for the more devotional. A family liturgy ought to be prepared. Finally the liturgy was not intended to hinder the right use of free prayer, either in the Church or the homo, Init to guide it ami aid it. The report, .says one of the liturgical party, made the ancient liturgies as far as possible the basis and after them the Palatinate and other Reformed liturgi<'S, ])ut the liturgical element was not pressed so far as to restrict free prayer, but to regulate it. The synod referred back the si>ecimens (four services for the Lord's day. two ])a])tismal services, a marriage service and part of the lessons and collects for the year) reported by the committee with instructions to carry out the suggestions at the close of their report and to print a specimen liturgy for the inspection of the Church. The name of Zacharias was substituted for Berg's on the committee, and S. R. Fisher was added. Bomberger, in "The Revised Liturgy," claims that these instructions required the committee to make special reference to the Palatinate and Reformed liturgies, which he later said they did not do, but modeled their liturgj' after the forms of the Early Chi-istian Church by making it re- sponsive, etc. He also calls attention to the fact that the ado])ted report declared that the liturgy was not to interfere witli free ])rayer, which action was violated in 1862 by Kevin's ivjxirt on the liturgy and tlie later language of its adherents wliicli opposed free prayer. Up to this time the main thought in the mind of the Church seems to have been to rei)i'oduce tbe Palatinate lit- urgy with such modifications as would suit our age or a liturgy like it. The idea ot introducing new elements as responses, litany, etc., did not enter into the minds of most of the ministers, and if attempted would have met witb most decided opposition. Any attaek on llie use n\' free prayer would have been violently resented by the Church at that time. Bomberger latter says the report was hurried LiTURGiCAi. Preparation for Controversy. 333 through the synod and adopted at a single session. The synod ot 1852 was afterwards referred to by high-churchmen as the high-water mark of the Reformed Church. They gloried that that synod had turned the Church in their direc- tion liturgically and had virtually endorsed their theological views.* Up to this time the instructions of the synod had been those of 1849, emphasizing adherence to Reformed litur- gies especially the Palatinate. The action of 1852 opened the door for a liturgy on the basis of the earlier Greek and Roman liturgies. It was out of these instructions of this synod that the later difficulties between the high-church and low-church parties grew. The former claimed that the adoption of the report by synod gave them liberty to fashion a high-church liturgy with its responses and altar-services like that of the early Church. The low-church men did not so understand these instructions but supposed that emphasis would first be placed on the Palatinate and Reformed liturgies. The first demanded an altar-liturgy, the second a pulpit-liturgy. There is no doubt that the instructions allow room for the former interpretation, but the latter was the one truer to the old Reformed consciousness ; for the true Reformed liturgies had no litany, Te Deum, responses, etc. Section -4. The Revulsion Against the Liturgy in THE West. The first action toward a liturgy in the Ohio synod was taken by Miami classis in 1851. Its committee, consisting of Shaull. Gerhart and Rust, reported that in the opinion of this synod, the last liturgy (Mayer's) of the Church is very de- ficient ill many particulars and consequently does not satisfy the spiritual wants of the Church. Of the two liturgies for- merly sanctioiK^d by the Church we prefer the Palatinate liturgy and recommend its constant use within the bounds of this synod until a better one is provided and adopted. The report was laid over until the next meeting of the synod in 1852, which shows there was no great desire for a liturgy *See Nevin, The Liturgical Question, pages 58 and 60. 334 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. then. In 1852, Miami classis renewed its request that synod appoint a committee, of which Gerhart was chairman, to co- operate with the committee of the Eastern synod in prepar- ing a liturgy for the whole Reformed Church. The Western Missionary* has an article favorable to a liturgy, urging that the subject be discussed in the church papers. But, as in the East, there was no response. Evidently the AVestern Church was not very anxious for it. Finally the editor of that paper wrote an article urging freedom in the use of liturgical wor- ship on accoimt of the varied character of the congregations of the Ohio synod, some inclining toward the freedom of Methodism in their worship, others being formalistic: but he wanted a liturgy based on the Reformed liturgies. The synod of 1853 approved of the plan of the liturgy by the Eastern synod of 1852 and appointed a committee con- sisting of Gerhart, Steiner, Weisz and Kroh to join with the committee of the Eastern synod in preparing such a liturgy. Had this been carried out, it might have led to a high-church liturgy for the West, such as appeared later in the East. The Eastern synod of 1853 approved of the action of the Ohio sjTiod. On September 15, 1853, the Western Missiounri/, the organ of our Western Church, which had hitlierto kept out of tbe controversy, makes its first statement about it. It says that for a year past there lias been a controversy in the EasteiMi synod, that those who were opposed to Nevin were Ix'ing sluit out from the Messenger and had availed themselves of the Christian Intelligencer and the Lutheran Observer to express their sentiments. It said the Messenger ought not to censure them when it refused their publications. It expres.sed sym- pathy with them, because their r(^plies were in every respect as dignified and free from improprieties as the articles in the Messenger to which they responded, nay, in its judgment mueli more so. The Messenger replied to these criticisms of the Western Missionary. But the significance of this controversy is that the Western Missionary shows to which side it was *June 22, 1852. Liturgical Preparation for Controversy. 335 leaning, — that it sided with Heiner, Zacharias and Mesiek against Mercersburg. Another sign of a reaction was the action of St. Joseph's elassis in Januaiy, 1854, as its delegates had voted at the synod against the liturgy. It declared that it supported them in their action. The elassis reiterated its former view against the liturgy as an innovation and deprecated the movement, as it woidd tend to strengthen formalism in tlw Church. Miami elassis (January, 1854), although it had twice overtured the synod favorably to a liturgy, now put itself on record against it. (Gerhart, who had been the leader of the liturgical element there, had left Cincinnati to become professor of theology at Tiffin and therefore had left the elassis.) It objected to the Ohio synod's action appointing the committee on conference with the Eastern committee. It declared itself opposed to the liturgy, be- cause they understood it was to have responses, and as sev- eral charges remonstrated to it against such a liturgy, it re- quested synod to reconsider it as it could not conscientiously use the liturgy if prepared. The vote of the synod was 17 to 5, Prugh, Rike, Rust and Zieber voting against it, rep- resenting the liturgical party. In February, 1854, Tiffin elassis, now under the leadership of Gerhart, who had re- moved to Tiffin, declared in favor of a liturgy. In April, Gerhart tried to stem the tide against a liturgy in a guarded article in the Western Missionary on free prayer, in which he endorsed free prayer but declared that the use of a liturgy was not in conflict wnth free prayer and ought never to sup- press it. On April 28, Sandusky elassis also took action asking the synod to reconsider its action on the liturgy be- cause the proposed liturgy Avas against the ancient land- marks of the Church. It declared it would oppose any liturgy which prescribed forms for Sunday services. It was opposed to confession, absolution, Te Deum, Gloria in Excelsis and other forms which savor strongly of Romanism and declared that it would be a violation of the constitution to continue the specimen liturgy for several years' trial. Iowa elassis approved the plan of the liturgy. So did the North German 336 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. classis and as a niiniber of its ministers used Ebrard's Chiiroli- book it ordered that it be used by its ministers. To the Ohio synod in May, 1854. the liturgical committee reported that it had been unable to meet with the committee of the Eastern synod, that as some members of the Church were opposed to the new liturgy and the distance from the Eastern synod made par- ticipation nominal rather than real, thei-efore the committee on liturg;\^ be dissolved. This was adopted. But it recom- mended the use of the Palatinate liturgy and ordered minis- ters to abstain from any liturgy- not prepared or adopted by the Reformed Churches of Europe and America. Section 5. The Attack on ^Iercersburg Theology by the Reformed of Germany. The adherents of Mercersburg Theology- had l)eon claiming that they represented the views and customs of our mother- church in Germany. A bombshell Avas sent into their camp by the Reformed Kirchenzeitung of Germany, the official organ of our Church there. The position of our mother-church in Germany is significant and shows that the new theological views of Nevin were contrary to the time-honored positions of the Reformed in the Fatherland. It is true Ebrard had* reviewed Nevin 's "IMystical Presence" favorably. He looked on it as a vindication of Melancthon's doctrine of the Lord's Supper in opposition to the low views of the Lutherans in America. He said of the "Mystical Presence": 1. It is the first attempt to introduce the science of German theology to the English world of North America. 2. Nevin defends the mystical union — tlie Melancthonian views against the Lutherans. 3. It possesses not only historical but dogmatical interest — it seeks to reconstruct the Calvinistic doctrine of the Lord's Supper. Ebrard confesses he had started along the same line as Nevin. He agrees with Nevin that our union is with Christ 's humanity so that we have. part in his merits because we have part in his substance. The Re- formed doctrine is that the communion is not with a thing (as the Lutherans held) but with a man. But Ebrard charges Nevin with con- *See Studien und Eritikcii, 1850. Liturgical Preparation for Controversy. 337 tradicting himself — that he goes too far in blaming Calvin wlien the latter speaks of the Holy Spirit as mediating between Christ and be- lievers. But while Ebrard wrote thus favorably of Nevin's doc- trine of the Lord's Supper as revealed in his "Mystical Pres- ence," he later, especially in his "Pastoral Theology," dif- fered widely from the Nevinists in their later development on the liturgy, the church, the ministry and church-govern- ment. This point is granted later* by Rev. William Reily in an article on "Ebrard and His Position on the Church Question." He there says that Ebrard, while having some views akin to Mercersburg theology in his dogmatics: yet in his Pastoral Theology is utterly at variance with it in his low views of the Church and of the ministry and in his oppo- sition to high-churchism. In cultus, Ebrard also differs, for while he believes in fixed forms of prayer, he yet makes the sermon the central act of worship instead of the altar, as Mercersburg held. The Be formed Kirchenzeitung of Germanyf gives an ac- count of the troubles in the German Reformed Church in America and notes the fact that the Dutch Reformed had withdrawn from correspondence with it. It suggests that Dr. Schaff in his attack on Puritanism either had not been well taught or did not exactly state their view : for it says such a view of the R«mish Church as he gives is not the leading one in Ger- many, but the one generally rejected, as is shown by their most celebrated theologians, Nitsch, Miiller, Tholuck, Ebrard, Harless and Hofman. The high-church Puseyite tendencies were contrary to German Eeformed customs and theology. (Heretofore the Mercersburg theologians had claimed that they represented the Reformed Church of Germany. The fact was that Dr. Schaff represented not the views of that Church but of the Evangelical or United Church of Germany (which included Lutherans as well as Reformed), although he added some Puseyite ten- dencies to it. — A.) The same paper had, the following year,f a critique on Schaff 's Apostolic Church in which its author receives some sharp criticisms for his statements. *Mercersbvrg Eeview, January, 1870. f Published then at Erlangen by Goebel, in its issue of February, 1854, page 59; also 1855, pages 300-302, fl855, pages 321-328, 338 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. . It also criticises Nevin because he places entirely too much stress on the doctrines of the early Christian Church and because he maintains high-church views. It quotes from the Netv Brnnswicl- Eevictv a part of Prof. Proudfit's arguments against Sehaif's "Apostolic Church," especially his attack on his view of Peter as the pope of Eome. The Eirchenzeiiung then attacks Schaff's position about the early Church. It says Schaff calls himself a pupil of the Berlin faculty, but he would not find such high-churchism in Berlin or in his Swiss home. Schaff seeks a final harmony of Catholicism and Protestantism as the ideal church of the future; in this he passes entirely beyond the views of the Germans. Schaff has mistaken views about the tendencies of Catholicism. And he makes an incorrect statement of the Protestant position that through weakness it permitted unbelief, although it did not sanction it. It repudiated this hint that Protestantism harbored infidelity. Schaff 's ideas of the Johannoan age which is to come after the Petrine (Catholic) and Pauline (Protestant), did not find support in Scripture. John knows nothing of a Johannean age, and Germany has not adopted such views. The eschatology of Germany is richer and deeper, although it grants the truth of Schaff 's interpretation of Matt. 16 : 18 that the Church is not built on doctrine but on Christ 's person. It objected to Schaff 's statement that Peter was the first pope and that he founded a permanent primacy,* that the primacy belonged to the original plan of Christianity as a historical tlevelopment. Still it could not agree with Schaff 's opponents in calling the pope Antichrist. The Reformed Kirehciizeituiig complainsj that it had been repeatt'dly attacked by the Reformed Kirehenzeitung of Chambersburg, Pa., for its opposition to iMercersbnrg- the- ology as not Reformed, — for its Puseyite theoh)gy. It declared that the Dutch in attacking Schaff 's statement of the continu- ing primacy of Peter were right. Schaff liad, in the Chamhers- burg Kirchenzeiiung, boastfully placed over against these criticisms the degree of doctor of divinity he had received from Berlin as a vindication of himself. Jt declares that dur- ing the seven years that Schaff had published the h'irclini- freund not an article had appeared on the Reformers. Another event that was significant occurred during Schaff 's visit to Europe in 1854. He attended the Evangelical Church Diet that year. P.ut the editor of the Kirehenzeitung says that he did not attend, or show any sympathy with, the Re- *Page 326. tl856, 398-401, 416. Liturgical Preparation for Controversy. 339 formed conference held at the same time and phice. Schaff replied to this.* saying that he attended the conference, but said nothing, as its business concerned Hesse in Germany (where there was an attempt by the Lutherans to overawe the Reformed) and not America. lie tries to offset the opposition of the Reformed Kirchcnzcitung of Germany to his theological views by saying that the Reformed Church-Leaves of Basle had favorably reviewed his book. But it is very evident from all tliis that the Reformed Church of Germany had no sympathy with the Mercersburg theology or its ritualism. Later, in 1869, the Reformed Kirchenzeitnng of Germany, the organ of the Reformed Church of the Fatherland, attacked Dr. Schaif 's statement that the Reformed Church of Germany had always been Melancthonian and not Calvinistic on the decrees. Its editor. Rev. Mr. Theleman. in reviewing Schaff 's work on the Heidelberg Catechism, takes exception to his statement.f where Schaff says that predestination was not the doctrine of the Reformed of Germany. Theleman declared it was the doctrine of our Church there and cites the action of the professors of Marburg University in 1561 when they supported Zanchius' defense at Strasburg of the Reformed doctrine, and fornuilated a statement in favor of predestina- tion.J Section 6. The Synods op 1853-1855. Notwithstanding the elaborate instructions of the synod of 1852, no report on th(» liturgy was received at the synod of 1853. The liturgical work seems to have stopped because Dr. Schaff, the moving spirit of it, was in Europ(\ The forms that had been prepared by the committee previous to his de- parture were published in the Merer rshure) Review. During 185-4. the Mercersburg Review published specimen forms as *JVest€r)i Missionary, July 3, 1856. fReformed Kirchenzeitnng, page 128. XBeformcd Kirchenzeitnng, pajE;e 114. For further proof that the Re- formed of Germany was officially and ecidesiastically Calvinistic and pre- destinarian in their creeds and conferences, sec my History of the Re- formed Church of Germany, pages 589-620. 340 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. for baptism (infant and adult), for marriage and the laying of a corner-stone, four forms for the regular services on the Lord's day, forms for confirmation and preparatory services, for funerals, church dedications, etc. The form for the Sunday services was the most startling to the Church. Heretofore the Church had had a free service, but of the four forms for Sunday, the first was a full liturgical service, with confession of sin and repetition of the creed, to- gether with brief responses, giving the option of using the Te Deum and the Gloria. The second added to these the ab- solution and gave the option of using the Nicenc Creed in- stead of the Apostles', also the pericopes (the Gospel and Epistle for each Sabbath) and also a collect for each Lord's day according to the calendar. The third form was not re- sponsive at all, except in the prayers which were broken re- peatedly by ' ' Amens. ' ' The fourth was a very brief form of prayer unbroken by any responses. All of them, except the last, were entirely out of harmony with the previous custom of the Reformed Church in this country. While they were thus developing the liturgy, they were also developing their views of church architecture so as to pre- pare for its use. A significant controversy arose about the altar. Dr. Harbaugh, in the McssciHicr, gave a description of a church-dedication at Tulpehocken, in which he said that the church had an aHar-space but no altar. "This is not Re- formed," he said. He also said that those who built the church at Tulpehock(Mi would feel shocked at the sight of a table when their feelings would rerjuire an altar. Dr. Har- baugh seems to have been ignorant Ibat the Ri^Formed Church in Germany and in this country never had an altar. It is mentioned in no true Reformed liturgies in Switzerland or America. Up to the time wlien the Mereers])urg theology came in, the only German liturgy having an altar was the Hessian of 1657, which Harbaugh and his followers quotx^d to prove their position. They seemed entirely ignorant of the fact that this was virtually a union liturgy in which the altar, etc., came from the Lutheran side and that against its introduction the Reformed of Hesse entered their determined Liturgical Preparation for Controversy. 341 protest.* All this does not look as if the Reformed wanted an altar. For his statement in the Messenger, Harbaugh was attacked by Foulk, who argued mainly on Biblical grounds that the only piece of furniture mentioned in the New Testa- ment as being used at the Lord's Supper was a table. On the return of Schaff from Germany, the theological seminary at Mercersburg began now to look up, Wolff and Schaff being the professors. The third tutorship had been created at the suggestion of, and in part endowed by, the liberality of Baron von Bethman-Hollweg, of Berlin, a mem- ber of the cabinet of the King of Prussia, who had charge of the department of instruction and public worship in that kingdom. William M. Reily and Jacob R. Kershner were the first incumbents of this tutorship. The synod of 1855 gave the liturgical movement a new im- pulse. The liturgical committee reported that they desired their task to be confined to the preparation of a liturgy which should be only provisional, — that is, intended for experi- mental and optional use. They recommended that synod should not take final action on it until it could be thoroughly revised after a practical test of it had been made in the con- gregations. In order to facilitate the work, the quorum of the committee was to be reduced to five. The synod adopted this report and also the plan for defraying the expenses of the pub- lication of the provisional liturgy by a public collection. An interesting question arises why the committee thus pro- posed that the liturgy should be only provisional. This was a decided departure from the first plan of the liturgy which aimed at a permanent liturgy. If, as the liturgical party have always declared, the Church was so anxious all the time for a liturgy, why did they now halt and hold back and suggest that its use should be only provisional? The only answer that can be given is that they felt themselves in advance of the general feeling of the Church on the subject and were afraid to face the question of its adoption for fear it might be rejected. Besides, if they could delay the final *See my History of the Keformed Church of Germany, pages 137-8. 342 History of Reformed Chiircii in the U. S. decision on the matter, they probably hoped that the Church wonkl grow toward a liturgy, especially as their forces were continually being increased by the graduates from the semi- nary at INIercersburg. Section 7. The " Mercersburg Review." 1854-1855. The Mcrcershurg Eevicw of January, 1855, contained sev- eral significant articles. One was an article on "Christian Ciiltus, " by Dr. Harbaugh. He may be called the aesthetic leader of the INIercersburg theology, as Xevin was its theo- logian and Schaff its historian. Later, he became also its theologian, as he brought to its fullest development the doc- trines of that school, after he became professor of theology at Mercersburg.* His labors on the liturgy and on architec- ture favoring tlicir views were very important. These articles on Christian cult us or worship were intended to help on the liturgical movement. f He defines cnltus as worship which brings under contribution three things: time, space and the new humanity in Christ. It consecrates its surroundings, making the natural become the medium of the super- natural. Cultus is active in three directions: pedagogically, sacerdotally and regally; corresponding to the three offices of Christ: prophet, priest and kind. This three-fold division he works out. He attacks the pre- ref ormation cultus for ignoring virtually tlie prophetic office, reversing the order of the offices, kingly, priestly and prophetical. Again, it did not preserve the proportion of the sacramental and sacrificial, the former being greatly increased. It was too sensual and reduced the part of the laity in worship from the sacrificial to servility. He then turns to the Reformation cultus. Luther's idea was not so much the reformation of cultus as of doctrine. But the Lutherans were compelled to go farther in their ideas and i)ractices away from the cultus of the Catholic Church. Tlie Reformed, like the Lutherans, sought the completion of what was before in the Catholic cultus l)ut in a difVerent way. The Reformed differed from the Lutherans: 1. The Lutherans rested more outwardly on tlie old Catholic cultus, the Reformed, less outwardly but more inwardly. 2. The Lutherans gave more outward jjrominence to the sacramental, the Reformed, to the sacrificial. *See his manuscrij)t notes on dogmatics. file i)ublished the first in October, lSo4, ami concluded by another in the Januarv number of 185* Liturgical Preparation for Controversy. 343 3. The Lutheran serviee was heavier, more complex, the Reformed, simpler. In the January number, 1855, he continues, "if the Church before the Reformation grew gradually to the extreme of power, the Church after the Reformation grew gradually to the extreme of liberality. The first lost the sacrificial in the sacramental; the latter, the sacramental in the sacrificial. Dr. Harbaugli's views are evidently largely based on the views and distinctions of Klieforth, the higli-church Lutheran of Germany. Mercersbnrg theology has been said to have been inHnenced by Puseyism, but Harbaugh reveals more in- fluences from Klieforth. He made no attempt to follow the old Reformed ideas of worship, but here followed the Lu- therans and the extreme Lutherans at that. (The distinction which underlies the Mercersburg system between the sacra- mental and the sacrificial in worship is due to Klieforth, wdio said that the sacramental was what God gave to us and the sacrificial what we offered to God. It is a vicious distinction, as it is a distinction that can not be carried out. For (1) Almost every rite is both sacramental and sacrificial. The line of distinction between the sacramental and the sacri- ficial is too fine and theoretical to be practically carried out. Even the sacraments are not merely sacramental, as they have in them also the sacrificial element. And prayer, which is sacrificial has in it also a sacramental element, namely, the answer God gives to us. (2) Again,, if every rite is thus made sacramental, then the sacraments have nothing peculiar to themselves to dis- tinguish them from the other rites; which would seem to be entirely contradictory to JMereersburg 's o\Ani doctrinal views of the sacraments. We prefer the old use of the word sacra- ment as referring to ba])tism and the Lord's Supper and not to any other rite. Their view lowers the meaning of the word sacrament and confuses the whole subject. — A.) Dr. Harbaugh goes on to show that the post-Reformation cultus reveals its unnatural character : 1. In undervaluing the sacraments. 2. Losing sight of the priestly and kingly functions of the Church. n 344 History op Reformed Church in the U. S. 3. Disrespect for all symbols of faith and forms of worship. 4. It is distressingly naked and bare in its outward appendages and . accompaniments. He then gives an outline of three liturgies: Zwingli's, of 1529, Calvin's of 1541, The Hessian of 1567 (he does not know that the latter was a Lutheran, not a purely Reformed liturgy. — A.) Combining them, he gives a full order of wor- ship of fifteen parts, including the confession of sin and abso- lution, indeed of twenty parts with the Lord's Supper. This outline was afterwards given in the Provisional liturgy. He then describes each of them in turn.- In his description, the absolution becomes prominent. As neither Zwingli's or Cal- vin's liturgy have it, he gets it from the (un-Reformed) liturgy of Hesse. He, however, says that the absolution was in the Palatinate liturgy, and says it ought to be before the sermon and iii connection with the confession of sin at the be- ginning of the services. (But we would note this difference, that in the Palatinate and Hessian this so-called absolution is after the sermon and not at the beginning of the service, as he makes it. — A.) For the truth is that the Reformed idea of absolution was different from his. With him the minister is a priest with inherent powers, — one who has the right of debarring the Christian from entering fully into the worship, — the absolu- tion must first be declared by the minister before his worship can be received. But the Reformed had no such idea of the special priesthood of the ministry, and so absolution was placed after the sermon ; for the minister was not a priest, as the Reformed have always believed in the priesthood of all believers. They did not believe that the minister could de- clare absolution by virtue of anything in himself or his office, but only by the word of God. The Palatinate liturgy placed it after the sermon because the believer could come to worship without waiting for the absolution of the priest at the begin- ning of the service. Their absolution was simply a declaration of pardon on the basis of God's word stating that God was willing to forgive. In the Frankford Reformed liturgy the absolution was only a promise of Scripture quoted by the min- Liturgical Preparation for Controversy. 345 ister. It was called a declarative absolution and was, like the benediction, simply a declarative and official act of the min- ister. This subject of absolution afterwards became the great bone of contention in the liturgical controversy, as we shall see. Harbaugh also discusses the relation of the pulpit to the altar, which was uiniecessary, as the Reformed knew no altar. Still it was an able and interesting discussion, showing that the Mercersburg school were now developing in worship as they had been developing in doctrine. By and by we will see how he completed the circle by attempting to develop the Church- government also, which led to the sharpest tilt in the liturgical controversy. Indeed, the whole controversy could be arranged around three headings if necessary, of doctrine (1846-53), cultus (1857-1866), and church-government (1867-78), each of these being most prominent in these periods, although the others were also discussed. The Tulpehocken event was only another phase in this growth in cultus of the Mercersburg theologians. One other article in the Review of 1855 deserves spe- cial mention, and that is Dr. Nevin's sermon at the inaugu- ration of his successor, B. C. Wolff. If the low-churchmen (Old Reformed) had hoped that by the election of B. C. Wolff to a professorship in the seminary, they had checked the forward movement of high-church views there, this ser- mon of Nevin's disabused their minds as it struck the key- note upon which Wolff' was to play in his theological teaching. Its theme was ' ' The Origin, Nature and Design of the Chris- tian Ministry." If Dr. Nevin in 1847 had developed his liigh views of the sacrament in his "Mystical Presence," he here in 1855 develops fully his high views on the ministry. He says the ministry is of divine-human origin (wliich is the common Protestant view). But he claims it lias a peculiar power, called the ascension-gift, or the special power of the Holy Spirit. This gift forms the origin and ground of the Christian Church. He does not call it Apostolic succession, as does the Episcopal Church, a doctrine which he had hitherto opposed, although he severely attacks its opponents who de- 346 History of Reformed Church ix the U. S. rided it.* His view is. however, rather that of historical succession than Apostolic succession, — the ministerial oflfice carries virtue in itself for its own end. ( JiLst as he had before applied objectivity to the sacraments he now applies it to ordination and the ministry. — A.) He then goes on to speak of the origin, nature and design of the Christian ministry, and finally of its tests and conditions. Any sect, he says, who starts its own ministry produces a legitimate ministry of the realm of Antichrist. Prof. "Wolff, in his inaugural address, reveals that he stands fully on the same doctrinal ground as Nevin but is more irenical in his spirit. *Page 81 of Sermon. CHAPTER II. The Adoption op the Provisional Liturgy and Its Results. Section 1. The Adoption of the Provisional Liturgy (1857). The year 1857 was an eventful j^ear. It saw brought to completion the plan of a liturgy begun ten years before. It also marked the first signs of the awakening of the Church to the fact that the liturgy was more ritualistic than many of them expected. The liturgical committee had been hold- ing meetings since the return of Dr. Schaff from Europe.* The committee closed its work October 21, 1857, at 6 P. M., with prayer by Dr. Nevin, Nevin, Wolff, Bomberger, Zach- arias and Schaff being present. The con>mittee had in all held 104 sessions, eomiting morning, afternoon and night ses- sions. These were exclusive of the meetings of sub-committees at Lancaster and Mereersburg. Of fourteen members, four took no part, although they favored the liturgJ^ The liturgical committee reported to the synod of 1857 that they had completed their laborious work and that the work was in the hands of the printer and would be published in a few days. As fear had l)e(ni expressed in some quarters that the liturgy would be forced on congregations who were unwilling to use it. the report says "they would be sorry to have the liturgy introduced in any quarters sooner or farther tlian there may be a disposition among the people to make it welcome. It was designed to be a help to them and not a hindrance to public worship." As the synod had ordered *Meetings were held May IS, 18.56, Jan. 2, 1857, April 20, August 2.5 and October lli. Eai-h lasted from one to two weeks. The first four were held at St. Paul's Church, Lancaster, because it was central. At the August meeting of 1857 they had hoped to have finished their work, but found they were unable. So they met again at Philadelphia on October 13, 1857. 347 348 History of Reformed Church in the U. S, it to be used only provisionally, it was not expected that the Church would come to an immediate decision about it. "The liturg}^ asks no ecclesiastical sanction. It must work its way quietly and silently into general use, or pass away because there was no real demand for it." The synod did not adopt the liturgj^, but only commended the committee. This liturgy, which was called the Provisional Liturgy, was never adopted by this synod or any later one. This may have been due to the fact that the committee de- sired no formal endorsement. "Why they did not desire en- dorsement is not mentioned. Perhaps they feared that the liturgj' might be too revolutionary. Perhaps they desired this action so that if any attempt miglit be. made to send it down to the classes for adoption, as our constitution required, they could prevent such a movement, as the liturgy had not yet been adopted by synod. But although the synod allowed its use provisionally, the impression gradually grew upon the Church that it had been in some way approved. The synod unfortunately failed to fix the length of time of its provisional use. But as the contract made with the publishers* was for ten years, this fact was later seized upon as an argument to prolong its use provisionally for that length of time. But there was in reality no ground for this as synod could doubtless have come to an amicable arrangement with the publishers. This omission of the exact time for its provisional use later caused much fric- tion, as we shall see. The action of the synod on the liturgy cannot but be con- sidered very remarkable. It permitted a thing to be used which it had officially never seen or examined. It is true, various liturgical forms had been published in the Mercers- burg lievicw. But as the chairman of the liturgical commit- tee stated to the synod, "The synod could form no judgment from these, as new forms liad been added and otbers changed." It is a very unwise thing for a synod or for any church court to adopt anything blindly as it did this. And it proved to be a great mistake. If the synod had gone more slowly but *Lin(lsay und Bhikiston, of Pbiladelpbia. The Provisional Liturgy and Its Results. 349 with its eyes open, it might have avoided many future con- troversies. In regard to this we have some very remarkable testimonies. Dr. S. R. Fisher, writing of the action of this synod on the liturgy,* says: "No one outside of the working members of the committee were at all aware of its precise character. Had the book been before the synod and examined by its members it is very problematical whether its provisional use (an unconstitutional and dangerous use' at best) would have been authorized by the synod at all ; or if it had been, certainly not without a decided protest at least from a respectable minority in the synod." The principal part of its report, he says, was devoted to a defense of a scheme of liturgical worship as it prevails in the Episcopal Church, "excluding extemporaneous prayer from our public services and thus radically changing our whole form of worship. ' ' It was expected that the liturgy would be published by November 15. But not until December 16th does the Messen- ger state that it has appeared. The expense of its publica- tion Avas born by private individuals. Before a year had passed, a third edition was called for, although it was as yet introduced into only one or two congregations. Evidently there was a great desire to see it, although not so great a de- sire to use it. We give a brief outline of the Provisional liturgy. The Lord's day sei^Mce of the Provisional liturgy opened with Scripture passages on Christian worship, followed by primi- tive forms, as the Te Deum and litany. This was followed by lessons and collects for the church year given in full. Then came the regular service of the Lord's day, with four forms, followed by prayers for festival seasons. Then came the liturgical services for communion, baptism, confirmation, visitation of the sick, ordination of ministers and church officers, etc. Bomberger said later there were in the Pro- visional liturgy two entirely different systems of worship, one suited to the pulpit like the old Reformed custom, the other was the altar-liturgy, with responses. Of the two, the latter was by far the most prominent, as is shown by the fact that *Messenger, June 4, 1862. 350 History op Reformed Church in the U. S. the first and leading service for the Lord's day was strongly ritualistic. We add a comparative view of some of the forms of the liturgy, comparing them with the Episcopalian prayer-book on the one hand and with our old Palatinate liturgy on the other. It is easy to see how closely it resembled the prayer- book, and is Episcopalian rather than Reformed. It is also easy to see how it differs from the Palatinate.* As a writer says, "The report plainly shows that it is not after the pat- tern strictly of any system of worship, which had hitherto prevailed in the German Reformed Church, either in this countrs' or in Europe. The new liturgy is a new scheme of worship." Comparison op Prayer-Book with the Provisional and Palatinate on Confirmation. Prayer-Book. "Do you here, in the presence of God and of this congregation, renew the solemn promise and vow that ye made or that was made in your name at your baptism, ratifying and confirming the same and acknowledg- ing yourselves bound to believe and do all those things which you then undertook, or your sponsors then undertook for youf I do." Provisional Liturgy. "Dost thou now, in the presence of God an' is on baptism. There there is nothing said of the world, the flesh and the devil. — • this verbiage is from the Episcopalian Prayer-Book. The Palatinate asks: 352 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. "Do you desire, in true faith in the promise of God in Christ given to us and to our children, that he will not only be our God but the God of our children unto the thousandth generation — that this child be bap- tized into the same and receive the seal of divine adoption. ' ' Here the covenant idea of baptism^ is prominent (which is forgotten by the others), which is the old view of the Reformed Church. Section 2. The Early Discussion About the Liturgy (1857-8). It is noticeable how soon opposition appears to the liturgy. "We will tiy to give a brief summary of the discussion. In the Messenger,* Jiev. J. W. Hoffmeier writes glowingly about it. and says that he used it at Millersville at a communion. f But the next issue of the Messenger already has an article against it by M.ij: He says it is evident that the liturgy proposes great and important changes in the worship of our church, especially in the Sabbath services. He attacked it because it meant the setting aside of a liturgy which had been properly sanctioned by the synod (the Mayer liturgy). He also objected to a liturgy unsanctioned by synod because its use would lead to diversity of worship in the congregations instead of uniformity, as was originally claimed for it. He not only attacked the changes in the worship caused by it, but he also attacked the loose way in which its introduction is to be made, not by action of synod but by each individual minister at his pleasure. ( Hoffmeier 's act had evidently already caused alarm.— ^4.) E. writes§ decidedly unfavorably to the liturgy. He says if any ministers intend to introduce it without the consent of their consistories or congregations, they differed widely from the committee. He regrets that the liturgj' had not come before the synod. Had it come, his *December 16, 1857. fStaley also introduced it early in December, 1857, at Mt. Washington College at Baltimore, which prepared the way to the later controversy between Heiner and himself. :^We regret that we do not know who the various writers of the articles in the Messenger, to which we shall refer, are. But they hide themselves under nom-de-plumes. We mention them wherever we are certain as to their identity. We also regret that we can not refer to all the articles, but lack of space will not permit it, so we can refer only to the leading ones. ^Messenger of December 30. The Provisional Litttrgy and Its Results. 353 course would have been different, as would have been that of many others. He sugf^ested two ways out of the i)resent difficulty : 1. That its public use be prohibited as long as it is provisional. 2. That its use be j)eruutted only so far as it does not involve changes in our method of worship. He is opposed to ministers reading their prayers, to resjionses by the congregation, to its use of the confession and absolution and the litany, etc. This liturgical controversy, begun almost immediately after the appearance of the liturgy in 1857, was continued with increasing warmth in 1858. This year saw the awaking of the Church to a ritualistic liturgy prepared by its committee and seemingly sanctioned so carelessly by synod. The editor of the Messenger writes a guarded article,* saying it was a work of great excellence, but as to its adaptiveness to the Church, that was another question. He grants that many of the forms were innovations. Two weeks later two articles apjiear favorable to it, one by Willers, the other by Harbaugh. The latter says in a good liturgy, the wants of every soul will find utterance in the forms prescribed. In an un- liturgical worship, he says, there is no " search me, O, Lord. What ir- reverence!" He says that there is little of genuine worship in a free service — that the worship of heaven as revealed in the Book of Revela- tions was liturgical. Why should there be any alarm, for the liturgy goes forth without the sanction of tho synod and is only provisional. Piscator (S. R. Fisher)f begins his attacks on the liturgy. He attacks the baptismal question where the parent in the name of the child renounced the devil with all his ways and works. "It speaks," he says, "as if they were the children of idolaters. It declares them to be children of the devil and not children of the covenant (which was the old Reformed doctrine of baiitism)." Omega| comes to the de- fense of liturgy and asks others to do so. "N.,"§ compares it with the Reformed liturgy published at Germantown, 1798. That was the opposite to it in its simplicity, for it contains no forms for the Sunday services, no confession, no absolution, no kneeling at services, no litany. Such were the forms used by the Hendels, Helffensteins, Hoffmeier, Becker, Geistweit, Hiester, Dr. Mayer, Gloninger, the Ra- hausers, and others of our Church. A church liturgy was seldom found except in the library of the ministers, a proof that no one but the pastor used it in the sanctuary. For this simplicity, were our fore- fathers disloyal to the Bible and Catechism because they were not in the habit of reading their prayers or having the congregation respond? 'February 3. ^Messenger, February 24. tMessenger, March 3. ^Messenger, March 10. , _ 354 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. He believes our people would rather not be disturbed by audible re- sponses and prefer that the minister be free in leading their devotions. L. E. defends the liturgy, as does Alpha, in the next week's Messenger. In the March J7 issue is a letter from Rev. Samuel Ilelffenstein, Sr., the oldest minister of our Church. He says he disliked the litany, the responses, the repetition of the Creed, the kneeling, together with abso- lution and confession, all being new in our Church. Neither the Basle liturgy or the Palatinate has the litany. The litany would lead to formality and be especially objectionable to the German churches. Schlatter conducted his worship as we do with a free service. A later writer tries to parry Helffenstein 's letter by saying it proves as nnich on one side as on the other. We, therefore, give this letter in the Apjieiidix. To us it reads as against the liturgy. Eev. S. Helffenstein, Jr.,* attacks the formula of ordination — that it requires the candidate to subscribe to the Nicene and Athanasian Creeds,f while the old custom of our Church was to subscribe to the Bible and the Heidelberg Catechism, which contained in it the Apostles' Creed. Subscription to these other creeds was unnecessary and unusual. He also objects to its change in the doc- trine,— that ordination is changed from the old view of an investiture of office to an investiture with power — the power of the office itself. The candidate is required to exjiect, tliat through it he will receive by the laying on of hands, the gift and grace of the Holy Spirit. Conservator^ backs up S. Helffenstein, Jr., in his opposition to tlio use of the Athanasian Creed at ordination because it was too meta- physical for a symbol and utterly unsuited as a devotional formula. Rev. S. Helffenstein, Jr.,§ attacks the doctrine of apostolic succession underlying the form of ordination, saying that this succession had been interrupted by the Refornmtion when the reformers were excommuni- cated and deprived of their official character. He especially mentions Luther, but might have added Olevianus and Calvin, who were not ordained, and so through them no such historic succession of tlie ministry could come. He then enters on the Scriptural authority for ordination and also its design. He also attacks the teaching of tiie liturgy on the sacraments in regard to their objective form and in- trinsic virtue. "The sacraments arc then not signs, but the things signified: not seals but the things sealed." On baptism, tlie liturgy says "Christ ordained it for the conununication of such groat grace," obtaining by it that whicli we do not liave. And as to confirmation, *Messcn(ier, April 7. fSchaff later, April 1859, Mcrcershvrg Tlcvicw, has an article on the Athanasian Creed against these attacks. But he does not find any Re- formed creed endorsing that creed, and of the Reformed theologians only Parens wrote auytliing on it. ^Messenger, April 14. ^Messenger, April 21. The Provisional Liturgy and Its Results. 355 he said it was not of divine appointment but only a churelily form. Weyberjj, the pastor of the Reformed Church in Phihidelpliia during the Revohition, never used the laying on of hands at confirmation. The opposition against the liturgy was at first against the method of its introduction or against the particular forms in it or against the doctrines miderlying them. But soon a writer* calling himself "Seldom Senior" starts the attack on its constitutionality. This afterwards became the main point which the Church found difficult to settle. lie says the liturgy does not agree with the constitution of the Church. The Church's constitution says the pul)lie worship of the sanctuar}^ shall consist of invocation, singing, prayer, reading of the Word, preaching a sermon or delivering a lecture, and pronouncing the benediction. But the liturgy in its Lord's day service Avas very different. The questions of the liturgy for adult baptism and confirmation are very difl^erent from those laid down for use in the Church constitution. He says the only constitutional way is to get a two-thirds vote of synod on the liturgy and then send the liturgy down to the classes for adoption and rejection, as required by the consti- tution, Samekf writes favorably of the liturgy, as does H. Wagner,J defend- ing what the opponents call baptismal regeneration. So also does J. W. noffmeier.§ But Eev. Samuel Philips attacked both Hoffmeier and Wagner|| for saying that those who opj^osed the liturgy were "not of a good and sound mind." He grants that the authors of the liturgy were men of well-known ability, but denies that their liturgy is adapted to the diversified wants of our Church. Even the liturgical committee must have thought so, for they made it only provisional. If we can not in- troduce the liturgy on its merits, we never can, he says, on the ground of the committee's caj)acity to prepare a good liturgy. He also refers to its unconstitutionality on adult baptism. Hoffmeier replies^ that the liturgy was constantly gaining friends. Dr. Heiner, who was a member of the liturgical committee, as soon after the publication of the liturgy as copies could be obtained, under- *Messenger, April 28. fMessengcr, May 12. j^Messenger, June 16. ^Messenger, June 30. \\Messe7iger, July 7. ^Messenger, July 14. 356 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. took to introduce it into his congregation. But opposition soon de- veloped and he omitted its use. He soon lost confidence in it and became, as we shall see, an oi>ponent of it. The synod of 1858 was looked forward to by many to help the Church out of the confusion into which it had fallen because of the liturgy's disagreement with the constitution and the irregularity of its use in being merely provisional. But it took no action except to order a German translation. Still there was an appeal case that came before the synod, which revealed the liturgical friction. A Female College had been established at Mt. Washington, Baltimore, supported by the Baltimore congregation. A new Reformed Church had been erected near it, but no congregation as yet organ- ized. At its services the old free method of worship had been used. Staley. the principal of the college, introduced the liturgy into it in December, 1857, against the wishes of Heiner, who was chairman of the committee of classis on this new congregation. In February, although there was as yet no organization there he confirmed a catechetical class and ad- ministered communion, and on April 1 confirmed another class. The attendants at the church then prepared a memorial to classis asking that Staley and Davis be placed over them as pastors. It was signed by twenty-four persons. ]\Iost of the signers, says Heiner, were students who left the school the n(^xt summer. The trustees of the clnu-ch proptu-ty, who be- longed to Ileiner's church, also prepared a memorial to classis against granting their re(iu('st. Tlic classis decided for Ileiner, so their opj)()nents appealed to synod. At synod, Heiner stated that Stah'y's course was all out of order be- cause there was no organized congregation at Mt. Washing- ton, and confirmation and connuunion could only be admin- istered in a regularly organized congregation. In the discus- sion, Rev. Joshua Derr defended Staley hy quoting Dr. Nevin's administration of the communion at the seminary and his use of confirmation there. But Reid answered that Rev. Alfred Nevin had been censured by Mercersburg classis for administering conununion where there was no congre- gation, and that Dr. J. Nevin had been president of the classis The Provisional Liturgy and Its Resui.ts. 357 when this action was taken. S. R. Fisher also stated that Dr. Nevin, wlien he administered the .communion at the semi- nary, did it in connection with our Mercersburg congregation and under the authority of its consistory. Ilarbaugh, how- ever, defended 8taley. He said the memorialists were a mis- sion congregation station of Maryland classis. lie asked the (juestion. to wliat church did the persons belong who were con- firmed thei'e. lie then answered in a very high-church way ])y saying "To the Holy Catholic Church" (which was no answer at all, for where does the Holy Cjitholic Churcli exist except in the individual congregations. Still, it reveals Ilar- baugh's high-church views on the Church and its objective existence — -A.). As the lines of the two parties were getting closely drawn and thei'e was a good deal of division and fric- tion, Gerhart finally suggested its reference to a judicious committee, which was done. At this synod there was also another action taken which soon revealed the divergent tendencies in the Church between high- and low-church. Andrew Hoffman had been deposed by Goshenhoppen classis, and yet, for fourteen years after had performed ministerial acts. Then a minister in regular stand- ing in the Church was called to his charge. The question was brought before synod as to whether the confirmations or bap- tisms of a deposed minister were to be respected or whether they should be performed over again. The low-church view and the view of the Old Reformed, as decided by the Eastern Synod of 1842, was that the acts of a deposed minister were null and void. But the views of the IMercersburg theology elevated ordination almost to a sacra- ment and placed so much emphasis on the objective in min- isterial acts that a deposed minister 's acts had efficacy in them- selves regardless of his deposition. Thus the formula of the trinity had been pronounced over those whom he had baptized - — that made it r(»al. Hence his ministerial acts ought to be recognized. The synod decided that all his acts were irregular, but thai synod could make them regulai* by a formal recognition. It gave Goshenhoppen classis authority to receive back the 358 History of Reformed Church ix the U. S. congregation over wliicli he had ministered, and in case the individuals applied to be re-baptized or re-confirmed the con- sistory could decide as to their recognition or not. The vote was 36 to 15. The synod thus transferred the responsibility of deciding this question from itself to the consistory. This led to quite a controversy. Tobit* attacks tliis action uf synod as being too high-cliiirch in putting intrinsic value in the baptisms, etc., themselves. He argued that the deposition of a minister takes away all authority and he becomes only a layman. His acts are therefore not merely irregular but invalid, if they are only irregular, why depose a minister at all. Such a view would destroy all order in the Church. He also attacks the method suggested by synod for the reception of such members — by recognition. You can not confer real baptism and confirmation merely by a resolution of synod. He asks the ministers who voted for it if they had been baptized or confirmed by a deposed minister whether they would be satisfied to stand before their Judge. Tobitusf approves of Tobit 's article. He says that Goshenhoppen classis had passed resolutions tliat tlie acts of a deposed minister were invalid and many persons confirmed by this deposed minister had been re-eonfirmed, which was based on a resolution of 1842. He says Goshen- hoppen classis had not asked synod through its delegates for any action in this case, yet synod had given it and it had caused confusion by its its action. Will not the ministers who re-confirmed the deposed min- ister's confirmants have to reconfirm them again according to this reso- lution of synod. The synod once refused to give an opinion on the case and yet now gives it without being asked. There were twelve or fifteen deposed or suspended ministers within tlio bounds of Goshen- hoppen classis, so that this action of synod had a far- reaching effect. In the same paper "Stand Up" rojilied to "Tobit." He takes the high-church view of the sacraments, saying the acts of baptism and con- firmation can be repeated by no one unless he makes little or no account of thorn. The act was duly ])erformed according to the words of in- stitution, and as such it stands in full bimling force. Its validity is not vitiated by the subjective coiulitidn m- i-cl.ilion of liic person performing it, and on this idea, the action of synod was based. These acts, when performed by a regular minister, had only one additional part, namely, bringing them into actual connection witii the Church. This the synod proposed by its action to bring about. '\\> affect the validit}' of sacra- mental acts there must be a defect in the acts themselves, and not merely in the persons performing them or in the conditions necessary * Messenger, December 15, 1858. ^Messenger, December 29. TiTE Provisional Liturgy and Its Results. 359 to make them effective. Thus baptism is baptism, even though faith be wanting, because performed according to the words of institution. If the reality of a sacrament depends on the subjectivity of those who admin- ister them, you open the door to fanaticism. "Stand Up" was replied to by Tobit.* He says that "Stand Up" says the acts of a deposed minister are as really performed as those of a true minister. If his acts are valid, what is the use of deposing a minister. Tobit having compared the acts of a properly ordained min- ister and those of a deposed minister to the distinction between a true and a counterfeit banknote. Stand Upf says this comparison does not hold, for there is no parallel in the figures between a banknote and a sacramental act. Take a proper parallel to a sacrament, namely, the Word of God. If a deposed minister preaches the Word, is his preach- ing like his sacrament, a falsehood. No, it has God's indelible stamp upon it. The Catholic Church deposed the Eeformers, yet their acts are valid because performed according to the words of institution. Its validity depends on the act itself in conjunction with the words of divine institution. "Tobit" replies^ that "Stand Up" had yet to learn that a deposition takes away. He charges him with being high-church with a vengeance, because he makes the sacrament have not only a relative but also an intrinsic value. He asks of "Stand Up", "If you are not in the way to Rome, who is. You are arguing in a circle. You first take it for granted that the act of a deposed minister is a sacrament and then argue it has intrinsic value. You are going in a vicious circle." Replying to the figure of the Word used by "Stand Up," he says, "If the Word had intrinsic value and a parent were taught to say the Word, would that compel us to recognize it as a ministerial act." He thus points out the fallacy of his figure, for parents can 't exercise ministerial acts. If the sacraments have intrinsic value, everybody has the right to administer them and you must acknowledge them as valid. What, then, becomes of the minstry? Where is the force of ordination, if the acts of every one have intrinsic value and it does not depend on ordina- tion. This leads to confusion worse confounded. We might renmrk on this sharp controversy that the high-church brother "Stand Up" does not see that the higher he places the sacra- ments here, the more he really lowers the ministry by allowing the acts of a deposed minister to be valid. It is strange, with their high views of ordination, that they did not emphasize that side. But they had to take the choice between the two, with the result, as was said by Tobit, of "confusion worse confounded" and contradicting their own high- church positions on ordination. *Messenger, January 12. ^Messenger, January 26. XMessenger, February 9. 360 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. Leaving this controversy and returning to the liturgical controversy, we notice that Foulk* defends the liturgy, quoting Acts 4: 26-30. Omega endorses Foulk, but says he is only a village pastor and his people are opposed to a liturgy even at coinnnininn. He gives several difficulties in the way of its use: 1. Our Church is imbued with a foreign spirit. 2. Our people fear to do it lest they lose ground in the estimation of the community. 3. There is a want of proper training for liturgical worship. The very architecture, he says, is against it ; for in many of our churches we have no altar upon ^vhich to lay the liturgy — not even an altar-place. Again, the iieo])le are not willing to buy a liturgy. In his congregation, though a copy was placed in the pulpit and it was recommended to the people, not a half dozen copies were circulated. Again, many choirs could not sing the INIagnificat, Benedictus, Gloria in Excelsis and Nunc Dimittis as given in the liturgy. Section 3. The Liturgical Events of 1859. During the winter of 1858-9, Dr. IIar])augb, at Lancaster, preached a series of sermons on "The Virgin IMary. " And a rumor spread abroad that in them he was deveh^ping Roman- izing tendencies. Afterward at the request of friends, lie pul)- lished them in a volume. "The True Glory of Woman." He speaks of IMary as a model virgin, wife, mother, diseiple and saint. He opposes the worship of Mary as iinscriptural, hut holds to her ever-virginity. At the beginning of 1859 two new features appear in the Messenger so as to educate its readers up to liturgical prin- ciples. The first is a series of articles by Foulk on the mean- ing of each Sabbath in the church year. He 1)egan (January 5) with Christmas, then Epiphany, etc. The other series con- sisted of articles on "Our Liturgy," designed to explain and defend it. It explained the Ai)()stl('s', Nicene and Athanasian Creeds, the Magnificat, Benedictus, Trisagion, Gloria Tatri, etc. It finally takes up the Church Year, which says it is nec- essary to bring out the historical side of Christianity and also to develop our piety. He speaksf of the desirability of litur- gical prayer as it avoids the miserable faults and failures sometimes, yes frequently, met with in free ])rayer. *Mes.icnger, December 8. ^Messenger, March 2. The Provisional Liturgy and Its Results. 361 "Here," he says, "is no inctaphysieal disquisition, no wearisome hor- tatory harangue, no intrusion and local references." People will go to Church not to yawn and doze through every j)art of the sermon but to worship. They will go not with itching ears to come away criticising the sermon but to remember the confession of sin and the profession of their faith, in short, refreshed, invigorated, comforted. Schaff, in the Mercersburg Eeview, said that the opposition to the liturgy came mainly from one minister, who wrote in the Messenger under three signatures, referring to S. R. Fisher. There had been fric- tion between them before, because Schaff had ignored the publication- house of our Church (Kieffer & Co.), of which Fisher was a member, in the publication of his German hymn-book, by getting it published by a firm outside of the Church. There was also friction between them be- cause the liturgical committee had also had the liturgy published by an outside party (Lindsay & Blakiston). All this Fisher claimed was contrary to the agreement that synod had made with his firm, namely, that all the Church publications sliould be published by them. Schaff now attacks Fisher* for attacking the liturgical committee. He reminds Fisher that he was a member of that committee, and that he had been appointed to it at Schaff 's own motion; so that he might assist not only in preparing the liturgy but also in its final publication. The synod would not have put him on the committee if it had foreseen his later hostility. Schaff also charges Fisher with having published his prayer- book, called ' ' The Family Assistant ' ' only a few months before the a])pearance of the liturgy, for the purpose of injuring the liturgy. Fisher replies to this, that his book had been published at the solicitation of friends and that he never dreamed of trespassing on the province of the liturgical committee. And, besides, it had been published two years before the liturgy appeared. All this discussion, however, revealed a good deal of feeling between the publishing house at Chambersburg and the leaders of the liturgical committee, which is a new element in the opposition to the liturgy. Rev. Max Stern,f who might be called the father of the liturgical movement, for he it was who first proposed the action in East Penn- sylvania elassis in 18-47 that led to all this controversy, writes an article against Omega. He expresses his opinion as to whether this liturgy fulfills his expectations when he first i)roposed the subject more than ten years before. He says he had examined a number of Reformed liturgies of different countries and ages and must pronounce it anti- Reformed in form, substance and spirit. He says the course of some brethren, who are trying to introduce it by stealth into their congre- gations, can but lead to schism; for the pastors, who will have nothing to do with it, will be driven to the (i|ipme. Ho tells Omega *llesseiiger, January 5. ■fMessenger, January 19. 362 History of Reformed Ciiurcti in the U. S. that his claim that our Church was a liturgical church is false, as is also his claim that the new liturgy was a repristination, — that is, a return to the old worship of our Church. The Reformed Church never was a liturgical Church like the Episcopalian, with your "solemn sing- song and kling-klang," as Prof. Schenkel, the Reformed professor at Heidelberg University, Germany, humorously describes it. The Re- formed always had free prayer and simplicity of worship. The success of our Church does not depend on book-worship, but on prayer in spirit and truth. Omega replied by saying the liturgy was not intended to be against free prayer, but that a combination of liturgy and free prayer was what was desired. Some one published* a letter he had received from Rev. Sanuiel Hel- flfenstein, Sr., the oldest minister of our Church, who approved of some things in the liturgy, but disapproved of others, especially of subscrip- tion to the Nicene and Athanasian Creeds at ordination, the use of the litany in the Lord's day services, the many responses, its confession and absolution, singing and chanting the Te Deum or Gloria. As to com- munion, he liked the -form in the Palatinate better because simpler. He objected to certain phrases in baptism, as "communication of such great grace. ' ' He says the sacraments are for the confirmation of grace, not for its communication, as stated in the liturgy. Neither the sacra- ment or the inspired Word or an inspired apostle possessed in themselves divine efficacy. He objected to certain phrases in the confirmation serv- ice as high-church. Marriage was excellent, but visitation of the sick, too lengthy. As to ordination giving the Holy Spirit to the candidate as the liturgy stated, the candidate ought to have the Holy Spirit before ordination. He much prefers the Palatinate liturgy on baptism and ordination. A minister of the Reformed Cluirdi, formerly "Seldom, Sr.," chargedf that the liturgy contained doctrines and usages in conflict with the con- stitution of the Church, — that it was irregular. He urged that it be sent down constitutionally to the classes for adoption and rejection. If the liturgy has few opponents, as has been said by its warmest friends, they need not fear for it, and this action would bring matters constitutionally to a close. All the while ministers, by stated lec- tures in favor of a liturgical service, are trying to educate the member- ship up to this innovation. He referred in this, not to the professors at Mercersburg, but to Harbaugh, who, at Lancaster, was giving such lectures to his Sunday school teachers and members on liturgical wor- ship. Il(^ referred to the action of the recent synod, which made regular and valid the ministerial acts of a deposed minister and which justified the popish dictum of making valid the Ijaptism of laymen, midwives and heretical ministers.:}: *Messenger, February 9, 1859. ^Messenger, March 30, 1859. jSee a later section on lay-baptism. The Provision.\l Liturgy and Its Results. 363 Piseator, in the same paper, says he can prove that not only the formula of baptism but other formulas are not Eeformed. The whole book is not the legitimate child or product of true Evangelical Eeformed life, spirit and genius. On special occasions, responses are in place, but not in the regular worship of the Sabbath. Another line of argument for the liturgy was pursued by several writers, who made a historical argument from old Reformed liturgies that the Order was Reformed. They quote the Zurich and Hessian liturgies as being the models for it and as having responses, and claim that the Palatinate had confession and absolution like this liturgy. We have thus tried to summarize the controversy in these two years as briefly as possible. It is very evident that the liturgy had already aroused great opposition and divided the Church. By April 27, 1859, the editor of the Messenger says that the large amount of matter on the liturgy in its columns has evoked a shower of complaints from the readers of the paper. Not a few of the friends of the liturgy, as well as its opponents are protesting against so much controversial matter. Some want it confined to the Mercershurg Kevieiv, others want it flung under the table. Yet some cry for more. Hereafter he would limit the number of pages given to the liturgical controversy to a few columns, thus hoping to please all best. Wanner* says that the Messenger wanted variety and it has gotten it by all sorts of controversies. It is hard to de- termine, he says, 'whether the signatures of the writers or their argiunents are the most unintelligible. The pressure against such a superabundance of liturgical articles seems to have been so great that in the same issue Foulk announces that he has come to the conclusion to cease publishing his articles on the exposition of the pericopes and Sundays of the church -year. He retires so as to give room for Omega's articles, which he considers more important than his own, and because so many are protesting against the great amount of liturgical and controversial matter. He, however, gives a hit at Piscator (the editor of the Messenger) , by say- ing that the latter 's articles on baptism, etc., in the Messenger *Messenger, May 11. 364 History of Reformed Church in the XT. S. of March 20 run from four to six columns each, tluis hinting that the lack of room in the paper did not come from the liturg-ists alone but was caused by the longwindedncss of the editor himself. N, (who seems to have been Nevin),* comes vigorously, as was needed, to the defense of the liturgy. He first refers to the ar^iiinents against the use of a liturgy, that it is mechanical, — tends to formality, — fetters proper spirit of devotion, — interferes with the full use of ministerial gifts, — limits the range of prayer, making it general instead of allowing it to suit itself to all oc- casions. He says the opposition between forms of prayer and free prayer is a distinction without a difference. For even congregational worship is never a free act. Multitudes take such a free service as the very perfection and hold themselves never so free as when * ' dancing in such a style like the tail of a kite upon the erratic originalities of a gifted leader. " " Of all kinds of bondage in worship, this is the worst, whether it be Boston eloquence or Methodist rant." All ministers fall into certain habits of prayer. This passes for free prayer but is really preconceived prayer and thus like a liturgy, only not printed in a book. In any general view, the presumjttion is in favor of the liturgy. He de- fends book-j)rayers because artistic. Liturgical prayers are more com- prehensive. A liturgy gives ease to the voice of the reader. He ques- tions whether in the present mode of mind in our Church a liturgy would be of any use and the true idea of a liturgy is far above this beggarly conception. A liturgy is not a book of forms (he probably refers here to a pulpit-liturgy), but it is a system of religious service based on the Lord 's Supper. In order to an effectual use of a liturgy, there must be (1) a liturgical spirit, which must be a sjicramental sj)irit. This was the animating soul of the old liturgies and forms, the great power and peculiar characteristic of Patristic divinity. (2) The second necessary constituent of the liturgical spirit, after the sacramental spirit, is the idea of an altar. He proves the use of the altar from Judaism and quotes, "We have an altar" (Ileb. 13: 10) to favor it. (He forgets that the best oxegetes, as Alford and Meyer, refer this to the cross and not to a diurch-altar.- — A.) A church without an altar is not properl}' fitted to be a house of prayer. The pulpit is no place for liturgical services. (3) He then gives the third great qualification for the liturgical spirit, namely the church year. The historical use of the liturgy and church year have always nu)ved forward together. His articles continue uj) to Septend)er 21, when he gives the last con- stituents (if the liturgical spirit, as responses an.l (luintiiig. Tiie Mayer *Messenger, June 1. The Provisional Liturgy and Its Results. 365 or any merely piiliiit-liturgy, he says, will not satisfy. The question of the liturgy is the liturgical spirit. While Nevin's articles were being published, an important controversy went on between a "Minister of the German Re- formed Church" and "Omega." The first* writes on the constitutional phase of the liturgy. Tie objects to the author of the articles on ' ' Our Liturgy ' ' when he says that ' ' the constitution is not the norm for our catechism, hymn-book and liturgy but that these are the norm of it. ' ' lie replied that the constitu- tion is the norm and the liturgy must come under constitutional require- ments. The author of those articles admits there is a difference between the constitution and the liturgy on the questions asked at baptism to adults, but he thinks that the questions in the liturgy are far superior to those in the constitution. He says it is best to let contradictions exist until prepared to decide between the two, the constitution and the liturgy. But while Omega argues thus, the "Minister of the Reformed Church" replies that this never was the custom of our Church. The Mayer liturgy was sent dow^n constitutionally to the classes. Why does the liturgy suppress the second part of the first question in the constitution which makes the Bible the only rule of faith. This was the point in contro- versy betAveen the Papacy and Protestants. It ought to be there against the high-church views on tradition of the liturgists. Omega replies,! granting the difference between the constitution and the liturgy on the questions of adult baptism. But he tries to con- done this, for he says ministers have been violating the constitution for many years. And synod avoided this inconsistency between constitution and liturgy by making it provisional only. (We might add that even synod has no right to make an unconstitutional thing even provisional. — A.) He places the questions on baptism in the constitution and liturgy side by side and then begins to argue against the constitution. The first question in the constitution is not sufficiently Catholic and is jiar- tisan because aimed at the error of Romanism and should not be used here. On the second question, the liturgy is better than the constitu- tion, because, instead of requiring (personal — A.) confession of faith of the catechism, it requires only general confession of faith, as in the Apostles' Creed, and allows one to change one's views on the catechism and yet be orthodox. The last question in the constitution implies too much, as all in it is implied in the creed. "A Minister of the German Reformed Church" replies:}: to Omega, that not to ask the question of the *Messcnger, June 8. ■\Messenger, June 29. XMessenger, July 27. 366 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. constitution as Omega suggests is to encourage confusion in the Church instead of the very uniforinitj' that the liturgy was supposed to produce. He attacks Omega's latitudinarianism for preferring the question in the liturgy to the first question in the constitution because the latter was partisan against Rome. By Jiil.y 6 the ^vrit<■l• who wrote articles on "Our Litiirg}'" retires from the publication of these articles, because some of the readers of the Messenger want them discontinued. He refers to C. F. Hoffmeier, who proposes to speak for the people against so much liturgy in the Church papers. During 1858 the Reformed Kircliemeitung of Germany spoke out against the new high-church customs being forced upon the Reformed in Germany by the Union with the Lutherans. It protested against changing the table into an altar (page 321). The Reformed, it saj^s (page 373), tolerate in their churches no altar, no lights, no crucifix, no confes- sional bench, etc., — all that is Lutheran. It liad said in 1856 that the Reformed of Germany were low-church and not high-church as were the Lutherans. Thus though not refer- ring to our liturgical men it opposed what they advocated. But the most significant event in this year, Avhich greatly alarmed the low-clun-climcn, was the action of Lancaster classis. Jleretofore the controversy a])out the liturgy had been by individuals in the publications of the Church. But now it enters on a constitutional phase. The question was wliether the minister liimself had the right to introduce the liturgy or whether he had to get the consent of his consistory or con- gregation to do it. High-churchmen took the former view, because they held that the minister was a priest who had the charge of the worship of the sanctuary. The old Reformed, whether he had to get the consent of his consistory or con- gregation was necessary according to the constitution and custom of our Church. This was the beginning of the great constitutional battle that was to come later. Dr. Ilarbaugh, pastor of the church at Lancaster, had intro- duced the liturg\^ But it produced so much dissatisfaction and division in the Church that the consistory in the sunnuer of 1859 passed an action against its use. The congregation, at The Provisional Liturgy and Its Results. 367 a meeting July H, re(iiu'sted Ilarbaugh to resign, giving as one reason his disregard of the action of the consistory. As he kept on using it, the consistory locked the doors of the church on him, October 2, and the church remained closed, it is said, for about two months.* A high-church minority of the con- sistory, together with some of the congregation, brought charges against the majority of the consistory for this before classis at a meeting held October 28, 1859. The charges were conspiracy against the pastor, contentiousness and lawless violence. Classis approved the charges, deposed the majority of the consistory and suspended them from the Church. ]\Iany of them with their friends left the Church. Thus the classis appeared to the low-churchmen determined to keep the liturgy in the church service at all hazards and this unconsti- tutional decision greatly alarmed them. The action of the classis gave official sanction to the minister, — that he had the absolute right to use the liturgy and direct the worship as he willed. This was contrary to the early promises of the leaders of the liturgical party that no force would be used to introduce the liturgy and that the congregations must de- cide for themselves. The synod of 1859 had a very difficult problem before it, — to harmonize the liturg>^ with the constitution and to do it in such a way as to harmonize the two parties in the Church. Elder Rudolph Kelker offered resolutions in regard to this inconsistency, asking synod to urge the ministry to strictly adhere to the constitution rather than to the liturgy and ordering the conuuittee on the German translation of the liturgy to introduce the four questions in the constitution on adult baptism and confirmation into the German translation instead of the questions of the liturgy. After some discussion, the whole matter was referred to a committee consisting of Revs. Drs. Gerhart, S. R. Fisher, T. G. Apple, F. W. Kremer, Harbaugh and Elders Kelker and Knode to report at the next synod. Even if it did nothing else, the sjmod thus took official recognition of the want of harmony between the con- *See Evangelist, December 7, 1858. 368 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. stitiition and the liturgy. ( ?) The committee oil the translation into German reported that it had done all except the family prayers, but desired to revise its work for its better adaptabil- ity to the Church. It desired the privilege of making a col- lection of family prayers from the German instead of trans- lating them from the English. The co)nmittee received the thanks of the synod and was enlarged by four additional members. It was ordered to publish its work in provisional form by next meeting of synod and was given the privilege of adding family prayers originally German. Thus the synod did nothing but left open the provisional liturgy for another year. Comparison of the Litihoy and the Constitution on Adult Baptism. * Constitution. Liturgy Do you believe that the Holy Dost thou then renounce the Scriptures of the Old and New devil with all his ways and works, Testaments are divinely inspired the \V(irld witli its vain pomp and Scriptures, — have divine authority j^lory and the tlesh with all its sin- and are the perfect and only rule lid ih>sircs. of life? Do you believe that the doctrine Dost thou lielievc in Uod tlie which is received and publicly pro- Father Alnii<;hty, etc. fessed in the German Reformed ("reed. Church and endiodied in the Hei- delberg Catechism is truly the (k)c- Wilt tliou be ba|itized in this trine of the Holy Scriptures: and t'nitii.' will you live agreeably to it, adorn it in all things and demean Do you proniisc to follow Jesus yourself as a true follower of Christ ami to keep his conunaud- Jesus Christ? Will you at all nu-nts all the days of thy life? times submit to tlic rules of order and discipline in the (ierman R' H"' miiiisli-y. 2. The reality of the ministry. He says he did not mean to make the Clnirch and the kingdom of Christ identical, but only so as actually existing. He o])jects to faith as a necessary part of baptism. Did Christ, he asks, in instituting bap- tism, make faith o})joctivoly a i)art of it. If faith is a necessary part of baptism, then all, whet her infidels, Turks t)r l)arbarian8 must *Messenger, April 13, 1859. The Provisional Liturgy and Its Results. 373 receive grace. Baptism as an objective institution is complete in itself. But faith is the necessary condition of the application of this grace. He denies that he made ministers alone prophets, priests and kings. The arguments of Piscator would teach that when a man becomes a Christian he becomes a minister also. He claims that the answers in the Heidelberg Catechism on the power of the keys prove his position. Piscator replied,* How can ba2)tism be complete in itself, independent of tlie transaction in which the subject and faith are necessarily applied. By leaving out such living realities, baptism becomes a naked, meaning- less transaction. Faith and the subjective is not a mere condition of the sacrament as Gans has said, but a necessity to a true sacrament. As to Gans' using tlie answers of the Heidelberg Catechism on the power of the keys to prove his i)osition, he replied, that the answers do not mention ministers at all, but only the j)reaching of the Word and Christian discipline as the keys. Where does the catechism say that ministers, independent of their congregations, are authorized to open and shut by means of discipline? Gans' statements about baptism are stronger than those of the Catholic Moehler in his Symbolics. This is his parting shot at Gans. Section 5. Liturgical Discussion and Events op 1860. The liturgical discussion continued revealing various phases and developments of the Mercersburg theology. On January -4, Rev. Dr. Foitlk ])egins a new series of articles in the Messenger on the minor festival days, beginning with John the Evangelist's Day. These were continued weekly until July 18, closing with St. Peter's and St. Paul's Day. A new controversy begins in the Messengey\ which reveals growing high-church views on a new subject, namely, burial. One who signs himself "A Believer," referring to the burial forins in the Provisional liturgy, asks, lias a minister a right to use any of the burial forms at the grave of an unbe- liever? He says that in many places an unbeliever has all the rites at burial of a believer. It is wrong to use the burial service over an unbeliever because of the great difference between believers and unbelievers. He men- tions the case of a woman who had never been to the altar for confirma- tion or communion, yet was brought there dead for burial. Has the ritual service of the Church any meaning or is it meaningless, and so can be ^Messenger, May 18. f January 18. 374 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. performed over believer and unbeliever alike. He continues,* saying it is not consistent to bury unbelievers with the benediction of the Church. No lodge will bury one who is not a member, why should the Church? A refusal to bury unbelievers vdW lead to higher respect for the Church and her services. Let unbelievers be made to feel that they will be buried without the rites of religion. Ministers are not allowed to administer the rites of baptism and the Lord's Supper to unbelievers, Mhy give them burial? He then goes to a still higher position.f No longer is it unbelievers, whose burial he objects to, but now it is unbap- tized infants, whom it is wrung to bury with tlie benediction of the Church. As they are not baptized, they are not members of the Church and should not receive the burial of members. He quotes for his position answer 7i in the catechism, where it says that baptized children are to be distinguished from the children of unbelievers. But do we dis- tinguish them, he asks, if we bury them alike. To refuse to bury un- baptized infants would encourage greater respect for Christian bap- tism. But AlphaJ locks horns with him. He says it is true that the burial service of the Provisional Liturgy is suited only for believers, but this does not imply that the Christian minister should use no form for the burial of unbelievers. If asked why use any service, he replies, for the sake of humanity; for it seems inhuman to put their bodies under ground without any service. It ought also to be done for the sake of giving a warning to the living. If "Believer" held that all infants were saved, then they all needed Christian burial and it ought not to be denied to unbaptized infants. As to the 74th answer of the catechism, that could not be quoted here, for it referred to bap- tism, not to burial. "We should not put our churchly notions on stilts or run them into the ground," he says. He declares that if one of his children were to die, before baptism could be given him, he would bury him as one of God's children. "Believer's" arguments against the universal salvation of infants were very lame. Believer replies to him.§ Alpha's distinction in tlie liturgy, tliat the first burial service was intended for believers and the second for unbelievers, is nut true, for the second service is for Christians too. The second form agrees word for word with that of the Episcopal Prayer-book, and no Episcopalian minister is allowed to use that form over unbaptized infants. Alpha says it ought to be done for the sake of humanity; but, the Bible says, "Cast not your pearls before swine." With the same plea of humanity, he might ask for the liberation of prisoners. Alpha says it gives an opportunity to speak to the living; * Messenger of January 25. ^Messenger of February 1. ^Messenger, February 29. ^Messenger, March 14. The Provisional Liturgy and Its Results. 375 but is the burial service intended for the living? If it be inhuman to bury them without a service, it is more inhuman for them to live with- out the Church. Alpha says their desire for a minister to perform the burial is a sign that they acknowledge the great truths of Christianity. He answers, not necessarily. Alpha has not touched the fundamental thing, namely, the great difference between believers and unbelievers, — the want of Church membership, — a proper regard for the Church and the sacredness of the ministerial office. Further discussion of the liturgy and its theology ceased during the summer and fall of 1860, probably because the Church was waiting for the committee appointed by the synod of 1859 to make its report on the liturgy to the next synod. We note, however, the publication of a German sermon by J. S. Kessler on Liturgical Worship, which was favorable to the liturgy and whose evident aim was to influ- ence to the Germans, who as yet liacl almost to a man been un- favorable to the liturgy. The synod of 1860 had the same problem before it as the last synod, the inconsistency of the liturgy and the constitu- tion. Rev. Dr. Gerhart for the liturgical committee reported a meeting July 13, 1860, at Ilarrisburg. He reported that there were two methods of removing the discrepancy between the constitution and the liturgy. One was to so modify the liturgy as to make it conform to the constitution. The other was to amend the constitution so as to make it conform to the liturgy. Either method would be improper. Either the Church must tolerate these discrepancies as an evil incident to the liturgical movement, or the liturgy must be carefully revised and then submitted to the classes for adoption or rejection. The com- mittee, therefore recommended that inasmuch as the Pro- visional liturgy had been in the hands of the ministers and laity for three years and it may be presumed that the Church is prepared to form a correct judgment concerning its merits and defects, that the synod commit the work to a committee for careful revision in order to adapt it fully to the practical wants of the German Reformed Church. One of the committee, ''K," wrote to the author of this book that at the committee meeting, Fisher, Kremer and him- 376 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. self were of one mind that the questions of the constitution should be inserted in the liturgy. But at the synod Dr. Ger- hart, the chairman, came to him and said he had mislaid the report and that he would make up a report from memory, which he did. And it was received by the synod as above, but it w^as not really the original report of the committee, for it did not report the insertion of the questions of the con- stitution into the liturgy. The report led to considerable discussion. In it, the member of the committee just referred to. says that Har])augli opposed the insertion of the questicms of the constitution into the liturgy. He ridiculed those (juestions and declared he always had felt it blasphemy to ask them. (Tliis was pretty strong language from one who had signed the constitution and prom- ised to uphold it. But those were the days of strong lan- guage.— A.) The following resolutions were then substituted in the place of the report of the committee, and adopted : Eesolved, That the Provisional Liturgy be submitted to the several classes of this synod for their examination, and that they report their views upon the same to the next meeting of synod. Eesolved, That, in the meantime, the attention of tlie niiiiistors of tiiis synod Ix; directed to the constitutional requirements in the ndininistra- tion of baptism and confirmation. The only proper thing was for the synod to live up to its constitution. The constitution and not the liturgy is the guide to the Church. The supreme court of our country, says the writer we have just quoted, would i-idicule any other idea than living up to the constitution. It would decide that any one coming into the Reformed Church must come in accord- ing to the constitution or else remain outside, and that any one joining Church without answering the (juestions in the constitution, would have no Church or property rights and could never be disciplined simply ])eeauso tliey were uncon- stitutionally admitted. The connnittee on the German translation reported 1h;it llie revision had not been fully completed, but submitted sevi^-al of the forms for inspection. The fii-m of Kieft'er & Co. would not i»ut)lish it at their own risk, but would do so on re.ison- The Provisional TjIturgy and Its Results. 377 able terms, or the firm of Lindsay & Blakeston would publish it if synod would do as had been done with the English liturgy, guarantee the sale of 3,000 copies. The synod ordered the committee to have it pul)lished and issued in provisional form, but would not be held responsible for the cost of the publication. The report of the sale of the English liturgy was also made, — that 3,000 copies had l^cen sold, the committee receiving from Lindsay & Blal^ on the C-hui-ch that it did not want. We reply to Dr. Appel that this does not prove that. It is rather a proof of what Dr. Nevin so often said that the Church did not have such a liturgical spirit as would m.ike a liturgy successful. It reveals that Nevin realized llie yrvy strong opposition there was to a liturgy in our Chui'cli. This was the reason why lie had no faith in it. lie himself was. as we havi' seen fi'oiu the first, i'avora])le to a litiu"gy. I)i'. SchatT at this synod also wanted to resign from the liturgical conunittee after the synod was ended. The correspondent of tlu^ WrslcDi 3Iissl<)iteck, chairmnn. • 2. On the Tercentenary Offering, Foulk, chairman. Tercentenary op Heidelberg Catechism. 421 3. On Unappropriated Fimds, T. G. Apple, chairman. 4. To prepare a paper on the best methods of continuing and developing the spirit of liberality manifested in the Church during the past year, Harbaugh, chairman. Reports were then received of the Tercentenary operations in each classis. A committee was appointed to report on the theological and religious aspect of the church in the Tercen- tenary year, Porter, chairman. Another committee was ap- pointed to consider the propriety of founding a third pro- fessorship in the seminary, Schaff, chairman. Harbaugh was inaugurated professor of theology during its sessions. The Committee on Census found itself unable to report on accoimt of imperfect data and was continued. The Commit- tee on the theological and religious aspects of the Tercenten- ary reported that it had awakened the Church to greater historic consciousness, that the Heidelberg Catechism had been clothed with new honor and authority, that the Apostles' Creed was the basis and ruling power of the catechism. It had produced two important works, the Triglott edition of the Catechism and the Tercentenary ]\Ionument, also enlarged en- dowment funds of literary and theological institutions and it had increased their efficiency and brought the Church to a clearer consciousness of her mission. The committee on Ter- centenary contributions reported that as far as reported there were $103,018.43,* but this would yet be considerably in- creased. The conunittee reported favorably on a third pro- fessorship in the seminary, to be known as the Tercentenary professorship, and it was ordered that undesignated funds be appropriated to that object. The treasurer of Franklin and Marshall College reported at the end of the year the re- ceipt of $36,596 from the Tercentenary offerings. A number of subjects, however, were left unfinished, and were turned over to the next synod to complete such as the census, the Tercentenary professorship, etc. The convention set September 15, 1864, as the time for the closing of the receipts for the Tercentenary fund. It also passed a vote of ^Messenger, June 1, 18G4. 422 History of Reformed Church ix the U. S. sympathy for the Reformed Clmrch in Austria, wliich, for the first time in three centuries, was allowed to hold a synod. It also noted the 300th anniversary of Calvin (1564). At this conference, advantage was again taken of tiie Tercen- tenary to aid the jVIercer.sburg theology as much as possible. A series of resolutions was passed. They are as follows : "Our Tercentenary jubilee has served a wholesome purpose in re- newing for our ecclesiastical consciousness, a proper sense of what is comprehended in our confessional title "Eeformed, " as related origin- ally to Lutheranism in one direction and to the Catholic Church of the olden time in the other. 2. It is an argument of sound and right historical feeling in this case that the beginnings of our Church life are referred not simply to the epoch- and crisis of the Reformation but through that also to the original form of Christianity as it existed in the first ages. 3. The true genius and spirit of our Church in this respect, as shown by the plan which is assigned to the Apostles' Creed in the Heidelberg Catechism, where it is plainly assumed that the creed in its proper historical sense is to be considered of fundamental authority for the Reformed faith. 4. It is a matter for congratulation that our growing sympathy with the Apostles' Creed is attended with a growing power of appreciation among us also of that Christological way of looking at the doctrines of Christianity, which has come to characterize all the Evangelical theology of Germany in our time; and by which only it would seem the objective and subjective (in other words the churchly and experimental) sides of the Gospel can be brought into true harmony with each other." These articles thus drawn up and adopted were referred to the next synod. The synod of 1864 adopted them and, as Apple says of it in the Messenger, Fehru^ry 20, 1867, "Thus the Church unanimously endorsed at the close of the Tercenten- ary year jubilee the theology which is taught in the Church." What he means by this is explained by a previous paragraph in the same article which said that IMercersburg theology is the only theolog>' that has been taught in the Clmrch since the removal of our institutions to Mercersburg some thirty years ago. lie therefore argues that the Church adopted and en- dorsed officially the IMei-ccrsburg tlieology. We have called attention previously to the fjilsity of this statement of Apple. Mercersburg Theology was not taught since the removal Tercentenary of IlEiDEiiBERG Catechism. 423 of tlie institutions to Mercersburg. Neither Ranch or even Nevin in his first years at IMercersburg taught the Mercers- burg theok)gj^, as it did not develop until Schaff came (1844). Apple is also wrong in claiming that this action of the synod of 1864 conmiitted the Church officially to Mercersburg theology. These resolutions are a very vague statement and show no endorsement of anything but " Christocentric tlie- olt»gy)" which is not by any means the peculiarity of Mercers- burg theology, but of nuich theology that never knew Mercers- burg. That Christocentric view was first emphasized by Schliermacher, whose theology difi^ered widely from Nevinism. Those resolutions describe rather a general theological move- ment than that of a particular school like Mercersburg. So these resolutions can not be taken as an endorsement of IMer- cersburg theology because they do not state the peculiar doc- trines of that theology. Yet this was the nearest the synod ever got to officially adopting Mercersburg teachings. The truth was that at that time a large part of the synod had not yet accepted Mercersbu-rg views and never did accept them. And the Mercersburg men were later willing to make the as- sertion that the Reformed Church never adopted Mercersburg theology officially. Certain it is that whatever the action of the Eastern synod of 1864 meant, Mercersburg theology never was officially adopted by the General Synod of our Church when it came into being later. So that it can not be claimed that Mercersburg theology is the theology of the Re- formed Church. At the present time, many of the graduates of Mercersburg and Lancaster, who no longer subscribe to the Mercersburg shibboleth of Nevinism, can rejoice with us, that it never was made the official theology of the German Re- formed Church. BOOK III. The Second Liturgical Controversy (The Contro- versy About the Order of Worship). CHAPTER I. The New "Order of AYorsiiip." Section 1. The Preparation of the New Liturgy. The Eastern synod of 1SG4 accepted the instructions of the General Synod and appointed a connnittee to revise the Pro- visional liturg5^ It, however, appointed the old liturgical committee, merely filling the vacancies caused by death. Thus Hefner's place was filled by T. G. Apple, and Elder William Heyser's by Elder L. H. Steiner. The synod also elected Gans a professor of Biblical exegesis on the Tercentenarj' Fund, but he was to take his place only when the sufficient funds had been collected. He, however, never entered on the office, as sufficient funds were never gathered. And when the next effort was made for an addition to the seminary faculty it was by an addition of a Hebrew tutor. The liturgical committee had repeated meetings. The com- pleted liturgy was presented to the Eastern synod of 1866. Bomberger, as a minority member of the committee, presented a paper to the synod on the subject of the liturgy. But he later withdrew it, when synod agreed to have it stated in tlie minutes that such a paper had been presented. The com- mittee of the synod (m the liturgy submitted four resolutions, the first expressing thanks to God, the second thank-s to the committee. The third was the one omitted in tlie final action, namely, that we approve of the revised liturgy and recom- mend it to General Synod." Tbis was amended into the action that the revised liturgy be referred to the General Synod for acti(m and that in the meantime the optional use 424 The New "Order op Worship." 425 of the Revised liturgj^ be authorized instead of the Provisional within the bomids of the Eastern synod until the question be finally settled by the classes and the General Synod, according to the constitution. The vote was 53 for this action to 14 against. The liturgical committee was then discharged. The opponents of the liturgy strongly opposed this action as giving some sort of approval of the liturgy, and as prejudging the case before the General Synod had acted on it. But it was explicitly stated that tlie permission to optional use should have no such construction. And yet Nevin, at the next Gen- eral Synod, claimed that tlie synod had endorsed the com- mittee and accepted in full its action. The debate on the liturgy was very heated. Bomberger, says an eye witness (K.), was frequently interrupted by a number of his opponents and the president of the synod gave him no protection against them. At one time he fairly reeled in the chancel and placing his hands on his forehead as if in extreme pain, he besought the brethren to give him a fair chance to speak. Elder Rudolph Kelker, when he arose to speak in behalf of the elders against the new liturgy, suffered all sorts of indignities from his opponents. (Although Dr. Nevin came to him afterward and congratulated him on his remarks.) Tlie interruptions were so great when he began his remarks that he said quietly ''that if the seminary created the spirit manifested on this occasion, then it was a golden age of the Church when we had no seminary." In his re- marks, he turned to Dr. Schaff, who sat near him and asked him whether or not the Reformed Church of Switzerland and Germany had such a responsive service as the Order of Wor- ship. Dr. Schaff replied emphatically that there was no such liturgy in the Reformed Churches of Europe and added with deep emotion, laying his hand on his breast as he did it. "Who does not know that the warm outgushing of the heart is better than any form of prayer prepared by another." (Dr. Schaff seems to have forgotten for the moment his high-churchism as his memory went back to his early Reformed home and simple Reformed worship beyond the sea at Chur in Switzer- land. 426 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. Section 2. "The Revised Liturgy" by Bomberger. Rev. Pres. J. H. A. Bomberger, D. D. About six weeks after the meeting of the Eastern synod in 1866 and before the session of the General Synod, Bomberger published this pamphlet. It was written, he says, at the re- quest of a number of elders present at the Eastern synod of 1866.* lie cbarged the Eevised liturgy (Order of Worship) with being a liturgical revolution. He does not, he says, charge an ecclesiastical ('.onsi)iracy to foist a liturgy on the Church, but the effect of such a niovpinent may be felt even with no antecedent purpose to produce it. He described the Reformed ('hurch in this country as having been moder- ately but decidedly Calvinistic. Tt observed five of the Church festivals only. It used free prayer at the Lord's day services and liturgical forms only for the sacraments, etc. This had been the custom from 1730 on. He then gives an excellent history of the liturgical movement since 1847. Speaking of the liturgical committee when it met in 1861 to revise the Provisional liturgy, he says it was found that there were two parties, one wanting a pulpit-liturgy, the other an altar-liturgy, the first be- lieving that the Provisional liturgy could be altered by taking out the objectionable ]):nts, the other claiming it was such an organic unity *The first edition was exhausted in four days. The New "Order of Worship." 427 that this could not be done. To cap the climax Nevin published in 1862, as the report of the conimiLtee to the synod his pamphlet, "The Litur- gical Question," which was: 1. A violent and wholesale assault on free prayer. 2. A contemptuous condemnation of the Palatinate and other Ee- forined liturgies. 3. A eulogistic vindication of an extremely responsive order of ritual- ism. Pulpit liturgies were called pseudo-liturgies (false liturgies), etc. Bomberger's charges against the liturgical committee were: 1. That it violated the instructions given to it, in the external struc- ture and form of its leading services, (a) in the multiplication of re- sponses. While the synod of 1852 enlarged the liberty of the com- mittee, yet its work was to have special reference to the Palatinate and other Refonned liturgies which were not responsive. Thus, in the regular service of the Lord's day in the Order of Worship there are eighteen responses, beside the confession of sin. Creed, Gloria and Lord's Prayer. In the evening service there are seventeen responses and the Creed and Lord's Prayer. In the preparatory services there were thirty responses, including the litany; at the Lord's Supper, twenty-nine, without counting the Nicene Creed, Gloria in Excelsis, Seraphic hymn and Te Deum or Ambrosian hymn, which last contains fifteen long responses. It has more responses than the Episcopalian liturgy, (b) It violates the instructions of the synod of 1852 by not allowing room for free prayer. 2. He then passes over to an examination of its internal structure or ruling spirit and genius. The instructions of the synod of 1852 were that it should be essentially and generically Reformed. He quotes the Church-historians, Hase, Kurtz, Hagenbach and Nitzch, to prove' that the Reformed worship was simple and without responses or altar. He also quotes the Ee formed KircJienseitiing of Germany, the official paper of our Church there, which in November, 1859, declared that our Re- formed worship was without responses and special altar service. The Order, he says, cast out the "table" from the Reformed liturgies and put the altar in. The "declaration of pardon" in the "Palatinate liturgy was to weak penitents who were already pardoned, and was usually called in Germany "the assurance of comfort," but it was not intended to convey pardon as docs the Order of Worship. Instead of making the Lord's Supper a memorial as in the Palatinate liturgy, the Order makes it the offering up of a sacrifice in which they present an ofi'ering to God. As Nevin says, the new liturgy is not patterned after any in use in the Reformed Church in the United States or elsewhere. Its doctrinal points were as objectionable as its liturgical, as 1. Its teaching of the relation of Christ's glorified body to the be- liever. 428 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. 2, That the sacraments work regenerating grace through the Holy Spirit, whereas the catechism says it is by the Word. The effects of the introJiiction of this liturgy will be a radical change : (1) in worship, (2) in the conceptions of Christianity and the Church, (3) in the fundamental doctrines of the Church, (4) the substitution of the altar and the priesthood and the subordination of preaching in our services, (5) greater diversity in worship, (6) discord in the Church, (7) decay of the Church. The remedy is a revision, Avhich will take out all objectionable forms and phrases. These changes would not exceed twenty pages. Comparing it with the Provisional liturgy which had preceded it, it was even more ritualistic. That was a double liturgy, containing both an altar- and a pulpit-liturgy. Of the 31 forms, 27 were cast after the model of the Eeformed Church. In the Order, every vestige of these 27 forms were eliminated; and the four, most at variance with the Re- formed liturgies were retained. On the other hand, its objectionable features were intensified. The committee did what they had before said could not be done. They tore the Provisional liturgy to pieces and changed its parts. The two liturgies — the Provisional and the Order — differ both in inward and outward arrangement. Section 3. The General Synod of 1866. The General Synod met at Dayton.* Rev. Dr. Zacharias was elected president. lie had always been considered as be- longing to the Old Reformed party, but here he gave the con- trol of the synod to the Mercersburg men. It received the reports of both synods on the liturgj^ The Ohio synod, hav- ing received permission of the previous General Synod to prepare a liturgy, did so and now reported that it was busy at work but had not j^et completed it. The Eastern synod pre- sented the Order of Worship. Hoth reports were referred to a special eommiltce. This committee could not agree and so brought in a majority and minority report. The majority recommended that the Order of Worship 1)e liandiMl down to the Church for optional use. The minority opposed this, be- cause the Order, they said, made essential changes in worship and doctrine and it was, therefore, imsafe and unwise to do this even for optional use. The minoi-ity report also stated *In the Lutheran Church, as the Reformed Church was not yet finished. The New "Order op Worship." 429 fifteen objections to the Order, whieli were summed up by Prof. J. li. Good,* its leader. A long discussion followed, which lasted two days.f In it, in reply to a charge made that the high-churchmen had gotten so high as already to have bishops, J. II. Wagner tried to ex- plain away the charge by J. II. Good that the Order led to episcopacy because Westmoreland classis already had a bishop. The name of superintendent was first proposed, Init it was not considered churchly enough, as we have superintendents of oil companies. But bishop is Scriptural and was, therefore, used. The ministers are all bishops and the missionary bishop (such as they have in Westmoreland classis) is not above the rest of the clergy. In the discussion. Dr. Fisher also explained v^ why he had opposed the Provisional liturgy but now endorsed the Order; for he says he had been charged with being a traitor. The Provisional liturgy, he said, had no unity in it. This is a unit, — one system — one order of w^orship. It is far better than the Provisional and is the result of a compromise. Apple said, "It is for them (the churches) to determine whether they will accept it or not and use it." Gans said, ' ' We owe it to the people to say whether they want it. ' ' Ger- hart declared "It must be submitted to the people." Russell said, "Let the liturgy go to the churches for optional vise and trial." All these leaders of the high-church party thus granted at that time that the use of the liturgy must be de- cided by the congregation. We shall see how by and by they later advanced beyond this position. When the vote was taken, the majority report had seven majority (6-4-57). A change of four votes would have changed the result. Rust says| ' ' that one large classis in the West was *The J. H. Good so often mentioned in this book is not tlio author of this book, but his uncle. The initials of tiieir names are so alike that they are often confused with each other. The writer was then only a young man, not in the ministry yet. lie refers to this because he does not want to seem to be quoting himself so often, as would appear to any one who confuses his uncle's name with himself. fFor this discussion, see the Messenger and Christian World, 1866-7. tChristian World, February 28, 1867. 430 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. not represented at all and several by only one pastor. If the western delegation had been full, the old R'." lie says: Bomberger 's tract will do harm Vjv charging the liturgy as a great fraud, palmed off on the Church by the liturgical committee. Bom- berger's tract had been published just before the General Synod so as to influence its members against the Order of Worship. Dr. Nevin then tries to answer, what he calls Bomberger's charge of conspiracy, that the friends of the liturgy and the liturgical committee had all along been trying to palm off a liturgy on the Church and thus make the Church liturgical, — that the liturgical committee continually went contrary to the wish of the synod. He divided his tract into two parts : 1. Historical Vindication; 2. Theological Vindication. In the first he denied that the liturgical committee had gone ahead of or against the wishes of, the synod. He claimed that the synod of 1852 gave authority to the liturgical committee to go back of the Eeformation to the early liturgies. Bomberger had charged them with asking for the provisional use of this liturgy, because they felt the liturgy would be too extreme. He claimed over against Bomberger that the liturgical committee had merely fulfilled the wishes of synod by following the ancient creeds and by its provisional introduction. He gives the his- tory of its inception: "We started in 1849, the committee and synod having in mind at that time almost entirely the notion simply of a book of forms for the pulpit. But we Avere gradually carried beyond this to a liturgy belonging to the altar. The pulpit-liturgy gradually, by plastic force of sentiment, ran into an altar-liturgy." He differed from Bomberger by claiming that the Provisional liturgy was prevail- ingly an altar-liturgy and not a pulpit-liturgy. Instead of the synod being out of sympathy with the liturgical committee, the synod showed its confidence in the liturgical committee by re-appointing it twice to do the work (in 1861 and again in 1864), and finally fully approved its last work. After such an effort to prepare a liturgy lasting seventeen years, the effort of the minority at the General Synod of 1866 to set it aside was absurd and monstrous. He charges that it was an attempt of the West to rule the East. He then attacks the liturgical material pre- pared by the West as "botched stuff," and ridicules the report of its committee. Bomberger's tract failed to have any effect, he said, on the eastern delegates at the General Synod, as they all favored the Order except Bomberger and his colleagues, two of whom were from North Carolina. He called these North Carolinians "ciphers" (a charge which Dr. Welker never forgot. — A.) The vote of the General Synod was not 432 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. intended as an endorsement, but only so that the Order might have fair-play. In the Theological Vindication, he says that in the discussion at General Synod, he was surprised that so little stress was laid on points of ritual, as the responses, and that the discussion related mainly to the theological character of the Order of Worship. The reigning tlieology of the liturgy was: 1. Christological or Christoceutric. 2. It moved in the bosom of the Apostles' Creed. 3. It was objective and historical. Such a Churchly theology is always sacramental. He then attacks his anti-liturgical opponents, as he calls them, and calls them rationalizing, subjective and making the doctrine of assurance out of their own fancy. As to ordination, the choice is between a theorj' that ordination is nothing and one that holds it carries force. Transmission flows through ordination, — actual investiture of office, — the sacramental seal of the heavenly commission. As to confession and absolution, are they nothing but declarations of what is plainly true. The objection to this is due to the rationaliz- ing spirit of his opponents. As to baptism, he was surprised at the statement of Eust, a professor of theology, which was blank Pelagian- ism, because he could not go with the statement of the liturgy that children were under the power of the devil. As to its teaching bap- tismal regeneration, the liturgy avoids the phrase because it is ambigu- ous; but it teaches the reality of sacramental grace. It does not mean that baptism converts the baptized by magic but that it imparts grace. As to the doctrine of the Lord's Sujjper, that it taught a real union of Christ with the elements, all he had to say was that that doctrine was "Reformed and Calvinistic. Nevin's "Vindication of the Liturgy" was reviewed by Williard in the Western Missionary. He says it is not a vindication, but a vindictive assault on Nevin's opponents. The Order had been described as an inno- cent little infant. But lo, within three months after General Synod, it had risen up brandishing its sword. He utterly denied the charge of Nevin that Bomberger and the eastern opponents of the liturgy had formed a conspiracy with the West to win a political game at the last General Synod. Nevin speaks very disrespectfully of the liturgical work of the Western synod when he calls it "botched stuff." He insulted the North Carolina delegates })y representing them as "cijdiers. " Boiiilx'i'gcr replied, in ]\hiy ])y his tract "Reformed not Ritualistie," written at tlie recpiest of a number of laymen, who declared thai Xe\in had grossly and personally abused him. The New "Order of Worship." 433 He has a brief introduction in which he says that IVevin at the General Synod had utilized the occasion for a personal attack on him. He also refers to Nevin 's attack on the Western delegates in his Vindication and to Harbaugh's hoMing up the Palatinate liturgy to public ridicule in its absolution, or, as it was properly called, fonuula "for comforting peni- tents. ' ' After fhis introduction, he replies : (1) To Nevin, denying that he had ever charged the liturgical com- mittee with a conspiracy and referred to his tract, "The Revised Lit- urgy" (page 9) as disclaiming it. But ho granted that he had charged three things: A. Disobedience of the committee to the Eastern synod 's instruc- tions. B. Persevering attempts to introduce ritualism. C. Desire to secure delay. The synods of 1849, 1852 and 1861 had enjoined at least equal regard for Reformed liturgies of the sixteenth century to which the committee paid no regard. (2) To NeA-in's attack on him for his inconsistency (that he had approved of Nevinism in 1853 and the Provisional liturgy in 1857, and yet attacked it in 1862. He says that in his first article in the Mercersbitrg Review (1853), he had already expressed decided dissent on some points with Nevin. He had early objected to certain forms in the Provisional liturgy, but had been answered that they could be omitted. He then turns on Nevin, saying that he too was quite inconsistent. 1. In 1840-7 he was quite favorable to the spirit of the Reforma- tion, but in 1862-3 unfavorable to the Reformation and inclined to go back to the early Church. In 1844 he was against the Christianity of the second century and in 1866-7 decidedly for it. 2. In 1844 he was against genuflections and prostrations and ritual, and in 1862-3 very much in favor of them. Yet Nevin said at the General Synod at Dayton, "I stand whore I did while professor at Mercersburg. ' ' 3. Nevin 's third attack on him had been for factiousness. Nevin had spoken of Bomberger and his friends as a miserable faction of the East- ern . synod. This he denies. His party was not a faction, for the Order had not yet been endorsed at all. At the Eastern synod of 1866 the synod had been careful to say that its action was not an endorse- ment; and at General Synod, Gans said in the discussion, "We want no authority to go with the book. No endorsement is sought. We are not yet prepared for that point." The phrase of General Synod's action, ' ' an order of worship proper to be used, ' ' does not therefore carry with it any endorsement. Yet Nevin quotes it as endorsed. How could his party be factious against the Order when the Order was not yet officiallv endorsed bv the Church. 434 History op Reformed Church in the U. S. He then takes up again the history of the liturgical movement. He claimed that on five points, the liturgical committee violated the instruc- tions of the synod of 1852 and gives facts to prove it. He closes by stating the differences between the two systems of liturgy. 1. The Order is responsive. These are said to be unimportant, but it is a scheme to sever our Church from its historic past. 2. The Order destroys the personal relation of the believer to Christ. This is taken away by its teaching of the priesthood of the ministry, which was the Jewish idea, not Christian. 3. The Order is ritualistic. The difference between liturgical and ritualistic is that the former refers to the use of suitable forms and uses only those as are indispensable, the latter invests these forms with extra drapery and ceremonies, "risings and bowings," as Nevin said; "also turning of all faces toward the altar as the shekinah forth from which must radiate continually the glory of God's house."* 4. The Order lays emphasis on the objective and outward in worship to the disparagement of the subjective and experimental. By exalting the sacraments, it lowers the authority of the Word of God. 5. The Order excludes free prayer. He concludes by replying to Nevin 's Theological Vindication of the Order, where he made God in Christ central. This is no peculiarity of Mercersburg theology. This was firmly taught by the Eeformed Church long before Nevin came into our Church. In reply to Nevin 's statement that this Christocentric theology is founded on the Creed, he answers by attacking Nevin 's view of the organic unity of the Creed. Nevin had declared that the clauses of the Creed were organically arranged, gradually rising through the Father, Son and Spirit to the Church — that it was significant that the clause about the Church came before that of forgiveness of sin, thus showing that forgiveness of sin comes through the Church. Bomberger shows that the clauses came into it at different intervals and some as late as the eighth century. The clause ' ' I believe in the Holy Catholic Church left off ' ' Catholic ' ' until 400 to 500 B. C. And that article, instead of being placed after I be- lieve in Christ and also the Holy Ghost (of which Nevin makes so much) was often placed last in the Creed. The forgiveness of sins often preceded the article on the Church. As to Nevin 's third characteristic of the Order that it made religion objective and historical, he replies that our catechism emphasized the subjective. (Answer 20, "receive all these benefits by a true faith.") Before closing, he defends Rust from Nevin 's charge of being a Pe- lagian. Rust did not deny original sin, as did the Pelagians. But he was opposing the view of the Order that the children of believers are as much under the power of the devil as those of unbelievers. Their high view of baptism tends to exorcism. He quotes from a leading *Liturgical Question, page 29. The New ''Order of Worship." 435 Mercersburg writer: "A sinner may be penitent for his sins, but until he has received baptism as God's act of remission for him he has no assurance of remission. And when after baptism he sins through in- firmity, he can not be sure of pardon till his absolution is spoken, sealed and signed by Christ by means of a divine act through the Church. "How different this from the .56th answer of the catechism. The ordination service of the Order is to be considered as the min- ister's actual investiture with the very power of the office itself, the sacramental seal of their heavenly commission — appointed to offer up before Him the prayers of the people — charged with the government of the Church and the proper use of it — discipline in the way of cen- sure and absolution according to Matthew 16: 18. At the question of ordination, he receives, through the laying on of hands, the gift and grace of the Holy Spirit. The Baptismal formula says: "You present this child and do seek the new spiritual life of the Holy Ghost through the sacrament of baptism which Christ hath established for the communi- cation of such great grace." In the Lord's Supper, the well-known phrases are not found as "his broken body" and "shed blood." The memorial aspect of the Lord's Supper is left out or minimized. CHAPTER 11. The Action of the General Synod of lS6d on Both Liturgies. Section 1. Liturgical Events in the P]ast (1866-9). In 1866 appeared the first eonipendium of Mercersburg The- ology. Nevin had developed its doctrines on the Lord's Sup- per and the Church. Gradually other doctrines had heen de- veloped, as baptism. But there was no book that compre- hended them all in a system. As a good deal of their theology was speculative, it was all the more important that some au- thoritative work on it should be published. This, "Mercers- burg and Modern Theology Contrasted." by Rev. Samuel Miller, aimed to do. It was a compend of considerable value. ]\Iiller Avas a man of some ability and aimed at profundity. He had been a minister of the Evangelical Association, but had been greatly impressed by Schaff's inaugural address. "The Principle of Protestantism." Captivated by the new ideas of historical development, he entered the ministry of our Church and was made one of tlie editors of the Church papers ill the East, the Messenger and Kirehenzeifung. His book is a fair summary of Mercersl)urg theology, but he fearfully mis- states the positions of Evangelical theology, wliicli lie here calls Modem Thi^ology. He believes the latter to be rational- izing. And yet his l)ook was not accepted by the iMercersburg theologians. On the contrary, it was quite severely criticised by the Mcrccrshurg Review in 1867. It says, "IMilb^r had not properly mastered the Mercersburg theology, as on the doctrine of the new creation, faith and the evidence of Chris- tianity. In his doctrine of the trinity he imported views from somewhere else than Mercersburg. It calls Miller's idea of tlie trinity and his trinitarian views of the Church fanciful. 436 General Synod op 1869. 437 Rev. G. R. RiLsscll later (18G9), in his "Creeds and Cus- toms," gave a brief epitome of INtercersbiirg theology which was more satisfactory to them. On January 14, the consistory of St. Paul 's congregation at Lancaster took action against the Order of Worship, de- claring that as it would })roduee a radic-al change in the doctrine and genius of the Reformed Church, it ordered that when a liturgy was used it should be the Palatinate. This action led to the resignation of their pastor (Rev. H. Mosser), who publicly, in the Messenger, declared that this action was taken in his absence and met with his disapproval. Rev. Mr. Ileilman introduced the liturgy into the Jones- to\\Ti congregation, claiming that in doing so he was carrying out the wishes of the General Synod. Yet the action of the General Synod as interpreted by the liturgical leaders at that synod, was one of permission and not of adoption. Rev. T. J. Johnson says the liturgy should be left to the people to express their opinion. S. W. later asks where can the people meet to express their opinion. Classis and con- sistory and congregation, the liturgists say, have no jurisdic- tion, for they declare that the General Synod alone has juris- diction. In February, 1867, there was a conference of the old Re- formed or low-church party, held at the house of Emanuel Kelker at Ilarrisburg, says Ilelffrich.* It was there decided: 1. To call a general conference of those opposed to the liturgy. 2. To found a college. (This was necessary, as the Order of Worship had been introduced at the College at Lancaster.) 3. To start a monthly to defend their principles,. As a result, the Eeformed Church Monthly began in 1868. The constitutional question about the liturgy was now com- ing to the front more and more, — how the liturgj' was to be introduced; whether by the pastor alone or also by the consent of the consistory and congregation. The former was the prac- tice of the high-churchmen, the latter the claim of the low- churchmen. The plan of the Old Reformed now was to get the dasses to adopt an action requiring the consistory and •Autobiography, page 377. 438 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. congregation to decide whether tlie Order should be intro- duced. We will see how they acted on it. On May 10, Zion 's classis took action on the introduction of the liturgy. It forbade it to be introduced into any of its congregations without first obtaining the consent of the ma- jority of the members of the consistory and of the congrega- tion. It declared that it looked with regret on its exclusive use in the Theological seminary at Mereersburg and the col- lege at Lancaster, contrary to the wishes of a large part of the ministry. It asked synod to take action to secure their rights in these institutions. It expressed itself strongly against the Messenger for its partisan advocacy of the liturgical move- ment and also against the Mercershurg Review for the same reason. Philadelphia classis took the same action as Zion's about the introduction of the liturgy into the congregations. These two classes seem to have been under the control of the Old Re- formed party. But these efforts of the anti-liturgical men to get these actions taken by the classes produced a reaction and led some of the other classes to take action very favorable to the in- troduction of the Order of Worship. Before East Pennsyl- vania classis met, a conference was held at Allentown with Rev. Mr. Phillips, where Bomberger brought the action of the Pliiladclphia and North Carolina classes against the liturgy. This classis did not follow this low-church action but approved of General Synod making the use of the Order optional and requested pastors to circuhite it among their members so as to afford them an opportunity to become acciuainted with the work. It asked that the Order be translated into Clcniiaii for use in their Pennsylvania-German congregations. Mereersburg classis (May 17) took favorable action on the Order, that it was eminently adapted to the wants of the Church. It rejoiced at the favor Avith whidi it was ))eing re- ceived and recommended it to the people. Lancaster classis (June 27) took favorable action on it. It directed pastors and consistories to adopt proper measures to bring the Order to the knowledge of their congregations. It General Synod of 1860. 439 approved of the efforts of the pastors? to try it in the full M'orship of the sanctuary as an act of respect to the synod and an act of justice to the people. But it said it had no idea of forcing it on the people. Gans has an article* defending the action of these classes. He says : "The General Synod allowed the Order to go down to the Churches as 'an order of worship proper to be used in the congregation and families of the Reformed Church.' General Synod felt itself incompetent to send it down for trial directly to the people. Some say the majority of the consistory and of the congregation must agree to its use before it can be introduced. This, he says, is a false application of the majority rule. If this rule applies, it follows that synod has no legitimate power to recommend anything for trial directly to the congregation except as each congregation by a majority vote shall agree to the trial. Is not this preposterous, he asks, to the last degree. No such majority either of consistory or congregation is required to carry out any experimental design of the synod. Is it fair, honorable and manly to kill the liturgy by requiring a majority rule to ajiply to it, even before a trial is made of its merits in the congregation. (This is the opposite of what he had said before that General Synod. But in it all, we see the high-church views of Church-law coming out more and more. — A.) "Lex and Law" says, in the Messenger, ' ' To force the Order into use or out of use is against the wish of General Synod. The congregation and consistory could not prevent its optional use, if the pastor were in favor of it and they opposed ; but a prudent man would not use it. He denounced the efforts made to raise prejudice against it. He claimed that the constitu- tion does not plainly in Article 80 give the order by which any ordinances as the liturgy is to be adopted. There is not a word about the neces- sity of submitting it to classis. There is nothing in the constitution to prevent the General Synod making it optional for twenty years if it sees fit. By June, the editor of the Messenger, fearing the result of further discussion on the liturgy, closed his columns to it. Perhaps this was due to the attack made on him hy Zion's classis for so strongly advocating the liturgy. On Deceml)er 18, 1867, Rev. Prof. H. Ilarbaugh, D.D., died ' at Mercersburg. His death was a severe loss to the liturgical party. In many respects he was the leading mind of the Mercersburg theologians. Dr. Nevin founded the theology, *Messenger, June 19. 440 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. but he never systeniatizod it. This Harbaugh did in a mas- terly way in his lectures on theology. Were these published, they would give the best sunnnary of j\Iercersburg theology. A criticism has been passed on his theological work — the same as was made on the German theologian Lange, by whom he was greatly influenced, — that he was too much of a poet to be a theologian and too much of a theologian to lie a poet. Rev. Prof. H. Harbaugh, D. D. IIar))augh added to the dogmatic mind a rcmai-l^alih^ a'sthctie taste as is shown by his poems and hymns. cspcM-ially his im- mortal hymn, "Jesus, I live to Thee." which was written especially to embody the idea of Christ's life as revealed in the Mercersburg doctrine of the theanthropic life. This aesthetic taste led him to formulate the worshiji and archi- tecture of the Mercersburg movement. The introduction of the high-altar into our churches, thus setting the jiulpit (which was always the main object in the Reformed Church) to tlu! side, and the early (^lu-istmas (liturgical) service are illustrations of this. He, too, it was who led in the new ideas of Church government with the high synodical antliority General Synod op 1869. 441 ("the voice of the Church is tlie voice of God"). This can all he traced to an article of his in the Mercershurg Beview of 1860 on ''Reformed Synods." lie thus represents all the phases of the Mercershurg Movement, dogmatic, liturgical and constitutional, all of which reveal his eminent ability and versatility of mind. ) Gans wrote in 1868 on " Troulilcrs in the Cluircli," saying that the ('hui\'h was tired of controversj^, charging that those opposed to the Order were the troublers in Israel and threatening them with the exercise of Church authority. Wiiliard replies that the Mercersburg men were the feal troublers because they brought in a liturgy that was not Eeformed and was some- thing new and this Nevin himself admits in "The Liturgical Question." Besides, General Synod gave no sanction to the Order of Worship. Has Gans forgotten what he said at the General Synod of 1866, "We owe it to the people to say what they mean. ' ' In the Ilevietv of July, 1868, Russell had an article on "The Faith of Christ," in which he tried to objectify faith just as Mercersburg Theology had been doing with the Church and the sacraments. Faith is a difficult thing to objectify because it is so subjective and per- sonal, or at least that is the Old Reformed view of it. But Russell claimed that the faith of Christ was the living active principle that controlled his being. This faith of Christ comes before our faith in. (!hrist. We must be partakers of the faith of Christ before we can have faith in him. This faith of the Son of God is made over to us through his divine-human life. This article was severely attacked in the Eeformed Church Monthly by Bomberger, who said that the Eeformed view was. that faith was a personal act of ours, (Answer 21 of the catechism — "an assured confidence" — "in my heart") and that faith was not transferable because a personal thing. This view of Russell 's, like the rest of Mercersburg, tended to make salvation an outward pro- cess by the Church and sacraments through which the faith of Christ was nuide over to us. West Susquehanna elassis passed five resolutions against the Old Keformed party in 1869. These resolutions reflect un- boimded confidence in Dr. Nevin, declare that the doctrines of the Order was orthodox and Reformed and recommend it for general use. They request the Eastern synod to call the op- posers of the Order of Worship to account, if they do not cease their activity. 442 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. Gans published (1869) "Gospel Lessons according to the Church Year" — a question book for higher classes in the Simday school, — a stepping stone to the Church. This Avas intended, like the child's catechism, the Golden Censor, the Sunday school prayer-book and hymn-book of Harbaugh be- fore it, to aid in making our young people liturgical. In 1870 he published another volume, "Epistle Lessons," with the same end in view. But both books had a very limited circu- lation. "Whitmer began a series of articles on the liturgy in 1869 in which he tried to show where it came from. He tried to make out that it was Reformed. He compared it with the Pa- latinate. Prof. J. H. Good replied that the synod of Wesel, 1568, ordered free prayer. Free prayer did not come from the separatist Labadie as the liturgists had claimed. Calvin had all prayers free but one. Section 2. Lay-Baptism (1866-70). During this controversy an interesting development of Mer- cersburg theology began to appear. We have noted how that theologj^ began with the Lord's Supper and only later began to develop its views about baptism, by applying the objective to it as it had to the Lord's Supper. By this time their view of the outward form has become so high that they were led into collision with the old Reformed view about lay bap- tism. It came up in this way. East Pennsylvania classis sent up an over- ture to the synod of 1866 for a decision in the case of lay-bajjtism. Rev. Mr. Loos, of Bethlehem, stated that a lady of his Church was baptized by her mother when a babe because supposed to be in danger of death, as no minister could be procured. When, as a young lady, she came to be confirmed. Loos wanted to re-baptize her, but the parents (the father being a Lutheran), refused. So he only confirmed her. But he brought the subject before the East Pennsylvania classis for a de- cision. Its vote stood 6 to 6. So the subject was sent up to synod for a judgment. Synod (1866) referred it to a committee to report at the next synod. At the synod of 1867 the committee presented a majority and a minority report. No unanimity could be reached by the synod, so both 443 of their reports were laid on the table till the next synod. The synod of 1868 again deferred action another year. The truth was that the synod was evidently afraid to meet the issue. There was apparently a great difference of opinion. The high-churchmen favored the validity of lay-baptism, because they held that the sacrament had in itself ob- jective and intrinsic power regardless of the ecclesiastical character of the person baptizing. The Old Keformed party were against it, be- <:ause they declared that lay-baptism had never been used or recognized by the Eeformed Church. But in spite of these repeated postponements, the subject would not down. In 1809, East Pennsylvania classis, which had originally brought the matter before synod, overtured for a decision. The subject was referred to a new committee, consisting of Nevin, Ger- hart and Callender. The committee avoided giving a direct judgment, but said that without considering it necessary to give judgment on lay-baptisn\, it gave its judgment in this particular case. It declared the baptism to be valid because it had been performed in the name of the trinity and therefore needed no repetition. When the report was re- ceived there was a good deal of discussion in synod. Synod did not ac- cept the judgment of the committee and evidently the majority were not in sympathy with it (for it expressed the high-church view). It post- poned the case again until next year. The synod of 1870 declined to pronounce any general judgment on lay-baptism. It declared, however, that when a minister stands in doubt as in the case reported, he should have recourse for the relief of all to hypothetical or conditional baptism. This action closed the case, which had been pending for five synods. Why did synod have so much difficulty ? Because it had always been the custom of the Reformed from the be- ginning to refuse to recognize the validity of lay-baptism. Yet the logic of the Efereersburg theology, which laid so much stress on the objective, made it necessary to give validity to it, because the water had been sprinkled in the name of the Trinity,— the outward act had been performed and the ele- ment been joined to the Words of institution. So there was a clash between the Old Reformed and this new view. The ]\Ier- cersburg men for years were afraid to meet the logical issue of their views in lay-baptism. The synod refused to accede to the report of a high-church committee at the synod of 18G9. Tlie final action was really an interjection of a new element into the case, namely, hypothetical baptism. Hypothetical baptism is baptism where one is not sure of having been bap- tized and so is baptized over again. This diverted attention 444 History of Reformed Ciitjrcii in the U. S. from the real issue and the committee's report was finally adopted so as to bring the long-drawn-out case to an end. But this did not answer the ease before the synod. In the case presented by Loos there was no hypothetical baptism, for parents and child knew she was baptized and there was no doubt about it. Although the action was said not to favor lay-baptism, yet the effect of such an action was in its favor. Still it showed that the Eastern synod never olTicinlly adopted lay-baptism. There is another curious phase of the case. The ]\Iercer.s- burg men were really in a quandary. As they placed such a high estimate on the objective, they voted for lay-baptism. Yet, on the other hand, by permitting lay-baptism they tended to lower the distinctive offive of the ministry over against the laity. It is a wonder that their high-views of the ministry did not lead them to see that lay-baptism was lowering the ministry. Here, strange to say, the low-churchmen were higher on the ministry than the high-churchmen, for they claimed that baptism was the peculiar right of the ministry iind should not be performed l)y laymen.* Section 2. The Liturgical Events of 1SG6-18G7 in the West. The opposition to the liturgy continued to grow rapidly in the West. The Ohio synod of 186G passed an action about the consolidation of the theological seminaries at Mercersburg and Tiffin and overtured the General Synod at its next meet- ing to take such steps as would most effectually and speedily accomplish this. The Messenger favored the union and in the Western Missionarij Rev. P. Prugh wrote several ai'tieles favoring it, beginning September 20, 18GG. He said: 1. It would lead to an increase of endowment. 2. By uniting the two faculties, the seminary would lir licttci' ('(iniiiiieii, as each seminary was undermanned at present. 3. It would increase tlie lihrary of the institution. *Tlus new develojiment of Mercersliur;^ tlieolotjy js pMrallcl to their views on the validity of the acts of a (h'posed iiuiiistcr, of which we have previously spoken. 445 4. It would promote the unity of the Church, — one in faith and prac- tice as well as in name. He suggested that the locatuiu of the semi- nary ought to be at Pittsburg. Williard, however, replies* that the action of the Ohio synod was taken when it was on the eve of adjournment, when all were anxious to nin for the cars, — that there was strong opposition to the subject although there was no discussion at the time. Prugh re])lies that the subject came up in regular order in the business, after the resolutions on union with the Dutch Church. Prugh had made the motion for the consolidation at the synod. Williard continues that he is decidedly opposed to the union, believing it would work disastrously to our Church. The removal of the seminary eastward would prevent the students from going West. Besides the institutions, if united, would lose the local results coming from the separate location. jTii>J,L.p*>T»L''»-: 1, prayer meetings; 2, Sunday schools; 3, free prayer. The Church has * Western Missionary, October 25. General Synod of 1860. 447 developed from liturgy into free prayer. But the Order is against free prayer. 4. It is not in accord with the present needs or circumstances of our Church. (At the General Synod he had said our needs are very diversi- fied and can be satisfied by no one type of worship.) The desire of the Church was for a liturgy like the Palatinate and not for an Episcopal liturgy. To change the various kinds of worship in use in our Cliurch into the one like the Order of Worship is the height of folly. The Order is not suited for three reasons: (a) No congregation has expressed a desire for such a book. (b) The impulse to prepare it, sprang not from the Church, but from individuals. (e) The Provisional liturgy, the parent of the Order, was before our Church for nine years and though great influence was brought to bear on the congregations to adopt it, only three or four did so and one of them was ruined by it. 5. There is little prospect of its introduction and it is likely to be a failure in the end. 6. It will be the cause of loss, strife and division in our congrega- tions. 7. Its tendencies are to merge our Church into another denomination — the Episcopalian. 8. It will unsettle the foundations of our Church government, which is Presbyterian. He charged that the Episcopal form of government had been advocated at Mercersburg for several years. Nevin, in his advocacy of the Church of the third and fourth centuries, urged it. The Westmoreland classis already had a bishop.* There was no liturgy like this one except where Episcopacy prevailed. 9. It will tend to unsettle our established doctrines. The same force that has made a change in the liturgy has made a change in doc- trine. At synod it was boldly proclaimed that our catechism was to be interpreted by the Creed. But the Eeformed Church never took this ground. On the contrary, the catechism includes the Creed and inter- prets it to us. The catechism explains the Creed; not the Creed, the catechism. If we must adopt primitive Christianity, as Nevin says, we must adopt it all, — purgatory, intercession of saints, miracles performed by relics, etc., because all belong to the same system. He says that Gerhart at General Synod said "the opponents of the Order were compelled to choose between an alternative that the com- mittee was either not competent (not able to distinguish between truth *We8tmoreland classis in 1866 elected a niissionarv bishop, choosing Rev. G. H. Johnson to that office. Thus Mercersburg theology (by his- torical development) developed a new order in our Church— bishops. This office was continued by that classis for a number of years, Levan being also missionary bishop after Johnson. 448 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. and heresy) or dishonest and unfjiithful to their olilij^ations and that they must take either horn of the dih^ninia. As no one was prepared to take either of these alternatives, the conclusions were that the teacli- ings of the Order were correct. Dr. Gerhart as a teacher of logic should be more careful in the practice of it. Years ago, Prof. Lewis Mayer was charged with erroneous teaching and Dr. Gerhart, then one of his students, was one who made the charges before the board of visitors. Dr. Mayer couhl have jiroj^osed the same dilemma, that ac- cording to their charges he was either incompetent (could not tell the difference between tnith and error) or he was dishonest. Is Dr. Ger- hart willing to take either horn of the dilemma? Yet no one ever pre- tended that such positions were true of Dr. Mayer. Neither are they true now. Dr. Gerhart 's logic would say that if the Order teaches errone- ous doctrine, then its authors were either knaves or fools. Neither of these alternatives can be maintained. Hence the Order does not teacn errors. But this dilemma violates one of Gerhart 's own rules,* — ' ' in order to the correctness of a dilemma all the disjunctive members must be stated in the major proposition;" and he adds, "If these rules are disregarded, the dilemma can be easily abused and instead of exposing error subserve the purpose of a delusive sophistry." The truth here is that all the disjunctive members are not contained in the major proposition. The point at issue does not involve a dilemma or a Iri- lemma or a tetralemma. It is possible to give a dozen solutions as to the mode in which the committee were led to embody errors in the Order. But, after all, the question is not one of logic, as Gerhart makes it, but one of fact and we need not be troulded about the expla- nation of the fact. It must be done by comparison with the Bible and our catechism. Gerhart 's statement was nothing more than the "delusive sophistry" of which he R])eaks. 11. It will ultimately infringe on tiie lilierties of minister and people. It will limit them in free ])rayer. Kverywliere the language is "shall," precisely like the Episcopalian Prayer-book, which allows no (dianges. Nevin is against free prayer in his tract, "The Liturgical (Question." Ilarbaugh says, "It is not proposed to exclude free prayer at once from public worship." Here the inference is that it is its aim to do so ulti- mately. Let us stand fast in the liberty wherewith in which we are free. L3. It does not pay due respect to the German K'efornuNl Church, tiie mother of us all. 14. Its system, beautiful in itself, is totally uiisuited tu the great body of plain people who com])ose our congregations. 15. The influence of the liturgy will be of doulitful liciicfif. In our mis sions, now numbering 71, not a single one will succecMJ. if built up mi the liturgv, especially among the Gernians, who have the simple worship *Sce his Philosophy and Logic, page L'tK). General Synod op 1869. 449 (if the Fatherland. Few of our Germans will enter the ministry and some of our graduates will go to the Catholic and Episcopalian Churches. Prof. M. Kieffer, of Tiffin, replied* for the Mercersburg side. He said ' ' every question has two sides. " " Prof. Good has failed to appre- hend the essential nature of the question and hence his misgivings." Kieffer writes in order "to unfold truth and dissipate fears." He says that the Order represented the real old Reformed worship, but the low-church worship did not. He objects to Good's statement that the Reformed had no altar. A service, he says, that ignores the altar is de- fective,— that an altar-service grows out of the doctrine of the priest- hood of the ministry. Good replied that the Reformed had always protested against a local altar in the Church. If the Church ought to have an altar so as to fit the priestly office of the ministry, as Kieffer suggests, then it ought to have a throne for the minister in his kingly office, with swaying of scepter and wearing of mitre. Kieffer had charged Mm with Gnosticism. He reminded Kieffer that the Gnostics were more like the high-churchmen than he, for they multiplied symbols and liked pompous worship and this Gnostic worship would suit Dr. Kieffer 's taste very well. He reminded Kieffer that it was suspicious for them that the first to charge Protestant- ism with Gnosticism was Mohler, a Catholic. Against Prof. Good's charge that the Order was not suitable to the Church, Kieffer placed the action of the General Synod that "it was an order of worship proper to be used in the Church. "He denied that the Order was not Reformed, but claimed it was fully Reformed and praised the Reformers. ' ' Good replied, ' ' Then why not stick to the Re- formers and their Palatinate liturgy, why go back to the early Church? If Nevin said it was a new scheme, how could Kieffer make out that it was Reformed ?i' On May 24 tlie Carrollton, 0., charge took strong action against the Order, refusing to give any money to missions or to professorships or to endowments. It requested its classis to forbid its use within its bounds. Its refusal to give money led Callender, of Greencastle, to say that this is a new prin- ciple to be applied and hints that the Eastern Church might apply it in missions to its benefit against the low-churchmen of the West. Tiffin classis took action against the Order, requesting Gen- eral Synod to send it dowTi to the classes, so that it might be accepted or rejected according to the constitution. This ac- *Wester7i Missionanj, Febn.iary 7 and later. 450 History of Reformed Ciiukcii in the U. S. tion was followed in October by both Lancaster, 0., JNIiami and Sandusl^ classes. Another controversy came up between Revs. Drs. Swander and Good, the former defending the absolution in the Order of Worship. Good replied, calling his attention to the fact that "the declaration of pardon" in the old Palatinate liturgy was in the regular Lord 's day service and also in the communion service. Later liturgies in the Palatinate however limit it only to the Lord's Supper service. Swander and his school had charged that this abbrevia- tion of the liturgy came through rationalism. Good reminded him that this omission of the ' ' declaration of pardon ' ' from the regular service of the Lord's day took place long before rationalism came in. He calls Swander 's attention to the difference betwen the absolution in the Order and the "declaration of pardon" in the Palatinate. They were not alike, as Merccrsburg claimed, but quite different. Thus, in the Palatinate the penitents are regarded as believing that they are fully pardoned through the merits of Christ and then by way of confession of faith the minister announces such remission. They were pardoned be- fore the minister's announcement of it and not after his declaration of their pardon in the absolution and because of it as the Order of Worship, its theology and adherents hold. In the Palatinate liturgy it is a declaration not to pardon (as by a priest) as in the Order, but to confirm pardon already given by Christ, because the Christian has already had direct access to the mercy-seat. But in the Order there is no recognition that the sinner is already pardoned. For it inti- mates that he will not be pardoned until the process is complete by the act of the minister as priest announcing the words of forgiveness. Tluis this form of absolution like ordination is elevated by ihe Order into a sacrament. The Order is more high-church than the Episcopalian prayer-book. The Episcopal liturgy is more like the Palatinate than like the Order. Good begins* a new series of articles on the relntion of the Reformed reformers in England to the composition of the Episcopalian Prayer-book. The Mercersburg men had been quoting the fact that the Reformed re- formers, as Bucer and Peter Martyr, had aided in the formation of that prayer-book and had approved it; hence our Reformed Church of the Reformation was liturgical. His articles are headed, "Did the Re- formed theologians of Germany apj)rove of the Anglican prayer- book." He quotes Lasco's action in framing a liturgy of his own for * Western Missionary, OciohcT 24. General Synod of 1869. 451 his congregation in London. Wliy did he do this if he had been satis- fied with the Anglican prayor-book ? West attacks Good, saying that Lasco was not Reformed and Good ought not thus to quote him. Good replies that Lasco had always been rated as Reformed and not Lutheran. Even Harbaugh, a high-church- man, in his "Fathers of the Refonued Church," makes him to be Re- formed. The Reformed abroad considered him Reformed, as they placed him among the "Fathers of the Reformed Church" in their recent series of biographies. Lasco founded the coetus of East Friesland, which is still Reformed. Lasco was therefore Reformed and his use of another liturgy shows he did not ajiprove of the prayer-book of the Anglicans. The authors of our Palatinate liturgy in composing it, passed by the Anglican prayer-book and made extensive use of Lasco 's liturgy. Why did they do this if they favored the prayer-book of the Episcopalians? Prof. Good also brings out another historical fact. Calviu has said that in the prayer-book were found many "tolerable fooleries" and that he * ' could not understand persons who discovered such fondness for popish dregs." Hence the German Reformed did not approve of an Episcopalian liturgy like the Order. Rev. T. G. Apple had tried to evade this by making a distinction between the Palatinate and the Calvinistic liturgies. The latter ran into rationalism, while the catechism was irenic. But all this was speculative, Good said, for: 1. The Palatinate liturgy had the same doctrine as the lleidelburg Catechism. 2. The same men i)repared both works, and they prepared the liturgy to be the companion of the catechism. Prof. Higbee tries to parry Good's arguments by showing there was a difference between the Reformers and the nineteenth century and, there- fore, the liturgies should be different. For, he says, the Reformers an- tagonized Rome, which is now unnecessary, while we now antagonize the opposite, the Pelagian and rationalistic view. And, too, he adds, the Church has developed since the sixteenth century. Evidently the force of Dr. Good's arguments had gone home, for before this, his opponents had claimed that the Order of Worship was Reformed, — now they are being driven to grant that it is something new, something better suited to the nineteenth century than the Palatinate. West tries unavailingly to answer Good's arguments, saying that Lasco 's congregation did not use a liturgy because they did not expect to remain in England, and that the patent to Lasco says nothing of a liturgy, only that they were allowed to have their own peculiar discijjline. (Both of these statements are not historically true. But they show to what extremity the highchurchmen were driven in history. — A.) Hev. Dr. Klein read an essay before the Northwest synod in 1868, "What kind of a liturgy docs our Church need?" He answered it by 452 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. saying, one that agrees with the faith of our forefathers,— that holds to the atonement and that Christ communicates the benefits of redemp- tion through the Holy Spirit, or, as the catechism says, "the Holy Spirit works faith by the preaching of the Gospel and confirms it by the use of the sacraments. ' ' The liturgy should be no altar-liturgy and should have no priestly absolution. The synod orderctl the publication of this essay. D. L., of Constantino, tries to minimize this action of the North- western synod. He says that there were only 28 ministers present, less than one-third of the synod, — that not nil tho members i)resent agreed with it, that it dishonored the Eastern syiio: Catechism. Their charges were that : 1. lu regard to human depravity, he held, (a) That, by virtue of the incarnation, infants were not under the guilt and curse of sin. (b) Generic grace entered the womb and delivered them from guilt. 2. In regard to baptism he taught, (a) That no external and spiritual washing takes place at baptism. (b) He rejects the sacramental theory of the Reformed Church. (c) There is no spiritual washing at baptism, because there is no faith. The connnittee recommended that classis ask Vaughn : L Whether he believes that according to the Heidelberg Catechism, we are so guilty that we must be washed by the blood and spirit of Christ. 2. Whether he believes that at baptism there is a double washing of water and of the spirit. Vaughn answered in the affirmative and his answer was accepted by the classis. This action of the classis occurred at a very awkw^ard time for Vaughn, for he was about changing from Lebanon classis to Zion's, where he had a call to York. Classis refused to dismiss him while charges were pending; but after all was settled, it granted him his dismissal, although some time had elapsed. Another matter of great significance was synod's decision on the appeal of Rev. S. R. Fisher against Philadelphia classis. Philadelphia classis, in accordance with the plan of the Old Reformed, had passed an action forbidding any miu- ister to use the Order of Worship without first having ob- tained the consent of his consistory and congregation. It hap- pened that S. R. Fisher was president of the classis at this meeting, and as a high-churchman he ruled the motion out of order, because a motion in a prohibitive form is legislativgJincL assumes a prerogative which he claihied ^SeTonged only to General Synod. The classis deeidetTagamst himand he ap- 460 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. pealed to synod. Synod now sustained him by a vote of 54 to 18. Philadelphia classis then gave notice of an appeal to General Synod. An attempt was made at the synod to get it to pass the action taken by Philadelphia and Zion's classes forbidding the use of the Order unless by consent of the consistory and con- gregation. But after several substitutes were offered for it, it was laid on the table and no action taken. In acting thus, it is our opinion that synod was clearly partisan and imcon- stitutional, for the constitution neyei:._gave to the minister alone the right to regulate the worship without the consent of the consistory or congregation. The synod also took action against the American Church Mis- sionary Register of February, 1867, for its severe strictures on Mercersburg theology b}^ one who signed himself "An Emi- nent Clergyman of the German Reformed Church." It ap- pointed a committee to ascertain from the editor who the au- thor of that article was and also censured the paper for its breach of courtesy. The editor refused, however, to reveal the name of the Reformed minister and the matter was, there- fore, dropped at the next synod. But the action helped stir up the bitterness still more and was a forerunner of later drastic actions of the synod leveled especially at Dr. Bom- berger, who was supposed to be the author. At this synod the view was openly propounded that "the voice of the synod was the voice of God" and its authority must be obeyed. This synod by four actions made the breach greater between the two parties : ] . Its refusal to receive the memorial of the Myerstown con- vention. Even had'that convention been unecclesiastical, it would have been wiser for the synod to have respected the feelings of so large a minority. But its action in calling it schismatic and rebellious against the General Synod angered the Old Reformed party. Indeed its action on the Myerstown convention was quite contradictory. It refused to receive its memoi'ial and yet recognized enough of it to find ground to proceed against Vaughn. General Svnod of 1869, 461 2. Its pastoral letter greatly angered the Old Reformed by its denunciations of their course. 3. Its arbitrary course in singling out Vaughn as the scape- goat for its wrath. This looked as if it was intended as a warn- ing against others for being so outspoken, and an effort to si- lence the opposition as had been done with Heiner and Zach- arias in 1853. But by this time the disaffected party had be- come too strong to be silenced. 4. Its action in upholding Dr. Fisher against Philadelphia classis was virtually a refusal of the synod to endorse the con- stituti(mal position of that classis, that no minister had the right to introduce the Order without the consent of the con- sistory or congregation. It thus gave its moral support to any minister who felt like using the Order if he pleased. More and more the actions of the synod were become partisan and favored only the high-churchmen. Dr. Bomberger says later that the course of the Nevinites at this synod was the immedi- ate cause of the founding of the Reformed Church Monthly. He says, "The cause of the uprising against the liturgy M^as due to the continued attempts to introduce the liturgy into congregations in obedience to the rule of the synod" (that is without the consent of the congregation). After the synod was over, there was quite a controversy between the Messeiifjer and the Eeformed Church Monthly about its action. Nevin* attacked the Myerstown convention very severely as schismatical and irregular, saying the synod issued a kind pastoral letter. He granted that the synod was inconsistent in disowning the convention and yet recognizing it by issuing a pastoral letter. His attack led to the publica- tion of a "Defense of the Convention" (Dec. 11) signed by 43 of its members. They claimed synod was not infallible and that it erred here be- cause misled. It declared that as the president at synod had refused them the right of appeal according to article 29, this convention was the only method of defense, left. It denied the charges of the Nevinist party, denying (1) That it was held because of a bad spirit of discontent and in a secret way. (2) That it was irregular and unconstitutional, because not assembled by the permission and authority of the synod. For the Tercentenary Convention was not recognized by the constitution, yet that did not *Messenger, November 6, 1867. 462 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. make it unlawful. The boards of the Church are the results of antece- dent conventions but they were not unlawful. The Germans of the East in 1865 held a convention at Philadelphia to promote the use of the German language in our institutions, yet synod did not denounce it or call it unlawful. It is true the constitution does not use the ii;iiiio "convention." But if that were an objection, the constitution also did not recognize coiigrpgational meetings or Sunday schools or weekly lec- tures or prayer-meotings — all of whidi would be outlawdl by their line of argument. 3. That the convention sat in judgment on the decisions of synod. But no synod had ever adopted the Order of Worship and therefore what they said against it^ was not against the synod. But even if the book had been adopted, there was nothing to prevent dissatisfied mem- bers from using every method to have it set aside. The decisions of the synods are not, like those of the Medes and Persians, irrevocable. How often does one synod undo what a previous synod has done. 4. That it was schismatical. On the contrary it was to avoid schism that it was held. They declare they came respectfully to synod, having confidence in it that it would hear them. They came A-.ith the hitherto acknowledged right of petition. Their petition was respectful and reasonable and just. Synod placed arbitrary hindrances in the way of their undoubted right of petition and they felt themselves aggrieved by it. The Messenger replied to the Vindication of the Convention, saying it grossly insulted the synod. It denied undue severity by the synod, as it had not pronoimced any formal sentence against any one. It tried to get over the argument for the right of holding conventions in our Church, and it denied that the INIyerstown convention was as legitimate as the Tercenten- ary and as the German convention of 1865. The petition from the latter came from the German ministers and elders as indi- viduals and not as a conference as at Myerstown. (This argu- ment that the petition of the German conference came as from a convention as a whole, was very lame. The petition from the Myerstown convention came just as much from individuals. Both came in the same way. The one was respectfully re- ceived, the other disrespectfully turned down by the synod. — A.) Then, too, the Myerstown convention was composed of partisans, composed of persons of one kind only, which was not true of the other conventions. General Svnod of 1869. 463 Vaughn having at hist gotten free from the imsynipathetic atmosphere of Lebanon classis, now turned on Nevin and bit- terly attacked his theology. He published in 1868 a parody on Nevin 's Anxious Bench, entitled "The New Altar," in Avhich he assailed the extravagances of the Mercersburg the- ology and the liturgy just as Nevin had assailed those of the anxious bench. It was an argumentum ad hominem. He also in his articles charges Nevin with being a follower of Schell- ing on creation, — that Nevin 's philosophy was neither logical nor Christian but a medley, and that he was Romanizing. The synod, to offset the movement of the Old Reformed party to foimd a college, passed the dollar plan for the endow- ment of Franklin and Marshall college so as to forestall the founding of a new college. They also began the agitation of a ]\Iission-House in Eastern Pennsylvania like the German Mis- sion House of our Church in Wisconsin. East Pennsylvania classis (November 18, 1868) proposed to establish such a W\h- sion House and appointed a committee to lay the subject be- fore the neighboring classes and with their committees to draw up a plan for such an institution and lay it before the next synod for action. But only two classes appointed com- mittees, East Pennsylvania and Goshenhoppen, Lebanon classis declining to go into it. The joint committees met at Bethlehem July 13, 1869. The movement, however, was se- verely attacked in the Messenger by G. D. Wolff, although de- fended by Higbee and Apple, professors at Mercersburg. But the movement failed to materialize into anything and Mas given up. Helffrich, in his Autobiography, says the move- ment was gotten up to forestall the foimding of Ursinus col- lege. Still it reveals some dissatisfaction in Eastern Penn- sylvania with the educational movements at Lancaster and Mercersburg. Section 6. Controversy on Infant Baptism. The two doctrines of baptism soon came into conflict, the covenant theory of the old Reformed and the high-church theory of the Mercersburg theolog}^ According to the former, the child of Christian parents is born in the covenant to pecu- 464 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. liar privileges. Of all this, baptism is a sign and seal when it is administered. F. AV. Kremer* describes the old Reformed view that the children of believing parents were saved. This was not because of natural holiness on their part (Pelagian- ism), for grace is not inherited. It rested on Christ's atone- ment. We might add that its Scriptural basis is 1 Corinth- ians 7: 14. "Else were your children unclean, but now they are holy. ' ' The Mercersl)urg view, on the other hand, was that the bap- tism was not merely confirmatory of any such covenant with the child at birth. It held that the child was not really in the covenant at birth or at any time until it was baptized, — that baptism puts him into the covenant. This view is clearly taught by Gerhart's "Child's Catechism," which says, "I became a Christian at my baptism." Gansf was charged with saying that baptism made the children full members of the Church. These were the two views, (iradually the lines became drawn between them. At the General Synod of 1866 in the debate on the Order of Worship, Prof. Eust said that although he believed in original sin, yet he did not believe in the teaching of the Order of Worship, that the chil- dren were under the absolute power of the devil until baptism delivered them. Nevin attacked him severely, charging him with blank Pe- lagianism in saying this and with violating his vow as a teacher of theol- ogy in the Reformed Church by holding any such heretical views, — with having less sound theology than the children of the Sunday-schools. He called this "the Tiffin heresy." This charge was again raised against Prof. Rust after the Myerstown convention in 1867 by the Mercersburg theologians. Rust and Williard, who continued the discussion, claimed that their view was the Old Reformed view and that it was not Pelagian, because they did not claim that grace came at birth by nature, but through the covenant of God. The discussion afterward turned on the meaning of the 74th answer in the Heidelberg Catechism, especially on its word "Gemeinde" translated by "church," until Mercersburg theology came in and translated it "people." (But the word "Ge- meinde in that answer clearly means more than "people," it means congregation." — A.) Rust claimed that this answer proved his view of baptism, for it said that infants as well as adults are included in the covenant and promise of God. This was said of them before baptism. *Messenger, March 4, 1868. fMessenger, February 14, 1868. General Synod of 1869, 465 Nevin, on the other hand, declared that the word ' ' Gemeinde ' ' meant Christian community, and not church. In 1867, Harbaugh takes up the subject in the Mercershurg Review, saying that if the word meant ' ' church, ' ' and that they are already in the Church, then the first part of the answer contradicted the last part, which says they must be ad- mitted into the Church by baptism. He says ' ' Gemeinde ' ' means those belonging to a Christian community though not incorporated in the Church. He would also translate the word ' ' adults ' ' in that answer by "parents." His attention was called to the fact that this misses the sense of the German entirely, for the German word for parents is Eltern, while the German word in the 74th answer is Alten — old people. Rust answers Nevin by saying that his meaning of "Gemeinde" was heathen not Christian, that among the Germans, the words "church" and ' ' congregation ' ' were used interchangeably and Gemeinde could mean both (Ebrard says "Gemeinde" means "congregation," — a col- lective number of the baptized.) Rust quotes from the various Reformed Creeds as of Elector Frederick III, of Nassau, of Bremen and East Friesland, to prove his position. He quotes from Ursinus who, in his commentary on the 74th answer of the catechism, treats the word "Ge- meinde" in the catechism as if it meant "church," and says not a word about any such meaning as Nevin held. Rust quotes from Heppe and even from Dr. Nevin himself in ] 849-50, where he said that "infants were proper subjects of baptism because they belonged to the Church." In 1868 the controversy reverts to the pastoral letter of the Eastern synod of 1846, which had been drawn up by Heiner. Harbaugh had hazarded the statement that the Reformed Church never in its history had taught that the children of the Church were members prior to bap- tism. Williard replies to this by quoting from the pastoral letter of the synod of 1846 as proving that our Church had officially endorsed that view. S. R. Fisher, in the Messenger, tried to evade this argument by saying that Heiner in that letter had blundered and misrepresented the view of the synod on the subject, — that that synod never had adopted the letter but that it had been prepared after the synod and been sent out in the name of the synod by the committee of whom Heiner was chairman. Williard replied that he did not hold that the children were in the Church by birth, but were in the covenant and that baptism simply was the seal of that covenant. He replied to Fisher that he knew that Heiner sent that pastoral letter out after the synod of 1846, but the synod had unanimously instructed him so to do and had ordered 4,000 copies to be printed and distributed throughout the Church, and Fisher had made a speech in favor of the subject. He said Harbaugh, Nevin and Fisher were all at the synod the following year, when Heiner re- ported what he had done. But they never attempted to raise any ob- jection to it, as if he had misrepresented synod. On the contrary, Dr. Heiner 's two hours' speech on the subject was highly spoken of by 466 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. Fisher in the Messenger, and synod unanimously adopted Heiner's re- port. Thus our own synod had supported the old covenant view of bap- tism officially before Mercersburg doctrine had come up. This controversy on baptism also assumes a new phase in 1867, and later Mhen Eev. F. W. Kremer carries out the Mercersburg view to its logical end and charges that the Order of Worship made baptism not merely a sealing ordinance (as was the old Reformed view) but a saving ordinance, — it was now a regenerating ordinance. If so and baptism saves, the inference is that unbaptized infants were lost. For the Order confines the grace of God to baptism for it says ' ' by baptism Christ has ordained the communication of such great grace." Callender replied that baptism was the ordinary way, but that does not mean that there is an extra- ordinary way. But Dr. Kremer continued strongly attacking them on this point. Perhaps the most important statement of Mercersburg theology on baptism appeared in Tract No. 3, published at first anonymously but later its author was discovered to be Eev. Prof. E. V. Gerhart, D.D. After giving what he calls defective views of baptism, he states what he conceives to be the true nature of baptism: — that there are two parts in baptism, the washing with water and the washing in the name of the Trinity. Neither the water or the Spirit alone are baptism, but joined together they form the sacrament. Water alone is not baptism, neither is the grace of baptism present and active without water. (There is no way in which a man can be created anew by the Spirit according to the established economy but by baptism.) On the other hand, there is no washing with water in baptism without the efficacious presence of the proper grace of Christ. The grace is as truly given as the water is ap- plied. The two are one in holy baptism. He then adds that the way the blood and spirit of Christ cleanse us is not by faith, which does not make man a new creature, but by the Spirit, that is, by baptism; so that in baptism we have "the forgiveness of sins from God" and "are renewed by the Holy Ghost and sanctified to be members of Christ." This controversy revealed the two views on baptiism, the old and the new, the covenant and the high-chnrch view, M^iich had come up to tran.splant the old view. Thus the old doc- trine of baptism as well as of the Lord's Supper and of the Church was changed by Nevin's emphasis on the objective. There must be objective efficacy in baptism as well as in the Lord's Supper and the Church. This efficacy they described as being not in the water alone, but in the union of grace with the water, just as at the Lord's Supper it was the union of grace with the elements, and in the doctrine of the Church, General Synod op 1869. 467 grace was linked to the outward organization. Thus the ob- jective was placed before the subjective, and the latter made to depend on the objective. This was different from old Re- formed ideas, which placed the subjective first and emphasized it and made the objective depend on the subjective. Mercers- burg theology, because it so emphasized the objective, could not see any force in the covenant view of baptism because there was nothing objective for the child before baptism. Section 7. The Preparation of the Western Liturgy. The movements in the Ohio synod toward the preparation of a liturgy were as follows: Its synod of 1862 desired the Provisional liturgy to be modified so as to omit the responses in the ordinarj^ services of the Church and such phrases in it as were in conflict with the generally received doctrines of the German Reformed Church. In 1863 Indiana classis retiuested synod to furnish the Church with a suitable liturgy. The synod of 1863 took the following action : 1. That synod feels the necessity of a liturgy that can be brought into general use throughout the entire Church so as to secure uniformity of worship. 2. That this synod is opposed to the continued use of the Provisional liturgy as such, and would request the General Synod so to modify it as to enable it to introduce it into our congregations. Tlic vote on these resolutions was 43 to 16. 3. That should the Provisional liturgy not admit of such a modifica- tion, the General Synod be earnestly requested to take measures at once to provide a liturgy, which in our opinion will be adapted to the wants of our Church, and in case General Synod refuse that a committee of five be appointed to go forward in the work. The committee appointed was: Rust, Eli Keller, Bossard, Williard and Kline. The General Synod (1863) in reply gave Ohio synod per- mission to prepare a liturgy adapted to the wants of the Church. At the Ohio synod of 1864 the committee reported that they had commenced their labors soon after the meeting of the previous synod by a meeting in March, 1864, at Tififin. They adopted as the basis of the new liturgy the Reformed liturgies of the Reformation. They had gathered a good deal 468 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. of material and had prepared several forms on the sacra- ments which they were ready to lay before the synod. They suggested some changes in the committee, so as to make it more efficient. The committee was changed to Rust, Keller, Wil- liard, Kline and J. H. Good. The liturgical committee laid 650 printed specimen copies of the liturgy for examination before the synod of 1865. Synod distributed 350 English copies to the English classes and 300 German to the German classes for examination and approval and recommended the continuation of the work. To the Ohio synod of 1866 the committee reported very little progress. Though the last synod had favored the lit- urgy, yet the subseciuent action of a number of the classes was of such a discouraging nature that the chairman of the committee (Rust) declined to take any farther part and asked to be relieved.* Several forms, however, one for the regular Lord's day service and one for the burial of the dead had been prepared by two members of the connnittee. The report was referred by synod to a committee. The committee re- ported that the abandonment of the work would be detri- mental to the future of the Church, reconunended that other members be appointed and that the committee re({ue8t Gen- eral Synod to allow them to continue their work. The com- mittee now appointed was Kline, Keller, "Williard. Bossard, Jjichtenstein, Kieffer, Rutenick, Derr and Stern. Fortunately when the new committee was appointed, Dr. Williard was placed at the head and the success of tlie itioN'eiiient was due to his perseverance. To the Ohio sjTiod of 1867 Ihe Ii1urTiod to the synods, he appointed only men of the Eastern synod, the West being entirely ignored. This was entirely contrary to the previ- ous custom of the General Svnnd. General Synod of 1869. 497 (1) that both liturgies be submitted to the classes for ap- proval and rejection according to the constitution, and that meantime the use of each be optional, (2) but that neither should be introduced without the formal consent of the consistory and the congregation. This motion sharply defined the issue between the two parties. There was a strong discussion on that amendment, the Old Reformed claiming that the amendment proposed the constitutional method and would stop the strife in the Church. Rinehart said the strife had already split congregations. P]sch- l)ach demanded proof. He replied "the Church in which we are meeting." (He referred to the quarrel in Christ Re- formed Church of Philadelphia, which had been caused by their pastor. Rev. Dr. Giesy, reading the pastoral letter of the synod of 1867.) At last a division of the amendment was granted. On the first part of the amendment the vote stood 74 yeas to 106 nays. The second part was also lost by a vote of 81 yeas to 101 nays. Some of the Mercersburg men after- ward gloried in this vote, claiming that it showed the growth of their party in the General Synod. This action was a great victory for the liturgical men, for it gave them two advan- tages : 1. It made the Western liturgy provisional and thus aided their continual claim for a provisional use of their liturgy. General Synod granted the provisional use of the Western liturgy as it had done in regard to the Eastern liturgies. 2. The General Synod also virtually approved their position about its introduction, — that it did not require the action of a consistory or congregation to have it introduced. Another subject brought before the synod was the presenta- tion of memorials from congregations of the Eastern synod and of Westmoreland classis of the Ohio synod (signed by about" 2,000 names), requesting the discontinuance of the Order because of the harm it was doing. The object of pre- senting these memorials Avas to acquaint the General Synod with the real state of affairs in the Eastern synod, — that there was a great deal of opposition to the Order of Worship. The committee appointed on the subject stated that seventy-one 498 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. such memorials had com£ in. Its report was very partisan. It said the memorialists were irregular, — that serious injustice was done to the Eastern s^^nod b}^ the memorials because it had authorized the use of the Order of Worship, and that these wronged also the General Synod, who had allowed it as "an order proper to be used." It declared that the worst feature of the memorials was that the}^ flew into the face of Reformed Church history by asking synod to take away the rights of others and curtail the generous freedom of the Re- formed Church in matters of worship. The report affirmed the right of petition, but disapproved the tone of disrespect to the General Synod in the memorials. An amendment was offered to the report to strike out the phrase that the me- morialists wronged General Synod. The vote on this was 75 nays to 72 yeas, a very close vote which perhaps revealed the relative strength of the two parties. The General Synod failed to re-elect Bomberger on the Home Missionary board, of which he had been president for some years. This was taken by his party as a blow at him, because of his founding of Ursinus college and his opposition to the Order of Worship. The liturgical party also at this election aimed to get the home missious of the Church more under their control, so as to spread their influence. Another matter noted in the controversy (and which was seized upon by the old Reformed party) was the fact that in the report on the state of religion there was a confession that there were two tendencies in the Church whose contro- versy seriously interfered with home missions. The General synod, therefore, in adopting this report officially recognized the two tendencies. From the Iowa classis there was a double delegation, one from the high-church party, one from the low.* The case was referred to a committee who presented a report throwing out both delegations, the delegates of the low-churchmen be- cause of legal and technical errors at the Wheatland meeting, the high-churchmen because of errors in equity at the Brandon meeting. The appellants on both sides withdrew their appeals *See pages 488-491. General Synod of ]869. 499 on permission being given to divide the elassis into an English and a German elassis. After some friction between the two parts of the elassis, Ohio synod in 1871 divided Iowa elassis into an English and a German elassis, the latter calling itself the Ursinus elassis. This was a synod of appeals and complaints from classes and synods, most of which were caused by the liturgical contro- versy. Thus the case of the Heidelberg congregation of Phila- delphia was brought before General Synod by the Philadel- phia elassis. This had ordered its organization, but Christ Church appealed to synod. When Eastern synod decided against Heidelberg Church, then Philadelphia elassis appealed to General Synod. The case was finally compromised by changing the action of the Eastern sjoiod, which had permitted the organization at a distance of six squares from Christ Church to a distance of five squares. There was a memorial from Philadelphia elassis complaining against the treatment of Dr. Bomberger by Eastern synod. The committee of General Synod reported it irregular. Classis said it was a memorial, but the committee, being of the Mer- cersburg type, decided it was a complaint and therefore threw it out. It thus virtually allowed the action of Eastern synod of 1869 in the matter to remain. This decision was regarded as against the low-churchmen. Philadelphia classis had appealed from the decision of Eastern synod endorsing Dr. S. R. Fisher's appeal from it about introducing the Order of Worship without the consent of consistories. Another complaint was from John Wiest and Mr. Myers against the action of Eastern synod for con- demning the Myerstown convention. Bomberger complained against the Eastern synod for its action against the Reformed Church Monthly and for its action against himself without previous knowledge or notice in his absence. Bomberger 's com- plaint against the action of the Eastern synod of 1868 was re- fused to be heard by a vote of 97 to 80. From the liturgical side there was the double appeal about Cort against the Ohio synod. In all there were five or six ap- peals, communications, memorials bearing on the controversy. 500 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. If the synod had taken them up, they could have sat for many days more. So finally they were almost all posti)()ned on the plea that a new constitution was about to be prepared. Of course this did not really meet the ease, for the appeals, etc., referred to the past; while the adoption of the constitution referred to the future. TIk^ new constitution, if adopted, would not have had any bearing on what had happened under a former constitution. But the two parties grew weary and the members of synod desired to return home, so they agreed to compromise action thus. One of the most striking events that occurred on the floor of this General Synod was the motion of Nevin to dissolve the General Synod. He made a motion that the present organiza- tion, so far as the General Synod was concerned, be ended, so as to make room for a more satisfactory form answering to the first preliminary qviestion of the overture of the P^astern synod of 1869. He asked that a committee be appointed to do this. But the opposition was so great that it was lost by a large vote. Fisher rightly contended that a resolution like that was not a constitutional way of dissolving the General Synod. Apjtle said* that most of the business of the last General Synod was in reference to the liturgy and that it gave little attention to the eonstitu- ion, missions, etc. Yet it settled for itself one point : It declared itself in favor of maintaining the continuance of the General Synod. After the synod the Mercersburg party gleefully quoted the majorities in the General Synod to show that their party was rapidly growing in the ("hurch. At the General Synod of lS6fi their majority was only 7, while at the General Synod of 1869 it was 29, they said. The Order was approved, they said, by a two-thirds vote of General Synod, one direct at Dayton 186(), the other indirect here in 1869. The luw cliurch- men were defeated at this synod. But as Ilelflfrich says, the action vir- tually broke the j)owcr of the high-churchmen. He says that Nevin, after the peniiission had been given for the use of the Western liturgy, felt that the liturgical and Churdi ntuNrinciit was a failure. One of the lead- ing Nevinists declared that only the immaculate conception of Mary kept him from entering the TJomish f-hurch. And another had preached at the synod at Pittsburg that at the consecration of the elements at the Lord's Sujiper, the Holy Ghost came to them and brought them to be the body and blood of Christ. Dr. Nevin teaches that one should bow before the altar because there is tlie shekinah, and his pupils, as usual, ^Messenger, Aug. 5, 1870. General Synod op 1869. 501 go beyond their teaclier. So says the Reformed Kirchcnzcilung of Germany.* Section 15. The "Mercersburg Review" and the Western LiTURGY.f The Mfirrrshiirg Review (1871) criticised the Western lit- urgy. It elaimed tliat the judgment of General Synod carried with it no opinion or judgment in regard to the work, for the liturgy received no particular examination or discussion at its hands. The permission to use it amounted to this, that the Church was to luive a certain amount of liberty in its use. It claimed, however, that this permission differed from tlie per- mission given by General Synod to the Order of Worship. That was given only after thorough discussion and examination, and then the General Synod declared it "an order proper to be used," while this action about the Western liturgy was given without such careful preparation and, hence, the permission was of lower authority. The friends of the Order did not ask for endorsement only for permission, but the opposi- tion forced a discussion which really brought out the merits of the Order. (This was an unfair use of tlie action of the General Synod of 1866. That action was merely permissive, while here they claimed it was au- thoritative.— A.) He then notes the advantages and defects of the Western liturgy. 1. As compared with the Mayer liturgy, it reveals a long advance. It opens with a recognition of the church year and its great festivals, to- gether with all the Sundays named in the church year. It also contains tables of the pericopes. 2. In its rubrics, some say the minister "shall" instead of "may." Here is an advance, for the Maj'er liturgy gave no forms for the Lord 's day. It then gives the three creeds, the Gloria, the Te Deum, the Litany.^ The principle of the book is that tlie forms may be varied and *1S70, page 161. jAlthough this discussion chronologically occurred later yet the sub- ject })roperly belongs here as it was this General Synod that took action on the Western liturgy. JThese forms we understand were placed in the Western liturgy at the request of Bucher, one of the committee who was a high-churclunan in his sympathies. The low-church granted it, in the hope of gaining friends for the liturgy among the high-churchmen, for some of the com- mittee entertained tiie ambitious hope that their liturgy would finally be adopted by the high-clniri-hmen and tluis become the liturgy of the whole Church. They hoped by admitting these forms to placate the high- churchmen. 502 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. noue of them be binding. He grants tliat there should be liberty in wor- ship, but that liberty should come not from the minister but from the synod. A liturgy, he says, can not provide room for a free service with- out interdicting itself. It should give a complete service or it will be only a compilation of forms. He criticises the Western liturgy, — - (1) That its worship centers around the sermon rather tlian around the eucharist and altar. (2) It holds that the liturgical prayers for the Lord's day do not constitute a necessary part of the service. (3) It gives no place to the people to take part in the service of the regular Lord's day. There is not a single response. How does this non- responsiveness, he asks, accord with their theory that all Christians are priests. It leaves out the absolution. Creed and Gloria, all familiar to the early Keformed litugies. The theory of the sacraments, underlying this liturgy is that they are institutions for teaching, only part of the prophetical function and there is no room for the priestly office. It makes the sacraments confirmatory only. Baptism does not give remis- sion of sin. But this is unscriptural and against our catechism (answer 69). He attacks the baptismal service because it has the pernicious theory of the covenant in it. There is no recognition in baptism of the proper grace of the sacrament. Adult baptism is also confirmatory. The Lord 's Sujiper service is only confirmatory. He becomes indignant at the frequent use of the word "confirm" in the service before the minister distributes the elements. He also criticises its demand for the communicant to look away from the elements up to heaven where Christ is.* He says this is contradictory, first consecrating the elements and then ordering them to turn away from them.f Confirmation it rep- resents as the act of the catechumen and not of the Church. The sen- tence "to increase their confidence," etc., is bad English and worse theology. Adult baptism and confirmation can't be combined as here. He speaks more favorably of the ordination service, but criticises the forms of the sacraments for continually speaking of them as a sign and a seal. The effort is thus made to weave into the liturgy the language of the catechism, but this has no merit. For the language of devotion is not the language of teaching, — a liturgy should differ in style from the catechism. This shows a slavish adherence to the catechism and to the Reformed liturgies, from which this book is compiled. This liturgy is not a reproduction but a compilation. It is not honu)genous. In some forms, as the Lord's Supper, it seems to be a living organ of worship, in others it is a mere directory or guide. But even in the Lord's Supper *But it is a peculiarity of the old Reformed liturgies that they have this admonition to look from the elements up to Christ in heaven. — A. •j-But this was Calvin's doctrine — lifting the mind to heaven, where Christ's humanity is. General Synod of 1869. 503 it does uot rise to proper devotional glow. It ought to receive a re- vision, as the Eastern liturgy had received. To this criticism of the Review, Williard replies* in a series of articles on the Western liturgy. He denies Apple's assertion that the liturgy was an advance on the Mayer liturgy about Church festivals, for these had always been observed. There was no such ueglect of church- festivals in Prof. Mayer's time as the Eeview states. The Western liturgy, while it recognizes them, does not give them undue prominence. When he (Williard) was a boy, the Reforaied ministers used to observe Christmas, Easter, Whitsunday and often Ascension. One of the reasons for the lack of observance then was the fewness of ministers and the com- parative rarity of church services. Apple replied by denying that the ministers of Mayer's time used the Church festivals.! Williard reiterated his statement that the Mercers- burg men had gone too far in denying this. He said the main festivals were used by Wagner, Rahauser, Pomp, Reily and Mayer. *Christian World, February 23, 1871. fThey made the claim for Mercersburg that it had revived the Church- year in our Church. CHAPTER 111. The Endorsement of Ursinus Theological Dei'aktmext by- General Synod (1872). Section 1. Littrgical Events (1870-71). The General Synod of 1869 had closed only a few months when the high-ehurehnien began to claim that it had endorsed their position. Gerhart, the president of the General Synod,* says that both General Synods (1866 and 1869) approved of the Order of Worship. He says that the rejection of Williard's amendment at the last General Synod proved that that body endorsed the position of Lancaster appeal case. That meant, not that the minister had a right to force the liturgy on an unwilling people or that they had no remedy against the arbitrary course of an injudicious minister; but that they had no jurisdiction in the case, because it is his prerogative to conduct public worshii). The consistory can not compel him to introduce it against his judgment or to suspend it when he has seen fit to introduce it. The remedy for such differences between the minister and the consistory is to be sought in the jurisdiction of classis. He also triesf to argue that General Synod's action placed the Order somewhat above the Western liturgy. He says both liturgies are on the same footing, yet there is a difference. General Synod permitted the Western liturgy to be used throughout the C'luirch, but the Ea.stcrn received a higher recommendation, ft was allowed "as a liook jjrojier to be used in the Church," which was not said of the Western liturgy. Again, the Order of Worship was ap})roved after a careful examination, which was not given to the Western liturgy. The latter was adopted not after a careful examination, but only out of respect to the western synods. Dr. Goodf attacks Gerhart for saying what lie did nliont llic Western liturgy. He denied that the I'lnstcrn iitingy had :niy highiT |iositiiin in the (.'hurch than the Western. The (Icncnil Synod oi' 18(16 had not approved of the Order as Gerhart had said; it only allowed its use. ^Messenger, February 2, 1870. ^Messenger, February 9. %Christian World, March 10. 504 Endorsement op Urrtnus Theological DepartiAient. 505 No speaker, even of the higli-chui-L'h party, then made any sucli a claim. Gans had said "we want no authority to go with the book, DO endorsement is sought. ' ' They simply asked that their child should live. And as to its being approved at the General Synod of 1869, it is to be remembered that when Graeff brought in the report against the memorialists, it spoke of the Order as ai)proved by General Synod of 1866. When Dr. Good objected to this, Apple moved to strike it out and it was done by a unanimous vote. This was a confession that the Order of Worship had not been approved. A new method of the high-churchmen now began to appear. Before this it had not been customary for a classis to appoint a supply committee for a vacant charge unless asked to do so by the congregation or charge. But East Pennsylvania classis in 1870 first began to try the appointment of such a committee with increased powers, so as to get men of Mercersburg lean- ings into these charges. The effort was made to appoint such a committee for the Brodheadsville charge which was then vacant, even though the charge had made no request for a committee on supply. The former custom of the classis, however, prevailed and the motion was lost. Later, a very determined effort was made by them to get control of Slating- ton.* An effort was also made in some of the classes to the same end by the appointment of a committee on missions. This act of the ]\Iercersl)urg men of course led to protective action on the other side. The Ursinus Union was formed in 1871 at York to offset this (>ffort by aiding missions and beneficiary students. It continued in existence until 1890. The division between the two parties was increasing and more friction was of course constantly developing. A new phase of the controversy began to appear, — a financial one, being added to tlie doctriufil, liturgical, constitutional and mis- sioiuuy ])hases, which already have ])een noticed. The Old Reformed i)arty, now that Ursinus college was started de- cided not 1o ])ay any assessments for college or seminary i)ur- poses to Lancaster or iNIercersburg. but to pny such money to the support of Ursinus College. Some classes, as Lebanon. granted them this permission. But East Pennsylvania classis did not. It ;i|)i)oiiited a committee to considin' fining them or *llelffrich 's Autobiograjdiv, ]iage 4.']2. 506 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. bringing them before court. Their attorney, however, got them to give up the latter plan, as he said there was no law to support their case. Helffrich* says that East Pennsylvania classis ordered that if delinquents did not pay these assess- ments they should be suspended, but later they rescinded this action. That classis, he says, declared that its beneficiary students must go to the institution which it supported. He and some of the Old Reformed mirjisters took their stand against this. He declared he would not pay either synod's or classis' dues until classis took back this assessment for bene- ficiaries.f He claimed that the classis increased the number of beneficiaries at Mercersburg and Lancaster, so as to get all the money sent there. The Reformed Church of Allegheny City took the altar and carried it out of the Church, to the horror of its pastor, Rev. Mr. K , who "having declared himself unable to preach without an altar or hold a prayer-meeting, resigned at once." "Thus," says a low-church writer gleefully, "K — , as author of the articles, "Altar and Priest" in the Mercersburg Review, lost his altar and as priest he shook the dust from off his feet." Rev. F. W. Kremer gave the fact that just before the seminary was removed to Lancaster, 1871, the services on Sunday and Wednesday were liturgical. Some of the students had a praj^er-meeting of their own on Tuesday evening, in which a few were interested. On being asked how the prayer-meeting was attended, a student replied, "I do not know; I never attend it." "Do you not think it well," he was asked, "for young men preparing for the ministry to attend a meeting where free prayer is offered ? ' ' He replied, ' ' I prefer read prayers. ' ' Such was the tone of the institution at that time. And some of the graduates came out either unpracticed in making free prayers or unwilling to make them. r Section 2. The Priesthood of the IMinistry. The Mercersburg theology had, as we have seen, been bring- ing into prominence the idea that the minister is a priest, and making that office of Christ the central and most important *Autobiography, pages 448-9. fHe claimed that he and his charge had the right to say whore their money should go. . Endorsement of Ursinus Theological Department. 507 of the three offices of Christ (prophet, priest and king). With it came, of course, its correlatives, the altar and the sacrifice, without wliicli the doctrine of the priesthood is incomplete, i Dr. Nevin, soon after he developed Mercersburg views, had severely attacked Rev. H. A. Boardman, D.D., for his sermon before the Presbyterian General Assembly on ^'The Pro- phetical Office of the Minister," in which he made the pro- phetical office the central one and denied the priestly office of the ministry, saying "Christ was the true high-priest and not the minister." The high views of Mercersburg on the priestliness of the ministry in course of time led the old Re- formed to reassert the old view of the ministry, that the prophetical office was central and not the priestly. This was especially brought- out in a sermon by Dr. Bomberger at the funeral of Rev. Samuel Helifenstein, D.D., Sr., October 22, 1866, where he says "Ministers are only priests in the sense that all members of the Church are priests." The Mercersburg Beview took great exception to this sermon because Dr. Bomberger had been sent to that funeral as the official representa- tive of the Eastern synod, and because he used that occasion to refer to Dr. Helflfenstein 's Old Eeformed views of doctrine, especially on the ministry, which were that it Avas a prophetic, not a priestly office. Dr. Bomberger was right in stating that, for such were Helff enstein 's views. However, his severe attack on the priestly views held by Mer- cersburg caused a sensation. Dr. Harbaugh, in reviewing severely Bom- berger's Address, says that Helff enstein disapproved and condemned Berg's opposition to Mercersburg theology. (In this he is in error, for the classical records reveal that Helffenstein always voted with Berg and for him even down to his dismissal to the Dutch Church. — A.) Harbaugh also criticised Bomberger for saying that the minister in his priesthood is like the members. He says that a minister is a member of the Church is true, but that a member is a minister is new. It was, however, the inaugural address of Prof. Jeremiah H. Good on his entrance into the professorship of dogmatics and practical theology at Tiffin, July 1, 1870, that gave this subject new prominence. His subject was : ' ' The Christian Ministry. ' ' He defined the ministry as an "order of men, instituted by God, ' called of Christ, fitted with proper gifts by the Holy Spirit, designed to be in perpetual succession in Clod's own way until the end of the world. *He denied, however, the position of Mercersburg theology that 508 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. the office of the ministry flows direetly from the Lord Jesus Christ as the fruit of his lesurrection aud triumphant asc-ension to heaven. For it was before his resurrection that he had called the twelve to be ministers and })rej)ared them, as he had also the seventy. Again, wlien Mercersburg bring Ephesians 4: 11-lS as a formal statement of the instituting of ministerial gifts, he says that Paul is there describing not the different orders of the Church, but the gracious gifts of the Saviour. He also takes issue with them, when he says, "How expressly our forefathers repiuliated the notion that ministers were an order of mediating;' j>riests between Christian ]ieoiile and (lod, is slidwn by the Rev. Prof. Jeremiah H. Good, D. D. Second Helvetic Confession" (c-liapter 19), which he quotes. The Heidel- berg Catechism teaches (answer 32) the jiriesthood of all believers. It nowhere gives the slightest idea of priests of another sort, but calls them ministers (which means servants), not priests. He quotes the two Helvetic Confessions to prove that ordination is the confirming of a call to office and not a channel of supernatural official endowment for the work of the ministry. The Reformed, with this idea of ordination, would be compelled to answer "No" to the ordination formula of the Order. Dr. Nevin says in his " V'^indication " that the Old Reformed view of the mini.stry was but "a mimicry, — the powwow of Pagan super- stition." He re])lies that as Nevin had Ijcch (irdained by the Pres- byterians, who held such low views of ordination, his ordination there- fore, according to his own words, was only ' * a powwow of a Pagan superstition," and a mocking of high heaven. Dr. Good quotes Ebrard and Heppe, two of tlic leading; lud'orincd theologians of Gennany, as proving his views. The Order goes beyoml even the Episcoj)al prayer- book by requiring the person ordained to say he expects to receive by ordination the gift of the Holy Ghost. But the work of the Christian ice J J Endorsement of Ursinus Theological Department. 509 ministry is a diaconate, which means service and from which we have the Latin word ministry. Ff then the ministry is a service, is it man- ward or Godward. Are they servants of God or servants of the Church? It has been asserted by Mercersburg tliat they stand over and above the people as a higher order. But they are not set over the Church as lords; their lives, however, are to be in the truest sense a servantship of believers, even as Christ came not to be ministered unto but to minister. The ministry has a fourfold office, (1) of the Word, (2) of the sacra- ments, (3) of discipline, (4) of government, which he briefly develops. The editor of the Mercersburg Eeview criticises Dr. Good's views of the ministry in this Inaugural Address. He says his views of the min- istry ignore the sacramental. He can not agree with him that the sacra- ments address themselves to man in the same way as the preaching of the Word. He also criticises him for saying the minister is not a priest. Dr. Good 's address is contradictory, now calling the ministry an office and now denying it. However, he endorses much in the address. Dr. Good replies* to Fisher, showing from the Reformed confessions that the minister's office is a prophetical office and not a priestly. Dr. Fisher had criticised him for saying that there was nothing more in the sacrament than there was in the Word of God. (This brings out the dis- tinction between the high-churchman and the low-churchman. The former places the sacraments above the Word of God, the latter places the Bible and sacraments as equal, or, as the Heidelberg Catechism states it, the sacraments are confirmatory of the Word. Answer 65. — A.) Dr. Good asks, will Dr. Fisher tell what this is, of which there is more in the sacrament than in the Word. Is it grace, regeneration, forgive- ness of sin, justification, sanetification: — all of these are exhibited in the Word. Fisher says that all three offices of the minister (prophetical, priestly, kingly) have been prominent in the Reformed Church. If so, why did Dr. Fisher, who helped to draw up our constitution in 1840, omit any trace of the priestly function or of the threefold division in article 2 of the constitution? As an illustration of the extreme to which the priesthood of the min- istry was pushed by some of the Mercersburg men we give the following: The Lutheran Observer^ and also the Christioii IntelUgeiieer^ had had an article, signed "Aleph" and entitled "Legitimate Fruits of Nevinisni." This article was given to that paper by a Lutheran minister in whose union church the event occurred about two years before. *Reformed Church Monthly, 1870. fJune 24, 1853. ^August 25, 1853. 510 HiPTORY OF Reformed Church in the U, S. It says, speaking of a newly-fleilged theologian of the Mercersburg type, that there had been a revival in the Lutheran Church when this man was called to preach a funeral sermon. (He evidently believed very strongly in their doctrine of the "priesthood of the ministry." — A.) He took advantage of the circumstances to refer to the fact that there were a large number of anxious souls among his hearers. In order to assist them more easily to accomplish their aspirations for eternal life, he extended both his hands over the congregation and in a solemn and impressive manner said, "I know that a number of you are deeply con- cerned for your soul's salvation, — that you feel the burden of your sins. I therefore, in virtue of the office I bear, herewith absolve you from all your sins." And then, shaking his finger very significantly at them, added, "if you don't believe this, you have fallen from grace." This youth, says the Observer, acted out honestly the views he had been taught at Mercersburg. Rev. Mr. Rupley took the Observer to ta.sk for this account and demanded the name of the author. He found that its author was Rev. Dr. Wedekind, one of the most prominent ministers of the Lutheran Church, who, however, refused to give the name of the minister who gave him the account. For this, Ruply severely attacks him and Wedekind severely replies. Wedekind gives affidavits (un- signed) in the Lvtheran Observer, October, 1853, obtained from several persons substantiating the truth of his statements. Section 3. The Eastern Synod of 1870. The first matter that came before this synod was the com- plaint of Dr. Fisher against Philadelphia classis about the teaching of theology in Ursiniis college, as there were rumors that the teaching of theology would be begun there. Dr. Fisher, at Philadelphia classis (June 10, 1870), had called the attention of the classis to the provision of the constitution about professors of theology and declared that these provisions were openly violated by an advertised course of theology at Ursinus college. After a brief discussion, Dr. Bomberger moved that it be laid on the table. Fisher appealed from this. The difference between them was on this point: l>omberger claimed that all ministers were teachers of theology; Fisher claimed that the constitution recognized only those as teachers of theology who were elected by synod. He said the constitu- tion recognized the teacher of theology as a separate office. This then became another issue between the two parties, the Old Reformed party claiming on the other hand that the pro- Endorsement of Ursinus Theological Department. 511 fessor of theology was not a different office from that of the ministry. They claimed that snch a distinction had no Scrip- tural basis and that it was contrary to the old custom of the Reformed Church, where the ministers had often instructed 3^oung men in theology and prepared them for the ministry, as had been done by Hendel, Becker and Herman.* Heidelberg claimedf that the right for theological teaching in Ursinus college was based on the history of the Reformed Church in this country. 1. Many of the ministers of the Church had received their theological training privately. This right had never been repealed. 2. The word ' ' may ' ' in the article of the constitution means that a synod may establish a theological seminary, but it does not say ' ' must. ' ' 3. Every minister has a right to establish a college, seminary, female college, etc. There is nothing in all this forbidding ministers teaching theology. The Mission House at Wisconsin v('as for ten years a private theological institution, yet had never been looked upon as irregular.^ In Germany such private theological seminaries were considered proper and right. Again, high-church ministers teach theology privately. Dr. T. G. Apple, one of their leaders, studied privately under Rev. G. D. Wolff. Dr. Fisher replied to the attacks.§ All ministers, he says, are teach- ers of theology but not in the sense used here. The constitution created the office of teacher of theology and prescribed how individuals can be invested with it. The constitution would not have done all this if it had intended to allow a minister to teach at will. Another answer was made to the high-church argument by a low-churchman that this article of the constitution related only to those institutions that are under the direct care of the Church and not to others, such as Ursinus.|[ Such was the discussion before the synod met. At the synod the complaint of Fisher M^as heard and synod (which had been giving decisions favorable to the high-churchmen right along, so that the low-churchmen felt by this time that they *See pages 12-20. ^Reformed Church Monthly, August, 1870. JThis statement is not quite correct, as the Mission House was under the control of the Sheboygan classis from the beginning. But it was correct in this, that it was not under the direct care of a synod for that length of time, and its professors had not been elected by the synod, which was the demand of the Mercersburg men, who denied that a classis had the right to found a seminary. §Messc7ig€r, August 3, 1870. \\Reformcd Church Monthly, 1870. 512 History of Reformed Ciitrch in the IT. S. could not get any recognition or justice from the synod) sus- tained it against the classis. Its resolution was that the synod did not in this decision intend to pass upon the merits of the particular points involved in tlie case, ])ut simply returned the subject to the elassis with instructions to take it U]-> and dis- pose of it in the regular way. So action was taken only on the action of Philadelphia classis in ivfusing to hear Fisher and not on the merits of the case. It was sent back to Philadelphia classis for reconsideration. The committee of synod (of which Dr. Xevin was chairman) appointed to examine the German translation of the Order of Worship made under the direction of East Pennsylvania classis, reported it highly credit;) ble to the source from whicli it came. But at the same time they were of the opinion that it does not come up fully to the style and tone wliich is needed to make the liturgy what it ought to be for our foreign German (Jhurch, and, therefore, the cominittiM^ reported that they could not sanction its pul)licati(m. The synod then, at the request of East Peiuisylvania classis, appointed a committee to im- prove it and to have it published. Another important acti(m of the synod was its decision to remove the theological semi- nary from Mercersburg to Lancaster. Section 4. Fritsciiei/s Review of ^Merceksbcrc; Tiieolo(;v. Prol)ably the most trencliant cr-ilicism ever made of i\I(n-cers- burg theolog>^ was made l)y Rev. l*rof. G. Fritgchel, of the Wartburg (IMissouri) Tlieoh)gical Seminary of the Lutheran Church. In him Dr. Xevin found a foe worthy of his steel.* He makes three ])oints against Nevinism: (1) It is not in hai-nion\- witli Calvin's views e\-en tliough Nevin so asserts. (2) It is Ijutlier;ni r;i1Iier tban Reformed in its doctrines. (3) Its doctrines were contradictory to each otlicr, espe- cially those of baptism and the Lord's Supper. 1. His statciiioiit i)t' Dr. Ncnin's licpartui-o from C-ilvin's views is very clear. Calvin, he says, docs not nuikc baptism a menus of yrace, *IIis review of Nevin 's theology was i>ul)lislioii in t]]r Thcdhxilcal Monthly (1870-71) of Brobst, at AJlentown. Endorsement op Ursinus Theological Department. 513 but only a sign and seal of that grace. But Mercersburg theology makes baptism a means of grace: — baptism is the objective communica- tion of the heavenly grace. In baptism there is a real transplanting from the kingdom of Satan to the kingdom of Christ. But the old Ee- formed doctrine of the covenant-relation of the child was that (accord- ing to 1 Corinthians 7: ]4) the children of believing parents stand in themselves in communion with God, — that from birth they are included in a special act of grace of God in the covenant — that through birth they are in the sphere of grace, that baptism only confirme this and that out of it they go to conscious sin. But this old Reformed view, the Mercersburg theology sets aside. It claims that the doctrine of original sin makes even the children of believing parents to be in a state of con- demnation, out of which they must be taken to be placed in a state of grace by an act of grace, namely, bajitism, if they are ever to receive eternal life. Again, the Mercersburg view holds that baptism is not only a trans- planting into Christ, but also that by it forgiveness of sin is given. Thus, the doctrine of forgiveneiss is connected with baptismal grace; and repentance and absolution are nothing else than a use of baptism and a continual return to the grace given once for all in baptism. This, how- ever, is different from Calvin 's view, which disconnected forgiveness from baptism because of his view of predestination. He placed for- giveness in connection with the eternal decree rather than with baptism. Mercersburg also held that with forgiveness came the communication of a new and spiritual life. As Adam's life comes down to us, so Christ's is impartcil to us. Baptism is the bath of regeneration. It includes the root of all the powers of the new life. The will of men and their condi- tion (that is their faith) does not condition baptism. The inward grace goes with the outward use of the water. Water alone is not baptism. Baptism is the union of the visible sign with the invisible grace. Bap- tism is thus a vehicle of grace. Again, on the Lord's Supper, Nevin's views were not Calvin's. Mer- cersburg theology made Christ's humanity to be present in the liord's Supper in and through which he makes us partakers of the divine na- ture,*— this humanity being a rich inexhaustible fountain, which causes the life to stream over to us. But Calvin, though he uses language which may lead to this meaning, in other places denies ever eating of the sub- stance of the body and blood of Christ as Mercersburg asserts. His con- stant teaching is that the body of Christ is far from us in heaven instead of being in the Lord's Supper, as Mercersburg declares. Calvin holds that only by the lifting up of the mind to heaven is there any enjoyment of the strength of the body of Christ. And he claims that this lifting up of the mind can occur at other times than at the Lord's Supper. Even when our mind is lifted up, there is nothing more than a streaming ^Mercersburg Bevicw, 1867, page 365. 514 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. forth of strength from his body, just as the -svarmth of the sun streams out. This is no communication of his life. Just as when Jesus healed the woman with an issue of blood, it was not the sul:)stance of his life that went out of his body; so neither does this substance proceed out of his body at the Lord's Supper. The body of Christ is in heaven, far from the Lord's Supper. And the substance of Christ's body is in no way received by mouth or spiritually. To prove this, Fritschel quotes Calvin's Institutes, Vol. IV, 17, 32, against Nevin's view. Calvin teaches the real communication of Christ's body, as did Zwingli. Even Nevin himself seems to feel that his views are not those of Calvin, for ho grants that Calvin's is not a satisfactory statement; for speaking of Cal- vin 's requirement to lift our minds to Christ in heaven at the Lord 's Supper, he says, "the attempt which is made to bring the two parties together, notwithstanding such vast separation in space, must be allowed to be somewhat awkward and violent. ' ' Fritschel says Nevin has three points on which he hopes to make Cal- vin's doctrine clearer than Calvin did and therefore he adds to Calvin. The first is a view, taken from Fichte, who suggested that the person- ality or the true inner essence of the body lay in the identity of the ground-form of the body and not in the changing material particles. This view Nevin applies to Christ. His material body and blood are not communicated to us, but his inner real substance — the organic law of the human body. A second addition of Nevin to Calvin is the emphasis laid on the absolute unity of the divine-human person of Christ. Instead of divinity and humanity being distinct, though united in his person; all, body, soul and divinity, are united in the indivisible life. Ilis third addition to Calvin is his philosophic realism, on wliicli Nevin founds his view. In each sphere of life the universal and the individual are bound close together in the same subject, as for instance in the vegetable world. This Fritschel denies. The Lutheran Church denieil the philosophic statement of the relations of the two natures in Christ as to his presence in the Lord 's Supper. It simply accepts the Biblical statement. Nevin rejects as insutficicnt Calvin's view that the eating of the Lord's Supper is communicated by faith to the soul. The real communication, says Nevin, is from the center of Christ's life to the center of our life. 2. The socond point that Fritschel makes is that Nevin liad become Liitheranizing. Unlike the Reformed, Mereersburg theology places high value on the Church and the sacraments, — "Christianity is sacramental." Nevin places forgiveness in connection with baptism as the Lutherans do. Fritschel rejoices that among the Eeformed, one is found who holds Endorsement op TIrsinus Theological Department. 515 the Lutherau view, — that baptism is a fundamental doctrine — the bath of regeneration and renewing of the Holy Spirit. lie also rejoices that in the Lord's Supper, Nevin corrects the error of the Keformed theology by emphasizing the unity of the natures of Christ. In speaking of Nevin 's doctrine of baptism, Fritschel says, "What a joy it would be for the whole Lutheran world if the Reformed and all Protestants teach that baptism is the Imth of regeneration. He thus claims that Nevin virtually taught Lutherau doctrine" — that Nevin in all those views is like the Lutheran theologians as Nicolai.* .'5. Tlie tliii'd point that Fritsehcl makes is that Nevin is con- tradii'toiy in liis own doctrine, that his doctrine of l)aptis!ii and of the Lord's Snpper contradict each other. Nevin holds in regard to baptism that by it the child is implanted into ' Christ. He emphasizes the power of the objective activity in that sacra- ment. Whether Paul or Simon Magus is baptized, the sacrament is the same baptism, — is itself- the vehicle of grace. But here appears Nevin 's contradiction. What he grants in baptism, he denies in the Lord's Supper. Faith, according to Nevin, does not affect the efficacy of baptism because it has objective force (here he takes Lutheran ground). And yet, when Nevin comes to the Lord's Supper, he requires faith. He says we are not participants of Christ's body and blood through the eating and drinking except through faith. This is the old Reformed position, which Nevin gives up in regard to baptism. All the! benefits of Christ are received only through faith. "Why," Fritschel asks, "does Mercersburg disown in the Lord's Supper what it says be- long to baptism, — that faith is necessary in the one and not in the other? Why is there not the same relation between the outward act and the in- ward grace in both sacraments? Why must faith mediate the benefits in the Lord's Supper and not in baptism? Why does it deny that in the Lonl's Supper the communication of the body and blood goes with tlie outward means. Nevin calls this separation of the water from the in- ward transaction at baptism a Gnostic view. But does he not come under this Gnostic delusion himself by sundering them in the Lord's Supper and requiring faith. There is therefore a breach, a dissonance, an inconsistency in the Mercersburg theology. If INIercersburg holds to baptismal grace it ought to hold to oral manducation.f Dr. Apple| comments on Fritschel 's statements that the Mercersburg theology was Lutheran. He refers to Zwingli's low view of the saera- *An article by Prof. Krautli, of the Lutheran Theological seminary in Philadelphia, published in the Mercersburg Kcviciv (1874), in which he reviewed Dr. Hodge on Infant Baptism, also stated that Mercersburg theology was Lutheran rather than Reformed. f Receiving Christ's body through the mouth at tlie Lord's Supper. fMcsscngcr, November 23, 1870. 510 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. nients and shmvs that the Mercorsburg view is not Zwinglian. And then by quotations from Calvin and other authorities, he shows that it is not just consistent with any of these, but is fully Lutheran and sometimes even a little more than Lutheran. We cannot, says Dr. Apple, but agree with him, when he says that Calvin's expressions on the sacrament, while they are sound and Scriptural, yet in a sense are often slippery; and wo are quite willing to admit that the Keformed symbols generally have a tendency to escape the full Scrii)tural presentation of the nature of the sacraments. That the IMercersburg views on this subject have ap- proached Lutheranism only ])roves that Mercersburg is not a mere rc- pristination of the Eeformoil theology of the Keforniation, 1)ut an ad- vance toward overcoming the antithesis between the Lutheran and the Eeformed faith of the Eeformatiou. This only shows the Catliolic spirit of the Mercersburg theology. Apple adds that the main point turns on Prof. Fritschel 's view of the relation of the outward to the iuAA-ard in the sacrament. The Eeformed were inclined, he says, to separate these two : so as not to allow to the sacrament the full character of a means of grace. The inward transaction — the grace of the sacra- ment was made to run parallel with the outward sign and symbol, but not to come into full sacramental union with it. We grant this tendency in the Eeformed faith, which Mercersburg has aimed to correct." Dr. Williard quickly took advantage of Apple's admission that Mer- cersburg theology was an advance, but an advance toward Lutheranism, not toward other denominations. (Ajjple had been attacking the Evan- gelical Alliance severely.) Dr. Good also takes up the matter and says that MiTccrsburg tlioidogy was not truly Eeformed, although Fisher used to claim it was. But it tended tow-ard Lutheranism and even beyond it, toward Romanism. Apple had granted that their theology aimed to correct what was wrong in the Eeformed theology, when it separated too much the outward and inward in the siicranients. Wlicii Apjilo did this, he gave up what dis- tinguished the Eeformeil from the Lutheran. lie says over against A]>ple that the E<>formed tend to a union of the outwanl ami inward in the sacraments but tiie Lutherans tend to a conjunction. TiUtlierans hold to a corporeal conjunction between the sign and tlie thing signified existing in one mass and at the same time and place. The Reformed hold that the sacramental union is not corporeal or in the presence of the sign and the thing signified in the same place, but it is relative and consists of two things: 1. In a likeness or corresi)ondence between tlio sign and tlic thing. 2. In the joint exhibition of sign and thing signified. Apple he says, now admits what their opponents iiad claiined,— that Mercersburg theology was Lutheranizing. What had Fisher now to say.* *Dr. Fisher had always claimed that Mercers])urg theology was old Reformed doctrine. Endorsement op TTrsinus Tiieof^ogical Department. 517 Dr. Apple tlieu tries to draw in under cover, for he says that Mercers- burg theology agrees with the Luth(Man, Init he says there is a diflference. The Lutheran Church teaches that after Christ's ascension, Christ's humanity passes into full endowment of his divinity and that the right luind of (iod to which he ascended was everywhere. But Mercersburg distinguishes between the presence of Christ's humanity at the right liand of God and his presence in the sacraments, thuugli it maintains tiiat the latter was no less real than the former. Section 5. The Perversions to Rome and to the Episcopal Church (1870-73). We have already seen that there had l^een some perversions to Rome in the years gone l)y. as Snively and Stewart. But now we eonie to an era of them lasting till 1873 and later. We have noticed that jnst about the time of the General Synod of 1869, Rev. Mr. Stewart went over to Rome. In March, 1870, Rev. J. H. Wagner went over to the Catholic Church. The Messenger tried to lessen the force of this perversion by publishing a letter of Rev. A. H. Kremcr, our pastor at Lan- caster, whose church Wagner had attended. Kremer says he had had an interview with AVagncr before he went over to Rome ui'ging him not to do so. He also said that Wagner had had an interview with Dr. Nevin, who gave him arguments against the Catholic Chin-ch. The Old Reformed party seized on this perversion as another proof of the Romanizing char- acter of IVIercersburg theolog}'. Dr. Williard said that Wagner was one of the most thorough-1)red of the Mercersburg men educated under Nevin, and had defended Mer- cersburgism at the General Synod of 186G. The Christian World tried to cast discredit on high-churchism by saying that Wagner was a faithful attendant at Kremer 's Church, where the liturgy was in full force. Wagner may have talked with Nevin. who may have dissuaded him, but his previous tendency, begotten from Nevin. was too strong and he followed it into the Catholic Church. Stern adds fuel to the controversy. He says he had sent a Mr. Reine- man to Mercersburg twenty-five years before. Though but a prepara- tory student, he imbibed views so that he soon went over to Rome. While pastor in Pennsylvania, he had sent a Mr. Kneclit there for but one session 's study in the preparatory school. He returned home telling all around that he would never return, because the rector of the prepara- tory department tried to convince him of the propriety of the worship 518 History of Reformed Church ix the T^". S. of Mary. A Mr. Aaron Christnian who was sent to Mereersburg to study for the ministry, returned home (1850) a high-church Episco- palian. He also said that tiie German congregation at Waukon, Iowa, had just withdrawn from our Cluircli because of the theology of Nevin- isin, tiio congregation being composed mainly of Eeformed settlers from Ijippe in Gernumy. The Christian Worhl'^ notes another perversion to Kunie, Professor Budd of the Franklin and Marshall college. J. W. S. in Messenger tried to defend Budd's case by saying that he was of Quaker blood and that as he was not a member of the Reformed Chiuch the perversion couM not therefore be charged to Nevinism. Dr. Good rejilies that if it be true, as J. W. S. says, that Budd never had any faith in Protestantism and did not like the Reformed Ghurch, it is strange he ever was elected as professor in one of her institutions. J. W. S. .said that if there is any Romanizing tendency it could not come from the college but from some other quarter. Good asks, "Does he mean to deny that Nevin was so nearly gone to Rome that his family begged the interference of other ministers. ' ' This state- ment is made, he says, on the authority of Prof. M. Kieffer. What does he mean by the other quarters'? Does he refer to Mercersburgf as Ro- manizing. J. W. S.t says that of 470 graduates only two had gone to Rome. One-fourth of the students of the college were of other denominations. He replied to Good's attacks on Snively's early perversion by calling his article "The Lamentations of Jeremiah," playing on Dr. Good's first name. Dr. Good says "colleges ought to be careful about their jirofessors, as their going over to Rome has a far-reaching influence." His conviction of the Romish tendency of Mereersburg theology is however based not so much on the number of persons going to Rome as on its theological basis. By October, tlic C'lnirch was startlpd at tlic news of three more perversions to Rome, Ei-mentront, Wolff niid AVm. Philips. A writer in tlie Messcnr/er expresses surprise that they should go to Rome now, since its adoj)tion of the new dogma of papal infallibility, against which Dollinger and the old Catholics were protesting, lie tries to excuse their act by saying that Enuentrout had not been in the active ministry for some time past, and Wolfif not for a year. Ernien- trout, he says, was one of tlie young men infected some twenty years ago with the first Rimianizing tendency, and he had done more by sophistical and skeptical quibbles to unsettle and disturb the minds of later students *May 18, 1871. fThe Theological seminary was still at Mereersburg. ^Messenger, June 28. Endorsement of Ursinus Theological Department. 519 than any other man known to us. Both have suffered from the poisonous inoculation of the Church some twenty years ago. And it can not be Avorse for the Church for them to go where they belong. Such views are not Reformed and any one holding them can better be spared than retained. Our catechism denounces the mass as "an accursed idolatry," and it is idolatry or heresy for any Reformed to turn Papist. We must, however, preserve the middle course, neither fall back in alarm at our present advance of truth into negative forms of belief, or to go blindly into abject bondage to popery; but to contend earnestly for the faith once delivered to Mie saints. We should not be despondent. The loss of a few men can not destroy the Church. The Old Reformed party were not slow in taking advantage of these new defections. Dr. Good has an article* on Wolff's defection, saying that he was prominent as a leader among the Mercersburg men. At the Eastern synod of 1869 he was chairman of the committee on the state of the Church and in his report he extols the Eastern liturgy to the skies and stigmatizes his opponents as of an infidel spirit. Like Wagner, who had preceded him to Rome, he was the son of a Reformed minister, yes of a •professor in her theological seminary. Dr. Good severely arraigns Dr. Nevin as the father of these perversions, saying that Nevin for years has been warning his students against rationalism and Puritanism but never once against Romanism. Yet the latter has been deeper in its heresies as in the immaculate conception and the infallibility of the pope. Nevin had abandoned the principle of Protestantism, justifica- tion by faith on the basis of Christ's righteousness, and had substituted justification by baptism on the ground of the incarnation. The Reformed Church Monthly says "that the defections to Rome and Episcopacy included some eight or ten ministers of our Church, besides five sons of professors and presidents of college (two sons of Nevin and two of Kieffer), a professor at Lancaster, a niece and nephew of Dr. Apple and others, of whose relationship we can not speak. ' ' The Chris- tian World says of W. Phillips and Brettel, who had also left our Church for the Episcopal that they had been the most brilliant preachers of the Mercersburg party. In the Church papers. Dr. Bausman explained their defection as due to a one-sided investigation and Dr. Russell, to theological dyspepsia. Dr. Ruetenik,f in commenting on the perverts, says "A high -churchman went so far in a synodical sermon as to say that the Romish Church was in the right in the Reformation struggle by defending the principle of Church authority. The same individual conducted the examination of *Christian World, October 12. ■fEvangelist, November 2, 1871. 520 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. the candidate, Mr. St . To the question whether he received the Heidelberg Catechism, he answered "Yes," except the 80th ques- tion; and contrary to the constitution his answer was- received as satis- factory. We were present, he says, when the candidate V. H. was examined and in opposition to the doctrine of the Heidelberg Cate- eliism he affirmed and admitted that he himself believed that Christ is also according to his human nature everywhere present. It will now be less difficult for him to bow before the consecrated host and worship it. Another who belonged to this class of students and was once on the verge of going over to Eome, but afterwards came to a better con- clusion, affirmed that not a single Mercersburger could preach the Gospel with a clear conscience in a Protestant communion. ' ' The Reformed Church Ttcvieiv's attack on this article of Dr. Ruetenik led the latter to reply* that he might tell of a Mercersburg candidate who once disputed with a Reformed minister in favor of popery and so de- nounced Evangelical religion that his own father was constrained to say, "You seem to be like one who calls his mother a harlot." The Reformed Church Monthly gives a list of the Romaniz- ing books tliflt had been commended to tlie theological students at ]\Iereersburg and said when these books were recommended was there an antidote suggested, as Rnssel's "Catholicism and Protestantism Compared" to offset Balmes' work or Bacon's "Two Sides" against the "Poor Man's Catechism." Gans tried to show that the perversions were nut due to Mercersburg theology but to Tiffin theology. It was so one-sided in its attacks on Mercersburg theology that it led these men to react and go to the other extreme. He called Tiffin theology a negative theology. Against this statement the Christian World protests. It replied that if its article has hastened the departure of Ermentrout and Wolff, it was not sorry. It was better that they should be where their hearts were (in the Catholic Church ratlier than in the Reformed). Several communications appeared in the Messenger in the early part of 1872, which seemed to shift the blame of these apostasies from Nevin to Schaff. This called forth a protest of Dr. Schaff.f He said he had done his tliiuking openly be- fore the world from 1844 to 1871 through his publications and he had made no change in his principles or standpoint. Thus this effort to make Schaff' the scapegoat instead of Nevin failed. •^February 7, 1872. ■fMesseiiger, February 21, 1872. Endorsement op Ursinus Theological Department. 521 (Dr. Scliaff. in his inaugural address (1871), as professor at Union Theological seminary, New York, spoke out positively for Protestantism. It is a pity he had not spoken out so holdly in his earlier days. He had evidently gotten over his earlier aberrations and- now defended the Reformation. He now de- clared the opposite of what he then granted, — that he did not believe that Protestantism tended to division and dissolution. His former pessimism about Protestantism in its present form had now given way to optimism. — A.) Dr. Boniberger takes the side of Seliaff against Fisher, saying that Schaff is not to be held responsible for the Romanizing tendencies in our Church. He was swayed by influences back of himself. More than once, as at the synods of 18(32 and 1866, he gave utterance to sentiments that showed that although a strong current was sweeping him along in its course, yet he was aware of its dangerous tendency. The Christian- World, however, says that Schaff was not free from blame, for he was identified with Mercersburg theology and contributed to it by his influence. But Schaff never went in his writings to the full length, as Nevin did in ' ' Early Christianity ' ' or in his tract on the liturgy. Nor has he ever expressed any doubt in regard to Protestantism as others have done. We might add to all this, after a careful stuily of the subject for years, that the decidedly Romanizing tendency came from Nevin, al- though Schaff was fond of high-church forms and in his "Principle of Protestantism ' ' and other works expressed some dangerous views. Also in his advice to students at Mercersburg about reading Catholic books he exerted a very unfortunate influence. Hardly had the astonishment caused l)y these perversions to Rome abated than the Church was surprised to learn that another leader of the Mercersburg i)arty, Rev. Mr. Giesy, had gone" over to the Episcopal Church. The Messenger* announces Giesy 's departure to Episcopacy, that he had applied to Maryland clasfeis for a tlismissal and that classis had granted it, although some of them knew that it would not be recognized by that Church. The classis did wrong, it says, in granting a paper that could not be recognized. It humiliated our Church. Their action was without precedent. Tiie constitution says that dismission shall be given to ministers called elsewhere. Giesy had been without a field for a year. *February 7. 522 History of Reformed Church in the U. S;. Maryland classis, in dismissing Giesy, tried to guard itself by saying that it did not mean by its action to express any doubt as to the validity of any action growing therefrom nor did it mean to acknowledge the peculiar claims of the Protestant Episcopal Church in respect to its min- istry. The Christian World* speaking of Giesy 's perversion, asks if he re- nounces his ministerial character (this is implied by the fact that he had to be re-ordained by the bishop) as a Eefonned minister, why does he hold on to his degree of D.D.? How could he be a D.D. if he is not a minister? Or where was his degree of D.D. during the time between his dej)arture from our Ohui'ch and his re-ordination in the Episco])al Church? The ChristUcher Botschafter, the organ of the Evangelical Association, makes merry over the re-ordination of Giesy by the Episcopalians, be- cause the Reformed had once treated them in this way in the case of Dr. Gohr, whom the Reformed had re-ordained, because they said he came not t'ldiii a church but from a sect — the Evangelical Association. It says the Ejiiscopaliau Church now regards the Refonned as a sect. The Christian World, speaking of Giesy 's going over to Episcopacy, says it thinks of Hudson, Geiger, W. Phillips and Hartman who had also gone there. And to Rome had gone Snively, Stewart, Ermentrout and Wolflf. Mereersburg theology had driven Berg and Mesick to the Dutch, K. TI. Nevin, Vaughn and Samuel Philips to the Presbyterians. The Reformed Church Monthly also refers to "the rapidly thinning front rank of Mereersburg. ' ' On Easter Sunday, 1872, there were four more perversions, as three young men of the senior class of Franklin and IMar- shall college, together with Mr. Zahner, a theological student, were received into the Episcopal Church, the latter forsaking our Church after it had spent $1,200 on his education. Philadelphia classis (1872) appointed a conniiittee to in- quire into the recent ])erv('rsi()ns to Rome. Its report gives as the causes: 1. That the Church had disparaged Protestantism and elevated the Early Church. 2. Some of the distinctive Reformed doctrines and usages had been assailed. 3. Some of the loading errors of popery defended. 4. The affirmations of Wolff, etc;, that these things led them to Rome. The vote on this report was 28 yeas to 7 nays, 2 non-com- mittal. A motion was made to publish this report in the Mes- *April 10, 1873. Endorsement of Ursinus Theological Department. 523 sengcr, Kefornied Church Munthhj and Christian World. Dr. Fisher rose and declared it would not be published in the Mes- senger, as he did not jjublish controversial articles. Yet at the same time he was publishing Gan's articles on absolution, which were very objectionable to the Old Reformed party. The Reformed Church Monthly says two Catholic papers are now edited by former Reformed ministers, the Catholic Stand- ard, by G. D. Wolff, and the United States Catholic Register, by Stewart. The former has an article in his paper on Nevin- ism, in which p]rmentrout charges Nevinism with leading to Rome. Speaking of Philip's defection, he says: "His transition was not the result of transient excitement or of a liastily formed resolution. Through a period of eighteen years, his mind had been more oil less exercised on what used to be called the Church Question. Through the dimly-lighted bleak regions of Puritan- ism he wandered for a time, but soon emerged out of its darkness into the healthier, clearer atmosphere of what is known as Mercersburg theology, the Ajax of which — the well-known Dr. John W. Neviu — in his happier years did so much to remove from the public mind the prejudices against the Romish Church that encrusted it and by his suggestive writings to occasion conversions to her authority. The author has also a private letter written by Rev. Robert Nevin, son of Dr. Nevin, to a friend. Rev. K , who states that his conversion to the Episcopal Church was the result of the teaching of his father's the- ology. Thus these perverts all unite in charging their perversions to Mer- cersburg theology. The effect on our Church of these perversions was sobering. Nevin himself finally comes out more decidedly against Ro- manism than he had done for many years. He attacks* the Catholic rule of faith that "They put an infallible Church instead of an infallible Bible. They put the Church as an outward autliority before Christian faith and its supernatural object, which makes the Church the middle term be- tween Christ and the true believer. This can not be harmonized with the New Testament and does violence to the inmost sanctuary of religious conscience. ' ' But still he tries to occupy a sort of mediating position be- tween Protestantism and Catholicism, for he continues: * Messenger, February 21. 524 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. "The Catholic theory is as little tenable as that which makes the Bible to be the basis. I can not put either the Church or the Bible in place of Christ. The Bible does not give authority to Christ but Christ to the Bible. Neither does the Cluirch authenticate Clirist but Christ authenticates the ChurctiT" All this seems to be correct, but there is confusion and fal- lacy in it. The Bible, we remark, does give authority to Christ, for we would know nothing about Christ but from the Bible. Only as Christ is known through the Bible does he have authority to give. But it is interesting to notice that Nevin is beginning to hedge on his former extreme positions. This he can now the more easily do, for since 1855 the Catholic Church had taken a great step farther from Protestantism by proclaiming the pope infallible. It seems strange that after this additional heresy, ministers like Ermentrout and Wolff and others were not kept from going over to the Catholic Church. But the logic of their earlier training was too much for them. Nevin, in Mercershurg Review for 1874 on "The Old Cath- olic Movement" again comes out against Rome: Arguing against Bishop Coxe, he says, ' ' he does not hold that tlie (!yprianic theory of the Church should be of binding force to the Chris- tian world now, so that Protestantism must be charged with error in proportion exactly as it fails to comport with this primitive standard or rule, ('hristianity as it stcod in ihc -a^v nf Cvpriaii cini liy no means be taken as a safe pattern of wliat Christianity should be in tiie present age or as the true ideal of what tlie Ciiristian world must roach after to solve in time to come the probh'in of Christian unity.'' (Ilow different all tiiis is fniin Dr. \e\iii in liis articles on Cyprian in 1852. — A.) Dr. Bomberger says:* "One can now see a gradual change, one can read the word Evangelical in their articles. Thr Reformed Clmrch Monlhli) (1876) says Ermentrout belonged to the class of 1848, Schnebly to the class of 1850, Albert and Christman to class of 1851, Stewart to class of 1852. Appel, in the history of the seminary, 1875. says: "History was at- tended with some loss" (some loss? — ten or fifteen ministers, including sons of professors — A.). * Reformed Church Monthly, 1875. Endorsement of Uksini's Theological Department. 525 Section 6. The Eastern Synod of 1871. TIk^ Eastorn synod had had a special meeting July 12 at Lan- caster, at which Dr. Iligbee resigned as professor in the semi- nary. Rev. T. G. Apple was elected professor of Church his- tory in his stead. (Thus Dr. A[)ple becomes professor and Gans' Tercentenary professorship never materialized.) The Rev. Pres. Thomas G. Apple, D. D. nomination was in open synod and not by a committee, as in the previous election, which had caused some controvers}'. A communication was received from several German ministers asking for a professor to suit the wants of the German part of our Church. Though only a communication, the action of synod in regard to this was the opposite of their treatment of the communication from the Myerstown convention at the Eastern synod of 1867 or of the memorialists at the General Synod of 1869. They received it respectfully. The regular moeting of the Eastern synod in the fall of 1871 was looked forward to with great interest because it was ex- pected that it would take some action on the pei-versions of 526 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. AVolff and Ermentrout to the Catholic Church. The synod took action and ordered the classes to which they belonged to proceed against them in discipline. It also appointed a com- mittee (T. G. Apple chairman) to bring in a paper giving the views of the synod on the situation. This committee reported that the s^nod deeply deplored the perversion of these men from the faith. The}- could not rest simply with an expres- sion of sorrow; but. reeogxiizing the danger of the Cluirch from rationalism and infidelity, they deemed it necessary to utter a solemn protest in a calm and solid argument against Rome. The theology' of our Church as taught by our di^nomi- nation is soimdly Protestant. Our Church holds firmly to the Heidelberg Catechism. The perversion of these men .seems to have sobered the east- ern part of the Church. The synod is here more outspoken for Protestant truth tlian it had been since jMercersburg the- ology began. The Messenger declared the report a masterly vindication of Protestantism. The Old Reformed, however, said it virtually condemned the teaching of their own theo- logical seminary. Dr. Bomberger says it is remarkalilc as not containing any thrust at the old doctrines of the Eeformed Church, which is quite in contrast with the liturgical report of 1862 or Gerhart's attack on the Evangelical Alliance. He says it gave true importance to the Reformation, which Mercersburg had hitherto been unwilling to do. Mercersburg had claimed that the Church of the future would be a union of Rome and Protestantism, but there was nothing of this in the report. The committee's report to synod suggested that a pastoral letter be drawn up by synod to be read in the churches. Zieber opposed this, for he said the reading of a pastoral letter might lead some in our churches to think there was something wrong in the Church. Evidently the synod had had enough experience with the previous pastoral letter in 1807 to be chary on the subject, so it was not adopted.* *In the discussion on these resolutions L. D. Leberman denied the rumor that he intended going over to Rome and also denied another rumor about himself, that he never baptized children without first having obtained Catholic holy water. Endorsement of Ursini's Theological Departmkn r. 527 Still the action of the synod was not a full answer to the charges that these perversions had been due to the teachings of Mercersburg theologj^ The Christian World rejoiced that the Eastern synod so heartily en- dorsed the Heidelberg Catechism and Protestantism. The report of the committee on minutes of classis called at- tention to North Carolina classis, which had taken severe ac- tion against Nevinism. The committee thought that their ac- tion called for censure because it was directed against our synod (they assumed that Nevinism and the doctrine of our Church was identical — A.). But the synod declined to ac- knowledge such identity by striking the suggestion of the committee from their report. This was quite different from what Nevin had claimed at Dayton Avhen he said that the Eastern synod had endorsed Nevinism and also from what Apple had claimed on the basis of the action of the Eastern sjTiod of 1864. Quite a discussion arose on the Tercentenary professorship and the German professorship, which revealed some interesting facts. At Reading, in 1864, the convention had appropriated $16,000 for the Tercentenary professorship. But since then this Tercentenary fund had been added to the funds of the other endowments of the professor's chairs so as to raise their salaries from $1,200 to $1,500 annually. It was charged that this was a diversion of funds from their original purpose. This, however, was denied. But at any rate the action on a Tercentenary professor was tabled for a year. The Germans sent a petition for a German professor in place of Higbee, as the previous professor of church history and languages had been a German (Schaff). They were dis- satisfied that there was no German professor at Lancaster, as large amounts of money had been obtained for the Church nominally or avowedly for that purpose,* so a German confer- ence was arranged for. The German conference was held January 23, 1872, at Philadelphia, Dr. Gehr Avas appointed president and Pister, *A plan was evolved to have a German faculty there, so as to satisfy the Germans. 528 History of Reformed Chitrch in the U. S. secretaiy. It passed resolutions gratefully acknowledging the interest of the Eastern sjTiod in the Germans and asked that they would proceed to elect a German professor as soon as the foimding of the professorship was completed and that then they would take steps to get students from Germany, — then they would try to found a second professorship; but if that be found impracticable, to found their own seminary, — that the funds for the professorship be entrusted to a board of trustees chosen by the German portion of the sj^nod and the German conference. They requested permission for German classes to be formed so as to organize a German sjTiod. The Messenger, in commenting on the resolutions, said that the resolution asking that the funds of the German professor- ship be transferred to trustees was asking what could not be legally done without violating its trust and making them liable to forfeiture. Many of the Old Reformed party looked with anxiety on this conference as ^an efifort to detach the Germans from the low-church party. But this conference took such action about the care of the funds contributed by the Germans as the ]\rercersburg party would not agree to and so the Germans generally remained with the old Reformed as before. Section 7. Union with the Dutch (1873-2). The Ohio synod had overtured the General Synod of i866 for union with the Dutch Reformed Church. The committee of that synod to which the sul)ject was referred brought in a favorable report, but it was amended, postponing the subject of union until the next General Synod. The Ohio and North- western synods then overtured the General Synod of 1869 to take favorable action toward union with the Dutch. But that body did not see its way clear to do so. Finally the Ohio synod became tired of waiting for General Synod and took matters into its own hands in 1870. Rev. Dr. Ferris, the sec- retary of the Dutch board of Home Missions, was present at the Ohio synod. He made an address on Foreign IMissions and spoke of their sympathy with the Ohio synod, saying they would be glad to have a student from Tiffin in tliefr foreign Endorsement of Ursinus Theological Department. 5-29 field. The synod resolved to enter into correspondence with the Dutch and appointed delegates. Dr. Seiter attended the next General Synod of the Dutch Church (1871) and made an address. The Dutch Church then took action to enter into correspondence with the Ohio synod and with North Carolina classis. A substitute to this was offered by a minister, who had formerly been in the Ger- man Reformed Church, — that the officers of General Synod be appointed to confer with our General Synod on the subject instead of with the Ohio synod. But his amendment was voted down. Their General Synod appointed Dr. Peltz dele- gate to the Ohio synod and Dr. Ganse and Elder Sahefflin to North Carolina classis. When this became known to the Mercersburg men in the East, bitter attacks began to appear in the Messenger. That paper* says that the Christian World, the organ of the Ohio synod, had sold itself and the whole Keformed Church to the Dutch. The editor of the Messenger^ wrote on the latest tendency as the "new Dutch Crusade." He opposes union with the Dutch because of the dif- ferences between the Dutch and the German Churches, — the diiference in their customs as in the Lord's Supper and in their creeds, as on the five points of Calvinism. The last General Synod of the Dutch Churoh invited independent congregations to throw themselves into their arms and had appointed delegates to visit the Ohio synod and the North Carolina classis to entice them away. What will our General Synod say to such proceedings. He did not object to proper agitation of such a subject as union, but he said that the effort ought to come through the upper Church court, the General Synod. In the West, Dr. Good writes favorably to union with the Dutch, as does Welker, of North Carolina, but Prugh opposes it as an insult to the General Synod, — calls it schismatic, which Williard denies, claiming that the Ohio synod had always corresponded with other bodies as the Presby- terian. The Messenger articles continue against it, saying that the Dutch in 1819 had interfered with our Church to our hurt and again in 1844 had tried to intermeddle and that the Tjiennial Convention sought union with us so that their ministers might get places in our Church. They call this act of the Dutch a predatory act. On the other hand a writer in the Christian World claimed that the Ohio synod had the right *June 13th. fJsly 5th. 530 History op Reformed Church in the U. S. to maintain correspondence with any Church, its former right to do this never ha\^ng been withdrawn. Dr. Peltz, who wrote the resolutions for the Dutch General Synod, in the Messenger of September 27, disclaimed any secret intention in the matter. The basis of those resolutions were the utterances of the dele- gate from the Ohio synod. He denied that the purpose of the Dutch was predatory, to steal away from the German Church. He was not aware that the North Carolina classis had resumed relations with the German Church. Dr. Fisher replies that on his recent visit to North Carolina he found much Dutch literature there and also states that that classis had resumed relations to our synod in 1858, although it had been broken by the Civil War. Dr. Apple writes against the Dutch. He says the persons who charge Mercersburg theology with being Lutheran are now plotting to make us Dutch. He had been opposed to the organization of the General Synod, believing a free union of the East and the West to be better. But when the General Synod was organized, he believed in sticking to it, as he had done at the General Synod of 1869. That, however, was an orderly method of procedure, but this was disorderly and schismatic, tearing parts of our Church from us. The Messenger says that the Christian Intelligencer declares there can be no organic union with the German Reformed, but that a division of the German Reformed is only a question of time. It is said that the theological differences in the German Reformed Church stood in the way of union. Apple pronounced this false, as neither the Eastern synod or the Messenger had said anything against union but against the irregularity of the method by which it was projiosed to get it. It charges Dr. Good with a schismatic tendency. Welker writes,* referring to the attacks on it in the Messenger and by the high-churchmen, who charged ' ' selling out to the Dutch, " " preda- tory excursions," "stealing churches," etc. He replies that if it had been discovered that these men were trying to introduce a pan-philo- sophical philosophy or Puseyite theology, circulating and recommending the devout study of missals and breviaries to the students of the college, would there be such indignation. They charge that the movement camo from an obscure corner and not from the synod. But so it is in history. Foreign missions in America began in a haystack, the Reformation did not begin in a synod. They stigmatize it as schismatical, but it is a union of two denominations. All their objections, such as "threats to - posing them a considerable time before thai eledion. "1. As early as the synod of 18(i(), Dr. l-JdinluTgcM- joined witli (.tlicrs in urging that the Provisional liturgy he referred to tlic classes. lie did it a. Because it was evident thai I he liturgy was not acceptable on ac- count of objectionable, ritualistic ;iiiaiod was the seven- tieth birthday anniversary of Dr. Nevin. The synod called at Caernarvon, his home near Lancaster, and presented him with a costly gold watch. Gerhart made the address for the donors, and Nevin replied. In Gerhart 's address, says Bom- berger, he claimed that Nevinism was a peculiar and distinct system. Nevin agreed to this, and said a change had been going on in himself as well as in the Reformed Church in the last thirty years. *Anothcr matter Ijrought l)oforo tlicin was the foiuuling of a niissioii- liniise, wliieh was negatived as of doubtful propriety. The startinf:f of a Mission-House for Eastern Pennsylvania was begun by East Pennsyl- vania elassis. It sent a memorial to the Lebanon and Ooshenhoppen classes about the matter. The latter appointed a committee to unite with the committee of East Pennsylvania elassis in this pro.iect. But Lebanon elassis did not go into it. The whole plan finally came to naught, although several meetings of the joint rommiltees of Kast Penn- sylvania and Ooshenhoppen classes were held. There also arose quite a discussion in the Messnif/rr between Rev. G. T. WolfF, who bitterly at- tacked the scheme and Prof. Tligbee, who favored it. Pr. TlelfTrich, in his Autobiography, says it was a plan to circumvent Ursinus college by drawing attention fiyi&j from that institution to it. EvTSNTS TO THE Generm. Synod (1878). 547 As the high-churchiiieii combiiipd in these three synods for missionary work, the low-churchmen also combined and or- ganized the Ursinus Union, June 26, 1873, to foster missions and beneficiary education. A church case that caused a good deal of friction was the Reformed Church at Frederick, Md. Dr. Zacharias, who had been pastor for many years, and who had never used the liturgy in his Sabbath services, died in 1873. A few weeks after his death the first meeting of the Potomac synod was held in the church, when a full liturgical service was used for the first time. This gave offence to many, w^ho had never been accustomed to it. The majority of the consistory was high-church and they nominated successively two high- churchmen as pastors, but both were defeated by the congre- gation. A petition to have a low-churchman nominated was rejected by the consistory. Finally Dr. Eschbach was nomi- nated by the high-churchmen. At this meeting they captured the low-churchmen by passing a motion that the non-liturgical service was to be used in the Church. Dr. Eschbach was elected and the following Simday ordained and installed the Church officers, against whose election the low-churchmen had been protesting.* Dr. Apple, in addressing the Dutch synod, 1876, said the controversy had largely ceased within our borders. Though the two tendencies, churchly and unchurchly, have not ceased, they are nearer common ground than they have been for years. For the rest they agree to disagree and look for a complete reconciliation in the future. The Christian Worldj objects to being thus called unchurchly by Dr. Apple. It takes Apple up for saying that a liturgy, except in such *For a full statement of this and the action of classis, synod and civil courts, see the Christian World, July .30, 1874, to February n, 1876, which gives the Old Reformed view of the case. For the other side of the case, see Eschbach 's History of the Frederick Church, page .'50. An interesting dispute occurred in the Messenger in the spring of 1873 between Gans and Steiner. Gans, with his very high-church proclivities, made an assault on our public school system, saying that our public schools were infidel, for which Steiner called him to account. fJuly 6, 1876. 548 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. main features of \voi-shii> as are fixed liy the constitution of the Church, ought not to be attempted to be enforced. It hopes that this remark will be heeded by the high-churchmen.* Eev. F. W. Krenier had an articlef on " Unehurchly German Re- formed." Unchurchly means a low, unworthy, unscriptural conception of the Church and the ministry and the sacraments. The Old Reformed ought not to be charged with it. They were probably declared so be- cause of their simple worship. But theirs was the Old Reformed worship, for the Mercersburg theology confesses that their worship is new. The publication of the RcfoDticd Church Monthhj was dis- continued, after being published for nine years, six longer than had been prophesied of it. It was combined with the Christian World in a new department, called "Faith and Works." F. W. KremerJ saj's the Order of Worship is a failure. Nevin some years ago pronounced the Provisional liturgy a failure. The same is true of the Order : 1. As to its limited introduction. Among 1,352 congregations, not more than 2.5 use it in full. 2. Its use in the regular Lord's day's services has been abandoned in many congregations, as Harrisburg and Altoona' and elsewhere. 3. Even its limited introduction was found an injury to the Church, creating alienation li(>tween pastor and people. 4. The attempt to introduce it has seriously interfered with our literary and theological institutions and involved us in the expense of establishing other institutions. The Christian World^ says the old issues are still jiending. It refers to the baptismal regeneration of Tract No. 3 and the denial of the atonement, as found in the catechism. These issues are not only pend- ing, but more than one have been claimed to have the approval of the Church through the synod. How long will this contiiuie? But it nuist be met. *E. M. R. also takes him up in the Kcformed Chnrch Monlhh/ severely in "The Ointment that i;in down Aaron's beard," which Apple had written. He refers to the y<'lling down of Dr. Super at the synod of 1872, to the violent demonstrations at synod of I(S(57, when the proceed- ings of the Myerstown convention came up, to the scheme of the synogan in ^Sl:] was in straits financially. An effort was nirulo to relieve it in this way. But this action gave great offense to the Old Re- formed party. They declared that this was a pei'version of funds, as the money was raised by them for contingent ex- penses and not for the ])ublieation interests which continually opposed them because it entirely favored the high-church party. They declared that if synod thus perverted money, they would not raise their apportituiments. Unfortunately at this synod, personalities entered into tlu; bitter debate that took place. The president of synod was charged by the Old Reformed with ruling arbitrarily against them. The feeling became so strong among them that their rights w(^re not carc^d for by synod and that they were alwa.xs mistreated there that they started a movement to organ- ize a separate synod on the ground of cull us. just as liie German part of our Church had already done on llie basis of language. A conference was held hy flieiii one evening ol" synod. It appointed a commiHee to confer about holding a convention to prepare a memorial to the General Synod, ask- Events to the General Synod (1878). 577 ing that such a separate synod be formed. This committee met at Collegeville, November 13, 1877. It decided that the calling of a convention for that purpose was not advisable, but appointed a committee to prepare an amendment to the consti- tution in the way of a memorial to the General Synod and de- cided that such an amendment should be su])mitted to a future conference. This memorial was prepared and is as follows: "Whereas, Diversities of belief in regard to rloctrine are known and acknowledged to exist in our Church, especially in the eastern portion of it, and these have been and are still the occasion of unpleasant differ- ences of feeling; and "Whereas, The experience of many years past testifies that this state of affairs mars the fellowship of the disagreeing parties brought togetker in synodical and other meetings, and that it seriously hinders fraternal co-operation in the various activities of the Church; and ' ' Whereas, It is believed that to remedy these evils, to prevent further harm from these causes and to promote a greater measure of peace, an amicable division of those entertaining the diverse views re- ferred to, into distinct synods is desirable and should be effected. ' ' Therefore, with a view of gaining permission of General Synod and thus of the synods and classes directly interested, for the formation of a new district synod within the limits of the synod of the United States and of the synod of the Potomac, upon the principle already established in the case of the new German classes and synods, the following petition is respectfully presented: " Eesolved, That the General Synod of the Reformed Church in the United States to convene at Lancaster, Pa., in May, 1878, be and hereby is respectfully requested to submit to the several classes an additional amendment to article 46 of the constitution in form and substance as follows: 'Provided further, that in the bounds of classes which are pre- vailingly in favor of the doctrinal views represented in the Order of Worship (Eastern liturgy) of 1866, other classes may be organized, com- posed of those ministers and pastoral charges in favor of the doctrinal views represented in the liturgy or Order of Worship (Western) of 1869; and so also conversely in the case of classes prevailingly in favor of the doctrinal views represented in the liturgy or Order of Worship other classes may be organized in the same way. ' ' ' This amendment followed almost literally the request of the Germans for separate organization. They hoped therefore it would be more easily adopted. It was proposed that this memorial be adopted by Philadelphia and North Carolina 578 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. classes at special meetings to be held i)revi()us to the meetings of the General Synod. We do not find anywhere any such action coming up to the General Synod of 1878 from these classes. The measure was evidently for some reason held in abeyance, perhaps because the next General Synod was to be held in the East, where the high-churchmen might be in con- trol. A complaint was made that the devotional services of the Po- tomac synod (1876) were all liturgical. All special devotional services were omitted, such as had been customary years ago. It was the custom in our Church not many years before to have several hours of one or two sessions set apart for singing, prayer and addresses. AVe remember, says the writer, the deep and happy impressions of such services. But this synod knew no such thing as a prayer-meeting. Scarcely a prayer is offered except the strict form in the liturgy for the opening of synod. Section 11. The General Synod of 1878. This Synod met at Lancaster. The election of the president revealed the strength of the two parties. On the first l^allot there was a tie, but on the second Dr. Van Home had one majority over Dr. Bausman. This thrcAV the organization of the synod into the Old Reformed party. The defeat was felt all the more keenly because it took place at Lancaster, the seat and center of the high -church party. The Christian World* says that all hands are tired of the controversy, that there is a general feeling that the inner dis- sensions were bringing ruin on the Church unless a reuKxly be speedily applied. This feeling culminated in the propositions offered by Rev. Dr. C. Z. Weiser on jMonday evening. IMay 20. He suggested that a commission be created which should decide the differences. (This was modeled after the famous commis- sion to settle the political controversy about the presidency of our country between Hayes and Tilden in ]87fi-7.) This commission was to prepare a basis upon which all parts of the Church could meet. This proposition met with favor at *May 30. Events TO THE General Synod (1878). 579 once. A nunibor of delegates regardless of party lines advo- cated the adoption of the resolution. After a long discussion the plan was adopted, and a committee was appointed to con- sider it. They approved it and the General S^^nod authorized the creation of such a commission, the different synods to elect their delegates, due regard being paid to minorities in the synods. The General Synod also adopted the following action : Whereas, Under the guidance of tlie great Head of tlic Church this General Synod with cordial unanimity has inaugurated measures to restore harmony and peace within its bounds; therefore, Besolved, That the ministers and members represented in tliis Syiind be admonished to use their official and personal influence for the cultiva- tion of mutual confidence and peace. Besolved, That the editors of our Church periodicals be requested, as far as possible, to infuse a spirit of conciliation and concord into their publications. Resolved, That the professors of our classical, collegiate and theo- logical institutions be requested to cultivate such a spirit of charitable- ness and peace in the minds of their students as are contemplated in the aforesaid conciliatory measures adopted by this synod. Besolved, That this General Synod most earnestly requests the mendiers of all the ecclesiastical bodies under its supervision in the deliberations and decisions of their regular and special meetings to have a due and charitable regard for each other's conscientious convictions and as far as possible to conduct their business so as to cultivate and advance the cause of peace and good will among the congregations and people of our Eeformed Zion. As to the basis of rei)resentation in the Commission, it took action, tluit General Synod earnestly recommends to the district synods that in the appointment of their respective delegations to this Commission, they pay due regard to a minority tendency where such exists. Several events at the synod were significant. Immediately after the election of Dr. Van Home as president, the large cross which had stood on the altar of the church was removed and kept out of sight during the entire session of the General Synod. The new tide of feeling also showed itself in a prayer- meeting by the Germans, — the first prayer-meeting at a Gen- eral Synod. At first there was some doul>t as to whether the pi^ace move- ment was a hearty one and would receive the endorsement by 580 History of^ Reformed Church in the U. S. the Church at large. The Mcrcershurg licvicw for July came out in its favor expressing full confidence in it. All agreed, it said, on the desirableness of peace, Imt not all were agreed on full faith in it. Some were inclined to wait and see what the commission would do before they embraced this faith. The restoration Avill come from the practical side rather than the theoretical, the first thing needed is confidence, the second we must show confidence. Tt urged all to unite on the Mcrccrsburg Eeview. The action of the p]astern Synod of 1878 did much to aid this feeling of confidence. It met in convention at P^aston and elected Dr. Bomborger president. It endorsed heartily the ac- tion of the General Synod on the peace movement. It recalled the action of tlie synod of 1868 against Bomberger. This act did more to restore confidence than anything else. It com- mended Ursinus college, as did the Potomac synod. PART III. Events After the Liturgical Controversy (1878-19 lo.) CHAPTER I. Important Events. Section 1. The Peace Movement. The General Synod of 1878 requested the different synods to elect the members of the Peace Commission, giving due pro- portion to minorities within them. The different synods then elected their delegates as follows if Eastern synod. — Revs. Drs. Weiser,* T. G. Apple,* F. W. Kremer and Elders D. W. Gross,* Seibert* and Kelker. Ohio synod. — Revs. Drs. J. H. Good and Kefauver* and elders Bauglnnan and Kuhns. Northwest synod.^ — Revs. Drs. IT. J. Ruetenik and Gredina: and elders Scheele and Tons. Pittsburg synod. — Revs. Titzel* and J. IT. Apple,* and elders Bousch* and Craig.* Potomac synod. — Revs. Drs. Callender* and Welker and elders Wirt* and Steiner.* German Eastern sjaiod. — Rev. Dr. Knelling and elder W. G. Gross. By a fortunate Providence this conniiission was equally divided between the liturgical and anti-liturgical parties. They met December 3, 1879, and drinv up a Pea(;e Compact on three points, doctrine, cultus and government. It declared that, — In doctrine, the Reformed Church in the United States unites in the confession of her adherence to the doctrines of the Holy Scriptures as set forth in the Heidelberg Catechism, taking the same in its historical f Those marked * are liturgical, the rest anti liturgical. 581 582 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. (^or original) sense: and dec-lares that any departure from the same is unauthorized by the Church: and renewedly directs all her ministers, editors and teachers of theology ' ' faithfully to preach and defend the same. ' ' This act is not to be so construed as to forbid or interfere with that degree of freedom in Scriptural and theological investigation which has always been enjoyed in the Reformed Church.* In presenting tlie above as a basis for peace in the Church, we are not unmindful of the fact that more than this might be expected. We believe that the theological contest that has gone forward in our Church for over a quarter of a century, with earnestness and zeal, has resulted, (now that it has substantially come to a close, as we hope), in bringing the Church to a deeper apprehension of the truth. It would seem proper, therefore, that an attempt should be made to summarize in some general \\ay this result. We therefore submit the following, as embodying certain* points on which this commission is able to har- monize, and thus contribute towards that substantial agreement through- out the whole Church in the peace period upon which we are now enter- ing: I. We recognize in Jesus Clirist and Ids sacrifice for fallen man, the foundation and source of our whole salvation. II. We hold that the Christian life is begotten in us by the Word of God, which is ever living and carries in itself the power to quicken faith and love in the heart through the Holy Ghost. III. We do not regard the visible Church as commensurate and iden- tical witli the iM\isil)lt' Clnircli (according to the Roman theory), nor do wo tliink that in this world the invisible Church can be separated from tilt- visible (according to the theory of Pietism and false spiritual- ism) ; but while we ilo not iaiitli('izing tendency of M., which blends the natures so closely that the proper distinction Tjetween God and humauitv is minimized. *" The divine tradition which starts from the original substance of Christ only itself as it underlies the Bible meets us under its most authoritative character in the Apostles' Creed" (Merccrsburr/ h'crinv, 18-19, page 339). f An organism is governed by the laws of its being. JTIere the rationalizing tendency of Mercersburg tlieulogy apju'ars, al- though it seemed to emphasize the su|iernatural. The great contro- versy of the past century was Ms Christianity under law (organic) or above law (supernatural)?" Important Events. 589 Mercersbukg. 4 The incariuition was the nec- essary development of the God- head and would have taken place even if man had not fallen and needed redemption. The Application 1 Eedemption is (Christ's thean- thropic or divine-human life com- ing down to us organically through the Church and the sacraments. 2 .Just as the sin of the first Adam comes to us, so the redemp- tion of the second Adam comes organically to us- by infusing the substance of his theanthropic life into us. It touches the centre of our soul at regeneration. 3 The incarnation is the central doctrine. ' * Only a superficial study of Christ makes it funda- mental. ' '* The central position of the atonement is incompatible with the central position of the Creed. Old Reformed. 4 Tlie incarnation took ylace be- cause of sin and because of the need of redemption for sin. The Bible gives no other reason for it. of Eedemption. 1 Redemption is not organic or by law, it is above law — a free act of grace or unmerited favor of (jod to us, unworthy sinners. 2 Eedemption does not come to us exactly as sin came to us, for sin is inherited, whereas salvation nuist be chosen by a free, con- scious act of the will. Anything less than this would make it ethically unworthy of salvation. Eegeneration is not organic but the free act of the Holy Spirit who works when, where and how he pleaseth. 3 The atonement is the central Christian doctrine. It is "incar- nation in order to atonement. ' ' Christ made it central. He left no sacrament of the incarnation as he did of his death. 4 Eedemption is a life rather than penal (that is a satisfaction for sin to a law). The old view of the atonement makes us to be saved by a dead Christ, but re- demption is living not dead. 5 Justification is by virtue of our organic conjunction with the *" Christ involves in his person 4 Redemption is a life, but a life Ijy the Holy Spirit who apjilies the atonement to us. We are saved by a ' ' dead Christ ' ' only because he was living before his atonement and after it in glory. The atone- ment as redemption included the incarnation and also the resurrec- tion and the ascension, but the atonement is the centre of them all. 5 .Justification is a forensic act of God charging over to our ac- the reconciliation." 590 History op Reformed Church in the U. S. I\Iercersburg. inuaruation through the thean- thropic life of Christ. It is by participation in Christ's life. It is not forensic as the Old E«fn rul- ed held (that is, the merits of Christ are charged over to us by God.) Justification is internal, subjective, within the Christian. 6 Regeneration is the implanta- tion of a substantial portion of the theanthropic life into the core or centre of human personality. This is done at baptism. The out- ward or sacramental is emphasized even at the expense of the internal religious experience. Hence Ger- hart was charged with denying the necessity of faith. At least faith as a definite act was mini- mized. Conversion conies by edu- cation, not by a sudden change of heart. Old Reformed. count the merits of Christ, (Hei- delberg Catechism, Ans. 60). Sal- vation is therefore a gift (Ro- mans 6: 23). Justification must not l)e confused with sanctification, ])ut it leads to sanctification and is therefore not merely calling a sin- ner righteous but making him so. Justification is external to tlie Christian, at the cross of Christ. 6 Regeneration is an act of the Holy Spirit. The visible evidences of this are a conscious change of heart, feeling and life. The in- ward or experimental is empha- sized. There nuist be a personal experience of divine forgiveness. (Heidelberg Catechism, Ans. 1 and 21.) The Cliurrh. 1 The Church is tiie organ for the transmission of this thean- thropic life to men for their re- demption. "Christianity is only another name for the divine-hu- man life of Christ." 2 It views the Church as col- lective rather than as individual. 3 The visible Church is emj)lia- sized as the medium through which the life of Christ comes and the invisible Church is minimized. 1 The Cluirch is made uj) of all in all ages gathered, defended and preserved by Christ through his Spirit out of tiio whole human race (Ans. .')4) and who agree in essentials of the true faith. 2 Ft \ icws the Church rather from the individual staii(i|M)iiit ("made up of all") though it does not ignore the importance of tlie visible Clnirch. 3 The invisible Church has been the external medium through which salvation has historically come down to us. But the Holy Ghost is emphasized as the me- dium rather than any thought of the Church. iMroRTANT Events. 55)1 ]\Iercersburg. Old Reformed. The Sacraments. 1 The sacraments are potential in themselves, — grace is present wlicre not excluded by unbelief. The sacraments are saving ordi- nances. 2 The sacraments convey the theanthropic life to man from the Ohurch. They not merely bear the benefits of redemption, but are themselves redemption, for by them the very substance of Christ's life passes over to man. The sacraments have objective force which the subjective does not put into it. They are saving ordi- nances because they bear regen- eration and grace. 3 The objective is emphasized. 1 The sacraments are potential only when faith is present. The sacraments arc not saving but seal- ing ordinances. (Answer (i5.) 2 Tlie sacraments are signs and seals of redemption to the believer. They are not in themselves re- demptive, but they bring to us the benefits of redemption. Christ was the redemption and they are the channel confirmatory of it (Ans. 6.5). They are not sav- ing ordinances but sealing ordi- nances. The sacraments and the Word go together, alike in their effects. 3 The subjective is emphasized, — faith is always necessary in or- der that the grace in the sacra- ment may be effective. Without faith there is no benefit. Baptism. 1 Baptism conveys the very substance of the theanthropic life of Christ to us, — it translates us from the kingdom of Satan into the kingdom of God. Tt produced de- liverance from the power of the devil, forgiveness of sins and the gift of the new life" (Order of Worship). 2 It implants a germ of new life within us. 1 Baptism is the sign and seal of regeneration, of the covenant in which the child is born of Chris- tian parents. It is not regenera- tion, but must be followed by conversion at the proper age, to which it looks forward. 2 Tt does not implant a germ, for the Holy Spirit is not under the law of the organic and grace does not grow like a germ in na- ture,— the Holy Spirit is free to act as he wills. But he is spe- cially present to those in the cov- enant, of which baptism is the seal. 592 PIiSTORY OF Reformed Church in the U. S. ]\Iercersburg. 3 Jt makes infants Christians. (.See Gerhart's Catecliism.) Faith is not necessary. When the name of the trinity is used over the chihl, there is grace. The objec- tive rules. Old Reformed. .'! It does not make infants Christians but is only the seal of the covenant by which they will become Christians if true to the covenant. Grace is present in pro- portion as there is faith, but bap- tism is not regenerative. The Lord's Supper. 1 The Lord 's Supper conveys the theanthropic life of Christ to us so as to nourish our souls. 2 The humanity of Christ is present in the theanthropic life, but spiritually. 3 The memorial aspect is mini- mized and the idea of the com- munication of life is most promi- nent. The phrases "broken bread" and "poured out wine" are left out. 4 It is also especially viewed as under the aspect of an offering up of a sacrifice to God. 1 The Lord 's Supper is the sign and seal of the spiritual nourish- ment of believers by the Holy Spirit. 2 The humanity of Christ is not jiresent, as it is in heaven, though mediated to us by the omnipres- ent divinity of Christ (the Holy Spirit, "which is in Christ and in us," Ans. 76). The communicant is told by the liturgies to lift his mind from the elements up to Christ in heaven. 3 The most prominent aspect of the Lord's Supper is as a me- morial of Christ's suffering on the cross — his broken body and shed blood symbolized by the bread and wine. The vivifying aspect is also brought forward, but it is not by the sacrament but by the Holy Spirit at the sa*rament. 4 It is a renewal of our vows of confirmation. h ;;.,.^..-./. '1 The Minisiry. '^J /AXv" H 1 The office of the ministry flows directly from Christ as the fruit of his resurrection and as- cension,— it invests him with the power of the office — for "the com- munication of such great force." He is the organ through whom God communicates the grace of regeneration and salvation. 1 The ministry is of divine ori- gin. (But it emphasizes the min- istry as an office and not the power of the office). There is power with the office only wherever the Holy Giiost and faith were present but not otherwise. Important Events. 593 Mercersburg. 2 It sets the ministers apart from the congregation as an order by themselves— priests. 3 Emphasizes the priestly office of the ministry. 4 No one can be sure his sins are pardoned unless it is officially declared to him by the minister as the representative of God. Old Reformed. 2 The ministry is an office of the Church, but not a separate or- der from the congregation. 3 Emphasizes the prophetical of- fice of the ministry. 4 No man can forgive sin, only ('hrist, and no man is allowed as a priest to come between the be- liever and his Saviour. The Future Life. 1 Mercersburg held to a Middle State (the echo of Schaff's early aberration at synod of 1846). It is variously described and we are uncertain as to exactly what they mean by it. 1 It held that the believer at death goes immediately to heaven (Ans. 57). And those who die un- saved (if heathen) are left to the mercy of God and (if in Christian lands) to his justice. B. Worship. Worship — The Sabbath Services. 1 demanded a fixed or read litur- gical form of worship. 2 The worship centered in the Apostles' Creed. No service was complete witiiout it. 3 ileiiian Evangelist, our Western Church-paper. They found more favor among the German Presbyterians than among tlie Reformed. But among the Reformed some of the Russian innnigrants in Da- kota had become disciples of Kohlljriigge before they came to this country. His Presbyterian and the Reformed adherents founded a church-paper (Wlichfcr) in 1894 at Dubuque, Iowa, as their organ. In October. 1905, and January. 190(>, -Rev. H. A. ]\leier, D.D., professor in our ]\Iission-House at Franklin. Wis., at- tacked Kohlbriiggianism in the Thfolofjical Zfifschrlff^ the organ of that institution. The Waclitcr replied vigorously to him. beginning December ]. 1905. charging him with being a liigher critic on the Bible, Arminian, yes Pelagian and Mani- clueau on Anthropology, and Eutychian on Christology. The South Dakota classis in 1906, at the request of the Eureka congregation, entered complaint before the synod of the Northwest against Professor Meier for holding and teaching such views. This synod referred the complaint to the board of directors of the ilission-House. They reported to the Xorthwestern synod (1907) that the complaint was irregular because Professor I\Ieier had not been notified of it officially l)y either the Eureka congregation or the South Dakota classis. They denied that he taught the errors charged against him and asked the synod to support the Mission-House. Kohlbriiggianism has been described as "personification of the Word of God and identification with Christ." To this might be added an emphasis on justification as almost to mini- mize sanctification. The peculiar doctrines of the Kohlbriig- gians as revealed in this controversy seem to be : 1. On the Word of God— that the Word of God liad iidier- ently in it the power of the Holy Spirit; while the Reformed held that the written Word was a medium in the hands of the Holy Spirit. In this Kohlbriigge reveals the infiuenee of his previous Lutheranism. which magnified the power of the 606 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. Word especially in connection with the sacrament. They claimed that the words of the Bible were inspired whereas they said that Dr. ^Meier held that onl^- the thoughts were inspired.* 2. On original sin. — According to Kohlbriigge. man was not created entirely in the image of God, and the Holy Spirit must be added to his natural gift in order to make him such. The Old Reformed theology held that man was created in the imago of God. This view the Kohlbriiggians called heathenism and said it has come from the Catholic Church. They claimed that the fall caused man to lose the gift of the Holy Spirit and man therefore was imperfect as at present. 3. On the incarnation they held that Christ took upon him- self not our humanity as it was before the fall, (this was the view of the Reformed,) but our humanity as fallen. They deny, however, that there was any moral taint in Jesus. Pie was sin — not sinful. 4. On justification, — they identify sanctification with this doctrine. They so magnify justification in Christ that sancti- fication in the believer is lost sight of. Hence they are charged by their enemies with antinomianisiii. — with holding to only the two first parts of our Catechism but virtually re- jecting the third. Section 6. Revivals. This period of our history (1844-1878) has been charactor- ized by an absence of revivals in the eastern part of our Church and by their continuance in the AVest (except among the Gormans), and in North Carolina. Ohio synod in 1840 took action on New Measures: 1. That pravor-meetiiifjs arc not to be stigmatized as new. but as in accordance with the "Word of Ood and the standards of the German Reformed Chnrch. 2. It exhorted ministers and congroj^ations that liavc imt oiicouragod prayer-meetings to introduce them. But it discountenanced a\\ disorder, noise and confusion in puldic worship such as more than one praying *We do not know wlictiicr tlic hitter would accept tliis statement cf his views. Important Events. 607 at one time, shouting during public preaching, etc., all rant and wild- fire as not in accordance with the Bible and the Church. It desired ministers to avoid formalism on the one hand and fanaticism on the other. In the East, notwithstanding the influence of the publica- tion of Dr. Nevin's "Anxious Bench" in 1843, revivals were occasionally mentioned. Lebanon classis (1843) urged j^as- tors to introduce prayer-meetings and in 1844 it called the roll of its ministers to find out if the monthly concert of prayer had been held. It also rejoiced (1844) that the cry against protracted meeetings and prayer-meetings, though still heard, yet no longer produced the impression it had. Hut the trend against revivals due to the influence of Mer- cersburg theology became so strong in the East that gradu- ally they were almost unknown. Even Dr. Bomberger wrote down the revival system in his "Liturgical Movement" in 1862. Long's tent at Lancaster, where he held evangelistic services, produced some controversy in the Messenger. He was attacked by the Mercersburg men, but was defended strongly by some of the Reformed in Lancaster. In 1866 a revival is reported at Klopp's Church and one in Bedford County. In 1872, West Susquehanna classis took action against the new-measure system. Rupp wrote articles on "Conversion" in the Mercershurg Review of 1873, in which he made it all a process and not a sudden transition. It was all educational, not revival. A revival is noted at Heidel- berg Church in Philadelphia in 1873. Quite a crisis on the subject arose when the Moody and Sankey meetings began to create widespread interest in 1876. The boast of the Nevinites had been as late as 1877 that there were no revivals in the East. The Mercersburg men opposed the movement of ]\Io()dy wherever they could, if not openly they did it quietly. It did not accord with their theory of educational religion. Thus Higbee says "the fact that the city of Washington wants Moody and Sankey is a humiliating confession of weakness on the part of the Church there." The Messenger did not openly condemn Moody and Sankey. but it published articles from other papers against them. 608 History of Keformed Church in the IT. S. In 1875 and 1877, it however came out against Moody. Others, as Callender, wrote against revivals as being unscriptni-al and pernicious, the result of false emotionalism. In addition to their doctrinal opposition to revivals, what was especially offensive to them was the fact that Moody preached without ordination, which was entirely contrary to their high-church ideas of the ministerial office. Another point of attack was the new idea of singing religion, as re- vealed by Sankey iu his Gospel Ilyiuns and in his singing of sacred solos so as to lead to conversion. It was claimed that the Bible nowhere said the Gospel could be sung as an appeal, but that it was always to be spoken. On the other hand, the Christian World wishes for 10,000 ]\Ioodys, although Rev. F. W. Kremer. in the East, opposed revivals in his articles on "Unsound Revivals" in 1876. but was answered by S. A new defender of Moody and Sankey appeared in the Christian World in 1876, writing a series of articles, entitled "M.y good Lord. Moses, forbid them." He applied this scene in Moses' life to Moody's work. The articles were an exceedingly strong defense of INIoody's work and created a sensation. It was not knovMi who was writing them until some years later it was found that their author was Rev. Dr. Welker, of North Carolina. By 1877, almost no revivals were held in the East, except by a few ministers, as Knipe, Klopp, Shcnkle, Lindaman and J. I. Good. The rest were opposed, indifferent or afraid to do what was then derided as Metliod- ism. Gradually, however, a more liberal spirit began to appear in the East. Although the educational system of catechization has b(M'n cmi)hasized, yet i)i'otracted services have become common enough in our clnirches, especially be- fore communion seasons. Prayer-m<'etings, too. are no longer stigmatized as un-Heformed and Methodistic. as they once were by the extreme men of the Mercersburg wing, allliougli as late as 1886 the author of this work had a controversy with the high-churchm(Mi in defense of revivals wIkmi he gave them the history of Pietism in the Reformed Church of Germany.* *Sce his History of the Reformed Church of Gennany, jtagos 307-411. Important Events. 609 His historical arguments for pietism and revivals in our Church have never been answered by the high-churchmen. An interesting fact to be noted in connection with revivals is that our Church was a factor in leading to a revival far away. Rev. C. Bonekemper, a graduate of the Theological seminary at Mercersburg, went back (1855) to Russia to take charge of his father's Reformed congregation at Rorschach, near Odessa. He remained there teji years. During that time there was a revival in his congregation. During this revival several Rus- sian peasants attended the services and were converted. Out of their efforts sprang the Stundist movement of Russia, which lias brought so many to Christ and which grew in twenty-five years to several hmidred thousand, though later greatly persecuted and scattered by the Russian government. CHAPTER II. Union and Disunion. A. Union. Section 1. Union Between the Eastern and Ohio Synods. We have already noticed that the Ohio synod was repre- sented at the two Triennial Conventions with the Dutch in 1844 and 1847. Although the Dutch retired from that ar- rangement, yet the Ohio and Eastern s>Tiods kept it up. The third Triennial Convention met at Chambersburg August 14, 1850. There were present from the Eastern synod Revs. Wolff, Rebaugh, A. Nevin. J. W. Nevin, Mesick and Fisher and Elders Bucher, Be.sore and Heyser; from Ohio synod, Revs. Conrad and' Ernst. Dr. Conrad was chosen president and Fisher, secretary. A committee was appointed to formu- late a statement of principles, l)y which the union could be continued after the Dutch had gone out. It ordered a trien- nial meeting, six delegates (one-third being elders) of the two synods to compose a (|uorum. It was to liave no judicial authority, but must submit its proceedings to the two synods. Reports were heard of the state of the Church, east and west. It commended the new Theological seminary at Tiffin and also the Theological seminaiy at ]\Iercersburg and urged the cause of beneficiary education. The fourth Triennial convention Avas held at Columbus, 0. There were present from Ohio, Rev. D. Winters, of Miami classis; Rev. Williard and Elder Blaine, of Lancaster classis; Rev. Hoffmeier and Elder Zimmerman, of Westmoreland classis; Rev. Dr. Gerhart, of Tiffin classis, and Rev. Stump, of Sandusky classis. From the Eastern synod there were: Revs. Schory, of East Pennsylvania classis; M. Kieffer, of Lebanon classis; Feete and Elder Roller of Virginia classis, and Rev. Mesick, of Lancaster classis. At first there was a de- ficiency of elders, but Rev. Salters, of St. Joseph's classis, and 610 Union and Disunion. 611 Elder Kroh, of Tiffin, appeared and an organization was effected by the election of Gerhart as president and Williard as secretary. A committee was appointed to report on the condition of each of the synods ; also a committee on missions. Rev. E. Kieffer and Elder Pontius of Susquehanna classis; Revs. Gutelius and Wiest, of Zion's classis; Rebough of Mer- eersburg classis, and Elder Leonard of Lancaster, 0., then appeared. A committee was appointed on church extension. Their reports urged progress on missions, church extension, correspondence with Germany, etc. The last Triennial Convention met at AVinchester, Va., Oc- tober 3, 1856. There was no quorum present. There were present : from Zion 's classis, Rev. Miller ; from Susquehanna, Rev. Dole ; from IMaryland, Rev. Shuford ; from Virginia, Rev. Martin and Elder Souder; from iMercersburg, Dr. Schaff; from Miami, Rev. Prugh and Elder Baughman ; from West- moreland, Rev. Russell, and from Sandusky classis, Excell. As there was no quorum (there were not enough delegated elders present, one-third being necessary), they resolved them- selves into a free conference, with Martin as president and Russell as secretary. Committees were appointed on the con- dition of the Church, on missions, education and miscellaneous business. It suggested a triennial general synod, the change of the name of the synod of the U. S. to Eastern synod and of Ohio synod to Western synod, and the appointment of a finan- cial agent to create a fund for disabled ministers. Revs. Ger- hart and Kieffer were appointed a committee to go to North Carolina classis and get them back into our synod. It ap- pointed Pittsburg, October, 1859, as the time and place of the next meeting. But in 1858, the Triennial Convention was dispensed with by the Eastern synod. That synod sent down to the classes, amendments to the constitution so as to form a General Synod. At the sjTiod of 1859 it was reported that it was not adopted by a constituticmal majority of the classes. But as there was a general desire for some measure to be adopted, it was re- ferred to a commttee, who submitted to the synod of 1860, certain amendments to the constitution, which were sent down 612 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. to the classes. At the Eastern synod of 1862, it Avas reported that eleven classes approved of them. A committee was ap- pointed to confer with a similar committee of the Ohio synod about arrangements for the holding of the first meeting. It reported to synod of 1863 that it was arranged that the Gen- eral Synod meet at Pittsburg on the third Wednesday in No- vember, 1863. Thus the Ohio and Eastern synods were united in a General Synod.* Section 2. Union with the Dutch Reformed Church. The correspondence with the Dutch Church ceased from 1853 to 1863, when it was renewed in that Tercentenary year. Finally, in 1870, the Ohio and Northwestern synods, as we have seen, made overtures for a closer union which finally led the General Synod of 1872 to appoint a committee of three from each of the five synods to confer with a similar com- mittee of the Dutch Church on union. These conunittees met at the Race Street Church, Philadelphia, on November 17, 1874. The following delegates were present from the Eastern s.ynod : Drs. Gerhart, Bomberger and Elder Fluck ; from the Ohio synod, Revs. Reiter, Mease and Williard ; from the Northwestern synod, Revs. Ruetenik and Kessler; from the Pittsburg synod, Revs. Russell, Svvander and Levan ; from the Potomac synod. Revs. IMiller, Eschbach and Elder I. Loucks. From the Dutch Reformed, Rev. Drs. Ganse, Van Zandt, Cor- win, Gordon, Taylor, Peltz, Van Clcef and Elders Pryn and Sturgis. The chairmen of the two committees, Gerhart and Ganso, presided conjointly. The morning and afternoon were spent in discussing the points of agreement and of difference. All could unite on the Heidelberg Catechism, although there were differences in customs. At the close of the afternoon session, a committee consisting of Drs. Gerhart, Miller and Bom])erger, with Drs. Ganse, Van Zandt and Taylor, was appointed to draft a paper ex- pressive of the sentiments on organic union. It brought in a report which declared that there were likenesses sufficient to warrant the hope of an ultimate union, — that some differences as confirmation, and the use of festival days were being mini- *See pages 418-420. Union and Disunion, 613 mized but there were differences less easily adjustible, as in the doctrinal standards; and that the differences in doctrinal views between many parts of the two churches would make an organic union unacceptable. It declared, however, that this conference had been a real advance toward union in its brotherly acquaintance; but union must be left for the work- ings of providence in the future. The Messenger acciuiesced in the decision, referring espe- cially to the barrier of the confessions but was hurt by the remarks made by church-papers of other denominations in attributing the failure of imion to Mercersburg theology. Some one said the Dutch were not willing on account of IMer- cersburg; another, that Mercersburg was not willing on ac- count of the Dutch. Dr. Fisher says the writers of such state- ments, were wise above what was written. The Christian World says the Union movement failed, not only because of the confessions but also because of Mercersburg theology and that the only persons who did not regret the failure were the Mer- cersburg men, who would have been largely in the minority if it had happened. Another effort toward union was begun by our General Synod in 1887. Five classes overtured the General Synod (Philadelphia, Northern Illinois, Iowa, Eastern Ohio and Mer- cersburg) in behalf of closer union with other Reformed Churches of the presbyterial government. It appointed the following committee to meet a similar committee of the Dutch Church. Revs. Drs. T. G. Apple, J. I. Good, G. W. Williard, n. J. Ruetenik and J. S. Kieffer. The Dutch Church also took action favorable to imion. Two of its classes (Philadel- phia and Monmouth) overtured its General Synod, which ap- pointed a connnittee of four ministers and three elders. The former were Revs. Drs. W. J. R. Taylor (chairman), De Baim, Elmendorf and Scott. The joint committee arranged for a conference at Philadelphia, April 3, 1888.* In 1890, the two committees reported to both General Synods that it fa- *See published proceedings of this Conference. 614 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. vored a Federal synod. f Both sjoiods appointed a commission of sixteen members. These two commissions met at Catskill, September 2, 1890, and June 2, 1891, and a plan of federal union was drawTi up. Our General Synod held a special meet- ing at Philadelphia, June 4, 1891, which adopted the plan and sent it down to the classes, who adopted it by a vote of 53-2. The Dutch General Synod also adopted it and sent it doAvn to the classes. But their General Synod of 1893 foimd that the majority of the classes disapproved of the imion. Thus the third attempt at union between the churches, orig- inally- under the same mother Church, the Reformed Church of the Netherlands, and so alike in name, doctrine and gov- ernment, failed. Correspondence, however, has been con- tinued between them with the greatest cordiality. We might add a historic fact that caused the Dutch Church finally to hedge in 1891. After the plan for imion had been provided and approved, Rev. Prof. E. V. Gerhart's ''Institutes of The- ology" appeared. These were at once seized upon by the ex- treme Calvinists of the Dutch Church — the Hollanders of Michigan and the "West, who charged Dr. Gerhart with not being a Calvinist but an Arminian. They threatened seces- sion if the union were consummated, and the Dutch General Synod, to prevent that, finally voted against union. Thus IMercersburg theology was again the reason assign^^d for keep- ing apart the two churches as in 1847. But for IMereersburg theology we believe the two churches, Dutch and German, would be one to-day. Section 3. Correspondence and Union with the Presbyterians. At the beginning of this period (1844) both of the General Assemblies of the Presbyterian Church were interchanging delegates with both the Eastern and Ohio synods. This con- tinued until 1854, when the General Assembly of the Old- School Assembly broke off relations with the Eastern sjmod because of the Romanizing tendencies of IMereersburg the- fThe original plan for this was drawn up by Dr. De Baun and modi- fied by the committee. Union and Disunion. 615 ology. When the Reformed Church of Germantown went over to the New-School Presbytery, it was expected there might be a dissolution of relations witli them. But although there was a strong party in that General Assembly that favored dissolution for the same reason as in the Old-School, yet it continued interchanging delegates with the Eastern synod. The Ohio synod continued in fraternal relations with the Presbyterians without any such break. In 1863, at the union of the Eastern and Ohio synods to form our General Synod, exchange of delegates was continued with the New- School General Assembly. The reunion of the two Presbyterian Churches, Old- and New-School, was effected in 1869, and cor- respondence with the General Assembly of the United Church began in 1881 and has been unbroken since that year. In addition, we might add that our Ohio synod in 1847 received an overture from the Presbyterian General Assembly for closer union and it appointed a committee to meet with the Presbyterians, but nothing came out of it. In recent years the conviction has been growing that all the churches of the Reformed and Presbyterian family should come into closer relations and more complete co-operation in all their work. Several conferences between committees ap- pointed for this purpose had been held, beginning with 1902. At a conference held in Pittsburg, Pa., in 1905, three mem- bers of the Reformed Church in the United States were pres- ent, upon invitation, as advisory members. In IMarch, 1906, a further conference of these committees was had at Charlotte, N. C, in which a committee of the General Synod of the Reformed Church, appointed in 1905, took part. The committees of the Reformed Church and of the Presby- terian Church in the United States, met jointly after the conference at Charlotte, N. C, March, 1906, and while the committee of the Reformed Church had no authority to enter upon negotiations with the Presbyterian Committee, it was thought to be expedient to adopt a joint resolution, asking the highest courts of both bodies to appoint a committee to con- sider the subject of closer relations, whether federal or or- ganic, between the Churches. Our General Synod at its next 616 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. meeting in 1908 approved of this overture from its committee and appointed a committee to meet with the Presbyterians on the subject of organic union. The committee appointed was Rev. Drs. J. S. Kieffer, J. I. Good, G. AV. Richards and A. E. Dahlman and Elder Albert Ankeny. The committees of the two Churches are now in conference. Section 4. Correspondence with the Lutheran Church. Correspondence was regularly kept up by the Eastern synod with the General Synod of the Lutheran Church and also with the Pennsylvania synod, and when the Lutheran Ministerium, or General Council, was formed about 1860, it kept up cor- respondence with that body. After the Galesburg rule had been adopted by the General Council (1872 and 1875) — that Lutheran pulpits were for Lutheran ministers and Lutheran altars for Lutheran comnumieants, there was considerable discussion about discontinuing correspondence with them at the Eastern Synod of 1876. It was, however, continued until 1880, when that branch of the Lutheran Church by its owti action discontinued it. When the General Synod of our Church was formed in 1863 it did not open correspondence with the General Council and Ministerium of the Lutheran Church. But it continued regular correspondence with the General Synod of the Lutheran Church by delegates. The first General Synod (1863) decided to have correspond- ence also with the Moravian Church and with the Synod of the Evangelical (United) Church (the German body in our coimtry corresponding with the United Church of Germany, which is composed of both Lutherans and Reformed.) With the former Church there has been occasional correspondence by delegates; with the latter Church, quite regularly. Section 5. Alliance of the Reformed and Presbyterian Churches. In 1875 an overture was sent to our General Synod asking our Church to join this Alliance. It declared our satisfaction with such movements but as it supposed that only thosfe Churches as held to the Westminster Confessions could enter Union and Disunion. 617 the Alliance, it did not feel like appointing delegates to it. Bnt it declared it would be glad to join with a broader movement looking toward a nnion of all branches of the Re- formed Church. At the General Synod of 1878, Dr. Schaff was present and explained more fully the object of this move- ment, correcting the error that only Churches holding the Westminster standards could belong to it. So our General Synod decided to enter it and appointed delegates to its next meeting at Philadelphia in 1880. Since then to the various councils of that Alliance, at Belfast, 1884, London 1888, Toronto 1893, Glasgow 1896, Washington 1899, Liver- pool 1904, New York 1909, our General Synod has regularly sent delegates and some of its members have taken part in the program of those councils. It has also been continually rep- resented in the Western section of that Alliance. Section 6. Correspondence with Foreign Bodies. The Eastern synod of 1845 appointed a committee of cor- respondence with Germany, so as to import ministerial stu- dents from German}^ for our churches. They corresponded with the Mission-Houses at Langenberg, Germany, and Basle, Switzerland, and several yoimg men came over into our min- istry. By the synod of 1853, Prof. Schaff was given a com- mission to bear fraternal greetings to the sister Churches of Germany and Switzerland. lie did so to the German Diet at Frankfort in 1854 and to the Pastoral Aid Society of Ba.sle. Prof. Schaff was criticised by some of the Germans in the Ohio synod for his actions at that diet, — that he fra- ternized with the ministers of the United or Evangelical Church rather than with the Reformed ministers of Germany. He replied tliat he had attended the conference of tlie Re- formed ministers held at Frankford at that time, ])ut had taken no part in their business as they were concerned with matters of a local nature, as the inroads of the Lutherans into the Reformed Cluirch of Hesse. They also criticised him for getting an endowment for an Evangelical seminary in Missouri and not for the Reformed Church. He replied that he was not responsible for that endowment-action of the 618 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. diet, but that he had had a society organized at Basle to aid a professorship at IIeidell)erg college. The Eastern synod de- cided to open correspondence with the German Church-diet and it had representatives at the diet at Lubeck in 1856 and at Hamburg in 1859. The Ohio sjTiod of 1855 also appointed a committee on cor- respondence. It reported to its next meeting that it had not been able to do anything and it somewhat criticised the East- ern synod for going ahead in its ctorrespondence with Germany alone. It declared that if the Eastern synod wished to satisfy the feelings of the Reformed in America, it must keep clear of all uniouistic efforts in America. This reveals the difference between the Eastern and the Ohio synod, the former led by Dr. Schaff, inclined to fraternize with the United Church of German}', the latter, with the Reformed of Germany. The German Church-diet suggested to the Eastern synod of 1857 the formation of a German Church-diet in America, but the synod replied that it was not able to carry out this idea. The .Eastern synod also decided to open correspondence with the Reformed conference at Elberfeld and the Pastoral Confer- ence of Switzerland. It, in 1858, accepted the offer of a tutor- ship from Germany; by which Dr. Bethman von Hollweg supported a student of our Church while studying in Ger-. many. To the synod of 1860 was reported the tutorship fund of $6,500., of which the basis was the $2,000. given by that gentleman. The Swiss Evangelical diet had quite a discus- sion when correspondence with us was broached,— as to whether they as a voluntary body had the right to correspond with a Church and the matter was referred to the Basle con- sistory. The synod of 1865 appointed a committee to cor- respond with the Reformed ministers of the Wupperthal, the Basle Mission-House, St. Chrischona and the Pastoral Confer- ence of Switzerland so as to obtain young men for our min- istry. The Ohio synod appointed Dr. Ruetenik to convey its greetings to the Reformed bodies abroad. He reported to the next synod the organization in different places, as Elberfeld, Lippe, Bremen, Emden and otiier places, of societies tf aid pious young men for the ministry in our country. The East- Union and Disunion. 619 ern synod in 1867 received a commnnieation from the German Church-diet and api)ointed a committee to send a fraternal letter to that l)od.v. The Eastern synod of 1869 appointed a connnittee to open correspondence with tlie Swiss and with Lippe-Detmold. The Northwestern synod in 1868 appointed a committee to correspond with Germany for more ministers. Dr. Rnetenik was ordered to correspond with societies at El- berfeld, Detmold and Bremen. The synod of 1874 ordered correspondence with Germany about a school at Miihlheim. AVhen the General Synod was organized, it appointed a com- mittee to open regular correspondence with the Reformed Pas- toral Conference of Switzerland and the Reformed Conference of Germany. The next General Synod (1866) appointed an- other committee to correspond with them. This was again done in 1869 and 1872, but there was no report from the com- mittee. In 1875 it discontinued the committee. In 1887 the correspondence was renewed and fraternal greetings sent to the Reformed Alliance of Germany and also a delegate. The General Synod of 1890 appointed a committee to correspond with the Reformed Alliance of Gerrnany and the Swiss P^van- gelical Union. Since then our Church has had delegates at the meetings of those bodies and this committee has regularly reported to the General Synod. In 1902 the connnittee re- ported correspondence also with the classis of Amsterdam in Holland and with the Reformed Church of Geneva, in 1905 also with the Reformed Church of Hungary. At times small grants of money were made by the General Synod as to the Swiss Evangelical Union, which was used at Bellinzona and to the Reformed Cliurch of Pressburg, Hungary. Section 7. The Evangelical Alliance. When this organization was first formed (1846) it was de- rided by Dr. Nevin, who declared its idea of imion to be a false one because not organic. He prophesied that therefore it would be ineffective. Later, in 1869, Dr. E. V. Gerhart began a series of articles against the Week of Prayer (the first week of the new j^ear), which had been approved by 620 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. the Evangelical Alliance. He said that this Week of Prayer was merely the invention of man, because it does not recog- nize the supernatural — the church-year. It is arbitrary and incongruous because it occurs just at the season of Christmas. Circumcision and Epiphany, — "what a mockery," he says, "to call on God's people to fast as such a joyous season," — it was an effort to supplant Passion Week. He then criticised the topics of the Week of Prayer— that the name of Christ oc- curred only once in their program — that it had no recognition of the facts of Christ's life — Pelagius, Socinus and Channing could have voted for its Christless topics. He then attacked the doctrine of the Holy Spirit in their program because it in- timated that the Holy Spirit was absent and must be prayed for, whereas he held that the Holy Spirit was always present —believers do not pray for the Holy Spirit but in him. (In this Dr. Gerhart approaches the heresy of the Plymouth Brethren. — A.) He said that the treatment of the Holy Spirit in the program of the Week of Prayer is a denial of Pente- cost. He was replied to in the Reformed Church Monthly that the Order of Worship in its Christmas service had con- fession and humiliation even at that joyous season and that the Order of Worship had in it prayer for the Holy Spirit to come. Dr. T. G. Apple, in 1870, also attacks the Evangelical Al- liance because it is a miion merely of individuals in the churches (independent Christianity) and not of synods (or- ganic Christianity), and because it had adopted the doctrine of the right of private judgment, leaving out tradition. How- ever, after Dr. Schaff became connected with the Evnngelical Alliance as one of its officers (even though he at first had agreed with Nevin against it), the opposition of the Mercers- burg men weakened somewhat. They were still further pla- cated when Dr. Nevin was asked to take part in the Evan- gelical Alliance meeting at New York in 1873, where he read a paper on "Christianity and Humanity." He hiter defended that meeting against Episcopalian attacks, although there was some criticism of it in the Messenger by other INIercersburg men. Union and Disunion. 621 B. Disunion. Section 8. The Independent Synod of Ohio. The Ohio synod, having broken off from the old or Eastern synod was destined to have a part break off from it. If the Eastern synod had its free synod, the Ohio sj^nod had its Independent synod, only later (1846-52). The cause of it was the difference between the conservatives and the pro- gressives. On June 3, 1846, Columbiana classis, by a ma- jority vote, declared itself independent. Sonnendecker, Hamm, Herbruck, Ruhl, Zwisler and Weber voting for inde- pendence. Keller, A. Stump, F. Stump and Paltzgraff voted against it and remained with the Ohio synod. The latter met and reorganized the classis. The independents formed themselves into a synod and drew up a long statement, which declared that they became independent because of innova- tions that had entered the Ohio synod, that doctrines con- trary to the Pleidelberg Catechism were taught, such as sin- less perfection, that customs like the anxious bench and noisy prayer-meetings were permitted. Schlosser says that their declaration was more sweeping than their assertions at the classis which were only against the anxious bench. When the matter came before the Ohio synod in 1846, it lamented the course of the independents as contrary to the dictates of conscience and to the constitution of the Church, — that if such facts were true, the orderly way would have been to have brought charges against the guilty. At the same time it granted that some irregularities had occurred and revoked its own action of 1844, Avhen it granted permission to organize English congregations within the bounds of Ger- man charges and vice versa. It appointed a committee of three to meet the brethren of the independent sjTiod in con- ference. Because the Ohio synod acknowledged its error by rescinding its former action, Sonnendecker and Zwisler went back to the old synod, leaving only Hamm, Herbruck, Ruhl and Weber in it. This independent synod sought to unite with the synod of Pennsylvania or the Eastern synod of 622 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. our Church, but was refused by that body and recommended to return to the Ohio synod. It continued in existence until 1852, when, by invitation of the Ohio synod, it again united with it as the North German classis. The independent synod was active in home missionary work and started to publish a church-paper called the Evangelist, with Kabus as editor. But its first number proved to be its last. Ilerbruck did con- siderable work in educating young men for the ministry imder that synod. He taught G. Ziegler, John and George Rettig, Philip Becker and Ruhl. But even after its reunion with the old synod, trouble ensued and the ministers of the North German classis threat- ened in 1853 to again secede if Columbiana classis were not dissolved. Synod then ordered it to be dissolved and a new classis created. But when Columbiana classis refused. No- vember 30, 1853, to allow itself to be dissolved by a vote of 6 to 1, Mahnenschmidt refused to join the North German classis. The friction continued. The North German classis wanted all to be German, but all the congregations of the Columbiana classis except one understood English. So the synod of 1854 dissolved both classes. They then met and together formed two new classes, St. John's and East Ohio. That there was some truth in the charge of heresy by the independent synod is evident. A peculiar controversy arose within the part of Columbiana classis which had remained with the Ohio synod. At the session of 1850 several members diM'lared that they would not subscribe to the ir('i(l('l])erg Catechism because they could not agree to original sin in the tenth answt'r and because such sul)S('ription was at the bottom ecclesiastical tyranny. After a discussion of from 5 to 6 hours, the motion to subscribe to the Heidelberg Catechism was passed l)y a vote of 10 to 3. A. Stoner and Paltzgraff appealed to the synod against this. The former tried to get back to the Lutheran Church but was refused. He tlien published a j)amphl('t, entitled "A brief survey of the Govern- ment of the Church of Christ," in which he attacked all Church authority. Union and Disunion. 623 Section 9. The Stiely Synod op Pennsylvania. This movement began in the northwestern part of Sehuyl- kill County, Pa. In 1841, Rev. Isaac Stiely, of Mahantongo. declared himself independent and invited other ministers and congregations to join with him to form a Free Synod. In 1842, Susquehanna classis deposed him for false doc- trine disorder and falsehood. In 1842, Rev. Frederick Herman joined himself with him. They together ordained Philip Stiely, a cousin of Isaac Stiely 's in a private house (Mr. Clouser's) near Llewellyn, Schuylkill County. These three ministers held their first meeting at Artz's school-house in Hubley's township of that county, where they received a Mr. Schmeckenbecher who after preaching a short time in Tioga Coimty, disappeared. They next ordained a worthless, half-witted German named Friehe, who also soon passes out of sight. Rev. Mr. Hassenger also joined them and Rev. Andrew Hoffman, a deposed Reformed minister, pastor at Falkner Swamp; Rev. Horatio Daniel and Rev. William B. Sandoe Avere for some time connected with this synod, but later joined the regular sjaiod. The synod continued for a time, but in 1860, Rev. Isaac Stiely was received back into Susquehanna classis, ''repentant and with tears," says Harbaugh. The other Stiely served a number of congregations on the North Branch of the Susque- hanna, but was a bad man and his congregations went to pieces, so that East Susquehanna classis sent a missionary there to recover the ground. A few other individuals declared themselves independent, but do not seem to have either joined this synod or formed a synod, as Rev. William Pauli, of Reading, about 1844 (joined also by his brother, Rev. Augustus Pauli), Rev. Wil- liam Seibert, 1852, Rev. S. K. Gross, 1860, both of Goshen- hoppen classis, and Rev. Isaac jMiese, of Bern Church, Berks County, 1862. After th(^ lattc^r had seceded, Lebanon classis asked Prof. Harbaugh to prepare a pamphlet on the evils of schism, which, according to their high-church views, was a heinous sin. Harbaugh did so and published "Schism and 624 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. Independency," in which in scathing terms he wrote do\vn all the independent synods of the Reformed Church in this country, but by this, doing often great injustice to the Free synod (1822-37). Rev. J. E. Hiester published the book in a German translation. CHAPTER III. The Activities of the Church. Section 1. The Society for the Relief of ]\Iinisters. This was the oldest benevolent organization of the Church. As early as 1755. Mr. Schlatter suggested a Widow's Fund. The coetal letter of 1773 called the attention of the Holland fathers to the subject, and they sent $100. The society seems to have been formally organized in 1775. After the organiza- tion of our synod this society seems to have lapsed some- what, for in 1802 it had in its treasury only $1.35. It was chartered in 1810, when ministers of Pennsylvania were made its beneficiaries. By 1832 its membership had fallen to three and they requested the synod to appoint a committee to look into the affairs of the society. The synod of 1834 decided to perpetuate the society and appointed a committee to make such changes in the charter as were needed. In 1835 new life Avas infused into it, many becoming life or contributing mem- bers. In 1865 an appendix was added to the charter, and its invested fimds in 1864 were $5,000. In 1894 it had $30,000. and had received the previous year about $14,000. Its report to General Synod of 1908 was: receipts (1905-8), $24,091., and it had aided 34 ministers and 52 widows during the period. It had invested funds amounting to $73,000. In 1902 the General Synod appointed a committee to draw up a plan for a ministerial society for the whole Church. This committee reported to the next synod (1905) a plan which it accepted and it elected a board of JMinisterial Relief, whose report to the General Synod in 1908 is as follows: $2,649. had been received 1905-8. seven ministers and four widows had been aided. Two of the German synods, the Northwestern and Central s.ynods, also inaugurated work along this line, each forming 625 626 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. a society. The latter, however, has merged itself into the General Synod's Board. Section 2. The Home Missions of the Church.* We have already traced the history of Home Missions np to 1844. Before 1845 there had been but one board of Home Missions, the board of the Eastern synod. In 1845 the Ohio synod elected a board, so that there were now two boards. But the board of the Eastern synod had not been prospering. In 1845 it had no missionary. The classes supervised all missions and left notliing for the board to do, either in money or work. In 1842 the Eastern and Ohio synods came into correspondence through interchange of delegates. This brought their home missionary work closer together. In 1848 the delegates from the Eastern s.>Tiod to the Ohio synod came back from the West with new missionary zeal. As a result, both boards united in sending out an exploring agent. Rev. Samuel Miller, who traveled through southern Indiana, southern Illinois, northern Kentucky and Missouri. But he resigned at the end of nine months. About the same time some of the stronger congregations in the East began espe- cially to aid particular mission congregations in the West, as Easton aided Cincinnati. Tiffin also was aided thus. In 1857 the Eastern synod with, however, the hearty approval of the Western synod, appointed Rev. W. K. Zieber superin- tendent of missions in the West. He traveled, often amid many privations, through Indiana, Illinois and Iowa, remain- ing in office two years. He opened five new fields in Iowa and to the east of it. For forty years the Church raised an av- erage of $900. a year. In 1859, $4,000. was raised, an average of about 6 cents a member. When the General Synod was organized in 1863 a board of Home Missions was created and the boards of the East and West were to be dissolved. It ordered the election of a superintendent and a traveling secretary. The two boards were consolidated in 1865 at Philadelphia, the Eastern board *See Whitnier "One niin<1ro(l and Fifty Years of Home Missionary Activity. ' ' The Activities op the Church. 627 transferring 52 missions and the western, 15. The General Synod board dropped ten of them and added fourteen new ones, so that there were 71, 30 of whom were German. Rev. L. D. Leberman was elected secretary. But though this united effort promised large things, gradually the debt of the board increased to $4r,000. and in 1868 Leberman resigned. By 1869 the debt of the board was $5,000. and there was a lack of unity and confidence in the Church. Some of the classes took charge of the missions within their own bounds. The liturgical controversy was dividing the Church. The two parties began quarreling about home missions. Apple wrote in the Messenger charging Bomberger, the president of the board, with being unwilling to appoint Mercersburg men to western missions. This the latter indignantly denied. The quarrel between the two parties about Iowa missions deepened the feeling. Some of the liturgical men were sore at the West for opposing them and refused to support western missions. When the General Synod of 1869 did not re-elect Bomberger a member of the board, his friends of the low-churchmen reacted against the board. The Northwestern synod then asked Ohio synod to join them in electing a missionary super- intendent. Ohio synod in 1870 elected its own board of Missions auxiliary to the General Synod's board. The East- ern synod in 1871 created its owti board too. The German board had in 1870 appointed Rev. Max Stern superintendent of missions, but at the end of a year he resigned on accoimt of failing health. By 1872 the management of Home Mis- sions was in the hands of the district synods' boards. The three eastern synods united (1873) to form a Tri-synodic board and elected Rev. F. K. Levan as superintendent. (Pittsburg synod in 1870 had had him as its own superintend- ent of missions. In 1871 it elected Rev. G. li. Johnson but the next year Mr. Levan again.) The Tri-synodic board simply continued him in office. This Tri-synodic board labored within the territory of the p]astern synod and then leaping over the Ohio synod began work on the Pacific coast in California and Oregon and in 1882 in Kansas, Nebraska and Iowa. In 1877, Mr. Levan 's term expired and Rev. Theodore Appel was 628 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. made superintendent, 1878, followod by Rev. A. C. Whitmer in 1886. In 1886 it adopted the plan of Chureh^biiilding Funds for the erection of mission churches. IMeanwhile the Ohio and Northwestern synods were pushing their work against many discouragements. In 1876, Rev. J. I\I. Ken dig was elected superintendent of IMissions. but re- signed 1879. In 1880, Rev. S. P. IMyers was elected but resigned in 1882. But the classes did much of the work and it was difficult to get ministers to open their charges to the superintendent. Nevertheless the work went on. In 1868 the synod of the Northwest organized its own board of ]\Iis- sions and in 1882 the Central synod joined with it to form a bi-synodic board of Missions. In 1875 the board of Home Missions of the Eastern German synod was organized, and in 1887 the board of the synod of the Interior was organized. In 1873 the Ursinus Union was organized by the low-church- men in the East who did not want to aid work under the Tri-synodic board. The movement for unification under the General Synod began in 1884, when it appointed a commit- tee to submit a plan for carrying on the Avork under the Gen- eral Synod. In 1887. when tlu^ peace compact was completed by the adoption of a liturgy and it was hoped peace would come, the tendency toward unification under the General's Synod's hoard strongly increased. Ohio synod transferred its mis- sions to the General board in 1889. The same year, the Pittsburg synod withdrew from the Tri-synodic board and transferred its missions to the General Synod's board. TTrsinus T^nion did so too in 1800. Finally, in 1891, the East(>rn and Potomac synods transferred their missions to go into effect April 1, 1892. But it continued its existence as a bi-synodic board as advisory in regard to missions within its own bounds and also so as to nominate a superintendent for the eastern dis- trict to be elected by General Synod's board. It thus continued its existence though the other synods gave their 's up outright. The supposition by the low-churchmen was that their oppo- nents in this way hoped to get control of the Home Missions The Activities of the Churctt. 629 of the Chnreli. It would have been better if tlie bi-synodie board, like the boards of the other synods had been dis- solved, as it wonld have prevented undue prejudice, avoided much exi)ense and made the management of our Home ]\Iis- sions simpler. Thus all the p]nglish synods were unified under the board of the General Synod. The German synods, however, have continued their work independently of that board, although reporting through that hoard to the General Synod the statistics of their work. The General Synod's board, in addition to its work among the English and the Germans, has ;idded two additional fields of labor. In 188-1, Rev. C. H. Ebert was appointed harbor missionary at the port of New York to labor among the immi- grants arriving at our shores, especially the Germans. This work since 1887 was directly overseen by the German synod of the East, though the General Synod board paid the salary of the harbor missionary, but later it was turned over to the General Synod's board. In 1890, Rev. "Sir. Ebert was suc- ceeded by Elder (now Rev.) Paul Sommerlatte who in turn was succeeded by Rev. Dr. Paul H. Land in 1905. The Home ]\Iission board has also found another field among the Hungarians and Bohemians of this country, especially the former. The work among the Hungarians, begun in 1890, was at first quite successful, as they responded quite eagerly and gratefully to the efforts of our Church. But later the Reformed Church of Hungary began organizing a branch of itself in this country and drew away quite a number of our Hungarian ministers and congregations, although some still remain with us. A Hungarian classis has also been organ- ized. The Bohemian work has not been so successful be- cause of peculiar difficulties. The statistics of our Home ]\Iission board, as given to the last General Synod (1910) are 182 missions, of which 112 are in English synods, and 57 in the German synods, to which must be added 9 Hungarian, 3 Bohemian, 1 Japanese and the harbor mission in New York City. Total receipts, (1908-11), $234,000. 630 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. Western Pennsylvania. In western Pennsylvania the Reformed a half-eentury ago were pushing missionary work in the northwestern part of the state and around Pittsburg. A great loss to our Church occur- red in Pittsburg in 1849. Three rationalists were elected into the Church board of that congregation. Rev. ]\Ir. Koehler refused to install them and resigned the following Sunday, preaching his farewell sermon on April 29. He, however, recalled his resignation and when he was about to ordain the other three Avho had been elected, the three rationalists came forward also. He ordained only the first three and the others left the Church. On the following Sunday, May 20, as he was about giving out the second hymn, one of the ration- alists took his station at the chancel rail and denounced him as a tyrant and as a Robespierre. He jumped over the rail- ing and proceeded to lay hold of the minister. The man was stopped amid much confusion and the pastor was con- ducted in safet}' to his house. The rationalists thus drove out Mr. Koehler and the Cluireh has ever since been independent, although it was previously reported in the roll of our classis, and its delegates were full members tliereof. It is now served by a minister who is virtually a Unitarian. But an English Reformed Church (Grace) was later organized at Pittsburg and has proved a centre from which many congi*egations have been organized. Indeed, the whole of what is now Allegheny and St. Paul's classes was once missionary ground. Several special home missionary movements need special attention. The first was the settlement of the Reformed from the County of Lippe in Germany in Wisconsin. In 1847, there came to Sheboygan, Wis., and to northern Illinois, colonies of Reformed settlers from the County of Lippe in Germany. That district had jast passed through severe persecution by the rationalists, who had gotten control of the state-Church. The Heidelberg Catechism was sup- planted by a rationalistic book of instruction. Seven hun- dred heads of families protested as did five ministers, one of whom was removed from office. Many of them therefore de- The Activities of the Church. 631 cided to go to America. A colony left Bremen May 4, 1847, and landed at Quebec. Fourteen families kept together and became the nucleus of our Church at Franklin, Wis. They were not at first aware that there was a Reformed Church in America. Their first minister was Rev. Mr. Pliiss. Dr. Bos- sard came to them in 1854, and Sheboygan classis organized them as a congregation with him as their pastor. Rev. Mr. "Winter labored among these colonists and organized thirteen congregations. He conceived the idea of a Mission-house in order to train young men for the ministry and it was founded in 1860. Bossard became professor of Church history and Muehlmeier professor of dogmatics and also the house-father. It was received under the care of the Northwestern sniod in 1867, having been previously under Sheboygan classis. Another important colony was the Russian in Dakota. In 1870 the Russian government recalled the privileges granted to the colonists from Germany who had settled along the Volga. ]\Iany of them were devoted members of the Reformed Church. Some of them had been Lutherans from south Ger- many, where the forms of worship were, like the Reformed, very simple, and as they did not feel at home in the ritualistic service of the Russian Lutheran Church, many of them there- fore became Reformed. Their emigration to this country be- gan in 1873 and continued till 1890. Two colonies came in 1874, one going to Clay County, Nebraska, and the other to Yankton, Dakota. Rev. Mr. Kuss was sent to the latter in 1875. These colonies are now foimd in Kansas, Nebraska, Northern and Southern Dakota, where they now form several of our classes. Among them has labored Rev. C. Bonekemper, the founder of the Stundist movement in Russia.* An effort was made to plant missions on the Pacific coast, in California, by Rev. Mr. Fundeling and in Oregon by Rev. ]\Ir. Gantenbein in 1876. The former soon failed, but from the latter work the Oregon classis has been formed. A Japanese Reformed Church has recently been founded in San F'rancisco imder Rev. Mr. ]\Iori. *See Reformed Church Magazine, Sei)tember 1893, for Bonekemper 's work. 632 History of Reformed Church in the Lr. S. The Mission in Canada was begun in 1892. An earnest elder, Mr. Doern, of Gretna, ^Manitoba, wrote to his former pastor in Galatia in Europe, stating the great need of min- isters and asking for a Reformed minister. The latter for- warded his letter to our harbor missionary, Rev. Mr. Sommer- latte, and in 189-4 Rev. Mr. Steineeker went to Canada, preach- ing especially at Saskatchewan and Winnipeg. In 1896 he was joined by Rev. I\Ir. Zenk and Rev. W. W. Hansen, and now a classis has been formed. Section 3. The Foreign ^Missions of the Church. The first impulse toward our foreign missionarj^ work seems to have come from a visit of Rhenius, the prominent mis- sionary from India, in 1837 to America. Rev. Dr. Heiner, in the report to the synod of 1837, said that Rhenius and his associates on the distant shores of India as well as other Churches are ex})ecting' ua to co-operate in missions. Our Home IMissionary Society asked the Eastern synod that year to found a foreign mission,* but the synod did not join with the Lutheran Church in founding an Evangelical or United Church mission in India, as was suggested by Rhenius. It, however, appointed a committee of five min- isters to prepare a plan for a missionary society of our own Church and asked all who desired to do so to contribute to the American Board so as to support Rhenius at Tinnevally in India. The synod of 1838 selected the first foreign mis- sionary board, auxiliary to the American Board of P^orcign ]\Iissions.f The sum of $945, was contributed or ])ledged at tliat meeting, Ileiner, Berg, Zach;irias. Woltt' and D. Zicgler each agreeing to raise $120. Up to the synod of 1839 the receipts were $811. It was decided in 1840 that Rev. Dr. J. W. Nevin be our representative on the American Board, which position he held until 1865, when he resigned. It was soon felt that we would be able to raise more money if we had our own missionary in connection with the American *See Buettner's History of our Church, page 53. f For agreement, see Buettner, page 55. The Activities op the Church. 633 Board and Rev. Benjamin Schneider, of Broosa, Turkey, was appointed our representative. Dr. Schneider was originally from our Cluu\-h and was at that time a member of the New- castle Presbytery. He, then came into our Church, .joining the Maryland classis, in which he continued till he died. He was born at Falkner Swamp, Montgomery County, January 18, 1807.* He labored at Broosa, in Asia Minor, up to 1849. It was a difficult field, but in that year he was ap- pointed missionary to Aintab, in southern Turkey, where he labored with remarkable success, his audiences rising from 100 at tirst to 1,500. In 1856-8 he was in America visiting many of our Churches and ecclesiastical bodies. He returned to Aintab in 1858, where he labored until 1868. He then re- turned to America in feeble health, but in 1874 returned to Turkey to be professor of theology in the Theological semi- nary at Marsovan. His health, however, failed the next year, and he returned to America, where he died September 14, 1877. He was a fine linguist, a most godly man, full of prayer and the Holy Ghost. He was the missionary of our Church until 1865-6. In 1859 our Eastern synod instructed our board to open cor- respondence with the American Board about transferring Aintab to our Church as its own mission, but the mission at Aintab was not willing to leave the American Board and our Church was not at that time raising sufficient funds to support it. Besides, Dr. Schneider's sympathies were known to be decidedly anti-liturgical and anti-Mercersburg, which made many of that party somewhat lukewarm in his support. Laboring, as he did, 'among the Armenians in the East, he could not but be opposed to high-churchism, for that Church had had its life killed by its forms. Besides the doctrine of the middle state or "hades" of the Mercersburg theology seemed to him too much like the doctrine of purgatory of those eastern Churches, against which he had to continually protest. So, finally, our board withdrew from the American Board with the approval of our synod. There had also some *See Life of Eev. B. Schneider, D.D., published in 1907 by our Foreign Board. 634 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. criticism appeared in the Messenger. "Seldom," with his high-church views, criticised the methods of the mission at Aintab. He criticised Dr. Sclmeider's right to teach theology at Marsovan without being elected to that position hy a synod and also his right to ordain evangelists when there was no classis as yet. He declared these acts of Dr. Schneider to be irregular and disorderly. This shows the feeling against Dr. Schneider on the part of man}' of the IMercersburg men. It was evident that a breach was opening between them and Dr. Schneider's mission. So our Church withdrew from the American Board. For about fifteen years our Church did nothing officially for foreign missions, though some money was still raised for the American Board in a private way. The subject of foreign missions was, however, brought up before the Eastern s.^Tiod in 1869 by an appeal of the German Evangelical Mission Society of New York. The committee to whom it was referred brought in an adverse report, that as our home missionary work was crippled, they did not see the way clear for foreign work. But Rev. Dr. Busche, of New York, pled so hard for the society, saying that for four years our Church had done nothing for the heathen, that synod finally connnended its work to our congregations. Rev. Oscar Lohr, a member of our New York classis, was sent out to India and also Rev. J. Ilauser, who later returned to America. The field of labor in India was at Bisrampore. About this time, while our Church was doing nothing for the heathen in foreign lands, Sheboygan cla.ssis, October 11, 1876, decid(;d to open missionary work among the Indians. By 1878, $239. had been raised for the mission and Rev. J. Hauser, who had rctuniod from India, was elected mission- ary. He visited the different tribes of Indians and in 1878 the classis decided to begin work among the Winnebagoes, in Jackson County, "Wisconsin, near Black River Falls. As the Indians were very poor, they needed considerable charitable help. On December 30, 1878, a school of ten scholars was opened with John Stacy as helper. The missionary lived at first in Black River Falls. On January 5, 1879, Rev. Mr. Hauser preached his first sermon. He also did pastoral woik The Activities of the Church. 635 but laid the greatest stress on teaching. He moved into a house at the mission station, June 30, 1880. A chapel was erected instead of the school-house. In 1883, Mr. Hauser was seconded by Stucki, who was made helper in 1895. In 1897, the first Indian was baptized. Stacy was baptized in 1898. In 1900 a medicine-man, George Low, was baptized with his whole family. The mission has had a slow but sure growth under the efforts of the Sheboygan classis. Rev. Mr. Stucki is now the missionary, and there are fifteen members. During the liturgical controversy the attention of the Church was diverted from foreign missions. Gradually, how- ever, about $5,000. accumulated in the hands of the treasurer of our foreign board, Mr. R. F. Kelker, "When the peace move- ment was inaugurated at the General Synod of 1878, it gave new impulse to work among the heathen. The board had before that time decided upon Japan as its field. It sent out in 1879 the first missionary, Rev. A. D. Gring, who located at Yokohoma.* In 1883, Rev. J. P. Moore was sent out. Both Mr. Gring and Mr. ]\Ioore opened chapels in Tokio. In 1885, Rev. W. E. Hoy was sent out, who located at Sendai, in northern Japan, where a considerable congregation under Rev. Mr. Oshikawa came into our Churcii. At the same time our Church in Japan joined the United Church of Japan, composed of the missions of the Dutch Reformed, Northern and Southern Presbyterians. There is now at Sendai, the North Japan College, a Theological seminary and the Girls' School, together with the Industrial Home. Our field in Japan is divided into four fields : Sendai, which is the largest, Fukushima, Yamagata with Akita and also Tokio. Our Churcli was later moved to open another mission in China. The General Synod of 1899 directed the board to do so, but owing to the Boxer rebellion our mission did not get started tliere till 1901,'"when Rev. W. E. Hoy was transferred from Japan to China and opened a mission at Yochow city, in the province of Ilunan, in central China. In 1904, the mis- sion station at Chenchow, in the province of Ilunan, in charge *He later ( about 1891) went into the Episcopalian Church. 636 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. of Rev. William Kelly, was received under the care of our board. So there are now two stations in China, on'e at Yo- chow, the other at Chen chow, each have a hospital, boys' school and girls' school. The statistics of the Foreign board in their report of 1911 are : 19 ordained missionaries, 3 unordained, 15 ladies, 3 physicians; total, including wives of missionaries, 62. There are 15 or- dained natives, total native helpers, 67. There are 65 stations and outstations, 2,308 communicants, 10,000 adherents; also 6 schools, with 663 students. The income during 1910 has been: from the home church, $103,000. ; in the field, $2,000.* Section 4. The Educational Institutions of the Church. The Reformed Church in the United States, like her mother Church in Germany, has always emphasized education. We regret that owing to the fact that our book has already grown to such a size, we have only space to name the various edu- cational institutions of our Church. The Theological Seminary of the Reformed Church, Lan- caster, Pa. We have before given the history of the fomiding of this seminary.** It was located fii-st at Carlisle (1825-9), at York (3829-37), at Mereersburg (1837-71), and now at Lancaster.! Franklin and INIarshall College, Lancaster, Pa. The early history of IMarshall College and its union with Franklin Col- lege we have previously referred to.$ Heidelberg I^niversity, Tiffin, 0. The founding of Heidel- berg College has already been given.§ It was changed from a college into a luiiversity in 1890.|| *See Hand-book of Foreign Missions of the Reformed Church iu the U. S. **See pages 21-117. fSee Appel, "The Beginnings of the Theological Seminary." JSee pages 76-7 and 295-298. For additional data, see Dubbs' "His- tory of Franklin and ^larshall College. ' ' §See page 173. ||See "History of Heidelberg College," by Williard; also, "The Life of Henry Leonard." The Activities of the Church. 637 Heidelberg Theological Seminary, Tiffin, 0. The account of its origin has also been given.* In 1907 it was united with ITrsiniis School of Theology and the united seminary was called the Central Theological Seminary. It Avas at Tiffin, 1907, and removed to Dayton, 0.. 1908. The Mission-House, Franklin, Wis., founded by Sheboygan elassis, 1860. It was transferred to the Northwestern synod in 1867.t Catawba College, Newton, N. C. We have already referred to its foimding.l It lost a large part of its resources by the Civil War and after the war was opened as Catawba High and Normal School, but was later raised to the grade of a college again. Ursinus College, CoUegeville, Pa. We have already re- ferred to its founding and the controversy about the opening of its theological department. § Its theological department was removed to Philadelphia, 1898, and in 1907 united with Heidelberg Theological Seminary to form the Central Theo- logical Seminary now at Dayton, 0. IMercersburg College, Mercersburg, Pa. This was founded 1865, and continued till 1880. When the Theological semi- nary was removed from Mercersburg to Lancaster, 1871, a theological department was started in it, 1873-80. It is now a flourishing preparatory school, luider the presidency of W. M. Irvine, Ph.D. Palatinate College, Myerstown. Pa. This was really a pre- paratory school. It flourished for a number of years from 1864 but was finally sold, 1896. Calvin College, Cleveland, O., was started 1863 as a school to train ministers to preach in both the German and English languages, but given up about 1900. College of Northern Illinois, Dakotah, 111., was started as a college, 1882, and changed, 1902, into the present Interior Academy. Wichita University, Wichita, Kan., was *See pages ] 17-122. fSee "Geschichte des Missionshauses. tSee pages 298-303. See also "Historic Sketch of North Carolina," page 86. §See pages 456, 510 and 537-544. 688 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. started before 1887, when it was received under the care of the synod of the Interior, but ceased to exist in 1895. Several collegiate institutes might also be mentioned, as Clarion Collegiate Institute, Rimersburg, Pa., opened 1859; Juniata Collegiate Institute, Martinsbnrg, Pa., 1867-1892; Henry Seminary, Illinois; Blairstown Academy, Iowa; Inter- national Academy, Portland, Ore.; Masanutten Academy, Woodstock, Va., opened 1899. There have also been several female colleges, as Mt. Wash- ington Female College, near Baltimore. We have already re- ferred to the controversy between Staley, its head, and Dr. Heiner, about the use of the liturgy.* (But between the Church controversy and the political troubles of the war it lost its prestige and passed out from our control about 1864.) Greensburg Female Seminary, 1875-1888. Allentown Female College, founded 1866, chartered 1867, and is prospering. Claremont Female College, Hickory, N. C, which was opened 1880, was undenominational until 1907, when it came under the care of North Carolina classis. Woman's College of Frederick, opened 1845, leased by the Potomac synod 1893 and chartered 1897. Section 5. The Publication Work of the Church.! The beginning of the publication Avork of our Church was when the board of Home JMissions began publishing, in 1827. at York, the Magazine of the German Reformed Church in English, with Dr. Mayer as editor. In 1828 it was removed to Carlisle, and in 1829 to York. In 1832 its name was changed into the Messenger of the Reformed Church. It was published as a monthly until July, 1834, then as a semi- monthly till July, 1835, when it became a weekly. During all this time, except for a brief period, when edited by Rev. Daniel Young, its editor was Prof. Lewis Mayer, D.D. In 1835 it was removed to Chambersburg. Rev. S. HelfFenstein, D.D., published Die Evangelische *Spe pages 3.56-7. fSee Fisher's "Plistory of Publication Efforts of the Reformed Church." The Activities op the Church. 639 KirchenzeUung at Philadelphia, 1829-30. R(w. Mr. Dreyer, of Baltimore began Die Evangelische Zeitung for both Lu- therans and Reformed in 1831, but it fell into other hands, became disorderly and was disowned by the synod in 1833. In 1834, Rev. Mr. Zacharias published Dcr Herold at Harris- burg but soon discontinued it. Finally, two German papers started which were destined to continue. Rev. B. S. Schneck, at Gettysburg, began Der Christliche Herold, 1835, and Rev. J. C. Guldin, in Chester Coimty, Pa., began Die Chrisliche Zeitschrift in 1837. In 1837 these papers thus privately started were transferred to the board of Missions and called Die Christliche Zeitschrift, of which Rev. S. Gutelius was editor. It was published at Gettysburg. In 1837, Rev. L. Hinsch published the first church paper of the Ohio synod, called Die Christliche Zeitschrift, at Piqua. 0. It continued for several years. In 1840 the first printing establishment of our Church was started at Chambersburg, Pa. Die Christliche Zeitschrift was transferred from Gettysburg to Chambersburg and Dr. Schneck was editor, 1840-64, with Dr. Gehr as assistant, 1849- 52. The publication establishment at once began the publica- tion of English and German catechisms, and in 1842 of a German hymn-book. Up to 1844 the printing establishment at Chambersburg, begun 1840, was under the board of ]\Iis- sions, but then a board of Publication was created by the Eastern synod. It was not financially successful and in 1848 three ministers came forward and offered to manage the pub- lications of our Church at their ovm risks, paying also a bonus to the synod for the privilege. Their names ought to be remembered, for they saved the Church in a critical time from a bankruptcy of $16,000. They were Rev. M. Kieffer, D. D., S. R. Fisher, D.D., and B. S. Schneck, D.D., They formed the printing establishment of ''M. Kieffer & Co." This firm was to have charge of the publications for five years and pay synod annually $300. The title of the Messenger was changed to Reformed Church Messenger in 1848, and of the Christliche Zeitschrift to Reformirte Kirch cnzeitung. Rev. S. R. Fisher was editor of the former and had associ- 640 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. ated with him from 1848 to 1852 Rev. B. S. Sehneek, 1852- 57 Rev. Samuel :\liller, 1858-1861 Rev. B. Bailsman. The Kirchenzeitung was edited by Rev. B. S. Sehneek 1848-1852, by Rev. S. Miller 1853-1859. and again by Sehneek 1857-63, then by Rev. N. Gehr, 1864-73. In 1874 the German Phila- delphia classis took the Kirchenzeitung, which had not pros- pered because most of the Germans were not in sympathy with the publication house on account of its strong ]\Ier- cersburg views. In 1876. Dr. Knelling became its editor. In 1875, it was removed to Cleveland, where Ruetenik and Gehr were the editors. Praikschatis was editor 1881-1896, and since then Rev. Mr. Dolch. In 1848. Dr. Schaff founded the Kirclienfreund, a union church-paper for both Lutherans and Reformed. It continued till 1853. Returning to the Publication board, the contract with M. Kieffer ended 1853. but was renewed by synod. The firm agreed to give the synod an equal interest in the property and earnings, provided synod gave all its printing to it and would use all proper means to secure the co-operation of the Church for it. This was to continue for ten years from January 1, 1854. In 1857. the publication house had an es- trangement from the liturgical committee, which published the Provisional liturgy through another house. The German hymn-book was also published in 1857 by another house. This produced a controversy 1857-9 at the s.^Tiods. It seems that synod ordered the German hymn-book to be published bj' the publication house. This was resisted by Dr. Schaff, the chairman of that committee, unless they agreed to pay copy-money to sATiod. This Kieffi'r & Co. resisted, as they were already paying half the profits to the synod. The synod of 1858 was imable to decide and gave over the whole matter to a committee to report at the next synod. So Prof. Schaff asked permission to withdraw the hymn-book and later published it as his o\va private property. In this condition it was sent to the synod of 1859. The matter was finally com- promised by the firm of Kieffer & Co. surrendering their right to publish it. But .synod paid them $1,000 for this privi- lege as over against their share of the profits, this sum to be The Activities of the Church. 641 paid at the time when the contract with them expired. In 1864, at the expiration of the contract, synod took the publi- cation establishment from them, paying them $5,000., adding to it between $4,000. and $5,000. more. The synod's board then started out to enlarge the plant, but just then the rebels came to Chambersburg and on July 30, 1864, laid it in ashes, and with it the printing establishment. The loss, as after- wards counted up, footed up $43,000. At the time of the fire the printing establishment was in debt $25,000. The synod of 1864 resolved to try and raise $60,000. for publication pur- poses. Of this over $20,000. were secured. This, with the sale of the lot at Chambersburg and some money of the $500,000. appropriated by the legislature of Pennsylvania for those who had suffered at Chambersburg, was sufficient to relieve it of its liabilities and start a small beginning of a book establishment. As there was no place to publish it at Chambersburg after the fire, it was transferred to Philadelphia in 1864, where, in 1866, it opened a book-store at 907 Arch street. In 1863, it assumed the publication of the Guardian, which from 1850 had been published by Rev. H. Harbaugh, first at Lewisburg, then at Lancaster. Dr. Bausman then became its editor, fol- lowed by J. H. Dubbs and H. Kieffer. In 1865 the board began publishing the Sunday school papers, the Child's Treasury as successor of The Pastor's Helper, which had been published by Rev. G. B. Russell, at Pittsburg. Since 1859 Dr. Harbaugh w^as the editor of this paper. In 1866 it adopted the publication of the Lammer- hirte (which before had been published by the Orphans' Home at Bridesburg), as its German Sunday school paper, Rev. J. C. Beinhauer being its editor. Dr. Russell became co-editor with S. R. Fisher of the Messenger in 1867 and resigned at the end of 1871. Dr. Fisher was editor till 1875, when Rev. P. S. Davis, D.D., became editor till 1888 ; Rev. C. G. Fisher, D.D., 1888-96, and Rev. C. J. Musser, D.D., 1896. The Mercershnrg Feview was begun 1849 and continued till 1861. It was revived in 1867 with Harbaugh as editor, then 642 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. Rev. T. G. Apple, D.D., later Rev. William Rupp, D.D., now Rev. George W. Richards. D.D. The Ohio synod in 1848 established a board of publication and issued the Western Missionary at Lancaster, Rev. J. H. Good, editor. In 1850 its place of publication was changed to Tiffin, where the editor had become professor. In 1855, Rev. G. W. "Williard was elected editor and its place of pub- lication was changed to Columbus, 0. In 1867, Rev. T. P. Bucher became editor and Daj^ton became its place of publi- cation. The name of the paper was changed to Christian World in 1868. In 1868 its publication was changed to Cin- cinnati. In 1870, Rev. S. Mease became its editor. In 1878 Dayton again became the place of its publication. In 1882, Revs. E. Herbruck and M. Loucks were elected editors. In 1894, Herbruck retired, leaving i\I. Loucks editor till 1897. In 1898, Rev. C. E. Miller became editor; in 1899, Rev. D. Burghalter. In 1905, it was removed to Cleveland and pub- lished by the Central Publishing House, and Rev. J. H. Bom- berger, D.D., became its editor. The Ohio sjTiod's board of publication also for a number of years published lesson leaves and also a child's paper, The Leaves of Light (1873-1901). The Hausfreund was started at Reading, Pa., by Rev. Dr. Bailsman in 1867, as a church paper for the Pennsylvania Germans. The s;^Tiod of 1865 had given permission for its publication, although the Reformed Publication board had protested against it, fearing it would interfere with the cir- culation of the Kirchenzeitung. It was merged with the Kirchenzeitung in 1906. Dr. Bausman was its editor during its entire period, assisted \>y its publisher, Daniel IMiller. The Reformed Church Record, Reading, Pa., was started 1888. At first there was some opposition in the synod, because it used the name "Reformed Church" in its title, though not approved by the Eastern sj'nod. But it has continued in suc- cessful circulation up to the present time. Daniel IMiller was editor up to the end of 1907, and was succeeded by Rev. I. M. Beaver. The Evangelist, the German Church-paper of Ohio, was published 1856 by Rev. Dr. Ruetenik. In 1859 it was re- The Activities of the Church. 643 moved to Cleveland. In 1875, it was united with the Kirchen- zeitung, the German paper of our eastern Church, and is still published at Cleveland, O. On August 27, 1858, the German Book Society was organ- ized at Galion, 0., by the first conference of our Western German ministers. Ruetenik was elected the first agent of this society. In 1860 it was removed to Cleveland, where it erected a publication building and is still prospering. The Re- formed Wdchter was begun by Book Society of th^ Germans of our Church in the West. Dr. Ruetenik was editor (1865- 85), succeeded by Rev. Mr. Nan up to 1890, when its publi- cation was discontinued. The Reformed Church Monthly, Collegeville (1868-76), Dr. Bomberger, editor, has already been referred to. It was merged into the Christian World. The Reformed Church Herald, Rev. I. K. Loos, editor, was published at Allentown, 1872-76. Rev. Mr. Brendel was also editor. The New Era, Pittsburg, 1873, was begim by Rev. G. B. Russell. In 1876 it was merged into the Messenger. The Reformed Missionary was published by Rev. Mr. Cort 1870-6. The Reformed Church Magazine was published by Rev. J. I. Good, D.D., editor, Read- ing, 1893-6. The Reformed Church Herald, the organ of the synod of the Interior, was begun 1895 and had continued under various editors the organ of our Western Church. The Reformed Church Standard, Newton, N. C, the organ of our Southern Church, was begim 1892. Its present editors are Revs. Messrs. Rowe and Lyerly. The Korrespondent, 1894-1900, was published by the Alumni of the Mission-House. The Theologische Zeitschrift, 1904- 1911 has been published by the theological faculty of the Mission-House. Section 6. The Orphans' Homes of the Church. The first orphans' home opened was on September 21, 1863, by Rev. ]\Ir. Boehringer, at 702 Morris street, Southwark. Philadelphia.* Bj' 1864 it had twelve inmates and soon thirty-one. A property was purchased at Bridesburg, Phila- *See "History of Bethany Orphans' Home," by Yundt. 644 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. delphia, 1864. Rev. Mr. Boehringer died that year and Rev. J. Gantenbein was elected superintendent. By January, 1867, there were 95 orphans and $12,000. a year were re- quired for the running expenses. Rev. D. Y. Heisler was elected superintendent in ]866. In 1867 the Home was re- moved to Womelsdorf, Pa. In 1868, Rev. D. B. Albright was elected superintendent and remained in that position for more than seventeen years. In 1881 the main building was de- stroyed by fire but rebuilt on a larger scale. In 1886. Rev. T. M. Yundt Avas elected superintendent. Other buildings were added and the plant enlarged. Rev. W. F. ]\Ioore was elected superintendent in 1904. It reported to the General SjTiod of 1908 149 inmates and $124,000. raised in 1907. St. Paul's Orphans' Home was established by St. Paul's classis in 1867 and chartered in 1888. It was located at Butler, Pa., but is now at Greenville. It has had as its super- intendents C. A. Limberg, 1867-71 ; J. B. Thompson, 1871-78 ; T. F. Stauffer, 1878-82; P. C. Prugh, 1882-1903, and D. H. Leader, 1903. Its report for 1908 was as follows: 75 inmates and receipts for three years, $30,000. The Orphans' Home at Fort Wayne, Ind., was started by the Germans in 1883. Its superintendents have been R^v. John Rettig, 1883-99, and Rev. B. Ruf, 1899. In 1908 it had property worth $85,000. and had 93 orphans. During its history 375 have found shelter. Another Orphans' Home was started at Crescent, N. C, in 1906. Its report (1910) is that it has 22 orphans and a house on a fine farm of 115 acres. Still another Orphans' Home was foimded 1909, called the Hoffman Industrial Orphanage. It is located five miles from Littlestown, Pa. Section 7. The Sunday School Work of the Church. The earliest Sunday school in our Church seems to have been organized in the First Reformed Church, Philadelphia, April 14, 1806, with 40 scholars. In 1825, Zion's at Allen- town, in 1828 Lebanon, in 1830 Chambersburg are among the The Activities op the Church. 645 earliest schools. About this period other schools were or- ganized, as in Baltimore, Hagerstown, Lancaster, etc. In some places, as at Reading, union schools were first organized, from which the Reformed later separated. There was con- siderable opposition at first in many congregations, especially in the country, to Sunday schools, many preferring the old parochial school. Often at first Sunday schools were not al- lowed in the church, or if in the church sometimes in the basement, (at Reading it met at first in what was almost the cellar,) but the Sunday schools won their way in spite of an action of East Pennsylvania classis (1829) against them, and in 1835 the synod formed a Sunday School Society. In 1841, the Eastern synod appointed a committee to choose and prepare books in German and English for use in the Sunday schools, each book, however had to obtain the unanimous vote of the committee. Up to 1848 eight books had thus been published. The General Synod of 1863 created a Sunday School board, but nothing was done by it. In 1875, the Reformed Church Publication board of the three eastern synods began the issue of Sunday school litera- ture and at about the same time, English Simday school les- son helps and papers were issued under the direction of the Ohio synod. The Central Publishing House, Cleveland, Ohio, representing the three German synods, began to publish and still continues the publication of German lesson helps. The General Synod in 1887 re-established the Sunday School board. Under the direction of this board, the Heidel- berg Teacher, published at Dayton, Ohio, as early as 1873, took the place of the Guardian, and began its enlarged sphere of usefulness January, 1888. At the suggestion of the board, the General Synod of 1893 created the office of General Secretary of Sunday School Work, and Rev. Rufus "W. Miller, D.D., was elected to the position. He entered upon his duties January 1, 1894, being publicly inducted into office February 1st of that year in the historic First Reformed Church, Philadelphia. Dr. Miller 646 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. still continues in the office of General Secretary, as well as editor of the Sunday school periodicals. The board is supported in its educational and missionary work by freewill offerings, the General Synod and all the synods recommending an annual offering on Children's Day. The board began the systematic gathering of Sunday school statistics, organized the general work through the district synods and the classes and aids in all forward movements, such as the establishment of the Home Department and Cradle Roll, Teacher Training Classes, Rally Day, etc. The work of Sunday school missions became a distinct de- partment. By the employment of Sunday school mission- aries, by grants of literature and by co-operation with the board of Home Missions, new Sunday schools are started and weak and destitute schools are aided. Since 1894 the board has organized a total of some forty new schools, reorganized six, out of which thirty congregations have been established and hundreds of schools have been aided with grants of lit- erature. The offerings for this work have average $11,000. for each triennium. Rev. J. C. Horning was the first Sunday school missionary. After the General Synod of 1896, this board acquired from the board of Publication of the three eastern synods and the Reformed Publication Co., Dayton, 0., the publication of Simday school literature and Sunday school supplies. It has had large success in the great improve- ment and increase of Sunday school periodicals. During the period from 1896-1910 it created a capital by its earnings of $34,000., and out of its earnings during this time, appropri- ated more than $8,000. to Sunday school missionary work and to the erection of the Reformed Church building some $30,000. and, in addition, paid as royalty to the Reformed Church Publication board some $12,000. The board became incorporated in 1897. Rev. J. S. Stahr, D.D., was selected in 1896 as the representative of the Re- formed Church for the International Lesson Committee. He served until 1908. At the present time Rev. C. Clever, D.D., president of the Sunday School board, is a member of this The Activities of the Church. 647 International Committee of the International Sunday School Association. In 1908 the Sunday School board erected the Reformed Church building in Philadelphia, a seven-story office building, at a cost of $150,000. and in 1910 additional groimd adjoin- ing the building was purchased. The Sunday school member- ship has practically doubled since 1894. The statistics of 1910 report: Number of schools, 1,736; officers and teachers, 27,- 969 ; scholars, 265,113. APPENDIX I. The Revival at York.* Bear Brother: In your last letter you intimate a wish to learn some- thing respecting our late protracted meeting, and having a few leisure moments, I know not why I should not give you the brief narrative. You well know from statements made privately as well as publicly in my report to classis, that though among a kind-hearted people I have been much discouraged by the coldness and indifference which has prevailed for years in this place on the subject of vital godliness. Satisfied finally in my own mind that nothing but a special effort in dependence on God could bring about a better state of things, I resolved to hold a protracted meeting at my fall communion season. And fully convinced that even a special effort can succeed only through the divine blessing, a prayer-meeting on Sunday mornings was commenced some- time in the summer, the special object of which was to supplicate the outpouring of God's Spirit upon the congregation. At the same time the necessity and means of promoting a revival was publicly discussed in the pulpit. The time for holding the meeting having been fixed upon, a number of brethren were invited; but to my regret the answers of all excepting one (and this came to hand too late) were such as left it exceedingly uncertain whether they could attend, so that I was afraid to inform the congregation of my intention lest they should be dis- appointed, the injurious effects of which you well know. The appoint- ment was therefore made for the communion as usual, services to com- mence on the Friday previous. The day arrived and but one of the brethren came. It was our dear brother from Chester County (Guldin). But though he came alone his heart was encouraged, for it soon be- came evident that he had come in the fullness of the gospel. He commenced preaching at the appointed time, viz, on Friday even- ing and on Saturday and Sunday preached three times a day, during which days our faith was severely tried. For though the word was preached with the utmost pungency and much of the time intervening was spent in wrestling with God in prayer, it seemed as far as we could then see, to produce but little effect ; so that on Sunday after the sermon, we debated the matter sometime in the pulpit, before we ventured to make another appointment for the following day, — when we came to the conclusion at length to make another appointment for the morning in the lecture-room, which was done, and a blessed season *From Messenger, February 9, 1837. 648 Appendix I. 649 it proved. It was on this morning during the preaching of our brother that God came down in his power. The congregation was melted down. And our invitation being given to the anxious to come forward (though the audience was by no means large), twenty or thirty immediately pre- sented themselves kneeling about the rostrum, some weeping aloud and all in tears desiring an interest in our prayers. O, it was a glorious sight and one which shall never, I trust, be effaced from my mind. I have seen the Spirit of God poured out before, but never under cir- cumstances so calculated to make a deep and lasting impression upon my own mind. I was among the people for whose spiritual welfare I had felt special concern and in the place where my prayers had so often ascended for such a manifestation of God's power. After this the preaching was of course continued and we had the regular service three times a day, besides a prayer-meeting in the morning, throughout the week and on the Lord's day following, — the brother doing (with a few exceptions) all the preaching, being sustained under the labors in a truly remarkable manner. And at the close of al- most every successive sermon, new subjects appeared among the anxious, so that on the last evening when an invitation was given to as many as had during the meetings given themselves up, or might be disposed to do so, to meet us in the lecture room, the room was literally filled. Of course, some of them were Christians, who had anew dedicated them- selves to the Lord, and others may have been brought in by curiosity, yet the greater number we had reason to believe had been truly wrought upon and were more or less concerned for the salvation of their souls. How many of these have been really brought into the kingdom I will not venture to say, — would indulge the hope, however, of a considerable number, some of whom at least have so far given all the evidence of a real change that could be reasonably looked for. I could detail to you several cases peculiarly interesting, did time and space permit. But the number of conversions, in which the meeting may have im- mediately resulted, is not the only thing to be looked at in estimating the good which it has been, I trust, instrumental in effecting. It has been the means of increasing the number of teachers in our Sunday- school, for want of which we heretofore suffered much. Our prayer- meetings during the week are much better attended and, of course, are more solemn and interesting. Besides, two private prayer-meetings have been commenced — one composed entirely of females and the other of males. The female prayer-meeting numbers already twenty, all of whom are pledged to take part in the exercises. The male prayer-meet- ing is as yet small, but though a little band I look to it with great expectation. Thus has the Lord remembered us, for which his name be praised. But while we have this to encourage us, wc have also still much more over which to mourn. While some pressed into the kingdom, others 650 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. stood entirely aloof, — came not within the reach of the truth or else steeled their hearts against it, so that they are now harder, it is to be feared, than they were before. O that the Lord would continue to mani- fest his divine power in our midst until every proud sinner shall be humbled at the foot of the cross. Brethren, pray for us. Yours, &c., J. Cares. YorTc, January .30, 1837. APPENDIX II. Letter of Rev. Samuel Helffenstein About THE Liturgy.* GwTNEDD, December 14, 1857. Bear Brother: In reply to your letter of the 7th instant, I will ob- serve : 1. You inquired how the religious services were conducted in our Church by myself and the other ministers of our Church as far back as my knowledge extends and whether the service proposed in the new liturgy for the regular worship of the Sabbath is that which obtained in the early part of our Church in this country. I answer that the re- ligious services were always conducted as they are now conducted by our ministers generally and as they were conducted at the meeting of synod at Allentown. Again, you wish to know my opinion in relation to the introduction of the new liturgy in our Churches. I would reply the new liturgy, containing a litany similar to the litany of the Episco- pal Churches to be used in our churches, does not meet with ray approval. The Episcopal Church with its liturgy is no rule for our Church and is in some respects very objectionable. The liturgy and other forms to which you allude would be something new in our Church. I know of no responses, repeating of the Creed by the congregation or kneeling at the regular services of the Church, together with confession and absolution, as proposed in the new liturgy. I have in my possession the Agenda or the liturgy of the Swiss Reformed Church, published at Basle, in the year 1701, but it has no litany. This liturgy is similar to the Pala- tinate and its form of preparatory service is verbatim the same. I would observe here that the word litany is derived from the Greek litaneia supplication, litaneo -to beseech. Litanies were not used at stated times were but only employed as emergencies required. They were at first employed to avert the judgments of God. In about the year 400 they were used in processions, people walking barefooted, and re- peating them with great devotion for the purpose of delivering them from great calamities. Then they were used every month throughout the year. By degrees they came to be used on Wednesdays and Fridays and finally used in the Episcopal Church every Sunday. *From the Messenger, March 17, 1858. (We could duplicate this letter by many more found in the Messenger and elsewhere.) 651 652 History of Reformed Church in the U. S. The use of the liturgy in our Church, as observed before, would be something new. Its use would lead to formality, would take up the time which would be employed for other purposes, and would create dissatis- faction and divide the Church. It would be especially objectionable to our German congregations and consequently answer no good purpose. A suitable liturgy nevertheless is desirable and would be much in use in families and for ministers, especially for young ministers, to be used as a guide in the administration of the sacraments and other ministerial duties. From what I have now said you will see that I am not in favor of the use of a liturgy nor of the new forms to which you refer, but prefer the good old way of conducting our church ser^-ices. Yours respectfully, Samuel Helffenstein. P. S. — The new liturgy is now in my possession and I have commenced examining it. I saw Rev. Schlatter once only. But he always, when he ministered in Philadelphia, conducted the services as we do. At least I know nothing to the contrary. S. H. APPENDIX III. The Reformed and the Evangelical Association. An additional fact in regard to the influence of our Re- formed Church for Pietism and revivals has been forgot- ten in the earlier part of this book and needs to be men- tioned. For it we are indebted to Rev. A. Stapleton, D.D., the historian of the United Evangelical Church. It is that not only did the Pietism of our Church lead to the starting of the United Brethren Church, but also to the founding of the Church of the Evangelical Association. We had hitherto supposed that Albright, the foimder of that Church, had come out of the Lutheran Church, but Dr. Stapleton gives the fol- lowing facts: That Albright, though ancestrally Lutheran, was not a member of Church and was not converted, until the death of a number of his children in close succession solemnized him and placed in him the desire to prepare for eternity. It was under the preaching and spiritual guidance of Rev. Anthony Hautz of our Church, who later went to New York State, that Albright was converted. This occurred about 1790. Albright afterwards founded the Church of the Evan- gelical Association, now the Evangelical Church, which divid- ed about twenty years ago into Evangelical and United Evan- gelical. Thus the pietism of the Reformed Church led to the found- ing of both the United Brethren and the Evangelical Churches. If our Church had been wise enough to have con- trolled these movements and retained them within herself, she would be more than twice as strong as she is, judging by the number of members now belonging to these Churches. 653 INDEX. A. Abbottstown, 133. Albany Church, 35, 37. Albert, 300, 524. Albright, 189, 644. Allardt, 118. Allentown, 644. Alliance of Reformed Churches holding the Presbyterian sys- tem, 616. Allegheny, 34, 41. Alsace, 34, 41. Alsentz, 12. Anna, 111, 194. Apostles' Creed, 267, 268. Appel, J. H., 581. Appel, Theodore, 73, 84, 85, 104, 116, 138, 228, 239, 263, 285, 323, 378, 384, 404, 407, 408, 415, 452, 457, 524, 562, 627. Apple, T. G., 84, 107, 378, 416, 420, 421-2, 424, 429, 451,456, 457, 463, 478, 488, 489, 496, 500, 505, 516, 517, 525, 526, 530, 531, 541, 545, 547, 569, 572-4, 581, 599, 603, 613, 620, 627, 642. Attica, Ind., 132. Ault, 568. Aurandt, 127, 131, 133, 193, 289, 308. Bakersville, 132. Baltimore, 10, 84, 132, 133, 308. Bassler, 20, 199. Bauman, 490-1. Bausman, 404, 409, 412, 420, 484, 519, 640-2. Beam, 601. Beayer. 642. Beck, 310, 420. Becker, C. J., 10, 11, 13-5, 126, 160, 176, 189, 353, 622. Becker, J. C, 14, 20, 24, 32, 54, 79, 98, 160-2, 166-7, 170, 597. Bedford, 607. Beecher, 68, 151, 176, 199. Begeman, 118. Bennet, 199, 200. Benselem, 34. Berentz, 47. Berkey, 48. Berkenmeyer, 41-6. Berg, 54, 77, 115, 132-3, 138, 148, 156-9, 172, 176, 181, 219, 221, 223, 227-9. Bern, 35, 198, 248, 251, 256, 262, 275, 279, 280, 284, 286-91, 306, 317-20, 325-6, 328, 522. Bethlehem, 133-4, 194. Bibighaus, 19, 37, 54, 227. Biehl, 294. Bindaman, 20. Blatgen, 294. Bloomsburg, 134. Blumer, 2, 6, 164. Boalsburg, 132, 151. Boehm, 6. 80. Boehm's Church, 80, 132-134, 150. Boehringer, 643. Boger, 190, 197, 198, 402. Bokum, 99. Bomberger, 78, 133, 290, 309, 324-6, 332, 347, 349, 378, 380-2, 394, 409, 424-426, 432-5, 438, 456, 461, 476, 484-6, 488, 507, 510, 521, 524-6, 532-4, 537-40, 543, 552, 564, 567, 580, 607, 612, 629, 642, 643. Bonekemper, 290, 467-8, 496, 631. Bossard, 420, 467-8, 496, 631. Bousch, 539. Bowman, 600. Boyer, 41. Bremen, 13-4. Brendle, 601, 643. Brettell, 226. Brick Church, N. C, 131. Brobst, 184. Brodhead, 8. Brown, 163, 196-7. Brownbacks, 131-2. Brownson, 269-70. Bruecker, 294. Brunner, 19, 176, 186. 655 656 Index. Buchanan, 295, 296, 298. Bucher, 58, 68, 133, 134, 139, 172, 181, 186, 262, 470, 501, 642. Budd, 73, 76, 80, 518. Buettner, 117-121, 168, 182. Buffalo Valley, 171. Burghalter, 642. Busehe, 634. Buser, 690. Butler, 301. C. Cabarras, 199. Callender. 485, 581. Calvin, 239, 257, 422. Canfield, 194. Canton, 194. Cares, 131, 134, 171, 172, 648-50. Carlisle, 61-71, 74, 89. Carrollton, 449. Catawba College, 298-300, 637. Catechisms, 161-8. Cathcart, 61, 71, 74, 89. Catholics, 229. Catholicism, Perversions to, 517- 27. Centre, 34, 41, 133. Centre Co., 132. Centenary, 80, 115. Chambersburg, 11, 23, 75-77, 131, 134, 644. Chapman, 134. Cherry Valley, 134, 150-1. Chitai-a, 13. ' Christman, 194, 198, 524. Church of God, 60. Church ITnion. 179-88, 610, 624. Cincinnati, 155. Clever, 646. Colobrookdale, 734. CollitloAver, 133, 289, 407. Columbus, 122. Conrad, 610. Constitution, 3, 178, 585-595. • Cortner, 797-8. Corpus Evangelicorum, 200. Cort, 488-91, 601. Corwin, 179. Coventry, 34. Crawford, 63, 131-2, 298. Crooks, 132, 199. D. Daub, 94-5, 105. Daubert, 118. Dauphin Co.. 133. Davis, 131, 356, 485, 544, 641. Davidson, 131, 199. Dayton, 133, 137. Dechant. 13, 20, 26-44, 171, 189, 191, 194, 195. De Long, 601. Dellicker, 2, 6. DesCombes, 20, 178. Denues, 14. Derr. 292, 356, 404, 468-9, 475. De Witt, 408. Diefenbach, 14, 35, 190, 193, 198. Dickijison College, 61, 63, 71. Dober, 73. Dole, 534, 611. Dolch, 640. Dorner, 471-5. Douglass, 193, 325. Drever, 155, 184, 639. Dubbs, 16, 17, 35, 41, 51, 53-4, 84, 126, 147, 162, 164, 205, 274, 388, 641. Dubendorf, 2, 6. Duenger, 82. Dunkels, 41. Dunn, 534-6, 541-4, 559. Du Pert. 197. Dutch Reformed, 179-82, 304-7, 612. E. Eastburn, 8. Easton, 81, 98. Ebaugh, 19, 24, 53, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 131, 139, 198. Ebert, 629. Ebrard, 206, 208, 336, 394, 406, 411. E'mniittsburg, 131, 133. Enders, 22. Erinentrout, 304, 518, 522, 524. Ernst, 262, 610. Eschbach, 497, 547, 612. Evangelical Alliance, 257, 567, 619. Ewing, 133. Exceil, 611. Eylert, 39. F. Dalilnian, 616. Daniel, 20, 190. Fabor. 1. 6, 13. Faohriiig, 11. Index. 657 Falkner Swamp, 16, 41. Fayette, N. Y., 196. Fayetteville, 133, Feete, 132, 196. Ferris, 200. Fimiey, .'50-1, 130. Fisher, 16, 18, 132, 133, 641. Fisher, S. R., 81, 111, 112, 132, 136, 173, 260, 277, 306-7, 332, 349, 3.')3, 3.57, 361, 367, 370-3, 375, 402, 404, 407, 459, 465, 484, 500, 510-7, 530, 537, 543, 54.5, 555-6, 585, 597, 610, 613, 639. Foreign Correspoudence, 187-8, 617-9. Foersch, 155. Foreign Missions j See Missions, Foreign. Forney, 555-6. Foulk, 360, 353, 37.3, 420. Fouse, 489, 490, 491. Foust, 194, 195. Franklin and Marshall College, 295-8, 636. Frederick 11, 25, 29, 8.3, 131, 133, 428, 547, 568. Freeze, 122, 132, 133. Friends Cove, 133. Friedens, Va., 196. Fries, 13, 20, 38, 43-4, 171. Fritehey, 63, 198-9. Fritschel, 512-7. Froelich, 200. Fuendeling, 631. G. Gans, 369-73, 378, 404, 409, 417, 4.39, 442-4, 488, 520, 531, 547, 568. Gantenhein, 631, 644. Gasser, 200. Gehr, 265, 454, 527, 6.39, 640. Geiger, 14, 1.5, 20, 134, 171, 522. Ceistweit, 16. Gerhard, 20, 601. J Gerhart, 19, 79, 84, 98, 105, 123, 1.39, 153, 177, 190, 227, 237, 297, 333-5, 357, 367, 375-6, 380, 402, 404, 408, 416, 420, 448, 466, 477, 483, 484, 495- 6, 504, .540, 553-4, 601, 603, 610, 611-3, 619, 620. Germany, Reformed of, 336, 366. German Valley, 7. Germantown, 132, 150. Gettysburg, 133. Giesy, 19.3, 458, 486, 521-2. Giessondanner, 200. Glade, 132, 133. Gloninger, 11, 13, 180, 353. Gobrecht, 1, 6, 12, 13. Gock, 38-9. Good, J. H., 119, 122.3, 221, 326, 329, 390, 394, 429, 442, 446, 450, 468, 470, 475, 482, 492, 504, 516, 518-9, 529, 558,563, 581, 585, 642. Good, R., 123. Good, Jonathan, 101. Good, J. I., 613, 616, 643. Good, W. A., 72-3, 77-9, 4.54. Gossler, 39, 40. Graeff, 23, 482. Grant, 186. Graves, 197. Greding, 470, 478-80, 540, 581. Greencastle, 131. Greensburg, 193. Grier, 50. Griffeth, 404, 407. Grindstone Hill, 132-3. Gring, 635. Groh, 197. Gros, 11, 24, 83. Gross, 420. Gueting, 2, 6, 126. Guilford, 197-8. Guilford, 197-8. Guldin, 16, 34, 36, 47, 48, .54, 131, 133, 204, 229, 243, 244, 6.39, 648. Gutelius, 20, 54, 133, 171, 611, 639. H. Hableston, 14, 190, 193. Hacke, 14, 20, 118, 148, 193. Haeger, 196. Hagersto\Yn, 131-2. Hamilton, 134. Hamm, 621. Hangen, 20. Hansen, 632. Harbaugh, 38. 46, 89, 96, 125, 306, 309, .3.53, 357, 360, 362, 366-7, 378, 380, 402, 404, 408, 413-,5, 421, 439, 46.5, 477-8, 507, 641. Harrisburg, 11, 58-9, 1.34, 181. Hartman, 522. Hassenger, 19, 54. 668 Index. Haasler, 19. Hauck, 190-1, 198-9. Hauser, 634. Hautz, 1, 195, 61.3. Heffelfinger, 304. Hegel, 240, 314, 315. Heidelberg College and Seminary, 117-123, 636-7. Heidelberg, Philadelphia, 607. Heiner, 81, 89, 92, 132, 181, 223, 216, 228, 249-50, 262, 290-2, 296, 307-9, 326, 355-6, 402, 465, 632. Heisler, 292, 644. Helffenstein, J. H. A., 3, 125, 322. Helffenstein, A., 14, 15, 19, 24, 31, 79, 99, 112, 132, 176, 246, 597. Helffenstein, C, 14, 47, 117. Helffenstein, Jacob, 131, 133, 138, 146, 148, 151, 171, 223, 226, 229, 279, 280, 286, 290, 303-4. Helffenstein, .Jonathan, 14, 19, 22, 24, 31, 32, 131, 176, 190, 191. Helffenstein, Samuel, 8, 9, 13, 18- 20, 21-2, 24, 25-30, 51, .59, 60, 62, 91, 160-163, 170-1, 174, 176, 180, 183, 186-7, 191, 197, 229, 304, 353-4, 362, 407, 507- 9, 630, 651-2. Helffenstein, Samuel, Jr., 290 325, 354, 386. Helffrieh, .3, 6, 13, 19, 36, 134, 154, 160, 162, 165, 455, 463, 500, 506, 566. Hendel, W., Sr., 1, 3, 13, 12.5, 154, 175, 3.53. Hendel, W., Jr., 21, 24, 35, 61, 78, 129, 170, 180, 183, 187-9. Hengstenberg, 4. Henop, 125. Ilonsell, 132-3, 227. llcrlirufk, 118, 621-2, 642. Hereford, 37, 40-1. Herman, L. F., 2, 3, 6, 8, 12, 1.5, 22, 26-33, 35, 39, 40, 48-9, 53- 4, 91, 102. 166, 18.3, 223. Herman, 16, 32, 35, 36, 47, 53. Hertz, 19, 133, 176, 184. Herzog, 408-10. Hess, 14, 20, 120, 162, 164. Hiester, 13, 37, 125, 162, 35.3, 624. Higbee, 451, 462, 488, 489, 536, 539, .540-1, .568. Hill Church, 133. Hillegas, 20. Hines, 20. Hinsch, 24, 32, 47, 51, 61, 70, 126, 170-1, 183, 186, 639. Hinke, 162, 167, 169. 200. Hodge, 24, 254, 263. Hoffedeitz, 19, 20, 42, 98, 134, 171-2, 188, 204-.5, 227, 386, 597. Hoffheins, 133. Hoffman. 196, 357. Hoffmeier, 11, 21, 22, 182-3,, 352- 3, 355, 366, 610. Home Missions. See Missions, Home. Horoung, 646. Ploy, 635. Hudson, 522. Hundeshagen, 406-7, 410, 480. Huntingdon, .535. Hutchinson, 186. Hymn-books, 2, 175-7, 595. I. Ibbeken, 193. Ingold, 299, 325. Intelligencer, 222, 272, 293-6. l.senberg, 535. J. Jannsen, 320. Johnson, 437, 447, 490, 027, Jones, 157. Jonestown, 131. K. Kabus, 622. Karshncr, 489. Kefauver, 581. Kelker, .58, 311, 367, 398. 404, 425 437, 455, 581, ,184, 635. Keller, 132, 19,5, 311, 467-9, 470, 523, 621. Kelly, 636. Kemmerer, 20, 160, 193. Keiidig, 628. Ke.ssler, 22,5, 375, 4(14, 612. Keyes, 295. Kieffer, 76, 79, 88, 106, 123, 13" 134, 190, 291, 409,' 417,' 419* 449, 468-9, 470, 537, 610-1, 613, 616, 6,39, 641. King, 20, 195. Klar, 291. Klein, 420, 451, 467-9, 470, 539. Index, 659 227, 367, 466, 334. Klopp, 485, G08. Knaus, 1!), li)S. Kiii])e, 132. Koch, 14, 20, 193. Koehlor, 630. Kohlbriigfjiauisni, 604-5. Koiiij)^, 175. Kookeii, 133, 225, 290, 304. Krauth, 575. Krebs, 392, 506. Kronier, A. H., 73, 79, 133, 292, 457, 481, 517, 601. Krciucr, F. W., 173, 289, 375, 402, 454, 455, 464, 476, 506, 648, 581, 608. Kremer, F. Abner, 211, 310. Kroh, 131, 133, 176, 184, 194, Kriurimacher, 203-4, 248, 255-6. Knelling, 581, 640. Kurtz, 147, 255. Kiiss, 631. Kutztowu, 34, 35, 42. L, Lancaster, 1, 4, 11, 75, 134, 437. Land, 629. Landisburg, 131, 133. Larose, 178, 194, 198, Laueks, 642. Lay-baptism, 442, Leader, 501, 644. Leahy, 221, Lebanon, 37, 81, 131-4, 157-9, 644. Leberman, 456, 484, 526, 627. Lecliner, 20. Lcidy, 54, 133, 190, 197. Leinbach, 16, 35, 49, 51, 53, 133, 143, 227, 262. Leiter, 133. Leonard, 611. Lerch, 199. Levan, 236, 255. Lewis, 230, 255. Lexingfton, 131-2, 180. Lincolnton, 198. Tiiinerick, 16. Lindenian, 608. LittlestoAvn, 133. Liturgy, 168-77, 322. Livingston. 22. Lohr, 634. Long, 20, 175. 195. Loos, 442, 485. 643. Loretz, 6, 198. Lduddii, 186. Lutherans, 182-6, 616. Lupp, 125. Lyerly, 643. M. Mahoning, 134. Mahn.'iisclMiiidt, 178, 193-5, 622. Manclu'ster, Aid., 134. Alancliester, O., 36. Mansfield, 133, 194. Mann, 1, 6. Marslnill College, 103, 282. Martin, 79, 197, 611. Martinsburg, 7, 64, 197, McCauley, 99. McConnell, 420. McConnelstown, 134, 535-6. Massilon, 118-9. Mayer, 10, 13, 23-4, 26, 30-1, 41 6, 52,57,59,62-3, 64-7, 71, 78-9, 82-91, 99, 111, 136-7, 151, 159, 169, 171-4, 184-5, 187, 190, 197, 228, 240, 353, 431-2, 638. Mayer, Ph. and J., 19, 75, 76, 79, 130. Maytown, 133. Meadville, 193. Mease, 612, 642, Meier, 605. Mediating Theology of Germany, 210, 587. Mercersijurg, 75-6. Mesick, 134, 295-6, 321, 324, 522, 610. Milledoler, 29, 32, 42-5, 53, 56-7. Miller, 19, 74, 79, 279, 404, 436, 471, 474, 611-2, 629, 640, 642, 645. Millerstowu, 133. Mills, 19. Mifflinburg, 134. Milton, 134. Ministerial Relief, 625. Missions, Foreign, 192, 632-9. Missions, Home, 189-201, 626-9. Mission House, 511, 540, 637. Missouri, 194. Moody and Sankev, 607-8. Mori,' 631. Aloore, 635. Mt. Bethel, 133-4. Mt. Pleasant, 193. Mnsser, 437. .Miihlbach, 35. Mnlilenberg, 183. 660 Index. Miihlmeier, 631. Myers, 628. MussiT, 041. Myerstovvii, 134. N. Naille, 325. Nail, 643. Nevin, 230, 356, 522, 523, 541, 610. Nevin, J. W., 52, 79- 80-1, 91, 100, 103, 106-117, 139, 141- 52, 181, 210-14, 217, 224,227, 234-42, 247, 251-9, 263-9, 271- 85, 287, 293, 290, 310-21, 325, 327-9, 347, 364, 384-5. 395, 402, 404, 408, 419, 420, 425, 431-5, 457, 405, 472-4, 470, 482, 491-2, 490, 500, 507, 512- 7, 524, 565, 598, 603, 610, 619- 20, 032. Neveling, 0, 12, 13. New Berlin, 127. New Buffalo, 134. New Hanover, 34, 39. New York State, 195. Nittany Valley, 131. North Carolina, 81, 140, 189, 197- 9, 279. 298-303. O. Ohio, 117-123, 125-6, 147-8, 162, 189, 194-5, 327, 333-6. Orangeville, 134, 164. (Jri)hans' Homes, 643. Osbourne, 132, 150. Osnaburg, 118-9, 194. Otterbcin, 2, 6, 125, 128-30. Paltzgraff, 621-2. I'aradise, 134. Paris, 194. I'auli, 1, 6, 20, 139. Pence, 178, 195. Penn Valk-y, 131. I'ennsylvania, Western, 193. I'ernisius, 4. Perry Co., 132. l'eterHl)urfr, 193. Philadelphia, 8, 50-1, 132, 134, 407-9, 644. Philips, 355, 438, 518, 522. Phoenixville, 312. Piersou, 81. Pike, 34. Pithan, 197. Pister, 527. Pithan, 197. Pleasantville, 133. Pliiss, 631. Ponii), 1, 2, 11, 21-2, 98, 126, 159, 100, 180, 183. Pottstown, 34, 41. Praikschatis, 640. Presbyterians, 180, 014 5. Prugh, 335, 407, 444, 440, 529, Oil, 044. Publication Boards, 638-43. Pullish, 196. R. Rahauser, 1, 6, 13, 24, 31, 126, 131, 162-3, 170, 190, 193.3.53. Ramsey, 134, 142. Rascliig, 97, 155, 162. Ranch, 73, 76-80, 87-8, 91-107, 137-9, 171-2, 184, 187, 211-2, 232. Reading, 81, 133-4, 644. Rebaugh, 13, 610, 611. Reid, 290, 304, 420. Reily, 14, 22, 24, 31-2, 64-7, 70, 74, 130, 156, 187, 189, 294, 598. Reiter, 178, 195, 419, 470, 529, 612. Rettig, 622, 644. Revivals, 124-52, 600, 048-50, 653. Riale, 490-1. Rice, 11, 75-8, 99, 105-1, 65. Richards, 010, 042. Rickley, 122. Rieger, 0, 20, 178. Rike, 335. Rineliart, 497. b'ockinghiiiii Co., 190. Holier, ]()3. Rome, Perversions to, 55-9. Rowan, 197. Rowe, 643. Ruetenik, 419, 468, 475, 581, 012- 3, 640, 042-3. Ruf, 644. Ruhl, 621-2. Rnnkel, 1, 6, 8, 120, 154. Rnidey, 455-6, 510. Rupp,' 205, 204, 550-4, 599. Index. 661 Russell, 311, 394, 408, 417, 420, 4;$7, 441, 485, 519, GOl, 6U3, 007, 012, 041-3. Rust, 123, 333, 420, 429, 455, 404- 405. S. . Salems, Philatlolphiji, 37, 53, 177. Salters, 010. Schaff, 84-5, 89, 153, 202-3, 205- 10, 214-250, 255-0, 2.59, 275- 81, 284, 289-90, 295, 298, 310, 312, 330, 347, 301, 384, 395, 402, 404, 407-9, 421, 425, 520- 1, Oil, 020, 040. Sehaffner, 14, 100. Scliar])sl)urg, Va., 197. Schaull, 122, 333. Schelling, 312. Schellsburg, 133. Scheldt, 97, 001. Schlatter, 0, 052. Schleiermacher, 90, 210, 230. Schlosser, 118, 133. Schueck, 10, 18, 38, 78, 81, 111-2, 123, 129, 131, 130, 172, 181, 180, 188, 204-5, 230, 278-9, 320, 407, 501-7, 039. Schneider, 192, 419, 033. Scholl, 19, 131, 190, 197-8. Schory, 289, 010. Schweitzer, 230. Schwob, 125. Secliler, 133, 220, 229, 325. Seibert, 19, 227. Shade, 134. Shenkle, 304, 008. Shepherdstown, 08, 83, 132, 197. Shippensburg, 133. Shoups, 59. Slavery, 197, 199. Smaltz, 78, 112, 131, 172. Smith, 8, 298. Snively, 312, 517, 522. Suyder, 19, 20, 197. Somerset, 193. Sonmierlatte, 029. Soiuiendecker, 178, 194-5. South Carolina, 200. Si.ringboro, O., 194. Sprole, 47. St. John, Va., 133. St. Peters, Va., 132-3. St. Peters, Pa.. 34, 41, 131. St. Matthews, Pa., 131-2. St. Thomas, 133. Stahr, 20, 640. Staley, 290, 352, 356. Staiilschmidt, 13. Stapleton, 128, 053. Stauffer, 044. Steckel, 535, 407, 424. Steiner, 334, 380, 404. Stern, 312, 322, 301, 377, 408-9, 470, 517, 077. Stiely, 10. Stock, 1, 0. Stone Church, N. C, 132. Stoneberger, 194, Stoy, 0, 12. Stoner, 022. Stucki, 035. Strasburger, 19-4, 533, 001. Stump, 20, 120, 010, 021. Super, 530, 538, 573-4. Sugar Valley, Pa., 133. Sunday Schools, 044-7. Suther, 197-8. Swander, 450, 012. T. Taneytown, 132. Tarlton, 122, 133. Tercentenary Convention, 407-18, 420-3. Theus, 200. Titfin, 122-3, 133. Titzel, 581, 001. Tobias, 134. Tonsmeier, 294. Trappe, 34, 41, 132. Trenton, 132. Troldenier, 2, 0, 13, 125. Tulpehocken, 35, 39. U. UUman, 235, 408, 413. United Bretlircn, 127-30. Ursinus College, 570, 037. V. Vandersloot, 10, 25-0, 171, 197. Van Home, 521, 578-79. Vaughn, 298, 455-9, 403, 522. Vincent, 34, 41. Virginia, 190-7. Voight, 193. W. Wachter, 247. Wack. 1, 2, 6, 7, 12, 21, 24-0, 47, 150, 101, 171. 183. 289, 304. 662 Index. Wagner, 1, 6, 12-3, 62, 82, 125, 182-4. i;57, 354, 386, 420, 517. Water St., 134. Waviiesboro, 11, 132-3. Wi'i.b, 79. Weber, 2, 192-3, 613, 621. Weinel, 13, 20, 190, 193. Weiser, 20, 132, 177, 569, 581. Weisz, 6, 19, 20, 117, 162-3, 169, 175, 190, 194-5, 334. Welkor, 92, 104, 199, 227, 298-9, 301-2, 325-6, 486, 530, 540, 581, 608. Weiiritiis, 59. Wentz, 12. West Alexandria, 194. Weyberg, 3, 13, 16, 194, 198. Wevnier, 125. Whitnier, 189, 628. Willers, 20, 78, 187, 196, 353. , Williard, 79, 86, 384, 420, 441, 445, 470, 492, 495, 503, 505, 516-7, 529, 545, 610-3, 642. Willv, 4, 6, 196. Wihiis, 6. Winckhaus, 1, 2, 3, 161. Winebrenner, 19, 58-9, 60, 143, 269. Winter, 294. 631. Winters, 20, 117, 137, 147, 178, 189, 194, 610. Wolff, B. C, 23, 26, 68, 85, 106, 160, 181, 195, 209, 226, 247, 261-2, 292, 296, 309, 311, 325, 408, 474, 610, 632.. Wolff, G. D., 290, 463, 486, 495, 597. Wolff, G., 456, 518, 522-3. Wonielsdorf, 134. Woodstock, 131. Wooster, 194. York. 12, 43. 72-6, 84, 133-4, 137, 150, 648-50. Yomig, 16, 72, 136, 489. Yuudt, 644. Zacharias, 133, 171, 184, 203, 2-i7. 303, 307-8, 324-5, 332, 404^ 419, 420, 428, 547, 632, 639, Zahner, 522. Zeiser, 193, Zeller, 19. Zenk, 632. Zieber, 335, .526, 570, 626. Ziegler, 132, 227, 454, 535, 622, 632. Zulieh, 19, 35-6, 133. Zwingli, 115, 155, 235, 257, 410], Zwisler, 14, 20, 193. Zubli, 200. Zueberbuhler, 200. Date Due y er *4g 'tic la ^ FACULTV .r. ■■tA.