Cfbrarjp of t:he theological ^eminarp 
 
 PRINCETON • NEW JERSEY 
 
 AVI ffifm 
 
 PRESENTED BY 
 
 A. G. CamerorvPh.D. ■ 
 
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 CELEBRATION 
 
 OF THE 
 
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 PRINCETON, N. J. : 
 
 J. T, ROBINSON. PRINTER. 
 
 1861. 
 
 
ttkdioit uf % Jfirartjr 0f fitljL 
 
 In pursuance of public notice, a meeting of the citizens was h«ld at tho 
 Mansion House on the 10th of June, 1861, when it was unanimously resolved 
 to celebrate the approaching anniversary of our national independence. 
 
 The following Committees were appointed : 
 
 Committee of Arrangements : — T. G. Lytle, Chairman; Wm. W. Stbllr, 
 Sec'y ; S. D. Bergen ; Martin Voorhees ; Robert L. Clow ; John R. Hamilton ; 
 Eli R. Stonaker. 
 
 Committee of Finance: — Nathaniel Stout; Dr. J. H. Janeway ; J. T. L. 
 Anderson ; Dr. John H. Warren. 
 
 Committee on Speakers: — Rev. J. T. Duffield ; John T. Robinson ; Daniel P. 
 Voorhees. 
 
 The following programme was adopted by the Committee of Arrangements : 
 
 A National Salute will be fired at Sunrise, accompanied by ringing of the 
 bells. 
 
 Marshal of the day, John R. Hamilton, assisted by Robert L. Clow, and 
 Aaron F. Allen. 
 
 A procession will be formed in front of Nassau Hall, at 9 o'clock, A. M., 
 under the orders of the Marshal; consisting of the Soldiers of the war of 1812, 
 in carriages, Princeton Troop, Governor's Guard, Fire Department, and Citi- 
 zens. 
 
 At 11 o'clock, A. M., the exercises will commence at the First Pres. Church. 
 
 Reading of the Declaration of Independence, by David Comfort, Esq. 
 
 Reading of Washington's Farewell Address by Rev. Dr. Mcllvaine. 
 
 Oration, by Hon. R. S. Field. 
 
 Gov. Olden, Hon. Wm. C. Alexander, Hon. J. R. Thomson, Com. Crabbe, 
 Com. Stockton, James S. Green, Esq., the Clergy of all denominations, and 
 other distinguished citizens have been invited to participate in the exercises. 
 
 At 4 o'clock, P. M., the military will form and parade. Good music in 
 attendanee. 
 
 Grand display of Fireworks in the evening, in the rear of Nassau Hall. 
 
 By order of the Committee of Arrangements. 
 
 The morning of the 4th was ushered in by the ringing of the bells belonging 
 to the College of New Jersey, Theological Seminary, and the Episcopal 
 Church, accompanied by firing of guns. 
 
 At 9 o'clock, A. M., a procession was formed in front of the College under 
 the direction of John R. Hamilton, Esq., Marshal, assisted by Major A. F. 
 Allen and Robert L. Clow, consisting of the Princeton Troop, Lieut. S. Alex. 
 Hamilton commanding, Governor's Guard, Capt. Wm. V. Scudder, and the 
 Fire Department, under the direction of Arch. T. Clow, Chief Engineer, 
 nccompanied by the Trenton Cornet Band, Benj. McClurg, Leader. 
 
The Procession, after parading through the principal streets of the Borough, 
 at 11 o'clock, the hour appointed, entered the First Presbyterian Church, and 
 occupied the pews in the centre of the building, the other parts being densely 
 crowded by the citizens of the place and the surrounding neighborhood. A 
 stage had been erected in front of the pulpit, which was occupied by persons 
 invited to participate in the exercises ; the Hon. James S. Green presiding. 
 
 The exercises were opened with prayer by the Rev. Dr. Macdonald, pastor 
 of the congregation worshipping in that Church. 
 
 Music by the band, The Star Spangled Banner, which was foilowed by a 
 choir of young ladies from the public school, who sang the same national air. 
 
 The Declaration of Independence was then read by David Comfort, Esq. 
 
 Portions of Washington's Farewell Address were read by the Rev. Dr. 
 Mclhaine, who preceded it by a few appropriate remarks. 
 
 Then followed the oration by the Hon. Richard S. Field, which was listened 
 to by the large audience in the most profound and uninterrupted manner. 
 
 The Benediction was then pronounced by the Rev. Dr. John Maclean, 
 President of the College, when the audience dispersed. 
 
 At 4 o'clock in the afternoon, the procession was reformed in front of the 
 College and paraded our streets, firing salutes occasionally, until about 6 
 o'clock, when they were dismissed. 
 
 In the evening there was a brilliant display of fireworks on the back 
 grounds of the College. 
 
 The Princeton Troop, Capt. Cummiogs, made a beautiful appearance in 
 their gray uniform, and being well mounted created considerable admiration- 
 
 Much praise is also due to the Governor's Guard, Capt. Scudder, for the 
 perfectness of their drill. They presented a fine appearance with their new- 
 gray uniforms. 
 
 The Fire Department also deserve praise for their neat appearance. 
 
 Large numbers of citizens from the adjacent country were present. 
 
 Wreaths, boquets, &c, made by fair hands were given to friends in the 
 procession. 
 
 Flags were numerous throughout the town ; and the good order observed 
 throughout the day by the entire populace made things pass off pleasantly 
 and agreeably to all concerned. 
 
 The following Committee were appointed to request a copy of the oration 
 for publication ; 
 
 John H. Janeway, 
 John R. Hamilton, 
 Nathaniel Stout, 
 Sampel D. Bergsn. 
 
T^icV\«-r<i. S> Y\&\& 
 
 THE CONSTITUTION 
 
 NOT A 
 
 COMPACT BETWEEN SOVEREIGN STATES. 
 
 Fellow Citizens : — 
 
 For four and eighty years, the people of this country have 
 been celebrating the anniversary of their national Indepen- 
 dence ; and those to whose lot it has fallen to address their 
 fellow-citizens upon such occasions, have had before them a 
 delightful task. Glorious recollections of the past would throng 
 upon their memory ; bright hopes of the future would spread 
 themselves out before their enraptured vision. The early his- 
 tory of the Colonies, so full of interest ; the disputes with the 
 mother-country, so fraught with instruction ; the calm delibera- 
 tion, the clear resolves, the masterly discussions, which prece- 
 ded the appeal to arms ; the thrilling events which ushered in 
 the Revolution ; those battle fields, which cannot even now be 
 named, without stirring our blood ; the varied fortunes of the 
 war, disaster following disaster, till all seemed lost, and then 
 some sudden flash of victory, like that at Trenton or at Prince- 
 ton, breaking out through the darkness, and kindling new hope; 
 the successful issue of the struggle, followed, as it was, by the 
 acknowledgement of our Independence, and our admission into 
 the family of nations ; the crowning glory of the whole, the 
 adoption of the Constitution, without which, Independence itself 
 would have been a doubtful blessing ; the marvellous progress 
 made by the nation, outstripping all that the most sanguine 
 ever dreamed of; the expansion of our territory from ocean to 
 ocean, and from the lakes of the north to the southern gulf ; 
 the beautiful spectacle of State after State stepping into the 
 Union, and taking at once its appropriate place, without dis- 
 
tilrbing the harmony of the system ; and the ever brightening, 
 ever lengthening chains, which were linking all the members 
 of the confederacy so indissolubly together, [that it seemed 
 almost impossible they should ever be separated ; these, and 
 such as these, were the animating themes which invited discus- 
 sion. 
 
 But alas ! we have fallen upon evil days ; and it is my mis- 
 fortune to be called upon to address you at a time, when, if I 
 were to present to you a picture of our past happiness, it would 
 but embitter the painful reflections, which a contemplation of 
 the present and of the future force upon our minds. Yes, fel- 
 low-citizens, it is difficult to realize it, it is hard to pronounce 
 the word ; but, we are in the midst of a revolution. Rebellion 
 has reared its horrid front, and unless speedily crushed, threat- 
 ens to involve us in all the horrors of a protracted civil war. 
 The Union, watered by the tears, and cemented by the blood of 
 our patriot Fathers, is sought to be torn rudely asunder. That 
 Constitution, which we fondly hoped was destined to be perpet- 
 ual, the source of so much happiness to us, and of so much 
 hope to the nations of the world, is assailed in its most vital 
 parts. That mild and paternal government, whose burdens 
 ihave been unfelt, and which has only been known by the bless- 
 ings it bestows, is threatened with destruction. 
 
 What are the causes which have led to this calamitous state 
 -of things ; and what are the stern, but solemn duties, to which 
 we are summoned ? In such a crisis, and in the discussion of 
 'questions like these, may we not, without irreverence, invoke 
 the aid of that Spirit, " that dost prefer, before all temples, 
 the upright heart and pure," to instruct us ; to illumine what 
 is dark ; and ,to raise us " to the height of this great argu- 
 ment." What cause then could have moved eleven of the 
 ;States of the Union — States " favored of heaven so highly" — 
 enjoying so many blessings — with so much to make them hap- 
 py and contented — to renounce their allegiance to a Govern- 
 ment, to which, under Providence, they are indebted for all 
 that they have, and all that they are ? 
 
I have called it a rebellion. But here, we are met, at the 
 very threshold, by a plea on behalf of the revolted States. 
 They are not rebels. They indignantly disclaim the imputa- 
 tion of such a term. They have only exercised one of the 
 rights reserved to them under the Constitution. They have 
 Seceded. This brings us then to the doctrine of Secession, 
 What is it ? It is neither more nor less than a right which, it 
 is alleged, belongs to every State, to withdraw from the Union 
 whenever she sees proper to do so. Let us examine it. It 
 rests for its support upon a single proposition ; and if that 
 can be shewn to be false, the whole argument falls to the ground. 
 The proposition is, that the Constitution is a compact between 
 Sovereign States. And the inferences drawn from it are, that 
 a violation of this compact by one of the parties absolves the 
 others from all obligations to perform it ; and that each State 
 must judge for itself, in the last resort, whether or not such in-. 
 fraction has taken place. 
 
 The first remark I have to make is, that if this be so, then 
 it is in vain to enquire whether the alleged grievances of the 
 South are real or imaginary. For, as they are the sole judges 
 of their sufficiency, no appeal of course lies from their decision. 
 And this is just the position which they have assumed. In their 
 Ordinances of Secession, they have not deigned to assign the 
 reasons which have induced them to separate themselves from 
 the Union. When our Fathers declared their independence of 
 Great Britain, they admitted, that a " decent respect for the 
 opinions of mankind required that they should declare the 
 causes which impelled them to the separation." And they ac-. 
 cordingly " submitted to a candid world " a catalogue of their 
 wrongs, the recital of which might, in all future ages, serve as 
 a justification for their conduct. But not so with the Seceding 
 States. They put themselves upon the right of Secession. It 
 is beneath the dignity of Sovereign States, to enter into any 
 explanation of the reason of their conduct. 
 
 But is the Constitution a compact ? The first objection to 
 the proposition is, that it is a contradiction in terms. If it is 
 
,8 
 
 a Constitution, it cannot be a compact. The two ideas are 
 utterly inconsistent with each other. A compact is an agree- 
 ment between two or more parties. A Constitution, on the 
 other hand, is an organic law, to which there can be but one 
 party, and that is the people by whom it is ordained. If there 
 is one word, with the meaning of which the people of this 
 country ought to be more familiar than any other, it is the 
 word Constitution. It is, in fact, one of our own peculiar 
 institutions. The glory of our governments, State as well as 
 National, is, that they are Constitutional Governments, in a 
 sense, in which no other Governments in the world can be said 
 to be so. We sometimes hear of the Constitution of England. 
 But it is so only in name. It is a mere rhetorical phrase. They 
 have, it is true, their Petition of Rights, their Bill of Rights, 
 and their Act of Settlement ; and these they are sometimes 
 pleased to dignify with the title of a Constitution. But they 
 are mere acts of Parliament ; passed, it is true, at critical 
 junctures, and with more than usual solemnities, but which a 
 subsequent Parliament might at any time repeal. It is a maxim 
 of British law, that the power of Parliament knows no bounds. 
 It is omnipotent. Sovereignty and Legislation are there con- 
 vertible terms. But it is not so here. Our legislators are not 
 our Sovereigns — they are our Servants. They can make such 
 laws only as the Constitution permits them to make. The only 
 Sovereignty which we acknowledge, under God, is the Sover- 
 eignty of the people. When we talk of a Constitution, then, 
 every American knows what we mean by it — something essen- 
 tially different from a compact — a fundamental, irrepealable 
 law, of perpetual obligation. To call the Constitution a Com- 
 pact, then, is' simply absurd. 
 
 But, what does the Constitution say of itself ? Is there a 
 word in it, from beginning to end, to give countenance to the 
 idea that it was designed to be a compact ? The term compact 
 occurs once in it, but then, it is in that clause, in which a State 
 is prohibited, without the consent of Congress, from entering 
 into any agreement or compact with another State. 
 
9 
 
 Its opening words are pregnant with meaning, and shed a 
 flood of light upon this question, " We, the people of the United 
 States." They proclaim, it seems to me, in terms not to be 
 misunderstood, the true character of the instrument. They 
 declare it to be, not an agreement between States, but emphat- 
 ically the work' of the people. The States, as such, were not 
 parties to it at all. They had nothing to do with it. They did 
 not make it in the first instance. They did not adopt it after- 
 wards. It was ratified by Conventions, chosen by the People, 
 the only true source of all political power ; not even by the 
 people of the several States, but by the people of the United 
 States, that is, by the people in their collective aggregate 
 capacity, acting of course through their representatives in State 
 Conventions. And what was it they did? Do they declare 
 that they make a compact, that they enter into a league, or 
 that they even form a Confederacy ? No ! but that they ordain 
 and establish a Constitution for the United States of America. 
 
 Such, undoubtedly, is the character of this instrument, as 
 proclaimed by its framers ; and such, most certainly, it was 
 understood to be at the time of its adoption. As such, it was 
 assailed by its enemies ; as such, it was advocated by its friends. 
 It was against these words in the preamble, "We the People," 
 that Patrick Henry hurled all the thunders of his eloquence in 
 the Virginia Convention. "Who authorized them," he asks, 
 "to speak the language of We the People, instead of, We the 
 States ? States are the characteristics and the soul of a con- 
 federacy. If the States be not the agents of this compact, it 
 must be one great consolidated National Government of the 
 people of all the States." "Should the system go into opera- 
 tion," he says, "what will the States have to do? Take care 
 of the poor, repair and make highways, erect bridges, and so 
 on and so on. Abolish the State Legislatures at once. To 
 what purpose should they be retained ?" And again, " Have 
 they said we the States ? If they had, this would be a confed- 
 eration ; it is otherwise most clearly a consolidated government. 
 The question turns, sir, on that poor little thing, the expression 
 2 
 
10 
 
 we the people, instead of the States of America." He saw the 
 full force and effect of these words, and he interpreted them 
 truly. 
 
 Now, what answer was given to these arguments ? Among 
 those to whom they were addressed, were two men, who had 
 borne a principal part in the formation of the Constitution, and 
 who might be presumed, therefore, to understand, if any one 
 did, its meaning and character. These men were Edmund 
 Randolph and James Madison. What reply, then, did they 
 make to the strictures of Patrick Henry ? "The gentleman," 
 said Governor Randolph, "inquires why we assumed the lan- 
 guage of we the people? I ask, why not? The government 
 is for the people ; and the misfortune was, that the people had 
 no agency in the government before. What harm is there in 
 consulting the people, on the construction of a government, by 
 which they are to be bound ? Is it unfair ? Is it unjust ? If 
 the government is to be binding on the people, are not the 
 people the proper persons to examine its merits or defects?" 
 And Mr. Madison remarked, "Should all the States adopt it, 
 it will then be a government established by the thirteen States 
 of America, not through the intervention of the legislatures, 
 but by the people at large. In this particular respect, the dis- 
 tinction between the existing and proposed governments is very 
 material. The existing system has been derived from the 
 dependent derivative authority of the legislatures of the States ; 
 whereas, this is derived from the supreme poiver of the people." 
 This, unquestionably, is the true theory of the Constitution. 
 And herein it differs essentially from the old articles of Con- 
 federation. They were truly a compact between the States. 
 The States were parties, and the only parties to it. And hence 
 its language was, "To all to whom these presents shall come,, 
 we, the undersigned, delegates of the States affixed to our 
 names, send greeting. The said States hereby severally enter 
 into a firm league of friendship with each other for their common 
 defence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and 
 general welfare." But the language of the Constitution is, not 
 
11 
 
 we the States, but we the people — not we the people of the several 
 States, but u ive the people of the United States" — in order to 
 form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic 
 tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the gen- 
 eral welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and 
 our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution of the 
 United States of America." 
 
 What then becomes of the proposition that the Constitution 
 is a compact. It has not the slightest foundation on which to 
 rest. Still less, is it a compact between Sovereign States. In 
 fact, this idea of the Sovereignty of the States is a perfect de- 
 lusion. It has beguiled us too long already, and it is high 
 time it were dissipated forever. I know it is soothing to State 
 pride ; it appeals to local patriotism ; and it wins the favor of 
 that class of politicians, numerous and influential, who look for 
 office and for honor, to the State, rather than to the Federal 
 Government. But it is not on that account the less dangerous. 
 In the sense in which a State is said to be sovereign, every 
 municipal corporation is sovereign ; every county is sovereign ; 
 every township is sovereign. That is, within the sphere of 
 their jurisdiction, their power is supreme. But what are the 
 essential attributes of Sovereignty in a State ? Are they not, 
 the power of making war and peace — the power of raising and 
 supporting an army — the power of making treaties and allian- 
 ces with other States — the power of sending and receiving am- 
 bassadors — the 'power of coining money and regulating com- 
 merce ? These are the great imperial powers, the jura Summi 
 imperii, by which sovereign and independent States are known 
 and recognized by the nations of the world. Now, there is 
 not a State in the Union which has ever enjoyed for a moment 
 the exercise of these powers. If so, when ? Certainly not 
 while they were Colonies. This has never been pretended. 
 The instant they ceased to be Colonies, they became the Unit- 
 ed States of America. They were independent of Great Brit- 
 ain, but not independent of one another. They established a 
 National Government. To the States, were left the affairs of 
 
12 
 
 internal police, but the powers over war, peace, foreign allian^ 
 ces and commerce, were exercised by Congress. Under the 
 articles of Confederation, these powers were expressly conferred 
 upon Congress ; for the articles of Confederation differed from 
 the Constitution, not so much in the extent of the powers given 
 to Congress, as in the mode of executing them. And under 
 the Constitution, all these sovereign powers, were not only ex- 
 pressly conferred upon Congress, but as expressly prohibited 
 to the States. What an abuse of words then it is to speak of 
 States as sovereign. 
 
 Nevertheless, this doctrine of Stat'? Sovereignty has always 
 been a favorite idea of a certain class of our public men. It 
 may be said indeed, without exaggeration, to have been the 
 evil genius of our Constitution. It assailed it at its very birth. 
 It almost strangled it in its cradle. Its evil influence was felt 
 in the convention which framed the Constitution, and almost 
 prevented its formation. It hovered around the State conven- 
 tions, which were called to ratify it, and for a time rendered its 
 adoption more than doubtful. It followed the footsteps of its 
 youth, and sowed those dissensions, which embittered the ad- 
 ministration of Washington. It's malignant spirit was infused 
 into the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions in 1798, when for 
 the first time it was openly declared, that the Constitution was 
 a compact between the States. After lying dormant for years, 
 it sprung up with renewed vigor in 1830, under the specious 
 guise of nullification. And, gathering strength as it advanced, 
 and throwing off all disguises, it has at last revealed itself in 
 the hideous form of secession. 
 
 I have adverted to the Virginia and Kentucky resolves of 
 1798. But these celebrated resolutions deserve more than a 
 passing notice. Their history is instructive, and the lesson 
 Wh^ch^they teach, if a sad, may at the same time be a salutary 
 one. They were passed at a time of great political excitement. 
 The Alien and^Sedition laws had thrown Virginia into a fer- 
 ment. That these laws were unwise and inexpedient, may 
 readily be admitted ; and they probably contributed more than 
 
IB 
 
 anything else to the overthrow of that party, which until then, 
 had held the reins of government. But, that they were any- 
 thing more than this may well be doubted. Nevertheless, the • 
 Legislature of Virginia resolved, that these acts were unconsti- 
 tutional ; and not content with this, she further resolved, that 
 the Federal Government was the result of a compact to which 
 the States were parties ; that it was for the States themselves 
 to decide in the last resort whether the compact so made by 
 them had been violated ; and, that in case of a deliberate, pal- 
 pable, and dangerous exercise by Congress, of powers not 
 granted by the said compact, it was the right and the duty of 
 the States to interpose, for the purpose of arresting the pro- 
 gress of the evil, and maintaining within their respective limits 
 the authorities which? appertained to them. 
 
 The Kentucky Legislature used still stronger language. 
 They resolved, " that the several States who formed the Con- 
 stitution, being sovereign and independent, have the unquestion- 
 able right to judge of its infraction, and that a nullification by 
 those sovereignties of all unauthorized acts done under color of 
 that instrument, is the rightful remedy." Here, we have the 
 doctrine of nullification very distinctly shadowed forth. 
 
 Now, the objects of both these sets of resolutions werq, to 
 render the Alien and Sedition laws odious ; and thereby to 
 overthrow the administration of John Adams, and to elevate 
 Thomas Jefferson to the Presidency. Mr. Jefferson himself 
 was the author of the Kentucky Resolutions. These objects 
 were fully accomplished, and it might have been hoped, that 
 these Resolutions, having effected their purpose, would have 
 been suffered to sink into forgetfulness. But, it is always 
 dangerous to tamper with truth ; and for a supposed temporary 
 good, to sacrifice great permanent principles. The noxious 
 seeds then sown, were destined to spring up at a future day, 
 and to produce bitter fruits. If there is one State in this 
 Union, which is now suffering more than another from the con- 
 vulsions of the times, that State is Virginia. Her own doctrines 
 have returned to plague her. The ingredients of the poisoned 
 
14 
 
 chalice now commended to her own lips were concocted by her- 
 self. 
 
 But these Resolutions have a further interest, from the fact, 
 that they were the subject of the last speech ever made by 
 Patrick Henry ; and thus we have, as it were, from his dying 
 lips, a solemn warning of the fatal effects they were calculated 
 to produce. He had opposed, as we have seen, the adoption of 
 the Constitution, upon the ground, that it created too strong a 
 central government. But he lived to see and acknowledge the 
 error into which he had fallen ; and that the danger to which 
 we were really exposed, was, not so much from the encroach- 
 ments of the General Government, as from the insubordination 
 of individual States. Seeing the fatal tendency of these Reso- 
 lutions, and anxious, if possible, to arrest the evil, he announced 
 himself as a candidate for the Assembly ; and at the March 
 Term of the Charlotte Court, 1799, he proposed to*address the 
 people. We have had handed down to us a graphic picture of 
 the scene which followed. Multitudes from all parts of the 
 State had assembled to listen once more to the voice of the 
 great orator and patriot. The cryer of the Court, Jimmy 
 Adams as he was called, rose upon a.platform, erected for the 
 occasion, and made proclamation, " yes ! yes ! Col. Henry 
 will address the people from this stand, for the last time, and 
 at the risk of his life." "Why Jimmy," said Mr. Henry, 
 "you have made a better speech for me than I can make for 
 myself." "Speak out, father," said Jimmy, "and let us hear 
 how it is." And let us hear too the warning voice of the old 
 man eloquent. " The late proceedings of the Virginia Assem- 
 bly," he said, "had filled him with apprehensions and alarm; 
 they had planted thorns upon his pillow ; they had drawn him 
 from that happy retirement, which it pleased a bountiful Prov- 
 idence to bestow, and in Avhich he had hoped to pass in quite 
 the remainder of his days; that the State had quitted the sphere 
 in which she had been placed by the Constitution ; and in daring 
 to pronounce upon the validity of federal laws, had gone out of 
 her jurisdiction, in a manner not warranted by any authority." 
 
15 
 
 He asked, whether the County of Charlotte would have a right 
 to refuse obedience to the laws of Virginia ; and he pronounced 
 Virginia to be to the Union, what the County of Charlotte was 
 to her. "If," said he, "I am asked, what is to be done when 
 a people feel themselves intolerably oppressed, my answer is 
 ready — overthrow the government. But do not, I beseech you, 
 carry matters to this length without provocation. Wait at 
 least until some infringement is made upon your rights, and 
 which cannot otherwise be redressed ; for if you ever recur to 
 another change, you may bid adieu forever to representative 
 government. You can never exchange the present government 
 but for a monarchy."' He conjured the people to pause and 
 consider well, before they rushed into such a desperate condi- 
 tion, from which there could be no retreat. He painted to 
 their imagination, Washington, at the head of a numerous and 
 well appointed army, inflicting upon them military execution. 
 "And where," he asked, "are our resources to meet such a 
 conflict ? Where is the citizen of America, who will dare to 
 lift his hand against the Father of his country." A man in 
 the crowd exclaimed that he dared to do it. "No," said Mr. 
 Henry, "you, dare not do it ; in such a parricidal attempt, the 
 steel would drop from your nerveless army As he concluded, 
 he sunk into the arms of the tumultuous throng. Some one 
 exclaimed, "the sun has set in all its glory." 
 
 He was elected to the assembly, but did not live to take his 
 seat. He died a few weeks afterwards. The threatened crisis 
 did not come. The Alien and Sedition laws were temporary 
 acts, and soon expired by their own limitation. Thomas Jef- 
 ferson was elected President. And now, the whole scene is 
 changed. Those powers of the General Government, which in 
 other hands seemed so fraught with danger to the liberties of 
 the country, lost all their terrors, as soon as they were wielded 
 by a Southern President. It is a remarkable fact, that the two 
 most questionable exercises of power ever made by the General 
 Government, and which, as Judge Story remarks, went to the 
 utmost verge of liberal construction — I mean the purchase of 
 
,16 
 
 Louisiana in 1803, and the embargo act of 1807, which under 
 the power to regulate commerce, absolutely interdicted it for an 
 unlimited period — were measures of Mr. Jefferson's administra- 
 tion. He was followed by Madison and Monroe. For twenty- 
 four years in succession, Virginia furnished us with Presidents ; 
 and during the whole of that time, we hear no more complaints 
 at the South of the unconstitutionality of federal laws. All 
 such complaints came from the North. But then, her remedy 
 for unconstitutional laws, was not State intervention, or nullifi- 
 cation, or secession, but an appeal to that tribunal, which the 
 Constitution has made the final arbiter of such questions. 
 While Virginia gave us Presidents, the muscles of her rigid con- 
 structionists were wonderfully relaxed ; her State jealousies were 
 laid aside ; her affection for the Union knew no bounds ; the 
 Hartford Convention excited in her breast a perfect storm of 
 patriotic indignation ; and, if we had not been so unwise as at 
 last to look elsewhere for a President, we might not now have 
 to mourn over her disloyalty. But no sooner had we another 
 President from the North, than the mutterings of discontent 
 beo-an to be heard at the South. Weapons with which to assail 
 the Government, were drawn from ttie great armory of State 
 Bights, where they had so long reposed. It was discovered 
 that the Tariff acts, like the Alien and Sedition laws, were de- 
 liberate, palpable, and dangerous violations of the Constitution. 
 The resolutions of 1798 were exhumed, and nullification declared 
 the rightful remedy. 
 
 If then, this pretended right of Secession has really no warrant 
 in the Constitution, what is the position of the Seceding States ? 
 They are Rebels, in arms against a rightful government. Se- 
 cession is Revolution, and must be dealt with as such. Now, 
 why have not the South the manliness to admit that such is 
 their true position ? Why do they resort to the wretched sub- 
 terfuge of Secession ? Because they are Rebels, it does not 
 follow that their conduct is unjustifiable. Our Fathers were 
 Rebels against the . British Crown, and gloried in being so. 
 Because it is a Revolution, it is not, on that account alone, to 
 
17 
 
 be condemned. What are we doing to-day, but celebrating the 
 anniversary of our own glorious Revolution ? Why then, again 
 I ask, are the South not willing to call this thing by its right 
 name ? The reason is obvious, and it is in vain for them to 
 attempt to conceal it. While the right of Revolution is univer- 
 sally acknowledged, in this country at least, there are certain 
 conditions annexed to it, which can never be dispensed with. 
 One of these conditions is, that it is to be resorted to only in 
 extreme cases, and where all other means of redress have failed. 
 It is the ultima ratio of freemen, and to justify an appeal to it, 
 there must be intolerable oppression. In the language of that 
 Declaration you have heard to-day, it must not be for light or 
 transient causes. While evils are sufferable, they must be borne 
 with. It must be a long train of abuses and usurpations, pur- 
 suing the same object, and evincing a design to reduce a people 
 to absolute subjection. There is another condition which attaches 
 to this right of Revolution. It implies a correlative right on 
 the part of Government to judge for itself, whether such a case 
 of extreme oppression exists ; and if not, then to use all the 
 means which God and nature have put into its hands, for the 
 purpose of crushing it. There must be a case to justify it, and 
 there must be a power to enforce it. If the South mean to 
 exercise the right of Revolution, they must take it with all its 
 responsibilities and consequences. Those who affixed their 
 names to the Declaration of Independence, knew that they took 
 their lives in their hands, and that unless they were able to make 
 it good, they would suffer the doom of rebels. These conse- 
 quences the South are not prepared to meet, and therefore they 
 seek to avoid them. But it cannot be. It will not do for them 
 to say, "let us alone, we are not rebels. Do not coerce us, we 
 have only seceded." The answer is, Secession is Rebellion. 
 After all, and at the very best, a Revolution is an awful thing, 
 and they who resort to it incur a fearful responsibility. Even 
 when successful, the good that flows from it seldom compensates 
 for the evils which follow in its train. When we call to mind 
 the suffering and wretchedness which it produces ; the crueltv 
 3 
 
18 
 
 and crime which mark its progress ; how many hopes it crushes, 
 how many hearts it breaks ; how it involves the innocent as well 
 as the guilty; how it paralyzes industry, clips the wings of 
 commerce, and dries up all the sources of national wealth and 
 prosperity ; how it dissolves the bonds of society, unthrones law 
 and religion, and unchains all the bad passions, of the human 
 heart ; we may be prepared to form some estimate of the accu- 
 mulated guilt of him, who rushes into a revolution without an 
 adequate cause. Surely, it were better for that man that he had 
 never been born. 
 
 Is there anything then to justify, upon the part of the South, 
 a Revolution ; for, disguise it as they will, to this complexion it 
 must come at last. When, and by whom, have they been 
 oppressed ? We have a right to demand an answer to this 
 question. Where is their list of grievances ? Let it be produced, 
 and submitted to the judgment of an enlightened world. 
 
 Do the South complain, that by reason of their numerical 
 inferiority, they have been excluded from a just share of the 
 offices and honors of the Government ? Of fourteen Presidents 
 of the United States, seven have been citizens of the South ; and 
 of the remaining seven, three have rJeen Northern men with 
 Southern principles, and have been elected by Southern votes. 
 Of the seven Southern Presidents, five have held the office for 
 two terms, while no President from the North has ever been 
 re-elected. So that, of the seventy-two years which have 
 elapsed since the government went into operation, we have had 
 Southern Presidents for forty-eight years, and Northern Presi- 
 dents for twenty-four years ; and during twelve of these twenty- 
 four years, Northern Presidents chosen by the South, and devoted 
 to her interests. This would leave but twelve years out of the 
 seventy-two, during which government has been administered in 
 the interest of the North ; to say nothing of the fact, that Gen. 
 Harrison died a few weeks after he was inaugurated, leaving a 
 Southern man the acting President. So far, then, as the highest 
 office in the gift of the people is concerned, the South.has almost 
 monopolized it. So too, with regard to all the other prominent 
 
19 
 
 appointments under the Constitution, the South have had the 
 lion's share. With one third of the population, they have had 
 more than two-thirds of the offices. This certainly does not 
 look like intolerable oppression. 
 
 Do the South complain that they have not had their due share 
 of influence in the councils of the nation ? The very reverse. of 
 this is notoriously the case. The truth is, they have always 
 had an overruling influence. Although a minority in point of 
 population, they have given laws to the majority. They have 
 controlled the policy of the government. They have dictated 
 its measures. No contest has ever arisen between the North and 
 the South, in which the South have not come off triumphant. 
 The secret of their power has always consisted in the fact, that 
 while they were united, the North were divided. A compact 
 and united minority, are always more than a match for a divided 
 majority. 
 
 Take, by way of illustration, a single instance. The Tariff 
 policy was originally a Southern policy, a South Carolina poli- 
 cy. Mr. Calhoun was its great advocate in 1816. The South, 
 at that time, was thought to possess facilities for manufacturing 
 purposes. New England was opposed to it. Her great interest 
 was navigation, foreign trade. These, it was believed, would suffer 
 by an attempt to build up manufactures by a protective system. 
 But, by the aid of Southern votes, a protective Tariff became 
 the settled policy of the country. New England soon adapted 
 herself to this new state of things. She sold her ships, and en- 
 gaged in the business of manufacturing. She was successful in 
 this, as she generally is, in whatever she undertakes. She soon 
 Outstripped every other section of the country in her manufac- 
 turing processes: In the South meanwhile they had proved a 
 failure. No sooner was it perceived that New England was 
 being enriched by this new policy, than the South awoke to the 
 discovery, that the Tariff was unconstitutional. She denounced, 
 in unmeasured terms, what she called the accursed Tariff. It 
 was made the pretext for nullification ; and to pacify the South, 
 and keep Carolina in the Union, the North was obliged virtu- 
 
20 
 
 ally, to abandon a system, which had contributed bo much to 
 her prosperity. It has been so with other important measures. 
 While the South were in favor of them, they were wise and con- 
 stitutional. But when the South were opposed to them, they 
 became unconstitutional, and had to be abandoned. This is the 
 way in which they have been oppressed. Is there a single law 
 upon the statute books of the nation of which the South com- 
 plain ? If so, let them point it out. But it cannot be, for 
 these laws are all of their own making. 
 
 But Slavery is made the pretext for secession. Thirty years 
 ago, Gen. Jackson predicted, that the next attempt to break up 
 the Union, would be upon the score of Slavery. What have 
 the South to complain of then in connection with Slavery? 
 The concessions made to Slavery in the Constitution are cer- 
 tainly very ample. At all events, they were all that she de- 
 manded ; and unless her demands had been complied with, she 
 never would have entered into the Union. It is well known, 
 that in the Convention which framed the Constitution, the dele- 
 gates from New Jersey were opposed to these concessions. 
 They voted against them. They were opposed to slave repre- 
 sentation in every form in which it w^g presented. They were 
 unwilling to continue the African Slave trade for a day, even 
 for an hour. But she was overruled by her sister States, and 
 she submitted. And from that day to this, she has always 
 stood faithfully by the Compromises of the Constitution. So, 
 in fact, have all the Free States. No serious attempts have ever 
 been made to disturb them. 
 
 Then, as to the rendition of Fugitive Slaves. This has al- 
 ways been the sensitive point with the South. And if her com- 
 plaints here are unfounded, then is her conduct absolutely with- 
 out excuse. Now, so far as the General Government is con- 
 cerned, there is no provision of the Constitution which has more 
 fully and fairly been carried out. The South was not satisfied 
 with the act passed upon this subject under the administration of 
 Gen. Washington, and which had been in successful operation 
 for more than half a century ; but in 1850, she insisted upon a 
 
21 
 
 more stringent law ; a law, which denied to one charged with 
 being a fugitive, but claiming to be a freeman, the right to a 
 trial by jury. The act is certainly very offensive in many of 
 its features. It was intended to be so. But it was one of the 
 Compromise measures of 1850, and it was passed. And now, 
 we have the authority of the late hi merited Senator Douglas for 
 saying, that there is not a single act of Congress that has ever 
 been more faithfully executed. 
 
 But one more complaint, and I have done. The South say, 
 that they are not allowed to take their slaves into the territories. 
 If this were so, would it justify them in breaking loose from the 
 Union — "for one restraint, lords of the world besides.'' But 
 how stands the fact ? Why, the Supreme Court of the United 
 States have decided that they have a right under the Constitu- 
 tion to take their slaves into the territories, and th^t neither 
 Congress nor the Territorial Legislatures have any power to 
 prevent it. Now, right or wrong, this decision, until reversed, 
 is the law of the land; and the whole power of the General 
 Government is pledged to enforce it. It is also a significant 
 fact, that at the very last session of a Republican Congress, 
 three new territories were organized without the slightest 
 restriction as to slavery. So that, at the present moment, there 
 is not a single foot of territory belonging to the United States, 
 to which a Southern man may not emigrate with all his slaves. 
 There never has been a period before in the history of our 
 country, when the South enjoyed such perfect immunity for 
 their peculiar institution ; when such complete protection was 
 thrown around slave property. Their boast is, that their slaves 
 were never more happy and contented than now. And yet, this 
 is the very moment which they have chosen for separating from 
 the Union upon the ground, that they could no longer remain 
 in it with safety. 
 
 But admitting the complaints of the South to be utterly 
 groundless, some one may be disposed to ask, why pursue this 
 contest further ? What do you hope to gain by it ? You cannot 
 subjugate the South. They are united as one man. They will 
 
22 
 
 die in the last ditch before they yield. And if you were to con- 
 quer them, what would you do with them ? You cannot hope to- 
 win back their affections by force. To this, I answer. We do 
 not certainly know what may be the issues of the struggle^ 
 They are in the hands of God. There we are willing to leave 
 them. But one thing we do know. We have a duty to perform ; 
 painful it may be, but a solemn one. The path to which it 
 leads is plain before us ; we must walk in it regardless of conse- 
 quences. This duty rests upon the government. It rests upon 
 the people. No one can be absolved from it. No one can 
 violate it, but at the peril of his soul. We have an oath in 
 Heaven. We are sworn to support the Constitution and laws. 
 More than this. We have a sacred trust committed to our hands, 
 for the faithful discharge of which we must give an account. 
 This glorious Constitution has been handed down to us by our 
 Fathers, as their last best gift ; the richest legacy in their power 
 to bestow ; and they call to us from their graves to transmit it 
 unimpaired to those who are to come after us. That Constitu- 
 tion is in peril. Shall we not rush to its rescue ? Shall we 
 surrender it without a struggle ? It is the ark of our political 
 covenant. Shall we not, at the hazard of all that is dear to us, 
 preserve it from violation ? There is everything to animate us 
 in th3 discharge of this duty. The cause in which we are engaged 
 is a holy cause. It is the cause of law, of order, of civilization, 
 of constitutional freedom, now and for all future times, here 
 and throughout the world. Bright omens cheer us on everv 
 side. The hearts of the people are with us. They have taken 
 the work into their own hands. They mean to preserve the 
 government, should those who are intrusted with it falter or fail. 
 That Constitution which they made, they will defend. That 
 Providence, who watched over us in our infancy, who led our 
 armies to victory in the war of our Revolution, who guided the 
 counsels of those that built up our Institutions, will not now 
 forsake us. Already, has. its manifestations been visible on our 
 behalf. Who, that looks at the events of the last few months — 
 at the imminent perils to which we were exposed, and from 
 
23 
 
 which we escaped by no wisdom or fore Bight of our own — our 
 very Government in the hands of traitors — those whom we had 
 a right to look to as our defenders, basely deserting us in our 
 hour of need— the hearts of the best men failing them because of 
 fear— who, that remembers these things, can fail to see, that the 
 hand of God has been stretched out on our behalf. 
 
 We have no unkind feelings towards the people of the South. 
 Notwithstanding the wrongs and insults they have heaped upon 
 us, and which would have been borne with from none but those 
 who once were our brethren, we have exercised towards them a 
 forbearance unexampled in the history of the world. Up to the 
 very last, our hearts' prayer has been that they would see, before 
 it was forever too late, the fatal errors of their way ; and that 
 they would allow us to return to the scabbard, with its blade 
 unstained by their blood, that sword which we have so reluctantly 
 drawn. 
 
 But, although slow to take up arms— although even, when 
 prepared to strike, hesitating to do so, that the utmost time 
 might be given for repentance— let not our position be misunder- 
 stood. To those whom we cannot but regard as traitors, with 
 arm* in their hands, no concessions are to be made — no terms 
 proposed. Unconditional submission to the Constitution and 
 Laws must be absolutely insisted upon. This is the people's 
 stern resolve, their inflexible purpose. Until this is accomplish- 
 ed, never will they lay down their arms— never— never. A 
 disastrous war— defeat, followed by a dismemberment of the 
 Union— would be better than any peace, which even tacitly 
 acknowledges the right of Secession. Yes ! if the South are to 
 go out of the Union, let them hew their way out by the sword. 
 It will be so rough a way, that others will not be likely hereafter 
 to tread in it. But make the way easy, let it be once understood 
 that there can be such a thing as peaceful secession, and you 
 extinguish all hope of preserving what may yet remain of the 
 Union. Then shall we see, 
 
 ••Star follow star, and light light, 
 'Till all is darkness and eternal night." 
 
24 
 
 And finally, my friends, is not this government worth preserv- 
 ing ? What a beautiful fabric it is ! What a perfect piece of 
 political mechanism, if indeed, perfection can be ascribed to 
 anything human ! I know it seems complex — wheels within 
 wheels — "eccentric, intervolved, yet regular then most, when 
 most irregular it seems" — 
 
 "Which yonder starry sphere 
 Of planets and of fixed, in all their wheels 
 Resembles nearest" — 
 
 combining in one system, a number of separate States, in 
 such a way, that on the one hand they should not rush into 
 consolidation, nor on the other fly asunder in broken fragments ; 
 with a great central power, around which all revolve, while each 
 at the same time has an orbit of its own ; borrowing what is best, 
 and copying what is fairest, from all other forms of government, 
 and blending them into one harmonious whole. Has it not more 
 than realized the fondest hopes formed of it by its framers ? 
 Has it not compassed, in a remarkable degree, the very ends 
 for which it was ordained ? Has it not proved itself equal to 
 every emergency ? Adapted to a state of war as well as of 
 peace ? And with an expansive power that knows no limit, 
 opened its capacious arms and taken under its protecting wings 
 State after State, until the number has increased from thirteen 
 to thirty-four, and the population swelled from three to thirty 
 millions ? Put out the lesser light of a State Constitution, and 
 it might easily be rekindled. But let the Constitution of the 
 United States be destroyed, and when could we hope to see it 
 re-constructed. Once quench it, and where is that Promethean 
 heat that could its light relume ? Let us then stand by the 
 Constitution. Let us rally round the flag of the Union. Let 
 us uphold the gorgeous Ensign of the Republic, with its arms 
 and trophies streaming in all their original lustre, not a single 
 stripe obscured, nor a single star obliterated. 
 
ICI