# PAUL LE MESURIER, M. P LORD MAYOR OF THE CITY OF LONDON, IN TESTIMONY OF HIS LAUDABLE AND EXEMPLARY ZEAL, IN PROMOTING THE CIVILIZATION of AFRICA, THE FOLLOWING PAGES ARE MOST RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED, BY HIS LORDSHIP’S OBEDIENT AND VERY HUMBLE SERVANT, C. B. WAD ST ROM CONTENTS FIRST PART. INTRODUCTION, Chap. I. ObfiruRions to Colonization, particularly in Africa, - Page 1 Chap. II. Char alter and Difpoftion of the Africans, 9 Chap. III. Civilization in General, - - 18 Chap. IV. Climate , Soil, and Water, - - 2\ Chap. V. Produce , - - - - 31 Chap. VI. The means of preferving health, - 42 Chap. VII. General refedions on Colonies, and the means of promoting them, - - 37 Commerce, 65 Chap. VIII. Hints on the effentials of a Colonial Government , 92 Chap. IX. Specific propofitions applied to the cafe of a new Colony , - - - 107 Chap. X. Colonies in Africa formed on the Principles of Commerce by the Portuguefe, - 121 Spaniards, - 1 44 French, - - 154 Dutch, - - 178 Auflrians, - 187 Swedes, - - 19 4 New Plan for Exploring Africa, by the African Affociation of London , 195 *#* A more particular Table of Contents, or an Index, will be inferted in the Se- cond Part. i V r' V. J) '• v v . " r si J r s " i - v ; or •'•” .* viV'- ; • • •••'*—• IV ,7 . ' v * . -Vv ,'thiiO ■ ' V. H I ,v > '£•>$ ' ' ' ' * ‘ •> COLONIZATION, PARTICULARLY APPLIED TO THE WESTERN COAST of AFRICA, WITH SOME FREE THOUGHTS ON CULTIVATION and COMMERCE; ALSO BRIEF DESCRIPTIONS OF THE COLONIES ALREADY FORMED, OR ATTEMPTED, IN AFRICA, INCLUDING THOSE OF SIERRA LEONA and BULAMA. / BY C. B. WADSTROM. IN TWO PARTS. Illujlrated with a Nautical Map (from Lat. 50 30' to Lat. 140 N. ) and other Plates. LONDON: PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR, BY BARTON AND HARVEY, G R AC EC HU RC H - S T R E ET. And fold by G. Nicol, No. 58, Pall-Mall; W. Faden, Corner of St. Martin’s Lane, Strand; ].Stockdale,No. 191, Piccadilly; J. Edwards, No. 78, Pall-Mall; E. & J. Eoerton, No. 32, Charing-Crofs; J. Debrett, No. 179, Piccadilly; J. Johnson, No. 72, St. Paul’s Church-yard; and C. Dilly, No. 22, Poultry. MDCCXCIV. \ A N ESSAY O N COLONIZATION. PART I. - - INTRODUCTION. HE author of the following pages having, in the earlier part of his life, travelled through mod parts of Europe, and obferved various modes of civilized fociety, was defirous of contemplating human nature in fimpler dates ; and, from what he had heard and read, he concluded, that Africa prefented the mod ample field for fuch obfervations. Ac- cordingly, in the year 178 7, he communicated his defign to his fovereign, the late intelligent and enterprifing King of Sweden, who not only granted him leave of abfence from the office he had the honour to hold under him ; but was alfo gracioufly pleafed to favour with his royal countenance and fupport, himfelf and his fellow-travellers. Dr. A. Sparr- man, known to the public by his voyages to the Cape of Good Hope, and round the world with the celebrated Cook, and Captain Arrhenius, of the Swedith artillery, a very able and experienced mineralogid. They travelled by land from Stockholm to Paris, with his majedy’s particular recommendation to the court of France, where their views were very cordially promoted. A paflage was granted to them in a French fhip from Flavre de Grace to Africa, and they carried orders to all the B French 11 INTRODUCTION. French governors and agents on the coaft, to give them every kind of afliftance, which accordingly they received wherever they thought proper to land. Thus the author’s opportunities of obfervation were uncommonly favourable, and he flatters himfelf he did not let them efcape altogether unimproved. The chief obje&s of his enquiry and obfervation in Africa were the chara&er of the natives, and the evils they fuffer from the flave-trade, the produce of the country, and above all, how far it feemed capable of improvement and of colonization. The author, on returning to Europe, in 1788, call- ed on fome friends he had left in England eleven years before. Dr. Sparrman, who went firft to Paris, fhortly afterwards joined him in London; Captain Arrhenius going dire&ly to Sweden. It foon tranfpiring that they had juA returned from Africa, they were fummoned before the Britifh Privy Council, in whofe interefling report their opinions on the fubjeft of this work Hand recorded in thefe words : “ The queflion being put to Mr. Wadflrom and to Dr. Sparrman, whether they thought that by any and what encouragement the natives of that country might be induced to cultivate the above articles” (viz. cotton, indigo, the fugar cane, &c.) “ fo as to make them objects of commerce? — Mr. Wadflrom gave it as his opinion, that the only encou- ragement would be by fettling a colony of Europeans there, and though they would proceed by very flow degrees, yet they would gradually reconcile the princes and natives of the country to it ; and he added, that he fhould himfelf be glad to be one of the firfl to engage in fuch an undertak- ing.5’— “ Dr. Sparrman thinks alfo this might be accom- plifhed by planting colonies among them, and paying them for INTRODUCTION. Ill for their labour. They have at prefent fome fort of in- dudry, which by example might be increafed. They would not at once be brought to regular and diurnal labour; but by little and little they might be reconciled to it*.” In 1789, he publifhed a fmall tra£l, now out of print, compiled from his journals, and intitled “ Obfervations on the Slave-trade in a Voyage to the Coad of Guinea/’ That trade was then under parliamentary invelligation in Eng- land; and the author was flattered that his little piece might contribute to it’s abolition. At prefent the colonization of Africa fhares the attention of the friends of the fame caufe. With renewed alacrity, therefore, he again heps forward, agreeable to his promife in the above-mentioned tra£l, in hopes of promoting that grand defign, by proving that the colonization of Africa is not only practicable, but, in a commercial view, highly prudent and advifeable. The reader has no doubt, by this time, difcovered that the perfon who now addrehes him is a zealous friend to the Africans. But it is prefumed that his zeal is not inconfid- cnt with fober truth ; and that friendfhip to the Africans is not incompatible with friendfhip to the Europeans, and to all mankind. The author has ever thought that the mod likely way to promote the civilization of mankind, would be to lead their aclivity into the cultivation of their country, as the bed exercife for their affe&ions, and to diffufe among them a fpirit of liberal commerce, to exercife their under- ftanding. Thus, cultivation and commerce edablifhed upon right principles, rendering the mind a&ive, would early difpofe it for the reception of pure moral indru6fion: commodities in this cafe could not fail to become the * Privy Council’s Report, Part I. Art. “ Produce.” B 2 vehicles IV INTRODUCTION. vehicles of ideas and inventions; the bed fydems of morality or religion would of confequence foon prevail ; and the human fpecies thereby would be ultimately improved and exalted. Thinking thus, the author, particularly fince he trod the fertile foil of Africa, and furveyed her rude, but valuable, natural {lores, has often been grieved and adonifhed that fuch a country fhould have been fo long overlooked by the induflrious nations in Europe. Of this and fome other cu- rious circumllances relative to Africa, he will endeavour, in the enfuing tracl, to trace the caufes. Here he will only afk, in the words of the celebrated Profeffor Zimmerman of Brunfwick, “ Why have not other mercantile nations long ago opened their eyes, and looked into the benefits that would arife from a better knowledge of Africa? It may be anfwered, that, befides the prejudice that fo flrongly go- verns the world in general, we mufl not altogether reproach them. One of the fined and mod increafing Dutch colonies is that at the Cape of Good Hope. France has flouridling colonies in the Ides of France and Bourbon. Portugal has feveral important edablilhments, and Denmark has lately given us a proof of what die intends to do. The day, I hope, is not far didant when Africa will enrich Europe with the mod lucrative commerce.” Indulging the fame pleaf- ing hope, the author mod chearfully joins his edorts with thofe of the benevolent and enlightened Britons, who are now endeavouring to form colonies in Africa — happy if his perfonal obfervations, fupported and illudrated by the bed authorities, fhould contribute to remove prejudices, and to prevent dangerous midakes in thofe who may here- after enter upon fuch undertakings in that quarter of the world. A N A N ESSAY O N COLONIZATION, &c. CHAP. I. OBSTRUCTIONS TO COLONIZATION, PARTICULARLY IN AFRICA. l. 'T7TTHEN the maritime nations of Europe firft at- ▼ V tempted to found colonies in the Indies, they had prodigious difficulties to encounter. Few of the ad- venturers feem to have been aware of the ferious nature of fuch undertakings, and of the neceffity of proceeding on regular and well digefted plans. Many of them appear to have embarked with expe&ations of the fpeedy acquisition of wealth; but without well knowing where they were to land, and to reap this golden harveft. Even the bell informed of them were unapprized of the inconveniences which they were to guard againft, and unacquainted with the difeafes of hot climates, and the means of prevention and cure; efpecially with that invaluable medicine, the Peruvian bark. Many of the lower clafs of fettlers were men of debauched habits, and unaccuftomed to the labour of clearing land ; amd all of them but indifferently provided witli Plans of the firft Europe- an colonifts ill digefted. 2 OBSTRUCTIONS TO C H A P. I. Africa hi- therto ne- glected. Caufcs of this negleft. with the accommodations and diet neceffary to fupport them under their exertions. Such, except in the cafe of Penn- fylvania and one or two others, appears to be a pretty good general Iketch of the chara&ers and condud. of the firfl European colonies. We cannot here be more particular ; but, if the intelligent reader will call to mind the various difafters and diftreffes which the original fettlers of mod of the modern European colonies buffered, he will not wonder that fome of them failed, but that almoft any of them fuc- ceeded. The liberal fpirit of enterprize, however, which then animated the merchants of fome nations, and the govern- ments of others, in many cafes, repaired firft mifcarriages, overcame every obftacle, and at length founded colonies, fome of which now emulate powerful nations. 2. While fuch fplendid eftablifhments have been formed in Aha and America, “ it is melancholy to obferve that” Africa, a country much more acceffible to European com- merce than either Aha or America, and, “ which has near 10,000 miles of fea-coaft, and noble, large, deep rivers, fhould yet have no navigation; ftreams penetrating into the the very centre of the country, but of no benefit to it. In fhort, Africa, though a full quarter of the globe, ftored with an inexhauflible treafure, and capable, under proper improve- ments, of producing fo many things delightful as well as convenient, feems utterly neglected by thofe who are civi- lized themfelves*.” It may not be amifs briefly to hate what appear to me to have been among the caufes of the neglect which the refpedable author here notices. 3. One grand incitement to European enterprize, in the fifteenth century, feems to have been the difcovery of a * Polllethwayt’s Di&ionary, Article “ Africa.” paffage COLON 1 ZATION. paflage by fea to the Eaft Indies, which fhould lay open c HjA p- to all nations the commerce of that country, then monopo- t — > lized by the Venetians. In 1492, Columbus, in queft of a weflerly paflage to the Eaft Indies, was unexpectedly inter- rupted in his courfe by the iflands of America. In 1497, Vafquez de Gama purfued and accomplifhed the fame ob- jeCt, by doubling the Cape of Good Hope. 4. Both thefe events appear to have operated greatly to The siave- the di fad vantage of Africa. The coaft of that continent, uade’ after having ferved as a clue to conduCt navigators to the Eaft Indies, was itfelf comparatively negle&ed; not on ac- count of any natural inferiority in it’s foil, climate, or pro- ductions; butbecaufe the Africans, not having advanced fo far in the arts as the Eaft Indians, nor having then difcover- ed fuch quantities of the precious metals as the Americans, could not immediately fupply the European demand for thofe defirable productions, which the commerce of the Eaft afforded. Thus Alia and America became the princi- pal theatres of the ambition and avidity of the Europeans; and happy had it been for Africa if they had fo continued. But it is diftrefling to recolleCt the rapid progrefs of Euro- pean iniquity among the Ample and untutored nations inhabiting the other quarters of the world. Their opera- tions in America were deplorably injurious to Africa. It was foon found that the aborigines of the former could not endure the toils impofed on them by their new mafters.. “• The natives of Hifpaniola alone were reduced, in ftfteen years, from at leaft one million to about 60,000*.” Hence arofe the apparent or pretended neceflity (for there never can: be any real neceflity to commit villainy) of reforting to * Robertfon’s Hiftory of America. Africa 4 CHAP. II. \ The Weft Indies derive their import- ance from Africa. OBSTRUCTIONS TO Africa for a fupply of labourers, in form of Haves. Here commenced the Slave-trade, that fcourge of the human race, which has kept down a great part of the Africans in a Hate of anarchy and blood, and which, while it’s nefarious exift- ence is tolerated, will prove the grand obftacle to their im- provement and civilization. Early in the hxteenth century, this traffic had affumed an appearance of fyftem; for we find that, in 1517, the Emperor Charles V. granted a patent to certain flave-merchants for the annual fupply of 4000 negroes to the iflands of Hifpaniola, Cuba, Jamaica and Porto Rico. It has lince been cheriffied with as much care, as if the very exigence of legitimate commerce depended on it, and as if, in principle and pra6tice, it perfectly ac- corded with the feelings and fentiments of it’s patrons. 5. Without undervaluing the Weft Indian fugar colo- nies, we may venture to obferve, that their importance, nay, according to the planters themfelves, their very exigence, depends on Africa. That continent fupplies them with flaves, whom they call by the foft name of “ Negro la- bourers,” and who alone confer a value on their property. Some affirm, with much probability, that they alfo owe to Africa the very obje6l of their labours. Certain it is, that the fugar-cane grows fpontaneoufly in Africa; but whe- ther it be a native of the Weft Indies, is a controverted point. Be this as it may, it was furely fomewhat prepofter- ous to drag the Africans to the Weft Indies, there to drudge amidft whips and chains, in cultivating a commodity which, had they been prudently and humanely dealt with, they might have been induced to raife, as an article of com- merce, upon their own foil, and that much nearer to the European markets than the neareft of the Weft Indian iflands. COLONIZATION. lflands*. But the very vicinity of Africa, which fhould c h^a p. have recommended it to the Europeans, may have operated t_ — j — j to it’s difadvantage ; for mankind generally fet the greateft value on things diftant and difficult to be obtained. Dif- tance,like a fog, confufes obje&s, and lends them a magnitude that does not belong to them ; and thus fafcinates and mif- leads men of warm imaginations, often to their injury, fome times to their ruin. 6. But the flave-trade, as carried on in Africa, not only Oppofmon of impedes the progrefs of the natives in the arts of induftry and planters, and peace ; but alfo now prevents the European merchants concerned in it, or in the fugar colonies, from countenancing -the colonization of that continent, from an ill founded apprchenfion, that fuch new eftablifliments may interfere with thofe in the Weft Indies. It is indeed well known, that the Sierra Leona Company experienced very great op- pofition from the felfifh and ungenerous African traders, and Weft Indian merchants and planters. In juftice, how- ever, to feveral of the more liberal individuals of thofe bo- dies, we muft obferve, that, difregarding vulgar prejudices, they faw no caufe of alarm from fuch eftablifliments. They probably considered, that felf-intereft is always, in the end, beft promoted by liberality; and that as all the cotton pro- * Voyages from England to the neareft of the Welt Indian ifiands are performed, on an average, in about thirty days; to the molt diftant, in about, fix weeks— A voy- age to Sierra Leona occupies about twenty days ; but Mr. Falconbridge once arriv- ed there from England in feventeen days. Voyages home both from Africa and the Weft Indies, are longer than thofe to them, from the oppofition of the trade winds; and homeward bound fliips from Jamaica, St. Domingo, Cuba, and the Ba- hamas are farther interrupted by the gulph llream.— -In 1782, a French frigate ar- rived at Senegal from Brelt in thirteen days, and returned in fifteen.— The Chevalier de Bouillers told me that he arrived at Senegal from Havre in twenty days, and that the vefiel returned to Havre in the fame time. c duced 6 OBSTRUCTIONS TO CHAP. I. ' * > Obje&ions a- gainft colo- nizing Africa anfwered. duced in the Britifh lflands is quite inadequate to the de- mand of the Britifh manufacturers, fo the confumption of fugar being rapidly increafing, in Europe and America, and capable of indefinite extenfion, the time may not be very diftant when all the fugar that can be produced on the Weft Indian plantations already fettled, may be equally in- adequate to the fupply of the European and American markets. I fay on the Weft Indian plantations already fet- tled ; for it is the opinion of perfons well acquainted with Weft Indian affairs, that thofe plantations cannot, on the prefent fyftem, be profitably extended. 7. Befides the foregoing obftructions to the colonization of Africa, feveral well meaning people have ftated fome ob- jections which ought to be anfwered. — Firft, “ They fear that the colonization of Africa would introduce, among the fimple and innocent natives of that continent, the corrupted manners of the Europeans/’ — I anfvver, that the flave-trade has already introduced, into thofe parts of Africa where it prevails, the manners of the moft corrupted of the Europe- ans ; but that a colony of fober, honeft and induftrious peo- ple from Europe, who will of courfe fix their refidence where there is little or no flave-trade, and who will fupport themfelves by agriculture, and not by commerce, need not excite any alarm whatever on this head. “ But the Europeans, it may be faid, corrupted the aborigines of North America, though neither party dealt in flaves.” This is unfortunately true ; but it is equally true that this corruption was the work of European traders , and not of European farmers. The genius of commerce unfortunately prevailed, more than it ought to have done, in the firft eftablifhment of the European colo- nies, in the new world. Of the confequences of this unhap- py afcendancy of commerce over agriculture, many melan- COLONIZATION. melancholy inflances might be given, were this a proper c place. Suffice it to obferve, what will fcarcely be denied, that the object of the European traders in America (, as traders) was not to civilize the natives; but, like the white have dealers in Africa, to turn their rude propenfities for European liquors, gunpowder and baubles, to their own immediate profit, without looking forward to the advantages, to legitimate commerce, which, fooner or later, would have refulted from their civilization. Nor have governments feemed to be fufficiently fenfible of thofe advantages; for while they ftri&ly regulated the commerce of their fubjecls ' with civilized nations, they left them to pufh their trade with the uncivilized in any direction, and by any means, their own blind avarice fuggefled. Hence followed “ deeds unjuft — even to the full fwing of their luft.” In the Portuguefe colonies, indeed, of Grand Para and Maran- hao, a Dire&orio was eftabliffied in 1758, for regulating the dealings of the whites with the native Indians, who are there defcribed as “ uncivilized and ignorant,” and “ univerfally addi&ed to debauch in liquors, furnifhed them by the whites.” It does not appear what effedl; thefe regulations have had in eradicating the evil habits which had been pre- vioufly foftered in the Indians by the Portuguefe pedlars. But they have, in fome degree, civilized the native Africans in their fettlements on the coaft; and the progrefs of the Jefuits in Paraguay clearly proves that uncivilized nations may be improved, inftead of being debauched, as hath too often happened, by an intercourfe with the Europeans. 8. Secondly. It is objefted, that “ Colonies in Africa would prove the means of perpetuating, and not of deftroy- ing the flave-trade.” This obje&ion would no doubt have fbme force, if commerce, and not cultivation, were to be C 2 the 8 OBSTRUCTIONS TO, ETC. C Hj[ A P’ PrimaiT of fuch eftablifhments ; or evren if culti- ' _ — _,j vation were to be carried on by human labour only, unaf- fifted by the labour of cattle. But commerce and human labour are both very capable of limitation and regulation ; and in this work I hope to prove that it is very practicable fo to limit and regulate them in Africa, as to check the hurtful predominancy of the one, and to prevent the oppref- five tendency of the other. g. Another objection is “ That the defence of colonies in Africa would, like that of molt of the American colonies, be burdenfoine to the European governments, which fhould favour their eftablifhment.” To this it may be anfwered, that, if according to the plan I mean to propofe, the colonifts cultivate, from the beginning, an amicable coalition with the natives, they will, like the above-mentioned eftablifhment of the Jefuits in Paraguay, foon acquire fuch a degree of ftrength as to fecure them from all wanton aggrefllon. 10. It feems unneceffary to fay more in this place, to fatif- fy objeCtors who, upon the whole, wifh to promote the civi- lization of Africa, if they clearly fawhow it could be effected : for one great end of this work is, to remove their confcien- tious fcruples; moft of which, however, appear to me to deferve attention, more on account of their motives, than of their ftrength. CHAP. ( 9 ) o i .y.i> ' ptiA lui -> *r.: syvi :) CHAP, II. L i V' CHARACTER AND DISPOSITION OF THE AFRICANS. ii. jpUYIL and religious government is allowed to be the V-' principal caufe which affects (and even forms) the characters of nations. Climate, diet, occupation, and a vari- ety of other lefs confiderable caufes contribute their fhare to the general effect. It is not, however, by abftract reafon- ings alone, on the feparate or combined influence of thofe caufes that the character of a nation can be afcertained; but adtual observations on their genius and conduct mufl alfo be attended to. Such observations cannot be too nu- merous; nor can general conclufions be too cautioufly drawn from them. 12. That this important moral balance may be (truck with perfect impartiality, the ob Server ought to difmifs every prejudice, and to leave his mind open to a full and fair impreffion of all the circumftances. Every well difpofed man will allow the neceffity of fuch procedure, who knows how grofsly the very people of whom we are treating, have been mifreprefented by thofe who firft made merchandize of their perfons, and then endeavoured, by calumny, to juftify their own conduct towards them. The ac- counts of African governors and other flave merchants, have been but too implicity followed by authors of no fmall note, who never were in Africa, and who did not fufpect that the writers they quoted were interefled in milleading them. Govern- ments, &c. form national character. Mifreprefent- ations of the character of the Africans. io CHARACTER AND DISPOSITION C H A P. II. '< ' Civilized ra- tions govern- ed by re a fen, uncivilized by paffions. them. Hence it is to be feared, that many well meaning perfons have been led to believe that the Africans are fo infenfible as not to feel their ill treatment, or fo wicked as not to deferve better; and have therefore, without farther examination, left them to what they think a merited fate. 13. The author, aware of the difficulty of this part of his fubjeft, has all along laboured to obferve as minutely and extenfively, and to judge as impartially, as he could. But, after all his diligence, he is only able to offer fome fhort and imperfeft (ketches. Imperfeft, however, as they are, he is confcious they are faithfully copied from the original. 14. He believes every man, who has made it his bufinefs to compare the conduct of civilized and uncivilized nations, will admit that the former are governed by reafon, and the latter by their will and affe&ions, or what are commonly called their paffions — or at lead that, upon the whole, rea- fon influences mankind in proportion as they are civilized. 15. This obfervation may be applied very appohtely to the Africans. Their underflandings have not been nearly fo much cultivated as thofe of the Europeans ; but their paffions, both defenfive and focial, are much ftronger. No people are more fenfible of difrefpeft, contempt, or injury, or more prompt and violent in refenting them. They are alfo apt to retain a fenfe of injury, till they obtain fatisfac- tion, or gratify revenge. In this they refemble other im- perfectly civilized tribes, and even the more refined Europeans, in whom that benevolent religion, which teaches forgivenefs of enemies, has not yet produced it’s full effeCL For was not fatisfa&ion to offended honour ; that is, was not a certain mode of revenge a diftinguifhing part of the fyflem of chivalry? And do not our modern duelifts, the polite fucceffors of the ancient knights, ftill cherifh a prin- ciple OF THE AFRICANS. 11 pie which they will not allow to be called revenge; but for c which fober people cannot find a better name ? Revenge caufes wars in Africa : and are there no fymptoms of its producing wars in Europe? But African wars are never protraCled, with cold-blooded perfeverance, to the length of the liege of Troy; nor is peace ever negociatedwith a view to future wars. The Africans have no particular tortures in referve for their prifoners, like the North American In- dians ; nor do they ever devour them, like the natives of New Zealand. 16. But if they be charged with hatred to their enemies, kindnefs to their friends ought, in candour, to be ftated to their credit ; and their hofpitality to unprotected llrangers is liberal, difinterefted, and free from oflentation; as I my- felf and many others have experienced. Their kind- nefs, and refpeClful attention to white perfons, with whofe characters they are fatisfied, arifes to a degree of par- tiality which, all things confidered, is perfectly furprifing. Perfons of this defcription may, and often do, refide among them in perfeCt fecurity, receiving the belt polfible proofs of their good will, namely the molt prefiing folicitations to fettle among them. This partiality to well difpofed Europe- ans extends alfo to their drefs, manners, and commodities ; in fhort, to every thing that is European — a difpofition which might long ago have been improved to the bell purpofes. 17. On thofe parts of the coall and country, where the llave-trade prevails, the inhabitants are flay and referved, as well they may ! and on all occafions go armed, left they lhould be way-laid and carried off. 18. In maternal, filial, and fraternal affeClion, I fcruple not to pronounce them fuperior to any Europeans I ever was HAP. II. among 1 2 CHAP. II. • — Africans cor- rupted by the European traders. CHARACTER AND DISPOSITION among ; but, as they pradlice polygamy, their paternal and conjugal affedlions may be fuppofed lefs ardent. lg. As many of them have not fufficient employment cither for their heads or their hands, they are apt to relieve liflleflnefs by intoxication, when they can procure the means. So very fuccefsful, indeed, have the European llave-dealers been, in exciting in them a third for fpirits, that it is now become one of the principal pillars of their trade ; for the chiefs, intoxicated by the liquor with which they are purpofely bribed by the whites, often make bar- gains and give orders fatal to their fubjedls, and which, when lober, they would gladly retract. A defire for fpirituous liquors, however, is the failing of all uncivilized people. In particular, it has greatly thinned fome American tribes, and almoft annihilated others. 20. Their notions and pradtices refpefting property are not more inaccurate or irregular than thofe of other men in the fame ftage of fociety; as is evident from the general condudt of fuch of them as are unconnedled with this de- ftrudtive commerce. But thofe who are, may be expedled to be tainted with it’s concomitant vices. As the whites pradlice every fraud upon them, in the quantity and quality of the goods delivered, and in trepanning their perfons, the blacks cannot carry on this trade, on equal terms, without reforting to fimilar pradlices. As to the injuffice, cruelty and rapine which, at the inlligation of the whites, they prac- tice on one another, they are not more difgraceful than the well known trades of crimps, and kidnappers, and prefs- gangs, carried on, without foreign inlligation, in feveral European countries, and even protedled, or connived at, by their governments. At the worll, thefe pradlices are not fo difgrace- OF THE AFRICANS. difgraceful to uncivilized men as to their civilized , Europe- an inftigators. Menzel gives a horrid detail of the opera- tions of the Zeelverkoopers, (foul-mongers) of Holland, whofe infamous trade it is to trepan men for their Eaft In- dian fettlements. By fuch means, the author affirms, that the population of the peftiferous city of Batavia is kept from total exftin&ion*. 21. Of the infamous arts of the Europeans, and the con- fequent intoxication and violence of one of the African chiefs, I have had ocular proof. In order to promote the flave-trade, the French governors at Goree fend yearly prefents to the black kings, who return a gift of (laves. In 1787, I attended an embaffy of this kind to the King of Barbefin at Joal, on the coaft between Goree and Gambia. That chief having been unwilling to pillage, was kept con- (lantly intoxicated, by the French and mulattoes, till they prevailed on him to iffiue the dreadful mandate. When fo- ber, he expreffed extreme reluctance to harrafs his people. He complained that the traders of Goree, after making him trifling prefents, came upon him with long accounts, and endlefs pretenfions ; that the governor liftened too readily to their tales, thought too little of the fufferings of the ne- groes, and muft have been impofed upon, when he allowed his name to be ufed on fuch occafions — An allegation which mod probably was true ; for the Chevalier de Boufflers then governor, I really believe, was ignorant of thefe knav- iffi proceedings ; but, like many other great men, was the dupe of his courtiers. I heard the king more than once hold this language, had it interpreted on the fpot, and infert- * Befchreibung von Cape de Bonne Efperance, (Defcription of the Cape of Good Hope) Vol. I. p. 351, 357, 369. D ed 13 CHAP. II. ' ) Inllance in the condutt of an African chief. CHARACTER AND DISPOSITION H CHAP. II. C > Proofs of the induftry of the Africans. ed it in my journal : and yet he foon after ordered the pil- lage to be executed. 22. On this occafion it happened that only one captive was taken. This was a handfome young negrefs, who, not- withflanding her tears, was forthwith carried on board a fhip then lying off Joal. As fhe belonged, however, to one of thofe families who, by the laws of the country, are ex- empted from flavery,this action fhocked the people fo much that a commotion enfued. The king having, by this time, come to his fenfes, and feeing the danger, entreated the pur- chafer to return the girl. The Frenchman, though fur- rounded by a great multitude of negroes, and though our party, including Dr. Sparrman, Captain Arrhenius, and my- felf, confided but of five white men, was fo madly obfti- nate as to refufe his requeft. I fay madly, for in all the conjunctures of my life, I never was fo alarmed for the fafe- ty of it. After much entreaty, however, he reftored the young woman to her difconfolate relations, the king pro- mifing him two flaves in exchange, whom he expe&ed to feize on a future expedition. 23. The oppofers of the colonization of Africa would have it believed, that the natives are incurably ftupid and indolent : but I have in my poffeffion the means of proving the contrary; for, on a queftion put to me in a committee of the Britifh Houfe of Commons, I offered to produce fpe- cimens of their manufa&ures in iron, gold, fillagree work, leather, cotton, matting and bafket-work, fome of which equal any articles of the kind fabricated in Europe, and evince that, with proper encouragement, they would make excellent workmen. All men are idle till incited to induf- try, by their natural or artificial wants. Their foil eafily fupplies their natural neceflities, and the whites have never tried OF THE AFRICANS. tried to excite in them any innocent artificial wants; nor in- c deed any other wants than thofe of brandy, baubles, trade- v. guns, powder and ball, to intoxicate or amufe their chiefs, and to afford them the means of laying wafte their coun- try. 24. Even the lead improved tribes make their own fifli- ing tackle, canoes and implements of agriculture. I forgot to mention fait and foap, and dying among the manufactures of thofe I vifited, and who are by no means exempted from the evils of the flave-trade. If, even while that traffic dif- turbs their peace, and endangers their perfons, they have made fuch a progrefs, what may we not expeCt if that griev- ous obftacle were removed, and their ingenuity directed into a proper channel ? 25. The flave-trade diflurbs their agriculture ftill more than their manufactures ; for men will not be fond of plant- ing who have not a moral certainty of reaping. Yet, even without enjoying that certainty, they raife grain, fruits, and roots, not only fufficient for their own confumption, but even to fupply the demands of the European fhipping, of- ten to a confiderable extent. In fome iflands and parts of the coaft, where there is no flave-trade, they have made great progrefs in agriculture. At the ifland of Fernando Po, in particular, they have fuch quantities of provifions, as to fpare a fufficiency for all the fhipping at Calabar, Del Rey, and Camerones. In fome places, they bring their produce to the coaft on their heads, and return home load- ed with European goods. Others go in armed bodies even a month’s journey inland, with articles for trade. In fome places, they wood and water the fhips, and hire themfelves to the Europeans to work for low wages, both in boats and on fnore. In fhort, their induftry is in general proportioned D 2 to i 15 HAP. II. 1 6 CHARACTER AND DISPOSITION C H A II. L to their comparative civilization, to their own wants, to the j demand for their labour, to their delire for European goods, and above all, to their total or partial exemption from the Have-trade *. 26. Refined nations form fyltems, and rife to generals : unpolilhed tribes dwell on detail, and trifle in particulars. The Africans are unacquainted with the dexterity and dif- patch arifing from the divifion of labour, and with the nu- merous advantages of combined exertions fyftematically conducted. Except in works which, without united efforts, cannot be performed at all, they do every thing in a folita- ry, defultory manner. Each individual or family, like the peafants in fome parts of Europe, fpins, weaves, fews, hunts, fifhes, and makes bafkets, fifhing-tackle and implements of agriculture ; fo that, confidering the number of trades they exercife, their imperfeft tools, and their flill more imperfeft knowledge of machinery, the neatnefs of fome of their works is really furprifing. 27. Of their labour in concert, I fhall give one example, of which I have been a fpe6lator. The trees on the coaft I vi- fited, being generally bent in their growth by the fea-breeze, and wanting folidity, are unfit for canoes. A tree of the proper dimenfions is therefore chofen, perhaps fourteen or fifteen miles up the country, which being cut into the requi- fite length, but not hollowed, left it fhould be rent by acci- dent, or by the heat of the fun, the people of the neareft vil- lage draw it to the next, and thus fucceflively from village to village, till it reach the coaft, where it is formed into a ca- * See the evidence of Sir George Young, Captain Dalrymple, Captain Wilfon, Captain Hal), Mr. Ellifon, &c. in Minutes of Evidence before theHoufeof Com- mons. noe. OF THE AFRICANS. noe. For this fevere labour the villagers look for no other c reward than a feaft and merry-making, which they enjoy in v, the true ftyle of rural fimplicity. 28. The fame happy mixture of united labour and feftivi- ty takes place at building their houfes ; alfo in cultivating, planting or fowing their fields, belonging to the fame vil- lage, and in reaping the crop, which is conlidered as the common property of the inhabitants. Such a pra&ice in Europe would generate endlefs difputes ; but among this fimple people, is the belt bond of good neighbourhood. Such indeed is the amiable fimplicity of manners which reigns in the villages remote from the flave-trade, that European vifitors are ready to imagine themfelves car- ried into a new world, governed by the pureft maxims of patriarchal innocence. 29. But though few of them unite their flrength, except on thefe, and a few fimilar, occafions, and mod of them turn their hands to different occupations, we are not thence to conclude unfavourably of their intelle&s, any more than of the intelle&s of thofe European peafants, (in Sweden, Nor- way, Scotland, &c.) whofe practices are fimilar. On the contrary. Lord Kaimes has obferved, I think with much truth, that fuch peafants are generally more intelligent than artificers, to whom the divifion of labour, in manufafturing countries, has afligned one, fimple operation. A peafant, who makes and repairs his ploughs, harrows, and harnefs, his houfehold furniture, and even his cloaths,has an ampler fcope for his underftanding, and really becomes a more intelligent being than he who fpends his whole life in forging horfe- fhoes, making nails, or burnifhing buttons. Such a being, confined for life to a few" fimple motions, may be faid, in fome degree, to lofe the ufe of all his powers, but that of the *7 HAP. II. — , — i8 CHAP. III. V I Will atid un- demanding, the leading faculties of the mind. CIVILIZATION IN GENERAL. the mufcles which perform thofe motions. His intellect lies dormant, for it’s ufe is fuperfeded by a mere animal ha- bit. He becomes, in ffiort, a kind of live machine, in the hands of fome monied man, to contribute to the pride and luxury of drones, who poflefs no other talent than that of turning to their own account the a&ivity of their poor bre- thren of mankind*. 30. I am unwilling to refine too much ; but as the fitua- tion of the Africans approaches much nearer to that of in- telligent peafants than that of ftupid mechanics, I am inclin- ed to think that their intelle&s may have been improved by being fo varioufly exercifed ; for the natural way of im- proving the human intellect, is to afford it an ample field of attion ; and the fure way to cramp and contraft it, is to keep it inceffantly plodding in one dull purfuit. Certain it is, that though, on the whole, paffion is more predominant in the Af- rican character than reafon ; yet their intelle&s are fo far from being of an inferior order, that one finds it difficult to account for their acutenefs, which fo far tranfcends their apparent means of improvement. CHAP. III. CIVILIZATION IN GENERAL. 31. \T O one will deny that the will and the underjlanding are the leading faculties of the human mind. The will is a&uated by love for, or affections to, fome obje6ls in * See Lord Kaimes’s Sketches of the Kiltory of Man. pre- CIVILIZATION IN GENERAL. ig preference to others, and thofe affe&ions being pofiefled by c ^ A p* man in common with other animals, he would become a \ ^ t deftru&ive being, if in l'ociety he had not an opportunity of giving a focial bias to his under /landing, which is capable of infinite elevation. But when this latter faculty is matur- ed, it then acquires a right of governing and dire&ing the affections and the will in the way molt conformable to focial order. 32. The eftablifhment of this dominion of the underjl and- Education ing over the will, as influenced by the affections, is the effeft: tion defined of what we call education or civilization — Education with iaantf0^c“Je’ refpeft to every man in particular, and civilization with re- Plained* fpe6t to mankind in general. 33. Societies may be divided into the civilized and the uncivilized ; and the duties of the former to the latter are fimilar to thofe of parents to children; for uncivilized na- tions, like children, are governed by their affe&ions, their underflanding being uncultivated. 34. If we feel within ourfelves a principle which teaches us to feek our own happinefs in that of our offspring; af- cending from particulars to generals, we fhall alfo find, that civilized nations ought, for their *5wn advantage, fin- cerely to promote the happinefs of the" uncivilized. 35. As the tutelage of children is a ftate of fubje&ion; fo it would feem that civilized nations have perhaps fome right to exercife a fimilar dominion over the uncivilized, provided that this dominion be confidered and exercifed as a mild paternal yoke; provided alfo that it be ftridtly li- mited to acts conducive to their happinefs, and that it ceafe when they arrive at maturity. Thefe provifos, it is hoped, will prevent my meaning from being mifunderflood ; for, by this paternal dominion, I am far from intending any fpe- cies * 20 CIVILIZATION IN GENERAL, CHAP. III. ' v ' Africans would be im- proved by in- nocent luxu- ry* Interefting behaviour of African chiefs. cies of arbitrary power, which cannot be too cautioufly guarded againft, in any form, efpecially in a diftant colony. The experience of all ages tells us, that the governors of re- mote provinces have ever been with difficulty reftrained within the limits prefcribed to them by the laws. 36. The aCtive and intellectual principles of the Africans have never been completely unfolded, except perhaps in the cafe of the Foolahs, the natives of Fernando Po, a great part of the Mandingoes, and one or two other tribes. The Europeans have addreffed themfelves chiefly to the evil af- fections of their princes, and have fucceeded to admiration in exciting among them a defire for gunpowder and bran- dy. The defire which fome African nations have for more ufeful European goods has been accidental, rather than in- tentional, on the part of the whites. Yet this defire con- fpires with the reafon of the thing, to point out the method of forming them to the habits of civilized life. In order to improve their intellects, we muft endeavour to fet their aCtive powers in motion. New objects mufl be pre- fented to them, which will excite new defires, and call forth thofe faculties which hu'-’e hitherto, in a great meafure, lain dormant, merely f-)f v;ant of exercife. Thus, to promote their improvement, bV Simulating them to induftry, it will be neceffary to introduce among them a certain degree of what I beg leave to call luxury h by which I do not mean effeminacy, but that relifljfor the comforts of civilized life which excites men to action, without enervating them. In other words, by luxury, I underhand all innocent enjoy- ments beyond the neceffaries of mere animal life. o'j. The behaviour of the King of Barbefin, on an occa- fion apparently trivial, may ferve to exemplify this doCtrine, and to fhew that this beneficial kind of luxury might be in- troduced CIVILIZATION IN GENERAL. 21 troduced with lefs difficulty than one would at firlt light c ha p. expe£l. I gave his majefty a pair of common enamelled t _ > Birmingham fleeve-buttons, with which, though ignorant of their ufe, he was infinitely delighted. On my fhewing him for what purpofe they were intended, he appeared much mortified that his fhirt had no button-holes ; but ob- ferving that that of a mulatto from Goree was furnifhed with them, he infilled on exchanging fhirts with him, in our pre- fence; a demand with which the man was forced to com- ply. Tranfported with his new ornaments, the king held up his hands to difplay them to the people. His courtiers foon furrounded my hut, entreating me to furnifh them al- fo with buttons, which I did with pleafure, refle£ling that this fondnefs of the natives for European baubles might one day come to be made fubfervient to the noblell pur- pofes. Another inltance of innocent luxury in point. The Eall India Ihip, that conveyed out a judge to Bengal, touched at the coal! of Madagafcar. The king of that dif- tri£l, being invited on board, became enamoured with the judge’s wig, and nothing but the gift in fee fimple, of that venerable ornament, could fatisfy the cupidity of his dulky- coloured majelly. The poor judge, who had but one wig in llore, and was refolved not to difgrace the feat of jufiice in a night cap, refufed to part with the wig. What expe- dient could be thought of in this dilemma ? — The king was promifed the wig the next day. — An ingenious f'ailor, in the mean time, wove and frizzled up a handful of oakum in the bell imitation. The hempen ornament was carried alhore the next morning with due folemnity, and his majelly’s pate - covered, to the glory and delight of himfelf and all his fulj- je6ls, who attended the ceremony. This anecdote wasfe- E lated . S y / * V 22 CIVILIZATION IN GENERAL. C *iii^ P" ^ate<^ to an intimate friend of mine by the furgeon of the i j fmp who was prefent at the inauguration. 38. The condu& of the king (formerly grand marabou*) of Almammy, while I was in Africa, appeared to me more interefling ; as it feemed to evince the manly and fagacious character of the negroes, when enlightened, even by an African education. His underltanding having been more cultivated in his youth than that of the other black princes, he foon rendered himfelf entirely independent on the whites. He not only prohibited the flave-trade throughout his dominions ; but, in the year 1787, would not fuffer the French to march their Haves from Gallam, through his coun- try, fo that they were obliged to change their route. He redeemed his own fubjecls, when feized by the Moors, and encouraged them to raife cattle, to cultivate the land, and to pra&ife all kinds of induftry. As grand marabou, he ab- llained from ftrong liquor, which, however, is not an uni- verfal rule among that order ; for fome who travel with the whites are not very fcrupulous in this refpeft. His fub- je&s, imitating his example, were more fober than their neighbours. 39. This inflance feems to prove to what a degree of ci- vilization thefe people might be brought, if this noble enter- prize fhould b e puriued with prudence and patience; for it will undoubtedly itcujre a great deal of both. But fome degree ings, to that date of improvement which is necefl’ary to the formation of civilized fociety, without a relifh for the com- forts of life. Mere animal indinfl impels uncivilized tribes to procure mere neceffaries : withes for innocent gratifica- tions would dimulate them to cultivation, which would fur- nifh equivalents for the obje&s of their new defires. And when they are once brought to beflir themfelves, and re- conciled to regular, but moderate, labour, the improvement of their underdandings will follow of courfe. For a people who have acquired habits of application, and whofe induf- try, having fecured them from want, affords them leifure for thought, will not be long without a defire for moral and intellectual improvement : or, at lead, many individuals will feel, and haden to gratify, this defire, and will gradual- ly impart a degree of knowledge and refinement to the whole community. 40. To accomplifh this magnificent defign, in Africa, let us form agricultural colonies on its coad, which prefent a variety of fituations, where we fhall be little, or not at all, didurbed in our operations. Let us kindly mix with the inhabitants, and aflid them in cultivating their fertile foil, with the view of inviting them to participate with us in it’s inexhaudible dores, and in the concoir/tant bleflings of im- proving reafon and progreflive civdiz&tlon. Let us give them a manly and generous education, which will make them feel the nobility of their origin, and fhew them of what great things they are capable — an education which will teach them no longer to fuffer themfelves to be drag- ged, or to confpire to drag others, from their iimple, but improveable and beloved focieties — which will teach them to avenge themfelves on the blind and fordid men who pur- chafe them, only by becoming more ufeful to them as free- E 2 men* C H A P. III. J Agricultural colonies re- commended CLIMATE, SOIL, AND WATER. V. i men, than ever they have been, or can be, as flaves. Thus, on the wreck of tyranny, let us build altars to humanity, and prove to the negroes that the Europeans, become juft from found policy, and generous from a fenfe of their true interefts, are at laft difpofed to make fome atonement for the irreparable mifchiefs their perverted fyftem of com- merce has occafioned in Africa. 41. On principles nearly approaching to thefe, a colony has already been formed at Sierra Leona, and another at- tempted at the ifland of Bulama, of both which fome ac- count will be given in the following pages. CHAP. IV. CLIMATE* SOIL* AND WATER. C L I M A T E. 42. 'T'HE climate of Africa, like that of other countries, varies with the nature of the foil, in it5s drynefs or moifture, it’s elevation or JeprefTion, the comparative ftate of improvement, ^he height of thermometer, and other cir- cumftances, perhapsy tot yet fufftciently inveftigated. The latitude <^f a placed by no means a certain criterion of it’s climate, as feems to be commonly fuppofed *. Even in the midft *>f the torrid zone, we meet with all poflible grada- tions >; heat and cold, almoft the only circumftances which enter into the common idea of climate. The lofty fummits * oee an excellent difeourfe on this fubjefl, delivered in the Royal Academy of Ufecet at Stockholm, by B. Ferner, counfellor of the king’s chancery. of ' CLIMATE, SOIL, AND WATER. of the Andes, in South America, though under the equator, and the high lands of Camarones, on the coaft of Africa, though within between three and four degrees of it, are co- vered with everlafting fnow. 43. In the temperate zones, the year is divided into win- ter and fummer ; for fpring and autumn may be confider- ed as tranfitions from each of thefe extremes to it’s oppofite. But, in mod parts of the torrid zone, nature has diftinguifhed the feafons into the wet and the dry. The former is, in Guinea, the feafon of ficknefs ; but during the greater part of the latter, that country is, upon the whole, as healthful as any other whatever. 44. From what I have feen, and been able to colled, the rainy feafons follow the paffage of the fun to either tropic, fo as generally to prevail in thofe places where the fun is vertical. Eaft of Cape Palmas, however, they feldom fet in before June, when the fun returns from the northern tropic ; but to the weft ward of that cape, and up the whole country, thofe feafons generally commence within the month of May, and continue for three or four months. In the be- ginning of this feafon, the earth being foftened with rain, the negroes till and plant their grounds ; andr after the re- turn of dry weather, they gather in their crops ; occupations which they feldom abandon, even though allured by the moft advantageous commerce. 45. To give the reader fome idea of the quantity of rain, which deluges Africa during the wet feafon, I need only mention that, at Senegal, one hundred and fifteen inches in depth of rain were found to fall in four months; a quantity which exceeds that which falls in moft parts of Britain dur- ing four years *. Even during the dry feafon, the dews are * See Lind on the Diftafes of hot Climates, p. 43. 25 CHAP, IV. Wet and dry feafons. Quantity ef rain. fo, 2.6 CLIMATE, SOIL, AND WATER. CHAP. IV. ^ i — /-*— Thermome- ter and Ba- rometer. From Cape Blanco down to the River Gambia. fo copious as to preferve young and ripening vegetables from being fcorched by the heat. It may indeed be quef- tioned, whether the rain which falls in fome countries, equal the dews which diffcil on mod parts of the fertile fhores of Africa. But the magnitude and number of the rivers, vdiich rife and fall, in the wet and dry feafons, are evident proofs that that continent is abundantly watered. In fhort, the notion of the ancients, that the torrid zone was not habit- able for want of moidure, is perfectly inapplicable to mod parts of the wedern tropical coad of Africa. 46. The range of the thermometer is but in confiderable in the tropical regions ; and, what is dill more remarkable, the barometer remains almod dationary during thofe fur- prifing tranfitions from dry to wet, and the contrary. In Europe, the mercury rifes and falls about three inches ; in the torrid zone, feldom half an inch. It is even faid to be but little affedled by the mod violent hurricane *. But M. Wed, in a defeription of St. Croix, publidied at Copenhagen lad year, fays that in a hurricane, or violent dorm, which happened there in 1791, the mercury in his barometer rofe very confiderably +. SOIL. 47. The foil all along the coad is very unequal. From Cape Blanco down to the River Gambia, it is in general very fandy ; but the fand contains a very large admixture of broken fhells, and is covered, in many places, with a rich black mould. Even the mod barren and unpromifing trails of this part of the country, except jud on the fea fhore, are covered with bufhes and grafs of a great growth ; and * Lind ibid. + Bidrag til Befkrivelfe over St. Croix, &c. where CLIMATE, SOIL, AND WATER. where the black mould is found, the vegetation is luxuriant to a degree unknown in the moft fertile parts of Europe, and the trees are of vaft dimenfions. 48. 1 have obferved that the mountains from Cape Verd to Gambia, are generally compofed more or lefs of regular bafaltes, exhibiting evident remains of volcanoes, the erup- tions of which add greatly to the fertility of the foil around them. Hence the lower parts of the mountains and high grounds at Cape Emanuel, Goree, Cape Rouge, and other places lower down, are in general very fertile. 49. M. Adanfon, a celebrated naturalift, who was fent to Africa in 1753, at the requefl of the French Academy of Sciences, obferves that the foil from Cape Blanco to the Gambia, though by no means bad upon the whole, is not to be compared in fertility with that of the country from that river to Rio Nunez, which is equalled by few foils, and ex- celled by none, on the face of the globe *. His obfervations apply, not only to the coaft, but to very extenfive traCts of of the inland countries, as the reader will perceive by con- futing my map, in which I have traced his lines of fepara- tion between the more and lefs fertile traCts ; and which are as accurate as the nature of the thing will permit. The evi- dence given before the Privy Council abundantly confirms the obfervations of M. Adanfon, my fellow travellers and myfelf, and proves that the large extent of land, juft men- tioned, wants nothing but fkilful culture to render it more than commonly productive of every tropical article. 50. The coaft and the banks of the rivers are in many * When at Paris in 1787, I had daily opportunities of converting with that re- fpeftable old philofopher, and obtained from him many interefting communica- tions, which were extremely ufeful to me on my arrival in Africa. 27 CHAP. IV. Bafaltes. Adanfon’s account of the foil down to Rio Nunez. Rice Grounds. places CLIMATE, SOIL, AND WATER. 28 chap, places interfperfed with mardies and favannahs, which, in , t . * , their prefent hate, are unfit for any other crop than that of rice, which forms a confiderable part of the food of the na- tives. But their fertility in this article does not compenfate for their infalubrity ; and unfortunately the Europeans have fixed all, or moll of, their habitations near them. Yet in almolt every part of the coad, far more healthful fituations might eafily have been found; efpecially on the dry and elevated banks of the Rio Grande. But, drange as it may appear, health is, with thofe men, an object of lefs confider- ation, in the choice of a refidence, than trade, for which the fituations of their fa&ories are generally well adapted. WATER. 5 1 . Rain-water, I believe, is allowed to be the lighted; and fimpleft of all waters. Next in order, is fpring water, which varies in purity with the nature of the foil through which it percolates. That which iffues from among rocks, gravel, or chalk is generally accounted the bed. Similar to this, is the water of draw-wells, the quality of which de- pends much on the drata at or near the bottom, and it gene- rally improves by expofure to the open air. But of all wa- ters, that which dagnates in ponds, ditches, and morades, is the mod unwholefome. 52. The waters at the mouths of the large African rivers, which glide fiowly through a level country, being mixed with thofe of the fea and of the mardies which it overfiows, are impregnated with fait, and rendered turbid by various impurities ; yet fome of them require but little preparation to make them fit for common ufe, and the natives often ufe them without any preparation whatever. Dr. Lind had famples of thofe of the rivers Senegal, Gambia, and Sierra Leopa Compara- tive qualities of different waters. CLIMATE, SOIL, AND WATER. 29 Leona fent him fealed up in bottles. Although he found c h a p. them all putrid, efpecially that from the Senegal, he could >_ — j not difcover any animalcules in them, with a good micro- fcope, nor any uncommon contents, by chemical analyfis. All of them, after being expofed fome time to the open air, became perfeftly fweet and good. Hence he concludes that the moll effe&ual way of deftroying the ova of animal- cules, and of the Guinea worm * (if it be generated, as fome Guinea fuppofe, in water) is fil'd to let the water putrify, and then vvorm' to pafs it through a feries of veffels placed under each other, having fmall holes in their bottoms; fo that it may fall from one into another in drops, like a gentle fhower — a procefs which, he allures us, will render it quite pure and whole fome f. * As the. Guinea worm is attended with great trouble and pain, though feldom with fatal confequences, unlefs when much negleffed or mifinanaged, 1 fhall add Dr. Lind’s defcription of it — “ The lefs dangerous difeafes,” fays he, “ which attack Europeans in Guinea, are the dry belly-ach and the Guinea worm. This is a white round, {lender worm, often fome yards long, lodged in the interftices of the muf- cles, commonly in the legs, feet, or hands. When it attempts to efcape through the {kin, it occafions a fwelling, refembling a boil, attended with great pain, un- til it’s little black head appears in a fmall watery bladder, on the head of the boil. When this bladder breaks, the head of the worm is to be fecured, by tying it to a fmall roll of linen, fpread with plaifter, and part of the worm is, once or twice a day, to be gently drawn forth with care not to break it, and wrapped round this roll, until' it be brought away entire; then the ulcer generally heals foon: but if part of the worm breaks off, the part remaining in the ilefh can be ejefted only, by painful and tedious fuppurations in different places. Dr. Rouppe obferves that the difeafe of the Guinea worm is infcftious. It may at leaf! be prudent in Europeans, not to lie in the fame apartments, and to avoid too free a communication with fuch negroes as are afflifcted with them. The dry belly- ach and Guinea worm may be obferved at any feafon of the year, and feldom prove mortal.” Eifay, p. 52. — “ The dry belly-ach is the fame difeafe here as in the W eft Indies; but the Guinea worm feems peculiar to Africa, and a few parts of Afia.” t Effay on the Difeafes of hot Climates p. 60. F 53. Even . CLIMATE, SOIL, AND WATER. 30 C H1VA P* 53* ^ven very foul water may be rendered potable, by v > letting it drain through a wine pipe, or deep tub, half fill- pu°rify water! ed with pure fand, with a number of fmall holes near the bottom, covered on the infide with hair-cloth, or other por- ous fubftance, to prevent the fand from being carried through by the water. — Thefe methods may be pra&ifed, when a large quantity of clear water is wanted; but an or- dinary family is very plentifully fupplied by a drip-ftone, which is one of the moll elegant methods of obtaining pure water. If the ftone tranfmit the water too freely, it may be rendered lefs porous, by a mixture of water and lime; if too flowly, it’s bottom fhould be thinned, by rubbing it down with another gritty ftone. The fand-tub or drip- ftone, fhould be placed in the fliade, where there is a free current of air; and the water fhould drop from the height of two or three feet into an unglazed earthen jar, not hard burnt, but fo porous as to allow the water to tranfude pret- ty freely; and thus the water will be kept conftantly cool, by the evaporation from the furface of the jar. It may be brought to table in fmall pitchers, of the fame porous texture. The reader will obferve, that this mode of keep- ing water cool depends on the fame principle with that of refrigerating liquors, by covering the bottles with wet linen cloths, and placing them in a ftream of air. All the above methods of purifying and cooling water are praftifed in hot countries. But all of them, except that of cooling the water, are unneceflary in many parts of Africa, for all the high grounds that I have feen there contain fprings of the pureft water. 54. The following fimple difcovery, for rendering putrid water fit to drink, has been lately made by a Mr. Lowitz. , Six ounces of charcoal powder, thrown into five gallons of i putrid t PRODUCE. putrid river water, and agitated, is fufficient to purify and render it wholefome and drinkable. But the procefs is rendered ftill more efficacious, if to one drachm of charcoal be added two drops of ftrong vitriolic acid, which is fuffi- cient to make four ounces of perfe6Uy foul water fweet and clear, on being drained through a linen jelly-bag, con- taining charcoal powder *. CHAP. V. PRODUCE. 55' /\ ^ ^ie never return dire&ly to Europe, xJL but proceed to the Weft Indies with their wretched cargoes, it has never been the intereft of their owners to bring home much of the produce of Africa. 56. Thofe called wood-veflels, might be fuppofed to deal only in produce. But this has by no means been the cafe. Belides their frequenting thofe parts of the coaft, where the Have-trade is brifkeft, moft of their commanders traffic in llaves on the coaft; that is, buy Haves whom they fell again to the Have-captains. Yet, they have all along brought home fome gums and gold, bees wax and ivory in confi- derable quantities, a great variety of valuable and beautiful woods, for the ufe of the dyers and cabinet-makers; and of late, fome palm-oil for the purpofes of the ffieep-farmers n d wool-combers. * See the Appendix to the Monthly Review enlarged, Voh 12. p. 606. F 2 57. But CHAP. V. <- — n— ■' t Slave fliips bring little produce. Captains of wood veflels deal in Haves, PRODUCE. 32 CHAP. V. v Eaft and Weft Indian interefts op- pofe the im- portation of African pro- duce. Produce rots in Africa.for \v311t of con- veyance. 57. Bat I believe the principal caufe why a trade in Afrir can produce has never been encouraged, has been the irre^ fiftible influence of the Eaft and Weft Indian interefts; Thofe monopolifts, unreafonably thought their commerce would be affe6ted by the introduction of African commodi- ties into the markets of Europe. Thus much is certain, that Mr. Norris, one of the Liverpool delegates for fupporting the flave-trade, and therefore not to be fufpefted of partiali- ty to Africa, ftated, in his examination before the Privy Council, that he “ once faw a quantity of African pepper of the quality of that brought from the Eaft Indies. It was jo good , that the Eajl India company objected to it's importa- tion* .” We have before mentioned the formidable oppo- fition made the Weft Indians to the eftablifhment of the colony at Sierra Leona. 58. By fuch means, has the field of commerce been hi- therto narrowed or fhut up in Africa : and inftances fre- quently occur of valuable commodities rotting on the coaft, for want of a fale, or of the means of conveyance, to a fo- reign market. I myfelf faw one hundred bullocks hides publicly fold at Goree for about five fhillings and three pence fterling; and on another occafion, four bullocks for about fifteen fhillings and nine pence fterling. I could mention feveral other ftriking inftances of the fame kind. 59. Little as Africa is yet known, I can, from my own knowledge, aflert feveral articles to be indigenous in that continent, which have hitherto been brought to our mar- kets from the Eaft and Weft Indies, at an expenfe far ex- ceeding the price at which they might be cultivated in, and * Privy Council’s Report, Part. I. Article “ Produce” Mr. Norris and his two colleagues enumerated many other valuable produ&ions.. con- PRODUCE. veyed from, Africa. What a ftrange inverfion of natural order, to exile from their native foil, both men and plants ; the one to languifh as (laves, and the other as exotics; the one to perifh prematurely, and the other to fail every third on fourth year*L AN I M A L S.. 6o. The cattle, in that part of the country of which we treat, are fmaller than the generality of European cattle, and not fo fat as thofe of England and Holland ; but their meat is juicy and palatable, and they give milk in abundance. Their inferior fize appeared to me to be the effe£l of the carelefs and unlkilful management of the negroes. They mull be raifed on the coaft, as foreign cattle do not thrive there. Even thofe from the Cape de Verd Iflands, being accuftomed to an uncommonly dry climate, do not well bear a tranliticn to the continent. The horfes are of a middling fize, llrong, hardy, and fpirited. They are ufed in great numbers, for riding and carrying burdens, in the country between the Senegal and Gambia, and alfoon fome parts lower down the coaft; but there they are notnumerous, and in fome places there are none. Camels, fo admir- ably adapted, by the Creator, to alfill the labours of man in hot climates, are not fo generally ufed by the negroes, as could be wifhed. 1 have not feen many alfes; but there is an excellent breed at the Cape de Verd Illands, from whence great numbers of them, and alfo of mules and horned cattle, are exported to the Well Indies, for the ufe of the fugar plantations— The whole coall is abundant- f f , * On the extreme uncertainty of' the Weft Indiin crops, fee Befkrivelfe over St. Croix af H. Weft. — and the Report of the Britilh Privy Council 33 CHAP. V. t_ y J Cattle. Horfes. Camels. Aftes. . Hogs, fheep, &c. PRODUCE. 34 CHAP. V. ^ J Game. Fifh. Whales. Ambergris. Jvory, bees wax. &c. ly docked with hogs, fheep, goats and all kinds of poultry, which propagate with adonifhing rapidity. — The woods afford fhelter to an endlefs variety of game. The moff valuable is a fpecies of deer, a very beautiful animal. Of the prodigious Ihoals, and numerous fpecies of excellent filh, I could have formed no idea, without having feen them. Spermaceti whales, in particular, abound fo much, that, in palling between Goree and the continent, diffant about five miles, I have often been furrounded by them, and have been under no fmallapprehenfions of their overfetting my ca- noe. Lower down on the coaft, the Portuguefe carry on a confiderable fifhery of thofe whales; and I have been in- formed that the Engl ifh have lately paid fome attention to the fame objecl. — That valuable article, ambergris, is found in fuch quantities on the coaff, that I have more than once feen the negroes pay their canoes with it. Till lately, the learned were not certain to which of the three natural king- doms this fubftance was to be referred ; but they feem now pretty generally agreed, that it is the excrement of the fper- maceti whale. — Tortoife-fhell may be had in any quantity: and bees wax, offrich feathers, elephant’s teeth, and the ftill more valuable teeth of the hippopotamus, or river horfe, found in particular abundance near Cape Mefurado, alrea- dy form very confiderable articles of exportation. I do not know that we import ivory from any other part of the world than Africa. VEGETABLE S. Vegetables 61. The grafs is thick, and grows to a great height. The ftn rul 5‘ natives are often obliged to bum it, when dry, to prevent the wild beads from harbouring near their habitations ; but it foon fprings up again, and affords very luxuriant padurage— Millet PRODUCE, Millet, rice, maize, potatoes, yams, and a great variety of other excellent roots and vegetables, are cultivated on the coaft with little trouble, and often in a profufion perfe&ly aftonifhing to an European. There is alfo an abundance of the molt wholefome and delicious fruits; articles not lefs prized by the natives, than thofe juft mentioned. Such in- deed is the plenty which prevails on that divilion of the country, of which we are fpeaking, that all the European fhips are vi&ualled, without the fmalleft inconvenience to the inhabitants; and if the demand were increafed, doubt- lefs the production would keep pace with it. 62. It ought to be obferved, that two fpecies of rice are produced on that part of the coaft, and I believe much far- ther down; one which, like that of Carolina, grows in fwamps, and another whi.ch loves the dry foil of hills and Hoping grounds. The hulk oPthis laft isreddifh; but the grain is beautifully white. Though not quite fo productive as the common kind, it bears a much higher price, and is every way preferable, as an article ofcfood, not only to the other fpecies, but to evety kind of- grain I know*. 63. The fugar-cane growATpcMitafieoufly in many places, with a luxuriance which promifes great advantages to thofe who may hereafter undertake it^ cultivation. At prefent the natives, ignorant of it’s value, make no other ufe of it, than by occafionally regaling themfelves with it’s juice, of which they partake in common with the hogs, cattle and elephants, which are all extremely fond of it. 64. Several fpecies of cotton are alfo the fpontaneous pro- duce of this excellent foil. One of them is naturally of a nan- * See Dr. Smeathman’s Letters to Mr. Knowles, hi the Appendix, alfo the evi- dence of Captain Hall, in Minutes of Evidence, 1790, page £23, 35 CHAP. V. < v » Rice of tw® fpecies. Wild fugar- cane. keen 36 CHAP. V. L ■■ f Wild cotton of feveral fpecies. Wild indigo. PIODUCE, keen colour, and another parts with the feeds fo freely, that it may be fpun almoft without any preparation. The na- tives manufa&ure it into durable, though narrow, cloth of various degrees of finenefs. I have in my pofleffion one fpecimen of it, of fo fine a quality, and fo good a fabric, that fome excellent judges, to whom I fhewed it at Manchefier, declared that it would not difgrace their belt workmen. Some cotton, which I gathered in it’s wildeft fiate at Dac- kard, was fent by order of the Right Hon. the Privy Council of Great Britain, to Mr. Hilton of Manchefier, whofe report concerning it is in thefe words — “ The fample of cotton, from Senegal, is very good and fine, as your lordfhips will fee by the fpecimen inclofed, which is fpun after the rate of one hundred and forty hanks, (each hank 840 yards) twift cotton yarn to the pound, and it is thought fuperior in quality to any of the Brazil cotton, and nearly equal to the Eaft In- dia*.” It is worthy of remark that ,cateris paribus, the cot- ton of large iflands is preferable to that of fmall iflands, and that the cotton raifed on continents is better than that produced on iflands. - 65. Indigo of different kindValfo grows wild, and in fuch quantities, as to be a very troublefome weed, in the rice and millet fields. Englilh dyers, who have tried the Afri- can indigo, affirm that it is fuperior to any imported from Carolina, or the Weft Indian iflands, and equal to that of Guatimalafi. * Privy Council’s Report, Part I. Article “ Produce.” See alfo Chap. X. Ar- ticle “ Bourbon.” + The firft confiderable exportation of cotton and indigo, from Africa, as far as I have been able to learn, was made by a Frenchman of Goree, while I was there, in 1787. 66. Gums PRODUCE. 66. Gums are alio very valuable articles, and are not, as fome imagine, produced in the neighbourhood of Senegal only ; for they are found on molt parts of the coaft, though the negroes have not yet got into the pra&ice of collefting them. Gum Senega, gum Sandarach, gum Copal and fome other kinds, are commonly brought from the coaft. But doubtlefs thefe are not the only fpecies which might be found there : for my companion, Dr. Sparrman, extra&ed a large quantity of fap from a fmall but very juicy tree, which abounds on the coaft, and having expofed it to the fun for a few hours, had the fatisfaftion to find it con- verted into an elaftic gum, equal in all refpects to gum Ca- touch, or what is commonly known by the name of Indian rubber. 67. It would be tedious, as well as difficult, to enumerate the African plants and woods proper for the purpofes of cabinet-work, dying, and Ihip-building. Some of their va- luable qualities are already known to European artifts; but with others even our botanifts are unacquainted. I brought with me famples of fourteen curious kinds of wood: and might have collefted many more, had this kind of refearch been my foie objeft. The Darnel of Cayor’s army is dreflf- ed in an uniform of cotton cloth, manufa&ured by his own fubje&s, and dyed yellow with a certain vegetable. And I have now in my pofleflion a kind of bean, ufed by the ne- groes in dying, great quantities of which are annually carri- ed on camels from Senegal to Morocco. — The negroes make very good ropes of the fibres of a large fpecies of aloe*; * The aloe here meant is commonly called filk-grafs, the fibrous part of which may be applied to all, or almoft all, the purpofes of hemp and flax. Of the fibres of filk grafs, or thofe of the cabbage tree leaf, or both, even lace has been made in Barbadoes. G and 37 CHAP. V. h. — y11" mJ Gums. Woods, See. 38 CHAP. V. v — > Spices. PRODUCE. and of feveral kinds of grafs, roots and leaves, they weave mats and bafkets with peculiar elegance. 68. Among the commodities produced in the part of Afri- ca, which is the fubjeft of this work, I ought to mention ginger, nutmegs, and a great variety of peppers, particularly long pepper, Malaguetta pepper, or grains of paradife, many fpecies of red peppers, and black pepper, as before mentioned, of the fame quality with the Eaft Indian. (See Chap. X. Art. Bourbon.) 69. I have only noticed fome of the mod obvioufly ufe- ful vegetable produ&ions of that part of the country, of which I am giving a fketch. But my learned fellow tra- veller, Dr. Sparrman, made a large colle£Uon of plants, for the cabinet of natural hiflory of the Royal Academy at Stockholm ; and which contained a great part of the materia medica, drugs for various purpofes of manufa6lure, and many plants which had never before been feen in Europe*. MINERALS * A certain learned traveller, whole name I do not now think myfeif at liberty to mention, told me that he had feen the coffee plant on the coaft of Guinea, which had been brought from the inland country by the negroes. — Concerning the propriety of cultivating fpices, coffee, and tea, on the fame coaft, fee Pofllethwayt’s Commer. Dictionary, Article “ Guinea,” where the author tells us that the tea plant had been tried, and thrived to admiration at Cape Coaft Caftle. — The ufe of coffee has been known in Europe fince the middle of the laft century; but was not generally planted in the Weft Indies, till after the year 1727. — It was carried by the Dutch from Mocha to Batavia in 1670. Some years afterwards, a tree was fent over to Amfterdam; from which in 1718 feeds were tranfmitted to Surinam; and it is remarkable that the fame tree was growing in the Hortus Medicus, in 1774, when it was fhewn to me by Profeffor Buhrmannus, during my flay at Amfterdam. The cultivation of coffee, however, proceeded but {lowly in the Weft Indies, till the French entered upon it, and brought it to great perfection in Martinico, from whence it has been introduced into moll of the other Weft Indian Blands. See Ellis’s Hiftory of Coffee, printed 1774. — From thefe fads we may eafily conclude with what advantage coffee might be cultivated in Africa. — Mr. Ernft, a Danifh gentle- PRODUCE. 39 MINERALS AND METALS, jo. If we except fome trifling and unfuccefsful attempts of the Chevalier de la Brue, in the beginning of the prefent century, the Europeans have never made any particular fearch for metals or minerals in Africa. Of late, indeed, the dire&ors of the Sierra Leona company, fent out my countryman Mr. A. Nordenfkjold, a very fkilful mineralogift on this bufinefs : but forry I am to fay, he fell a victim to his fpirited exertions in the wet feafon, before he was able to accomplifh the object of his million. His death is lament- ed by many of the learned throughout Europe, as a public lofs, and with great reafon ; for I may venture to fay, that never were greater ability, induflry, and zeal in the caufe of fcience and of mankind, united in one perfon. It is to be hoped, however, that the company will not be difcour- aged by this unfortunate event ; but will purfue the fearch with the attention it deferves. It is well known that very confiderable quantities of gold are found near the furface, and in the channels of torrents, in the inland parts ; al- though the negroes cannot be faid to be fkilful in collecting it. About the year 1728, the gold brought annually into Europe from Africa was valued, by the Englifh writers, at £*271,732 fterling. According to the cotemporary Dutch accounts, Africa furnifhed Europe with gold to the value of £*230,000 yearly*. The near agreement of thefe eflimates feems to prove that neither of them were very remote from the truth. “ Guineas were fir ft coined in King Charles II. ’s chap. v. ' * Minerals fcarcely fearcbed for. Gold. gentleman, avho has often vifited the gold coaft, told me that he had feen a very large fpecies of nutmeg, brought from the interior parts by the negroes, fome of whom wear firings of it by way of ornament. * Atlas Maritimus et Commercialis, printed 1728, folio 2 71. G 2 reign PRODUCE. -40 c HyA p- reign. They went for twenty (hillings, and had their name v — > from the gold whereof they were made, being brought from that part of Africa called Guinea, which the elephant on them likewife denotes*.” “ From 120,000 to 350,000 ounces of gold were formerly imported from the gold coalt of Afri- ca annually ; and in one year 400,000 guineas were coined from what was brought from thence t.” Iron- 71. Thefe fa6ts will doubtlefs be interefling to many readers ; but, for my own part, I confefs that I am more partial to the ufeful, than to what are called the precious, metals. Gold and filver, as hitherto ufed, or rather abufed, have occahoned infinite mifchiefs to fociety. Effodiuntur opes, irritamenta malorum. Thefe words of an ancient poet (Ovid) are but too applicable to modern times. But iron, and the other humbler metals, are fo indifpenfibly necelfa- ry to man, without their affiftance every thinking perfon muft fee that civilized fociety could never have exifled, and will be difpofed to look upon them as peculiar gifts of Pro- vidence ; efpecially as the difcovery of iron, the molt ufeful of all metals, is fo very remote from any experiments that we can fuppofe uncivilized tribes capable of making. Hence it gives me much fatisfaftion to be able to date, from the belt authority, that the inhabitants of the mountains of * Pofllethwayt’s Commercial Di&ionary, printed 1763, Article “ Coin.” + Treatife upon the Trade from Great Britain to Africa, by an African mer- chant,printed 1772, App. p. e. — It is worthyof remark. thatBrazil, while in the hands of the Dutch, as it was for a whole century, produced no gold; becaufe they did not fearch for it. The Portuguefe, afterwards getting poffelhon of that country, open- ed the gold mines, which are now faid to be the richeft in the world. May not the fate of the African mines be fimilar? — For an interefling memoir, relative to the difcovery of gold up the river Gambia, fee the Appendix. Bambouc PRODUCE. Bambouc and Gallam, about 700 miles up the Senegal, c poffefs this valuable fecret, or at leaft poffefs plenty of ex- ^ cellent malleable iron*. The Chevalier de la Brue, de- scribes it as fo malleable, that the natives of thofe parts, work it into pots with hammers, and fays they do not value European iron, unlefs it be already formed into fome ufe- ful inftrument t. Whether the natives extra6f this iron from it’s ore, or whether they find it in a malleable (late, M. de la Brue does not fay, and I will not prefume to fpeak pofitively on a point fo much difputed among the learned. Profelfor Pallas, in particular, affirms that he found malle- able iron in Siberia; and a certain eminent naturalift, late- ly flattered himfelf, that he had made the fame difcovery in Africa. I confefs, however, with all due refpe6t for fuch authorities, that I am inclined to think iron, from it’s great corruptibility, is of all metals, the leaft to be looked for, in any other than a mineralized flate ; unlefs placed by nature in fuch a particular, and hitherto unknown, vehi- culum, as has entirely excluded the air from it. Doctor Pallas, indeed, very fairly tranfmitted fpecimens of this malleable iron to feveral chymilts throughout Europe ; but mofl of them were of opinion, that it had undergone the * During my flay at Goree, I often converfed with a negro captive, called Tumanififi, who came from Fouta Jallo (as he pronounced it) a confiderable dis- tance above Gallam, and who was very much regarded and trufted by his mailer, M. Augultus Newton of Goree, with whom he had lived ten years. This negro told me, that he had been often down in the mines in his country, which, he faid, were very deep, and had alfo many galleries, or horizontal palTages. Thefe he defcrib- ed as very long, and, in fome places, very high and wide, with openings from above, to give air and light. He added, that thofe mines were wrought by wo- men, who, when they went down into them, always carried viftuals along with them. + Nouvelle Relation de 1’Afrique Occidental par Labat, Tome 4. p. 57. a£lion 41 HAP. V. 42 MEANS OF PRESERVING HEALTH. c ^:iA p* action of fire, and that, the matrix, to which it was united, > was nothing more than the fcoria of the metal. However this be, it is certain that the natives of the inland countries, juft mentioned, dig up and manufa6ture iron; for I was af- fured of the fa6t by feveral refpe&able officers at Goree. CHAP. VI. THE MEANS OF PRESERVING HEALTH. Men and plants fimi- larly affe&ed by being ranfplanted. 72. T TAVING given fome account of the climate, foil, and produce of the part of the coaft laid down in the map, it feems natural to make a few obfervations on the comparative falubrity of different places and fituations; and to offer to Europeans, who propofe to refide in that region, fome advice refpefting the prefervation of health, in a country fo very different from that to which they have been accuftomed. This appears to me to be a matter of fuch ferious importance, that I mean afterwards to propofe the fuperintendance of it, as a feparate department in the direction of every new colony. 73. ment of the rainy feafon, before proper Ihelter is provided, molt probably will prove fatal to the fettlers, and ruin the whole undertaking. I would therefore earneltly recom- mend the framing of wooden houfes here in Europe, ready to be put up on landing, and calculated to afford a tempora- ry, but fecure Ihelter, till a proper fituation can be fixed on for a colonial town*. No oak fhould be ufed in fuch houfes, as the bug-a-bugs, or wood-ants, deftroy it fooner than any other timberf. The ftru6ture of the dwellings of the negroes about Cape Mefurado, which, although on a dry foil, are raifed fix or eight feet above the ground, fir ft fuggefted to me the propriety of houfes in Africa being confiderably elevated ; and reflexion on the delicacy of un- feafoned Europeans, convinced me of the neceffity of adopt- ing this mode of building. 85. The bare infpe&ion of figure A, plate I. will fuffici- Temporary ently explain the ftrudfure cf fuch a temporary houfe, as I nentPSes. would recommend. A tree of a proper fize and form be- ing chofen, which, in mod places, it will not be difficult to do, it fhould be fo topped and cut as to form a central fpin- * The worthy Mr. G. Sharp, has latelygiven the public a plan for a colonial town, of which, in many refpecta, I very much approve. Another has alfo been pro- pofed bv Mr. Long, in his Hiftory of' Jamaica. To both thofe plans, however, I •have feveral important objections ; for I have confidered the matter very attentive- ly; but am forty I have neither time nor room to (late my ideas on it, at preftnt. t Except the bug-a-bugs, I do not know more troublefome intruders into a houfe, than mufketoes. But Mr. Sefstrom, in Sweden, has lately difcovered,.that a very fmall quantity of camphor, ftrewed on a fire-coal, immediately defiroys every infeCt within the reach of it’s effluvia, and no doubt would prove fatal to the mufketoes. See the a£fs of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Stockholm, for the year 1787. die. MEANS OF PRESERVING HEALTH. c h a p. die, leaving at leafl two fupporting fhoulders, perpendicu- v i larly above each other; fo that the houfe may, whennecef- fary, be moved round to fuit the afpe6l of the different fea- fons. The afcent fhould be by a ftair, to be drawn up at night. 86. When the fcite of the intended town is fixed on, an- other kind of elevated houfes ought to be erefted, of a more permanent ftru6lure, and regular fituation, according to the elevation and feftion B, plate I. The ingenuity and utility of this flrufture does great credit to the inventor, Mr. Andrew Johanfen, a Swede, and certainly merit the at- tention of thofe who are fo laudably engaged in the coloniz- ation of Africa, upon rational and humane principles. One or two of thofe gentlemen, whofe perfons and opinions I particularly refpeft, having objefted to the expenfe of the buildings here recommended, I might anfwer them with the old proverb — “ Better pay the cook than the doctor.” But the anfwer which, 1 am fure, will come mod home to their feelings and their underftanding, is the plain matter of fact, that the mortality, both at Sierra Leona and Bulama, was, in a great meafure, owing to the want of good houfes . Diet. 87. Europeans, until well feafoned to the climate, fhould beware of indulging in heavy animal food and fpirituous liquors. They fhould eat moderately, efpecially in the middle of the day, making their belt meals in the morning and evening, after the example of the natives. French cla- ret and lemonade, temperately ufed, proved to me to be the belt liquors; and not to me only, for it is worthy of re- mark that, fince this kind of wine was fubflituted for bran- dy, which, before thefe laft eight years, was ferved out to the French MEANS OF PRESERVING HEALTH. 51 French troops on the coaft, they have been incomparably c ^TJ[A p- healthier. It is of the utmoft importance always to keep v — the body open, which may generally be effected, by ufing a light diet, and to have recourfe to the bark, on the firfl fymptom of illnefs. 88. To thefe hints on habitation and diet, it may not be Sleep, dreCs, improper to add a few words on Jleep, drefs^nd. employment . mett!™ 0' " — While on the coaft, I made it an invariable rule to go to bed betimes, and to rife early, in which, as in feveral other inflances, I prudently and profitably imitated the natives. I would recommend rifing about five o’clock in the morn- ing, and taking gentle exercife, either in manual employ- ment or walking, one or both of which I never omitted. But hard labour, efpecially in the heat of the day, ought to be carefully avoided by unfeafoned Europeans. The drefs fhould confift of a calico fhirt, a fhort, white waiflcoat, and trowfers, with a piece of thin flannel on the ftomach, and fhoes with thick foies. It is of great importance, not only to keep the head free from the fumes of liquor, but alfo to de- fend it from the beams of the fun. In this view, the form and colour of the hat are of no fmall moment. It ought to be white, deep crowned, and broad brimmed. To thefe properties, I added a contrivance which, though apparently trivial, I found to be fo ufeful and comfortable, that I can- not but recommend it to everyone who vifits hot climates. Near the top of the crown, I cut three little fquare holes, like valves, opening upwards, which allowed the perfpi ra- tion to evaporate, and admitted a gentle flream of cool air to circulate above my head, which only filled half the crown. See figure 1. plate I. Thus I was protected from the fcorching fun-beams, which, to fome people, prove a very ferious inconvenience. I have, however, heard but of few 52 CHAP. VI. I V ) Cold bath re- commended. MEANS OF PRESERVING HEALTH. V ' few perfons being fun-ftruck in Africa, and thefe owed it to their own imprudence*. But I am informed this mif- fortune, called by the French coup de folcil, is not uncom- mon in the Southern States of America. In the afternoon, I experienced the benefit of putting on a flannel fhirt; for, after the pores have been opened by the heat of the day, the body ought to be carefully guarded againft the damps and dews of the evening and night. 89. After what has been faid, I need not dwell on the ne- ceflity of unfeafoned Europeans avoiding expofure to the rains in the wet feafon, and keeping the feet dry and warm at all times. When a perfon unluckily gets wet, he fliould change his cloaths immediately; or, if that cannot be done, keep up the perfpiration by continued exercife. Rubbing the body with rum or other fpirits, is a good precaution, after getting wet. 90. The cold bath is an excellent prefervative of health, particularly in hot climates, the relaxing effects of which it tends greatly to counteract. It removes the fordes from the (kin, leaves the pores open and free, and braces and in- vigorates the whole conflitution. It is not, however, to be plunged into by all perfons indifcriminately. Thofe who are plethoric or feverifh, or whofe lungs are difeafed, ought to abftain from it. Yet it is feldomer improper in hot than in cold climates ; and in Africa, I have known many bene- fited, but not one hurt by it. But let thofe who feel any in- difpofition take advice before they ufe it, which I the rather admonifh them to do, as this is almoft the only inflance in which I have ventured to flep out of the precin&s of com- * M. Adanfon was fun-ftruck, by expofing himfelf without his hat in the ex- . treme heat of the day, and in the hotteft feafon of the year, at Senegal. mon MEANS OF PRESERVING HEALTH. 53 mon obfervation into thofe of the faculty. — The beft time c ^ A p* of the day for cold bathing is the morning. All the pur- u — v j pofes of it are anfwered by a fingle immerfion. The body ought to be immediately dried, and exercife ufed, for which it is an excellent preparative. oi. The lad fpecific dire 6lion which I lhall offer is, to The fpirits . . to be kept keep up the (pints, and to ufe every temperate mean to ba- up. nidi anxiety and melancholy. For this purpofe, I can re- commend nothing better than keeping the mind conftantly occupied with fome purfuit, either of bufinefs or recrea- tion. Where bufinefs cannot be purfued as a recreation, I have no fcruple to mention innocent games, even to a young colony. Playing at cards, draughts, chefs, and above all billiards, for fuch trifling flakes as would agreeably engage the attention, might fill up a leifure hour with very good effects on the health. Thofe who have a tafle for reading, writing letters, keeping diaries, natural hiflory, gardening, drawing, or mufic, poffefs ample refources againfl that lifl- lefs ennui which preys on the fpirits of the idle and the taflelefs. For want of a relifh for fuch elegant, innocent, and improving fludies, officers of the army, when cantoned in places where there were no public amufements, have fometimes been betrayed into deep gaming, drinking and other pernicious exceffes. It requires but a flight know- ledge of human nature to fee, that the mind, as well as the fluids, muff be kept in conflant circulation, and that every method fhould be ufed to keep up a gentle flow of fpirits. This direftion, experience has taught me to believe, to be of the lafl importance to health, particularly in hot climates. 92. So important does it appear to me, that I will venture The mind to fay, with due deference to the faculty, that the mental gi^^by^" phosnomena have not yet received that medical attention to ptyfoians. I which 54 C H A VI. MEANS OF PRESERVING HEALTH. ’• which they are entitled. If I be not much miftaken, there ; has been a little blameable negleft in this particular. I have not lived in the world without obfervation ; and I know liberal phyficians will excufe me for venturing to hint, that the practice of fome of their body appears to be formed upon a theory which individuals have avowed, and which, therefore, we may conclude others fecretly enter- tain, namely, that all the faculties of man owe their ori- gin to caufes merely material. Thefe gentlemen feem to proceed, as if their patients were compofed entirely of me- chanical powers and chemical properties, combined, in fome unaccountable way, with a certain myfterious, but materi- al, principle, called life. Their language, at lead feems to indicate, that they confider fick men as little or nothing more than modifications of matter and motion — a fort of chymico-mechanical automata. They clear the primes vise, empty the bowels, brace up the nerves, &c. relax the con- tracted fibres, expel wind, corred acidities, and bring about digejlions , and derivations , and revulfions of various kinds of matter. I am far from faying that thefe terms are impro- per; although I fear I may have ufed them improperly. I only mean to remark, that terms taken from matter and it’s properties abound much more in the medical nomencla- ture, than fuch as relate to mind and it’s operations. For aught I know, this may be neceffary and unavoidable ; yet I cannot help fufpecling that the more frequent ufe of fuch terms betrays a degree of indifference to the mind, as com- bined with, and influencing the body, in the human fyftem. If we except the general terms “ paffions of the mind,” “ depreffing paffions,” and a few others, phyficians feldom ufe words that imply man to be a being, compofed of a bo- dy, reafon and affections, diverfified and modified, and a<9> i”g MEANS OF PRESERVING HEALTH. ing on one another, in a variety of ways. Hence moll of their prescriptions relate almoll excluhvely to the body. 93. There is indeed an old book, formerly of fome au- thority in Europe, which prefcribes many admirable medi- cines for a " wounded Spirit.” But our prefent race of phylieians feem to difregard this antiquated volume, as quite foreign to modern pradice. 94. Be this as it may, I believe it will be allowed that, in fome difeafes, the Symptoms of the mind are as much to be attended to, as thofe of the body. I farther believe, that the exhibition of a deep tragedy, a humorous comedy, a concert of mufic, according to the mood of the patient, or any fpeftacle which would engage the attention and intereft the paffions, without agitating them too much, would be of ufe in more cafes than are generally imagined. 95. It has been obferved that boys, girls, women, and old men, hand a tranlition from a cold to a hot climate, better than men in the prime of life. Thefe laft, it is true, are more expofed to the caufes of difeafe than girls, women, and old men ; but, I believe, upon the whole, not more than boys. May not one reafon of this be, that men of mature age are more thoughtful than women by nature, than boys and girls, who have not yet arrived at the feafon for anxious refleflion, and than old men who have palled beyond it? Yet I am not fure that the anfwer to this query would be in the affirmative. For it feems to be certain that perfons of a {lender habit are generally more healthy in hot climates than thofe who are inclined to corpulency; though it is common- ly thought, that the minds of the latter are more placid and tranquil than thofe of the former. It is alfo obferved, that men above forty Hand the climate of Africa better than thofe who have not reached that age. I 2 96. I 55 CHAP. Vi. V •> Children, women, (len- der perfons, and men a- bove forty (land the cli- mate belt. 56 CHAP. VI. V "" Apology to the faculty. Utility of thefe hints. Mortality at Senegal, e- fcaped by the temperate. MEANS OF PRESERVING HEALTH. 96. I fhould tremble for the incurfion I have made into the domains of the faculty, did I not believe that liberal phylicians will pardon a few good natured remarks, made with a view to awaken their attention to the influence of mind in very many difeafes, where a proper attention to the powerful caufes, lodged in it, might have the molt bene- ficial confequences. 97. To fuch phyficians, I would refpedlfully fubmit the foregoing hints, which being chiefly preventive, do not, like curative prefcriptions, require any great knowledge of me- dicine. I muft confefs, however, that obfervation and ex- perience have rendered me not a little confident of the utility of thefe hints, in guarding againfl; the effedls of a fudden change of climate. By obferving them, the confti- tution can fcarcely fail to accomodate itfelf to it’s new fitu- ation. And this happy confequence will be experienced fooner or later, according to the original ftrength or weak- nefs of the ftranger’s frame ; the more or lefs manly educa- tion he may have received, or the early habits he may have formed. For the effects of the climate mull of courfe be different on different conftitutions. The foregoing rules are general, and the application of them muff be left to the good fenfe and prudence of individuals. For my own part, although I arrived on the coaft, in the mofl unhealthful fea- fon of the year, I efcaped all the difeafes of the country. This I aferibe entirely to a cautious obfervance of the pre- ventives above recited. During a mortality, which raged at Senegal, while I was there, fix out of eleven failors, belong- ing to the veffel in which I returned to Europe, were carried off in a month; but not a fingle gentleman or officer on fhore was fo much as attacked, owing no doubt, to the temperance and regularity, which their fituations enabled them GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON COLONIES, &C. them to obferve. Thus, having both feen and experienced, the good effects of the foregoing rules, I may hope to be in- dulged in recommending them fo warmly to others. CHAP. VII. GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON COLONIES, AND THE MEANS OF PRO- MOTING THEM. 98. “ HPHE idea of glory,” fays the Abbe Raynal, “ is in- -*■ feparable from that of great difficulty overcome, great utility refulting from fuccefs, and a proportionate in- creafe of the happinefs of mankind, or of one’s country.” — “ Glory effentially belongs to God on high. Upon earth it is the portion of virtue, not of genius; of a virtue ufeful, great, beneficent, fhining, heroic. It is the lot of a mo- narch who, during the perils of a boifterous reign, labours* and fuccefsfully labours, to promote the felicity of his fub- jefts. It is the lot of a fubje£t who facrifices his life for the good of the community. It belongs to a nation which no- bly refolves to die free, rather than to live in flavery. It is the reward, not of a Csefar or a Pompey, but of a Regulus or a Cato. It is the juft recompenfe of a Henry IV.” 99. “ Thanks to the fpirit of humanity which now be- gins to infpire all fenfible men ; conquerors, both ancient and modern, are finking to the level of the moft deteftable of mankind*. And I have not a doubt that pofterity, which will pronounce an impartial fentence on our difcoveries in the New World, will doom our barbarous navigators to a * “ Heroes are all the fame, it is agreed, 7 O' From Macedonia’s madman to the Swede; — The whole ftrange purpofe of their lives to find, Or make, an enemy — of all mankind.” — Pope. lower 57 CHAP. VII. ■ 11 ^ Definition of glory, by Raynal. 5« CHAP. VII. Colonial po- licy of mo- dern Eu- rope con- traded. GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON COLONIES, lower flate of abafement than even conquerors themfelves. Did the love of mankind, or did fordid avarice, a&uate them? And can enterprizes, even though good in them- felves, be thought defervingof praife, if the motives of them be vicious*.” 100. But were navigators alone blameable in this refpect ? And can we candidly affirm that the governments of the colonizing nations of Europe have ferioufly laboured, as they ought, to give to the felfiffinefs of their fubjeCts, a di- rection favourable to the real interefts of mankind? I fear not. That enlarged policy which, imitating the fource of all perfe£Hon, endeavours to extra# good out of evil, order out of confufion, feems to have had too little influence on the condu# of thofe ftatefmen, who took a part in project- ing the modern colonies of Europe.— We will fend our fu- perfluous people to South America, faid the court of Spain, to explore it’s treafures, and, by their means, we will pof- fefs ourfelves exclusively of the finews of war, and the me- dium of commerce, and thus render Spain the arbitrefs of Europe. — The court of Portugal held fimilar language. — We, faid the Dutch, will get poffeffion of the fpices of the Eaft, and not a clove or a nutmeg ffiall the Europeans re- ceive, except through our hands. — The Britiffi, with more good fenfe, but perhaps not with lefs felfiffinefs, refolved to form colonies in North America, to ferve as confumers of their manufadu res, and providers of raw materials and na- val ftores, which, from their bulk, might employ a numerous body of mariners, and give to Britain the empire of the ocean. — France, feeing the acceffion of wealth and power, which Britain feemed to derive from her colonies, but * Hilt. Phil. & Pol. T. VI. p. 285. which AND THE MEANS OF PROMOTING THEM. which fhe principally did derive from her liberty and con- fequent induftry, at home, was not flow in following the fteps of her rival. The Swedes, the Danes, the Pruflians, and the Auftrians, have alfo had their colonizing fchemes ; but not to the fame extent with the nations already mentioned. 101. All thofe fchemes were formed upon a fimilar prin- ciple. Contrafted views of commercial and financial advan- tage, narrowed their foundations, and fuffered them not to fpread beyond the limits of a partial and local policy. For, as far as I can learn, the founders of the modern European colonies fcarcely ever entertained a thought of enlarging the fphere of human felicity, and extending the bleflings of civi- lization and religion to diftant nations. On the contrary, it is melancholy to trace the progrefs of the modern European colonization, marked, as it is, with injuftice, rapine and murder, in various fhapes. 102. And what advantages have the refpeftive mother countries derived from their plundering fchemes ? Why, the Spaniards and the Portuguefe gained gold, and they gained pride; but they loft; their home-confumers by ex- ceflive emigrations ; and their remaining people loft their induftry, and their enterprizing fpirit, which before had made them fo refpe&able in Europe. The Dutch gained the Spice Iflands, on which indeed they formed fettlements, or faftories, rather than colonies *. But in the Weft Indies * I think it right to diflinguifh colonies from fettlements or factories. A colo- ny fignifies a number of families, formed into a regular community, who have fixed themfelves on an unoccupied fpot, with a view to cultivate the foil, and rear pofte- rity. The words colony and fettlement have fometimes the fame meaning; but as the latter is very often ufed for the word faftory, I wifli to reftrift it to this laft fig- nification. — Fa&ories (or fettlements) having only commercial, temporary ends in view, remove as foon as thofe ends are anfwered, leaving wholly out of fight eve- ry kind of cultivation and improvement, either of the people or the land. 59 CHAP. VII. ' Confequen- ces of this narrow poli- cy. bo C H A VII. GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON COLONIES, ’• they formed real colonies, which may perhaps have contri- ) buted to fill the bags of the Amfierdam Bank. With mo- ney, however, they multiplied drones in their induflrious hive, acquired a tafte for high living, increafed their taxes, banilhed feveral of their manufaftures, and have brought upon themfelves evident fymptomsof national decay. The French and the Britifh gained an increafed marine which each employed in watching the motions of the other, in taking and retaking Weft Indian colonies and Eaft Indian fettlements, and in defolating fome of the fine ft countries in the world with famine, fire, and fword. We cannot en- ter into particulars. Suffice it to fay, that thefe two great nations have, by their quarrels about colonies, well nigh ru- ined one another. The French politicians fucceeded in fe- parating the Britifh colonies from their Mother Country ; but, in this enterprize, they ruined their finances. All Eu- rope knows the reft. All Europe has feen the French go- vernment fubverted ; and has heard of the national debt of Great Britain. May Heaven avert from this highly favour- ed nation, any ruinous cataftrophe! 103. Colonies, as hitherto eftablifhed and fupported, have coft commercial nations nearly as great a facrifice of people as the mod deftru&ive wars. For it muft be owned, that co- lonies have been too often regarded by the monopolizing companies, or private merchants, who have generally di- refted them, in the light in which foldiers and failors are confidered by ftatefmen; that is, merely as the inftruments of their fchemes. It therefore becomes a matter of ferious confideration, when, where and how to form new ones, which, in their commencement, fhall not be fo deftruFtive to the human race. While the principals are aiming at the acquifition of wealth, they ought not, as unfortunately has hitherto AND THE MEANS OF PROMOTING THEM. 6'l hitherto been too much the cafe, to treat with indifference c *J. £ P. and negleft thofe whom Providence has placed in the .> humbler, but not lefs ufeful, ftation of executers of their plans. 104. Though it be ufual to compare nations and their Companion , . 0 . , . . , . . of nations colonies to parents and their children; yet, as things now and their co- fland, I apprehend the analogy is very far from being juft, raufand pa In every family, the procreation and education of children children, are innate principles, and the evident intention of the Cre- ator. Where is the fenfible parent who does not ftrive to give his children an education as good, at leaft, as he himfelf has received, and to elevate them into a fituation in life equal, or even fuperior, to that which he himfelf fills. Afting thus, has he any other end than their good ; any other purpofe to ferve than that of eftablifhing them in fo- ciety, and enabling them, in due time, to become the pro- vident and beneficent fathers of future families P 105. From fuch obligations, it would be a contradiction to infer, that children, arrived at maturity, ought, from a principle of falfe gratitude, infeparably to abide by their parents throughout life. No! Nature herfelf then eman- cipates them from parental authority, and juftifies their claim to a feparate refidence, even though oppofed by their parents. Without this procedure, fociety could not exift, and the human race would foon become extin6f. — In a word, children are fruit hanging on the tree : men are ripe fruit, qualified to produce, in their turn, new groups to grace the foreft. 106. The gratitude and filial attachment which children preferve for their parents is, or ought to be, proportioned to K the 62 GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON COLONIES, C viiV care they ^iave taken in their education, and to the tie « v 1 which has been mutually formed by both, during the (late of pupilage. fhouiTpro- 107. Societies at large ought to aCt precifely on the fame ry^oJ Their" Principfo> *n forming colonies, which are no other than their furpius p0. own children, or the fuperfluity of their population. It is puLmon. indee(j a duty incumbent on the government of every free, induftrious, and profperous nation, to look out betimes for unoccupied territory, againft the period when their popula- tion and manufactures fhall exceed the proportion which they ought to have to the land they already occupy, when fully improved. That proportion certainly has a limit, and commencing emigration will Ihew when that limit is ex- ceeded. Without providing new fpace for furpius popula- tion, and feeking new markets for manufactures, the pro- grefs of both mult ceafe ; or elfe the people will emigrate to countries unconnected with the ftate. Hence found po- licy feems to dictate, that governments fhould, with the care of provident fathers, prepare proper receptacles for the excefs of their population — a principle which few or no mother countries feem to have fulhciently obferved *. 108. When a large fociety thus gives birth to a fmall one, can it aCt on a nobler principle than that of regarding, in the firlt place, the interelt of mankind at large, or univerfal fo- ciety, and fubordinately, the advantage of it’s own colony, or the fociety defcended from it in particular? Stand- ing thus between both, will not the happinefs of both cen- tre in itfelf ? Does not the father of a family rejoice in, and partake of, the felicity both of the community and of his children ? . See Reafons for eftablilhing the Colony of Georgia, p. 3» 10 9. But * AND THE MEANS OF PROMOTING THEM. 63 log. But is there any colony exifling, founded on thefe c ** * p. truly humane and enlarged principles? On the contrary, i > does not the education, or treatment, which the prefent Eu- £f“ord be- ropean colonies have received, and do (till receive, from their lyeen na- imprudent and interefled parents, generally prove the lource their colc- of hatred between focieties that ought to be united by the r'ie*' the mod indiffoluble ties ? Whence comes it, that parties and feels have been fird driven to difeontent, then to emi- gration, and ladly, to feparation from the larger focieties to which they belonged ; but from perverted fydems of poli- cy, the abufe of power, civil and ecclefiadical, and the pro- voking attempt to keep mature defeendants perpetually in leading firings, like infants? Was it thus that the ancient Greeks treated their colonies ? And ought not the mo- derns, in prudence, to have imitated the liberal fydem of thofe famed ancients, who confidered their colonies as friends and allies, not as dependent focieties or conquered provinces? 110. “ The mother Greek city, fays Dr. Smith, though fhe confidered the colony as a child, at all times entitled to great favour and affiflance, and owing, in return, much grati- tude and refped, yet confidered it as an emancipated childi over whom fhe -pretended to claim no dired authority or jurifdidion. The colony fettled it’s own form of govern- ment, enaded it’s own laws, and made peace and war with it’s neighbours, as an independent flate. The progrefs of many of the ancient Greek colonies feems accordingly to have been very rapid. In a century or two, feveral of them appear to have rivalled, and even furpaffed, their mother cities. Syracufe and Agrigentum, in Sicily; Tarentum and Locri, in Italy; Ephefus and Miletus, in Leffer Afia, appear, K 2 by 64 C H A VII. GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON COLONIES, ># by all accounts, to have been at lead equal to any of the * cities of ancient Greece.” m. “ But the policy of modern Europe has very little to boall of, either in the original formation, or, fo far as concerns their internal government, in the fubfequent prof- perity of the colonies of America. Folly and injuftice feem to have been the principles which prefided over the firfl projett of eftablifhing thofe colonies; the folly of hunting after mines, and the injuftice of coveting a country, whofe natives, far from having ever injured the people of Europe, had received the firft adventurers with every mark of kindnefs and hofpitality.” 112. Every modern mother-country, has fecured to her- felf, in one fhape or another, a monopoly of her colony trade. — “ This monopoly, like all the other mean and ma- lignant expedients of the mercantile fyftem, aeprefles the induftry of all other countries; but chiefly that of the colo- nies, without in the leaft increasing, but on the contrary diminilhing, that of the country in whofe favour it is efta- blifhed. — Some nations have even gone fo far as to give up the whole commerce of their colonies to an exclufive com- pany, of whom the colonies were obliged to buy all fuch European goods as they wanted, and to whom they were obliged to fell the whole of their own Surplus produce. It was the intereft of the company, therefore, not only to fell the former as dear, and to buy the latter as cheap, as pofli- ble ; but to buy no more of the latter, even at this low price, than they could difpofe of at a very high price in Europe. It was their intereft, not only to degrade, in all cafes, the value of the produce of the colony, but, in many cafes, to keep down the natural increafe of it’s quantity. Of all the expedients that can well be contrived to funt the na- tural AND THE MEANS OF PROMOTING THEM. 65 tural growth of anew colony , that of an exclufive company is c A p. undoubtedly the mof effectual? “ For example, the Dutch v Eafl; India company, by different arts of oppreffion, have re- duced the population of feveral of the Molucca Iflands, for- merly pretty well inhabited, nearly to the number fuffi- cient to fupply with provifions their own infignificant garri- fons, and fuch of their fhips as occafionally come there for fpices*.” COMMERCE. 113. There are two fpecies of commerce different from, and even oppofite to, if not deflrucHve of, one another. Some explanation of both forms an effential part of my plan. 114. 1 ft. Commiffion-commerce, into which, in remote ages, Commiffion mankind were naturally led by their real wants. An in- commerce terchange of ufeful commodities was the only objeft of mer- chants in early times. A natural and neceffary barter, by * Wealth of Nations, edit. 5. Vol. II. p. 344, 360, 375, 397, 434. — At p. 476, the intelligent author mentions the operations of the Dutch Eaft India company, in the Spice Iflands, to enhance the price, by burning all the fpices, beyond a cer- tain quantity, giving premiums for the colleflion of the blofloms of the clove and nutmeg trees, &c. He alfo glances at certain pra&ices of the Englifh Eafl India company’s former fervants ; particularly their ordering the peafants to plough up rice, and fow poppies, and the contrary, juft as their intereft, in the fale of opium or rice, happened to dirett. — Sir W. Temple, in his obfervations on Holland, fays that “ a Dutchman, who had been at the Spice Iflands, told him, that he faw at one time three heaps of nutmegs burnt, each of which was more than an ordinary church would hold.” — But we need not go fo far abroad, for inftances of fuch pro- ceedings ; for, in the year 1774, I was prefent at the burning of a large quantity of of faleable fpices, at the India Houfe in Ainfterdam, for the avowed purpofe of keeping up the price. their 66 GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON COLONIES, CHAP. VII. i —S (hould be encouraged in a new co lony. tlieir means, diffufed the produce of every part of the then known world over the whole ; and their profits might be regarded more as the wages of necefTary labour, than as the gains of injurious monopoly. Gold and filver were not ex- cluded from this commerce ; but they were left to find their way into the general circulation, by their weight and Jlandard. Their relative worth was not, like that of coin , fixed by artificial laws ; but, like the worth of every other commodity, was regulated by the natural demand. And paper credit had, in that early period, no exiflence. This natural and unreflrained flate of commerce accorded per- fectly with the primitive fimplicity of thofe ages: and it certainly tended to promote a diffufion of the comforts of life commenfurate to the wants of mankind, whom it united by the bond of mutual interefls. 115. A mixture of fenfible and virtuous Europeans with fimple, untutored Africans, may be expeCted, by the reci- procal aCtion and re-a6tion of their habits and manners, to produce a focial character nearly approaching the ancient fimplicity. It were therefore to be wifhed, that the bene- ficial fpecies of commerce, juft mentioned, could be fo fixed in every new African colony, as for ever to exclude that perverted fyftem which I fhall call fpeculation-commerce, on which it feems necefTary to dwell fomewhat more parti- cularly *. 116. * In order to give the reader fome idea of the extent to which a trade in the produ&ions of Africa may be carried, it may not be amifs to mention a few fa£ts which fliow that a communication between very diilant parts of that continent, is already open. And it will fcarcely be denied, that this might be made the channel of conveying regular fupplies of European goods into thofe central regions which have hitherto feldom received any, except when the precarious fuccefs of the pre- datory expeditions of their chiefs happened to enable them to make returns in flaves; AND TIIE MEANS OE PROMOTING THEM. 67 116. 2d. Speculation-covimerce produces effects very dif- c ^ A P. ferent from commifiion-commerce. It does not tend fo di- / Speculation- flavcs; but who, were that traffic abolifhed, would not fail to find equivalents in the productions of the country. The Chevalier des Marchais, who vifited Gui- nea in 1725, 1726, and 1727, by order of the French government, fays that “ Ma- lays came on horfes go days journey to trade at Ardra, bringing cotton cloths and muflins, and receiving flaves, ivory and gold dull.” — Captain Frafer fays, there is a trade in flaves, carried on acrofs the continent by merchants, who come for them from the eflern parts of Africa to Angola on the weft, and other witnefles affirm the fame thing(See Min. of Evid.) Lieut. Matthews tells us, that many black priefts travel acrofs from the Nile, and from Morocco to Abyffinia, that he faw feve- ral of them in the Mandingo country, and that bv means of them, and the travelling black merchants, the defeat of the Spaniards before Gibraltar was known 40 days after, at Riopongos (Voyage to Sierra Leona, p. 70.) This report muft have tra- velled at the rate of at leaft 40 miles a day, which proves that the roads are not ve- ry bad. — The negro captive I mentioned in the note to § 71, told me that he had travelled much; and, in particular that he had made feven journies from Fouta Jallo, confiderably above Gallam, to Whidah, to buy fire-arms for his king, who having been embroiled with the princes lower down the Senegal, could not as ufu- al, get them from the coaft, by that river. From his account Fouta Jallo, lies be- tween the Niger and the Whidah, 10 days journey from the former *■* towards the fun-fetting,” as he exprefled it, and 15 from the latter, “ towards the fun-rifing, but confiderably below it.” But the circumftance of his converfation which moil furprifed me was, that in many parts of the interior, he pafled the rivers on bridges. — For an account of the “ trade in the interior parts of Africa,” fee that title in the Privy Council’s Report, where it appears that that continent is traverfed in many direflions by caravans trading in European goods, ivory, gold-duft, cbonv, flaves, fennah, mannah, caffia, dates, gums, &c. — See alfo the interefting publica- tions of the African aflociation. It may be faid, that, feeing the weftern coaft of Africa, is reforted to for flaves by the eaftern nations of that continent, and even by the Eaft Indians, that the abo- lition of that traffic does not depend on the Europeans. I anfwer that the flave market on the weftern coaft does entirely depend on the Europeans; and that this is t\\zgreatejl market, would appear from the dealers coming fo far to frequent it; for they would not travel acrofs the continent, if they could conveniently buy flaves nearer home. If, therefore, the Europeans aboliffi the flave-trade, it is plain that the emporium for it would be removed from the weftern coaft, and would no longer difturb legitimate commerce there. redly 68 CHAP. VII. 1 1 Speculators unconnected with the community. GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON COLONIES, re&ly to fupply the wants of a community, as to gratify the avidity of individual merchants, whom governments fuffer to take advantage of thofe wants. Nay, as if this were not enough, mod governments have been prevailed on to make formal grants, of monopolies and exclufive pri- vileges to bodies of merchants. Such grants are dedru£tive of competition, the very foul of commerce, put the con- fumers compleatly in the power of foredallers, and nourifh the overbearing wealth and ambition of individuals, at the expenfe of the community. — The merchant who colle&s the products of didant countries in fuch quantities as have been previoufly ordered by his correfpondents and cudom- ers, may be compared to a dream which gently irrigates and refrelhes the fields. The monopolizing fpeculator in thofe produfts not. unaptly refembles a refervoir which confines the waters till the fields are parched, and at lad didributes them unfeafonably and partially, overflowing fome places, and miferably dinting others. 117. Speculators in exchanges and money -jobbers may, perhaps, love to be compared to conduftors which convey the commercial fluid through the world. I fhall not obje6l to the comparifon, if they will permit me to mention, that the Jews have alfo been likened to thofe condu&ors, by an eminent orator*. Like the Ifraelites too, thofe gentlemen are unconne£ted with any community ; and, like Jew ped- lars, can, at any time, put their calh and bills in their poc- kets, and flit, with the celerity of their own paper, from one end of the world to the other. For, I would afk any man who knows the world, what hold any community can have of perfons who, without property in lands, houfes, or com- modities, fit in their counting-houfes, watching the courfe * Mr. Burke. Of AND THE MEANS OF PROMOTING THEM. % of exchange, or the chance of a job *? I do not mean a mi- niderial job; although fome have fhrewdly fufpe&ed that the gains of fuch men have been formerly fwelled by this kind of bufinefs, — a circumdance which perhaps the il- ludrious Chatham had in his eye when, in the honed fer- vor of his patriotic foul, he uttered the following language. 118. _ - — * — f< In the old fmall iflands, many eftates are too con-^ traced to afford pafturage, and their cattle and horfes have hitherto been fed with grafs and weeds which the flaves are forced to “ pick” when they fhould be taking reft. This fcanty mode of feeding, gives the cattle barely ftrength to crawl to the (hipping places with the produce ; but would never fuftain them under the labour of ploughing.” — I ac- knowledge the force of this objection, as far as it goes; but it affeCts only the old, fmall iflands, and only the fmaller eftates in thofe iflands, and even in thefe it might be, in mod cafes, as in fome it already is, removed by the culture of Guinea grafs, Guinea corn and other provender. This objection, however, applies not to Jamaica, and the Ceded iflands, nor even to the larger eftates on the old fmall iflands. — Another objection is, that “ fome eftates, or rather fome fields (for it is fcarce- ly true of any whole fugar eftate) are too fteep or too rocky to admit of the plough.” — But this cannot be urged againft ploughing land that is not too fteep and too rocky, and fuch is far the greater part of the cane-land in the fugar colonies. For few fugar works, comparatively, were fixed on lands obftruCted with rocks and precipices, and the rafh builders of moft works that were ereCted on fuch fpots, have been obliged to give up the culture of fugar for that of cotton, coffee, &c. and, in fome cafes, have abandoned their works altogether. — On the whole then, it will be found that the objections againft the plough apply to but a fmall portion of the Weft Indian colonies colleCtivly taken; and it will be the fault of the undertakers of new colonies in Africa, if in a country containing fuch immenfe variety of furface, they make choice of a fituation where they cannot have the ad- M 2 vantage 80 GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON COLONIES, C vn P* vantaSe °f the labour of cattle, in drawing ploughs and v— «; other implements of agriculture. 135. If it be alked. Why the firft colonifls of the Weft In- dian iflands, did not ufe the plough, as they had been ac- cuftomed to do, in their refpe&ive mother-countries ? I an- fwer, that they had, at firft, neither pafturage nor cattle, and ^ that, even if they had been provided with both, the roots of the trees were fo very tough and hard, in fome of the iflands, that no plough could have gone among them. What little ftrength they had, they were obliged to employ, not in grubbing up roots, but in planting among them for an im- mediate fubfiftence. No inftrument was fo well adapted for this purpofe as the hoe, and the hoe having been once ufed, the introdu&ion of flavery, which foon after took place, did the reft. For when flavery begins, improvement ends; and fociety, if a colle&ion of mafters and flaves de- ferve that refpe£!able name, finks into a torpid ftate of flag- nation is congenial to flavery, which cramps the powers of invention, and, 'by deftroying emulation and reward, ar- refts the progrefs of every ufeful art*. Has been 136. Yet fome individual Weft Indians, nobly burfting ufcdtn^hlf the bonds impofed on them by vulgar prejudice and the Weft indies. pra&iCe of flavery, have happily precluded all fpeculative arguments in favour of the plough, by the fuccefsful ufe of it. It has been found, in Jamaica, that “ one plough turned up as much ground in a day, and in a much better manner, than one hundred negroes could perform with their hoes, in the fame time and that “ the canes planted on the ploughed land turned out near three hogftieads of fugar * See Smith’s Wealth of Nations, Vol. III. p, 37. per AND THE MEANS OF PROMOTING THEM. per acre, which was one hogfhead per acre more than it had been ufed to yield from the common method of culture*.” 137. But, if the plough has been ufed, in fome cafes, fo advantageoufly, in the Weft Indies, it will no doubt be afk- ed, why it is not there ufed univerfallyp *This is a very fair queftion, and the volumes juft quoted furnifh a very fa- tisfa&ory anfwer to it. “ In fome places, where ploughs have been tried and laid by agavin, experience, judgement and practical knowledge, were not always aflifting in the operations t.” " I am convinced,” fays Lieut. General Matthew, Governor of Grenada, “ that experiments have not had fufficient or fair trial, from the want of proper imple- ments, fuitable to the different foils and fituations, and from the want of intelligent labourers. This matter has been driven up on flight inveftigation J 1 138. To account for the “ flight inveftigation” of fo im- portant a matter, will require a few words of explanation. The proprietors of the Weft Indian iflands, like thofe of moft other countries, are either independent, or involved in debt. The latter, though chiefly refident on their plant- ations, are unable to afford the expenfe neceffary for the firft introduction of all improvements; and their creditors, * Long’s Hiflory of Jamaica, Vol. I. p. 449 where the ufe of the plough is re- commended by irrefiflible reafoning, and by facts ftill more irrefi flible.' — See alfo Edwards’s Hitlory of Jamaica, Vol. II. p. 213. Mr. E. likewife writes from his own experience. — See farther, the Evidence of Sir George YoUng, the two Mr. Wood- wards, Mr. Fitzmaurice, &c, in the Minutes of Evidence on the flave trade before the Houfe of Commons — alfo various pieces of evidence in the anfweis to the ^ad, 46th, and 47th, queries in the Privy Council’s Report and the fupplemerit. f Anfwer by a planter of 1068 acres in Barbadoes, in the fupplement to the Privy Council’s Report, p. 32. + Privy Council’s Report Part. III. Article “ Grenada and St. Chriftopliers,” anfwer to query 42d. being 81 CHAP. VII. ' ' Why not u- niverfally ufed there. 82 GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON COLONIES, C vn P’ chiefly Englifh merchants, who never were in the Wefl v v~> Indies, are unwilling “ to (peculate,” as they fay, “ in new projects,” of the pra&icability of which they are not com- petent judges. The independent planters, on the other hand, chiefly re fide in England, committing their affairs in the Iflands to the care of agents (there called “ attornies”) who being very often Guinea faftors (or conne£led with fuch) furnifh the eftates with imported flaves. The ufe of the plough would diminifh the labour of flaves, prolong their lives, and, of courfe, leffen the demand for more. Add to this, that, by a law of Jamaica, “ thefe agents or at- tornies” mu ft be paid fix per cent, on the value of the pro- duce, which is another reafon for their not wifhing to dimi- nifh the labour of flaves ; although, if they were not inter- efled in the flave-trade, this commiffion would no doubt in- duce them to increafe the produce by the plough. Thefe “ attornies” appoint the overfeers who refide on the plant- ations, and who generally lay out their falaries on new ne- groes, whom they nurfe in their mafter’s kitchens, and let out moft profitably to “ hole” cane-land for “ weak hand- ed” eftates, at from £§ to £5 flerling the acre. It cannot therefore be expe&ed that overfeers, any more than their patrons, the attornies, will favour the plough, or any other mode of abridging the labour of flaves. In fa anc^ independent of, any fort of commo- <_ i dities, even of the materials it is damped upon, when con- fidered as ufeful fubje&s of manufacture? XXI. Is not money independent of commodities, in con- fequence of it's coinage being under a monopoly , while the production of commodities is free ? XXII. Are not monopolies, and efpecially coiners or pro- ducers of money, compleatly independent of fociety; and are not producers of commodities ftriClly dependent on fociety ? XXIII. Does not the independence of the producers of money on the producers of commodities and on fociety, na- turally lead to an oppofition of interefs ; and does not fuch oppofition lead to jealoufy and contention, where there fhould be, and, but for this unnatural Hate of things, would be, harmony and mutual dependence? XXIV. Is not a tradefman a greater merchant than a horfe- dealer — an importer or exporter a greater merchant than a tradefman — a negociator (of bills) a greater merchant than an importer or exporter — a banker a greater merchant than a negociator — and, in fhort, is not the producer or coiner of money the firll merchant in every hate, in as much as, in all his tranfaClions, commodities are totally out of the queftion ; for nothing circulates with him but money which he COINS, AD LIBITUM ? XXV. Does not the facility of coming at money or credit, fupport and propagate corruption and luxury, and occafon ru- inous bankruptcies? XXVI. Is not the real want of any commodity, in a com- munity, the only natural bafis of the intrinfic value of that commodity ? XXVII. X Tand the means of promoting them. XXVII. Ought money to reprefent commodities arbitra - c ha p. rily, or ought it to reprefent them naturally, by the intrin- fic value of the material on which it is (lamped, arifing from the natural demand for that material, when wrought into ufeful articles and utenfils ? XXVIII. Ought not the natural bajis of money to be the fiaple production of every community, and not gold, filver, copper, See. in the form of coin, which form creates an ar- tificial demand for thofe metals, over and above the natural demand ? XXIX. Have not the producers of money and the pro- ducers of credit the fame interefs; or, in fa6l, are they not the fame peopled And is not every one a fabricator of money, in proportion to the credit he is able to obtain ? XXX. Has not the true nature of money been perverted or overturned by, and much confuhon enfued from, an arti- ficial credit ? XXXI. Is there any mean to check the above confuhon, but by checking credit ? XXXII. Is there no other alternative, than that commerce mud either be overcharged with imaginary paper , or fubje<5l- ed, every eight or ten years, to the calamity arifing from a general deJtruCtion of that paper, involving in ruin many ho- ned and refpeftable individuals? May not thefe evils be ledened, or avoided, by checking credit in general ? XXXIII. Can credit be checked, as long as coinage is alto- gether, and the production of money in a great meafure, un- der monopoly ? XXXIV. Did not the nature of money in it’s primitive date approach more to bartering ? And did not the people of remote antiquity -weigh their money ? XXXV. GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON COLONIES, XXXV. Would not the monopoly of coinage, and of the produ&ion of reprefentative money, be taken away by let- ting every metal circulate according to its weight and intrin- fic fiandard? XXXVI. Is not natural credit grounded on the adlive abilities, freedom and integrity of men. XXXVII. Is not artificial credit grounded on imaginary property, does it not give rife to fraud and fwindling ; and is it not fupported by arrefsfor debt ? XXXVIII. If arrefts for debt, were abolifhed, and all me- tals were allowed to circulate according to their weight and intrinfic ftandard, whether as money or as commodities, would not artificial credit be checked, and order in (economi- cal matters, be reftored? — (See § 197 Note.) XXXIX. Is it not probable that the prefent inverted fyf- tern in oeconomical matters, in all the ftates of civil fociety, originates from this caufe, namely, the independence of money on the production of commodities ? XL. Is not he confidered as a rich man, at this time, who fubfifts upon the interefi of his money, independent of any abilities and commodities ? XLI. Are not they in reality, or comparatively, poor and dependent, who polfefs talents and abilities, and even flocks of goods , but yet cannot command money, when it is de- manded of them in form of taxes, rents, interefi, &c. XLII. Is there not in general a greater trouble and rifk in fubfijling upon the produce of land or commodities, than upon money fafely placed at interefi ? XLIII. Is not a man, who lives without labour, whether on his own income, or by begging, an ufelefs drone in focie- ty; AND THE MEANS' OF PROMOTING THEM. ty ; and does not he become over folicitous about his own interefl, and proportionally indifferent to the real interefls of the community? — 'See ^ 151.) XLIV. Does not interefl, after a certain time, create a new imaginary jlock of money ox credit-paper ; and does not fecu- rity for money or credit lent (acceptances) alfo circulate as a new created Jlock of money, only with the difference of the interefl or difcount? And does not all fuch accumulation of imaginary money caufe a great difproportion to, and difcon- nedion with, commodities? XLV. Does not the eafy acquifition of money by interefl, &c. and the arbitrary difpofal thereof uncontroled by the community, caufe every individual to feek more after mo- ney than commodities ? XLVI. Does not the feeking merely for money, give rife to fpeculation, independent of wants ? XLV1I. Does not fpeculation-commerce arife from artificial credit ? XLVIII. Does not fpeculation and commiflion trade dif- fer, in as much as the former has money for it's end, and the latter commodities for the fupply of wants ? XLIX. Should not the raw produdions of the three natu- ral kingdoms be chiefly favoured, afterwards manuf ad-ares , and laflly commerce ? Does not the reverfe, however, now prevail in all civilized focieties ? L. May not fuch a reform of the nature of money as will make it the means, and commodities the end, be neceffa- ry, previous to all other reforms in old eftablifhed focie- ties? LI. May not the evils, above hinted at, be ejfedually excluded from a new colony, by excluding impnjonment for debt, which will check Jpeculation-commerce — and by allowing gold , f dver HINTS ON THE ESSENTIALS 92 C via fL^veri &c‘ t° circulate freely, by their weight and flandard — v, f and will not the ejlablijhment of thefe fimple regulations render commerce fubfcrvient to manufadures, and both fubfervient to agriculture — and, in fine, will not the grand objed of the whole community be the pro dudion of ufeful and neceffary commodi- ties, and ultimately lead to freedom, peace, and happi- ness. CHAP. VIII. HINTS ON THE ESSENTIALS OF A COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. EDUCATION. * its import- 143. r | ’'HE happinefs and {lability of every fociety, en- tirely depends on the virtuous qualities of the individuals who compofe it ; and, if there be no influx of Itrangers, the continuation or increafe of the fociety will depend on the riling generations, who are fucceflfively to become members of it. The mind receives its mod per- manent impreflions and habits during the period of nonage. The education of youth, therefore, is a matter of the higheft importance to every fociety. So very important is it, that, in my opinion, it ought to form a dillintt department of the adminiltration of a new colony. Schools and 144. For the inftru£tion of fuch children, either of the fhj?.111 CC* colonilts, or of the natives, as may Ihew marks of genius and inclination for literature, it will be neceffary to eftablilh fchools. But, from what I have obferved, it appears to me, that paternal care during childhood, and ftridly regulated appentice- OF A COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. 93 apprenticefhips afterwards, would be found the moft elHv c ** a p. gible mode of education for thofe who wifh to purfue the t — - ■» ordinary bufinefs of the colony; and who might receive fufficient inftru&ion, .« from their parents and mailers, in reading, writing, arithmetic and the principles of religion, as well as in the manual arts which they might choofe to learn. 145. And, in order to accelerate the civilization of the Coiomfh natives, every coloniil fhould undertake the education, both ftrua natives, with refpe£l to body and mind, of two negro children, to be received as apprentices, on certain conditions to be fixed by law. Thefe apprentices ought, at Hated times, to be ex- amined before the fuperintendants of education, who fhould be empowered to fix the time of their coming of age, after which they are to be entitled to all rights of members of the community, and to be accountable to the fame, for their conduft. By fuch means, a fmall number of colonifls might, within a few years, furnifh the community with a valuable acceffion of negro members, inflrufted in chriflian- ity, trained to regular habits and diurnal labour, and who would foon fpread a tafle for fuch acquirements, and pur- fuits, among their countrymen. 146. It were alfo to be wifhed, that a fchool for the na- Schools and tives of Africa were erefted in fome fertile part of Eu- MpXodd rope, where the cultivation of raw materials is more pur- fued than manufa£lures and commerce. To fuch fchool negro children might be fent to be trained up, till a cer- tain age for an a£live, focial life, and returned to the colo- ny, when their elementary inflru£tion may have prepared them for fuch apprenticefhips, as have been juft mentioned. Along with the theory of religion, they fhould be taught the pra&ice of it, in order to form them for union with O their HINTS ON THE ESSENTIALS 94 CHAP. VIII. V, i./ African children al- ready fent t< Europe for education. their Creator, and harmony with fociety. — All their exer- cifes, bodily and mental, fhould be dire&ed to focial and religious ufes. Thus their underftandings would be gradu- ally opened; pra&ice would follow theory, and action fpring from inftru&ion. In fhort, it appears to me, that the children fhould be taught, not only the general principles, but the attual practice, of cultivating land, making bricks, building houfes, and of the mofl common and neceffary trades, fuch as thofe of taylors, blackfmiths, &c*. Such a courfe would tend much more to form their minds for ufe- ful, focial purpofes, and for fpreading civilization in their own country, than the mofl refined literary accomplifh- ments. Not that I would wifh book-learning to be ex- cluded from this plan; but, unlefs the pupil manifeft un- common talents, and an earned; defire for purfuing fcience or literature, I would certainly confine him to reading, writing and common arithmetic. 147. The defire of the Africans to have their children educated in Europe, appears from their voluntarily fending them over for that purpofe. There are generally from fifty to feventy of thefe children at fchool in Liverpool, befides thofe who come to London and Briflol, “ to learn fenfe and * In the commercial academy of Hamburgh, which I have vifited, and which is now conduced by the veiy able Profeffors Bufh and Ebeling, the mofl effential mechanical arts are taught, both in theory and practice; and that academy, mulatis mutandis, offers an excellent model for fuch a one as I recommend. — Forfter la- ments that O’Mai, a native of O’Taheitee, though he fpent near two years among the JaJhionable circles in London, was not taught the ufe even of the moft effential mechanical implements. Being unable, therefore, to be ufeful to his countrymen, it was fit that he Ihould be furnilhed with the means of amufing them; and he ac- cordingly carried out a portable organ, an ele&rical machine, a coat of mail and a fuit of armour! — His countrjman, Aotourou, whom M. de Bougainville brought to France, died there, after receiving an education equally infignificant! — Forller's Voyage, Preface. get OF A COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. get a good head,” as they exprefs it. After receiving a common fchool education, they return to Africa, where they endeavour to drefs and live in the European manner ; and they value themfelves much, and are refpe&ed by their countrymen, on account of their European educa- tion*. Many African children were formerly fent to France for the fame purpofe. RELIGION. 148. At a time, when fuch differences of opinion prevail among all ranks of people, in civilized nations, in confe- quence of their unfettled notions concerning God ; it might be efteemed prefumptuous in me to offer any opinion of my own on this momentous fubjeft. 149. I fhall therefore content myfelf with mentioning what I have been able, with my utmofl affiduity, to colle6t of the opinion of the Africans on this fubje£t. They be- lieve fimply that there exifts one God, the Creator and Pre- ferver of all things; and, in order to fix their ideas, they think on God, in fome form or other ; for, to believe in any thing without form, they feem to think is to believe in no- thing. Yet, although fome of them appear to confider the fun as the emblem of God, for they turn their faces towards it when praying, they feem all to believe, that God mull be a man, or in human form ; as they cannot think of any more perfe6f or refpedtable form to compare him with. How eafy would it be to bring a people already predifpof- ed, by their natural difpofitions and principles, to receive chriftianity, the bafis of which is a confidence in one God, * Privy Council’s Report, part I. detached pieces of evidence N. 4. — I re* ceived a fimilar account, by letter, from the late Mr. R. Norris of Liverpool. O 2 and 95 CHAP. VIII. African idea of God. 96 CHAP. VIII. t — — > Toleration recommend- ed. Employ- ment pre- vents vice. HINTS ON THE ESSENTIALS and that this God is manifefted in the perfon of Jefus Chrift P 150. All that I can venture to offer on this head, to the confederation of the founders and directors of any new co- lony, is diligently to look out for the molt attive, focial and virtuous perfons, as the firft colonifts ; taking care to pro- mote early and regular marriages as the very foundation of all focial order. For experience fhews, that the irregulari- ties, which neceffarily refult from a celibacy, are the pri- mary caufes of moft of thofe diforders which too frequent- ly convulfe civil focieties. — The refl fhould be left to the Providence of the Lord, who is the only fearcher of hearts ; allowing, with a generous toleration, the colonifts to fettle this very delicate matter among themfelves, free from all ex- ternal reftraint or impofition from any one quarter whatfo- ever. EMPLOYMENTS. - ^ 151. It is a trite obfervation, that “ people who have no- thing to do, will do mifchief.” To prevent idlenefs, there- fore, is to prevent vice, which may be much more eafily ex- cluded from an infant fociety, than eradicated from an old one, where it has already taken root and borne it’s pefti- ferous fruits. For this grand purpofe, I can think of no means likely to be fo effectual as the formation of a diftin6l department, in the government or direftion, which fhall have for it’s object, the ftudy of the chara6lers and inclina- tions of the youth, with a view to their inftruchon in occu- pations neceflary in the colony. It fhould alfo be the bufi- nefs of the fame board, to provide employment for grown perfons, male and female, the frequent want of which, in moft countries in Europe, gives rife to many, or moft, of thofe vices and crimes which infeft fociety. Thus the ob- OF A COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. je£I for this department in the government fhould be em- ployment for men, for women and for children . CONTRACTS AND LAWS. 352. All focial harmony depends on a ftri£I and faithful obfervance of contra£ls, which form the true balls of all laws. 153. The contrafl between married partners, is the firfl and mofl important, in the order of nature. Marriage is the primary feminary of the individuals, or component parts, of fociety, of which the contraft is the elementary bond ; and it ought to be held facred accordingly. Conjugal fi- delity, which is ever accompanied with a parental care of children, is much more intimately conne&ed with focial fe- licity, than many perfons in this depraved age appear to believe. Yet it feems to be fufficiently evident, that the man who violates conjugal and family contrails, will not ea- fily be brought to perform focial contra&s. If he difre- gard the Itrong and natural obligations of hufband and fa- ther, the weaker and more artificial bonds of fociety will fcarcely be able to reflrain him within the limits prefcribed by it’s laws. 154. The next fpecies of contrafts is that which takes place between individuals not naturally related, as between mailer and fervant, mailer and apprentice, employer and employed, buyer and feller, See. 155. In order to promote the tranquillity and increafeof a new colony, the relation between the fociety at large and it’s governors (that is the directors, chofen by the colonifls and fubferibers) ought, in every particular, to.be fixed and defined by exprefs contrail. Nothing ought to be left to the implied confent of the governed, or to the mere will, or dif- 97 CHAP, VIII. ' , ' Marriage contrads. Social con- trads. Civil con- trads. HINTS ON THE ESSENTIALS 98 CHAP. VIII. < > Political balance. Laws found ed on con- trails. difcretionary power of the governors ; for it is eafy to fee, that a loofe and indeterminate relation would foon give rife to mutual uneafinefs and jealoufy. To dwell on this im- portant fubjeCt, at the prefent juncture, may be a matter of fome delicacy. But as our objeCt is nothing lefs than the felicity of, perhaps, whole communities, I venture to fub- mit to the confideration of perfons, difpofed to think deep- ly on this point, a hint which may be found calculated to preferve in a new colony, that equilibrium between gover- nors and people which fee ms now to be declining in fome civilized communities, and in others to be entirely deftroy- ed — The hint is this: to lay into the fcale of the governors (viz. the court of directors) the rights of propofmg and ex- ecuting; and into the fcale of the people, the rights of de- liberating upon and determining , every matter propofed. Propofitions might alfo originate with individuals ; but, come from whomfoever they may, they fhould be fully and publicly canvaffed, before they are fubmitted, by the di- rectors, or colonial governors, to the fubferibers and co- lonifts. Propofitions, however, fhould always come be- fore a general meeting, through the organ of the directors who will be belt able to place them in a true light, to judge of their general tendency, and of their application to local circumftances, of which the government alone has the means of being extenfively informed. The governors (or directors) neverthelefs, fhould not have the right of con- cealing any propofitions from the fubferibers and colo- nifts, or their proxies, to whom the right of ultimately rejecting or approving them ought to belong. 156. All order among men in fociety depends entirely upon laws wifely formed, and duly executed, and legisla- tion, as we have juft feen, is primarily founded on con- tracts. OF A COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. traces. Without laws fo framed and executed, no compre- c h a p. henfive defign can be promoted or accomplilhed; nor can the »_ ' community exert that united ftrength which it’s fubfillence and fecurityindifpenfably require. Nothing therefore can be more important than due focial fubordination, which de- pends eflentially on the form and organization of it’s inter- nal order, and the prompt, impartial and exemplary execu- tion of the laws. Without this, a fociety (if it would de- ferve the name) would be nothing but a chaos of difcordant elements, and deftru&ive paflions. But in the fame propor- tion as vices are prevented or reltrained, and evil habits cor- re£ted or eradicated, by wholefome laws, the civilization and improvement of the people are promoted, and the de- fign of the focial union fecured. 157. All laws may be reduced to the following clafles, Laws- viz. judicial, political and (Economical. 158. (1.) Judicial. A community without laws of jullice. Judicial, may be compared to the body of a man without a head; that is, to fomething fo monftroufly and unnaturally defe&ive, that it’s exiftence would imply a contradiflion. According- ly no nation, which is more or lefs civilized, is deftitute of diftinft ideas concerning good and evil ; however thofe ideas may be limited and diverfified. Nor does there exift any fuch nation which does not endeavour to encourage the free courfe of moral and focial good, and to prevent or eradicate the oppofite evils ; and this in a greater or lefs conformity to the laws of the decalogue, which is the moll ancient and univerfal code. 159. (2<) Political, or laws of police. Every community is Political, compofed of individuals in greater or fmaller numbers, and diftributed into different clalfes or orders, all of which mull, each in his proper fphere, co-operate with the reft, in order loo CHAP. VIII. v. — >*** ■ ^ (Economi- cal. HINTS ON THE ESSENTIALS order to give flrength, confiftency and regularity to the whole. For a community without political laws, is like a head without a body, or like fome heterogeneous being, that poffelfes neither form nor order. 160. (3-) (Economical. Thefe refemble a man’s cloaths, for, like them, they may not only be changed, to adapt them to new circumftances ; but a fociety without them is like a naked man, expofed to every inclemency of the weather. 1 need therefore fcarcely to add, that a de- partment for the execution of contracts and laws fhould be eftablifhed in the government or direction. External woi'fhip. EXTERNAL WORSHIP. 161. If chriftianity is to be promoted and encouraged, in a new colony, it feems indifpenfably neceffary that the or- der which characterizes this divine religion fhould be ob- ferved, in it’s outward forms or rites. This order may be reduced to the three following primary articles of external worfhip, under which all the more minute parts may be comprifed. I. Baptifm , or the firft ceremony of introduction into a chriftian community, ordained by the great Inftitutor of chriftianity himfelf. II. Confirmation, a ceremony performed when a perfon comes of age, and is thenceforth to be anfwerable, for his own conduCt and aCtions, to the community. III. The holy fiupper, an ordinance of the greateft import- ance, on the right and fincere ufe of which depends entirely the union of every individual with his Creator. health. OF A COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. lOI HEALTH. 162. If what has been remarked on the fubjeCbof health (in Chap. VI.) has had due weight with the reader, he will fee the neceflity of inftituting adiftinCt department, in the government or direction, to fuperintend it. This depart- ment will have under their infpeCtion, I. The practice of medicine, in curing internal difeafes ; and, as this is connected with the mental, as well as the cor- poreal, powers of man, it includes alfo phyliology and the kindred fciences. II. The practice of furgery, for the external, or the merely mechanical derangements of the human fyftem. It may in- clude midwifery and it’s lifter arts. III. The practice of pharmacy, for the preparation of drugs and medicines. C U L TIVATION. 163. In addition to what has been remarked on cultiva- tion (§ 131 et feq.) it does not feem neceflary to add more than that there ought to be in the direction, a department for promoting, in a fyftematic, ceconomical and fcientific manner, the production of raw materials, I. Of the animal kingdom, II. Of the vegetable kingdom , III. Of the mineral kingdom. MANUFACTURES. 164. It is needlefs to exhauft time in fhowing that, in every conceivable mode of civilized life, the manufactures fubfervient to food, cloathing, lodging and domeftic accom- modation, are abfolutely neceflary. — Thofe articles mull either be procured from abroad, or fabricated at home. P The CHAP. .VIII. Health. Cultivation of raw ma- terials. Colonial manufac- tures to be encouraged. 102 HINTS ON THE ESSENTIALS CHAP VIII. V| y '■ Commerce. • The former mode of fupply encourages external commerce, j the latter internal induftry. Commerce fhould rife out of, or follow, internal induftry ; but fhould never be fuffered to precede it, as it would do, if re for ted to for articles which a country has hands enough to fabricate. — Befides, external commerce tends to injure, and internal induftry, properly regulated, to promote morality and civilization. In every African colony, therefore, all the hands that can be fpared from cultivation, fhould be employed in the arts neceffary to prepare apparel, buildings, furniture, tools and fuch arti- cles of food as require fome artificial procefs. The natives. Whom I always fuppofe mixed with the colonifls, will thus not only be excited to ufe articles manufa&ured in the European manner, but will be taught to fabricate them with their own hands ; and, having the paths of honeft induftry opened to them, will no longer depend, as too many of them have hitherto done, on a pernicious traffic, fora pre- carious fupply of foreign goods, baubles and trafh. In fhort, next to agriculture, their tafte for, and employment in, ufeful manufa&ures will be the moft effe&ual means of promoting theircivilization. (See § 36, 37.) It feems ne- ceffary, therefore, .that there fhould be a department, in the government or dire&ion, to fuperintend and infpe& the ma- nufa&ures, to deliberate on the introdu&ion of new ones, and to encourage, by rewards, or otherwife, thofe which they may deem it expedient to eftablifh. c o m me r c E. 1 65. This article, like feveral of the preceding, has been pretty largely treated of in Chap. VII. (fee § 113, et feq.) whence may be feen the neceflity of inftituting a diftinft department in the dire&ion to promote. I. The OF A COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. I. The internal , or colonial, trade . II. The exportation commerce , III. The importation commerce ; to promote them, I mean, in fuch a manner, that furplus produce may be taken off by exportation, without inter- fering with the neceffary and ample fupply of the colony. By promoting, however, I do not mean any thing like an exclufive furrender of the colonial commerce into the hands of the dire&ors ; but only that they fhould watch over, or, as the name of their office imports, dired the general courfe of commerce to the general good, leaving to individuals the full, free and open exercife of all legal, commercial pur- fuits. 103 c Hr a P. V'I'U. , — DEFENCE . 16b. On the internal polity and external defence of a J.nternaj p°- new colony, I have bellowed much thought ; and, on the fence, by whole, the ancient Englilh fyltem of frankpledge appears to me to be the bell calculated to fecure both thefe ob- je£ls*. 167. In this, as in many other particulars, I fo entirely agree with the Right Hon. Paul le Mefurier, the prefent worthy and fpirited Lord Mayor of London, that I hope he will pardon me for taking the liberty to infert an extra6l from a few halty, but judicious remarks, with which he was pleafed to honour me. — *f The common law and polity of England,” fays his lordlhip, “ being founded on the fyllem offrankpledge, will naturally form the balls of the internal * This fyftem is explained at large in " An account of the conftitutional En- glilh polity of congregational courts,” See. by the excellent Granville Sharp, Efq. who has applied it to the cafe of a new colony, in his “ Short Iketch of temporary regulations for Sierra Leona.” P 2 govern- 104 HINTS ON THE ESSENTIALS C vin P* government of the colony. — It may be divided into diftri&s, v — each to contain, as near as can be, 50,000 acres, or 100 grand lots, and be fubdivided into ty things of 5000 acres, or 10 grand lots each. Every diftri£l to have one head conftable, and every ty thing, one petty conftable, or ty thing man, who Ihould have power to call the tything together, on eve- ry emergency. — The head conftable to be captain of the militia in his diftricl, and to nominate fuch of the tything men under him, as he fhould chufe for officers. — Every proprietor, or proprietors, of 500 acres to furnilh one man for the militia, whereby there would, in every diftrift, be 100 militia; and the civil police there would conftft of one head, and ten petty, conftables. — The tything man to be ele&ed annually in each tything ; but the head conftable to be named annually by the preftdent and council, to be pof- fefled at lead of 500 acres, and to be refponfible, to the pre- fident and council, for the fafety and peace of the diftri£t; as the tything men would be refponfible to him, for that of their refpettive tythings. — In parts of the colony diftant from the feat of government, it may be proper for the pre- ftdent and council to name a chief, who might have the power of a juftice of peace, and be alfo at the head of the militia of the feveral diftrifts under his infpe&ion; and where his command was extenfive, he fhould be aflifted by proper perfons to collet the taxes, if any, fuperintend the public works, and fee that the orders of government were duly executed, &c. The chief and his afliftants to have fome falary ; but the head conftable, tything men, &c. to ferve without falary.” 168. “ Wherever there fhall be towns eftablifhed, that contain 500 or more males, above the age of fifteen, every fuch town to be confidered as a diftrift in itfelf, wherein every OF A COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. IO5 every ten families fhall conflitute a tything, and fhall an- c a p. nually chufe a tything man who fhall a£I as conftable ; and, ■_ - j from among the tything men fo chofen, the prelident and council fhall annually nominate a mayor and three aider- men, who fhall prefide over the town, and take charge of the police for the year. — Each family, in every town, fhall alfobe obliged to find a man for the militia; and they fhall be enrolled and exercifed under fuch perfons, from among their own townfmen, as the prefident and council fhall an- nually appoint, who, as well as the mayor and aldermen, fhall ferve without falary, fee or reward.” 169. To thefe valuable hints from his lordflhip, I have only to add, that the defence of the colony ought to be committed to a diftinft department of the government or dire£fion, in order to prote6f the colony from hoftile attacks by land, by fea or by noxious animals . F 1 N A N‘C E S. 170. Many may think that in a colony or community, where the public good is the interefi of every individual, a public treafury would not be a material confideration. But when the neceffity of the three following inflitutions is considered, it will foon be found, not only that the railing of colonial finances will come to be unavoidable, but alfo that a board of the dire&ion mult be eltablilhed for apply- ing them to thefe necelfary ufes, viz. I. Public charities, fuch as public inflitutions for orphan children, for all ufeful perfons after the age of fixty, or when they become incapable of labour; for hofpitals, See. II. Public works ufeful, ornamental and recreative, fuch as public buildings, highways, bridges, harbours, gardens, &c. III. 10 6 e tf a p. vnr. V L — i* Political ar- rangements, ■ HINTS ON THE ESSENTIALS III. Public defence , fuch as fortifications-, arms, ammuni- tion, &c. POLITICAL ARRANGEMENTS. iyi. Comprizing alfo foreign affairs. This is placed, the lad of all public functions, becaufe it is the link by which every individual within a colony, and every colony with it’s mother country, neighbours, and other countries, are con- ne&ed together in relations whofe bafis is, or ought to be, mutual friendfhip and afliflance. The order which con- ne£ts individuals in fociety is called police and polity; and that which conne£!s nations and colonies, politics. Both are equally neceffary, and require fpecific departments in the direftion ; the two former, namely police and polity t are re- ferred to the 4th department in the 1 ft clafs, § 179; the fuflions of the laft, or politics , may be referred to the three following objefts. I. The political balance , between the colonifts, or fub- fcribers, and the dire£tion, or the government, both in the colony, and in Europe. II. The political balance, between the colonial eftablifh- ment, and other mercantile companies, or colonies, in Eu- rope, or elfewhere. III. The political balance, between the colonial efta- blifhment, and the neighbouring African nations, which re- quire a different mode of intercourfe and treatment, as be- ing uncivilized. CHAP. SPECIFIC PROPOSITIONS APPLIED &C. \ IO7 CHAP. IX. V— — V > CHAP. IX. ' •- A. . r f } *“\ - , . r • ' * 0 SPECIFIC PROPOSITIONS APPLIED TO THE CASE OF A NEW COLONY. ■' ■ Si quid novilli re£lius iftis, Candidus imperti; fi non, his utere mecum. Hor. de Art. -Poet. 172. TN the feventh chapter, I have made fuch obferva- X tions as appeared to me ufeful and expedient, for the firft eftablilhment of a new colony in Africa ; and in the eighth, I have delivered my opinion refpe&ing fome of the permanent regulations. Still fome of my readers may per- haps expeft a more fpecific and practical plan than what I have yet propofed; for moft men are much affifted in com- prehending and deciding upon a fubjeft, by having it re- duced to fomething like a fyftem. It hath been well ob- served, by Dr. Watts, that method and fyftem, though late- ly too much neglected, are neverthelefs excellent auxiliaries to the mind, in forming an adequate idea of any fubjeft that comprifes many mutually dependent parts. And, if there be any fubjeft in which fyftem is peculiarly neceftary, the fcience of government is certainly that fubjeft. To gratify (therefore the lovers of order) I infert, with a few neceftary alterations, the following Propofitions, which I had the ho- nour to lay before the fubfcribers to the Bulama Aflocia- tion, for their confideration, at a meeting held on the 29th of April 1794. PR otosition 1. 173. That thofe who may be difpofed to fubfcribe to fuch an undertaking, form themfelves into a company FOR ioB SPECIFIC PROPOSITIONS APPLIED CHAP. IX. V I FOR CULTIVATING AND RAISING TROPICAL PRODUCTIONS on the weftern coaft of Africa, between the 6th and the 14th degrees of north latitude *. 174. That fuch company fele6t from among themfelves a court of dire&ors to manage the whole concern ; to fell land; to engage colonifls; to receive money or commodities; to pay money, and difpofe of commodities; to appoint their own officers and agents, both in Europe and in the colony; to fend out veffels, to trade wherever it may be found be- neficial for the whole concern, See. and to lay a proper and fatisfaclory account of their proceedings, before a general meeting of the fubferibers, every year. 175. The direftors of this court ought to confift of two claffes. — The fcrjl clafs ffiould have the care of the cultiva- tion of the people, or the introdu&ion of morals and civiliz- * My reafons for fele£ling this part of the coaft, for the fubjeft of my book and map are — lft, That it is much nearer to Europe than any equally produ&ive por- tion of the coaft. — adly, That owing to the trade-wind and currents, as well as the fmaller diftance, voyages to and from this part, can be performed fooner than to parts lower down, and incomparably fooner than to any ifland in the Weft Indies (fee § 6, note) — 3 the cultivation of the foil of the colony, or the railing of produftions, it’s management, and the difpofal thereof. 176. If fix directors were eftablilhed for each clafs, the bufinefs being more fyftematically divided, would be more eafily managed. Each direftor fhould be placed at the head of his particular department, and become anfwerable to the whole court of directors, as the whole court of direft- ors fhould be refponfible to the fubfcribers and the colonilts at every general meeting. 177. By this mode of arranging the bufinefs, it will be- come necelfary to have a general meeting, of the whole court, only once a quarter. Each clafs might meet once a month, and every director, as the head of his particular de- partment, might manage the bufinefs in fuch a manner as may bell; fuit his convenience. 178. It feems to be the indifpenfable duty of every di- re ft or, not to rejeft any petitions, or propofitions, that may be prefented to him, but to lay the fame before the meeting of his clafs, with his own opinion thereon : and all fuch pe- titions or propofitions, prefented before that clafs to which they belong, fhould be included in a report to the next quarterly meeting of a general court of direftors, who are to decide upon the fame, and which court fhould direft that all fuch papers fhould be properly digefted and entered in the general reports, which every year fhould be laid before the fubfcribers. O DIVISION I 10 179. DIVISION OF BUSINESS CHAP. IX. V. mw 1 ^ THE FIRST CLASS, which regards the cultivation, civilization and order of the people, and their prefervation in the colony and it’s de- pendencies. This Clafs may be divided into the two fol- lowing divifions, and each of thefe into three departments. Promotive with refpedl to morals. FIRST DIVISION. 'T. For promoting regular marriages in the colony, as the foundation of all focial order and true religion. This head depart, includes three kinds of duties. f 1. The adjuflment of differences between married partners. 1 See§ j 2. The promoting and encouraging the marriage of young men. >-150, C 3. The promoting and encouraging the marriage of young women, j 1 53. 2. For promoting education and inflrudlion, which is the fecond objeft of importance, and without which no civilization can take place. This department ^ includes alfo three duties, viz. r 1 . The preparatory or family educat. of children under 10 years. See § 1 1 2. The education of boys, feparately, above ten years of age. J- 144, L 3. The education of girls, feparately, above ten years of age. J y feq. 3. For promoting ufeful occupations or employments in the colony. This is of effential confequence, next to the two before mentioned, in order that the colo- ny may flourifh. The obje&s for this depart, are, f r. Children. 1 < 2. Men. > See § 151. t 3. Women. J SECOND DIVISION. i. The executive department of the laws, viz. See § 1 $2, y M- fl: The laws of juftice. The laws of police, and polity, (fee § 166.) The CEconomical laws. }! Executive with refpedt -d to order. • L 2. The executive department for the performance of the healing art, as comprehending {1. The Medical. 1 2. The Surgical. e See § 162. 3. The Pharmaceutical. J 3. The executive department for the performance of exter- nal worjhip, particularly in the three effential ordi- nances, viz. Baptifm. “1 Confirmation / See§i6l» The holy fupper. J {]: AMONG THE DIRECTORS. Ill Prnmotive with refpeft to practical art. Executive with refpedl to peace. THE SECOND CLASS, which regards the cultivation of the foil and the preferva- tion of the colony. This Clafs, like that on the oppofite fide, may be divided into the two following divilions, and each of thefe into three departments. FIRST DIVISION. l. For promoting the production of raw materials in the co- lony from the three natural kingdoms, viz. {i. Animal, 2. Vegetable, l See § 163. 3. Mineral. J 2. CHAP. IX. < 1 For promoting the internal trade and manufactures of the colony, or the formation and the employment of the before mentioned raw produ&ions for, the immediate ufe of the colony, reducible to r 1. Food, ~t 1 2. Cloathing, i See § 164. (.3. Building. J For promoting the commerce of the whole colony, viz. r i . Their interior or colonial trade, "1 1 2. The trade of exportation, 1 See j 165. i 3. The trade of importation. J It 1 See § 16 6, y s. J /* SECOND DIVISION. 1. The executive department for the defence of the colony when attacked By land. By fea, 3. By ferocious animals. 2. The executive department of colonial finances for defray- ing the expences of f 1 . Public charities "1 1 z. Public works > See § 170. L 3. Public defence J 3. The executive department for all thofe political affairs, whereby the colony muft maintain its connexion f 1. With its government or direftion, "> 1 2. With other companies or colonies, i See § 171, L 3. With it’s neighbouring African nations. J 0 112 SPECIFIC PROPOSITIONS APPLIED CHAP. PROPOSITION II. IX. t_ - — * 180. That the fubfcribers do agree to fell, or in the moll advantageous manner, to difpofe of, all the land which they have purchafed, or may purchafe in Africa, upon fuch con- ditions, and to fuch perfons, as the court of directors fhall approve of, as moral, good and ufeful colonifts, and who fhall chufe to go out to fettle, and to cultivate their pur- chafed land within a certain limited time*. 181. * This Js nothing more than what took place in the iflands of Grenada, Domi- nica, St. Vincent and Tobago ceded to Great Britain, in 1763. In thofe iflands 174,000 acres of land were fold by commiflioners, authorized by the government, for/'62o,ooo fterling, or £$ : 11 : 3 per acre, being thirty times the price which the lands at Bulama have coft the fubfcribers : yet the purchafers in the ceded iflands wrere bound, under a heavy penalty, to clear and cultivate, at leaft one acre in twenty, every year, till one half of the land they held was brought into cultiva- tion. (See the evidence of Mr. Campbell and Mr. Greig in Minutes of Evidence before the Houfe of Commons in 1790, p. 166 and 221.) — Cultivation proceed- ed flowly in Antigua, till the colonial legiflature of that ifland laid a tax of five fhillings per acre, on all manurable lands that fhould not forthwith be opened and cultivated. The eflefit was that every man exerted himfelf to the utmoft, or fold fuch land as he could not cultivate; and thus, in a fhort time, all the manurable lands in the ifland were bearing canes, cotton or other produce. (See Long’s Hif- tory of Jamaica, V ol. I. p. 409.) — In fhort, bad roads, fcarcity of provifions, the ob- flruftion of population, and the detriment of health, and inability or difficulty of defence, are the certain confequences of fuffering purchafed lands to lie unculti- vated in a colony, efpecially an infant colony. For an account of the evils Jamaica has laboured under, from thiscaufe, fee Long, vol. I. p. 283, 405 et feq. 598. — See alfo Douglas’s Hiflory of New England, Poftlethwayt’s Com. Di&ionary, Art. “ Colonies” and “ Paraguay.” — Reafons for eftablifhing the colony of Georgia, p. 15, 29, and Smith’s Wealth of Nations, Vol. II. p. 370. I know not whether I ought to mention that the ifland of Barbadoes, Antigua and fomeothers, though they have been rendered incomparably healthier by being cleared, yet, having few or no trees to attraft the clouds, have not fuch plentiful and regular rains as formerly, and fuffer much inconvenience from the want of timber. Cer- tain portions of the ceded iflands have, therefore, been referved in wood. Whether this conduft will be imitated or not in Africa, is nojt for me to determine. If it were, TO THE CASE OF A NEW COLONY. I 13 181. That the firfl fubfcribers may have it in their op- c p. tion, however, to go themfelves to the colony, and to fettle v as colonifts, and then to be fubjeft to the fame conditions and terms as the other fettlers ; namely, to oblige themfelves to cultivate their purchafed land within a certain limited time, at the expiration of which the land remaining uncul- tivated, whether belonging to fettlers, or to fubfcribers who are not fettlers, fhall be forfeited and difpofed of by the court of dire&ors*. PROPOSITION III. 182. That a colonift, his heirs, or executors may have equal rights, in every refpeft, with a £60 fubfcriber, as foon as he has brought into a cultivated Hate, within any fpace of time, not exceeding three years, thirty-fix acres of land ; and that of a £60 fubfcriber, who fhall go out to the colo- ny, and like the colonilts, cultivate his land, fhall enjoy the benefit of a double fubfcription, or that of two fubfcribers rights, in proportion to every thirty fix acres of ground cul- tivated by him. PROPOSITION IP. 183. That in confequence of the third propofition, there ought to be a court of dire&ors in the colony, fimilar to were, I would not hefitate, to pronounce that the woods fhould be facrificed to health ; efpecially as all kinds of provifions and the fmaller produce ftill thrive very well in the drier iflands. — But they are not fo proper for fugar-canes. * To refide in one part of the world, and to cultivate land in another, will never promote a colonial intereft, as fuch cultivation mull evidently be by agents or ma- nagers, who will not have an intereft in the profperity of the colony, like fettled colonifts, or thofe who fuperintend their own bufinefs on the fpot ; and the former cafe, it is more than probable, would, fooner or later, end in tyranny and ftave-flog- ging, to the total difl'olution of all colonial order and focial virtue. that 1 11 4 SPECIFIC PROPOSITIONS APPLIED C ”xA P ^iat *n ^uroPe» two courts having a combined intereft i_— -y- > with each other. That thefe two courts, or divifions of the company, thus afting in perfeft harmony or union, one in Europe, and the other in the colony, fhould be fo arrang- ed, that the former may have the general adminiftration of every thing that regards the deliberation upon, and regula- tion of, the general affairs ; and that the latter may have the fuperintendance or dire&ion of fuch local adminiftration of the affairs as may regard the adive, practical or executive pro- vince in the colony. That only half the direttors, both in Europe, and in the colony, fhould go out at every new elec- tion, in order that the court may always be provided with perfons properly acquainted with the affairs of the colony. PROPOSITION V. 184. That after the firft election of dire&ors, or after two years, none fhould be ele&ed but thofe who have at leaft once vifited the colony, in order that the direflors may be properly qualified, by their knowledge of the local fituation and practical ftate of the colony, to manage the direction in Europe*. PROPOSITION VI. 185. All kinds of oaths to be abolifhed, from the very be- * Thofe who objeft to the fhare the colonifts will, on this plan, have in the direflion, will do well to confider, that the prefent Britifh colonies in the Well In- dies lay their own taxes, and make their own internal laws, which can be reverfed by no authority inferior to that of the King in Council, and that only when they are repugnant to the laws and conllitution of Great Britain. — The late Britifh co- lonies in North America enjoyed the fame privileges. — Abfentees from the Britifh fugar iflands have no vQte in the colonial legiflatures, and thofe from Jamaica are additionally obliged, by a law of that ifland, to pay their “ attornies,” or faflors, fix per cent, of the value of the produce of their eflates, which operates as a heavy tax on them for deferting their civil and military duties in the Ifland. See Long’s Hiflory of Jamaica, Vol. I. p. 387, & c. ginning TO THE CASE OF A NEW COLONY. 1 '5 ginning of the colony, as they do not feem to be neceflary, c p- when matters are arranged and managed in fuch an equili- < ,-L. brium, that there are checks upon every adlion and proceed- ing, both of the court of dire&ors, and of the inhabitants of the colony*. PROPOSITION VII. 186. That commerce may be free, as well that of the com- pany,, carried on by the court of directors, as that of the co- lonifts; fo that, on either fide, there may be an equal right of trade. Any perfon who fhould be found to deal in Haves, to be expelled immediately from the colony. PROPOSITION VIII. 187. That new fubfcriptions to the Bulama undertaking may be opened upon the fame plan as the former, viz. at £60 per 500 acres, in order to avoid unequal (hares, and that another expedition may be undertaken, as foon as the advanced flate of their fubfcriptions, and of the neceffary preliminaries, confpire with the feafon to render the fame advifeable. * I have been credibly informed, that there are, in London and Weftminfler above 30,000 lawyers, attornies, and pettifoggers. And I have been led, by my enquiries, to full conviftion, that a great proportion of them is maintained in confe- quence of abufed oaths. But this is not all : molt people mult have heard of the praftice of Jew-bail and the trade of affidavit-men ; and the farce of cuftom-houfe oaths is not lefs ridiculous than it is ftocking. Mr. Locke and other great men, here and elfewhere, have lamented the multiplicity of oaths required by the laws of moll nations; but hitherto, it would feem, too much in vain. Sure I am, that, among honeftmen, they are unneceflary; and that rogues regard them as an empty form. Why then introduce into an infant community, a praftice which long experience has proved to be unneceflary or futile ? — But, if oaths are to be adminiftered, none but men of known integrity ffiould be allowed to make that facred appeal. 188. It n6 SPECIFIC PROPOSITIONS APPLIED C H A IX. 188. It fhould be propofed that fuch perfons as are will- ; ing to fubfcribe, may do it either in commodities or money, at their option; for I have met with many perfons who would gladly have fubfcribed in goods; but who could not fpare the money from their bulinefs. Subfcriptions fhould therefore be opened in fuch commodities as are likely to be hereafter the produce of the new colony ; fuch as fugar, cotton, coffee, indigo, tobacco, rice See. and the court of dire&ors immediately to take charge of the fale of thefe articles, at the moll advantageous price for the compa- ny. And in order that thofe who fubferibe in commodities may not obtain more favourable conditions than others, the price of the commodities may be fixed at a par between the buying and felling price, to which ten per cent, fhould be added, as a compenfation for the rifk and trouble of the court in the difpofal of them ; the company to receive all the benefit, or fuftain all the lofs, that may arife from the fale of them. Suppofe that 24001b. of mufeovado fugar is pur- chafed at 3d. a pound, and fold at yd. — then 6d. a pound would be the average price, and would make out exaftly £60. which is the price of a fhare of 500 acres; but as it would be an additional trouble to the court to convert thefe 24001b. of mufeovado fugar into ready money, there fhould be added 10 per cent, confequently to pay a fhare of 500 acres of land, according to £60 per fhare, with fugar inflead of money, it would be firfl — 24001b. and 10 per cent, additional - — 2401b. 26401b. of fugar to be paid into the company’s florehoufe for a fhare of 500 acres; — the fame plan to be followed, with re- fpedt to all other goods. pro - TO THE CASE OF A NEW OOLONY. 117 PROPOSITION IX. 189. That every affociation for forming colonies in Afri- ca, ought to aft conneftedly and in harmony with the Sier- ra Leona company, and every fimilar eflablifhment ; fo combining their interefts, that every refolution, taken in the general court of direftors of any one company, fhould be generoufly communicated to the others; and, when a gene- ral eleftion is held, and new refolutions taken into confider- ation, that two of the Direftors of every fuch company fhould be invited to be prefent. CHAP. IX. ' * — > PROPOSITION X. 190. That no other currency be introduced, from the commencement of the colony, but that recommended in the judicious plan of that friend of mankind, Granville Sharp, Efq. founded on labour *, which will tend to create and encourage an aftivity for railing ufeful productions, better than any other method. This plan, it is evident, may be adapted, or made applicable, to all the pecuniary tranfactions that can take place in the largeft community. — If gold and filver fhould be ever introduced, they fhould never appear in the form of any coin; but fhould circulate according to their weight and intrinfic flandard. — See § 142. Query LI. PROPOSITION XI. 391. In order compleatly to fecure focial virtue and or- der in the colony, the ancient and venerable Englifh fyflem * See “ Sketch of temporary regulations for Sierra Leona,” where the worthy author recommends day -labour ; but I prefer piece-werk which in all, or in moft, cafes, may be as eafily accommodated to the intended purpofe as day-labour. R of 1 1 8 SPECIFIC PROPOSITIONS APPLIED C H A IX. < *• of frankpledge fhould alfo be introduced; but with fome al j teration to adapt it to the prefent date of things *. PROPOSITION XII. 102. The company ought to keep a compleat ftore-houfe in the colony, containing a proper affortment of articles fuited to that part of the coal! : and, in order to give fpirit and fupport to every active and ufeful colonift, there fhould be a di/counting account in articles kept for the general ufe of the colony, that thofe colonifls who have abilities, but no means, may obtain fuch articles, to a certain limited extent, under the direction of the company. PROPOSITION XIII. 193. When inprocefsof time, taxes come to be raifed in the colony, partly for the maintenance of public order, (fee ^ 170,) and partly for raifing fuch revenue to the fub- fcribers as may afford them a liberal, but fpecific, indemnifi- cation for rifking and lying out of their property, it is pro- pofed that the following ground for taxing may be obferved, by which the overbearing influence of commerce, to the pre- judice of more ufeful and neceffary occupations in the co- lony, may be prevented, viz. 194. That the inhabitants of the colony may be divided into three diflinft claffes : the firft, producers, or cultivators of raw materials, fuch as fugar, coffee, cotton, indigo, fpices, cattle, corn or any other kind of produftions in their firfl flate. The fecond, the tradefmen or manufatturers in the co- * Society is alfo indebted to Mr. Sharp for illuftrating and recommending the adoption of that excellent fyftem. See his Trcatife on Congregational Courts. —Alfo $ 167. lony. TO THE CASE OF A NEW COLONY. lony, who form the before-mentioned raw materials or produ&ions by means of induflry into fome Shape for ufe ; and the third or laft, the clafs of merchants in the colony, who are chiefly occupied in traffic and negociation, both w’ithin and without the colony. It is of very great import- ance, that every inhabitant, from the beginning, may clafs himfelf yearly under either of thefe three, and that the im- pofls may be laid by the colonial legislature, in fuch propor- tion, that the firft clafs be taxed the loweft, and the laft the higheft, and that the right of voting, in all cafes, (hall be con- fined to the firft clafs only*. PROPOSITION XIV. 195. That no colonift be allowed to poffefs more than a certain portion ofland, fay acresf. PROPOSITION XV. i g6. That, in order to prevent certain obvious irregu- larities, as much as poffible, every colonift that remains un- married after the age of years, Shall pay a tax to the com- munity of per cent, on his property, and all married people Shall be encouraged in that ftate by an exemption from certain taxes. PROPOSITION XVI. 197. That no colonift be arrefted or imprifoned for debt, * See the Plan of a free Community on the Coaft of Africa, entirely independent of all European laws and Government, 4to. 1789, p. 23. + “ Experience has fhown the inconvenience of private perfons poflefling too large quantities of land in our colonies, by which means the greateft part of it mull lie uncultivated; and the inhabitants are thrown at fuch a diftance that they can neither aflifl nor defend one another.” Reafons for eflablifhing the Colony of Georgia, p. 29. — Sec the Note to Prop. II. 120 C H A IX. \ ~ j SPECIFIC PROPOSITIONS APPLIED, &C. at the inftance of another; but that it may be the creditor’s j own fault, if he part with his property on truft*. PROPOSITION XVII. 398. That every ufeful mechanical invention, efpecially fuch as are calculated to abridge and facilitate human la- bour, in clearing and cultivating the foil, be particularly en- couraged.— See \ 132 et feq. * Every individual belongs to the community, and not to any other individual. He cannot therefore be fold for money, far lefs for credit; becaufe credit is often given by infidious men, or debts bought up by them, in order to inveigle and con- fine their competitors; and competition is the very life of an indultrious communi- ty. The number of perfons who are loll to fociety, to their families and themfclvcs, by imprifonment for debt, is very great. Sixty years ago, it was calculated that four thoufand were annually call into prifon for debt in England, and that one third of their debts were never thereby recovered. — (See Reafons for eftablilhingthe Colony of Georgia, printed in 1733. page 18.) If the number of fuch victims has increafed, as it is natural to believe it has, with the trade of the kingdom during that period, few thinking men will be difpofed to rejoice at an extenfion of commerce which has brought fuch an evil in it’s train. I am, indeed, credibly informed that, in the be- ginning of the prefent year (1794) no fewer than 27,000 perfons were confined for debt in the gaols of England and Scotland. What a number to be thus fhut up from the eyes, and, I fear, too often excluded from the hearts, of their fellow fub- jeCts! — But it is to be hoped that the promoters of colonization in Africa, will ef- fectually prevent this afflicting evil from entering into any of their eltablilhments, always remembering that one of their primary objcCts is, the abolition of the Jlavt' trade! — See $ 142, Query LI. CHAP. COJLONIJES IN AFRICA, ON, &C. 121 CHAP. X. CHAP. X. COLONIES FORMED IN AFRICA, ON THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE, by the Portuguefe, Spaniards , French , Dutch and Auftrians. 199. TV TOST men yield a readier afTent to facts, fhowing -LVA what has already been done, than to arguments, proving what it is pra&icable to do. For the information then of perfons who may be inclined to fubferibe, or to embark as colonills, in any new undertaking of this kind, it may not be improper to introduce into this work, a fhort; hiilory of thofe modern European colonies which have already been eltablilhed, or attempted, in Africa, on the principles of commerce, and of thofe which are now forming on the prin- ciples of humanity*. But it feems unnecefl'ary to deferibe the temporary fettlements or fa6tories. THE PORTUGUESE f. 200. The Portuguefe explored the coaft of Africa, before * The interefls of commerce and humanity were at firft fo fuccefsfully reconciled by the Dutch, at the Cape of Good Hope, that the fketch hereafter given of the firft eftablilhment of their colony in that part of Africa, deferves particular attention. Upon the whole, it appears to me to afford a very good model for forming colonics in general. t The following fhort account of the Portuguefe colonies in Africa, I have compiled from the Atlas Maritimus et Commercialis, London printed 172^. -Morti- mer’s and Poll leth way t’s Commercial Diftionaries, both printed in London, 1766. —Tableau General de Commerce, Londres, 1787. — The Report of the Britifh Pri- vy Council, London 1789. — And the volumes already publilhed of the Encyclopae- dia Britannica, 3d. edition now printing at Edinburgh. — It may be obferved, how- ever, that the prefent Hate of Portuguefe Africa is different from what it was at the period which furnifhed the materials for thefe works. any 122 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON CHAP. X. ^ / Portuguefe firil explored the African coaft. any other modern European nation; but from an ungenerous referve on the part of their government, or from fome other caufe unknown to me, they have been fo fparing in their communications, that I cannot pretend to defcribe their co- lonies with that certainty and precifion which I wifh*. Among other caufes of confuhon, unfettled orthography is not the leafL For example in the kingdom of Congo, we meet with Congo, Kakongo, Cango, Coango, names in the application of which geographers do not feem to be agreed. Thus much, however, is certain, that the Portuguefe poffef* lions in Africa are far more important than thofe of any other European nation ; and that in the hands of an aclive people, they could not fail to become the fources of immenfe power and opulence. 201. Portuguefe Africa, as it may not improperly be call- ed, extends on the weft from about 5 deg. of north lat. to 10, fome fay 15 deg. fouth. Here, inftead of being cooped up within the narrow limits of trading factories, as they are on other parts of the weftern coafl, they are fettled in colonies, under a regular government, and have built feveral large and well fortified towns. The foil, which is rich and well watered, they have, in feveral places, taught the natives to cultivate ; for this kind of inftru6tion forms no confiderable part of the policy of the Portuguefe clergy, who have taken * I have the fatisfa&ion of informing the reader, that fince the above was written, the following fketch has had the advantage of being reviewed, and correfted in a few places, by Colonel Bolts, a gentleman whofe knowledge of the eaftern parts of Africa is allowed by thofe who have the honour of his acquaintance, to be very ex- tenfive. Having fpent many years in the eaftern parts of the world, he publiftied in 1772, “ Confiderations on India affairs,” in three vols. qto; and, I believe, he has it now in contemplation to lay alfo before the public the refult of his perfonal and acquired knowledge of the Eaft of Africa, not only of the coaft, but of the inland country. fo THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — PORTUGUESE. 123 To much pains to convert the natives, that it is thought they c H^A p- have been the means of making many of them better chrift- v v — ians than themfelves. Thus much at leaft appears, that the religion thefe fathers have taught the natives has contribut- ed to foften their manners, if not to mend their morals, (See § 36, et feq. and § 14 6). As a proof of this, we are allured, that in many parts of this country, they are cloathed in the European fafhion, to which they are fo habituated that, even were the Portuguefe to leave the country, they would not foon abandon it. 202. Awerri, though in the kingdom of Benin, is fubject Awern** to the government of the Portuguefe, who have here a caf- tle and a garrifon; alfo a church and a monatlery. It is wor- thy of remark, that though the river of Benin is very fatal to the Englifh and Dutch feamen who frequent it, yet the Portuguefe, who dwell farther within the country, do not experience any peculiar infalubrity of climate. This is one inftance, among many, which might be adduced, to make it probable, that the interior of almoft all of the weflern parts of Africa is more healthful than the coaft. (See § 76, and 80.) 203. Angola was firft difcovered by the Portuguefe in Angola. 1484. They afterwards conquered feveral of it’s provinces, and rendered the native king tributary for the reft, as his fuc- cetfors have fince continued. Their acquifitions may extend 240 leagues along the coaft, and, in fome places, 100 within the land. The capital is St. Paul de Loanda, which has a good harbour. It is the feat of the government, and, every three years, receives a new governor from Portugal. The country has been cleared, drained and cultivated in fo many places, as to improve it’s climate very confiderably. Some years ago, a number of people from Bifcay were fent out to work the excellent iron mines in Angola; but they mif- carried, 4 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 124 CHAP. X. v ' Congo. Losngo and Benguela. carried, for want of proper fupport. The Portuguefe in ' Angola, are faid to be able, at any time, to bring into the field 3000 well armed men, of their own nation. Their power is chiefly fituated in the interior parts ; for the trade of the coaft of Angola, &c. has always been open ; and thither the French, Englilh and Dutch fend yearly a con- fiderable number of Ihips for Haves, See. 204. In 1484, Congo was difeovered by Diego Cam, who, in behalf of his fovereign, King John of Portugal, formed an alliance, with the King of Congo, which has continued to the prefent day, with fome interruptions, on the part of the Por- tuguefe. Their chief town, Sc. Salvadore, is fituated 150 miles up the river Congo, or Zaire, upon an eminence, in a country well cultivated and mod uncommonly falubrious. (See 76.) It is a very extenfive place, but not proportion- ably populous, as the houfes are intermixed with fpacious gardens, which, doubtlefs, is one caufe of it’s falubrity. Yet it’s inhabitants mud be very numerous, as it is faid to have twelve churches and feven chapels, befides the cathe- dral. 205. Of thefe countries I do not find any thing particular, except that Benguela is very unhealthful. They are under the power or induence of the Portuguefe; and, I believe, are ge- nerally included in deferiptions of Congo and Angola. — In the interior parts of thefe lad countries, it appears that the Portuguefe have many prefidios, or garrifons, who, with the adidance of the natives, have cleared and cultivated the land in their refpe&ive vicinities, railing maize, calavances, yams, bananas and other provifions and fruits. 20 6. Many of the Portuguefe at Loando, Colombo, St. Sal- vadore and other places in this part of Africa are exceedingly rich. It is common for a Portuguefe to poflefs 50, 100 and 200 THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — PORTUGUESE. 1 25 200 (laves, and fome of the more opulent are the mailers c p* even of 3000. A religious fociety, at Loando are the pro- v ' prietors of no fewer than 1 2,000 (laves, who being black- fmiths, joiners, turners, (lone-cutters, &c. earn, by their work, from 4 to 500 rees per day, for the fociety. — How far this fort of revenue is compatible with the intention of fuch an inditution, it is not my prefent bufinefs to enquire. 207. In Congo, chriftianity was preached foon after the ^ff‘onar:es* arrival of the Portuguefe ; and miffionaries are (lill well re- ceived there. Encouragements have been offered at differ- ent times, particularly in the beginning of the prefent reign, to the religious in the convents of Portugal, to labour in the converfion of the natives of Congo, Angola, and their other African pofteffions. Many miffionaries have accord- ingly undertaken this pious work, at different times. Their fuccefs appears to have been confiderable, and, had they been (leadily fupported, there is reafon to believe it would have been compleat. Many Portuguefe bifhops refide in this part of Africa, and numbers of the natives have been regularly ordained priefls. 208. To the farther credit of that nation, it ought to be Portuguefe noted, that they carry on the (lave-trade from the countries flave'tradc‘ juft mentioned, with as much humanity as it is poflible to unite with fuch a traffic. Great numbers of (laves who come from the remote inland countries, are (hipped from Congo, Angola, &c. None, however, who belong to thefe lad countries, are fent as (laves to the Brazils, except black convi6ls ; and even thefe, before they are put on board, are catechifed and receive baptifm, a rite which has been found to confole their minds under their unhappy circumftances. The Portuguefe (lave-fhips are never over crowded, and the failors are chiefly blacks, called Negros Ladinos, who S . . fpeak 12 6 CHAP. X. V— —v— Portuguefe colonies on the Ealt of Africa. St. Martin, Puado. Sofala. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON fpeak their language, and whofe bufinefs it is to comfort and attend the poor people on the voyage. The confe- quences are, that they have little or no occafion for fetters, fo conftantly ufed in the other European flave-lhips, and that they perform their voyages from Angola, &c. to Brazil with very little mortality. 209. So vaft are the territories pofleffed by, or tributary to, the Portuguefe on the eaft of Africa, that they may, or might have been faid to be mailers of a great part of that whole coaft. They are never interrupted there by any other European nation, except occalionally by Ihips in dif- trefs, on their return from India ; for, in going out, they fleer quite another courfe*. 210. The Portuguefe polfeffions on the Eafl of Africa begin about 25 0 fouth latitude, according to Polllethwayt. Here they trade for ivory and gold, and they abound fo much with cattle, that they yearly furnilh numbers to the Dutch at the Cape of Good Hope. St. Martin and Puado are two illands in the River Cumana, where the Portuguefe and the natives plant provilions for the fhipping, and whence they have fome trade with the inland negroes. 21 1. The kingdom of Sofala extends about 30 leagues along the coaft, and about 80 up the country. It is, or was governed by a Mahometan prince, tributary to the King of * The Portuguefe, however, do not appear entirely to exclude other nations from a participation in fome parts of the trade of the eaftern parts of Africa. Tor, when I was at Havre de Grace in 1787, fome flave-merchants in that city “were fending a few fhrps to Mofatnbiqtie for flaves. They told me, that, although, in the long, eold'and Horrify voyage round-the Cape of Good Hope, many more of %he flavfes died, than even in the paflage from the coaH of Guinea to the Wefl In- dies; yet that their cheapnefs at Mofambiqae fully compenfated for their increafed mortality. — So cooly do merchants talk of facrificing the lives of mankind, at the dh’rine'of the “ Mammon of unrighteoufnefsli” Portugal. THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — PORTUGUESE. I 27 Portugal. The hands of the river of Sofala have a very con- c H^A p- fiderable admixture of gold-duft. The inhabitants of the t . — town and kingdom of Sofala are a mixture of Mahometan Arabs, idolatrous caffres and bad Portuguefe chriftians. 212. From the mines of Sofala, more than 2,000,000 of Great quan- • , tity of gold* merigals of gold are faid to be yearly extracted, the value of which, M. Savary computes, at 28,000,000 livres Tournois, or £1,166,666 fterling. Thefe riches are divided between the Portuguefe, the Arabians of Ziden and Mecca, and the native traders of Quiloa, Monbafe and Melinda. Thefe laft come in fmall barks, called zambucks, bringing dyed and white cottons, filks, ambergris and fuccinum, or yellow and red amber. The Arabians exchange goods from the Eall Indies and the Red fea, to the amount of ^140,000 fterling per annum, for ivory and gold. The merchants of Sofala alfo exchange European and Afiatic goods for the gold of the inland country of Monomotapa, which comes down in fuch quantities, that the Portuguefe call the Prince of Mo- nomotapa, the golden emperor. 213. On the weft of Sofala, is the kingdom of Mongas, Mongas. chiefly remarkable for the quantity of gold it yields, parti- cularly at Maffapa, Maninas, and the mountain of Ophir, Mount whence, it is believed, Solomon’s treafures were brought*. °phir‘ At Maffapa, the Portuguefe are fettled, under the authority of the Governor of Mozambique. 214. This emporium, is on an ifland in latitude 150 fouth Ma2am« (D’Anville.) It is extremely populous, one half of the in- bique‘ habitants being Portuguefe and the reft negroes. The ifland abounds with cattle, poultry, fruits and provifions of * Some, however, are of opinion that Solomon brought his gold from Sumatra, on the north end of which there is likewife a mountain which to this day is called Ophir.— See Bolts on Indian Affairs, Vol. i. p. 6. S 2 all 128 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON CHAP. X. V- ~ y — I ■ f Zartguebar. Melinda. all kinds ; fo that, in this refpeft, it is a vrery proper place of refrefhment for the Portuguefe Eafl Indian (hips, efpeci- ally as the harbour is very good ; but the air is reckoned none of the bed. At Mozambique are numbers of monks, fome of whom are frequently fent, by the governor, to the oppofite continent; not fo much, it is flrongly fufpedted, on fpiritual errands, as to difpofe the natives to give his excel- lency good bargains of their gold, ivory and ebony. 215. When the European goods arrive at Mozambique from Portugal, they are taxed by the king’s fadtor, who fends them to Chilimani, at the mouth of the Senna, whence they go very far up the river, to a Portuguefe town, whither the Africans come, fometimes from the diflance of two or three months travel, to buy, or take on credit, the European goods, for a flipulated quantity of gold, and which they faithfully bring or fend. This barter yields cent per cent, and indeed, may well be called the Chili and Peru of the Portuguefe ; gold being fo common, that, at a month’s journey from the coafl, houfehold utenlils and or- naments are frequently made of it. Of the trade of Mo- zambique, we may form fome idea from the governor’s du- ties which annually amount to between 60 and 0,000 flerling; exclufive of the pay of the troops and garrifons, and of a confiderable tribute annually remitted to the crown of Portugal. 216. Lamo, Pataand Ampafa, on this coafl, are, or were, governed by chiefs dependent on the Portuguefe. 217. This large country, was for many years, governed by a prince tributary to the fame nation. But the circum- flances are now reverfed ; for the Portuguefe are obliged to purchafe by annual prefents, permiflion to trade, and to ex- plore the country for gold — a revolution probably caufed partly THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. PORTUGUESE. partly by the declenhon of the Portuguefe power, and part- ly by the advancement of the natives in the arts of com- merce and policy, which made them fenfible both of their own interefts, and of their own ftrength. The capital, like- wife called Melinda, was wholly built by the Portuguefe, in the latitude of 50 fouth (D’Anville) with a very good har- bour, and a ftrong citadel. It is a large city, faid to contain 30,000 Portuguefe, exclulive of natives, and 17 chrillian churches, befides religious houfes. From their ware -houfes, in Melinda, they fupply the country with European goods to a vaft diftance inland, whence they procure ivory, in l'uch quantities as to load fhips, with that commodity alone. Adjoining to Melinda, are five other kingdoms all tribu- tary to the fame nation ; fo that, in this part of Africa alone, the Portuguefe, in the zenith of their power, might have been faid to hold the fovereignty of a country as large as Spain and Portugal together. 218. The natives, however, carry on fome trade with their own veffels, in which they frequent the Red fea, and the ports of Arabia. They are alfo feen in the Indian feas, efpecially at Cambaya, a maritime town in the territories of the Great Mogul. The Indians and Arabians, on the other hand, fometimes brings them goods to Melinda. Yet the Portuguefe ultimately tranfacf all the trade of Melinda, which is but little inferior to that of Mozambique. Gold From Sofala, ivory, copper, quickfilver, all forts of filks and cottons from Europe and the Eaft Indies, fpices, rice and other grain are the chief articles brought to Melinda. 219. The inhabitants of Brava confume great quantities of European manufa&ures ; for they drefs in the Portuguefe manner, like the people of Quiloa, and many other parts of this coaft. 129 CHAP. X. — V~ J Brava. 2 20. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 130 C HAP. X; Ajan and Adel. 220. From Brava to Cape Guardafui, extends the coafl of Ajan, and from thence to Rafbel, at the entrance of the Red fea, the country is called Adel. Thefe vaR territories abound in cattle, corn and fruits; and Ajan affords the Por- tuguefe feveral whole cargoes of ivory yearly. The inha- bitants are, or were, partly tributary to the Portuguefe and partly fubjed: to Moorifh and Arabian princes*. Madeira +. 221. The ifland of Madeira, is about 55 Englilh miles long, and 10 broad, and was RrR difcovered, A. D. 1419, by Joao Gonzales Zarco. It is divided into two capitanias, Funchal and Maxico (read Mafhico) each containing two judicatures. Funchal (in latitude 320 33' north), befides the city of that name, contains 7 towns, and 26 parishes ; and Maxico 3 towns and 17 parifhes. 222. Madeira confiRs of one large mountain, whofe branches rife every where from the fea towards the centre, where there is an excavation, from which, and from the greater part of the Rones being lava, it appears that a volca- no has formerly exiRed here. 223. Many rivulets defcend, from the fummit, in deep chafms, or glens. Their beds are in fome places, covered with Rones, brought down by the winter torrents of rain and melted fnow. The water is conduced by wears into the vineyards, where fome have it conRantly, and others once, twice or thrice a week. The heats rendering irriga- tion abfolutely neceffary, the planters of new vineyards are obliged to pay dear for water to thofe who have a conRant * After all, I find it is believed, that the natives have difpoffeffed the Portuguefe of moft of their territorial acquifitions on the continent of the Eaft of Africa. t Abridged from Forfter’s Voyage round the World, Vol. I.-p. 13. et Jeq. fupply. THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. PORTUGUESE. 131 fupply.— Wherever a level can be formed on the hills, the c ha p. natives plant eddoes ( arum efculentum, Linn.) inclofed by i ^ , a dyke, to confine the moifture. The hogs eat the leaves, Madeira- and the natives, the roots. — The fweet potato (< convolvulus batatas , Linn.) is planted for the fame purpofe, and is a principal article of diet; together with chefnuts which grow in extenfive woods, on grounds too high for vines. Wheat and barley are fown, where the vines are decaying from age, or are newly planted. But, as the crops do not afford above three month’s provifions, corn is imported from America, in exchange for wine. The want of manure and induftry are partly the caufes of this defeft; but, even were the cultivation perfeft, it is believed, the ifland could not afford corn fufficient for the inhabitants. 224. Where the foil, expofure and fupply of water ad- mit, vines are cultivated. They are fupported on a lattice- work of bamboos, about feven feet high, from which the grapes depend, and ripen in the fhade ; and hence the Ma- deira wines are believed to derive their excellent flavour and body. The beft, called Madeira Malmfey, is made from a vine imported from Candia, by order of Don Henry, In- fante of Portugal. Only a fmall quantity of this rich, fweet wine is made; and it is fold on the fpot, for £/±o and ^42 fterling the pipe. The next fort is a dry wine, fuch as is exported to London, at ^30 and £31 fterling per pipe. In- ferior kinds, for thg.Eaft and Weft Indies and North Ame- rica, fell at 20, 25 or £qo fterling. About 30,000 pipes, from 1 10 to 120 gallons, are made, upon a mean, every year. About 13,000 pipes of the better forts are exported, and the reft made into brandy and vinegar, or confumed at home. The vineyards are inclofed with walls, and hedges of prickly pear, pomegranates, myrtles, brambles and wild rofes. I32 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON c HXA p- rofes. The gardens produce all the European fruits, with, v — ) now and then, fome tropical ones, as bananas, goavas and Madeira, • i pine-apples. 225. All the domeflic animals of Europe are found at Madeira. The mutton and beef are fmall, but well tailed. The horfes, though not large, are fure footed ; and climb with agility, the difficult paths of the ifland. There are no wheel-carriages of any kind ; but in the town, they convey heavy goods on fledges drawn by oxen. — The only wild quadruped here is the grey rabbet. — Many wild birds, com- mon in Europe, are found in Madeira; but very few hens, or other tame birds, owing perhaps to the fcarcity of corn. — There are no fnakes whatever in this ifland but the vineyards and gardens, and even the houfes, fwarm with lizards. — The fhores are not without fiih; but, as they are not in fufficient plenty, for the Lent feafon, “ herrings” fays Dr. Forfter, " are brought from Gothenburg, in Englijh bottoms, and cod from North America*. — On this head, I cannot * My author may be right in Hating that herrings are brought from Gothenburg to Madeira, in Englifh bottoms; but I have the belt reafons to believe that the greater part are fent there in Swedilh bottoms. It is true, payments at Madeira are not made in money; but in produce, viz. wine, a great part of which the Englifh very conveniently difpofe of in their colonies, an advantage which I fhould think is more than balanced by the lower rate of Swedilh freight, and the numerous advan- tages of the free port of Gothenburg; and they are obliged, at any rate, to go to the fouthward for fait; they pack the herrings full as hard, and fit for hot climates, in Sweden, as any where elfe ; and, upon the whole, the Swedes can certainly fend her- rings, not to mention other articles, to Madeira, at leaft as good and cheap as the Englilh. — I do not mean, however, to fay, that the exportation commerce of Swe- den is in a Hate unfufceptible of better regulations. Ther(e is in that country a board, called Commerce collegium, confilling of a prefident and eighteen members; and whofe bufinefs it is, or ought to be, to watch over the commercial interefts of Swe- den. I am fenfible that this board contains a few men of real jvorth, and toho have the good THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — PORTUGUESE. cannot omit an obfervation of my learned author. “ Afri- ca,” fays he, p. 27, “ which we vifited during this voyage, in a few weeks, fupplied us with a great variety of quadru- peds, reptiles and infers, whilft all the other lands where we touched, afforded no new difcoveries in thofe claffes.” 226. The common people of Madeira are tawny, with dark eyes and black curling hair, which, in fome individix* als, begins to crifp, owing, perhaps to intermarriage with ne- groes.— The inhabitants of the towns are more ill-favoured than the country people. — The gentry are a fort of petite noblejfe , whofe genealogical pride makes them unfociabie and ignorant, and caufes a ridiculous affe&ation of gravity. 227. The country people are very fober and frugal; their diet being generally bread and onions, or other roots, with little animal food. Their drink is water, or a fermented in- fufion of the refufe rind of the grape ; for the wine, which their own hands prepare, they feldom, if ever, tafte. — Their chief occupation is raifing vines ; but as this requires not much attendance, for a great part of the year, they natural- ly incline to idlenefs. Indeed, warmth of climate, where great provifion againfl inclemency of weather is unnecef- fary, and where hunger is ealily fatisfied, will probably produce indolence, where the legiflature does not counteraft it by encouraging induftry. But, it feems, the Portu- guefe legiflators are not thus difpofed; for, though they have lately ordered qiive-trees to be planted here, on fpots too dry and barren for vines, they have given the labourers no temporary affiftance, and have offered no premiums, to overcome their reluctance to innovation, and to laboui. good of their country very much at heart; but, ^etber, upon the whole, it an- fwers the end of it's original inftitution, I beg leave ta fave myfelf the mortification of enquiring. *33 CHAP. X. V— — 1 1 » f Madeira. T Add *34 CHAP. X. ' — t Madeira. Military. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON Add to this, that the landed property is in the hands of a few ancient families ; the vineyards are held only by an an- nual tenure ; and the farmer reaps but four tenths of the produce ; four tenths being paid in kind to the landlord, one tenth to the king, and one to the clergy. Such fmall profits, joined to the thought of making improvements for others, preclude all alterations for the better, under the pre- fent fyflem. But, oppreffed as they are, they are chearful and contented. Their labours are commonly alleviated with fongs ; and, in the evenings, they dance to the drowfy guittar. - 228. The governor is at the head of all the civil and mili- tary departments of Madeira, Porto Santo, the Salvages and the Ilhas Defertas, which lafl contain only the temporary huts of fifhermen. — The law department is under the corre- gidor, commonly fent from Portugal, and holding his place during the king’s pleafure. To him appeals lie from the inferior courts, each of which has a fenate, and a prefiding judge chofen by them. The merchants ele6k their own judge, ox provi dor, who colle&s the king’s revenue, amount- ing annually to about/' 1 20,000 flerling, arifing (1) from one tenth of all the produce of the ifland; (2) from 11 per cent, on all exports; and (3) from 10 per cent, on all imports, provifions excepted. Far the greater part of the revenue is applied to the fupport of the civil and military eflablifli- ments, and of public buildings. Wk 229. The ifland has but one regular company of 100 men ; but the militia confifts of 3000, who are annually embodied for one month, under the Sergeante Mor. Nei- ther privates nor officers receive any pay ; and yet the places of the latter are much fought after, on account of the rank. 230. THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — PORTUGUESE. 230. The fecular priefts are about 1200, many of them employed as private tutors ; for, flnce the expulfion of the Jefuits, there have been no regular public fchools here, except one, where a prieft educates 10 ftudents, at the king’s expenfe*. Thofe who intend to go into orders are obliged to lludy at the univerfity of Coimbra, in Portugal. There is a dean and chapter at Madeira, headed by a bilhop, whofe income, which confiderably exceeds the go- vernor’s, confilts of 110 pipes of wine, and 960 Englifti bufhels of wheat, amounting, at a mean, to ^3000 fterling. 231. In 1768, the inhabitants of the 43 parifhes of Madei- ra, amounted to 63,913, of whom 31,341 were males, and 32,572 females. But, in that year, the deaths were exa6Hy 5243, and the births 2198. It is highly probable that fome epidemical diftemper prevailed in that year, as fuch a mor- tality would foon depopulate the ifland : a fuppofition which is ftrengthened by the excellence of the climatef. In fummer, the heat is very moderate on the higher parts of the ifland, whither the better fort of people then retire : in winter, the fnow lies there for feveral days, while, in the lower parts, it never continues above a day or two. 232. In 1449, Antonio Nolli, a Genoefe in the fervice of Don Henry, Infante of Portugal, difcovered fome of the Cape Verd Iflands; and in 1460, another voyage was under- * There appears to be a prieft in Madeira for every 53 inhabitants; exclufive of about 70 friars and 300 nuns. + My author’s fuppofition is farther ftrengthened, by Dr. Heberden’s obferva- tion, that the inhabitants of Madeira double their own numbers, by the births, in 84 years, under all their oppreftions ; for nothing fhort of Wejl Indian opprejjion can prevent mankind, when once fairly fettled in a tolerable climate, from keeping up, or increafing, their numbers by births — See Price on Annuities, p. 204. t Abridged from Forfter’s Voyage round the Word, Vol, I. p. 33 et fcq , T 2 taken ’35 CHAP. X. 1 > Ma deira. Priefts. Population, births, deaths. Climate. C a p e V n r r> IsLAN DS J. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 136' CHAP. X. v * > CapeVerd Islands. Oppreflcd by monopoly. taken to fettle them, when the reft were difcovered. Santi- ago, (as Colonel Bolts writes it) is the largeft of them, and about 17 leagues in length. The capital, of the fame name, lies in the interior, and is the fee of the biftiop of all thefe iflands. This ifle contains 1 1 parifhes, the moft populous of which has about 4000 houfes. 233. The Cape Verd Iftands are generally mountainous ; but their lower hills are often covered with verdure, and have a gentle declivity, with extenftve vales between them. They are ill fupplied with water ; but Santiago has one to- lerable river. The hills are covered with ftones, which are a fpecies of lava. The foil, which is fertile enough in the vallies, is a kind of rubbifh of cinders and ochreous allies : hence it is probable that all thefe iflands have contained volcanoes; efpecially as Fogo ftill confifts of a burning mountain. 234. Porto Praya ftands on a fteep rock, and contains on- ly a few cottages. It’s fortifications are old walls towards the fea, and low fences of loofe ftones, towards the land. A tolerable building, at a little diftance, belongs to a company at Lifbon, who monopolize the trade to all thefe iflands, and keep an agent here. “ The company ,” fays Forfter “per- fectly tyrannizes over the inhabitants, and fells them wretched merchandize, at exorbitant prices.” — It is believed, however, that thofe poor people have lately been delivered from this caufe of their wretchednefs, by the abolition of that moft odious and oppreffive monopoly. May Heaven preferve every colony in Africa, ejpecially thofe profeffcdly undertaken on humane principles, from the cruel clutches of fuch un- feeling companies ! 235. The natives of Santiago are middle fixed, and almoft black, with frizzled hair, and thick lips, like the uglieft ne- groes. Inhabitants. I THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. PORTUGUESE. g roes. But, whether the change has been wrought in thefe defcendants of the firft Portuguefe colonifts, by the climate a£Ung on their complexion, for nine generations (300 years) or by intermarriage with negroes, Dr. Forller does not de- cide. He Hates, however, the opinion of Canon Pauw, the Abbe Demanet, and the Count de Buffon, that “ the colours of the human fpecies depend principally on the climate At prefent, there are no whites in thefe iflands, except 1 2 or 15 at Santiago. Even the governors and the priefts in the other illands are blacks. The better fort wear ragged Eu- ropean cloaths: the reft feem well pleafed with the partial covering of a fhirt, a veft, a pair of breeches, or a hatf. Defpotic governors, bigotted priefts and the indolence of the court of Lilbon, will always keep thofe people more wretched than any community of negroes in Africa. They are rather inclined to doth ; and their fituation confirms this habit. Beggary alone can protect them from the gripe of tyrants, to increafe whofe treafures, would be the only effeft of their toil. Add to this, that the dry foil is parched up, when the annual rains fail, and famine inevitably fuc* ceeds. From thefe powerful caufes, it is reafonable to fup- pofe, that the inhabitants are deterred, from marriage * See De Pauw Rech. phi), fur les Americ. T. I. p. 186. — Demanet Nouv. li i ft. •de I’Afr. Fran. T. II. p. 224. — Buffon Hill. Nat. i2mo. T. VI. p. 260. — II I might venture to offer an opinion on a fubje£k fo much controverted among the learn- ed, I would give it as the refultof my obfervations in Africa, that a black, or a very dark, complexion would be the confequence of whites living within the. tropics, after the manner of the natives. But the whites, except perhaps at the Cape Verd Iflands, have hitherto lived in tropical countries, cloathed and lodged, as in temperate cli- mates; and therefore the complexions of them and their defcendants have, in ge- neral, undergone but little alteration, efpecially in individuals not much expofed to the fun. + 1 have been credibly informed, that Rag-fair in London fupplies the Cape Verd Iflands with great quantities of old cloaths. l3 7 CHAP. X. V 1 CapeVero Islands. Caufes of their wretch- ednefs. which COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 138 CHAP. X. 1 v — u Cap eVe r d Is l an ds. Agriculture: Exports and manufac- tures. which would only bring mifery, and perhaps the horrors of flavery, on their offspring*. 236. After what has been faid, the date of agriculture in thefe iflands cannot be expe6ted to be very flourifhing. The valley near Porta Praya fort, however, feems to have forne moillure, and is planted, here and there, with cocoa- nut-palms, fugar-canes, bananas, cotton, goaves and pa- paws. But the greateft part of it is over-run with brufh- wood; and another is left for pafture. — But we may per- haps conclude, that the Cape Verd Iflands, in the hands of an aftive nation, might be cultivated to great advantage. The cochineal plant, fome fpices, and coffee, would thrive particularly well in this hot, parched climate. Thefe would fupply the natives not only with the neceffaries, but the lux- uries of life, under the influence of a free and equal go- vernment, like that of Great Britain. 237. Such is the fubftance of our learned voyager’s ac- * In 1773 and 1774, (as Mr. Forlter was told at the Cape of Good Hope, in 1773) a famine deflroyed multitudes of people, in the Cape Verd Iflands. In the midft of this diflrefs, feveral of the natives fold themfelves for flaves to a Dutch captain, who happened to arrive, and who fold them at the C. of G. Hope. But the government there having been informed of it, ordered the captain to redeem them, at his own expenfe, to carry them back to their own country, and to bring a certificate from the Portuguefe governor, importing the execution of thefe orders. From the dates given by Forller, I infer that fome of the members of the govern- ment to whom this praife worthy afilion was to be afcribed, were Baron Joachim von Plettenbcrg, the Governor; M. Hemmy, the fecond governor; M. von Prehn, the major; and M. Berg, the fecretary, gentlemen whom Forller, on another occafion, (V. I. p. 74) mentions as valuable members of fociety, ornaments to their country and friends to mankind ; and he gives the fame chara£ler of M. Chriflophel Brand, commander of the poll at Falfe Bay, and of M. Kerfle and M. de Wit, who appear to be private gentlemen. — While I was at Goree, in 1787, a veffel arrived from the Cape Verd Iflands, which brought accounts that they had been without rain for three years. — The W. Indian Illand of Antigua once had no rain for 7 years. — Privy Council’s Report. count THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — PORTUGUESE. 139 count of the Cape Verd Iflands, which being ill watered, c H^A p* and their rains uncertain, cannot be ranked among the molt v ^-1 > fertile parts of Africa. But it is not improbable that he vi- fited them during a drought; for Mortimer (in his Commer- cial Dictionary, Art. Cape de Verd Ifles) does not reprefent them as very miferable habitations. He tells us that, though mere deferts when the Portuguefe firft fettled on them, they now produce feveral commodities for trade, as raw and drefled hides, oil extrafted from tortoifes, honey, wax, fait, Turkey wheat, (Indian corn or maize) oranges, lemons, &c. and fupply veffels with tame and wild fowls. Cattle are in fuch plenty, that feveral (hips are employed in carrying them to Brazil, whither they alfo convey quanti- ties of fifh, caught and falted near Cape Verd. — He might have added, that thefe iflands fupply the Weft Indian fugar colonies with great numbers of cattle, afles and mules (See § bo) and that, at Santiago, the inhabitants manufa&ure cloths of cotton and of filk. They are very beautiful arti- cles, and are commonly called in England, “ Saint Jago cloths/5 a name, however, often applied to " Guinea cloths,55 or thofe fabricated by the negroes on the conti- nent of Africa. 238. Colonel Bolts who was at the Cape Verd Iflands, in 1781, has obligingly communicated to me the following ad- ditional and very interefting particulars. 239. In September and October, Chips have often been Harbour*, driven on fhore in Porto Praya road. In the dangerous feafon, therefore, it is belt to anchor out in 18 fathoms wa- ter; fo that, in cafe of a gale, the Chip may be fure of clear- ing the eaftern point, called Mulher Branca, or the weftern, called COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 1 4O CHAP. X. ’ * C'A PtV E#D 1st. AMDS. Curious femes. People en- flaved hy the Duque d’A- veiro. called Tumro fa. Sam Vincent, one of the Ilhas Defertas, has the bell harbour in all thefe illands; and it is capable of containing the molt numerous fleet of large fhips, fafe all the year round. Sam Vincent has the advantage of excellent air and plenty of good water, but it is uninhabited. 240. The illand of S. Antam (improperly called S. Anto- nio) formerly belonged to the Duque Infeliz (de Aveiro.) It was rented by that family to an Englifh gentleman, whofe agent, one Stephen Spencer, picked up fome (tones, wafhed do.vn from the peak of the ifland, and fent them to Eng- land. The lapidaries gave it as their opinion, that the mountain whence they came certainly contained curious, if not precious, (tones. All the Iflands contain iron ore, often on the furface. 241. The Duque d’Aveiro had partly peopled S. Antam with his own flaves; and, in time, he acquired, or ufurped, a kind of property in the perfons of the other inhabitants. The poor, ignorant creatures having fubmitted to his gra- dual and artful encroachments on their liberties, their children a6tually came to confider themfelves as the flaves of this ufurper and his fucceffors. And fo compleatly were they fubjugated at laft, that the Englifh agent exported and fold a great number of them. On the fall of the Averio fa- mily, however, S. Antam reverted to the crown: and, not above fix months ago (1781) the governor received an or- der from the court of Lifbon to liberate thefe oppreffed people, who are computed to be about 1000. — The famine which affli&ed thefe iflands a few years ago (fee § 235, note) appeared firfl in S. Antam, and was very feverely felt in that ifland, 1000 of it’s inhabitants having perifhed by it. In Santiago, 15,000 perfons, or about one half of the inhabi- tants, loft their lives, in the fame diftreffing period. 242. THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — PORTUGUESE. 1 4 I 242. During the adminiftration of the Marquis de Pom- c H^A p- bal, about 10,000 of the inhabitants of the Cape Verd <. » Iflands were fent to build the prefent fortifications at Biffao, ° where moft of them died. 243. There are at Santiago fourteen Eingenhos, or fugar- Sugar-mills, mills, worked by oxen ; but only two of them are reckoned good. They make very ftrong fpirits there ; but, from a defedt of indultry and ingenuity, and doubtlefs of encour- agement and capital, neither their fugar nor fpirits are fuf- ficiently cheap for exportation. 244. The late governor, Joaquim Salene Saldanha Lo- Whale-fifh- bo, had a fcheme for fitting out veflels at the Cape Verd mlnufac-6* a’ Iflands, for the whale fifhery on the Southern coafi of Afri- tures; ca; and another for extradling from the Semente da purga* an oil which is excellent for burning, and is free from any bad fmell. — The gathering of Orzella, or Orchella, on the coaft of thefe iflands, cofls not 800 reas per quintal. The medium price of that quantity, at Porto Praya, is 3000 reas, and at Lifbon 19,200 reast. — In thefe iflands, they might raife great quantities of very good cotton, and alfo of indi- go which grows wild every where. But the inhabitants do not cultivate more of either, than what is neceffary for the cloths they manufadture, for their trade to the continent of Africa. Colonel Bolts has famples of the following kinds, the firft of which is in the greatefl demand on the continent, and the reft in the order of the numbers. The prices are thofe at which they may be refpedtively bought per piece, at Porto Praya. — 3. Pano de agulha, all cotton, about 2500 reas. — 2. Pano quadrado, all cotton, about 2000 * Ricinus — Pignon d’Inde. It is believed to be the fame plant from which the Caftor oil is extrafted in the Weft Indies. t 4800 reas are equivalent to a moidore, cr about 2 7 {hillings fterling. U reas. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 142 c h A p. reas. — 3. Pano da ley, all cotton, about 1000 reas. — 4. Pa- t -1 _j no de fio de laa, cotton and worfted, 4 to 5000 reas. — 5. Pa- no de retros, cotton and filk, 6 to 12,000 reas. — 6. Pano de vellir, 3000 reas. 245. The ifland of St. Thomas (called by the negroes on the coaft Poncas) was difcovered by the Portuguefe, in 1465, firft fettled by them in 1467, and here they have raifed a colony which is, or was, very flourifhing. It’s fitua- tion (under the line, and in about 27 0 of longitude Ealt from Ferro) appeared to the Dutch fo commodious for the trade of the neighbouring coafls, that they took it in 1610, and again 1641 ; but it was both times retaken by the Por- tuguefe, who foon repaired the almoft incalculable damage their enemies did on abandoning it. 246. The chief products are fugar and ginger*. Of Cinnamon. * I do not know that the produfls of any one of the countries, which I have found it necefTary to fketch, have ever been explored and diflin&Iy enumerated. That they have not, would appear from the new difcoveries always made, even in the molt frequented parts of Africa, when naturalifts happen to vi fit them. Of this we have an inftance, in the following extra# from the evidence of A. P. How, Efq. who was in Africa, in 1785 and 1786, in the Grampus fhip of war, employed as a botanift, by the Britifh government. — “ The witnefs has feen cinnamon trees at St. Thomas, at the fea fide, about 20 feet high ; and, from what he heard, they grew in- land to a higher fize. From the bark brought down, he concludes there muff be a great quantity inland. The cinnamon and caffia trees are of different genera; the one belonging to the Laurus, the other the Caffia; but their genera are not quite efta- blifhed. The leaf of the laurus is oblong, nerved, fhining, fimple. Of the caffia, the leaves are bipennate, not unlike the rnimofa or fenfitive plant. The witnefs is not pofitive that it is the fame cinnamon which grows in India; but the bark, leaves and whole ftrufture of the tree are the fame as thofe brought from thence to Kew gardens. He has never been at Ceylon; but has feen the tree, both at Bombay and Cambay, in private gardens, brought as prefents from Ceylon. The African caffia is not un- like that which has been feen in the Eafl Indies.” — See Minutes of Evidence be- fore the Houfc of Commons, 1790, p. 226. brown THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. PORTUGUESE. brown fugar, the common crop is from 6 to jco charges, of which near 100,000 roves, each 32 Portuguefe pounds, are annually fent to Portugal. The other products and manu- faftures of St. Thomas, are different kinds of cotton fluffs, proper for the Portuguefe trade on the coaft, fruits, parti- cularly that called cola, a nut, in tafle like a chefnut, which is advantageoufly bartered in Angola and Congo, whence it is fent to a great difiance inland. Indian corn, millet, caffa- da, figs, bananas and other tropical produce, grow here in plenty. The fheep and goats are excellent; but the beef is fmaller, and not near fo fat, as in Europe. 247. The Portuguefe carry to St. Thomas, linens, cam- blets, ferges, brandy, wine, olives, olive-oil, capers, fine flour, butter, cheefe, fait, hatchets, bills, copper-kettles and plates, fugar-moulds, pitch, tar and cordage. 248. Of the three fir A, the Portuguefe make fo little ufe as fcarccly to claim an exclufive property in them. Ships of all nations occafionally touch at them for wood and water, and to catch turtles. But at Annabona, the Portuguefe trade in cotton, which they gather there in confiderable quantities. They alfo raife hogs, goats, poultry, and fruits. 249. Except Afcenfion, which is covered with fand and rocks, all thefe iflands offer to Portugal an excellent op- portunity of imitating the liberal and humane example of colonization in Africa, which has lately diftinguifhed Great Britain and Denmark. 250. The Portuguefe had the advantage of trading to, and eflablifhing themfelves in, Africa, earlier than any other U 2 modern 148 CHAP. X. v ' St. T ho- M AS. Import*. Prince's Isla nd, Fernand® Po, Ascen- sion and An N ABONA Eligible for colonies. General re- flexions on the Portu- guefe fettle- ments in Africa, 144 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON CHAP. X. 1 ~ _ ■ i 1 Britifli pro- grefs in Afri. ca might ex ceed Portu- guefe. Canary Islands*. modern European nation; and that too at a time when they were a£luated by a fpirit of enterprize which perhaps has never been exceeded in any people. Their power has, indeed, undergone a great, but gradual, declenhon, efpecially on the continent of the Eaft of Africa. Yet fuch remains of it are ftill vifible that a refpe&able modern writer fcruples not to fay, that they Hill poffefs more valua- ble territory in Africa, and have brought more of the na- tives to live in the European manner, than all Chriftendom befides. Hence he concludes, that other nations, and the Britifh in particular, who can furnifh Africa with manu- fa&ures of their own, might make at leajt as great advances in the inland trade of that continent, as the Portuguefe, under the difadvantage of purchafing mod of the goods they carrv to it, from other nations. “ But this,” he ob- ferves, “ depends on quite other measures than what have ever yet been taken” SPANISH. 251. The Canary Iflands, as well as thofe of Madeira and Cape Verd, were known to the ancients. But their ac- counts of them are indiftinft and confufed ; for they appear to have confounded many iflands together, under the gene- ral name of the fortunate iflands. The Canaries were firft known to the Europeans, in the middle ages, between the years 1326 and 1334, by means of a French Blip driven among them by drefs of weather. In 1403, they were granted by Henry III. King of Callile, to John de Betan- cour, a Frenchman.— The fubfequent conqueft of them by * This {ketch is an abridgement from Glas’s Hiftory of the Canary Iflands, London 1764. the THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — SPANISH. 145 the Spaniards, as well as their civil hiftory flnce, are foreign c H^A p- to our purpofe. ( * > 252. Of the Canary Iflands, which are feven in number, Canaries- Tenerife is the moft confiderable. It is about 36 leagues Tenerife. in circumference. The latitude of it’s centre is 28° 30' N. longitude 160 25' W. from London. 253. From the varieties of it’s foil, climate and expofure, Produftions. all the valuable vegetable produ&ions, of temperate and tropical countries, thrive in it. — It’s animals are camels, horfes, afies, mules, cows, flieep, goats, hogs, rabbets, fowls, geefe, ducks, Sec. — The ifland rifes on all fides towards the Pike, in it’s centre, like a hanging garden, till within a Pike* league of the clouds, which are not above mid-way up the Pike. But there are no houfes any where above three leagues from the fea. The firft league from the fhore pro- duces vines, the next corn, the third woods of chefnut trees, Sec. interfperfed with fome com. Beyond thefe woods, are the clouds which, in fine weather, come down in the evening, and reft on the woods till morning, when they retire about a league. Where the clouds reft in the day, there are many pine-trees, beyond which grows no grafs or vegetable, except a fhrub called retama. The Pike itfelf is, properly fpeaking, a voicanic mountain, of a conical form, fituated on the fummit of a very high Ifland. It is vifible in approaching it 40 leagues, and in departing from it 50*. 254. Sainta Cruz, the chief town of Tenerife, may be Towns, reckoned the capital of all thefe Iflands ; for, though the courts' &c' epifcopal fee and the fupreme courts of judicature are at Palmas, in Gran Canaria, the. Governor General of all the * The height of the Pike above the fea, according to Dr. Heberden, is 1,5,396 feet; according to M. Borda, 12, 340 feet. Canaries, 146 CHAP. X. < * > Canaries. Population, manufac- tures, wine, fugar. Gran Cana- ria. Locufls. Proportion of arable land. Wine. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON Canaries, refides at Santa Cruz, which is the centre of the trade of thefe Iflandswith Europe and America, and contains about 7000 inhabitants. Befides Santa Cruz, there are in Tenerife leveral other confiderable towns and villages ; for that fmall part of the country which is inhabited at all, is extremely populous, the illand being computed to contain no lefs than 96,000 fouls. In the large village of Ico, there is a filk ma- nufafture, efpecially of dockings, which are fent to the Spanifh Weft Indies. — From die whole Illand, 15,000 pipes of wine and brandy are annually exported. — The Count of Gomera has about 1000 negro Haves employed in Tenerife, in making fugar; which, however, he does not find a pro- fitable bufinel’s. There are very few other negro flaves in Tenerife, and ftill fewer in the reft of the illands. 255. This illand is about fourteen leagues in length and nine in breath ; and, for the excellence of it’s air, water and productions, well deferves the name of the fortunate if and. But this muft be underftood with an exception, for the S. E. wind, which is hot and ftifling, and comes fraught with clouds of locufts that deftroy every thing green. This ca- lamity, however, happens' but feldom, and does not laft long; for the earth foon recovers it’s verdure. Gran Canaria is well watered, and almoft any thing planted in it will thrive. Though it be fo mountainous, that not above one feventh of it’s furface is fit for cultivation, it contains more arable land than Tenerife, Palma, Gomera or Ferro. 256. Much fugar was formerly made in Gran Canaria ; but fugar-canes have been abandoned for vines, which are found to be more profitable. The Canary wine is good ; but not equal to that of Tenerife. The prohibition of ex- porting provifions from this illand, and fixing a price on them, is a great check to it’s induftry, and tends to produce fcarcity, THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. SPANISH. 147 fcarcity, the very evil thefe reflri&ions are intended to pre- vent. Palmas, the capital of Canaria, is a well built town, containing about 6000 inhabitants. The population of the ifland is eftimated at 40,000, an uncommonly great propor- tion of whom live to extreme old age. 257. Palma is about 8 leagues in length, and 6 in breadth. It is very mountainous, and, except the Pike, placed, as it were, on the top of Tenerife, there is higher land in Palma than in that Ifland. It’s produce is much the fame with that of the other illands ; but it yields much more fugar than any one of them. Palma abounds fo much with fruits, that the inhabitants, not being able to confume them, and having alfo plenty of fugar, preferve great quantities as fweetmeats which they export. — When corn is fcarce, they make bread of the roots of a fpecies of fern, which, Mr. Glas fays, is not much inferior to wheat bread. — Among the mountains of Palma are pines fit for malls ; but the dif- ficult conveyance of them to the fhore, renders them too dear, though the labour itfelf be cheap. — The ifland con- tains about 30,000 inhabitants. 258. Lancerota is 5 leagues long and 3 broad. The lati- tude of it’s centre 290 8' N.-Fuerteventura is 27 leagues in length, and 5 in breadth. The air of both thefe illands is excellent, as is proved by the longevity of their inhabit- ants. Both of them are almoll deftitute of trees, owing to the violence of the N. & N. E. winds. And, what is a more ferious want, neither of them have almoll any other than rain-water, which is preferved in tanks, or cillerns, as in the Well Indian illand of Antigua. But they have plentiful rains, and excellent herbage, efpecially in the fpring and fummer; but it is fometimes fcorched by the autumnal heats, when the cattle, which had before been fat, lofe their flelh. Canaries. Population. Palma. Produce. Fern bread. Lancerota and Fuerteventu- ra. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 148 CHAP. X. v J Canaries* Produce. Orcliella. flefli. Thefe iflands produce wheat, barley and Indian- corn, not only fufficient for their own inhabitants, but to afford a very great fupply to Tenerife and Palma. The foil is light, and is ploughed by a camel and two affes, which form no defpicable team ; for the affes are uncommonly large, and formerly ran wild, in fuch numbers in Fuerte- ventura, and became fo troublefome, that the inhabitants were obliged, at one time, to deflroy 1500 of them. — On the fhores of both iflands, abundance of Orchella grows among the rocks*. This weed is well known to dyers, for giving * Orchella — Lichen Roccella (Linn. Sp. plant, ed. 2. p. 1622, No. 71.) Muller fays that the dye of Orchella, is prepared by the urine of men and foda, and that wo- men’s urine deftroys it’s effeft; alfo that the colour is not durable in the air or the fun. (Linn. Nat. Sy ft. nach Houttuynifchen werk Vol. XIII. Part 2. p. 528.) — M. Hellot fays, that 20,^00 quintals of it are annually exported from the Cana- ries. (L’Art de la Teinture des Laines, Paris 1750.) — It was fold as high as 700 gui- neas per ton, during the American war, but is now about £170 per ton. — Dr. Goffelin has lately difeovered it in the Ifland of Guernfey. (Dickfon’s Fafcic. 3. Plant. Cryptogam. Britann. 1793.) — Another fpecies, the Lichen Tartareus (Linn. Sp. plant, ed. 2. p. 1608. No. 14.) 1ms been longufcd in Sweden, and in Scotland, for dying red, in a domeltic way, (See Linn. 8c Kalm’s Weftgotha Refor) where the procefs is deferibed ; alfo Sowerbys Engl. Bot. p. 156. where he fays, that the Lich. Tart, is prepared with vol. alk. and allum, and communicates a purple co- lour to wool, but not to vegetables. — J. P. Weftring, M. D. has made experiments for dying different colours, with a variety of Swedifh Lichens. The ability and induftry of this learned gentleman promife many valuable difeoveries. See his Me- moirs in the A£ls of the Roy. Acad, of Sc. at Stockholm for 1791, p. 113, 293, where he fays, that from 8 to 900 Skd. or about 128 tons of Lich. Tart, has been yearly exported from Sweden fince the year 1770 ; but this appears too much for the firft 10 years. It’s price has varied from 15 to ^30 per Ton, and is now^~24. In 1785, an eminent merchant of Gothenburg, having fmoothed his way, by means of his mercantile injluence, obtained an excluftve privilege for exporting this article. How far fuch privileges are confiftent with the public good, fee § 116 etfeq. On. XXV ^ 142, and § 165. — But praife to Heaven, a liberal and patriotic government has fince taken place in Sweden. The injlruments of cor- ruption THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — SPANISH. *49 giving a colour, thought by fome to be the Gertulian pur- ple of the ancients. — It is remarable that till within the laft fixty years, Lancerota produced no vines: but a volcano which then broke out, covering a confiderable extent of ground with dull and pumice hones, fo improved it that it has ever lince yielded grapes of which a wholefome wine is made. But it is inferior both in quantity and quality to the wine of Fuerteventura. 259. The two iflands export to the reft of the Cana- ries, wheat, barley, Indian corn, cattle, cheefe, fowls, goat- fkins, Orchella, fait and falt-fifti. Their wheat fells for one fifth more than any European wheat. Formerly they ex- ported camels to Jamaica, but that trade was prohibited. — The largeft town in thefe iflands contains not above 200 houfes; and the population exceeds not 10,000 in Fuerte- ventura, and 8000 in Lancerota. 260. A fmall mountainous ifland, not above 17 leagues in circumference. It is blefled with excellent air and watef , corn fufficient for it’s inhabitants, with every other neceffa- ry, and many of the luxuries, of life, in fuch plenty that, if the colonifts were encouraged to manufa&ure their own wool and filk, they might live almoft independent on the reft of mankind. For their ifland alfo furnifhes every ma- terial for building, except iron, the only article they would And it neceflary to import. In addition to the animals com- mon to the other iflands, Gomera has plenty of deer, and produces more mules than any of them. But it is alfo the only one in which there are any fnakes, which are, how- c H a p. X. ^ — v ■ . ^ Can a mes. Exports. Wheat better than Euro- pean. Gomel v* might be al- moft inde- pendent of the reft of the world. mplion arc removed, and the prefent adminiftration feems ferioufly intent on the en- couragement of agriculture, and the real and lading interefls of the nation. — I ac- knowledge that as things now fland in Europe, monopolies may, in certain cafes, be unavoidable. In all cafes, however, they (hould be retained in the hands of the go- vernment, who have, or ought to have, the fame interefls with the nation. X ever, 150 CHAP. X. — 1 Canaries. Hierro or Ferro. General ob- fervations, on the Cana- ries. Climate. Soil. Population. Humane po- licy of Spain. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON ever, quite harmlefs. — In Gomera are reckoned 7000 inha- tants. 261. Ferro is about 15 leagues in circumference. It abounds with flowers, from which incredible numbers of bees extract great quantities of honey. But the wine is fo poor, that the inhabitants are obliged to make brandy of the moft of it. Water is extremely fcarce ; but inftincf has taught the fheep and goats, as well as the hogs, to dig up fern-roots to quench their thirft. The inhabitants are fup- pofed not to exceed 1000. — Geographers very often reckon the longitude from the meridian of Ferro. 262. The principal differences in the climates of thefe iflands, arife from their different elevations above the fea. For eight months in the year, the fummits of them all, ex- cept Lancerota and Fuerteventura, are covered with fnow. Yet, in their vallies and fhores, the cold is feldom fo great as to render fires neceffary. — A very great proportion of the furfaccs of all the Canaries is covered with lava, calcined ffones, and black dull or alhes, formerly emitted by volca- noes, the remains of which are fiill very vifible in all the iflands, and fome of them, among which is the Pike of Te- nerife, are not yet extinguifhed. 263. The prefent inhabitants of thefe iflands, who amount to near 200,000, are defeended from a mixture of the Spa- nifli conquerors and the aborigines, on whom the govern- ment of that period conferred equal privileges. In confe- quence of this wife and humane policy, the Spaniards eafi- ly incorporated with the natives ; fo that their pofterity have long formed but one people*. Hence more good foldiers Ktl . v , l . 1 » : ’ * “ How the Spaniards,” (fays Mr. Glas, p. 344.) “ came foon after, in Ame- rica to aft in a quite contrary manner, is hard to conceive. Yet the Dutch, French *> ,4 and THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — SPANISH. foldiers and Tailors may be raifed in the Canaries, than in any other Spanifh colonies, containing thrice their num- bers. 264. The prefent inhabitants of the Canaries are flrong and well made, but more fwarthy than the natives of Spain. The common people wear coarfe woollen cloths, of their own manufa&ure, except on holidays, when they appear in coarfe Englifh broad cloth. The gentry, though few of them are rich, are rather proud, but polite and hofpitable. Some of them are tolerably well educated and informed. The Canarians are blind to the impolitions of their priefls and lawyers ; but they are extremely averfe to war, becaufe they plainly fee , it ruins their commerce. In the war which ended in 1763, they ftrenuoufly endeavoured to procure a and Englifh, far from following the good example of .the Spaniards, in the Cana- ries, have cretted, in the fugar iflands in the Weft Indies, the moll abfurd and bar- barous governments that ever cxifled in any part of the globe, and which are by ma- ny degrees worfe than the Spanifh governments in America.” (“ There are but few negro or other flaves in the Canaries; but, if a mafter treat one of them with injufticeor cruelty, the Have may oblige him to fell him immediately. The fame law, if I am not miftaken, takes place in the Spanifh Weft Indies,” p. 353. Mr. Glas, was not miftaken ; for this and feveral other excellent and efficient regulations refpefling flaves have fincebeen proved to obtain, in the Spanifh Weft Indies. See the Report of the Britifh Privy Council, part VI. article “ Spain.”) “ What improvement or obedience,” continues our author, “ can be expended in a-country where all the labouring people are flaves, and have no other principje t.o excite them to obedience and induftry but the fear of punifhment P which, after all, has ne- ver yet brought their labour to any degree of equality with that of free indigent people, who have the foie difpofal of the fruits of their labour.” — I fhould rejoice in being able to repel Mr. Gias’s charge of cruelty againft the fugar planters. But I have the beft reafons to believe, it is but too well founddd. I mull add, however, that the hu- manity of the French to their flaves (notwithftanding their boafted code noir) does not much exceed that of the Englifh, and that the Dutch are ftill more brutally cruel than either. The Spaniards, Portuguefe and Danes are undoubtedly the beft mailers of flaves. X 2 CHAP. X. ' ’ Ca N A R I hS. Chara&er of the Canari- ans. Blinded by priefts and lawyers, but averfe to war. neu- l5 2 CHAP, X. —v — t Cana hies. Marriages. Religion. Inquifition. Difeafes. Commerce. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON neutrality for their iflands. — The intercou'rfe between the fexes, before marriage, is much reftrained. Hence their love is romantic, and their matches are difinterefled. Yet they form more unhappy ones than in countries where the parties are better acquainted, previous to their union. — Their ideas of religion are fo narrow, that it is extremely uncomfortable for any but catholics to live among them, except in Tenerife, where there are indeed a few proteflant merchants; but the trade with proteflant countries is chief- ly carried on by Irifh merchants of the catholic commu- nion. The bifhop relides in Gran Canaria, and has an an- nual income of about £6000 flerling. In each ifland is an of- fice of the inquifition who, till very lately, exercifed their power, and fometimes very much abufed it, independently on the civil magiflrates. 265. The moll prevalent difeafes are the fpotted fever, the palfy, and the flatos, a windy diforder, affe£ling the flomach, bowels and head. There are alfo a few lepers. All the Canarians are very much fubjeci to the itch : “ The caufe of which,” fays Mr. Glas, p. 204, “ I know not. But it is certain, that people who dwell in countries remark- able for the purity of the air, are more fubje6l to the itch than thofe who live in places where the air is moifl and damp.” 2,66. The Canary Iflands import from Great Britain, woollens of various kinds, hats, hard-ware, pilchards, her- rings, wheat, when fcarce. See . — From Ireland, beef, pork, butter, candles and herrings. — From North America, boards, Haves, beef, pork, hams, rice and wheat, in times of fcarcity. — From Bifcay, bar-iron. — From Holland and Hamburgh, linen of all forts, cordage, gun-powder, flax, &c. — From Malta, cotton manufa&ures; but from every other THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — SPANISH. 153 other place, cottons are fubjedt to a duty amounting to a c HXA p- prohibition. The Maltefe are excepted, becaufe they < _ — maintain a perpetual war with the Turks and Moors. — The Canm !t exports have been already mentioned. — The manufa&ures Manufac- of thefe iflands are taffeties, knit filk hofe, filk garters, tu‘ei‘ quilts and bedcovers. — In Gran Canaria and Tenerife, they make coarfe linens and gauze of Dutch flax. White blan- kets and coarfe cloths are fabricated in Gran Canaria, from the wool of that Ifland. A very coarfe cloth is alfo made, from native wool, in the other iflands. In order to encour- age the filk manufadture in the Canaries, the exportation of their own raw filk is prohibited. 267. The king’s revenue confilts of (1) The royal third of Revenue, the church tithes. — {2) The monopoly of tobacco and fnuff. — (3) Annual acknowledgement of the nobility for their titles. — (4^ A duty of feven per cent, on imports and ex- ports.— (5) Duty on the Weft Indian commerce of the Ca- naries.— The annual revenue of all the Iflands, after paying the expences of colledlion and of the internal government, brings into the treafury of Madrid about £ 50,000 fterling. 268. It may be remarked that this fum exceeds the clear revenue which ever came into the treafury of Great Brit- ain, from all her American and Weft Indian colonies, in the infinite ratio of fomething to nothing . For I do not know that Great Britain ever received any revenue from either of them, except the \\ per cent, duty on fugar, and fome other enumerated articles, granted by Barbadoes and the Leeward Iflands to King Charles II. a tax which now very much oppreffes thofe poor, old colonies, while the Ceded Iflands and the opulent colony of Jamaica, pay no fuch tax. 1 need not tell the intelligent reader, that all the Britifh taxes on fugar, &c. like thofe on wine, tea and other fo- reign COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON >54 C H A P. X. ' 1 Can a ri es. Isle de Bourbon. ht reign articles, are ultimately paid by the Britiffi confumers; not to mention the monopoly-price, often exorbitant, which Wed Indian produce cofls them. For it is well known that fugar, &c. is generally much dearer in Great Britain than in France, or any other country in Europe, even in thofe that have no fugar colonies. And all this, exclufive of the enor- mous and endlefs expenfeof defending her colonies,by which Great Britain has incurred a very great part of her national debt. — Lord Sheffield, indeed, in his Obfervations, affirms, that the expenfe of defending the fugar illands, by fea alone, during the American war, cod Great Britain more than the fee fimple of thofe Idands is worth. The only advantage which ffie ever derived, from her expenfe of blood and trea- fure, was the comparatively infigmficant monopoly of the trade of her colonies. But the only effeft of monopolies, even when reciprocal and apparently equal, is to enrich fpeculating individuals, at the expenfe of the nations and colonies which dand in this unnatural and impolitic con- nection. Of the truth of this obfervation, the Canary idands, as well as thofe of Madeira and Cape Verd, appear to afford examples, which ought to be viewed as beacons to warn the undertakers of new colonies in Africa, of the dan- gers to be dreaded from what a great author calls, “ the mean and malignant expedients of the mercantile fydem,” — Read Smith’s Wealth of Nations, B. IV. C. VII. FRENCH* 269. The Ide de Bourbon, called originally Mafcarenha, after it’s Portuguefe difeoverer, lies about 120 leagues to the * From Geographic naturclle, &c. de M. Robert, x 777. Tableau de Commerce, 1787, and Walter’s Neufte Erdkunde, & c. New Account of Afia, Africa, See. 1785. ead THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — FRENCH. eaft of Madagafcar, in the 21ft and 22d degrees of South latitude. In circumference, it meafures about 40 leagues. M. de Flacourt, Governor of Fort Dauphin and the other French fettlements in Madagafcar, took poffeffion of this ifland, for his king, in 1654, and gave it the name of Bour- bon. But his nation made no confiderable fettlement upon it till 672. The Ifle de Bourbon and the adjacent Ille de France have fince been fortified, as ftations of refrefhment for the French Eaft India fhips *. 1 270. The air of Bourbon is falubrious, and the foil very fertile, and well watered with fprings and fmall rivers, abounding with fifh ; fo that, upon the whole, it is a charm- ing habitation. Befides fupplying it’s inhabitants and the {hipping with provifions, this ifland exports tobacco, coffee, white pepper, aloes, ebony, fflk, coral, tortoife-fhell. Ben- zoin and fome other gums. 271. But of all it’s produ6lions, the moft valuable is it’s cotton, which of late, fince the fpinning Machines, and par- ticularly thofe called mules, were invented and improved ; has been fpun at Manchefter as far as to 300 hanks, (each 840 yards) and even more, in the pound, when common Su- rat cotton was only brought to 20 hanks. This ftriking dif- proportion arifes chiefly from a difference in quality ; but is alfo much owing to the Bourbon cotton being very clean, and that of Surat fo full of motes and dirt, (fome- times to half the weight) that it’s ftaple is broken in the violent operations neceffary to clean it f . In fhort, I have * Colonel Bolts, who revifed this {ketch of the Ifle de Bourbon, and the Ifle de France, fays that at the former there is only a road-dead; but that the Ifle de France contains two good harbours. d This prodigious difference, as far as it depends on the fird preparation, might *55 CHAP. X. c— — — > Isle de Bourbon. Exports. Bourbon and com. Surat cotton com- pared. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 156 CHAP. X. ' * J Isle he France. Rats. have known the price of Bourbon cotton as high as 9 fliil. lings per pound, when that of Surat was felling at 9 pence. (See § 64.) 272. This illand, called alfo the Mauritius, is confiderably lefs than Bourbon. Their air and climate are very limilar. The foil of both is equally well watered ; but that of the Ifle of France is the moil ilony, though by no means infer- tile. There is no noxious animal in either, unlefs we rec- kon rats fuch ; but with them both i Hands are fo much in- fefted, that the foldiers in the garrifons are fometimes turn- ed out to hunt them*. The Ration for the French Indiamen is be avoided, if the cotton were cleaned by the producer, before the hard packing has incorporated the dirt and motes with it. I have indeed repeatedly propofed to the cotton merchants to fend out cleaning machines to feveral places, and particularly to Surat, from whence fo much dirt is imported at fo very dear a rate, and the cot- ton fo much injured by cleaning. But I could never get them to liflen to this pro- pofal. Indeed I have been well informed that cotton has been thoroughly cleaned in the Weft Indies, by hand-picking, which though a tedious operation, was done at about 2d. a pound; but that, in England, it brought not one farthing more, than if it had not been hand-picked. This is far from being the only inftance in which mer- chants difeourage producers from attempting improvements. (See § 138.) I have not mentioned health, that being a matter of little confideration among moft manufafilurers. I never undei flood that the operations on cotton, previous to it's being fhipped for Europe, are injurious to health, as they are all performed in the open air, or in fheds, and the people are not, as in Europe, conftantly confined to anyone of the operations. It is, indeed, allowed that evert thofe negroes, in the Weft Indies who plant, weed, gather, ginn, clean [partially, by beating it with rods, on wooden frames) and fteeve, or pack, the cotton, are generally very healthy. — It is, however, a melancholy truth, that the poor people employed in cleaning and carding cotton in Manchefter, feldom live to above 30 years of age. The method of fpinning certain coarfe numbers, (or forts) of cotton yarn, in damp cellars, has al- fo proved to be extremely injurious to health. * The garrifons in fome of the Weft Indian Iflands might find fimilar employ- ment. But prenvums are there given for killing rats and monkies, both which are very deftructive to the fugar* canes. In Barbadoes, they give 2d. apiece for rats’ heads. THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — FRENCH. is Fort Louis, which is well fortified. According to an enumeration, in 17 76, the Ifie de Bourbon contained 6340 whites, and 26,175 black {laves, chiefly employed in agri- culture. The population of the Ifle de France then amount- ed to pretty nearly the fame numbers of whites and blacks refpe&ively. 273. The productions of thefe two iflands are much the sPice fame. But I have great reafon to believe, that a very ma- terial improvement has, by this time, taken firm root in both. For, during my flay at Paris, in 1787, 1 was informed that M. Cere procured from Ceylon, and planted in the Ifle de France, of which he was governor, 3000 cinnamon trees, and 10,416 clove trees, 18 of which laft foon ad- vanced in growth; alfo 18 nutmeg trees, 10 of which have fince produced 1088 fine nutmegs, fo ripe that the wind fhook them down. From thefe plants, 60 others have been produced, befides 20 which were partly diflributed in the Ifland, and partly fent to the neighbouring Ifland of Bour- bon, and to Cayenne, in S. America. In 1784 there were in the nurfery 124 more young plants, of which 20 were ready to be fent abroad. In June 1785, 10 young trees, in the Ifle de France, yielded 800 nutmegs, and 9 others had about 500 far advanced. The fame year 24 were fent to Bourbon and 260 were planted in the nurfery. — In 1786, the Dutch, in the true fpirit of monopoly (fee § 112 note) fent a vagabond to the Ifle de France, to deftroy thefe plantations, by corrupting the nurfery men. But prudence, or rather cunning, is not always combined with villainy. The plot was timely difcovered, and doubtlefs f57 Tsle de France. Population. heads, and ,5 {hillings for thofe of monkeys. A friend of mine tells me he once re- ceived, in behalf of a black watchman, 15 fhillings cur. for rat’s heads. Y would *58 CHAP. X. 1 ' Madagas- car. Former fiou- riiliing eRa- blifh meats there. Colony at- tempted in COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON would have drawn a dcferved punifhment on the fellow who was charged with it’s execution, if he had not made his efcapc. — It is no wonder, however, that the Dutch are jealous of their monopoly of fpices; for, when I received the foregoing information, I was allured that their trade in thefe articles brings them in 18,000,000 of livres Tournois, or about ^750,000 Her. annually. 274. “ The French/’ fays the compiler of the Atlas mari- timus et commercialism, “ have carried the difcoveries in Madagafcar to the higheft perfection, both on the coah and in the inland parts. The following brief account, by one of their governors, feems the belt yet publifhed.” — “ Our peo- ple have had a fettlement on this ihand, ever fince 1622, and we have now, not only a peaceable pofleflion, but feveral well fortified houfes, on the coah, and flourifhing plantations within the land. Our principal hrength is at the fouthernmoh point of the eah fide of the ihand, called Fort Dauphin, with a good gamfon. It is htuated in lat. 25 0 6' S. We have fince reduced a confiderable part of the ihand, the natives being, at peace with us, and very much pleafed with our religion alfo; fo that feveral of them are converted to the Chriftian faith.” 275. About the year 1654, the chief feat of their power was transferred from Fort Dauphin to the Ihe de France and Bourbon. But they have hill retained pofFeflion of the former; and have made feveral attempts to extend, or to regain, their acq.uifitions in Madagafcar. In 1 767, a colony was attempted on that illand, under M. de Maudave. *' Printed,, London 1728. “ But THE PRINCIPLES OF C OMM E RC E.-*~F R E NCII. “ But it was foon perceived that this enterprize was founded on falfe principles; and it was abandoned, from the impolfibility of affording the advances of every kind, which M. de Maudave required for the new colonifts*.” That the enterprize was founded on falfe principles, is far from being improbable; and, from the minifter’s own words, juft quoted, we may fafely infer that it was given up from falfe ceconomy. We fhall make this inference with the more confidence, when we confider the feeble fupport given by the court of France to their next attempt to make an eflablifhment on Madagafcar. 276. The attempt alluded to was made in 1772, under the conduct of the Count de Benyowfky, a Polilh nobleman prize, in 177Z who, whether we confider the vigour and capacity of his mind, or the aflonifhing variety and danger of his adventures, muff certainly be ranked among the moft extraordinary chara&ers that any age or nation has produc- ed. My limits will not contain the minute particulars of the expedition, and, if they could, I am not fure that I fhould infert them; rather wifhing to flimulate than to gratify the reader’s curiofity, relative to that interefting piece of biography, the Memoirs of the Count de Ben- yowfky, tranflated from the Count’s own MSS. and from authentic, official documents, chiefly by the editor, the learned and ingenious Mr. Nicholfon. 277. 1 muff therefore content myfelf with ffating a few is not pro- principal fa£ts, relative to this extraordinary enterprize. In fltted * See the letter from the French minifler M. de Boynes, to MefT. D.e Tcrnay and Maillart, dated March 19, 1773, in “ Memoirs and Travels of the Count de Benyowfky,” 2 vols. -jto. from the text of which, together with the preface of the able editor, and the documents and vouchers annexed, this fhort fketch is chiefly compiled. Y 2 *59 CHAP, X. M A DAG A S- CA It. 1772, 3(30 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON C H A P. X. V — — — v — ) Madagas- car. Oppofed by the govern- ment and merchants of the Ifle de France. Lands at la ft in Madagas- car. 1772, the Count prevailed on the court of France to enter into his views ; and he was accordingly placed at the head of the expedition, with a corps of 300 volunteers under his command. But his prefent fupplies of every kind were evidently lefs calculated to infure fuccefs, in an undertak- ing of national magnitude, than to infpire the Count with confidence in the fair minifterial promifes he received, of ample future fupport. In the mean time, the miniftry, thought proper to refer him to the government of the Ifle of France, who were ordered to furnifh him with fhips and provifions, and, in every refpeft, to co-operate with him in the undertaking. 278. In September 1773, the Count landed on the Ifle of France, there to experience a fucceffion of the moll mortify- ing difappointments. Whether he there betrayed any fymptoms of that ambition which, though it does not ap- pear to have been ill dire&ed, was certainly an ingredient in his chara&er ; or whether, as feems far more probable, a vile fpirit of intrigue, which, as I myfelf have experienced, was perfectly characleriftic of the former French place- men, tinftured the charaflers of the governor and intend- ant, I fhall not prefume to decide. Neither fhall I attempt to appreciate the degree of influence which the evident averfion of the jealous traders of the Ifle of France to any eflablifhment at Madagafcar, had on the minds of the go- vernment of that colony. I fhall only mention the fimple fa6f, as eftablifhed by the proofs before me, that they were, from the beginning, extremely adverfe to the views of the Count. 27 g. After great delay, and a tardinefs fcarcely dilfin- guifhable from the mofl infulting oppofition, and which, in the fervants of an arbitrary government, feems unaccount- able THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — FRENCH. able on any fuppofition favourable to the French miniftry, the Count finally took leave of his dilatory coadjutors, on the 2d of February 1774; and, on the 14th, he arrived, with his troop, not 300 effe&ive, in the Bay of Antongil, on the N. E. coafl of Madagafcar. 280. Before the 5th of September, the Count had con- flru&ed all the neceiTary works on the lands which he had purchafed, including a refpeHable fort and a road 6 French leagues (about 21 Englifh miles) in length, and 24 feet in breadth. His means were certainly very (lender, and, un- aided by his addrefs among the natives, would have been quite inadequate. They were, however, greatly fuperior to thofe with which, as we fhall hereafter fee, Mr. Beaver lately performed fimilar wonders at Bulama. 281. On the laft mentioned day (September 5th 1774) he began to diftribute grounds among his troops, for the com- mencement of a vigorous cultivation, on which he feems all along to have been intent. — From the 14th to the 16th of February 1 775, he was again employed in diflributing lands of a fuperior quality; for they naturally produced fugar- canes, cotton, indigo and tobacco. — He had already found means to engage about 6000 of the native blacks, whom he found both willing and expert labourers, to join the har- bour with the neighbouring river, by a canal, above an En- glifh mile and a half in length, a work which they actually performed in four days; and, on the 9th of March, we find him agreeingwith two chiefs, for about the fame num- ber of their men, to make a road towards Angontzi,63 ^n- glifh miles in length. 282. Among his other difficulties, the Count unfortunate- ly had to ftruggle with the hoftility of fome of the chiefs. Their jealoufy of independence, was originally excited by that j 6'i CHAP. X. » 1 Madagas- car. Builds fort and makes road. Diftributes lands and digs a canal. Oppofed bv fome chitfs, fupported by others. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 162 CHAP. X. 'w- ' M.l D AGAS- C A A. Cloaths his troops in the country doth Not fupport- ed by the French mi- rift ry. that perfidy and tyranny, which, the Count officially ob- ferves, ruined all the former French fettlements in this ifland; and which appears, on this occafion, to have been in- flamed by emiffaries from the Ifle of France. The Count, however, was not unprepared to meet his enemies. After various fkirmifhes, which he could not poffibly avoid, and in which his troops, or rather his allies, conducted by him- felf and his officers, were generally fuccefsful, we find him (April 2d 1775) at the head of 22,000 armed natives. An en- gagement feemed unavoidable, when the Count propofed a negociation,in which he fucceeded fo compleatly, that the adverfe chiefs took the oath of frienafhip, and the day end- ed in feftivity.-On the ] 4th of Oftober, he purchafed from the King of the North, the Ifland of Noffebe on the N. E. coaft, in S. latitude 13 0 15'. — November 21ft. Having yet received no effe&ual fupplies, and his remaining brave fel- lows being almoft naked, he colle£ted a number of the na- tive women to fpin and weave cotton cloth; and having fucceeded in tanning leather, he fet his fhoe-makers and taylors to work, and, in a fliort time, compleatly cloathed his troop. — On the 17th of November, the llorekeeper died, leaving all his account-books blank. He was a man of bad charafter, appointed by the government of the Ifle of France, with a view to difcredit and embarrafs the under- taking.— With a fimilar intention, they fent the Count, on the 27th of December, only four recruits, and thefe were notorious vagabonds. 283. On the 14th of March 1776, he had yet received no order whatever from France. — Auguft 23d, he obferves that the ifland enjoyed perfeft tranquillity ; that the chiefs of the whole eaft coaft were united to the eftabliffiment ; that the well was ready to join in the common interefl ; that agri- culture THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. FRENCH. 1 63 Madagas- car. culture had every where been increafed ; and that nothing c Hx^ but fupport was wanting to improve this happy jun&ure. 284. A circumftance mult now be noticed, which ex- plains, in a certain degree, the conduct of the French mi- r , , . , . , r r -nr- .The Count niftry, and which, with tome, may lerve to juitiiy it. — An reported to aged negrefs, fifty years before, had been ftolen from ^Madagaf0'" Madagafcar, and fold as a flave in the. Ifie of France, to- car princefs. gether with a princefs of the royal family of Ramini, the greateft and the mod ancient in Madagafcar, and which, in this long interval, had become extincl. The Count brought back this negrefs to her native country; and, whether by his concurrence or not is uncertain, fhe report- ed that he was born by the princefs — the fon of her forrow- ful exile. The remembrance of beloved kings, and fympa- thy with the fuppofed offspring of their unfortunate prin- cefs, were eafily excited in the minds of a people naturally fufceptible of tender impreffions; and the chiefs, formerly fubjeft to the Ramini family, now wearied out with their dif- fentions, were ready to acknowledge the Count, as their Ampanfacabe, or fupreme chief. — Had this circumftance been known much earlier, the condufl not only of tfie Count, but of the French miniftry, and the government of the Ifie de France, would have been almoft diverted of myftery. It would then have been apparent, that the Count enter- tained an ambition, which might have called for the vigi- lance and dire£tion of the other parties. But ftill it would not have been clear, that his ambition was of that mifchiev- ous kind which ought to be violently countera&ed, far lefs totally repreffed; for it really does' not appear, that he had any views incompatible with the peace and happinefs of mankind. j •• 285. This extraordinary affair (if then firft known to the Count COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 164 CHAP. X. C- Madagas- CAR. Acknow- ledged fuch by feveral chiefs. Interrogated by commif- li oners from France. Interefting particulars. Count) was noted in his journal, February 2d 1 775, when he mentions his determination to take advantage of it, and to conduct that brave and generous nation to a civilized ftate, and the eftabliffiment of a folid and a permanent go- vernment, founded on national liberty. At the fame time, he laments the blindnefs of the French minifter to the true interefts of his country. Several of the chiefs, foon after- wards, actually chofe the Count as their Ampanfacabe, made their fubmiffion, and fwore allegiance. 286. On the 22d of Auguft 1776, two commiflaries, Meff. de Bellecombe and Chevreau, arrived from France to take cognizance of the Count’s proceedings. They digefted their bufinefs into 25 queries, to which the Count’s replies were fo perfectly fatisfacfory, that they gave him a dif- charge for his paft conduft, and accounts, certifying that he had advanced to the French treafury, 415,000 livres*. This done, the Count, on the 28th, delivered them his re- fignation, with which they failed for the Ifle de France. 287. The queries and anfwers, I think, may fairly be confidered as forming an authentic official document ; and it contains very interefting information. Among many other important particulars, the Count ftates to the commif- faries, that the fubftdies he received from the chiefs in 1776. * The only ftatement of receipts and ditburfements, inferted in the work before me, is that which the Count tranfmitted to the French miniftry on the 22d March, J775> viz- For levying and tranfporting the regt. of Benyowfky, and fup- Livres s. d. plies tor trade - - 342,649 12. 5 Bills of exchange, drawn to the amount of 113,000 10 3 Total received A55>^5° 2 8 EXPEND- THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — FRENCH. 1 1776, in fugar, indigo, cotton, &c. amounted to 940,000 li- c H^A p- vres, and that they can raife 123,000 warriors; that they willingly grant lands to the French, who would be welcome Ma°a\g and thofe of the Rohandrians, elegant ; ; that they raife good crops of rice, have vaft numbers of M*c?k.AS" oxen> fteep, goats and poultry, and trade confiderably, in produce with the Arabians, See. that the whole eaft coaft affords very few flaves, a trade in whom it would be ne- ceffary to prohibit; that, in ten years, a colony might be eflablifhed in Madagafcar, on the plan Hated below *. For other particulars, I muft refer to the work itfelf. 288. * The Count, in his anftver to the 25th query of the commifTaries, Hates his plan, the fubflance of which is, that, if the king fupply 600 men, and 200 men at the end of each of the two following years, permitting him to chufe hufbandmen in the troop, to marry with the women of the country, unrellrained on account of re- ligion;: and alfo to import annually 200 foundlings, 12 or 14 years of age, and likewife Malabar and Chinefe families: in this cafe, a colony would, at the end of three years, be formed, which, conneXed with all Madagafcar, would begin to have fome value. The expenfe would not exceed a million (of livres) per year, exclufive of the expenfe of a vefTel of 600 tons, another of 200, and 6 galliots, for tranfports and the communication of poHs. — At the end of three years, the colony would fupport itfelf, and increafe, by the produX of it's united capital of Liv. 3,000,000, till the tenth year, when it would be fufficiently flrong to fear no fudden revolution, and be able, by it’s commerce (which the Count feerrts all along to view as a fecondary objeX, to be promoted by no other means than the cultivation of the country. See particularly, vol. 2. p. 249, 254) to reimbuife the expenfes of it’s eHablifhment. The Count’s eflimate at p. 347 vol. 2. differs from the above; probably becaufe he had not fufficiently confidered it. The title of the paper, of which it is a part, fliows what were his views, and makes it probable, that the paper, itfelf was never prefented officially to any miniHer ; for it is not dated. — “ Reflexions upon the pro- jeX of a- colony at Madagafcar, in cafe any power ffiould adopt thefyfiem of civiliz- ation, founded on the bafts of an alliance .” Of the eHimate, which forms the firfl ar- ticle, the following is an abfiraX. — The colony of Madagafcar may be formed, in ten years, with Liv. 3,000,000 and 720 military fent the HrH year; 200 yearly for the 2d and 3d years; and 150 yearly for the 7 following years ; exclufive of an annual importation, for the whole 10 years, of 120 European hufbandmen, 30 creoles, and .50 natives of India'br China. In all, about 4170 perfons who, fays the Count, “ will annually produce 600 children , the total of whom , at the end of the tenth year, *- * will THE PRINCIPLES OF COMME R C E.— f-F RENCH. 167 288. But the Count, on quitting the French fervice, does not feem to have abandoned his profpe&s in Madagafcar. Several chiefs, he tells us, required him to affume the go- vernment. Accordingly, a congrefs was fummoned, and on the 9th of 061;. 1776, the Count actually faw above thir- ty princes and chiefs, and at leaft 50,000 of their people proftrated before him, as their liege lord. The oath (or rather engagement) indited by the chiefs, in their own language, having been thrice read aloud, was figned, in name of the nation, by Hiavi, King of the Eaft ; Lambouin, King of the North; and Raffangour, Rohandrianof the Sam- barives. Inftead of an appeal to Heaven, it contained this remarkable fan6tion, “ Curfed be our children who fhall not obey our prefent will. — May the mojl horrid Jlavery confound them” They acknowledge, however, and adore one God, the Creator and Preferverof all things; for Raf- fangour, an aged chief, opened this meeting, with a fhort, but truly eloquent fpeech, which began thus, “ Blelfed be CHAP. x. — , > Madagas- car. The C. re- figns his Fr. commiffion and is de- clared Am- panfacabe. Singular fanftion of the chief’s oath. Natives ac- knowledge one God. will amount to 6000 creoles, and 3370 Europeans, a fujficient number to fix the epoch of a colony Thefe lad are the Count’s own words, which 1 have infertcd, becaufe they imply an approbation of the foil and climate, which more effeftually con- vince me of their general excellence, than the dir ell encomiums he often bellows on both. The mortality of his troops proves nothing againft the climate; for, I apprehend, it they had been landed on any coal! in the world, and had experienced the fame fevere labour, and equal hardfhips, of every kind, the very fame mortality would have enfued. — For want of time and rocm, 1 have omitted many fafts; but the Count's bill of mortality I really have forgotten; and the page, where it {hoy Id have Hood, being printed off, I hope to be excufed for inferting it here. His corps original- ly confided of 300 men levied in Old France (p. 96) and he appears to have received tome tew recruits from the Ifle de France. In 1774, there died 1 13 of his men, in 177.5, only 11 (Vol. II. p. 289.) In particular, on Oft. 3d 1775, there was not a man fick. The date of health, in 1776, does not appear. — The Count lod his only fon in Madagafcar, he and the Countefs narrowly efcapirg. — But the firfl hardfhips experienced there, have feldom been exceeded. Z 2 Zahan- i68 c h a r. X. ' — > Madagas- car. Chiefs em- power him to treat with France, See. He embarks for France. The French minifter’s inttruftions, fee. COLONIES IN AFRICA, fcN Zahanhar (God) who has returned to his people. Bleffed be the law of our fathers, which commands us to obey a chief defeended from the blood of Ramini. Our fathers and our- felves have experienced that difunion is the punifhment of God.” &c. (See Memoirs, Vol. II. p. 264.) The Count feems to have borne his new dignity with moderation ; for, inftead of grafping at the extenfive power exercifed by former Ampanfacabe's, he propofed a conflitution, which feems to have been well calculated to promote the happi- nefs of a people imperfectly civilized, and in which the chiefs unanimoufly acquiefced. 289. On the 23d of Oft. the fame three chiefs, in name of the “ kings, princes, chiefs and people of the north and eaftern coafts of Madagafcar,” figned full powers to the Count, as their Lord Ampanfacabe, to go to Europe, and from treaties of alliance and commerce, with the King of France; and, in cafe he fhould not accept the offer, with any other European king, or nation. The Ampanfacabe, on his part, engaged them to acknowledge, in his abfence, Raffangour, the prefident of the new fupreme council, or, he failing, the Chief Sance, a mulatto. 290. On the 14th of Dec. 1776, the Count, having ahifled the French commandant at Louifbourg* with his advice, embarked on board a French fhip, for the Cape of Good Hope, on his way to Europe; the native chiefs and he Ihed- ding tears of affe£lion and regret, and mutually bleffing each other, in the name of Zahanhar. 291. Here the Count’s journal ends, and, before we no- tice his few remaining tranfa&ions, of which we have ac- * This place is often mentioned in the Count’s journal, being the name of the town he founded, as appears by one of the plates, where it would appear alfo, that he firft impofed the name, a circum fiance not mentioned, I think, in the journal. counts THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — FRENCH. . / counts, it feems but fair to infert a few particulars, from the annexed letters of the French ministers. — From that of the minilter, M. de B. to MeST. de T. and M. Governor and In- tendant, of the Ifle de France, dated Mar. 19th 1773, it ap- pears, that the chief end originally propofed by forming this colony, was the fupply of the I. de France, with provisions. The Counthad a duplicate of this letter, as containing instruc- tions for him, as well as M. de T. and M. and he is Strictly or- dered to employ mild negociation alone, with the Malgachees, or natives.-T he fubfequent letters are addreffed to the Count, by the minister M. de S. In that dated Verfailes, July 17th 1775, M. de S. admits, that all former attempts have been attended with great violence to the Malgachees. He en- joins pacific meafures towards them, the prefervation of the Count’s own people, and the Stri&eSl ceconomy. — March 30th, 1777^. de S. repeats his pacific injunctions; becaufe the chief objeCts are agriculture and commerce, which, de- pending on the exertions of the natives, they mull, there- fore, be conciliated and civilized. — April 6th 1777, The fame injunctions are repeated ; and M. de S. expretfes his difapprobation of the Count’s acrimonious contefts with the administration of the ISle de France. — Thefe two letters, dated in 1777, the Count could not have received, in Mada- gascar, which he left in 1776 (See § 290.) — Thelaft ministe- rial difpatch to the Count, is not dated; but it ends with a paragraph, which fomewhat elucidates the conduct both of the Count and of the ministry. — “ I have read with plea- fure,” fays M. de S. “ your reflections refpeCting the colo- ny at Madagafcar. I think with you, that the Slave-trade would be it’s ruin, and that all the views ought to be direct- ed to trade and agriculture. I had already configned thefe truths, in the particular instructions of MeST. de Bellecombe and Chevreau (the commiSTaries, fee § 286) “ fo that you will 169 CHAP. X. 1 ) Madagas- car. Curious pa ragraph. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 170 c h^a p. will not have had any difficulty in bringing them to approve c—v— _/ your principles, which do not differ from mine. I do not much differ from you, with regard to the Europeans; but this queftion will not be entirely refolved, till I can pofitive - ly affure you, that His Map ejly intends to have a colony in Madaga/'car ” — The only comment which this paragraph feems to require, I have anticipated, in § 278. But, how- ever inconfiftently M. de S. talks of the Madagascar colony, it would be wrong to accufe him of having talked, for feven years, about prohibiting the flave-trade; while another Eu- ropean minifter, without talking about it at all, has aXually adopted an effectual plan for it’s abolition, as will be feen, in the 2d part of this work. The Count’s 292. But, to difmifs minilferial manoeuvres — the laft pa- Propof. to pers in the Count’s Memoirs are “ A Declaration,” &c. and nic^Majdty ** Propofols, &c.” to the miniftry of His Britannic Majeffy, to be prefented at London, Dec. 25th 1783.” But whether or not they ever 'were prefented, does not appear. In thefe papers, the Count refpeXfully reprefents, inter alia, That, having fucceeded in forming a colony for France, in Mada- gafcar, the French miniftry fent orders to him to change the fyftem of alliance agreed upon, into an unlimited fub- miffion of the chiefs and people of the ifland, a violation of treaty which induced him to renounce the fervice of France: (To this change of fyftem, the Count alludes in his anfwer to the 25th query of the commiffaries.) That the chiefs and people, having conferred on him the charge of fupreme judge and chief of the nation, had empowered him to form connexions in Europe, for trade or friendship: That, having fince been violently perfecuted by the French miniftry, he had entered into the fervice of His Imperial Majefty, in hopes of obtaining hisaffiftance for Madagascar; but, that the emperor not being difpofed to promote his views. THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — FRENCH. views, he had, two years before, regularly quitted his fer- vice. And, now, in the name of an amiable and worthy na- tion, he propofes and fubmits to His Britannic Majefty, to acknowledge him Suzerain (Lord Paramount) of Madagaf- car; the interior government, and all the regulations of civi- lization, police, cultivation and commerce, remaining inde- pendent ; the chiefs and people being only vaffals to His Ma- jefty. In this quality, they engage to furnifh His Majefty with 5000 men, to aft in India, under their own officers, fubjeft to the orders of His Majefty ’s Generaliffimo, and 2000 feamen, to ferve in India, on board the Britifh men of war, which they oblige themfelves to victual, &c. &c. (The Count, in his anfwer to the 22d query of the commiffiaries, ftates, that the iflanders are accuftomed to navigation.) 293. Being ignorant of the fate of the Count’s “ Declara- tion” and “ Propofals,” and whether they ever came before the Britifh miniftry, I muft now turn to Mr. Nicholfon’s well written preface, where the Count’s remaining tran- faflions, together with his final cataftrophe, are recorded. The fubftance of both is as follows. 294. The Count and his family, with fome aflociates, ar- rived at Baltimore in Maryland, July 8th 1784, in the Ro- bert and Ann, Capt. McDougall:, from London, with a cargo, fuited to the Madagafcar market, worth near / 4000 fter. This feems to have been fubfcribed in London; for Mr. Nicholfon tells us, that the late celebrated Mr. Magellan, with a fpirit of enterprize worthy of his name, contributed a very confiderable fum*. A refpeflable houfe in Balti- * I have been told that Mr. Magellan was lineally defcended from the famous Portuguefe navigator, who difcovered the Straits which bear his name. — The Count left with Mr. Magellan, the MSS. of which Mr. Nicholfon formed the Memoirs. See Preface, p. 2. 171 CHAP. X. < , -J Madagas- car. Offers 5000 foldiers and 2000 Tea- men. The C. fails from London to Baltimore. more 172 C H A P. X. * — -V > Madagas- car. from Balti- more to Ma- dagafcar ; lands in Madagafcar, COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON more, furnifhed the Count with a Chip of 450 tons, carrying 20 guns and 12 fwivels; the Chip and (lores amounting to above ^4000 Her. exclusive of the goods brought from Lon- don. On the 25th of Ocl. 1684, the Count failed for Ma- dagafcar, leaving his family in America, on account of the pregnancy of Mme- de Benyowfky. Every one on board was, by agreement or oath, fubjecl to his abfolute com- mand; though the captain and fupercargo were to afiiH him, and to bring back the {hip. He did not put in at the C. of Good Hope, probably for the fame reafon which, as we fhall foon fee, induced Colonel Bolts alfo to pafs by it, namely, the fear of alarming the commercial jealoufy of the Dutch. 295. The Count firfl touched at Sofala, where he remain- ed fome time, for refrefhment: and, on the 7th of July, 1785, anchored in Antangara Bay, 10 leagues SW. of C. St. Se- baflian, in Madagafcar, and the cargo having been landed there, the Count intending to go over land to Antongil Bay, whither the Chip was to proceed. It appears, by letters., that the Count’s old friend, the King of the North, came to pay his refpefts, and the chief of the Seclaves, his former, ene- my, with a body of men encamped near the Count, who propofed to him the ufual oath, which the chief declined. The mailer’s protell Hates, that, on the night of the iH of Aug. a firing was heard and feen on fliore, at the Count’s encampment; that at daylight neither white men nor ef- fefls were to be feen ; that their own danger, and the pro- bability that the Count and his party were cut off by the natives, compelled them to fet fail for the I Hand of Joan- na ; and that at Oibo, on the oppofite continent, the fuper- cargo fold the fhip. 296. THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — FRENCH. 296. A letter from a man on board, ftates that the writer and another perfon, though not convinced that the firing was from the natives , were forced to fign the proteft. A letter from an officer, brought prifoner to the I. de France, after the deftru£tion of the Count’s party, confirms the preceding, ** as far” fays Mr. Nicholfon, “ as relates to the deftruc- tion of the Count and his party, by the French .” The writer mentions the firing in the night ; but, contrary to the pro- tefl, affirms that the Chip failed away in fight of thofe on fhore, who could not overtake her in the country boats. From this letter, it appears, that the Count, at the head of a body of natives, commenced hoftilities againfl the French, by feizing their ftore-houfe at Angoutzi. Here he began to build a town in the country manner; and thence detached 100 men to feize their faftory at Foul Point, who debited, on feeing a frigate at anchor there. On being informed of thefe tranfa&ions, the government of the Ifle de France fent a fhip with 60 regulars, who landed and attacked the Count, on the 23d of May 1786, in a redoubt he had conftrutted, mounting two cannon, and where he, with two Europeans, and 30 natives, waited their approach. The blacks fled, and Benyowfky, receiving a ball in his breaft, fell behind the parapet, whence he was dragged by the hair, and ex- pired in a few minutes. 297. The laft mentioned letter, Mr. Nicholfon ob- ferves, “ in many refpe&s, feems to want explanation;” like the proteft and the other letters, relative to the Count’s unhappy end. From fuch materials, it was impoffible even for the abilities of the editor, to extra£t a confiltent ac- count; nor would the Court of France have derived much credit from a fair flatement of a tranfa&ion which, I have good reafon to believe, could not bear the light. The to- A a tal '73 CHAP. X. v / Madaoas- CAR. is attacked. and killed, *74 CHAP. X. V " — i ■ I MADAGAS- CAR, by order of the French miniftry. Circam- ftances de- fcriptive of his charafter. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON tal concealment of deeds, of which the witnelTes are necef- farily numerous, cannot be effecled, even by an arbitrary miniliry ; and, to their machinations, the deffruclion of the brave Benyowfky, was univerfally attributed, when I was at Paris, in 1787. But this did not fatisfy my curiofity, re- ipefting the fate of fo diftinguilhed a friend to Africa. I made particular enquiry, and was allured that the miniftry ordered out a frigate to fecure the Count, alive or dead ; but the particular minifter who ilfued the order was not mentioned. This information I received from Monf. Hall, one of Europe’s firff artifts, a near relation of the com- mander of the frigate, who, of courfe, was obliged to exe- cute, and, I have not a doubt, did execute his orders. This was what I chiefly wifhed to know ; and it would have been indelicate to trouble a gentleman, fo conne&ed, with minute queflions. He faid, however, that the Count aimed at the fovereignty of Madagafcar, independent of the French; but he was far from impeaching him, in other refpects, and candidly admitted, that he poffeffed confummate bravery and ability. 298. Thefe qualities fhine confpicuous in every page of the Count’s hiflory ; which alfo exhibits marks of other vir- tues, more to be regarded, than the vague affertions of per- fons, who have obvious reafons for wilhing him to be thought the tyrant and the robber. But a very different chara&er appeared, in his earneft and fuccefsful endeavours to induce fome tribes of the natives, to abandon their criminal prac- tice of facrilicing deformed children, and thofe born on unlucky days — a reform, however, of which Mme- de Ben- yowfky ought to lhare the praife. The deteflation with which he fpeaks (p. 352) of the « avidity, injuftice and op- prelhon of the ufurpers and tyrants,” who conduced former THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — FRENCH. former attempts in (or rather on) Madagafcar, and his re- figning, rather than violate a treaty, by attacking the li- berties of the natives — if thefe circumllances account, as they partly do, for the number of his enemies, his friends may alfo infill on them, as marks of a noble, hu- mane, and generous difpolition. They may infill, Hill more Itrongly, on the attachment of his officers and men (“ my poor fellows” p. 201) in the mod trying conjunctures, and even when he appeared to be dying of a tedious illnefs (p. 283) and when nothing but an ardent affeClion to their leader, not to fay an admiration of his virtues, could have kept them within the limits of difcipline. — In fhort, Mr. Nicholfon, who had all the letters and documents before him, declares, that he has “ not yet feen any thing againd the Count, which will not bear two interpretations, or which has not been written by men who contradict each other, and had an intered in traducing him.” — I mud add, that, for aught I ever heard to the contrary, the Count de Ben- yowfky, deferved a better fate. Nay, I am clearly of opi- nion, that his conduft in Madagafcar, deferves no fmall por- tion of admiration, and even of refpeCt : and, all things duly conlidered, I fee no reafon, why a monument might not be ereCted to his memory, infcribed MAGNIS TAMEN EX- CIDIT AUSIS. — But, after all, I wiffi my readers to perufe the “ Memoirs,” and to judge for themfelves, of the charaCter there exhibited ; efpecially as I have only examined that part of the work which relates to Madagafcar. In order to affid perfons, in forming their conclufions, who may not have time to read this indruClive piece of biography, 1 have inferted the dates in this epitome. 299. Some may think, that I have commented rather too freely on the conduCl of the French minidry. Far, far be A a 2 it The conduft of the French Miniftry feemsunjufti- fiable. COLONIES IN AFRTCA, ON 376 CHAP. X. ' ■ “ ■ 1 Madagas- car. it from me, to imitate the immediate deftroyers of Ben- yowfky, whoever they were, by infulting the mighty fallen (See § 296 at the end). But it was abfolutely neceffary that the failure of this colonial en-terprize fhould be traced to its true fource, and not attributed as ufual, to the climate, the conftant excufe for European perfidy and violence, within the tropics, efpecially in Africa. The benevolent profeffions of the miniftry towards the natives of Madagaf- car, may have once been finceret; but minifterial benevo* lence is evanefcent, and, in modern pra&ice, muft always give way to expediency. It was expedient for the French miniftry, to change their fyftem , refpecfing Madagafcar. It is alfo expedient, or convenient (fee Johnfon’s Di<5t.) that, if poflible, a diftindtion fhould be eftablifhed between the minifer and the mayi. Accordingly it is allowed, by fome, that certain minifters, whofe plans have been pernicious to mankind, were yet very good fort of men ; and my opinion of M. de S. though as good as it fhould be, upon the whole, would be much improved, were it poffible for me to con- ceive, that an arbitrary minifter could deviate into evidently crooked paths, without carrying the man along with him. Benyowfky fhowed the minifter what he fhould have done, rather than violate a facred principle. — The Count dared to be confident, and refigned : but he was a foldier , not a mi- nifter.— Yet I fincerely wifh it were credible, that the French miniftry were not concerned in the foul treatment of Benyowfky. But truth and Africa are more dear to me f I am forry that I happened to omit, in its proper place, that M. de S. in his difpatch to the Count, of April 6th 1777 (and which the Count could not have received in Madagafcar) exprefTes much concern that he fhould have loft fo many men in filling up a marfh, a circumftance which the Count a,lfo mentions in his than THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — FRENCH. 1 77 than the reputation, either of the Count or the Miniftry : c HXA p* and I fear that their conduft to him cannot be even fioliti- cally juftified, without impeaching their wifdom. — The Ma“^as' American troubles were coeval with the Madagafcar colony. The miniltry dropped the fubftance, and fnatched at the fhadow. Negle6ltng Madagafcar, with her valuable and in- creating produttions * and her three millions of docile and ingenious people, t they lurked behind the rriafk of profef- fions , for, what they thought, an opportunity of humbling Great Britain. The confequences to France have been al- ready hinted at. But Britain, difencumbered of her finan- cial burden, and having her ftrength concentrated, rofe fu- perior to the blow, and has fince refumed, and, if undif- turbed by war, was long likely to maintain, her refpedtabi- lity among the nations. Her aftonifliing reftoration, I think, ought, in candour, to be partly afcribed to the dif- tinguilhed ability and induftry of the flatefman who has * Having, under the preceding articles, enumerated the moll valuable produc- tions of the continent of Africa, it did not feem neceflary to dwell on thofe of Madagafcar, which are very much the fame. But, as the natives are far lefs har- raiTed by the flave-trade, and upon the whole, more civilized ; the produce of their labour is proportionably more abundant. This is evident from the great quantities and value of provifions, &c. exported and fupplied to fhipping, by the Count. See the ftatement of charge and difcharge above inferted. A refpeftable merchant in London, of great experience in the French Eaft India commerce, allures me, that the cotton of the eaft coaft of Madagafcar is fully equal to that of Bourbon ; and that a great part of the cotton which comes to Europe, under the name of Bourbon cotton, is either fmuggled from the Eaft Indies or brought regularly from Madagafcar into Bourbon, where it is ftored and repacked for exportation to Europe. For an account of the Bourbon cotton fee § 271. + See Memoirs, vol. 2, p. 397. This, however, can be but a vague conjefturc refpe&ing the population. fince COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 178 CHAP. X. V ) C. of Good Hopjk. Van Riebeck propoles a «olony there. Liberality of the Dutch E. India co. fince conducted her finances. — What fhould I fay more of flatefmen and of their abilities or infirmities, but “ Alas ! poor human nature?” DUTCH. 300. The Dutch Ealt India fhips began to frequent the Cape, about the year 1600; but it was not till 1650, that Van Riebeck, afurgeon, firft difcovered the advantages that would refult from forming a regular colony there. On re- turning to Holland, he prefented a memorial on the fubje£l, to the direftors of the Dutch Eaft India company, who ap- proved of his propofal, and ordered four fhips to be equip- ped for the Cape, with fome artificers, a few colonifis, and the neceffary tools and (lores. Van Riebeck was appointed admiral of this fleet, and governor of the new colony ; trulls which he fulfilled with fuch fidelity and fuccefs, that he well deferves to be recorded, as founder of that important eflablifhment. 301. In executing this defign, the dire£lors a£led with a degree of wifdom and difinterellednefs, too feldom found in the reprefentatives of joint flock companies, and for which, in many other inllances, the conduft of their prede- celfors and fuccelfors have not been very remarkable. They authorized Van Riebeck, to purchafe territory from the natives, which he did, with goods to the amount of * 7 his fketch of the colony at the Cape is compiled from Mortimer’s Diet, of Trade and Comm. 1776. — Menzel’s Befchreibung von Cap de Bonne Efper. 1785. — Das merkwurdigfte aus den beften Befchreibungen von Cap 1787. — Tableau de Commerce, 1787. — Forfter’s Voy. round the World, 1777, and Sparrman’s Voy. to the Cape of Good Hope, Perth edition. 50,000 the principles of commerce. — DUTCH. *79 50,000 guilders. — In the choice of colonifts, their difcern- c HXA p* ment and prudence were confpicuous. They fuffered no * ' * • . 1 . C. of Good thieves and /trumpets to poifon the infant iociety with the Hope. vices for which they had been expelled from Europe. But, Their choice by advantageous promifes, faithfully performed, the com- ofcoionifts. pany induced laborious peafants, and honeft artificers to emigrate to the Cape*. They defrayed the expenfes of the voyage ; and provided the colonifts with fubfiftence, tools, implements of agriculture and cattle. To each, they gave a portion of land, on condition that, in three years, he fhould have cultivated enough to enable him to fupport himfelf, and to contribute to the defence of the colony +. They alfo agreed to bring back to Europe, gratis, thofe to whofe con- ftitutions the climate might be unfavourable, and who had full liberty to difpofe of their effe£!s to the belt advantage. For the reception of the colonifts, the company erefted vil- lages, each containing 30 houfes, a church, an hofpital, a town-houfe and a public kitchen-garden. To furnifh the colony with females, girls from the orphan-houfes in Hol- * Since I wrote § 128 and 129, I have heard it obje&ed, that, in time of war, it would be improper to encourage colonization; as the people who might be expeft- ed to become colonifts, are wanted for the armies. — The objeftors, however, would do well to recollefit, that, of all people, thofe who are difpofed to become foldiers are, generally fpeaking, the raoft unfit for any new colonial undertaking ; and that fuch being taken off by the war, a greater proportion of fober and induftrious per- fons will be left, from among whom to make a prudent feleclion. Befides, that the war itfelf, and the general pofture ot public affairs, have difpofed many worthy peo- ple, throughout Europe, to embark in any undertaking, likely to afFord them more peace and fecurity than they expefit to enjoy in their refpective countries. + The company, however, at prefent, never part with the properly of the land; but rent it at the annual rate of about 25 dollars, for every 60 acres. land. or COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON l80 CHAP. X. . of Good Hope. Expenfe very great. Difficulties very difcour- aging. Climate. land, were fent out, with fuperintendants to educate them at the Cape ; and, on their marriage, the company aligned them fmall dowries. 302. The expenfe incurred by the company, in edabliffi- ing this colony, has been immenfe — not lefs, it hath been computed, than a million of guilders annually, for the firfb 20 years ; and in, 1713, above fixty years after it’s firfl fettle- ment, it dill continued to be chargeable. But feldom has the property of a joint-dock company been fo benedcially employed ; for all difficulties are now furmounted, and the colony amply repays the expenfes of it’s edablifhment. 303. Thofe difficulties were of a kind which nothing ffiort of cool, Dutch perfeverance could have overcome. This extremity of Africa confids of black and barren mountains of granite, without any volcanic produftions. The culti- vated fpots near the town, are of diff clay, with a little fand and fmall dones ; but towards Falfe Bay, the arable foil is almod entirely fandy. The colony of Stellenbodi is faid to have the bed foil of any at the Cape, but even that produces no very extraordinary proofs of natural fertility*. — Lions, leopards, tyger-cats, hyaenas, jackals, and feveral other wild beads, infed the Cape, now and then, even to this day. 304. Yet this country is not without it’s advantages. — The air and water, as in mod other mountainous tra&s, are good, in the fame proportion as the foil is bad. Though the dimmer heats are fometimes exceffive, the winters are fo mild that ice is fcarcely ever feen about the town. But, * The Dutch have, ftri£lly fpeaking, four colonies in this part of Africa, namely the Cape, properly fo called, Stellenbolh, Drakenftein and Waveren. The farms in many places are very much fcattered. on THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE.- — DUTCH. l8l on the mountains, efpecially far inland, there are hard c HXA 1>* frods, with fnow and hail dorms. The climate, however, i — > upon the whole, is fo falubrious, that the inhabitants are C Hoer.°OD rarely troubled with any diforders more ferious than colds, caufed by the fudden changes of air, from the drong winds, to which the Cape is expofed at all feafons; and drangers foon recover from the fcurvy and other complaints. — The fupport of fo many wild beads, implies the exidence of nu- Animals, merous tribes of milder animals ; and accordingly an ado- nifliing variety, from the mighty buffalo and camelopard, to the lead of the beautiful genus of antelopes, and many fmaller quadrupeds, are common, in this part of Africa. The elephant, rhinoceros and hippopotamus, formerly came within a fhort didance of the Cape ; but they have been fo much hunted, and are fo feldom feen at prefent, that the government have iffued an order againd killing them, within many miles of the town*. — The neighbouring feas and bays abound with excellent dfh. — I know not Metals, whether the metallic ores of the interior mountains ought to be mentioned as an advantage ; as it does not appear, that the colonids can work them with profit, on account of their remote and rugged fituation. Some tribes of Hottentots, however, extract both copper and iron from the ores they find in their native mountains. See § 71, 287. But the grand A ftat;on for advantage of the Cape, at lead that which appeared fuch in ^a^ifip* the eyes of the Dutch Ead India company, was it’s conveni- ent fituation, as a place of refrefhment for their fhips ; and, in this view, the bare infpeclion of a map of Africa, fhows * The flefh of the hippopotamus is eaten at the Cape. In Mr Forfter’s opinion, it’s tafte is that of coarfe beef, but the fat rather refembles marrow. It’s tufks are the belt of ivory. • * ■ '* B b it’s COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON l82 CHAP. X. < > C. of Good Hope. Exports. Parming. Tenure of lends. it’s fuperiority to all other parts of that continent. But its htuation and climate are not now it’s only excellencies, as a port of refrefhment ; for it abounds with a variety of the belt greens and fruits, and, in particular, with fome of the fineft grapes and oranges in the world — articles peculiarly proper for feamen after long voyages. 305. The prodigious expenfe, and the perfevering atten- tion which this colony coil, during the uncommonly tedious period of it’s helplefs infancy, began at laft to fhew their ef- fefts, in the exportation of a little furplus corn. But, hav- ing fince arrived at a Hate of comparative maturity, the Cape not only fupplies the Blips of all nations, which touch there, with neceffaries and comforts, in abundance, and at moderate prices ; but fupplies all the Dutch, and fome fo- reign, Afiatic fettlements, with great quantities of corn, flour, bifcuit, wines of various forts, brandy, butter, cheefe, and faked provifions. — No country feeds a greater number of cattle than this, nor is their flefh any where cheaper or better. An ox commonly weighs from 500 to 6oolb. A farm may make from 1500 to 30001b. of butter, annually. Many feed from 1000 to 6 or 8000 lheep, and a few have as far as 1 5,000, and cattle in proportion. 306. The Dutch Eaft India company feem, for fome time, evidently to have difcouraged all new fettiers, by granting no lands in private property, and by prohibiting the farmers from fixing their habitations within a mile of each other; though many parts of the country are fo barren, that lefs land than a fquare mile, (640 Englifh acres) would fcarcely make a proper grazing farm. The company are certainly more folicitous, at prefent, to promote their Eafl Indian commerce, than the productions of this flourifhing, but flill improveable, colony ; otherwife, not only the cul- tivation THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. DUTCH. tivation, but the manufacture, of feveral valuable articles, might be introduced with advantage. Dr. Sparrman*, who makes this remark, gives feveral hints for the internal im- provement of the colony ; but, being merely local, it is unneceffary to infert them, efpecially as the company, while they continue to attend almoft exclufively to commerce, are not likely to put them in pra&ice. 307. Still the conduft of the company, or, perhaps more properly, of their predeceflbrs, has been liberality itfelf, when compared with the extortion and oppreffion of the Cape Verd company of Portugal. (See § 234.) “ We were not a little pleafed,” fays Forfter, “ with the contrail between this colony and the Portuguefe ifland of S. Jago. There we had taken notice of a tropical country, with a to- lerable appearance, and capable of improvement ; but utter- ly neglefted by it’s lazy and oppreffed inhabitants. Here, on the contrary, we faw a neat, well built town, all white, riling in the midll of a defert, furrounded by broken malles of black and dreary mountains ; or, in other words, the pi&ure of fuccefsful induflry.” The town contains many flore-houfes of the Dutch Eaft India company, and tolerable fortifications. Here, as in other Dutch towns, * I cannot help tranfcribing from Dr. Former’s voyage, which lies open before me, his account of my friend and fellow traveller, which I can pronounce to be equally liberal and juft. “ We were fortunate enough,” fays he, “ to meet with a man of fcience, Dr. Sparrman, at this place, who, after ftudying under the father of botany, the great Linne, had made a voyage to China, and another to the Cape, in purfuit of knowledge. The idea of gathering the treafures of nature, in countries hitherto unknown to Europe, filled his mind fo entirely, that he immediately engag- ed to accompany us, on our circumnavigation ; in the courfe of which, I am proud to fay, we have found him an enthufiaft in his fcience, well verfed in medical know- ledge, and endowed with a heart capable of the warmeft feelings, and worthy of a philofopher,” Voyage round the World, Vol. I. p. 67. B b 2 l83 CHAP. X. '■ — C. OF Gooo Hot's. Dutch ana Portuguefe policy con- trafted. Cape town. their COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 184 CHAP. X. < ' C. of Good Hope. Mortality of men kidnap- ped by Dutch H oul- mongers. No toleration at the Cape. their genius manifefts itfelf in rows of trees and canals ; though experience proves the noxious effetffs of flagnant water; efpecially in hot climates, and mod fatally at Bata- via. — The company’s flaves are lodged and boarded, in a fpacious houfe. — The large hofpital for the Eaft Indiamen, is generally pretty much crowded. For thefe fhips fometimes carry 6, 7 or 800 men, to fupply the regiments in India; and their confined fituation, and fhort allowance of water and fait provifions, make fuch havock among them, that it is not very uncommon for an Indiaman, fo freighted, to lofe, between Europe and the Cape, 80 or 100 men, and to fend 2 or 300 to the hofpital. It is a lamentable fa£i, that the facility with which the Zeelverkoopers (Soul-mongers) in- veigle thefe unfortunate people, makes the company’s fer- vants more indifferent than they Ihould be about their pre- fervation*. They are plentifully fupplied, however, with an antifcorbutic diet, which, with the air of the place, cer- tainly contributes more to their recovery than their doftors, who drench them all, indifcriminately, with the cheap con- tents of two or three huge bottles. 308. Toleration, which has been fo beneficial to Holland, is unknown at the Cape and at Batavia. In 1772, even a Lutheran clergyman was not tolerated at the Cape ; but the chaplains of Danilh and Swedifh fhips, now and then ofiici- * I wonder that the Slave-mongers, in their diftrefs for pretexts to juflify their traffic, have never mentioned the Dutch Soul-mongers, whofe praHice would have afforded them this notable argument. — The Soul-mongers kidnap men in Holland: ergo the flave-mongers may lawfully Heal or carry off men, women and children in Africa, and murder them, if they refill. But this argument will fcarcely fatisfy thole who reafon on different principles, and who will never be convinced, that many thoufands ought to be aSlually murdered in Africa, becaufe fome hundreds are virtually murdered by the Dutch Zeelverkoopers. See § 20. ated THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — DUTCH. ated there. As in molt other European colonies, no attention whatever is paid to the religion of the Haves. A few of them, however, who are believers in Mahomet, meet week- ly, in the houfe of a free Mahometan, and read or chaunt fome prayers and chapters of the koran. 3 09. The governor depends immediately on the Eaft In- dia company, and prefides over a council compofed of the fecond, or deputy governor, the fifcal, the major, the fecret- ary, the treafurer, the comptrollers of provifions, and li- quors, and the book-keeper; each of whom has the charge of a branch of the company’s commerce. This council manages the whole civil and military departments. The deputy governor prefides over the court of juftice, which confifts of fome of the members of the council. But no two relations can vote in either. The governor has a fixed falary, houfe and furniture, a garden and a table. He re- ceives, befides, 10 dollars for every leagre (108 gallons) of wine, exported to Batavia. The company gives 40 dollars for each leagre, of which the farmer receives but 24. Of the remainder, the governor is paid two-thirds, faid to be worth 4000 dollars annually, and the other third goes to the deputy, who dire6fs the company’s whole commerce here. — The fifcal is at the head of the police, and fees the penal laws executed. He is alfo appointed by the mother coun- try, to whom alone he is accountable, as a check on the company’s ‘officers. The major commands the garrifon. — The defign'at'ions' of the other officers are defcriptive of their departments." 310. The above is the fubfiance of the account of the go- vernment of the Cape, given by Forfter, whofe work was publifhed in 1777. But it would appear that fome change in it has fince taken place; for the author of Das Merkwurdigfte, printed 185 CHAP. X. J C. of Goon Hope. Government and revenue, (ketched by Forfter, and other au- thor?. i86 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON CHAP. X. V > C. of Goon Hope. printed in 1787, fays the government of the Cape is divided into the eight following departments — 1 ft. The Great Coun- cil for the company’s political and commercial bufinefs. It alfo fo me times reprefents the States General, and corre- fponds, at all times, with Holland and Batavia. — 2. The Great College of Juftice, a deputation of No. 1. and the three burgomafters of the Cape town. This court is inde- pendent on the company; but, from it an appeal lies to the limilar fuperior courts in Batavia and Holland. — 3. The lelfer College ofju dice, alfo a deputation of No. 1. for decid- ing fmaller matters. — 4. The Matrimonial Court, which takes care that regular marriages are obferved. — 5. The Charity College, which has the charge of orphans, and the females cannot marry, without their confent. — 6. The Church Col- lege, which regulates the concerns of external worfhip. — 7. The Civil Court. — Every colony at the Cape has it’s own Burgher Council, chofen from among the moft refpe&able citizens, and changed every fecond year. This council de- cides fmall matters between man and man; and, upon the whole, is reprefented as fomewhat fimilar to the corpora- tions in England. — 8. The Military College, which con- ducts all military affairs, including the militia. — Of the re- venue and expenditure of the Dutch at the Cape, Menzell gives the following datement : Guilders A tax on produce, yielding, communibus annis, - 206,617 Duties on imports from Holland and Batavia. 2.06,500 25 per cent, on all cafh fent to the Cape from Europe 54,520 467*637 Annual expenditure, civil and military, is eftimated at 361,33° Clear annual revenue of the company. 106,307 But THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. AUSTRIAN. But Kolben ftates the clear annual revenue, which the Dutch Eaft India company derives from the Cape, at above 300,000 guilders, annually. He appears, however, to in- clude the profits of that part of their Eaft Indian trade, which is connected with the Cape. 311. There are 700 regular troops in this colony, includ- ing the garrifon, of 400. The fencible white men form a militia of between 4 and 5000, of whom a great number may be affembled in a few hours, by fignals of alarm. Hence we may eftimate the whites of all ages and both fexes, at between 16 and 20,000. But a part of the colonifts are fo very far fcattered, as to be able to afford little proteftion to one another, and to the community. There are in the colo- ny five or more Haves to one white man. Thefe flaves are chiefly from Madagafcar, with a mixture of Malays, Bengalefe and fome negroes. — The greater part of the colonifts are Germans, with fome French proteftants and Dutch. They are induftrious, hofpitable and fociable; but fonder of good living, than of acquiring knowledge, for which they may plead the plenty of good cheer, and the extreme fcarcity of good fchools. Such colonifts as can afford the expenfe, ge- nerally fend their fons to Holland for improvement; but the education of their females is too much neglected. AUSTRIAN. 312. The Bay of Delagoa, on the eaft of Africa (lat. about 26° S.) was difcovered in 1545, by Lauren^ Marquez, a Portuguefe. In this bay his nation afterwards formed a fettlement, on the river Manyeefla, then the only one in Delagoa, navigable for large (hips. They built a fort of which the veftiges ftill remain ; but abandoned it, on the Manyeefla becoming unnavigable by an accumulation of fand : 187 CHAP. x. > C. of Goo» Hope; Military and population. Delagoa Bay. Portuguefe fettle there 1 88 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON Dc-LAGOA. and Dutch. Large trafts unoccupied by Europe- ans. Auftrian at- tempt, under Col. Bolts. fand : and their colony of Mozambique having then ac- quired ftrength, they did not find it worth while to renew their fettlement in Delagoa Bay. 313. The waters of the Mafoomo, in the fame bay, having, in time, opened a channel of four fathoms over the bar, the Dutch formed a fettlement there, which they held till 1727, when a firong fquadron of Englifh pirates, who had their rendezvous at Madagafcar, after plundering the Dutch warehoufes, razed them and the fort to the ground*. 314. Such was then the increafing profperity of their co- lony at the Cape of Good Hope, and its dependencies, that the Dutch gave up all thoughts of re-eftablifhing that of Delagoa ; fo that, from that day to this, a large and fine country, on the eaft of Africa, from Cabo das Correntes to the moil eaftern dependencies of the Cape colony, and on the weft, a much larger tra£f, from Saldanha bay to Ben- guela, have been unoccupied by the Europeans, and aban- doned to the peaceable and rightful pofteflion of the un- chrijlianizeci Africans. 315. In the fpring of 1777, however, an eftablifhment was made on the river Mafoomo, on behalf of Her late Im- perial Majefty, the Emprefs Queen, Maria Therefa. The circumftances and fate of this colony, as far as I have been able to colle6l them, were as follow: — With a view to re- cover the trade of the Eaft, to the Auftrian dominions in Flanders, Tufcany and the Adriatic gulph, which had been loft on the abolition of the Oftend Eaft India company, in 1727, Her Imperial Majefty granted a charter, in 1775, to William Bolts, Efq. a gentleman who had been formerly employed in Bengal, by the Englifh Eaft India company. * See an account of this fettlement and its deflruftion, in the Dutch Reifen na Indien I. de Buckoi, and the Englifh Hiftory of the Pirates. in THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — AUSTRIAN. 189 in whofe fervice he had been extremely ill treated*. His c HXA p* charter contained many advantageous ftipulations in his < * — favour, with full powers from the Emprefs Queen for mak- DtLAGOA- ing commercial and colonial arrangements, with the chiefs of Africa and Afia. He, at the fame time, received a com- miflion as Lieut. Colonel. 316. Having formed a connexion with fome gentlemen in The Colonel Antwerp, recommended to him by the Imperial minifters, f^6Sfpt* Colonel Bolts finally failed in Sep. 1776, from Leghorn, in a large (hip, richly laden and well armed, with fome foldiers to preferve fubordination among a numerous body of people, from almoft all the countries bordering on the Mediterranean. Before the (hip failed, the mean oppofi- tion of commercial bodies had fhown itfelf. It was again is oppofed manifefted at Madeira, and in (hort, the Colonel was fol- cfa^bSu^j lowed to India by fuch orders from the Englifii Eaft India company to their prefidencies, and from thefe to the Na- t bobs, under whofe names they acl when convenient, as were contrary to the rules of friendfhip between civilized nations, and even to common humanity. * 317. As it would have been extremely imprudent to rely on the accidental good reception of any nation a6luated by that peft of fociety, the jealoufy of commerce, Colonel Bolts, inflead of touching at the Cape of Good Hope, re- folved to pufh on to Delagoa Bayf. Having arrived there, arrives at the fecurity for (hipping in the river Mafoomo, the re- Debsoabaxs fources he faw in the country, and the facility of treating with the chiefs, through a Mahommedan from Bengal, whom he found fettled there, convinced him that it was a proper place for forming an eflablifhment. After a fhort refidence, d 1 • * See his Confi derations on India Affairs, 3 vols. ^to. in 1772. * i Cc t See § 294^ with COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 190 CHAP. X. v — v > Df. LAGOA. buys land of two chiefs ; builds tem- porary boufes, Sec. begins a trade ; with the help of prefents, and the influence he acquired by performing fome ordinary operations with an electrical ma- chine, the Colonel was fo fortunate as to gain the friendihip of Capell and Matola, the chiefs of the oppofite Tides of the river, though declared enemies to each other. 318. Thefe chiefs poffeffed the country all round, could each raife 15.000 men, acknowledged no dependence on any European nation, and had no intercourfe even with the Dutch and Portuguefe, their neareft neighbours. Colonel Bolts, therefore, in the name of her Imperial Majefty, pur- chafed from them a part of their refpeCtive territories on each fide the Mafoomo, and commanding it’s entrance. The goods agreed for were delivered, and the Imperial flag hoifled, in prefence of a great concourfe of people, includ- ing the crews of two Britifh fhips from Bombay, trading for ivory and commanded by Captains M‘Kenny and Cahill. 319. The fhip remained in the river four months, dur- ing which temporary houfes and a brick warehoufe were erected ; when Colonel Bolts, thinking his prefence might, for fome time, be difpenfed with,refolved to make a voyage in the fhip, to the coaftof Malabar, which appeared, on feveral accounts, advifeable and even neceffary. By the good will of Capt. M‘Kenny, a retreat on board his fhip was pro- vided, in cafe of neceffity, for the refident, Mr. A. D. Pollet, who was to remain, in charge of the infant fettlement. 320. The Colonel, having arrived on the Malabar coafl, bought and fitted out three veffels, with cargoes proper for the trade, as well as the neceflities of the infant fettlement. One of them remained in the river Mafoomo, as a floating battery, while the others were conflantly carrying ivory to Cambay, and returning to Delagoa, with articles fuited to the African barter. — By artificers fent from THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — AUSTRIAN. from Surat, the houfes and warehoufes were rendered more commodious and folid, and a i 2 gun battery was ere&ed on the fouth fide of the Mafoomo. From Surat, the Colonel alfo fent a Mullah, or Mahommedan prieft, with his family, in order to convert to his religion, thofe Africans who were attached to, or connected with, the colony, and whofe num- bers conflantly increafed. For, feeing that, from their pre- deliHion for polygamy, chriftianity was not likely to be agreeable to them, he judged (in conformity with the commercial principles on which it was his bufinefs to a£t) that for the purpofes of civilizivg, and then governing a rude people, any religion is better than none. Befides, their intercourfe with the black Mahommedan crews of the veffels coming regularly from India, feemed to facilitate and encourage the attempt, by giving to precept the advan- tage of example. 321. The natives of this part of Africa are well made, lively, a6!ive, intelligent, and imitative. Happily they did not then allow the flave-trade, and Colonel Bolts hopes, this barbarous cuftom has not yet vitiated them. Elephants’ teeth were then their only important commodities ; but cowries and fea-horfe teeth were alfo occafionally exported. The Colonel, however, among other important objefts, had in view the cultivation of cotton and fugar-canes, which are indigenous there, and grow luxuriantly all about the country. In time too, he hoped to open a trade in gold dull, with the independent inland chiefs, by the river Mafoomo, and particularly with a kingdom called Quitive, which, though faid to abound in gold, has hitherto been unexplored by the Europeans. Rice and other vegetables grow luxuriantly; though the natives feldom cultivate more than they think they want. By inftruHing and en- C c 2 couraging • 191 CHAP. X. ' f Delaooa. fends a Ma- hommedan miflionary to to the colony. Natives in- telligent. Wild cotton and fugar, canes, gold, rice, &c. *92 CHAP. X. V i '■* Delagoa. The colony thrives. But, Prince Kaunitz dis- avowing it, the Portu- guefe break it up. Col. Bolts the reftorer of the Auf- trian Ealt In- dia trade. Claims of Spain and Portugal ri- diculous. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON couraging them to pra£Iife agriculture, all the tropical, and many other produ£fions, might in time have rendered De- lagoa aimofl as commodious a place of refrefhment as the Cape, and, in fome cafes, preferable. 322. But the Imperialifts remained only three years in poffeffion of this promifing colony. Colonel Bolts, after fucceeding in every part of his million, returned to Europe, where he found that the Emprefs Queen had died three months before his arrival ; and, with her, vanilhed all his \ hopes of fupport or juftice. Prince Kaunitz, the minifter, on a protefl from the court of Kifbon, had difavowed the fettlement ; and, in confequence, a fhip of war, with 300 troops and two field-pieces, was fent from Goa to Delagoa, where the Imperialifts were treated in the fame manner as we have feen the Dutch were, by the pirates, in 1727, their fhips, effeffs, and men having been feized and car- ried off. 323. Thus were the extenfive views of this able, enter- terprifing and public fpirited man, fruftrated, by the very court, for whom he a£fed, while he had the full powers of the Emprefs Queen in his pocket ; and, at the hazard of his own life and fortune, was bona fide labouring to promote the Auftrian Eaft India trade — a trade which his indefati- gable and well dire&ed exertions had fo compleatly re-ef- tablilhed, that we have fince feen eight and twenty India fhips affembled at Offend, exclufive of thofe at Leghorn and Trieffe. 324. The caufe of Prince Kaunitz s difavowal of this co- lony, never tranfpired. But all Europe is acquainted with the claims advanced by the courts of Portugal and Spam, on fimilar occafions. The argument of the former is fhort and fimple. — “ The natives of the country are infidels: a fubje6f the PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. AUSTRIAN. 193 a fubjedt of the crown of Portugal was the firft chriflian c H A p- who fet foot in that country : ergo that country belongs v, > to the chriflian crown of Portugal.” The logic of the court Dllacoa" of Spain, in the affair of Nootka Sound, was equally laconic and conclufive. — “ Some Spaniards are fettled at California, and on the neighbouring parts of America: ergo the whole northwefl coaft of America belongs to Spain.” Our potent cafuifls never once hint at the original inhabitants. Thefe are fa v ages and infidels , whofe claims merit no atten- tion from chrijhans. 325. But the Spaniards and Portuguefe are not the only Flagrant a- Europeans who have hitherto difregarded fuch primitive nlerce exen£ pretenfions, as will appear from the following particulars* plmed* which very ftrongly exemplify the ahufe of commerce, one material part of my fubjetl. In the year 1672, Charles II. was gracioufly pleafed to give and grant, unto the Royal African Company of England, “ all and fingular the lands, countries, havens, roads, rivers and other places in Africa, from Sallee, in South Barbary, to the Cape of Good Hope, for and during the term of one thoufand years ; with the foie, entire and only trade and traffic” (N. B. in the perfons of the inhabitants') “ into and from the faid countries and places.” May it not be doubted, whether Swift himfelf, that great mailer of irony, ever penned any thing fo con- fummately ridiculous, to fay nothing of it’s other qualities? — But Charles gave and granted to himfelf a participation of the above extraordinary privileges ; for he and his brother, af- terwards James II. were fubfcribers to this fame company, and were both largely concerned in the flave-trade. Some other monarchs, however, were far from favouring that traf- fic; for Louis XL of France, and the renowned Elizabeth of England, made no fecret of their utter abhorrence of the flave- COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 194 CHAP. X. \ > Delagoa. Col. Bolts confulted about a Swediih co- lony. flave-trade. But this was not Charles’s only trade ; for Sir. T. Modiford, then Governor of Jamaica, having, by his foie authority, declared war againft the Spaniards, his maf- ter not only approved of thefe predatory hoflilities ; but, in 1668, fent the governor an inftru&ion, empowering him to nominate partners, to participate with His Majefty in the captures,’ “ they finding victuals, wear and tear.” Charles was feveral years actually engaged in this privateering, or rather bucancering, trade*. — He and his immediate fucceffor appear, indeed, to have been par nobile fratrum , and to have left the Britifh nation fufficient reafon to remember them, and the day when an over-ruling Providence was pleafed to remove their family from the throne, and to blefs the nation with a conftitution which has had confiderable influence on the arbitrary governments of Europe, and the radical prin- ciples of which, it is to be hoped, they will all gradually adopt, as far as their various circumflances will permit. 326. The late Guftavus III. of Sweden, who appeared to favour commerce more than agriculture, having heard of the abilities of Colonel Bolts, in colonial affairs, and his great knowledge of mercantile geography, prevailed on him (through his Ambaffador at Paris, Baron Stael von Holftein) to go to Sweden, in order to confult with him about efla- blifhing a fettlement for the convenience of the Swedifh Eafl Indian fhips. But, when the Colonel arrived at Stock- holm, he found the King fo deeply involved in the late un- fortunate war with Ruffia, that he could attend to no other * See Poftlethwayt’s Di£t. Art. Eng. Afr. Co. — Long’s Hift. of Jamaica, Vol. I. p. 626, compared with Vol. II. p. 140. — Fdwards’s Ditto Vol. II. p. 35, 3 6. — Hill’s Nav. Hift. — LabatNouv. Relat. de l’Afrique. bufi- THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE. — AUSTRIAN. bufinefs. After a long and fruitlefs attendance, the Colonel returned to Paris, having received, by His Majefty’s order, about ^500 fter. a fum which, though perhaps as much as an almoft exhaufted treafurv could well afford, was, how- ever, very inadequate to the expenfe he incurred in coher- ing materials, not to mention the time and labour which the formation of eftimates, and the arrangement of an extenfive fcheme, muft have coft him. But though this plan be inti- mately conne&ed with my fubje6t, and may one day be car- ried into execution, I do not think myfelf at liberty to de- tail it’s particulars, without the Colonel’s exprefs concur- rence. NEW PLAN FO R EXPLORING AFRICA 327. I have juft been informed that the gentlemen of the African affociation of London, perfevering in their defign of exploring the interior parts of that continent, which reflefls fo much honour on this age and nation, have equipped two veffels, for x new expedition, which now wait for convoy ; and that they are to be generoufly aflifted, by the Britifh. government, with the fum of £6000 fterling. The perfons appointed to carry this plan into execution, are a Mr. Park;, who is a good natural hiftorian, and a Mr. Willis, on whom His Majefty, on this occafton, has been pleafed to confer the rank of conful. Both the gentlemen have the chara&er of being uncommonly well qualified for fuch.an undertaking ; and they are to be attended by a captain, 60 foldiers, and proper afliflants, of every defcription. Taking for granted, that *95 CHAP. X. > Delagoa, ujb C H A X. V COLONIES IN AFRICA, &C. '• that Goree has been abandoned by the French, they are firfl j to proceed thither, where they will find a town ready built, and fitted for every purpofe of health and accomodation, in a hot climate. From this firft ftation, I underhand, they propofe to fail for Fatatenda, on the River Gambia, beyond which veffels of any confiderable burden cannot conveni- ently proceed. From Fatatenda, it is faid, Mr. Park takes his departure for Bambouk, whence he is to convey back intelligence of his arrival to Mr. Willis, who will then fol- low him thither. Both gentlemen having arrived at Bam- bouk, Mr. Willis will remain there, to preferve a communi- cation with the fhips, while Mr. Park will endeavour to penetrate to the River Niger, or to the city of Tombu&oo. I have been told farther, that the chiefs of the country are to be engaged to affift in the undertaking ; but, with a pre- caution which, I believe, has never before been taken : they are to receive no previous douceurs, and no rewards what- ever, till they fhall produce certificates, or other proofs, that they have a&ually performed their engagements; and then they will be paid the rewards flipulated, on board the vef- fels, or at the places where the goods are fecured. — If this be the plan, and I have reafon to believe that the above are the principal heads of it, I muft fay that it appears to me, to be better laid, and confequently, to be more likely to fuc- ceed, than any one of the kind that has yet come within my knowledge. ... . •/, . 1 i-rruiBi. boos r ?x o:tV ) j ^ | 3 7K(i Ilf X END OF THE FIRST PART. PS OQ O' A N ESSAY O N COLONIZATION, PARTICULARLY APPLIED TO THE WESTERN COAST of AFRICA, WITH SOME FREE THOUGHTS ON CULTIVATION and COMMERCE; ALSO BRIEF DESCRIPTIONS OF THE COLONIES ALREADY FORMED, OR ATTEMPTED, IN AFRICA* INCLUDING THOSE OF SIERRA LEONA and BULAMA. B Y C. B. W A D S T R O M. PART SECOND. Illujlrated with a Nautical Map (from Lat. 50 30' to Lat. 140 N. J and other Plates, LONDON: PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR, BY DARTON AND HARVEY, G R AC EC HU RC H - S T R £ E T, MDCCXCV. "<.§> ' *- y >• * ■ l ^-S- V ; r • 13 * .M : ' '■ ^ * ’ .f \ •' 'V >1 ' T SV A <1 . .. - \, . * ’ • > v •> 1 • •. -j> ’ ft t A < , * ... AUTHORS quoted in this WORK. -/\-DANSON, Voyage au Senegal, § 49, 88. Anderfon, Dr. (of Edinburgh) his periodical paper, the Bee, § 750. Annual Regifter for 1779, § 331. Anonymous, Danifh author. Die Handlung verfchiedener Volker auf der ICufte von Guinea und in Weftindien. Copenhagen, 1758, Odtavo. Atlas maritimus et commercialis, § 70, 199, 274. Bell’s General Directions for preferving Health at S. Leona, § 33 5. Benyowfky, Count de, his Memoirs and Travels, § 276 iff feq. Blackftone’s Commentaries on the Laws of England, § 330. Blane’s Obfervations on the Difeafes of Seamen, § 936. Brown’s Hiftory of Jamaica, § 802 note, 871. Buchannan, Rev. Mr. J. L. his Account of the Hebrides, § 750. Bolt’s Considerations on Indian Affairs, § 213, 315. Buckoi, Reifen na Indien, § 313. Bufton’s Hiftoire Naturelle, \ 235. Cath. II. Imp. de Ruff. Inftit. pour un Nouv. Code de Loix, § 750. Chaftellux’s Travels in America, § 263 note, 598. Clarkfon’s Eflay on the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, § 704, 783. Clarkfon’s Eflay on the Impolicy of the Slave Trade, § 706, 724. Clarkfon’s Eflay on the Inefficiency of Regulation as applied to the Slave-trade, § 706. Das Merkwurdigfte aus den beften Befchriebungen von Cap, § 300. Demanet, Nouvelle Hiftoire de l’Afrique Franqaife, § 235, 529. Dickfon’s Letters on Slavery, § 745, 775. Douglas’s Hiftory of New England, § 1 80. Edwards’s Hiftory of the Britilh YV. Indies, § 136, 325. Ellis’s Hiftory of Coffee, § 69. Elucidations of African Geography, by the African Affociation, §115 note, 505. Encyclopardia Britannica, 3d. edition, § 199. Ferner, Bengt, Difcourfe in the Stockholm Academy of Sciences, § 42. Forfter’s Voyage round the World, § 146, 221 ,fq. 235, 300 iff feq. Fothergill’s Works, § 330, 596. Franklin’s Life and Eflays, § 133, 141, 670, 702. Glas’s Hiftory of the Canary Iflands, § 251 & feq. Grand Pierre, Relation de divers Voyages dans l’Afrique, l’Amerique, Sec. § 975. Hill’s Naval Hiftory, § 325. Hiftory of the Pirates. Hook’s Philofophical Experiments and Obfervations, §651 iff feq. Hume’s Eflays. lfert’s Letter’s to his Father, § 80. Joranfon’s C. L. Tabeller om mott, mohl och wigt, 4to. Stockholm, 1777: Kaime’s, Lord, his Sketches of the Hiftory of Man, § 29, 751. Labat, Nouvelle Relation de l’Afrique occidentale, § 71, 11 5, 325, 528, 534, 946. Lind’s Eflay on the Difeafes of Europeans in Hot Climates, § 45, 46, 52, 73, 75, 693, 997, Linnasi Sp. Plant. l’Art de la Teinture, Dickfon’s Fafciculum, &c. § 258. Long’s Hiftory of Jamaica, § 84, 136, 138, 180, 184, 325, 635, 702, 753, 936. Lowitz, in Monthly Review Appendix, Vol. 1 2, p. 6c6, § 54. Matthews’s Voyage to Sierra Leona, § 115, 239. Menzell, Befchreibung von Cap de Bonne Efperancc, § 20, 300. Minutes of Evidence before the Houfe of Commons, relative to the Slave-trade, paffim. Mofely’s Treatife on Tropical Difeafes, § 936. Montefquieu, Efprit de Loix, § 635, 702. More’s ( 2 ) Moore’s Travels into the. Inland parts of Africa, § 669, 78.3. Mortimer’s Commercial Didlionary, § 199, 300 CS^/ey. Muncafter, Lord, his Sketches of the Hiftory of the Slave-trade. New Account of Afia and Africa, 1785. New Jerufalem Magazine, No. IV. § 621, 693. NorJenlkiold, (Ulric) af handling om nyttan for Sverige af handel och Nybyggen i Indierne och pa Africa, 8vo. Stockholm, 1776, § 693, 977. Ggilby’s Account of Africa, §693. Plan of a free Community in Africa, independent of Europe, § 194, 606. Poftlethwayt’s Commercial Di&ionary, § 2, 69, 70, 180, 199, 325. Primatt’s Efl'ay on the Duty of Mercy, See. to Brute Animals, §131. Price on Annuities. Purchas’s Pilgrim, § 693. Ramfay’s Effayson the Treatment, &c. of African Haves, § 704. Rafk’s, Reife belkrivelfe til og fra Guinea, § 974. Ravnal, Hiftoire philofophique et politique, &c. § 99. Reafons for eftabii Hung the colony of Georgia, § 107, 180, 195, 196. Report of the Britilh Privy Council Relative to the Slave-trade, pajfnn. Report of the Aflembly of Barbadoes Relative to the Slave-trade, § 702. Robert, Geographic Naturelle, § 269 Robertfon’s Hiftory of Scotland, § 339. Robertfon-ls Hiftory of Charles V. § 937. Robertfon’s Hiftory of America, § 4, 579. Sefftroin’s Memoir in the Adis of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Stockholm, § 84. Sharp on Congregational Courts, 1 66, 191. Sharp, Sketch of Temporary regulations for S. Leona, § 84, 190, 740, 978. Sheffield, Lord, his Obfervations on the Commerce of America, § 268 Smeachman’s Account of the Termites (wood ants or bug-a-bugs) in the Philof. Tranf. 1781, § 62, 82, 650. Smith, Dr. A. his Wealth of Nations, §112,117, 1 35, 1 80. Smith, W. Efq. his Voyage to Guinea, § 676. Snelgrave’s Account of Guinea, § 676. Sparrman’s Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, § 300. Tableau General de Commerce, § 199, 369. Temple, Sir W. his Obfervations on Holland, §112. Tilleman’s, Beretning om det Landfkab Guinea, § 973. Treatife on the Trade of Great Britain by an African Merchant, § 70. Wadftrom’s Obfervations on the Slave-trade, &c. § 483. Walker’s Geography, § 741 Water’s Newfte Erdkunde, &c. § 269. Weft’s Bridag til Belkrivelfe over St. Croix, § 46, 39, 976, 980. Wilfon’s Effefl of Hot Climates on Vegetable and Animal Bodies, § 623. Winterbotham’s View of the United States of America. Zimmerman, Piofelfor at Brunfwick. t* iMJb yiki ■ ' *r b >y ESSAY O N COLONIZATION, &c. CHAP. XI. f f* • • ’’ -v , « { COLONIES ATTEMPTED, OR NOW FORMING, IN AFRICA, ON THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY, l By the Britifh , the Danes , and the Swedes. 328. TTAVING, in the firft part, given brief defcrip- tions of the colonies formed, or attempted by the Europeans in Africa, and it’s iflands, on the princi- ples of commerce, I now proceed to offer fome account of thofe which the Britifh, the Danes and the Swedes have attempted, or are now endeavouring to eflablifh, in that part of the world, on the principles of humanity, for the noble purpofe of civilizing the natives. This, I acknow- ledge, would be to me a pleafant talk, if I were provided with all the proper materials, and could promife to defcribe the rife, progrefs and prefent flate of thofe undertak- ings, with an exa&nefs correfponding to their importance. But, unfortunately, neither my materials, nor abili- ties, are equal to my inclination, to do juftice to a fubjeft, which has long been dear to my heart. Re- fpe&ing the Danifh colony, my information, though it has both novelty and authenticity to recommend it, is by no means fo full as I could wifh ; and of the internal hiflory B of Introduc- tory Re- marks. 2 COLONIES IN AF RICA, ON CHAP. XI. < . f Introduc- tory Re- marks. The author o- bliged to a- bridgehis ma- terials. of the Britifh colony at Sierra Leona, and the late attempt at Bulama, I have not been able, with all my aftiduity, to collect fo many authentic particulars as I expe6ted, which have not already been inferted or touched on in the reports of the gentlemen, who refpe&ively prefide over thofe un- dertakings. But, of the Swedifh attempt, or rather defign, I can give a more fatisfactory flatement. — The reports of the Directors of the Sierra Leona Company, and thofe of the Truftees of the Bulama Affociation, are really inftructive and interefting,as far as they go: but, having been chiefly intend- ed to inform the proprietors of the flate of their affairs, and of the proceedings of the Dire&ors and the Truftees, we can- not reafonably expect them to contain more of the internal hiftory of thofe colonies, (my chief defideratum) than was con- fident with the principal defign. The truth is, that, confider- ing the various calamities which befel thofe infant eftablifh- ments, and which rendered the keeping of regular journals extremely difficult, I am more furprized at the fulnefs than the brevity of the hiflorical parts of thofe reports : and their defers cannot I think be fairly attributed to any other caufes than thofe juft mentioned. In fhort, it is but too well known, that early misfortunes checked the colony at Sierra Leona, and overwhelmed, but it is hoped not irre- trievably, that of Bulama. The fame unhappy events could not fail to obfcure the hiftory of both. 329. The reports, I am obliged to comprefs into a compafs fuitable to my limits. But I mean to retain all the effential circumftances ; and to infert in the appendix, the additional ones which I have been able to afcertain, and fuch remarks as the fubjetfs will fairly bear. Thus, a circumftantial and faithful abridgment of the reports will form the bafis of what I have to deliver refpe&ing Sierra Leona and Bulama; 2 and THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 3 and the additions will mod; probably, after all, more than c H. A P. occupy the fpace gained by abbreviation. By way of apo- i ^ , logy to the gentlemen concerned, I can only exprefs my xory°Re- ' hope that, in conlideration of the intention, they will excufe MARK5- the liberty I have been obliged to take in abridging their reports, as well as in differing with them in fome of their opinions. Subjects in their nature controvertible, necedanly fuppofe and admit diverfity of fentiments. But furely men may entertain different opinions of particulars, whofe great, primary motive to a£lion is the fame. The more I confider the fubjedf, the more I am convinced that the motive of the gentlemen alluded to, is a confcientious anxiety to promote the civilization of Africa ; and I am willing to interpret all their opinions and a6f ions, by the fame rule of candour and charity, which I wifh to be applied to my own. 930. Before I proceed to abridge the reports, it feems Dr- Smeatk- x ° A man's plan for proper to obferve, that, as far as I have been able to learn, colonizing S. the late Dr. Henry Smeathman was the perfon who firfl propofed a fpecijic plan for colonizing Africa, with a view to civilization*. From his letter to Dr. Knowles, dated July * I fay, a fpecijic plan] for that great ornament of fociety and friend of man- kind, the late learned Dr. Fothergill, had before “ fuggefled the cultivation of tha fugar-cane upon the continent of Africa, where it feems to have been indigenous, and thrives luxuriantly (See § 63;) and that the natives fhould be employed as fer- vants for hire, and not as flaves, compelled to labour, by the dread of torture.” See “ Some Account of the late John Fothergill, M. D. F. R. S. & c. read before the Medical Society of London, in 1782, by John Coakley Lettfom.” Fothergill’s Works, Vol. III. I cannot omit that Dr. J. C. Lettfom, who was born to an inheritance of flaves, after having trained them, by a long courfe of kind and beneficent offices, to a due regard for focial and religious obligations, generoufly declared them free. As far as I have been informed, the Do£tor is the only Welt Indian who has emancipated any confiderable number offlaves; but, in North America, fuch inftances have been nu- B 2 merous, COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 4 CHAP. XI. V ' Introd uc- tory Re- marks. Mr. Gran- ville Sharp’s exertions. July the 2 1 ft, 1783, (fee § 62 r, et feq.) it appears, that he conceived this noble defign, in Africa itfelf, where he re- fided four years. In 1786, he publifhed his “ Plan of a fet- tlement, to be made near Sierra Leona, &c. intended more particularly for the fervice and happy eftablifhment of blacks and people of colour, to be flipped as freemen, un- der the direction of the Committee for relieving the black poor, and under the protection of the Britifh Government.” ( § 648, et feq.) The principle and object of this plan were fo congenial with the benevolent views of Granville Sharp, Efq. that it could not but meet with his general approba- tion. Mr. Sharp had for many years, with great labour and expenfe, maintained the claims and rights of the en- flaved Africans. His exertions in the famous caufe of the negro Somerfet, are alone fufficient to immortalize him. After a long litigation. Lord Mansfield, in June 1772, de- livered the judgment of the Court of King’s Bench, the ef- fe£t of which is, that the infant a fave lands on the Britifh fiore , he becomes, ipso facto, free: and the judgment it- felf was a noble effect of the Britifh Conflit.ution, which, fays another learned judge, “ abhors and will not endure the exiffence of flavery, within this kingdom*,” Mr. Sharp merous. Indeed the whole focietv of Quakers, in that country, have, in confilt- ency with their principles, “ let the opprefled go free.” But, fo well had they been prepared for the change, by the care and humanity of their praifeworthy ma- ilers, that they (till, in general, ferve them, and fo faithfully, that, even in a pecu- niary view, they have no reafon to repent of their liberality. For a very extraordinary propofal, for civilizing Africa, fee in the Appendix, Notes, 8i c. refpefting S. Leona and Bulama, Note A. * Blackflone’s Comm. If it be afked why flavery is endured within the Britifli colonies? the true anfwer feems to be, that, like fome other abufes and ufurpa. tions, it Jlolt into thofe diftant dependencies, in unfettled times, when the communi- cation THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. Sharp was not only particularly inftrumental in bringing this important caufe to a decifion; but took care that every op- preffed negro, whofe cafe came to his knowledge, fhould enjoy the benefit of it; for many negroes, illegally confined, in order to be clandeflinely conveyed to the Weft Indies and America, have lince owed their deliverance to Mr. Sharp’s active and fpirited interpofition. In fhort, many years be- fore Dr. Smeathman propofed, or probably conceived, his plan, Mr. Sharp’s exertions and writings, had diftinguifhed him as the heady affertor of the ancient, noble, unfo- phiflicated principles of the conflitution of his country, and the indefatigable benefa&or of the Africans, and of the “ poor and thofe who had none to help them.” 331. Thefe obfervations are not the vile flourifhes of a fycophant’s pen. By every friend to the caufe I have the honour to fupport, they will readily be allowed to contain nothing but literal truth; and Mr. Sharp ought not to be furprifed, that merit like his has become known, notwith- ftandinghis ingenuous endeavours to conceal it; for, I amper- fuadcd, he looks not for his reward from men. Neither are cation with the mother country was comparatively infrequent — as would appear from this remarkable circumftancc alone, That vo law explicitly enabling flavery is to be found in any of the colonial fatute-books. Even the Wed Indian law-makers never ventured on fo flagrant a violation of their charters, which cxprefsly ftipulate that their internal laws “ fhall not be repugnant, but as near as may be, to the laws of England.” Hence all their flave-laws fuppofe the exigence of flavery, and are confined merely to it’s regulation . Thus flavery, which is repugnant to natural law, has, in the Britifh dominions, no fhadow of foundation even in pofitive law, the only foundation it can have in any civilized country. In other words, it is in every refpeff, an illegal, unwarrantable, and indefenfible abufe. — See Mr. Sharp’s “ Re- prefentation of the injuflicc and danger of tolerating flavery,” and his “ Law of Retribution;” alfo the Efl'ays ftgned Common Senfe in the Morning Chronicle, the Star, and the Diary of Dec. 1791. — So much for Well Indian flavery. Another fpecies of mercantile flavery I have touched on in § 121, j 97, note. 5 C H A P. XI. 1 > Introduc- tory Re- mar ks. thefe 6 COLONIES IN AFRICA. chap, thefe obfervations made with a view to detraft from the re- X I , fpeft due to the memory of Dr. Smeathman, who will ever be gratefully remembered by the friends of Africa, as the man who firfl laid down a fpecific plan for it’s civiliza- tion, and fupported it with exertions which, in 1787, cauf- ed, or accelerated, his diffolution*. For, on his return from Sierra Leona, finding the “ Committee for relieving the black poort,” already formed, he appears to have mofl zealoufly co-operated with them, as well as with Mr. Sharp, and to have laboured to derive from their benevolence, fupport to his grand defign of civilizing Africa J. * Mr. Heathcote, a gentleman who was well acquainted with the late Dr. S.neatkman, has been fo obliging as to promife me a feries of obfervations on the thermometer made by Dr. S. while on the Coaft, and which, if I receive them in time, fhall be inlerted in the Appendix, after the names of the Subfcribers to the Bulama undertaking. f That committee confifted of the following gentleman, vie, Jonas Hinway, Efq. Chairman ; Mon- tague Buigoyne, E q. Harley ft. B. Johnfon, Efq. Liffon Green; Sir Jofeph Andrews, Bart. Knighifbridge ; George Peters, Efq. Old Bethlem; John Ofborne, Efq. New Norfolk ft. J. J. An- geiftein, Efq. Albemarle ft. J. P. Andrews, Efq. Brompton ; S. Hoare, Efq. Lombard ft. G. Drake, Efq. Bedford Sq. F. Matthews, Efq. Bridge ft. Weftminfter; W. Ward, Efq. Fenchurch ft. Richard Shaw, Efq. London Bridge; J. Cornwall, Efq. Portland Place; S. Thornton, Efq. M. P. King’s Arm’s Yard ; H. Thornton, Efq. M. P. Bartholomew lane ; T. Boddington, Efq. Mark lane ; General Melville, Brewer ft. J In 1771, that able geographer, Alexander Dalrymple, Efq. drew up a plan for promoting civil- ization, by fitting out (hips to convey ufeful animals and vegetables to New Zealand and other remote regions, which are ftill deftitute of many important productions, to which their x'efpedive foils and climates are undoubtedly congenial. The propofer generoufly offered to take upon himfelf the command of the firlt (hip which (houjd be equipped for fuch an expedition, the whole expenfe of which he eftimated, at £15,000, — a fmall demand from humanity on the wealth accumulated by com- merce! The celebrated Dr. Franklin, being informed of this benevolent fcheme, wrote a paper to re- commend it, which was printed and circulated with Mr. D’s plan and eftimate. It is mortifying to add, that this propofal, fo relpeftable in it’s origin, fo moderate in it’s means and fo beneficent in it’s end, did not receive the lupport it merited. But the difeerning editors of the Annual Regifter law it’s value, and inferted it among the “ Ufeful Projects," in their volume for 1779, under the title of “ Plan hy Dr. franklin and Mr. Dalrymple for benefiting dijlant, unprovided countries .” This philanthropic hint feems, however, to have had fome weight with Dr. F’s own countrymen, for in the year 1787, an expedition was. fitted out at the expenfe of fcveral gentlemen in Bolton, in North Ame- rica, for the laudable purpofe of difeovering channels of liberal commerce, and conciliating civil intercourfe with the natives of the great fouth weftern coaft of that continent, of which the medal, at the end of this work, is a memorial, and was diftiibuted, in filver and copper, among the natives for that purpofe. 332 THE PRINCIPLES Ol- HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 332. Refped and gratitude are alfo juftly due to thofe worthy perfons who, before Dr. Smeathman propofed his plan, had formed themfelves into the Committee juft mentioned. But the defign of fending them to Sierra Leona appears to have been the fuggeftion of Dr. S. The memory of the chairman of that Committee will long be re- vered; and fome of the other members (for I have not the honour of knowing them all) have fince invariably aded the part of generous, enlightened and confcientious pro- moters of the abolition of the flave-trade, and the civilization of Africa . I allude particularly to the Melf. Thorntons and Mr. Samuel Hoare. The following is an Abridgment of the Report of the Court of Directors of the Sierra Leona Company to the General Court , held at London, on the iyth of Odober, 1791. Edit. 2*. 333. In purluanee of the Ad of Parliament incorporat- ing the Sierra Leona Company^, the following thirteen gentlemen have been chofen Diredors for the prefent year (viz. the year commencing on the 19th of Odober, 1791.) Henry Thornton, Philip San so m, Efq. Dep. Chairm. Sir Charles Middleton, Bart. Sir George Young, Knt. Will. Wi llberforce, Efq. M. P. Rev. Thomas Clarkson, A. M. Joseph Hardcastle, Efq. Efq. M. P. Chairman. John Kingston, Efq. Samuel Parker, Efq. Granville Sharp, Efq. William Sandford, Efq. Vickeris Taylor, Efq. George Wolff, Efq. * The next General Court, held on the 30th of Nov. 1791, refolved that £ 50,000 Ihould be added to the £ 100,000 capital already fubicribed for, (lee § 354, note.) At the lame time, .tveral Rcfolu- tions wete paired to regulate the recommendations of, and the ballots for, the new l'ubfcribers. An Abridgment of thofi Resolutions will be inferted in the Appendix, after the lift of the original fub- feribers to the S. Leona Company, with which it is connected. t An Abridgment of this a£t will be inferted at the end of the Appendix. 7 CHAP. XI. * - 1 — Sierra Le- ona. Comm, for relieving the black poor. 334* COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 8 C H A P. XI. v ) Sl'RRA L E- o Their mor- tality. 334. In 1786, the humanity of fome gentlemen was excit- ed towards the dilf relied blacks, who then fwarmed in Lon- don* Above 400 of them, along with 60 whites, moftly women of bad character and in ill health, (fee § 301) were accordingly fent out, at the charge of government, to Sierra Leona. Neceffity, it was hoped, would make them induf- trious and orderly; and Capt. Thompfon of the navy, who conducted them, obtained, for their ufe, a grant of land to His Majelly, from King Tom, the neighbouring chief, and afterwards, from Naimbanna, the king of the country. This land, being about 20 miles fquare, His Majelly was en- abled to grant by Acl of Parliament (1791) to the Sierra Leona Company; and it was confirmed by a dire£l grant from King Naimbanna. 335. From the diforders they brought on board with them, aggravated by debauchery and confinement, thefe people became very fick'ly, during their long detention in the Britifh Channel, as well as during their paffage, and af- ter their arrival. They were landed in the wet feafon, un- provided with proper fhelter, without order and without induflry. From thefe caufes 50 died before they left Ply- mouth, and 34 at fea; 15 ran away and 86 died on the coafl, in the firfl four months after their arrival. After the firfl year, however, there was no great mortality f. It was * * Refpeiling the firft rudiments of the colony, the diftinguifhed fupport it received from Mr. Sharp, the charailer of the original colonifts, Sic. I have been fortunate enough to colleil feveral authentic circumftances, which, being too long for a foot note, I intend to infert in the Appendix, together with fome other particulars, marking them Note A, Note B, Si c. For, I f ar, that, if placed at the foot of the page, carelefs readers might miftake them for notes of the Directors. See, in the Appendix, “ Notes, See. relpefting S. Leona and Bulama.” Note B. f Immediately after the prelent S. Leona Company was formed, Dr. J. Bell, at the requeft of Mr. H. Thornton, the Chairman of the Court of Direflors, drew up a trail entitled “ General Di- rections for the Prefervation of Health, Sec. for the benefit of the fettlers at Sierra Leona, printed by 5. Phillips, 1791.” and which was very properly diftributed among the colonills. even . ,•> . ’ THE PRINCIPLES OP HUMANITY. — BRITISH. i) even faid by one Green, who was in England in 1791, and c ^ a p. who always lived with them, that in the two fucceeding years, he did not think above five or fix died, out of near SlE0\RAALn' 200, living in the fame town. By very flight tillage, and a vaft increafc of poultry, thefe fettlers, though far from being induflrious, maintained themfelves, and poflefled a fmall and increafing property, when a circumflance, not neceffary to be detailed, entirely difperfed them, to the number of their difpcr- 180 or 200, who left their plantations and a great quantity of poultry *. 33 6. Mr. Falconbridge, who arrived about a year after, found 48 of them living together. But fome had gone to the W. Indies, others to England, and the reft feared they would all be made flaves. Mr. F. brought them to Fora Bay, about a mile and a half from their former townf. Sixteen foon joined them from other parts. — Before Mr. F. left them, (in June 1791) they had cleared aqd planted about four Englifh acres of land ; and, on the whole, he thought they would fupport themfelves, as before their dif- perfion, with very little labour. Of thofe 64 fettlers, 39 were black men, 19 black women, and 6 white women. The men feemed determined to defend themfelves, were warmly attached to the fociety who fent them out, but ftill in general turbulent and diforderly. 337. The climate is much the fame, in point of heat, as climate, that of the Weft Indies ; but there is a very cool fea-breeze * See in the Append. Notes, &c. rcfpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note C. t See in the Append. Notes, &.c. refpe£ting S. Leona and Bulama, Note D. c on io COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON CHAP XI. I -J Si erra Le- ona. Population and govern- ment. on the higher grounds; and, in the mountainous parts, it is believed, the air is very temperate. Fora Bay is lefs healthy than the firft fettlement; but it may be queftioned whether a more healthful fpot than either may not be fe- ledted. — The information of Mr. Falconbridge confirms the opinion of Lieut. Matthews, in his late publication, as well as that of geographers. — “ I believe,” fays Lieut. M. “ that Sierra Leona, if properly cleared and cultivated, would be equal in falubrity, and fuperior in cultivation, to any of the Iflands in the Weft Indies*.” 338. The population on the coaft, appears to be incon- fiderable, and is chiefly on the river fide, where are feveral towns of fcarcely more than fifty houfes each. A chief, who is a principal flave-trader, generally prefides in every town, fubordinate to King Naimbanna, who lives on Ro- banna, a fmall ifland, between the Englifh flave-faftory at Bance ifland, and the French one at Gambia ifland. On Robanna are about fifty inhabitants, dependents of the king, who is of a peaceable difpofition, and generally re- fpefted and obeyed. His territory is faid to reach three days journey up the country, being much more populous inland; but neither the extent of his country, nor the na- ture of his jurifdi&ion, feem to be afcertained. His title is ele&ive; but his eldeft fon, now in England (1 791) would be likely to fucceed ; as the ele&ing chiefs generally follow hereditary fucceflion. * Voy. to S. Leona, p. 21. — For fome fimilar accounts, which I have collefted of that part of the coaft of Africa, fee in the Append. Notes, &c. refpetting S. Leona and Bulanja, Note L .t 339 • In THE PRINCIPLES OP HUMANITY. BRITISH. 339. In religion and morals the natives are wholly unin- ftructed. Perpetual feuds feem to prevail between fami- lies, once hoftile, and their defcendants ; and to carry each other off for ftaves is a common retaliation *. They are ge- nerally pagans, without priefts, worlhip or ftated rites. They are polygamifts ; but their marriage is not indiffolu- ble, and they give their children no education. They have fome fuperftitions, chiefly about witchcraft ; but in general have no religious prejudices, and appear extremely defirous of all European improvements. One of the chiefs fent his fon to Bifagos, 300 miles off, to learn to read and write : for there is no fchooling nearer than the Portuguefe fettle- ments. Mr. Elliot, King Naimbanna’s black fecretary, was educated in England, through the kindnefs of Mr. Gran- ville Sharp, and has excited a great defire of education among the king’s children. 340. The king fent one fon to France for inftru&ion, another is under a Mandingo teacher, a Mahometan. The eldefl, John Frederick, juft before Mr. Falconbridge went out, had agreed to give 3 flaves to a Guinea captain for a paffage to Jamaica, and thence to England, with a view of obtaining ufeful knowledge. But the king’s confidence in Mr. F. induced him, notwithflanding ftrong remonft ranees * “ A vindiftive fpirit prevailed among moll nations before the introduction of Chriftianity, or civilization. Dr. Robertfon obferves, that formerly in Scotland, whofe prefent inhabitants are not behind any of their neighbours, in the praftice of the Chriltian virtues, “ quarrels were tranfmitted from father to fon, and under the name of deadly feuds , fub filled for many generations, with unmitigated rancour.” Hid. of Scotland, Vol. 1. p. 40, edit. 1781. Though the Africans are vindi&ive to their enemies, Lieut. Matthews obferves, that to their friends they are hofpitable and kind, and that he received fuch treatment from them, in the time of the utmoll diltrefs, as he could have expe£led only from his bell and neareil friends.” C 2 1 1 C H A XI. t v — j SibrraLe-- ON A. R eligion and morals. Nativesdefir- ous of im- provement. K. Naimban- na fends one fon to Fra. and another to Eng. for education. againft 12 C H A P. XI. ( -J SieruaLe- ON A. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON againfl trufling him in the company’s fhip, to fend him to London, with a letter requeuing Mr. Gran. Sharp to direct his education. The king and his fon ardently defire to ref- cue their country from it’s ignorance and wretchednefs ; and to put an end to the flave-trade, the evils of which they deplore. — The following is an extra6l of King Naimbanna’s letter to Mr. Sharp. 341. “ It has been told that thefe people (the free fettlers fromEngland) would in time drive me by force of arms, back in the country, and take my ports from me. I have received feveral accounts, from factories and captains of fhips, again!! the fettlement, which I took no notice of, as I conceived it was, in my opinion, fpite or envy that they had againfl: their living in the country; but have ferved them in any little requeft they afked of me, and have endeavoured to keep peace between them and my people, and alfo among them- felves, by fettling a great many difquiets between them. It was pleafure to do it, as I thought they would become ufeful to us all in this country, by teaching us things we know not ; and common reafon mull tell, that the mod igno- rant people in the world would be glad to fee their coun- try made good, if they had idea how it might be done. And again I muft let you know, that if there were no other reafon for my wifhing for the welfare of the fettlement, I fhould do it, that there might be a flop put to the horrid de- predations that are fo often committed in this country, by all countries that come here to trade.” He then fpeaks of the carrying off fome of his own relations for flaves, which we fhalt mention in another part of this report. He adds, “ as to the fettlers, I could only wifh that you will fend me over one worthy of taking the care and command of the place, then you need not be afraid of their profper- ing THE PRINCIPLES OF HJJMANJTY. — BRITISH. ing in this country. Mr. Falconbridge during his time out here, I approved much. I ever was partial to the peo- ple of Great Britain, for which caufe I have put up with a great deal of infults from them, more than I fhould from any other country. — My fon, I hope you will take care of him, and let him have his own ways in nothing, but what you think right yourfelf.” 342. Accordingly, the dire6tors, in behalf of their con- flituents, undertook to have King Naimbanna’s fon, who was 24 years of age, educated at the company’s expenfe. And they exprefled great fatisfadfion in refledfing, that, if it fhould pleafe God to prolong his life, he appeared likely, from his abilities and difpofition, to be inflrumental in in- troducing knowledge and civilization into Africa, and in cementing a confidential union between the colony and the natives. 343. The following general account of the produce of Sierra Leona, was fubmitted to the general court, &c*. 344. Befidcs trading to Sierra Leona, for it’s own pro- duce, it appears that a coaRing trade, and, through the rivers, which are more numerous near it than any other portion of Africa, an inland trade may be eftablifhed, in fmall veffels which may depofit the produce of other parts of Africa at Sierra Leona. 345. The flave-trade is decreafing very much at Sierra Leona, the price of flaves having rifen to 25 or £30 Her. * See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpefling S, Leona and Bulama, Note F, — • alfo Chap. V. viz. that on “Produce.” - each; CHAP. XL t 1 SierraLe- ON A. Cultivation and trade. State of the flave-trade. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON M CHAP. XI. V- „ . S 1 £ R '< aIiE- OX A. Europeans fupply na- tives with powder and fpirits. Suicide of Haves. each ; and not above 1000 are now annually exported from this river. They are chiefly brought down through a chain of faflories, but not through the company’s ground, and a great many are children. The kings and chiefs trade in flaves ; but the principal traders are the French and Englifh factors. It is cuftomary to credit the black factors who either travel themfelves, or deal with other faftors ftill farther up, with European goods (chiefly gun-powder and fpirits) and, if they fail in bringing the flipulated flaves, they are made flaves themfelves ; or, if they do not return in a certain time, any one of their families are taken. King Naimbanna’s fon mentions this as a prevailing cuftom. The fudden, vindi£live temper of the natives feems alfo to promote this traffic. (See § 339 note.) If a domeftic Have is impertinent, he is fold. The children of fuch are occa- flonally fold alfo. But, with rich traders, this is not com- mon : for domeftic flaves are diftinft from thofe for trade, doing little, and being much indulged. King Naimbanna has 1 20 of thefe, who give him half their earnings, and are much attached to him. It is a point of honour never to forgive injuries; fo that families will feize one ano- ther for flaves, as opportunity offers, for many generations (See § 339 note.) This praclice, however, though partly owing to revenge, may be chiefly afcribed to the want of efficient government. The offences, real or imputed, which are punifhed with flavery, are chiefly adultery and witchcraft. 346. King Naimbanna’s fon gives a dreadful account of the anguiffi and defpair of the flaves brought down to the coaft. Unlefs fecured, they will ftrike or ftab any perfon who approaches them. It is common for them to cut their own throats, or otherwife deftroy themfelves. He is per- fuaded, THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. 15 fuaded, he has known above an hundred commit fuicide, chap. . XI before they could be got into the fhips. i_ / . 347. That kidnapping prevails at Sierra Leona, the di- SiEq^Le* re&ors have received undeniable proofs ; and, if they had not, feveral circumftances clearly imply that the pra&ice is not uncommon. The inhabitants, to a great diftance up the country, all go armed with guns and large knives. The very women are armed with knives. When King Naimbanna’s fon has gone up to Scaffus, he dared not to go to reft, unlefs in a fecure place, left he fhould be furprifed in his fleep. The people in the little towns on the river, leave the wood growing clofe to the houfes, for refuge, in cafe of attack, as they told Mr. Falconbridge, who has feen the ruins of two towns which, among others, were broken up by Cleveland, a great mulatto flave-trader * who was educated at Liverpool. 348. Mr. Falconbridge one day heard a great (bout, and Kidnapping, immediately afterwards, the report of a gun. Fearing an at- tack, he inftantly armed forty fettlers, and haftened with them to the fpot. He found three Mandingoes and two other men, tying the hands of a man, who was fhrieking bitterly, He had been caught, in coming from an interior town, and the fhout and firing were expreftions of joy on the occafion. Mr. F. prudently reftrained his feelings, which prompted him to refcue the poor captive; telling them that, if he had been one of his men, he fhould have put them all to the bayonet. Green, now in England (1791) was one of Mr. F’s. armed party. 349. One of the fettlers, draggling one day a little way inftanccs. from their town, was feized and fold by King Jammy, who * At the neighbouring I. of Bananas. C.B.W% lives 1 6 CHAP. XL v -/ Sj EHKA LE- 0\ A . COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON lives two miles below. The fetllers, in return, feized one of Jammy’s people. A difpute enfucd, in which one man was killed; but it was terminated, by King Naimbanna’s mediation, each party giving up his prifoner The pretext for this outrage, was a charge of adultery againlt another fettler. 350. Signior Domingo, chief of the town oppofite King Jammy’s, fuddenly fold one of his wives to a Frenchman, without any imputation. The young woman had called on Mrs. Falconbridge the day before, quite unfufpicious, and at her liberty. 351. King Naimbanna, in his letter to Mr. Sharp, after mentioning “ the horrid depredations committed here by all the countries that come here to trade,” fays, “ There are three diflant relations of mine now in the Weft Indies, car- ried away by one Capt. Cox, captain of a Danifh fhip. Their names are Corpro, Banna and Morbour. Thefe were taken out of my river Sierra Leona. I know not how to get them back. I never hurt or deprived any perfon of their right or property, or withheld from them what is their due. So I only let you know of thefe lads, that there will be an account taken of them, one day or another.” 352. King Naimbanna’s fon relates, that a coufin of his father’s, named Jack Rodney, was afked to pilot a flave- fhip down from Bance ifland. He begged to be put on fhore at Robanna ; but the captain refufed, faying he would land him at the river’s mouth, inftead of which, he carried him to Jamaica. As he fpoke good Englifh, he obtained feveral interviews with the governor of that ifland, and was recovered by a fhip which brought a letter concerning him from Sierra Leona. 353' Bar- THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 353. Barbier Borro, who married King Naimbannas c ^ A p- aunt, was feized by Harry, an infamous trader, and fold to 1 1 Cleveland, the mulatto merchant before mentioned, and to Sie^.Le* whom Harry alfo fold his own father, Nankedabar. But the old man redeemed himfelf, by felling twenty-two of his domeftics. The reft were fo terrified, that they all ran away from him, and are now (1791) living among the moun- tains of Sierra Leona. Harry, after this, falling into debt, was fold for a have himfelf, his father being unable or un- willing to redeem him. 354. The diredors having ftated the natural advantages A refpefta- of Sierra Leona, and it’s prefent miferable condition, ob- menuefoi?4 ferve that they have not merely to eftablifh a commercial JJ* °n» and fadory, but that, to introduce civilization, cultivation and a fafe trade, the company muft provide for thefecurity of the perfons and property of the colonifts. The diredors therefore refolved, that three or four veflels fhould fail at once, with fuch a number of people as will be able to proted and afiift each other; and with goods for trade, and for the fupplyof the colony. Both reafon and paft experience fhow, that a fee- ble attempt to fet up a colony, or a new trade, at fuch a place as Sierra Leona, is not fo likely to profper, as one on a larger fcale, carrying out a llrong body of people, and fupported by a capital fo large as may imply a determina- tion to perfift. Befides the general fecurity arifing from a refpedable eftablifhment, the diredors are alfo of opinion that greater profits may be expeded from a large, than a narrow undertaking. — The expenfe of proteding a faclory, and of demurrage to fhips trading about for fcattered Afri- can produce, has been fo heavy, that the great advantage D of COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 18 CHAP. XI. > Sierra Le- ona. Council, Sic. fail for Sierra Leona. Laudable caution in chufing colo- nifts. of barter, has perhaps been not more than fufficient to re- pay the trader his high charges, and leave him the ordinary profit of trade. Hence appears the advantage of introduc- ing a great degree of cultivation on one fpot, by means of a great body of confumers, and of floring a large, rather than a fmall, quantity of goods (for the (landing expenfe, in both cafes, will be nearly equal) befides promoting quicker fales and returns, than have yet been made in the African trade. — To attain thefe obje&s, a confiderable capital ap- pears indifpenfable ; on the whole, the dire&ors think, not lefs than /'ioo,ooo flerling *. — They will now give fome account of their late proceedings, of the plan they propofe to adopt, and of the probable fources of profit t. 355. Five veflels, one of them armed with 20 guns, have failed for Sierra Leona, and two more are ready. On board thefe fhips have failed a council for the government of the colony, and the management of the company’s affairs ; a number of artificers and other fervants of the company ; fome foldiers, and a very few Englifh fettlers. The difficul- ty of at once accommodating them, unhealthinefs before the land is cleared, the danger of difcontent and irregularity, before the eftabliffiment could be formed ; and the difficul- ty, in a prefs of other bufinefs, of examining, with due care, the characters of thofe who offered to go out as colonifts, all * This was extended to £ 1,50,000 tier, at the fubfequent general court. t “ The dire£tors, in their report of the 19th of OCt. 1791, had here inferted what information they could then give. But the following is now fubftituted as a more correft account of their proceedings, fince it includes alfo the fubltance of a report read to the general court on the 8th of February 1791.” — Note in the 2d Edition of the Report, from which this abridgment is taken. confpired confpired to make the directors difcourage any, but a few feleCt Englifh fettlers, from going out at prefent. They have alfo moltly refufed a palfage to blacks, obferving that thofe who lived in London were generally far from being regular and induftrious*. One of the chief dangers to the colony might be the halty intrufion of loofe,idle or extrava- gant Europeans, impatient of fubordination, and fo poor as to make them burden fome to the company. — The difficulty indeed of finding Europeans who can work in Africa, in the fun, without injuring their health, has made the directors think it their duty to difcourage labourers going from hence; and they trull to the natives, or the free American blacks who, as will be hereafter mentioned, are expeCted immediately to arrive. — Perfons indeed of fome property, and artificers, both of good character, will probably after the firll rains, be confidered as a valuable acquilition. But the directors wifh the proprietors and the public to conlider it as a fundamental principle, that no perfons lhall go out in their fhips, or relide, in their diltriCl, without the authority of the directors, who purpofe always to examine their cha- racters, as in the cafe of their own fervants. The direc- tors difclaim every idea, that the colony will be a recepta- cle for perfons of doubtful character, and bad connec- tions. On the maintenance of good order, very much de- pends the comfort of every refpeCtable individual, whom they have induced to fettle there, and indeed the whole well-being of the colony. 356. From the nature and extent of this undertaking, the expenfes mull be great. In procuring the ACt of Parlia- ment, extraordinary charges of the outfet, provilions, fhip- C H XI Si ERR 09.' Expenfe * See in the Append. Notes^ &c. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note G. D 2 ping. 20 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON CHAP. XI. ' . ' Sierra Le- DNAi {Economy lias been Hu- died. Council to promote e- qual rights, fubordina- tion, educa- tion, religion and tolera- tion. ping, buildings and eflabli foment at home and abroad, for the firft year, above ^30,000 has been dated, as likely to be funk. — The annual eftablifoment confifis of the falaries of the fuperintendant and council of Sierra Leona, of a militia, of a fmall Handing military defence, the falaries of managers of plantations, the charges of commerce and cultivation, and of management at home, altogether amounting, on the pre- fent fcale, to about £7000. 357. Notwithftanding the magnitude of this fum, the di- reftors have been ftudious of ceconomy. For fervices abroad, they have given no more than their nature, and the necelfary qualifications, demanded. In the home charges, they have been equally oeconomical, confining them to things abfolutely necelfary. A houfe has been engaged as the feat of their bufinefs. — Such part of the fubfcribers’ capital as was unemployed, has been fafely placed out at interefL 358. The fuperintendant and council, were particularly inftru6ted to fecure to all blacks and people of colour, at Sierra Leona, equal rights and equal treatment, in all re- fpefls, with whites. They will be tried by jury, as well as others, and the council are defired to allot to the blacks employments fuited to their prefent abilities, and to af- ford them every opportunity of cultivating their talents. All pra&icable means of maintaining fubordination are di- refled to be ufed; and the council are efpecially inftrutted to promote religion and morals, by fupporting public wor- fhip and the due obfervance of the Sabbath, and by the in- flru&ion of the people, and the education of children. But no perfon is to be prevented from performing or attend- ing religious worfoip in whatever place, time or manner he thinks fit, or from peaceably inculcating his own religious opinions. i. 359 ■ °r- TIIE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 21 CHAP. XI. ' * 9 Sierr a Le- ona. Townnamed Free- lawn. Difficultiesto be expefted. 359. Orders have been given, in chafing the fcite of a town, to confider health as the fir ft objeft: the firft town to be called Free-town. Articles for building and cultiva- tion have been fent out, befides the cargoes for profecuting the company’s commerce. 360. It is eafy to forefee that the firft difficulties to be expefted muft arife from the tranfition of the colonifts to a hot climate, clearing the country, want of accommodation, efpecially in the firft rains, and the uncertainty of obtain- ing fufficient provifions on the fpot. Thefe difficulties are the greater from their coming together, and at the very out- fet. The directors have anxioufly laboured to provide againft them, not only as fuccefs muft materially depend on furmounting them ; but alfo as an act of juftice to thofe who have embarked themfelves and their families, on the faith of the company’s protection. The expenfe of a6ting thus has been great, but it was indifpenfable ; and the di- rectors are perfuaded that a finall capital would not have carried the defign, through it’s firft difficult and unproduc- tive ftages, leaving a fufficient fund for trade and cultiva- tion. It is hoped that, by the late extenfion of capital, and what is farther to be expefted, the undertaking may fur- mount even unforefeen difficulties ; and that fteady perfe^ verance will fix a colony, and eftablifh civilization, culti- vation and commerce in Africa. The dire&ors having re- ported to the general court of proprietors, that the whole capital of £150,000 was already fubfcribed, they were em- Company’s powered to enlarge the fubfcriptions to any fum under capital* £ 500,000 , the capital limited by the a6t of incorporation. 361. For acquainting the princes and chiefs, and the na- tives in general, with the company’s views, and to counter- act o Sierra Le- ona. The compa- ny's declara- tion to the natives. Theirfources of profit. act mifreprefentations, the diretftors propofe fending over this printed declaration. 362. “ The Sierra Leona company, eftablifhed by the Britifh Parliament, do hereby declare, that they will fend out goods from England, and take all kinds of African pro- duce in exchange ; that they will not deal in flaves them- felves, nor allow of any Have-trade on their ground. They will always have a large flore of Europeans goods for fale, and a force- fufficient to defend it. They wifh always to keep peace, and will make no war, unlefs they are firft at- tacked ; but they will fufter no one to be ill treated on their ground, nor to be feized and carried off into flavery ; but will themfelves punifh their own people for any crimes fairly proved to have been committed by them. Black and white fettlers will all be equally governed, and will have their perfons and property fecured, according to the laws of Great Britain. Schools for reading, writing, and accounts, will be fet up by the company, who will be ready to receive and inftruct the children of fuch natives as fhall be willing to put them under their care 363. The probable fources of the company’s profit appear to be — Firft, A land-revenue from quit-rents, and from a gradually increafing tax on the produce of their diftrifl, and which, though fmall at firft, may be reafonably expeft- ed to become important. — Secondly, The profits from lands referved by the company, to be either cultivated on their own account, or let or diftributed hereafter. — Third- ly, Profits of the company’s trade with Sierra Leona and it’s neighbourhood, and alfo with the interior parts of Africa. * See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpefting S. Leona and Bulama, Note H. 364. From THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 364. From the foregoing account, it muft appear, that the dire£fors are endeavouring, in the outfet, rather to lay the foundation of the happinefs of Africa, and of future pro- fperity to the company, than to grafp at any premature ad- vantages. But they truft that they are not too fanguine in looking forward to confiderable and growing profits, refult- ing from, and connected with, the increasing profperity of the country under their jurifdi&iom POSTSCRIPT. 365. Many of the proprietors, ballotted for on the 20th of Dec. 1790, having become members, merely from an idea of the benevolence of the undertaking, are ftill imperfe&ly acquainted with it’s object. The directors therefore refolv- ed to fend each of them a copy of the foregoing report, adding a few particulars which, being drawn up with a different view, it did not contain, alfo an important article of intelligence which they could not then date with cer- tainty. 366. The leading obje£t of the company was to fubfti- tute, for that difgraceful traffic which has too long fubfifted, a fair commerce with Africa, and all the bleffings which might be expe&ed to attend it. — Confiderable advantages appeared hereby likely to refult to G. Britain; not only from our obtaining feveral commodities cheaper ; but alfo from opening a market for Britifh manufa&ures, to the increafing demands of which it is difficult to affign a limit. 367. From this connexion, Africa was likely to derive the ftill more important benefits of religion, morality and civilization. To accomplifh thefe purpofes, it was ne- ceffary for the company to poflefs a tra£f of land, as a repo- fitory 23 CHAP. XI. ^ — * Sierra Le- ona. Intention of this P. S. The compa- ny’s objeft. Benefits to Africa, 24 C H A P. XI. -v ' Sierra Le- ona. Trade and a fugar planta- tion ordered to be begun. Mineralogift and botanift engaged. t 3 direftors, capital, fhares and votes. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON fitory for their goods, and which the Africans might cultivate in peace, fecure from the ravages of the flave- trade. It had been ascertained, beyond a doubt, that the climate and foil of Africa were admirably fuited to the growth of fugar, fpices, coffee, cotton, indigo, rice, and every other fpecies of tropical produce. The company propofed to indruft the natives to raife thefe articles, and to fet them the example, by a fpirited cultivation, on its own account : and the peninfula of Sierra Leona, one of the healthied and mod fertile fpots on the coad, has been l’elefted for the experiment*. 368. Direftions have been given and fmall veffels dif- patched, to the company’s commercial agent, to pufh for- ward a trade, in a mode preferibed, in the prefent produce of Africa. — M^afures are taken for cultivating, on the company’s acxount, the mod profitable tropical produce. In particular, a perfon of long experience in the Wed In- dies, has been ordered to begin a fugar-plantation. 3 6g. The direftors have befides engaged a mineralogid (Mr. A. Nordenfkiold) and a botanid, (Mr. A. Afzelius) both of great ability, to go out and explore the company’s didri61, and the vicinity, for new articles of commercef. And, in general, the proprietors may be affured that the direftors will vigoroudy promote the advantage of their condituents; being perfuaded that their intereds and thofe of Africa are the fame. 370. The company’s affairs are to be managed by thir- teen direftors, annually elefted, for that purpofe J. The * See in the Append. Notes, & c. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note E. + See in the Append. Notes, & c. refpefting S. Leona and Bulama, Note I. jt See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note I. com THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 25 company’s capital, limited to £500,000, is divided into £50 each. Members are to have votes, according to the num- bers of their fhares, in a fixed proportion, and to a certain extent : every one poflefling one or two fhare or fhares, and no more, is entitled to one vote ; of three or four fnares, and no more, to two votes; of five, fix or feven fhares, and no more, to three votes ; of eight or nine fhares, and no more, to four votes; and of ten or more fhares to five votes. A member may hold any number of fhares; but no one is to be entitled to more than five votes. 371. A true account of the debts, credits and capital of the company, figned by the Chairman, Deputy Chairman and five other Directors, is to be annually publifhed, in the London gazette. V 372. The ad: of incorporation authorizeff^ie Company to make bye-laws ; and it has been, in confequence, ordained that no Dire&or fhall be concerned in any contract relating to the Company’s bufinefs ; or, dire6tly or indiredly, take any fee, prefent or reward; as alfo tha^ no fervant of the Company (hall, dire&ly or indiredly, take any fee, prefent or reward, other than fuch as fhall have been duly eftablilh- ed by the Diredors. 373- Laftly, it may be proper to mention, what, but for fome enquiries on this head, the Directors would have deemed it almoft fuperfluous to declare, that no member is anfwerable, farther than to the amount of his particular fhare or fhares, for any debts the Company may contract. 374. The article of intelligence above referred to, (fee § 365) refpects a valuable acceffion of inhabitants the colony is about to receive. It confilts of a number of free black families, a part of many who, at the clofe of the American war, were carried from the United States to Nova Scotia, in which province they were promifed lands. The Direc- E tors CHAP. XI. ^ y Sierra Le- on a. Accounts ta be publifhed. Direftorsand company’s fervants to take no fee#. Sec. Members an- fwerable on- ly for their (hares. Nova Scotii blacks ex- pected. 26 CHAP. XI. ^ — —v — ■ - ^ Sierra Le- ona. which will make a large capital ne- ceffary. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON tors can hardly fpeak, without referve, on this fubjech Suffice it to fay, that the rigour of the climate, with the de- gradation and ill treatment thefe poor people experienc- ed, after many of them had bled for Great Britain, induc- ing them to wifh for a change of fituation, they deputed a black man of their number, to come over and lay their cafe before the Britifh Miniltry ; and, in confequence of his exprefs folicitations, in which the Directors concurred, it was fettled, that as many of them as chofe, fhould be con- veyed to Sierra Leona, at the expenfe of Government. The Directors are happy in declaring, from the accounts of a perfon, on whom they can entirely rely, that, under many difadvantages, they have proved themfelves a fober, order- ly fet of people, from whofe domeftic habits, ability and difpofition to labour for their families, much maybe hoped*. — As thefe people were obvioufly to be preferred to Euro- peans, for a new African colony, the Direftors have not yet much encouraged fettlers to go from hence. But they have fent out the requifite artificers, and the members of their civil government, and of their other eftablifhments. 375. The Directors are daily more convinced, that a large capital is to be wifhed for, and that it may even be defire- able to extend it far beyond the limits already fuggefted. It would be tedious to enumerate their reafons, and fome of them have been before touched on; but it may not be amifs to intimate, that the approaching large and fudden population of the colony, by the Nova Scotia blacks, how- ever ultimately advantageous, mulf greatly increafe the Company’s prefent difburfements; for, inftead of provid- ing for a trifling factory, they muff, at once, incur the * See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpefting S. Leona and Bulama, Note L. charges THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. 27 charges of planting a confiderable colony, and form their c ?* eftablifhments on a proportionable fcale. < — -v- — j 376. The Direftors truft, however, that the Proprietors Sie"aaLi‘ M7ill not be fo far influenced by the defire of adding to their capital, as to admit into their body any perfons, on whom they cannot rely for fincere attachment to the funda- mental principles of the inftitution : nor can the Dire&ors entertain an apprehenflon, left the funds of the company (hould in any degree fall fhort, from the obfervance of this falutary caution. They cannot doubt but that a plan founded on fuch principles, and dire&ed to fuch ends, will readily obtain, in an age and a country like ours, what- ever fupport it may require. The number, already great, is daily increaftng, of thofe who feel for the wrongs of Africa, and are eager to difcover fome mode of com* penfating to her for the injuries fhe has fo long been fuftaining at our hands. — Whatever may have been un- juftly urged againft any other meafure that has been brought forward, under this impreflion, no one can obje6t to the undertaking of the Sierra Leona company. Even confidered in relation to the abolition of the flave-trade, it’s operation, though flow, is unqueftionably fure. Though it may not at once cut up by the roots this inhuman traf- fic, it tends to divert the ftream that waters it, and deftroy the principles from which it derives its nutriment. Filled with thefe animating ideas, the Directors grudge not the great pains they have taken, in the execution of their im- portant truft; nor will they at all relax in their exertions. It is their joy and their comfort to be thus employed : they are thankful for being allowed to be the inftruments of the goodnefs of Providence, in the communication of fuch great and extenfive benefits. Already they anticipate E 2 the- COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 28 CHAP. XI. \ Sierra Le- ona. Lieut.Clark- fon offers to conduct the free blacks from N. Sco- tia to S. Le- ona. The compa- ny’s declara- tion refpeft- ing them. the happy effeCts of their labours. They look forward with delight to that joyful period, when, by the influence of the Company’s meafures, and the efficacy of its ex- ample, the continent of Africa fhall have been refcued from her prefent date of darknefs and mifery, and fhall exhibit a far different fcene, of light and knowledge, and civilization and order, and peaceful induftry, and domef- tic comfort. The following is an Abridgment of the “ Sub fiance of the Report de- livered by the Court of Directors of the Sierra Leona Company to the General Court of Proprietors , on the 2.7th of March 1794.” 377. The Directors having concurred with the black man deputed by the Nova Scotian free negroes, in applying to His Majefty’s Minifters for a paffage for them, at the ex- penfe of Government, and having obtained a favourable an- fwer (fee § 374) they immediately availed themfelves of the fervices of Lieut. Clarkfon, who very handfomely of- fered to go to Nova Scotia, to fuperintend the collecting and carrying over fuch free blacks as might with to mi- grate to Sierra Leona*. The terms on which the Company engaged to receive them into the colony were contained in a printed declaration, of which the following is a copy : 378. “ The Sierra Leona Company, willing to receive in- to their colony fuch free blacks as are able to produce to their agents, Lieut. Clarkfon, of His Majefty’s navy, and Mr. Lawrence Hartfhorn, of Halifax, or either of them, fatisfac- tory teftimonials of their character, (more particularly as to honefty, fobriety and induftry) think it proper to notify, in an explicit manner, upon what terms they will receive at Sierra Leona, thofe who bring with them written certifi- * See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpe&ingS. Leona and Bulama, Note M, cates THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. 2 g cates of approbation from either of the faid agents, which c ^ A p* certificate they are hereby refpeftively authorized to grant v- — > or withhold at difcretion. — It is therefore declared by the Sie^aaj » pany. “ Given under our hands, London, the fecond day of Auguft, 1791. Henry COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 30 CHAP. XI. ' > Si£rr a Le- on a. 1 1 96 Nova Scotia blacks willing to embark. Cap- to be raifed 10^235,28°. Whites from England. 1 1 3 1 Nova Scotians ar- rive at S. Le- ona. Mortal- ity on board. Henry Thornton, Chairman Phil. Sansom, D. Chairman Joseph Hardcastle Charles Middleton William Wilberforce Granville Sharp John Kingston Samuel Parker Thomas Clarkson Vickeris Taylor William Sanford Thomas Eldred George Wolff “ N. B. For the convenience of thofe who are poffeffed of property which they cannot difpofe of before their depar- ture, the Company will authorize an agent, who, on receiv- ing from any proprietor a fufficient power for that pur- pofe, fhall fell the fame for his benefit, and remit the pur- chafe money, through the hands of the Company, to fuch proprietor at Sierra Leona.” 379. The Nova Scotians willing to embark for Sierra Leona, proved, to the furprize of the Dire6tors, to be no fewer than 1 196. So large an acceffion of people could not but have important confequences, and give a new turn to the whole undertaking. — The dire&ors firft attended to their immediate wants ; at the fame time propofing to raife the capital to ^235,280, a confiderable part of it having been fubferibed, after the intelligence from Nova Scotia was received. 380. The firflveffel fent by the Company from England, reached S. Leona, Feb. 1792, and fhe was foon followed by two others. By thefe Chips, there went out 40 Company's fervants and artificers, upon falaries, 10 colonifls, 1 6 fol- diers, and above 30 women and children — all whites. 381. In March 1792, 16 veffels arrived at S. Leona from N. Scotia, with 1131 blacks, many of them labouring under the effects of a fever, contracted in Halifax, of which 65 had died on the paffage. Mr. Clarkfon, whofe humanity had THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. 31 had led him to embark on board the hofpital fhip, had alfo narrowly efcaped with his life, from a violent attack of the fame diforder. He was extremely weak and ill, when he landed at S. Leona, and he recovered very llowly. 382. After a delay of two or three weeks, arifing from a palaver (or council) of the natives, which ended favoura- bly, the fpot where the blacks, firft fent from London, had fettled, was thought the bed for the intended colony. In a few weeks more, the fcite of the town was cleared by the N. Scotians, and the furveyor having marked out the ftreets, each began to build for himfelf a temporary hut, of the country materials; but fome were floored with deals from hence (fee § 83 et feq.) To this work they applied mod eagerly, fearing that they fhould be overtaken by the rains, which might be expefted, in lefs than two months. The town, agreeable to inftru&ion, was named Free- town. 383. The Dire&ors, anxious to fhelter the colonifts from the firft rains, thought it their duty to buy and fend out the fhip York, of 850 tons, which, being fitted up for their ac- commodation, was loaded with frames of houfes, building materials and various ftores. They confidered, that, be- fides carrying out a large cargo, fhe might accommodate the lick, and thofe whofe houfes were unfinilhed, and might afterwards ferve as a ftore. Having been driven back by a ftorm, fhe arrived too late to be of much ufe in the lickly feafon : but fhe was very ufeful afterwards, as a ftore and floating faftory, in loading and unloading other veffels, and by accommodating many fervants of the Com- pany. CHAP. XI. ; Si e r. r a Le- on a. N. Scotians clear land, &c. Houfe frames &c. fent out. 384. The precautions of the Directors, and the early and Mortality, liberal fupplies they fent out, unhappily did not prevent modadon." • • L ! . -a con- COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 32 CHAP. XI. ' f Si eiua Le- ona. Land could not be allot* ted. Governor and council difagree. Confequent diforders. Mr Clarkfon ap- pointed foie governor. a eonfiderable mortality, in the firft rains. They began in the third week of May; many houfes, including the ftore- houfe, were unfiniflied; the Company’s fervants, efpecially the lower ones, and the foldiers were accommodated ex- tremely ill; and the Englifh colonifts were leaft of all pre- pared for the rainy feafon. Perhaps the high health which generally prevailed before the rains, by creating too much confidence in the climate, efpecially among the Europeans, might caufe fome flacknefs in the preparations. 385. From this general view of the flow progrefs of the colony, it is obvious that no attempt could yet have been made to mark out the promifed lots of land, building hav- ing engroffed nearly the whole attention both of the Nova Scotians, and of the Company’s fervants; nor had any trade worth notice been yet begun; though, by the advice of the Company’s commercial agent, fome goods for trade had been fent out by the very firft fhips. 386. Antecedent to this period, and during the firft three or four important months, a mifunderftanding had prevailed between the governor and council ; and the fubfequent calamity was partly owing to their inefficiency. Eight of the principal fervants had been nominated a council, and the inferior officers had been enjoined to pay the fame obe- dience to their orders, which they owed to the Court of T)ire6lors. The office of governor having become vacant, Mr. Clarkfon, who had given great fatisfa&ion by his con- du£t in N. Scotia, was requefted to fill the fituation, till a fucceffor fhould be appointed, and he had the calling vote in the council. 387. Alarmed by the want of order and energy, betrayed even by the firft accounts, the Directors adopted the tempo- rary expedient of throwing the whole refponfibility on Mr. Clarkfon, THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. Mr. Clarkfon, permitting him to aflame the whole power. Whether they erred, in dividing the authority among fo many as eight perfons,or, whether the blame lay with the governor and council, it is not perhaps material now to canvas. The Dire&ors acquit the acting counfellors of wilful negleCl, ex- cept one, not originally appointed by them, but retained, on account of his knowledge of the country. His intoxication, idlenefs and irregularity, with the inaccuracy of his in- formation, were among the caufes of the firft colonial and commercial difficulties. To the neglect of this perfon (whom indeed, it was the duty of the governor and coun- cil to control) it was chiefly owing, that the colony was not fupplied with freffi provifions, before the fickly feafon. The fhips were not employed for this purpofe, as was di- rected; and the original inftru&ions to the governor and council, drawn up by the DireClors and read to the Proprie- tors, received little or no confideration, till long after this period. Confufion in the accounts, in the (lores, in the government, in the information fent home, and in every operation, aggravated the dillrefs of the flckly feafon, and the confequent mortality. 388. The Direftors, without perfonal views, think it their duty to declare their impartial opinion of the caufes of the diftrefles and difficulties of the colony, which having been at their height in the firfl rainy feafon, they think it proper to defcribe particularly; both the antecedent (late of things and this calamitous period itfelf. The contraft between the firft and fecond rainy feafon, will by no means difcredit the undertaking. 389. The ftcknefs was the moft fevere at the beginning of the rains. About 800 blacks were laid up at one time, and very few palled through the feafon without indifpofition. F The 33 CHAP. XI. Sierra Le- on a. Sicknefs.and concomitant dill refs, and confufion. 34 CHAP. XI. 1 ~~ I I V Sierra Le- on a. The diftreff- ed Bulama colonifts hofpitably, but not per- manently, re- ceived, at S. Leona — the reafons. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON The diforder was the fever common to hot climates. It affect- ed, in different degrees, the whites and blacks, almoll indif- criminately ; but proved much the moft fatal to the former, efpecially to thofe on fhore, whofe mortality was once fuch as might have excited fears, about the pra&icabiiity of the whole undertaking, in perfons unacquainted with the cir- cumftances. — In the height of the ficknefs, all the medical men, but one, were laid up ; fo that a few chief fervants only could be properly attended. The ftore-keepers, living in a damp ware-houfe, were the firft victims; and hence, con- fufion in delivering the {lores. No retail-fhop had yet been fet up, nor any money-medium eftablilhed *. The doors of the ftore-houfe were continually crowded ; but neither food nor phyfic, though the Directors had fent a fufficiency of both, were properly diftributed. The huts were very fmall, many damp, and a few unfinifhedt. Depreffion of fpirits generally prevailed, produced a total helplefsnefs, in fome cafes, and greatly aggravated the diforder in all. (See § 91.) — Without anticipating the fubje£t of health, it may be obferved here, that almoft half the whites living on fliore, and nearly one tenth of the N. Scotian blacks, were carried off, in this dreadful feafon. 390. While the colony was juft emerging from this dif- trefs, a {hip arrived from Bulama, with a great number of paflengers, many of them extremely lick, who deftred to be received into the colony. The Directors had declined pro- pofals made to them, in England, by many perfons who went to Bulama. For they conceived, that fuccefs materially de- * See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note N. + and, I apprehend, fituated on the ground, without any elevation. See § 8^. C. B. W. pended THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. pended on excluding all Europeans, thofe excepted who, be- ing in the pay of the Company, were entirely fubject to them. They feared that even a few independent colonills, of an improper cajt, might endanger the colony, by corrupt- ing the people, by difobeying government, and by exciting difcontent; and that, if, for fuch caules, they fhould be ex- cluded from the colony, they might refort (efpecially if they had left debts in England) to improper courfes among the na- tives, perhaps turning flave-tradersat laft. — By fuch cpnfider- ations, the Directors had been determined to exclude, for the prefent, all Europeans, except a very few. They had alfo enquired, very ftriclly, into the character and circumftances of their fervants, letting none go to S. Leona who left debts in England. But the principle of thefe important rules mull have been given up, if theBulama people, unknown as they were to the S. Leona Company, Ihould be received there. The Directors had previoufly inftru6ted the Governor and Council, to give every affiftance to the Bulama colony; but, if they fhould leave Bulama, and come to S. Leona, not to allow them permanently to fettle there. The government of S. Leona accordingly declined receiving the palfengers from Bulama into the colony ; but, after accommodating the fick for a fhort time, on fhore, they fupplied them with a few necelfaries, and with a veffel to aflift in bringing them to England, as their own fhip, the Calypfo, was extremely crowded*. 391. And here it may be proper to mention that if either the Bulama Company, or any other fimilar inflitution, Ihould hereafter attempt to form colonies in Africa, with a view to civilization, the Dire£lors will gladly encourage fuch under- * See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpefting S. Leona and Bulama, Note O. F 2 takings 35 CHAP. XI. 1 ) Sierra Le- ona. Company will aflift in all artempts to civilize Africa. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 3« CHAP. XI. v * - Si e r r a Le- on a. Difficulties in diftribut- ing landjtho’ Direftors ea- ger to eff.-ft it. Provifions allowed. takings, as far as they can, without too much expenfe, and frefh hazard to their own colony; and they are well per- fuaded that the Proprietors, fuperior to every narrow jea- loufy, and having the general benefit of Africa at heart, agree with them in this fentiment. 392. The chief obje£l of the S. Leona government, after the ficknefs abated, was the diflribution of the lands, which they found more difficult than was expefled. They could not, at once, give each individual his lot of 20 acres, the lands on the water-fide, or within a reafonable diflance of Freetown, being infufficient. Even the labour of cutting paths, and meafuring fo large a tra6l, would have been too great for one feafon. The N. Scotians were fo fenfible of this, that they agreed to accept 4 acre lots for the prefent, of which, however, they were very eager to have immediate pofleffion. The Dire£lors, and the colonial government, were not lefs earned than they, to effeft this work. They were bound by the fpiritof the promifes made in N. Scotia; urged by the importunities of the colonifls; and influenced by oeconomy, to attempt a fpeedy diflribution of the land; fince each colonifl either received provifions, till his lot of ground was given him, or elfe was empolyed under the Company, when perhaps there was no great call for his fer- vices. 393. The order of the Dire£lors, refpefting provifions, ex- tended only to an allowance for a fpecified time, for the N. Scotians, the Company’s fervants, and the few Englifh colo- nifls; namely, 3 months full allowance, equal to the common army rations, and 3 months half allowance. But the go- vernment, conceiving that the motives for this gratuity, and the equity, and even neceffity, of the cafe, required an exten- sion of it, continued it to thofe who were kept out of their 4 acre THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. acre lots, and were not employed by the Company. The Di- rectors, though aware of this great expenfe, on confidering the circumftances, could not refufe their acquiefcence. 394. The importance of a fpeedy allotment of the lands was felt fo drongly, that the Company’s furveyor of build- ings (their land-furveyor having returned to England, from ill health) fpiritedly attempted the work, with a party of Nova Scotians, even before the rains were over ; but was repeatedly flopped by licknefs Almoll all the next dry feafon was confumed in diflributing the four acre lots ; though very great exertions were made, by a large party. 395. The Direftors are forry that the land near the town has proved not fo good as they had been led, by every in- formation, to expeCl. Lieut. Matthews’s defcription is far more favourable than obfervation on that fpot judides. To this ferious difappointment may be afcribed, many difficul- ties and many unexpected charges. As the air, water and landing-place at Freetown, are certainly the bed which can be found, it can hardly fail to be the chief place of trade ; though other parts, at a moderate didance, efpecially on the the oppofite fhore, will be the bed for cultivation. 396. The improvement of the landing-place, the ereding of a church, a hofpital, ware’noufes and other buildings, of which the frames went from hence, the fencing and culti- vating of a garden of experiment, and fome meafures for defence, have alfo condantly occupied a body of the N. Scotians, at a very great expenfe. No fort, however, has been thought necefiary. 397. In the fecond dry feafon, the colony feems to have been improving, in all refpecls. The government was al- tered, a council of three having been fubdituted, by the Direflors, for the council of eight; and two gentlemen, (Mr. 37 C H A P. XI. ' v > Surra Le- ona. 4 acre lots dittributed. Lands on Bullom fliore better than near town. Public build- ings, &c. Colony im- proves. New council. 38 CHAP. M. ' ' Sierra Le- on a . Colony fuf- fers by war. N. Scotians difpleafed ; but latisfied again. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON (Mr. Dawes and Mr. Watt*) the one ufed to a new colony, the other to a tropical climate, were fent out as counfellors. From this time, minutes of council, and a journal of every material tranfaclion, were kept, and copies fent to England; as were alfo periodical reports of the progrefs of each prin- cipal fervant, in his department, with the remarks of the government thereon. An indent was fent home, of all the European goods likely to be wanted, for the year, in the colony : a more correft correfpondence was commenced, and the Court’s original inftru&ions, and their fubfequent, were now, for the firfl time, fully anfwered, When the in- telligence began to be regularly fent home, internal order appears to have advanced materially. New plans of police were formed ; more general harmony began to prevail ; fome pains were taken to fettle the Company’s confufed ac- counts ; and more order, of every kind, was introduced. The public works alfo advanced; a plan was formed for rebuilding the town, on a larger fcale ; and the natives of- ten flocked to the colony, viewing it’s improvements with increafing fatisfaftion. (See plate II.) 398. The breaking out of the war, indeed, damped the hopes, and interrupted the progrefs, of the colony. An em- bargo very unfeafonably delayed fome of the Company’s fliips. The prohibition to fend out provifions, except in arm- ed (hips, under convoy +, caufed a temporary want of flour, which excited great murmurs, and the colonial government feared a fufficiency of rice could not be got. The advanced price of the Company’s goods, from the war, aggravating the difcontent, the N. Scotians loudly obje&ed to that part of the * See in the Append. Nc tes, &c. refpefting S. Leona and Bularaa, Note P. + Se: in the Apt end. Note0, &c. refpe£ting S. Leona and Bularna, Note O. plan THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. 39 plan for rebuilding the town, which referved fome ground c ^ A p- near the fhore, for public ufe. This lafl point was * ^ / fettled, after fome conceffion, on the part of the Com- SlE0KNKAA.Lr'* pany. But the fecret caufe of much of this diffatisfac- tion, was the conduft of one of the Company’s fervants who, on Mr. Clarkfon’s departure, prejudiced many of the labourers under him, againft the fucceeding government. They combined, by leaving their work, to raife the price of labour, already very high ; but, the government remain- ing firm, they returned, in a week after, to their work, and their infligator, who had alfo been very difrefpe&ful to the government, having come to England, was difmiffed the fervice. — To fatisfy the colonifts, it was agreed, that two delegates from the N. Scotians, fhould be fent to England, to lay their complaints before the Court of Dire&ors, a meafure which appears to have had the expelled good ef- fe£!; for the colony has fince been tranquil, and has im- proved, in every refpeft. 399. Many occurrences of the fecond feafon, evinced the Slave-trade practicability of introducing cultivation, trade and civiliz- °0b,fyU chiefs ation into Africa ; though the flave-trade, and the oppofing undeceived- influence of thefe engaged in it, almoft every where im- peded, more or lefs, the Company’s views. — One of the counfellor’s, and another fervant of the Company made a voyage fouthward to the Ifland of Bananas, Camarancas ri- ver and Plantain Ifland, and happily removed the preju- dices, which fome of the chiefs had imbibed, from mifrepre- fentations of the Company’s views. The information they gained falls under another head ; as does alfo the progrefs of the Company’s plantation, worked by free labourers, on the fide of the river oppofite Freetown, together with the benefits COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 40 CHAP. XI. * V J Sie&ra Le- ona. D-r.th of Mr. Nordenfki- old, the mi- aeralogilt. K. Naimban- na’s fon dies 2 days after his arrival at S. Leona, from Lon- don. benefits refulting from the labours of Mr. A. Afzelius, the Company’s botanift. 400. The Dire&ors are forry to mention, that the exer- tions of their mineralogift, Mr. Nordenfkiold, who was pro- mifing himfelf great fuccefs, were fuddenly terminated by a misfortune, which caufed his death. His impatience to purfue his objett led him, contrary to the opinion of the governor and council, to attempt an incurfion into the in- terior, before the rains were over. He had goods, worth 2 or £%oo, with which he propofed to trade and buy ne- ceffaries, and was attended by one or two free blacks. But, fhortly after, he was robbed, in a part of the country where this danger might have been apprehended. On his return to S. Leona, he was too much exhaufted by a fever, to give any diftinft account of his misfortune and hard- fhips, and he died in a few days *. — Many other interefting circumftances have happened, the recital of which would be too tedious ; but would exemplify the unexpe&ed diffi- culties and dangers to which a new colony is fubjeft; would explain the caufes of the large expenditure, and evince the growing ftrength of the colony, now abler to furmount ac- cidents, than in it’s earlier infancy. 401. One event deferves to be particularized ; the arri- val at S. Leona of the late King Naimbanna’s fon, who had come to England for education, and his death two days af- ter. His charafter and improvement are interefting, in rela- tion to the civilization of Africa. His father died a few months after the inftitution of the colony, to which he was the firmed: friend, and his death occafioned his fon’s return. It is not probable, that, if the fon had lived, he would have •* See in the Append. Notes, & c. refpc&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note R. been THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 41 been chofen king by the ele&ing chiefs; for they generally c ^ A p- prefer fome perfon of advanced age, to all the young rela- tions of the deceafed. Yet many circumftances juftiiied the Sie^_Le' hope, that he would have rendered important fervices to the Company, in his native country. The Directors, there- fore, confider the death of fo enlightened an African, and fo fincere a friend to the Company, as one of the inftances wherein Providence has been pleafed to difappoint their immediate hopes. From the groundlefs fuggeflion of a black, his countrymen fufpecled that he had been poifoned, by a fervant of the Company, on fhip-board. This caufed a long palaver, by which, though it ended favourably, fome alarm was excited, and the very unreafonable expen fe of entertaining a concourfe of natives, was necelfarily incurred. 402. In this account, now brought down to the commence- ment of the fecond rains, trade has been omitted, as being the fubje£t of a diftin6k head. The eftablifhment of the colony, involving the happinefs of above 1000 perfons, as well as the future interefts of the Company, has been the chief obje6L In the fecond dry feafon, however, the go- vernment fpiritedly followed up the orders fent to them refpe&ing commerce (fee § 116, 165 and 179, 2d Clafs ill Divifion.) 403. But here the Directors have to mention a very late The (hip calamity, likely to incommode the colony, and interrupt 01 the trade ; but chiefly to be lamented, for the pecuniary lofs, namely, the burning of the York ftore-fhip, with the goods on board of her. Thefe were partly the Harpy’s car- go, and partly African produce, valued at £ 4000 , collected by the Company’s fmall veffels, up and down the coaft. The fire happened at nine in the morning, and fpread ra- pidly; but neither natives nor colonifts could be induced to G approach COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 42 Si e r r a Le- on a. Colony healthy, in the fecond rains. Petition of the Nova Scotians. approach the veflel, being obftinate in the belief, that fhe contained a large quantity of gun-powder. The whole lofs of fhip and cargo is calculated at above £15,000 all uninfur- ed ; for, under all the circumftances, infurance, to any great extent, would not have been eafy. The fame difpatches (dated 26th Dec. 1793) which mention this fire, the collec- tion of the African produce, and the arrival of the goods, which were burnt, brought alfo very good accounts of the colony, efpecially refpecfing health, up to the end of the fecond rains. In the period correfponding to that of the preceding year, in which one-tenth of the blacks, and near- ly half the whites had died, no great mortality happened; and yet the rains in the laft feafon were unufually heavy, and the mortality in the neighbouring faftories uncommon- ly great. Contrary alfo to the firfl year’s experience, the refidents on fhore were healthier than thofe on fhip-board. Hence the Directors may venture to infer, that the colony may now be fairly confidered as progreffively improving. 404. The delegates from the N. Scotians already mention- ed, prefented, to the Court of Dire&ors, a petition, purport- ing to be the fenfe of their body, couched in flrong terms, which, however, there is reafon to think, were not tho- roughly approved by many of them; and the petition had never been fhown to the governor and council. They complained chiefly of the high price of the Company’s goods ; the low wages for labour; the nonfulfilment of pro- mi fes dated to have been made them by Mr. Clarkfon, and many trifling inffances of fuppofed mifconduft in the fuc- ceeding governor. After fully conhdering the petition, and hearing the evidence of the delegates, the Court of Dire&ors came to the following Refolution, which was communicat- ed to them: 405. “ Re- THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. \ “ Refolved, 405. “ That the Court confider the petition of the Nova Scotians, as hafly, and the f'a&s therein mentioned, as chiefly founded on miftake and miflnformation. That it appears to have been drawn up and agreed to at a time when the unfortunate delay of the Company’s fhips, through the breaking out of the war, had occafloned fome temporary diftrefs and diflatisfa&ion, which fome defigning perfon or perfons, then in the colony, may have contributed to increafe. — The Court are of opinion, therefore, that, through the arrival of the large fupplies, lately fent from hence, and the continued care and attention of the governor and council to the interefts of the colony, every material caufeof diflatisfaftion will have ceafed before the arrival of thefe refolutions at Sierra Leona. As it is undoubtedly the intereft of thecolonifls, fo the Dire&ors truft, it will alfobe their general wifh, to promote harmony, and to difcounte- nance all fa&ious attempts to difcredit the government of Sierra Leona, fince, on their due obedience to government, under the blefling of Providence, their happinefs, their li- berty, and perhaps their very lives, depend. It is on this ground that the Directors earneflly exhort the general body of Nova Scotians, both as freemen and as Chriftians, to dif- courage all unreafonable difcontent, to pay refpeft and obedience to the government, and if, contrary to the Di- reftors’ expe&ations, any actual grievances fliould cxift; at the time of receiving this refolution, tiie Court of Directors recommend it to the Nova Scotians, temperately to repre- fent the cafe to the governor and council. But if they fliould hereafter conceive it to be neceflary to prefer their complaints hither, that they will, in fuch cafe, previoufly acquaint the governor and council with the purport of them, in order that the Court may receive their fentiments G 2 there - 43 CHAP. XI. \ „ 1 Sierra Le- ona. Refol. of the Direftors thereon. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 44 Si err a Le- ona. Confcquent remon- itrance. Difadvan- tages of re- ceiving the N. Scotians, thereupon, and may thus have the whole of the fubjeCl at once before them.” 406. The delegates, on the above refolution, made a very hady remondrance, which indicated the fame vehemence and difrefpeCt to the Court of Directors, which had occa- fionally been fhown to the government at Sierra Leona. After fome more interviews with the Directors, during a far- ther detention of about two months, in which they received a fmall allowance for fubfiftence, they fet fail, apparently very well difpofed to the Company. 407. The preceding faCts, efpecially the lad, may have fuggeded to the proprietors the difficulty the Dire£fors have had, to fatisfy the N. Scotians, on the one hand, and to avoid profufe expenfe, on the other. Indeed fuch have been the trouble and expenfe caufed by the N. Scotians, that the general expediency of introducing them into the colony, may have been doubted. It feems neceflary, therefore, to date the advantages and difadvantages of that meafure. 408. The charge of it has certainly been very great ; for the Company’s eflablifhment has been unavoidably enlarg- ed, in proportion to the number of colonids ; the fhips have been neceffarily employed for their ufe ; the grant of pro- vilions may be edimated at £20,000', expenfe has been in- curred in didributing their lands; and lofs, by employing more of them than were always wanted, and that at wages which, though complained of, were at lead double thofe given to the natives, who yet are nearly equal to the N. Sco- tians at common labour, though incapable of fome ne- ceflary kinds of work at which the N. Scotians are tolerably expert. Of thefe, which are the principal charges, no jud edimate could be previously formed ; not only from the nature of them, but from the unexpected > num- THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. number of N. Scotians who embarked, and the delays and difappointments which followed. When the Directors in- vited thefe colonills, they unavoidably a£led on probabili- ties: though aware of incalculable circumflances, their prompt decihon was indifpenfable. They thought it pru- dent to make the promifes before Hated ; and, on the faith of which* the N. Scotians have crolfed the feas. But the Di- re£lors fairly avow, that, befides a literal compliance with them, they confider themfelves morally obliged not to let the colonills fuffer any extremities, which the Company can relieve, till they can derive fupport from their lands, or from fome other means. Hence they have never hefitated to fend out fuch goods, as they had reafon to believe llridtly necelfary; leaving it to the diferetion of the government to credit the colonills with fuch necelfaries. Had the land round Freetown been as fruitful as was deferibed, and had the N. Scotians been as manageable and induftrious as they were reprefented, and, for fome time, appeared to be, the charges attending them would certainly have been lefs, and the advantages greater. 409. Yet, under every difficulty and difappointment, the advantages of the migration of this body of colonills have been important; but more fo to themfelves, and to Africa, than to the proprietors. A quicker improvement in point of health, from the extenfion of the town, and of cul- tivation ; a greater facility in inducing valuable men to go out; a farther extenlion of the Company’s reputation in Africa, and a quicker progrefs in civilization ; but, above all, a far greater fecurity againll hoflile attacks — all thefe advantages evidently belong to a large, rather than a fmall, undertaking : and, if there be no danger that the funds, which may properly be dellined to the eilablilhment of the colo- 45 CHAP. XI. v 1 SierraLc- ON A. Advantages. 46 CHAP. XI. « t Si erra Le- on a . Statement of funds and ex- penfes. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON ! colony, fhould be prematurely exhauffed, it can fcarcely be denied, that fo powerful a body of coloniffs, muff afford a fuperior profpecf of ultimate fuccefs. 410. In difcharging their important truft, the Directors have endeavoured to pra&ife that oeconomy which is con- nected with found policy, and fubftantial juft ice, — to the Proprietors ; to their fervants ; and to the colonifts. 411. In the following ftatement, though the fum total of the expen fes of the colony can hardly fail to be tolerably correct, yet many particulars, from the caufes dated, are merely taken from effimate. EXPENSES incurred in ejtablifhing tlieCOLON Y. Charges antecedent to the incorporation of the Company, confid- ing chiefly of two fmall veflels, fent to explore the country. - £ . 1200 Charges of incorporation . - - - 650 18,39 Charges of home eftablifhment, viz. Furniture and repairs of the S. Leona Houfe .... 450 Houfekeeper’s falary, coals, candles, rent, and taxes, &c. for about two years, to Chriflmas 1793. - 745 Printing, advertifing, poflage, books, &c. for about 2 years, to ditto - 850 Officers and clerks falaries to ditto - - 1480 3525 Educating and clothing natives fent to England, and their paflages, about . . . 500 Charges of the eftablifhment at S. Leona, viz. Temporary allowance of provifions to all the Company’s fervants, and expenfeof the table of the governor, botanilt and mineralo- gift, &c. eflimated at - - - 325° Pafrageof fervants and artificers out and home, eflimated at - 5000 Their travelling expenfes and other charges in England - - 380 Amount of falaries to S. Leona fervants, for about two years, to Chriflmas 1793 - - 75°° 16130 22005 Incidental THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. £- £- . Brought forward . . . 22005 Incidental expenfes in the colony, viz. Medicines, furgical iuftruments, books and ftatiortary, &c. - - *630 Equipment of botanift and mineralogift, .... 400 Prelents to chiefs, expenfes of palavers, See. - 1500 3530 Outfit and Maintenance of SHIPPING employed for the prote£lion, and accommodation of the colony, and in colle£ting provifions, &c. about - 17840 Provifions to the colonills, before they were put into polfeflion of their lands, eftimated at------ - 20000 Loffes and gratuities in England, confining chiefly of fums advanced to the Company’s fervants, which were not recovered, through their dying or retiring from the fervice, and of gratuities paid according to the terms of the Company’s engagement, to the near relations of the decealed * - - 124.5 SUPPOSED EXPENSE in ESTABLISHING the COLONY - 64620 To which add the lofs of the (hip York, eftimated at - And other lolfes by robbery, damage through expofure to the cli- 15000 mate, and articles that proved unferviceable - - 3000 18000 SUPPOSED EXPENSE of ESTABLISHING the COLONY, the r ^ LOSS INCLUDED 8 The CAPITAL STOCK of the Company is - £. 235280 The intereft recei ved thereon is 76 19 Making together 2^2899 From which, if the above fuin of 82620 be taken, There remains £ . 160279, to be accounted for, which is done in the following manner: DE AD STOCK at S. LEONA, which, though ftated as part of the remaining ef- fects of the Company, is not to be confidered as convertible into money, nor as bearing a value equal to it’s coft, confiding of buildings, lands, &c. at S. Leona. Buildings belonging to the Company, viz. Coft, at S. Leona, of a church, warehoufe, range of Ihops, two hof- £ . pitals, two dwelling-houfes, and four canvas houfes, fent from England, about - - - - 593° Coft , at S. Leona, of materials for finifhing the buildings, viz. bricks, deals, fcantlings, & c. about - - 4500 8430 • I prefume, that no falary has been paid to the botanift, or to the mineralogift, in his life time ; nor lias a fingle farthing, as far as 1 have underftood, been yet given to the dijirejjcd widow and or- phans of the latter; though he may be laid, with 1'onie propriety, to have lacriticed his valuable itte in the Company’s lervicc. See § 400 and the note on it. C. B. W, , 47 CHAP. XI. t J Sierra Le- ona. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 48 Si erra Le- ona. Brought forward Putting together the buildings fentout, and ereflion of other build- ings for the Company’s fervants, about - Improving the landing place, making a wharf, roads, and fundry public works, about - A large crane, fire engines, &c. Furniture for the governor, phyfician, and chaplain - , Lands, viz. 8430 33°° 3000 - 7°5 500 »593o Purchafeof landsat S. Leona, and cultivation on the Company’saccount 1750 Allotment of lands to the N. Scotians, on which a rent is referved to the Company, about - - - - 2500 Articles for defence, viz. 4250 Arms, ammunition, and other articles Labour and conftruclion of works of defence - 2500 - 2000 about — -■ 4500 Total Dead Stock - - - ■ Capital in Trade, viz. African produce in England, eflimated at Cargoes of three vefTels now on their paffage out £ . 16900 Deduff for goods not paid for - 10400 Goods at S. Leona, or on board vefTels on the coaft Value of dollars in the colony, about - Debts due from the colonifts to the Company, much the greater part of which is expefted to be recovered, about Prefent eflimated value of the Company’s fhipping Total capital now inverted in trade - - Property belonging to the Company placed at intereft, &c. viz. £• 24685 1000 6500 7900 1COO 2000 9000 — 2740© £. s. d. Placed at intereft in the Royal Bank of Scotland - - 39000 o o At MefTrs. Barnett and Co’s the bankers, &c. 151 10 9 39151 10 9 Inverted in 4 per cent confols. Bank Ann. 15140 o o In India bills and bonds - - 23168 12 8 In Navy and victualling bills - . 30733 7 69042 9 3 Total property at intereft and in public fecurities — 108194 Total remaining effefts of the Company, the dead flock at S. Leona included ...... £, 160279 THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY.- — BRITISH. 49 412. Such is the prefent hate of the Company’s funds, and of the expenfes, which lafl, certainly very far exceed every expectation, owing to the above-mentioned unfore- feen caufes, which it may be proper to recapitulate, and bring into one point of view. — iff. The inefficiency of the original council, which occafioned great irregularity, and, it is feared, much prodigality and wafte. — 2. The fatal fick- nefs of the firft rains, which fufpended induflry and greatly aggravated expenfe. — 3. The badnefs of the foil near the town, which, by denying prefent fupport, has thrown that expenfe on the Company. — 4. The burning of the York. — 5. The war, which has rendered additional protection ne- ceffary; has raifed the cofl of European goods; increafed the expenfe of living at S. Leona; prevented the expected decreafe in the price of labour; and enhanced the charge of neceffary public works. To the war are alfo to be afcribed the long and expen five detention of fome of the veffels; the difficulty of procuring, and the increafed expenfe of main- taining and paying, failors; and the uncertainty of intelli- gence caufed by the war has been not only a pecuniary dif- advantage, but a very material inconvenience. 413. The charge of £. 20,000 for provifions, and that of £. 17,840 for maintenance, of Company’s ffiips, in the pro- tection and ufe, of the colony, hare greatly exceeded ex- pectation. But the former has now entirely, and the latter very nearly, ceafed. The Directors are alfo ufing their belt endeavours to confine all the expenfes to the trade, cultiva- tion, and annual eftablifhment of the Company ; an objeCt which, they truft, is nearly effefted; for, while the chief difficulties of the colony are fubfiding, the Company’s bur- den is ceafing. 414. On reviewing the paft, the Directors own that fome H things, CHAP. XI. Sj esra Le- ona. Expenfes great, and why; but are lef- fening. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 5° Sierra Le- ona. Colonization arduous. things, had they been more experienced, might have been conduced more frugally and advantageoufly. But many of the occurrences, no human wifdom could have forefeen or controlled; and they attribute many deliverances of the co- lony, not to the care of thofe whom the Proprietors have fet over it, but to that Providence alone, which has prote&ed it. From pad experience, they may look forward to farther dif- ficulties, impofhble to be provided againft; for colonization has, in general, been far more arduous, hazardous and ex- penfive, than the undertakers at firft believed. (See § 276 d feq. and 303 et feq.) The Dire&ors, therefore, indulge no expe&ations of rapid, uninterrupted fuccefs; yet, from the gradual advances of the colony, in the midd of difficulties, they are not without fuch hopes of it’s edabliffiment and future profperity, as encourage them deadily and chearfully to perfevere ; but they are confcious, that, after all poffible attention, the event is at the fupreme difpofal of Him who can fufpend, obdruft or frudrate the bed fchemes of men, or can crown them with the mod fignal fuccefs. Mortality Hated. 415. The caufes of the mortality at S. Leona have been already mentioned. (See ^ 384, 389..) The following are fome of the particulars refpefting it.— The Company’s up- per fervants, who went out the fird year, were 26, including eight counfellors, a chaplain, feveral medical men, a fecre- tary, (Mr. J. Strand *) an accountant and others, all well accommodated. Of this clafs, only four have died, and the deaths of only two can be properly charged to the climate. — Of lower fervants, fuch as clerks, overfeers, artificers, * See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpefting S. Leona and Bulama, Note S. &c. THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 51 See. there went out 59, including their families. Many of c HXIA p* them were often expofed to the rains ; feveral were intern- > — perate; they were in general ill lodged ; and, from the fick- nefs of the furgeons, they could have but little medical at- tendance : hence no lefs than 29 died. — Of fettlers, including their families, there went out 18, and no fewer than 13 died. Some of them were very intemperate, and their fituation was, in all refpe£ts, worfe than the lad clafs. — Of foldiers 16 went out, almod all intemperate, and, circumdanced as they were, in other refpe&s, it is not furprizing that 1 1 fhould have died. — In all, 119 perfons went out, the fird year, of whom 57 died. — The foldiers and white colonids, with their families, having either died or returned home, the whites, in the fecond year, were reduced to about 40, of whom only 4 or 5 have died. — The deaths in the Compa- ny’s fhips are not here included; for they were not always at S. Leona; nor has any compleat return on this fubje6t been made. But, from information received from mod of the fhips, between 20 and 30 may have died, on board them all. The feamen employed have feldom exceeded 140 or 150; fo that their mortality may have been 7 or 8 percent per annum*. 416. The N. Scotians, who arrived at S. Leona in 1792, That of the r i 1 • * 1,1 • n N* Scotians. were 1131* many or them lingering under the remains or a fever, which had carried off a few of their original number in N. Scotia, and 65 more on the paffage. Of 1131 landed, 40 died in a few weeks after, from the fame fever. The red then became very healthy, and fo continued till the almod * From evidence of the fuMtance of the mufler-rolls of the Liverpool and Briftol flave-fhips, inferted in the Report of His Majeffy’s Privy Council, it appears that of 4080 feamen, who formed the crews of 112 fhips, 858, or 21 percent, died in one voyage. — See in the Append. Notes, See. refpeUingS, Leona and Bulama, Note T. H 2 univerfal 5 2 CHAP XI. v ) Sierra Le' on a. Phyfician’s report. Mortality not charge- able on the .Directors. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON • univerfal ficknefs of the fil'd rains, when 98 of them died. > — In the three mod unhealthful months of the fecond rainy feafon, for the account extends not to the whole year, their deaths did not exceed five. 417. The Company’s phyfician dates, in his report of the 14th Oft. 1793, That though the ficknefs and mortality this year have been comparatively fmall; yet that the rainy months have been, as ufual, more fickly than all the preced- ing ; that the N. Scotians have experienced, in the rains, confiderable indifpofition, but generally with trifiing com- plaints ; that they now feem fo accudomed to the climate, that there is little reafon to fear any great mortality among them ; that there are not many whofe health is precarious; that few villages, perhaps in England, can fhow more fine children; that, in this period, fevers have been pretty fre- quent among the whites ; but that the fick lid is on the de* creafe, and it is hoped they will all recover; and that the want of dour has, this year, been ferioudy felt by the healthy, much more by the fick. — The difpatches of the 26th Dec. give a much more favourable bill of health, and date the mortality to be as before-mentioned. 418. The greated mortality having been among the white fcttlers, the foldiers, and the lower fervants and artificers, the Direftors redeft with fatisfaftion, that, indead of urging any of thefe to go out, they refufed many of each clafs, whom they were importuned to fend, and were fcarcely prevailed on to carry out thofe who went— a reluftance which gave umbrage to feveral who were eager to become African colonids, and partly, perhaps, gave rife to the Bula- ma Company. — Their indifpofition to enlarge the number of foldiers, whofe mortality was next in magnitude to that of the fettlers, caufed the refignation of one or two chief fervants THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 53 fervants, and drew a remonfirance from feveral gentle- chap. men who purpofed adventuring out. Aware alfo of the »_ - A < probable evils even of their fmall military efiablifhment, Sie0\raa(Le< they recalled the foldiers, when allured of the peaceablenefs of the natives ; but the order arrived too late. — So fenlible were the Direttors of the dangers to which the artificers were expofed (moll of whom, from an accident at fea, were not likely to arrive, till the eve of the rains) that they offered to discharge many of them in England, to indemnify them for lofs of time, and to add fome gratuity. Of this offer, a few accepted, but many, including all who had families, were determined to make the voyage. This detail will not only fhow that the Directors were far from prefling thofe to go out, who have run the great rifk of their lives ; but will alfo point out the extreme danger, to which perfons are ex- pofed on arriving in a tropical climate, unprovided with proper lodging and fubfiftence, or who are likely to fall into intemperance. 419. The Directors, having thus endeavoured to give an NortheCH- impartial account of the health of the colony, leave it’s cha- mate‘ ratter, in this refpett, to reft on the Ample evidence of the above fatts. They know of no reafon why the climate of S. Leona fhould prove eventually worfe, than thofe of other tropical colonies, of which the healthfulnefs is now undif- puted ; for fome of thefe were more fatal to the firft colo- nifts, than S. Leona has yet proved. It feems therefore very probable, that, as cultivation and accommodation improve, the health of the colony, will gradually amend, as has been always experienced in fimilar cafes *. * See in the Append. Notes, & c. refpe£iing S. Leona and Bulama, Note U. 420. On 54 C H A XI. SierraL ONA. Trade. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 420. On the fubjedt of trade, the Directors have rather to j mention the orders given, and the Heps taken, than to re- port much actual progrefs. Though an affortment of goods for trade was fent out, in the firff {hips, by advice of the commercial agent, who knew the coafl well, and who took charge of them; yet he made no effort to difpofe of them. Many- of them remained on board, during the rains. Even many goods intended for immediate ufe, were not delivered out of the {hips, till after this period. And it is feared, that, from this perfon’s mifcondufl, added to the inefficiency of the Council, and the confequent confufion, while many were lofing their lives, the Company’s property was diffi- pated. This irregularity was aggravated, by the illnefs of almofl every perfon employed in the commercial depart- ment. The chief {lore-keeper was obliged, by ficknels, to return home ; the chief accountant died, as did the chief commercial agent, already mentioned, without rendering up any regular accounts : feveral inferior {lore-keepers funk under fevere duty ; and their fucceffors, the prefent book- keeper excepted, were little acquainted with mercantile bu- linefs. 421. Thus the Dire6lors, who did every thing that de- pended on them to fecure punctuality, from the very inlli- tution of the colony, are deprived of the means of examin- ing into the application of all the firfl cargoes ; and, although one of the Counfellors laboured to eftablifh proper book- keeping, his efforts were fruflrated by the burning of all the mod material books of the colony, on board the York. It will not excite furprize, that the Directors were flow in fending out goods for trade, when confufion was known to prevail in the colony, and when the commercial fervants, who had died or returned, were not replaced. The prefent commercial commercial agent, however, carried out a large aflbrtmenf, c ^ A p- fuited to that market. A great part of them were immedi- <. ✓— — > ately fent down the coafl, in the Company’s fmall veftels; SiEqna.Le* the reft, as above ftated, were deftroyed with the York. 422. The Company have now one fhip of 380 tons, ano- Company’s ther of 200, and ten veftels each from 35 to 1 20 tons. One fll,pp S* of the fhips is likely to be ufed as a ftore-fhip, inftead of the York, and the other in carrying goods to and from S. Leo- na; all the fmaller veftels being chiefly engaged in colle&ing produce on the coaft, and conveying it to the colony, as the depot. — Various caufes led the Directors, at firft, to buy, rather than charter, veftels; but the vaft expenfe attending their larger fhips, has difinelined them from farther pur- chafes of this fort. Moft of the heavy expenfes of the fhipping, enhanced, as they were, by the war, are charged in the account, to the colony, not to the Company’s trade. But all the fmaller veftels have been fome time on trading voyages, as is alfo one of the fhips, the other being ufed at S. Leona for prote&ion, and as a ftore-ftiip. 423. The government, with a view to colle6l produce, Company’s have eftablifhed fome fmall factories, chiefly on the neigh- faa°nes,&c' bouring rivers, and for a trifling expenfe. The French flave-fa&ory at Gambia (ifland) a few miles above Free- town, and commanding one branch of the river S. Leona, has lately been abandoned. Various other openings have occurred, details of which will not be expected; and, though, for the reafons ftated, African produce amounting only to a few thoufand pounds has come home, yet, in no way do the government ftate their profpe&s to have more im- proved, than in commercial openings towards the end of the laft year, when the declenfton of the flave-trade, from the ftagnation of credit in England, was very vifible on the 56 CHAT. XI. * > Sierra Le- ona. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON the coall. But on the abolition of that traffic, the com* mencement of a confiderable trade in African produce may be expected. When the natives fhall find, that no- thing but the produce of their land and labour will be re- ceived for European goods, that difpofition to cultivation, for adequate encouragement, which they have already fhown, will be confirmed ; and it is natural to exped that thole plans of induftry will be adopted, of which S. Leona will have fet the example. 424. Even the limitation of the flave-trade might pro- mote African induflry, and, of courfe, the views of the Company. As yet, they labour under difadvantages which, they truft, will not always be impofed on thofe who refufe to unite a traffic in their fellow creatures with a trade in produce. They alfo willingly fuffer fome prefent lofs, by furnifhing articles rather better, and fomewhat dif- ferent in kind, from thofe generally fent to Africa ; and, in many refpeds, they have endeavoured to purify the dread- fully corrupt African trade. They have reftrained, or abolifhed, the prefents of rum to the chiefs. They trufl: alfo they have gone to the root of another evil, by introduc- ing a confiderable quantity of coin into the colony, thus fubflituting the plain and certain medium of dollars, in place of the former one of bars *, which having been a me- dium of calculation that was extremely variable and confuf- ed, and merely nominal, has occahoned much trouble and difpute, and given the opportunity of pradifing perpetual frauds in the African commerced. On the whole, the DL * The word bar implied originally a bar of iron, which was one of the molt common articles of commerce, and might be worth 3s. Her. 1 t See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpcfting S, Leona and Bulama, Note W. ; : ^ - . lui . CfiJ rec- THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY.— “BRITISH. re&ors have reafon to hope that they have acquired fome credit in Africa, by the principles of the undertaking, the quality of the goods, and the fairnefs of their fervants ; and, though their progrefs may appear flow, they trull they have laid fome foundation for an advantageous commerce. 425. Cultivation may be divided into two kinds, that on the Company’s account, and that of the N. Scotians or the natives. — The Dire£lors, agreeable to their original plan of cultivation, on their own account, fent out three managers (or planters) and feveral overfeers ufed to tropical cultiva- tion. The diftrefles of the firft rainy feafon, induced one of the planters to return to the W. Indies. Many of the overfeers died : 'of the two remaining planters, one was, for fome time, preparing a cotton plantation near Freetown; but, as he returned to England, and the land was much wanted, the undertaking is fufpended, and a few N. Sco- tians, whofe land proved very barren, have the temporary ufe of this fertile fpot, on which they have raifed corps of various ufeful articles. 426. When the foil around Freetown was found worfe than was expe£led, the remaining planter*, with his ufual ardent and laudable zeal, having viewed the foil down the coaft, along the river, and in the interior country, re- ported that he had found extremely good land on the oppo- Jite fide of the river, and offered to fettle there among the natives, and to attempt, with their help alone, a regular plantation. A mile fquare of land (640 acres) was according- ly rented, without difficulty, from it’s chief for £16 a year; * Mr. James Watt, formerly planter in Dominica. - I and 57 Sierra Le. ON A. C ULTITA- TION. W. Indian managers and overfeers introduced. A plantation of fugar- canes. &c. begun nearly on the W. Indian plan. 58 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON c h a p. and about thirty Grumettas*, or free native labourers, were , ' j got together. Their fir ft work was to build a houfe for the manager. They next cleared the land of wood, which entirely covered it, and proceeded to hoe the ground, and to plant it with fugar-canes, cotton, rice and other vegeta- bles. Their wages were four or five bars a month; but, as the valuing of the bars produced fome altercation, the price of three dollars a month, or about 3s. fid. a week, is now fubftituted. They are alfo found with about a pint and a half of rice, and two or three ounces of meat, daily. They are called to work by the blowing of a horn, which is heard in the fmall neighbouring towns where they refide; and, if they are on the fpot, as they ufually are, at the pre- cife time expe&ed, namely fun-rife, they receive a fmall glafs of rum, which it is intended, however, to commute for a trifle of money. The work under the eye of one of the better fort of natives, while the planter direfts their general operations, fees them often from his window, and walks occafionally among them. They go to dinner (which is drefled for them in the manager’s houfe) and is the only meal they take during their day’s work, at eleven o’clock, and return at one, and work till funfet, when they have another fmall glafs of rum, but they drink only water at their meals. Their labour is thoughtequal to about two thirds of a common day’s work in this country, and is tolerably fteady, though they fhow no great exertion in it. Their number and regularity have fcarcely varied for above a year, except in their abfenting themfelves for a week or two, at the approach of the rains, to work on their own * Grumetta I underftand to be a Portuguefe word, fignifying a Tailor’s fer- Tant, C. B. IF, plantations. THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. plantations, an interruption which, it is thought, may in fu- ture be prevented. 427. When thofe natives receive their wages, which they claim on the day after the new moon, they fend to Free- town to fell the dollars*, as they term it, which they do for cloathing and houfehold utenfils ; for it does not appear that they apply them to any bad ufe. They may now be diftin- guifhed from moil other natives by additional cloathing; they wear hats and jackets, which the others generally do Hot, and their trowfers are of a better quality. They are evidently difpofed to copy the Europeans; though they have as yet adopted but a fmall part of their cloathing, fur- niture and mode of living. On Sunday’s they are taught to abftain from work, and attend a Nova Scotia preacher, who, in the week, teaches feveral native children. 428. The firft year, they put into cultivation about 15 acres of land, of which about 12 were planted with alter- nate rows of rice and cotton. A nurfery of fugar-canes has alfo been planted, and, on the whole, advances; but the ants, or bugabugs, have damaged it much. It is fuppofed, however, that this obftacle to the growth of fugar-canes will ceafe, when the roots of the trees, which partly fup- port the ants, fhall have rotted +. 429. Though little differences may have occafionally arifen between the manager and the native labourers ; yet, on the whole, the Company’s credit has been much im- proved in that part, and many proofs have occurred of the advances that may be made in civilization, if this object fhould be purfued, and the fame fyftem confiderably ex- 59 SirrraLe- ON A. Native la- bourers im- proved by it. Canes dam- aged by the bugabugs. Little differ- ences be- tween mana- ger and na- tives. * See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note W. + See in the Append. Notes, See. refpedting S. Leona and Bulama, Note X. I 2 tended. 6o COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON CHAP. XI. V— — SierraLe- ONA. Y et popula- tion and ci- vilization advance. Natives de- fire a fecond plantation. F reetown defcribed. tended. Several towns near the Company's plantation are very much increafed, by the natives who work for the company, and by many others. The natives are alfo more difpofed than before, to fettle on the fides of the river. A fenfe of fecurity gains ground, and they are lefs averfe to the bufli round their towns being cut down, which they al- ways confidered as affording a refuge againft being fur- prized and made flaves. The difficulty indeed of landing on the Bullom fhore, by leffening European intercourfe, has rendered the natives lefs violent, and kept them more fober and induflrious than their oppofite neighbours. They are generally difpofed to enter into the views of the go- vernment of Sierra Leona, and give little credit to the flave-traders, who tell them that the Company have injuri- ous defigns. One of them makes it a principle neither to fell, nor to keep a Have. They appear to defire a fecond plantation, for which their king has lately ceded another fquare mile of land. In a fmall garden of e^eriment, near Freetown, many native plants and feeds are attentively cul- tivated, under the eye of an able botanift (See § 369) from whofe labours fome future benefits may be expected to the Company, or colony, as well as to the fcience he profeffes. The Dire&ors, with His Majefty’s permiffion, have obtained from the royal gardens at Kew, fome valuable tropical plants, efpecially that important one, the bread-fruit tree. 430. They cannot yet report any confiderable progrefs in cultivation, either by the Nova Scotians, or the natives on their own account. Much of the induflry of the colonifts has been applied to the building of the town, of which fome defcription may be proper. It is fituated on a dry and rather elevated fpot, on the fouth fide of the river, and occupies between 70 and 80 acres, it’s length being about one THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY.- — BRITISH. one third of a mile, and it’s breath nearly the fame. It contains near 400 houfes, each having one twelfth of an acre annexed, on which a few vegetables are raifed. There are nine flreets, running from N. W. to S. E. and three crofs dreets, and they are 80 feet wide, except one, which runs within 50 feet of the river, and which is 160 feet wide. (See the Plan Plate II.) In the broad flreet are alrnod all the public buildings, confiding of a church, near the middle, capable of containing 800 people ; a governor’s houfe and offices; a large dore-houfe, under which, and the governor’s houfe, there are brick (lore-cellars ; a large hofpital, and 6 or 8 other wooden houfes, offices and (hops, occupied by the Company’s fervants. The frames of all thefe buildings went from England, as alfo four canvas houfes, or rather rooms *. One public building is compof- ed of the country materials; but this and the canvas houfes are decaying, while all the other buildings, being framed of wood prepared in England, feem likely to lad for fome years. The houfes of the colonids were at fird inferior, but are now far fuperior, to thofe of the natives. A few have been repaired and enlarged ; but mod of them have been rebuilt, their general fcite having been changed by the government. Indeed the fird huts of the Nova Sco- tians were merely temporary, wattled, plaidered with clay, and thatched with long grafs. On an average, they might be about 18 feet by 12, and the labour might be worth 40 (hillings. — The (ides and floors of the prefent houfes (for they are all floored) are of country timber.; and, to exclude damp, they are raifed a foot or two from the ground. (See § 84.) Many are already roofed with boards or fhingles, * See in. the Append.. Notes, &c. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note Y. as 61 CHAP. XI. V — / Sierra Le- ona. and iioufea. 6 2 CHAP. XI. V I Sierra Le- on a. Town land. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON as all of them are intended to be ; but molt of them, for the prefent, are thatched. Only a few have chimneys; yet, during the rains, a fire is commonly ufed, the fmoke iflu- ing through the thatch, or by the door and windows. They are generally from 20 to 30 feet long, from 12 to 15 wide ; are mofily divided into two rooms, and the aver- age coft of each, for building and materials, may be about /ho. 431. Of the land immediately furrounding the town, a portion has been referved to the Company. This, exclu- five of the remote parts direflly fouth, where the referved land has no boundary, but the difiant one prefcribed in the grant, may be about 200 acres. Part of it is the land be- fore mentioned, that was intended for a cotton plantation, but now occupied by the N. Scotians. Only a fmall part of thefe 200 acres is cultivated; but the whole was early clear- ed, which * doubtlefs promoted the healthinefs of the co- lony ; and the prudent refervation of this land may here- after be found of importance, efpecially in enlarging the town, if necelfary. — The lots given to the Nova Scotians lie on the S. E. of Freetown, all the weftern difiritfi being pof- feffed by the natives, and the fouthern being thought too mountainous for prefent cultivation. The neareft of thefe lots is about £ of a mile from the town, and the moft difiant about 2- miles. They occupy in all, about 4 fquare miles, or 2560 acres, and are each of them accefiible by a path 10 feet broad, cut with great labour and expenfe. Only a few of the lots nearefi the town have been yet tolerably cleared and cultivated. * with the elevation of the houfes, mentioned in the preceding § 340. C. B. W. 342. To THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 43 2- To excite emulation in culture, the government gave premiums, the firft year, to thofe colonifts who raifed the mod; rice, yams, eddoes, cabbages, Indian corn and cot- ton, refpe&ively. All the premiums amounted to about £100 , and they appeared to have fo good an effeft, that they are intended to be repeated in the fecond feafon, with a few variations, fuggefted by the firft year’s experience. (See §301, 302.) 433. Of the progrefs of cultivation among the natives, it can hardly be expected that much can yet be faid. Indeed the fize of their plantations has varied fo much annually, that any appearance of their increafing induftry, in one feafon, ftiould not be too confidently afcribed, either to the new demands of the colonifts, or to the Company’s exam- ple. Rice, the chief crop on the coaft, has varied in price, from 40 fhill. per ton, to no lefs than ^25, or even ^30. This is partly owing to the difference of feafons, but ftill more to the inability of the Africans to compute the proba- ble demand; a plentiful year fometimes betraying them in- to negleft of cultivation, and a fcarce one feldom failing to produce fuperfluous cultivation, the next year. 434. The eftablifhment of a commercial fa&ory on the coaft, to form contra&s with the natives, to obferve the ex- tent of cultivation, and to buy up the furplus produce for exportation, will tend, as the Directors truft, to excite a more regular induftry, and gradually to produce the moft important confequences. 435. Under this head, the Direftors will fpeak of the co- lonial government; of the chara&er of the colonifts; of civi- lization, with the miferable date to which the Africans have been 63 CHAP. XI. 1 / Sierra Le- ona. Premiums for cultiva- tion. Cultivation of natives fluctuating. Fa dory to buy up fur- plus produce of natives. C 1 vii. 1 zR- T I O N , 64 CHAP. XI. < * j SlERR aLe- DNA. Blacks a& as jurymen. and as tyth- ing-men and hundredors. and as mili- tia. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON been reduced by their intercourfe with the Europeans; concluding with an account of the fteps taken to introduce Chriftianity and civilization among the natives, of whofe capacity and docility fome fatisfaftory information will be given. 436. The Dire&ors have yet received no exprefs powers from Parliament, for governing Sierra Leona. They have confidered, as they were bound, that the Britifh conftitu- tion, as far as it applies to the circum fiances, is of courfe transferred thither, and equally to black and to white colo- nifts. The Nova Scotia blacks, though poffefling very little knowledge of the Britifh laws, have a6!ed as jurymen, one of the Company’s chief fervants always being the judge. The punifhments have been mild, rather pecuniary than corporal: the verdicts have been generally very juft, and, on the whole, the Nova Scotians, as jurymen, have proved the propriety and prudence of extending to them a privi- lege which they fo much value. It may be prefumed, that the acquaintance with Britifh law gained by the Nova Sco- tians, in the periodical feftions of the peace, will improve their minds, and, in conjun&ion with other kinds of know- ledge, operate as an auxiliary to civilization. 437. To introduce internal police, every ten houfe- holders have been inftrucled to chufe annually a tithing- man, and every ten tithing-men a hundredor (fee § 167, 191.) Of the laft there are three, anfwering to about 300 houfeholders in the colony. The hundredors are confult- ed by the government, in cafes which concern the interefts of the Nova Scotians. 438. The defence of the colony is neceftarily entrufted to the Nova Scotians alfo. Their arms are always ready ; and, though their courage has not been a&ually tried, their alacrity THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. alacrity, in moments of fuppofed danger, has been more than once experienced. Moll, of them, indeed, carried arms in the late war, and fome have been praclifed in firing the great guns mounted for the colony’s defence. 439. The Directors, convinced that the date of mind and local circumftances of the governed, mull be confidered in forming any plan of government, have hitherto advifed the governor and council to proceed gradually, to follow ex- perience, as much as poffible, and to remedy every evil as it arofe, rather than to form at once, any confiderable code of new local inflitutions. — The Directors think it fufficient to touch here on the general principles of government, the trial of offences, and the colonial police and defence, refort- ed to, up to this period : they do not with now to give any opinion of thofe meafures, which it may be proper to give hereafter, on this important fubjeft. 440. The general conduft of the Company’s fervants has been fober, moral and exemplary. The fuperior ones efpe- cially, appear to have promoted Chriffianity and morality, both by their manner of exercihng their public trulls, and by their private influence and example. From the labours of the clergymen, the colony has derived fervices highly important, in every point of view. — In fpeaking thus fa- vourably of their own fervants, the Directors, of courfe, except thofe of whom any implications of a contrary charac- ter are mentioned in this report; and they alfo, except a few, who are not individually alluded to. They have been the moll difappointed in the lower overfeers of whom it was difficult to get any thorough knowledge, at the time of en- gaging them, on account of their having relided in the W. Indies : of the individuals of this clafs, who originally went out, none now remain in the colony. The co.urt will not K wonder. 65 CRAP. XI. Ih - | — 1 1 f Sierra Le- ona. Spirit of the government. General cha- racter of the Company’s fervants. 66 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON CHAP. XI. v — ) Sierra Le- ona. of the N. Scotians, which is in fome refpe&s fuperior to that of the lower Eng- lifh. wonder, if, in fpite of the moil cautious choice of perfons fent out, fome few, among fuch a number, fhould have been found grofsly immoral. But there is reafon to think, that the regular fervants, chargeable with dire£t immoral- ity, have been very few : and it is pleafing to obferve that decent manners, and a reluctance to difgrace fo good a caufe, appear now to pervade the eflablifhment. 441. The character of the N. Scotia blacks, who may be faid to conftitute the colony, it will be proper fully to de- fcribe. Some judgment may be formed of their morals, from the offences which have come before the periodical l'efiions of the peace. The higheft have been adultery and petty theft. From thofe vices which come lefs under legal cognizance, they are, in fome refpe6ts, remarkably free. Marriage being general among them, the evils attending it’s difufe are, in a great meafure, avoided. Drunkennefs and fwearing they are by no means addffted to. Their atten- tion to the Sabbath is great; they then abffain entirely from work, drefs in very good (and fome in very gay) at- tire, and repair with their children to church, where their deportment is reprefented to be ftrikingly decent and ferious. 442. From this fketch it appears, that the Nova Scotians are fuperior to the generality of the fame clafs in England, in the pra&ice of the duties mentioned ; but this is certain- ly the mod favourable view of them. To give a juft idea of their charafter, it may be proper to notice their religion, and fome of their peculiar difpofitions and prejudices, efpecially refpe&ing the Company ; and then to view their paft circumftances. Befides being punctual in their worfhip, many of them poffefs much regard to religion, in other refpects, But it is natural to imagine, that, in fuch a number THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 6> a number, almod all claiming to be thought Chridians, fome c p- will have very inadequate or enthufiaflic notions ; a few <. — -v — ; perhaps may be hypocrites; while many, even with defec- Sll0RNR^E' tive knowledge, may be confident and lincere Chriflians. There are five or fix black preachers, of their own body, who have confiderable influence ; and the difcipline they preferve in their little congregations, is fuppofed to have contributed much to maintain general morality among them. 443. In commanding their tempers, many of the N. Sco- Their de- tians mod eminently fail. They have often appeared very hady in their judgments, and vehement in all their difpofi- tions. Their early violence occafionally gave ferious anxi- ety to the government. It appeared in vociferation, fome- times in the dreets, and in marked exprefilons of contume- ly rudely and publicly uttered againd the Company’s chief fervants. Symptons of ambition alfo appeared in one or two popular individuals. This violence was ordinarily con- fined to a very few ; but a degree of it occafionally infe6t- ed more, and the forward individuals then grew eager to diflate, in the name of the whole. This turbulence has certainly been the greated diferedit to the character of the colony. The Directors trud that it has now confiderably fubfided ; yet they have thought it proper to fend out or- ders, that, if any individuals fhould perfid in complaining againd the government, they fhould be defired to take an opportunity, which will be afforded them, of returning to N. Scotia. — Their unreafonable edimation of their own merits, and their inadequate fenfe of the obligations they owe the Company, is another defect in feveral of their cha- ra6lers. All this is combined, indeed, with the mifconcep- tions of the more forward, concerning their rights as free- men, and the nature of their claims on the Company. K 3 444. When COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 68 CHAP. XI. v_ > Si f.rra Le- ona. Their unre- fonable claims. 444. When the governor and council difmifTed one of them, for difrefped to his fuperiors, a number of them for- mally applied to have a law eflablifhed, that no Nova Sco- tian working for the Company Ihould in future be turned off, unlefs after a verdid by a jury of his peers. Allowing, at laft, that a part of the Company’s own land near the fhore, fhould be referved for public ufes, (fee § 398) fome of them conceded the point, by faying, that they would oblige the Company with the piece of land. Their claims for an increafe of wages, and for a redudion in the price of articles fold at the Company’s (lore, were very unreafon- able ; for their wages were then 2s. 6d. per day ; and the price of the goods (after paying prime coft, charges and in- terefl) only afforded the Company a profit of about 10 per cent*. It is worthy of remark, that they ufually prefer thefe and all their other claims, though matters of contrad between the two parties, emphatically as freemen. If 6d. be not added to their wages, they declare that they fhall con- fider themfelves treated as flaves. If the governor be not difmiffed, for having ordered water to be mixed with the rum, before it is fold (which, on enquiry, it was proved he did merely to bring it to fair market proof) it is in- timated that the colony is going to be reduced to flavery. Thefe expreffions are often hafty, are fometimes retraded, and, in whatever name they may be urged, fhould never be charged on the whole body. But they are fpecimens of the reafonings the government has often had to combat, and may tend to fhow the propriety of the condud of the Diredors, in endeavouring to compofe the minds of the co- lonies, by giving a favourable idea of the Company’s gene- * See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpetling S. Leona and Bulama, Note Z. ral THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. ral difpofition towards them, rather than attempting to fa- tisfy them, by reiterated and unreafonable conceffions. Their complaints amount in effect to this; that the Company gain unreafonable profits at their expenfe; for they have uniformly required the points difputed to be fettled in fome way that would be favourable to them, and unfavourable to the Company’s finances. 445. It has been Rated, that out of about £^240,000 capi- tal, above £80, 000 have been already fpent upon the colo- ny; and, if the dead ftock be included (as moff of it may) above £'100,000 (fee § 302.) If the Company’s views had been as interefted as fome of the N. Scotians mfinuate, and if they had merely eftablifhed a trading faftory, a fourth of this fum might have fufficed; and about £'80,000 (exclufive of the expenfe of their tranfit, paid by Government) might have been faved. Thefe fa6Is prove the unreafonablenefs of thofe N. Scotians, who complain of the Company’s illibe- rality. Advantages, poffibly outweighing all expenfes, have accrued from their migration. But thefe have not been ad- vantages to the Company as traders, but as founders of the S. Leona colony, the effablifhment of which hath been chiefly owing to the N. Scotians. This fum of £^80,000 (one third of the Company’s capital) has, therefore, been the price paid for the civilization now begun in Africa; it has been facrificed to that caufe which the Company confider as their own, the caufe of Chriftianity and Freedom and Civilization among the Africans ; to the caufe, more particu- larly, of thefe very N. Scotians and their pofferity. 446. Another defefl in the charafter of many of the N. Scotians, is their jealoufy and fufpicion, efpecially in their intercourfe with whites. They have all profefled, indeed, to think favourably of the intentions and principles of the Directors, 6g CHAP. XI. v_ — v Sierra Le on a. Sum laid out on the co- lony. N. Scotians fulplcious of whites, and why. 7° CHAP. XI. » , 1 SjerraLe- OJJA. Their faults owing- to 11a- Ter y. This no argu- ment againft frudcnt eman- cipation. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON Directors, who therefore hope that they will readily acqui- efee in the decifions of the Court. But few fervants have efcaped their unreafonable fufpicion; yet great allowance will be made for this unpleafant feature in their character, if their paft fufferings be confidered, and the injuftice they formerly received, and are habituated to expe£t,from whites. 417. I11 eflimating, indeed, the whole character of the N.. Scotians, their paft condition ought not to be overlooked. It fhouldbe remembered, that all of them were once flaves; that, like others in the fame Bate, they were probably little reftrained in many branches of morals, not regularly mar- ried, deflitute of parental and fcholaltic tuition; and, in fliort, that no one thought it his duty, to inftruct them in re- ligion or morality. Their faculties were then degraded, their opportunities of knowledge frnall, and they had little inducement to cultivate their intelle&s. Doubtlefs they flrongly felt their hardfhips; but they probably knew little of the true nature of civil rights; and, we may fuppofe, often counfounded the unavoidable evils of life, and the punifhments needful in fociety, with the ills impofed by arbitrary power; for accurate diferimination can fignify lit- tle to men involved in hopelefs capivity. To the want of fuch diferimination, and not to any moral or intelle&ual de- fect, much of their unreafonablenefs, and fome of the ab- furdeft of their claims, are obvioufly to be traced. And, conlidering how often the advocates for fervitude have, on their part, confounded flavery, and all it’s enormities, with the neccffary evils of life, and the reflraints of civil fociety, it need not excite furprife, if emancipated flaves, acting alfo under the bias of felf-intereft, fhould feem to labour under a fimilar dulnefs and inaccuracy of underltanding. 448. There is fome reafon to fuppofe that their fervitude was harfher, than that of North America generally is ; for they Vs.. ;W THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. 71 they were a portion of thofe flaves who, in the laft war, ran c ^ A p* away from their maders and took refuge in the King’s army, > — — _» a conduft to which, it would feem, the word treated would SlE**.Av Le* be the mod difpofed. If this prefumption of ill treatment (confirmed as it is, by the fuberings which a few of them recite) fhould be thought too derogatory from the fuppofed humanity of American maders, it feems then fair to con- clude, on the other hand, that they were the lead fenfible of mild treatment, the lead attached to their maders, and the mod prone to difcontent. On either fuppofition, the N. Scotians may be faid to furnifh a lefs favourable fpeci- men of emancipated daves, than may generally be hoped for. It is hardly neceffary to remark, how very unfavour- able their deps towards freedom will appear, if compared with thofe of Haves prudently emancipated ; to whom liber- ty, having been promifed, to prepare them for it, might be granted, after a certain period, as the reward of merit; or might be conferred gradually, as local circumdances might recommend; privilege after privilege being added, as their diligence advanced, and as their property and intered, in maintaining focial order, fhould increafe. 449. But to return : the Nova Scotian blacks, having been Part circim- born in North America, of African parents or ancedors (a Scotians! f N” few imported Africans excepted, who, as they fay, were kidnapped in their infancy) having paffed mod of their lives in flavery, probably worfe than ordinary, and having then emancipated themf elves, in the way mentioned, they fulfilled, as loyalids, the proclamations of the Britifh generals. Their indru&ion appears to have been chiefly, or entirely, ac- quired fince their emancipation; for a few put themfelves to fchool, to attain religious knowledge, or to improve their condition; and thefe are now the preachers and fchool-ma- flers. c H A P. XI. Si e r. r a Le- on a. Their recep tion of the Company’s propofals. fters of the colony. After various fcenes, in following the fortunes of the Britifh army, often expofing themfelves in battle, as the wounds of feveral teflify, and always getting credit for courage, though not fo uniformly for fome other virtues; being confiderably thinned by death and difperfion (a portion of them being fuppofed to have fallen into the hands of the Americans) the reft were brought to N. Scotia, at the peace, to receive, in common with the white loyalifts, the proviftons and lands, promifed in the proclamations. They ftate that they obtained rations of proviftons, but not to the extent they expefted ; that the white loyalifts having engrolfed all the valuable lands, they got, in general, only fmall town-lots of little ufe; and that they were not admitted to the ufual privileges of Britifh fubje&s, nor, particular- ly, to trial by jury. Thefe injuries, and the rigour of the climate of N. Scotia, induced them, as has been ftated ( § 3740 to a delegate of their own body, to feek re- drefs from the Britifh Government. 450. When Mr. Clarkfon appeared in N. Scotia, as the Company’s agent, and ftated, in feveral public meetings of the free blacks, the propofals of the Company, and the offer of a free paffage to S. Leona, made by Government, they expreffed at once the moil lively joy, that they were about to be emancipated from a fituation which they almoft conft- dered as a fecond fervitude. Their eagernefs to migrate appears to have rendered Mr. Clarkfon fo much the more careful in guarding them againft unreafonable expedlations. No allowance even of proviftons, after their arrival, was pro- mifed; and the neceftity of fubfifting on their lots of land, was urged on them univerfally. But thefe declarations re- preffed not their ardour; they fold haftily, and for trifling prices, fuch of their little effe&s as could not eaftly be tranfported ; THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH* tranfported; a few who had property addled others to pay their debts ; andfeveral, who were heads of families, under- took to fupport the younger and more unprotected females, to whom no paffage was granted, except on this condition. They waited at Halifax for the fhips, feveral weeks in tents, where, being expofed to much fevere weather, they con- tracted ficknefs. In Jan. 1793, they failed, after adopting every meafure fuggefted for preferving order in the voyage, having thus far fhewn gratitude and obedience to Mr. Clarkfon and to the Company. And, when their fubfequent conduct is confidered in connection with their paft circum- ftances, though fome expectations, excited by a few firfl appearances, may have been difappointed, their character may be faid to turn out as favourably, on the whole, as could be reafonably expeCled. Indeed a few of thofe emancipated ilaves have afforded a molt favourable fpecimen of the African character, on whofe difpofitions Chriitianity hath had a moft benign influence, and who have been, on all oc- cations humble and contented, the zealous friends of order and of peace. 451. Let it, therefore, be carefully remembered, that every thing faid againft the character of the N. Scotians, muft be underftood with various exceptions and limitations ; and that, the turbulence of fome, and the unreafonablenefs and jealoufy of many of them, are more or lefs to be looked for, in any body of men, who have been fo unfavourably circum- ftanced. Their faults are not incident to them as blacks, but as men. And who will fay, that, if he had ftruggled through a like fucceilion of vexations, hardfhips and difap- pointments, his character would not have been marked by the fame prejudices and untoward difpofitions, which be- long to fome of the prefent colonifts of S. Leona*? * See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note X. L 452.-The 73* CHAP. XI. t— — V f SlER.R aLe- ON A. They ought not to be ra(hly cen- tred. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 74 CHAP. XL C-— ^ > Sj erua Le- on a ; Provifion for their main- tenance, go- vernment and ioltru&ion. Slave-trade — it’s hin- drance to ci- vilization of natives. 452. The governor and council, as has been dated, are endeavouring, as foon as pofhble, to fettle them on their own lands; by cultivating which, there is reafon to think that, like the former colonids, now living at Granville town, they may fubfid comfortably. And if, by the blelling of Provi- dence, their families, fubftance and general profperity fhould increafe, it can hardly be doubted, that they will edimate more juflly their obligations to the Company. — But it is im- portant to obferve that, both with a view to their own hap- pinefs, and the Company’s great objed of civilizing Africa, they fhould not be left without indrudors from hence, nor without a government of Europeans*. — Their children, who are about 300, all go to fcnool, and are faid to learn quite as fad as European children; though, till lately, they had not very proper maders. The Directors propofe to fpare no pains nor expenfe, to maintain this important part of their edablifhment on the bed footing, and to this objed, they will dired the peculiar attention of the government. For to this rifing generation of well educated blacks, they chiedy look for the gradual improvement of the colony. To them alfo, it feems not prefumptuous to hope, that the more didant and even interior parts of Africa, may one day owe Chridianity, knowledge and civilization. — 4, 453. The progrefs, obdrudions, and profpeds of civiliza- tion among the natives, are matters fo very intereding, that the Diredors need not apologize for entering into them free- ly and particularly. And here the Slave-trade comes di- redly under confideration. But, waving all argument on * For a time only, I prefume. (See § 443) C. B. TV. this THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 75 this beaten topic, they conceive they (hall do more exacl c ^ A and ample juftice to it, by hrnply relating what has pafifed t > under the view of their fervants abroad, and by enumerat- SiEq^Lz' ing a few ftrong, but authentic facts. — As a proof of the in- fecurity of the natives, it has been already hated that even the king of S. Leona, though peaceable and uncommonly refpefted, had, in three feparate inhances, been bereft of his own relations by the have-trade. Some other fpecihc cafes of kidnapping were alfo hated in the lah report, particularly one inhance which fell under the immediate obfervation of the Company’s agent and another perfon, then both in Eng- land. (See § 348,351.) — The truth and accuracy of the following extracls have been ehablifhed by the united tehi- mony of fome of the Company’s chief fervants; and all the quotations were written by one of them, always about the time, generally on the day, and often at the very hour, when the converfations pahed, or the obfervations were made *. 454. Of the mulatto trader who depopulated the towns Recent fafts fouth of S. Leona, (fee § 347.) and whofe death has been refpeaing lt‘ brought about, as is fuppofed, by the natives, the following information has been received ; and it is prefaced by intel- ligence, nearly to the fame purport, from anoLher quarter. * The Directors, for obvious reafons, do not think proper to print the names of ail the perfons or places fpoken of in the journal, and other documents, whence they make the quotations; and they fhall therefore generally defcribe them by fome cir- cumlocution: they fhall ufe a few other trifling liberties with the language, taking care however, in no inftance, to alter any material word. This Report is fo much longer than I could have expe&ed, that I am relu&antly obliged fomewhat to abridge the interefling communications here mentioned, by the Direftors; but I fhall confcientioully endeavour to preferve their feufe and fpirit, and even the words, as far as I am able. C. B. TV. L 2 (1.) March COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 76 CHAP. XI. Si ek r a Le- on a. Devaftations of a flave- trader. Iniquity of a judge fet up by him. ( r.) —-—March 1793. A (lave trader named has alfo mentioned, from his own knowledge, the late mulatto trader’s devaflations. He fays he lent goods to every inferior chief who requefled them, and if the chief was flow in payment, he would arm 2 or 300 of his grumettas who, being officered by white deferters from the (hips, were fent'to furprize his debtor’s towns. In this way he depopulated all the country from Cape S. Leona to the Sherbro. To fave himfelf from the general indignation, he formed a purrah (or confederacy) by which he united the kings and principal chiefs, engaged in the flave-trade, to defend each other. (2.) A chief told me, that his town was attacked by this mulatto, fome other chiefs, and an American veffel then waiting for flaves, that, after a flout refin- ance, his town was taken and deftroyed; but that he and mofl of his people efcaped to a neighbouring ifland, whence they occafionally attacked their enemy, on the main land: he faid he once took 40 of them, whom he fold as flaves. 455. A principal fervant of the Company, when on a vifit to thefe parts, adds the following information. A flave of this mulatto chief, fet up by him as the judge in his own diftrifl, is now become too powerful to be thwarted; much court is paid him by the flave-traders. It is faid, he pra£tifes terrible cruelties, and that accufations are multiplied. A neighbouring chief, who was with us on board the cutter, declined going with us on fhore, with ftrong indignation againft this man, apprehending that, if he came within reach, he fhould fcarcely efcape him. — We faw a number of creeks, along the river, too narrow to admit above a canoe at once. At the heads of mofl of thefe creeks are towns, which were placed there in the time of this mulatto chief, becaufe fuch fituations favoured an efcape, before an attack could be made. A fubordinate chief, at whofe town we landed, contefled that fuch had been his motive for chufing fo difficult a fpot. 456. The two countries neared to the S. Leona (or Tim- many) diftrift on the north, are the Mandingo and the Sufee countries: the Foulah country is farther off. Some inform- ation will be given from each. Kidnapping (1.) Nov. Two chiefs from the neareft towns to Freetown dined with me. They both allowed the frequency of kidnapping, among the Sufees and Mandingoes: one of them had been an eye-witnefs of it. . As to the Foulahs, he fays, it is univer- fally allowed, that they make war for the foie purpofe of procuring flaves ; and that in bringing flaves to market, the Foulahs are often attacked by free-booters who infefl the country, between the coafl and their country, and who rob people and make flaves of them; fo that it is not unufual for the fame man who fold others as flaves, to be fold in a few weeks to the fame faflory. (2.) Nov. THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY.' — BRITISH. 77 (2.) Nov. A trader, from the Sufee country, related the following anecdote, CHAP of which he had been an eye-witnefs. The chief of Quiaport river attacked the t chief of Bowrah, and taking fome prifoners, fold them to the Britilh fa&ory north Sierra Le- of Sierra Leona. The chief of Bowrah, in his turn, defeated the other chief, and ona. made many prifoners: with thefe he redeemed his own peopl? from the faftory, and WaF. who obliged him, however, to pay two for one. (3.) Feb. 1794. An intelligent mulatto lady, mifirefs of a large Mandingo Confequent town, called at the colony. She has been in England, and her Englifh name is insecurity & Mifs B. Heard. She faid (lie dilliked the flave-trade, for it kept her in conflant terror, and fhe never knew, when fhe lay down at night, but fhe might be affaffinat- ed before morning. She faid there had been no wars in the interior country to her’s for fome time, and that wars do not happen, when {laves are not wanted. (4.) In the Mandingo and Sufee countries, kidnapping is very frequent. Child- Children fkr» ren are often kidnapped, by people of a neighbouring, or even of the fame village.— ^en> &c* A perfon who has lived feveral years in the Mandingo country, told me that mo- thers there always- fhut up or watch their children at night. — Slave-traders and kid- nappers there, bargain for and convey away the flaves in the night, and none of the natives around are permitted to fee them. Many natives and traders confirm this account. A chief faftor attributed the frequency of kidnapping among the Man- dingoes to their head men getting in debt to the Europeans, and being then con- fined by them ; in which cafe, their people were obliged to kidnap fome perfon to redeem them. (5.) A chief, on an upper branch of this river, who is confideredas refpe&able, ■whites erc- has given us this information refpedling the S. Leona trade. The people inland, courage de- he fays, go to war to make flaves ; there being no great demand now, they do not Pre(fatlons* make war. Whites often encourage palavers, promifing dafhes (prefents of liquor) if the convi&s are fold to them ; and they give ammunition to both parties at war. Formerly this happened very often. He told me he was at war five years, and a Britifh flave-trader furnifhed both him and his enemies with powder; and, that he often waylaid and fold llrangers, to buy arms. But he fays this was “ a bad thing” and jullified only by felf-defence: and had there been no flave . fa&ories, he would not have done fo. But lately, the inhabitants being much diminifhed, and thgir wars interrupting remoter trade, the faftors have endeavoured to preferve peace, to fecure the people inland a free paffage down. For fome years there have been no wars in his part, but almoft all the flaves have been brought from inland. — He faid it was not uncommon for head men, who wanted goods, to hint to their wives to enfnare men in adultery, who were fold to the fattories, on the accufation of thefe women. (6.) Two intelligent native flave-traders inform us that kidnapping is general jnjan4 peo, “ among the buJJi men” (the inland people) that the coafl people not unufually pie taken by- travel iorceorfraud. 78 CHAP. XI. ^ ^ Sierra Le- ona. Black from N. Scotia re- ftorcd to his mother at S. Leona. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON travel into the interior, and lie in wait for ftragglers; and that almofl. all the flaves brought Iron) a di dance were taken by force or fraud. 457. It hath been obferved, that fome of the blacks from N. Scotia were originally Africans, and that many of thefe were, as they fay, kidnapped when young. It hath been found that three were almofl; from the vicinity of S. Leo- na; one of them from S. Leona itfelf, as he ufed t :> men- tion at fea. When landed, he found himfelf nearly on the fpot whence he had been carried off, and where, he fays, a woman feized him and fold him to an American flave- fhip, about 15 years before. He recolledled the way to his native town, which was only two or three miles olf; but, for a time, he dreaded the parting from his compa- nions, to vifit it. Not long after, (landing with them among the tents, a party of natives paid them a vifit of cu- riofity. An elderly native woman feemed much affedled at the fight of this N. Scotian, and fpoke to her compani- ons with much agitation. At length Ihe ran up to him and embraced him : fhe proved to be his own mother. His fa- ther was now dead: the parents had never difeovered any trace of their child. The female thief remains unknown, and the impunity of the captain, even if difeovered, is but too obvious : nor is it probable that, if the kidnapper had been known by the boy kidnapped, his redemption and the punifliment of the criminal would have followed. Having once committed her prey to the hold of a flave- fhip, difeovery feems to have been impoflible. — The Di- reftors cannot but obferve, that this incident affords an il- luflration of the flave-trade equally applicable to flaves kidnapped on the coaft and farther inland. 458. S. Leona has indeed had her towns laid wafte, and her inhabitants carried off by the flave-trade. But by the j fame J THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. fame traffic her mountains have gained a few forlorn wretches who have been driven thither, and who dread the very fight of their fellow creatures. Other cafes, not un- like that about to be noticed, have been indifiindly heard of; but the following is fo clearly afcertained, as to de- ferve infertion. — About five or fix years ago, a Danifli flave-velfel in the river was cut off by the flaves. The head-man of the neighbouring fhore happening to favour their efcape, they made their way to the mountains, and there built a town, which is about four or five miles from Freetown, and where they flill refide. But fo jealous are they faid to be of flrangers, that they permit them not to approach, and even watch the avenues of their town. This intelligence was received from a chief’s fon, who communicated feveral other pieces of the information juft Hated. Two fervants of the Company, in confequence, have lately penetrated to this retreat, called the Deferter’s town. They fucceeded in getting into it, without much moleflation, and have authenticated the above fads. They learnt alfo that thefe deferters were at firfl about 100; but that, by death and kidnapping, they are now reduced to about 80. A complaint was preferred, againft the head- man who favoured their efcape, to the mulatto trader al- ready fpoken of, as judge, The plaintiff, it is commonly fuppofed, fold his chance of recovery to the judge before the trial : certain it is, that the head-man, with all the peo- ple of his town, were fentenced to be fold as flaves, and all of them that were caught were fold accordingly, except the head-man, who was fome time a prifoner, and now lives near Freetown. 459. The preceding fads happened before the formation of the colony ; the following, which are more recent, will fhew 79 CHAP XI. Sierra Le- on a. Slave-trade drives the na- tives to the mountains. More recent fads. 8o CHAP. XI. V ' Sierra Le- ona. Condemna- tions for al- Jedeed adul- tery. Chief fells 2 men to a fac- tor, ordering him to be Bogged. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON fhew the fources of the flave-trade, near S. Leona, for the two laft years, and the private mifery, drunkennefs and murder which it has caufed. Feb. 1793. A native of fome confequence applied for the governor’s afliftance in redeeming his daughter, whom a creditor of his had juft feized and fold to a flave-fhip lying off Freetown. The governor offered her price, either in goods or money, to the flave-captain, who refufed both, obferving that flaves -were now diffi- cult to be got, and mull not be eafily parted with ; and that, as the girl feemed a favourite, he ought to have two flaves for her; but that, in compliment to the go. vernor, he would give her up for one prime flave. He added, that he had been much affe&ed at an interview between her and her father, who had been on board that morning to fee her; but, he remarked again, that flaves were fcarce. The go- vernor, under all the circumftances, could not farther interefere. But the father went in queft of a flave, whom he feems not to have been able eafily to get: for he did not return till long after, when the fhip was gone. 460. The two following are inftances of the decifions of the chiefs, in fuppofed cafes of adultery between their wives and inferior natives. (1.) One of our fchool-mafters brought to me a native, who implored our pro- tection, having juft efcaped from the chief of the neareft town, who had confined, and threatened to fell him, for adultery with one of his wives, unlefs he would pay down a fum, which he could not command. He curfed the flave-fa£tory as the caufe of his mifery, and declared himfelf innocent. Here the chief, like feveral others who will be mention- ed, a£led by his own fingle authority, and feems not to have been amenable to any fuperior for his judgment, be- tween himfelf and the people of his town. (2.) A native of S. Leona who has lived many years as a grumetla (or free la- bourer) at a neighbouring European flave-fafctory, has been fold, on a charge of adultery with one of the European flave factor’s wives. The European fold him to a flave-fhip, avowing this as his reafon, without even the form of a trial. 461. The following is a flriking fpecimen of African juftice. On one of the neareft rivers there is a chief and an European flave-faCtor in one town. The king, in his cups, talked of flogging the flave-fa£tor, and would actu- ally have made his people do it, if the faCtor had not got to his own houfe, and barricaded THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 8 1 barricaded it. He demanded fatisfaftion of the king when fober, who by way of C H A P. reparation, fold him two of his people. , t 462. The natural alliance between drunkennefs and the Sierra Le- flave-trade will alfo be exhibited by the fubfequent oc- currence, (fee § 21). Six or feven of the neared chiefs renewed their applications for rum: their Drunkennefs perfeverance is aftonifhing. By way of forcing us to comply, one of them faid lie would go and pawn his brother to the fl a ve- fa&ory, for liquor. But the gover- nor was firm, and explained to them his motive for refufal. They faid, there was no palaver (or caufe of quarrel) but they were evidently chagrined. Having, how- ever, dined with us, they were brought into tolerable humour, and I hope thefe ap- plications for rum will at length ceafe. 463. The following accounts, the Directors deem too im- portant, to be withheld. (1.) A number of black mariners has been hired by fome French (hips trading on pree blacks this coad. Six of the Ihips have been captured, and the black failors, amounting to taken in 19, though free men and receiving wages, have been all fold as (laves, a mulatto ^i^for (lavei child excepted. It is painful to witnefs fuch a£ls. Why are not the French tea- men put up to auftion alfo ? Or why is this difference between blacks and whites ? The French failors were at war with us, and are not fold; but the blacks are fent to the fiave-faftory and fold at public auftion, with the goods that formed the cargo. One or two of them were free men of this neighbourhood, and fome not only free, but fons of chiefi; one of them fon of the king of Sallutn. Indeed the Britifh flave-faftor who bought them, was fo good as to fay, he would not fend them off, fo that their friends might redeem them with other (laves when they thought fit. I am difpofed to believe him; yet it is dreadful to think of the contempt of juftice here. At firft I would not believe what I heard on this fubjeft; but I faw them knocked down myfelf, at about £20 a piece. (2.) Another French (hip has been taken, by a different captor, and three or four free natives found on board, have been fold to the neighbouring (lave-fa&ory. We remonftrated with the captain, on the impropriety of felling free people. He admitted it, but faid he mull receive money for their ranfom, or he could not part with them. We offered him money, but he then faid, No, he mud have (laves for them, as he wanted (laves, and they muff be four foot four inches high. (3.) Several free women, left as pledges on board a French (hip, which was cap- tured, were alfo fold. The captain of the Britifh privateer, which took the (hip, was formerly a (lave-trader. — Mod of the free people, thus fold by the feveral captors, being natives of the neighbourhood, were eventually redeemed. But the M captors 82 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON CHAP. XI. V- SlERR aLe- O N A . Man tried by red water dies: his fa- mily made Saves. captors feem to have profited by their fale, and not to have promoted their redemp* tion. 464. The difguft which will be raifed by the next ftory, of which four different evidences are. mentioned, feems not a fufficient reafon for withholding it ; efpecially as it exhibits another fource of the flave-trade. — A grumetta (free labourer) was accufed of theft, by his mafter, a Britifh trader, a little way to the north. The labourer demanded to be tried by the red water (which is fufpe£ted to be poifonous) and the eflefil of which is fuperftitioufly fuppofed to determine innocence or guilt. The trader, after fome time, confented. The king of the country was fummoned and appeared, with all his family and attendants. Preliminaries being adjufted, the poor man drank one draught, fwelled and foon fell down dead, his belly burfting. The king then folemnly gave fentence againft him, and condemned all his family to flavery, who were feized and fold. During the trial, two men with clubs flood on each fide of the accufed, ready to knock out his brains, at the appearance of the fymptoms to which the natives attach guilt. The white trader, juft mentioned, is confidered very much as an African chief, by the natives of this part. Man derang- ed in his mind, by 465. The following anecdote fhows the degree of fuper- ftitious ignoranc^in which the natives are immerfed. Witchcraft. A man in a neighbouring 'town has been fold on the charge of having, by witchcraft, changed himfelf into a leopard, and of having, in that fhape, carried off fome fowls and goats, from the town of the neareft chief to us. 466. The fucceeding relation fhows the extreme horror which fome of the natives feel at being fent into flavery. A free native mariner, on board our fhip, Providence, feeing fome rice come on board from the fafilory in Sherbro, while he faw no goods given in exchange, fear of being was dreadfully terrified left he fhould be fold for a Have, in barter for the rice, fold* pull of this perfuafion, when the fafilor from the fhore was ftepping on board, he endeavoured to flab him, but miffing his aim, he leapt over-board. After fome dif- ficulty he was recovered, and being afked the reafon of his condufil, he explained it in the way juft mentioned. He ftill fhowed the greatcft fear, and declared fie would rather die than be fold as a (lave. As it was feared he might commit fili- cide, his hands were bound; but, on his intreaty, and promife to be quiet, they were, in a little while, loofed. At midnight, he got into a canoe along fide, and drifted down the ftream, to a town at the river’s mouth, where he was feized and put in irons; but on application to a friendly chief, he got his liberty. The idea of flavery having entirely pofTeffed his brain, he foon after jumped overboard, and was ) THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY.- — BRITISH. 83 was given up for drowned. But getting on Ihore, he was again recovered, and was CHAP, brought to Freetown, where he is now employed. The phyficians think the terror of flavery mull have caufed fome derangement of his intelletts, which may occa- SierraLl- fionally return, in fome fmall degree. He is now much attached to the Company, on a. and happy in their fervice. His friends fay his mind was never in the leaft difor- dered, before this fright. 467. The next occurrences come from an eye-witnefs of them. Their dates are various. (1.) 1 have been to day on board a large flave-fhip in the river, with 2,50 Haves. The men were chained in pairs ; the women were kept apart. The young Haves were chearful ; but the old ones were much call dow-n. At meals they are oblig- ed to Ihout, and to clap their hands, for exercife, before they begin to eat. I could then fee lhame and indignation in the faces of tliofe more advanced in years. One woman, who fpoke a little Englilh, begged me to carry her home. She faid Ihe was from the oppofite fhore of the river to Freetown, that her hufband had fold her for debt, and that Ihe had left a child behind her: at the mention of the child, Hie wept. (2.) 1 was this morning again on board a flave-fhip, where I faw a woman who had been newly fold, and who feemed to have been weeping. On alking her the reafon, (he pointed to the milk fidwing- from her breafts, and intimated that flic had been torn from her unweaned infant, which the captain confirmed. She was from one of the towns nearell us; and faid Hie had been fold for being faucy to the queen of it. ' / (3.) In the neighbouring Have-yard, I faw a man about 35 years old in irons. He was a Mahometan, and could read and write Arabick; He was occafionally noify ; fomctimes he would fing a melancholy fong, then he would utter an earnelt prayer, and then would obferve a dead filence. This Hrange conduft, I was told, was from his ftrong feelings, on having been put, for the firll time, in irons, the day before. As we palled, he cried aloud to us, and endeavoured to hold up his irons to our view, which he flriick very expreflively with his hand, the tear Halting in his eye. He feemed, by his manner, to be demanding the caufe of his confinement. (4.) An American Have-captain has been telling us that he loll a very fine Have, a few days ago, by the" Julhs.” — “ The man (faid he) was a Mahometan, uncommon- ly well made, and feemed to be a perfon of confequence. When he firll came on board, he was very much call down ; but, finding that I allowed him to walk at large, he grew more eafy'„ When my Haves became numerous, I put him in irons, like the reft, on which he loll his fpirits irrecoverably. He complained of a pain at his heart, -and would not eat. The ufual means were tried, but in vain; for he reje&ed food altogether, except when I Hood by and made him eat. I offered him the bell things in the Ihip, and left nothing untried; for I had fet my heart on faving him. M2 I am Scenes on board ilave- Ihips, &c. 84 CHAP. XI. V.. , ) Sierra Le- oxa. Shocking ex- ccffes, encou- raged by Eu- ropeans, and for what? COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON I am Cure, he would have brought me goo dollars in the W. Indies; but nothing would do. He faid, from the firft, he was determined to die, and fo he did, after lingering 9 days. I allure you, gentlemen, I felt very forry; for I dare fay, I loft 300 dollars by his death, and to fuch a man as me, that is a very heavy lofs. 468. The following dialogues fhow how plainly the enor- mities of the flave-trade are acknowledged, fometirnes even by the perpetrators; and that the Europeans, by familiarity with thofe enormities, have been brought to tolerate them, to accommodate their feelings to them, and to fubftitute, for the real principles of jultice, a morality of their own — a morality, however, which, difavowing fome horrible atroci- ties, is only a more deliberate fyftem of injuftice, cruelty and oppreflion. I {hall give the fubftance of a converfation with an Englifh flave-faftor, who Iia3 lived fome years a little way to the fouth, and is well acquainted with all the practices of the flave-trade. The factor, having mentioned the mulatto trader, (of whofe ravages the Proprietors have heard fo much) as a very gentleman-like, well educated, fen- lible and refpeftable kind of man ; I was induced to alk, whether he had not been guilty of many excefles all around. — Excefles! No. He would make war fometirnes on the head-.men that ow’ed him juft debts, and fell fome of their people, if he could catch them; or he might perhaps carry off the inhabitants of a town, when the king or father of it gave him exprefs permiflion. He was a good man on the whole, and a man of humanity ; for he did not fhed all the blood he might, nor fell every one he had a right to fell. For inftance, the chief now living near Freetown, and all his generation, were adjudged to be his property ; but the chief himfelf has never yet been fold, which is a mere aft of forbearance in the mulatto-trader. But I con- lider the fentence ftill in force againft him. Did not the mulatto trader order an attack on the neighbouring ifland, when the proprietor was killed in defending him- felf, and do not the friends of the proprietor confider this as an aft of great injuf- tice? The proprietor well deferved to be attacked;, for there is reafon to think he was then intending to attack the mulatto trader. 1 underftand this affair is not over, and that the fucceffors of this proprietor, intend to retaliate on the fucceffors of the mulatto chief, when they have an opportunity. 1 believe they do ; but it ill becomes them to queftion the mulatto chief’s conduft; for they Ihould confider bow much worfe things their own father did. For example, the old man has been known to fail up a river, with fome large craft, to land at a town under a great fhow of fi iendlhip. He has has then made a fpeech to the head-men and people, remarking how fhamefully all former traders had ufed therr, and that he was come to trade fairly THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 85, f„irly with them, as friends and brothers. He has then opened a puncheon or two C HAP. of rum, and invited them to fit round and drink. At night, when he had got them t thoroughly drunk, he has given the fignal to hispeople in the craft, who have fecured Sierra Le» all the party in fetters, and fold every one worth purchafing to fome flave-fhip, all ona. the while waiting at the river’s mouth. (See $21.) This old proprietor did many fuch things. But the mulatto trader never ufed treachery, nor atta;ked a town without reafon; but the other plundered without diftinflion. — Does the mulatto trader’s fucceflor recover debts by the fame means that he ufed ? — No, he is too eafy. — Is it not unpleafant to carry on a trade fo full of enormities, as you deferibe the onlytoobtain flave-trade tobe? — It is no doubt a bad trade, but it is very profitable. I hate it, and hlOAET. would get out of it to-morrow, if I knew of one in which 1 could get the fame money*. 469. The following converfation occurred with a flave- eaptain, who furpafles moll others in effrontery and hardnefs of difpofition. The exhibition of the moral effefts of this traffic on the Europeans, in the opinion of the Diredlors, out- weighs every obje&ion to the recital of thefe dialogues. A flave-veffel, which has waited fome time in the neighbouring river, ar- Panynrin* rived here. The captain complains bitterly of this detention, obferving that, if he deferibed.. had been well manned, he would not have allowed the trader he dealt with to detain him thus; for that he would have carried off fome of the people from a large town near which his vefTel lay. — I afked him if this was common. — O, not at all uncom- mon (faid he) we do it every day on the Gold CoalL We call it “ panyaring" If a native there does not pay fpeedily, you man your boat towards evening, and bid your failorsgo to any town, no matter whether your debtor’s town or not, and catch as many people as they can. If your debt be large, it may be neceffary to “ catch" two towns. After this, your debtor will foon compleat his number of flaves. — But what if he fhould not? — Why then we carry our prifoners away, to be fure. — But is this proper? — Necefiity has no law; befides panyaring is country law. — Did you ever recover debts, in this way? — Aye, many a time, and I hope to do fo again. I wifh we had the fame law here that we have on the Gold Coalf, or that the old mulatto trader was alive. He was a fine fellow for bufinefs: lie never caufed any. delay. But the prefent man is afraid to make a haul of the people: he wants a pro- per fpirit. — How do you contrive to guard your flaves, with your fiender crew? — 1 put them all in leg-irons; and if thefe be not enough, why then I hand-cuff them;: if hand-cuffs be too little, I put a collar round their neck, with a chain locked to a. ring-bolt on the deck; if one chain won’t do, I put two, and if two won’t do, I put three; you may trufl me for that. He afterwards very gravely allured me, that * See Notes refpeaing S. Leona and Bulama, Note W. alfo § 142, Qu. VII. XII. XVI. XLVI. he 8 6 CHAP. XI. t * ) Sierra L e- oea. Slave-fhip cut off. Bfoodyinfur- re ttions. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON he never knew any cruelties committed. — But are not thefe things cruelties? — O no, thefe are not cruelties : they are matters of courfe ; there’s no carrying on the trade without them. 470. That the flave-trade fometimes brings fudden de- ftruction on thofe immediately engaged in it, and that no feverities can prevent thefe dreadful evils, the following ac- counts of the cutting off of flave-fhips, all in the neigh- bourhood of S. Leona, and moft of them recent, will fuffi- ciently teftify. ■ 1 have juft heard that an American trig, commanded by captain , who I underfland was outlawed in England, has been cut off by the llaves, 7 or 8 leagues, north of Cape S. Leona. A (ingle flave began the attack, rufhed into the cabin, laid open the captain’s face and breaft with an axe, and feverely wounded a a pafTenger. As the feamen made no refiflance, they were permitted to go off, with the wounded, in the boat. The captain died. The fhip was retaken by a Liver- pool veffcl, after an encounter in w’hich fome of the (laves were killed. 471. It is but candid to premife to the following account, (1.) that the extraordinary war here fpoken of, appears not to have arifen out of the flave-trade. — The Dire&ors cannot approve the pride and difdain of life which feem to have aftuated the captive chief, who headed one of the infurrec- tions, about to be mentioned. The impoflibility of prevent- ing fuch bloody fcenes, not the motives of the aciors, is the point to be illuflrated. One or two other recent inftances, fimilar to the following, have been mentioned to the Court; but the particulars have not been tranfmitted. (1.) 1 have got confiderable light into .the hiflory of Mahady, the famous Mahometan prophet, who appeared in thefe parts, with an immenfe concourfe of followers., about three years ago. When he was killed, his generals contended for the maflery, and one of them, being taken by his antagotiiff, was immediately fold to a French flave-flrip, lying off a faQory near S. Leona. There he behaved with a fullen dignity, and, even in chains, addreffed his fellow flaves, in his wonted tone of authority. I heard this from a llave-trader, who had feen him both as a great chief or general, and as a prifo ner on board a Have-fhip. The Have-trader, and the cap- tive chief, mutually recognized each other. On the fame day, when the Have- trader was on board, it happened that the chief was permitted to walk on deck, with- out THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY.— -BRITISH. 87 out his fetters. No fooner had the captain and his fiicnds fat down to dinner than C H A P. a fignal was given. The flavesrofe to a man, knocked off each other’s fetters, and, t ^ ' headed by the chief, attacked the barricade. But they failed. The guns were Sierra Le~ pointed at them, fome were killed, many leaped into the fea, and the infurrection ona. was quelled. The captain enquiring for the ringleader, the chief came boldly for- ward and avowed that he was the man; that he wifhed to give liberty to all the flaves on board ; that he regretted his defeat on their account ; but that, as to himfelf, he was well fatisfied with the profpett of immediately obtaining, what he termed his own liberty. The captain hung him up inftantly to the yard-arm. (2.) A vefTel brought an account of the cutting off of a Bofton flave-fhip, by about 40 flaves. Being only fingle-ironed, they cut to pieces the fecond mate and a feaman on deck, while the captain and moll of the crew were below. They then attacked the cabin; but, being unable to force the door, they pointed the guns at it. The captain and the crew then furrendered, on condition that their lives fhould be fpared, and the fhip given them, when they fhould have navigated her into fome place, whence the flaves might efcape. The captain and the chief mate, however, were killed; but the men were fpared to navigate the fhip. In fleering towards a neighbouring river, fhe' ran aground. Three feamen were fent in the boat, to drop an anchor aftern; but, pulling to the (hore, they brought a flave-trader, with as many hands as he could get,, in an armed fchooner. An obftinate engagement enfuing, the flave-trader had 3 men killed and 4 wounded. The flaves having expended their ammunition, formed a raft, on which they got on fhore; and, on taking poffeflion of the fhip, it was found that feveral of them had alfo fallen. Of the flaves who got on fhore, fome were immediately killed ; the reft, being 18, were at length overpowered by the natives, whom the noife of the firing had colle&ed, and were fold again for flaves. 472. The following is a (ketch of the origin, progrefs and Some ac- end of an European flave-trader, who lately died at an oTmond.T ifland near S. Leona, and who feems to have attained to a q^fSSr degree of ferocity and hardnefs of heart, proportionate to his fuccefs in that bloody traffic. As he appears to have neither friend nor connection left, the Directors need not conceal his name, which was Ormond. He went from England, about 3^ years ago, as a cabin-boy to a flave-fhip, and was retained, as anafliftant at a flave-fa61ory on S. Leona river. There he acquired* knowledge, which qualified him for fetting up a flave-faHory afterwards for him- felf, in a neighbouring part towards the north, and, though unable to write or read, he became fo expert a flave-trader, that he realized, as is fuppofed, about £30,000! His cruelties were almoft incredible. Two perfons who feem to have hadgood means. of -88 CHAP. XI. > Sierra L* - ON A, Account of thedifperfion of the firft colony at S. Leona. COLONIES IN A? RICA, ON of information, give the following account of them. — One of them, who lived for fome time near Ormond, faid he knew it to be a facl, that he ufed to tie Hones to the necks of his unfaleable Haves, and. drown them in the river, during the night; and that his cruelty was not confined to blacks; for, being offended by a white agent, one Chriftmas day, when drinking freely with fome company, he made his flaves tie up the European, and gave him, with his own hands, 400 lalhes, from which he died in a few davs. — The other perfon allowed his general chara&er for barbarity, and added that he was told by an eye-witnefs, that Ormond having caught a black wife of his in a criminal converfation with one of his flaves, lie burnt them ■both to death with a tar-barrel. This favage had attained to the fame trull with the Africans, in witchcraft and grifgris, or charms, and was fob] eft to filly, fuperllitious tears Providence having permitted this man to become an abandoned and fuccefs- iul (lave trader, was pleafed alfo to allow him to experience a reverie of fortune. A few years ago, having loll his health, he went to the Ifle de Los, for the fake of lea air and medical help, leaving his affairs under the care of a mulatto who was his •fon. Happening to have recently dellroyed one of the towns of the Bagos, who furround his faftory, they took this opportunity to retaliate, Ormond’s flaves, hav- ing been little attached to him, favoured the Bagos, and the place being t?ken, they fliared the plunder. The buildings were all burnt, and the goods in them, amount- ing, it is faid, to the value of 12 or 1500 Haves (near /'go, 000 Her.) were either dellroyed or carried away. Young Ormond and all his adherents were put to death. Old Ormond lived to hear the news; bu died in about a month after. — The charadter of this mm exhibits an inftance of the great influence bf the flave ,trade in depraving the human heart. It alfo fhows what crimes have been perpetrated with impunity, by Britifh fubjedts, in Africa; and what in- ftruments Great Britain has ufed, in carrying on this deteft- able commerce. — The Diredtors, however, did not impute equal atrocities to the generality of flave-traders. Yet they think it right to add, that other inftances might, if neceflary, have been given, of very nearly the fame guilt and cruelty. 473. Of the direct hindrance of the flave-trade to the ci- vilization of Africa, the difperfion of the firft colony of free blacks, affords an interefting, and indeed rather a difeourag- ing, inftance. (See § 335.) The circumftances which led to that event are as follow: A chiel THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 89 A chief living within half a mile of Freetown (which is on the fpot, where the free blacks from London originally fettled, § 382) had loft, as he affirms, two per- fons of his town, by the depredations of an American flave-captain, and had been waiting for an opportunity of retaliating on fome veftel from that country. This opportunity occurring, he attacked the boat of an American ffiip, paffing up the ri- ver, and plundered her, killing her crew, confifting of three or four men, except one, who efcaped with the news to the flave-faCfory, whither the boat was going. The faftor, confulting with the officers of a frigate then in the river, refolved to avenge the outrage. After two or three days, in which fome vain attempts were made to induce the chief to come on board the frigate, the flave-faflor, with a lieu- tenant and a body of Britiffi failors and marines, fet out to the chief’s town, two free blacks from the new colony being their guides, a fervice to which, they fav, they were compelled. On the approach of this armed body, the chief and his peo- ple fled, and the town was plundered and burnt. But the party, returning in the evening, were fired on, from among the bullies. A fkirmiffi enfued, in which fome natives are faid to have fallen on the one fide, and the lieutenant and a fer- jeant of marines, were killed on the other, a few alfo being {lightly wounded. The chief, after this, often vowed farther retaliation: but happily, the principal objeCt of his rage, the flave-faftor, foon after quitted the coaft. The faftory, which is on an ifland at fome diftance in the river, tHwLj^l fortified, fuffered little from the confe- Sierra Le- ona. quences of thefe outrages; but they were fatal to the unprote£le|/colony. A pala- ver of the chiefs wa^alled, who, following the' African mode of wild retaliation, determined to burn the town of the coloniftSj hecaufe two individuals belonging to it were among the hoftile party. This dreadful fentence was executed within three • days. It is but juft to fay, that the flave-faCiory afforded feveral of the coloaifts a temporary protection and fupport, in the firft preffure of their diftrefs. 474. This recital deferves notice, not only as an expla- slave-trade nation of the difperfion of the firfl Sierra Leona colony, threa,eye- . * J 3 very colony but as a fpecimen of one of the kinds of danger to which w th fimiiac every new colony in Africa muft be more or lefs expofed, dangcl;* while furrounded by the flave-trade. An outrage is, or is fuppofed to be, committed by a flave-captain ; the natives blindly and bloodily retaliate; the flave-faclory interferes; and the adjoining little colony is involved in the confe- quences. Such accidents are inherent in the flave-trade ; they grow out of it’s ordinary enormities ; they accord with it’s unjult and ferocious fpirit: for the indiferiminate N feizure S>° CHAP. XI. i . > Sierra Le- on A. Some of the firft colonifls feized & fold. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON fcizure of each other, is the very leffon daily taught the Africans by the Europeans, who difcourage no violence or atrocity, that promifes to extend their traffick ; and who, as far as the Directors are informed, are not accuftomed to decline buying any man, on the ground of his having been unjuflly feized. Indeed more than one inflance might be pointed out, in which this fame flave-fa6lory has knowingly purchafed freemen, from perfons who they knew had no fliadow of right to fell them. But the Di- reftors wifh not to refle£l on anyone flave-fa£lory ; for they believe the cuftom is general ; each fa£lor perhaps pleading that, if he fhould fcruple to make fuch purchafes, others would not ; or, if they did, the captains, without the intervention of a faftory, would buy the people fo reje£t- ed. And indeed the flave-faflors can fcarcely be infenfible of the great diminution which their trade might fuffer, from admitting the principle of inquiring, how the (laves offered for fale were procured. But, whatever be the fophifms by which the (lave-dealers juftify the encouragement of mu- tual outrages among the natives, it cannot be furprifing if they themfelves, or whites vifiting the coaft, or any neigh- bouring European colony, (hould occafionally feel the ef- fects of diffufing thefe principles of injuflice. — The Court having heard the caufes of the difperfion of the firfl colo- ny, will not wonder at the anxiety of the Direflors to pro- vide againfl the fame danger, nor at the eagernefs they have already expreffed to enlarge the number of colonifls, and to form at once a refpe&able eflablifhment. (§ 354.) 475. Another proof of the danger, with which the flave- trade threatens any neighbouring colony, is afforded by the annexed relation. Some THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. Some time before the eftablifhment of the prefent Company, a Britifh flave-fac- tor, then in S. Leona river, but lately removed, feized five of the firft colonifis, on the ground of his having been wronged by one of their body, fomewhere at a dif- tance on the coalt, where lie was navigating a veftel belonging to this flave-faflor, who faid the country law warranted this mode of redrefs. But he afterwards was induced to releafe three of them, thinking the other two, on confideration, afforded that recompenfe for hislofs which was proper, on the principles of African jufiice. Thefe two men, it was admitted, had no conneftion with the defaulter, nor any means of catching him (for he had run from the fhip, when fhe was fome hundred miles from the colony) and whofe only crime was that they had formerly lived in the fame town with him. Yet they were kept in chains, by this Britifh flave- trader, and then fold to a flave-captain, who was on the point of failing; when a Mahometan chief, who happened to come from the interior country, took com- panion on them, advanced about £50 fter. for their redemption, and fent them home. The fame chief having lately fent a favourite free boy, with a meffage to a faftor to whom he was in debt, the boy was feized by way of payment. The chief, half diftrafted, came to S. Leona, and endeavoured to trace the child from faftory to fa6f ory. At length he called at Freetown, mentioned his prefent pover- ty, and the aftliftion which had brought him to the coaft, and modeflly afked for the £50 which he had formerly paid for the redemption of the two freemen of Granville town. The governor and council very carefully inveftigated the cafe, and found the main fa£ls were precifely as has been Hated. The ^50 were repaid to the chief, by the Company, in confequencc of this invefligation. 476. The Dire&ors have reafon to think that feveral others of this firft unprotected colony, were fold and carri- ed off. One is believed to have been kidnapped by a neighbouring black trader; and another turned kidnapper himfelf. But the natives, whom he had feized and fold, were recovered by The Company’s intervention, and the kidnapper was corporally punilhed. Some are alfo faid to have been fold, for crimes charged againft them. But all thefe incidents (except the dete&ion and punifh- ment of the kidnapper) happened before the formation of the prefent colony. 477. The infecurity of travellers, by preventing a free communication with the interior country, is another hin- N 2 drance CHAP. XI. ' ' Sierra Le- ona. Exemplary humanity of a chief. One of the firft colonifts turns kid- napper. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON XI. V— ■— ^ ■■ / Sierra Le- ona. travellers, from flave- trade, pre- vents inland intercourfe, &c. c Hv^ p- drance to the views of the Company. This opens a wide field for reflexion. It appears, from many recent invefti- gations, that the people of the coaft, are far more barbarous than thofe of the interior ; that, while the population to- infecurity of wards the fea, is very thin, and the intercourfe dangerous, there are found farther inland, many confiderable towns, fome of which, in the very heart of Africa, are fuppofed to carry on much internal trade, and to have made no fmall progrefs in civilization. The interefls of the Company, therefore, and the benefit both of Africa and Europe, ren- der fome connexion with the interior of this vafl conti- nent, a defirable object. But here again, the flave-trade banefully interpofes. The general infecurity, anarchy and drunkennefs which it hath introduced ; but, above all, perhaps, a dread of the machinations of the flave-traders, who, by a chain of fattories, have much influence in the interior, and, by their almoff entire empire of the coaft, may be confidered as holding the key of Africa — thefe cir- cumftances formidably obltruct every liberal attempt to dif- cover and introduce, a mutually advantageous intercourfe with the interior of Africa. 478. The proprietors are already informed 400) that, in the very infancy of the colony, the Company’s mineral- unhappy cafe Ggift attempted to penetrate into the country round S. Le- ona. He was a man who to fome impatience, joined a very ardent mind, a love of knowledge, and great perfonal re- fpeftability, and profeffional experience. He went out to extend his difeoveries, having voluntarily offered his fer- vices to the Company, taking no falary, but fimply ftipu- lating, that, if any profits fhould arife from his refearches, he fhould have the fhare which mineralogifls are common- ly allowed, and that the Company fhould pay the ex- penfes exemplified in Mr. Nor- denfkiold’s THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. penfes of his paffage, and living, at S. Leona. This firft adventurer from S. Leona, on a journey of difcovery, was, as before hated, attacked and plundered by a native chief, and returned in fo deplorable a condition, that he appears to have died from vexation and hardfhip. It would not have been unreafonable to fufpect, that the flave-trade had imparted ferocity to this chief, even if his politive con- nection with have- traders had not been proved. But the fame chief has fince attacked another fervant of the Com- pany, at the inftigation of a French flave-trader, who told him that a fhip of the S. Leona Company had been equip- ped, to make war on all the French flave-faftories in his territories. On the veffel’s arrival, the natives were alarmed ; but the peaceable condudt of the captain, who merely went up to buy rice, foon allayed their fears. The chief, however, being very drunk, met with the captain and affaulted him. The people then tore off his clothes, drag- ged him to another town about two miles off, and there kept him prifoner. When the chief grew fober, he order- ed the captain to be fet free, and made him fome prefents, by way of compenfation — The Direttors will not add here, any more obfervations on the hindrances of the flave-trade to the Company’s views ; as the fubject will ne- ceffarily recur, in fpeaking of the fteps taken to promote civilization. But the importance of the fubje# feems to deferve recapitulation. 479. It appears then, that the chief fources of the flave- trade are debts, wars, crimes and kidnapping. Debts, in this cafe, may not, on the firft view, appear very dreadful ; but the preceding faffs put together, exhibit fuch a fcene ot wickednefs and mifery, as a flight inveftigation would not have fuggefled. If an African contra# a debt, an- other 93 CHAP XI. L > Si E R R A L E- ON A. Sourcesoftlie flave-trade recapitulated. Debts, COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 91 CHAP XI. Si ERR A Le ON' A. other perfon commonly pays the penalty, and the flave- trader carries off a wife or a child of the debtor, or perhaps an inhabitant of the fame town, or fome ftranger who had fought prote&ion there. In one cafe, as has been fhown, a child is torn from it’s father by a debtor, and the flave- captain fails, before the parent can bring a fubftitute, •{§ 459.) A wife is fold by her hufband, for a debt, and is feen weeping in a llave-fhip, for her infant left behind, {§ 467.) A free boy, fent with a meffage, is feized for his principal’s debt, and is carried off, before he can be re- deemed, (§ 475.) Among other coloniffs who were cap- tured, two are fold for the debt of a townfman, who runs away from his captain, on another part of the coaft, (§475-) — In other views, the cuflom of felling men for debt, ap- pears ftill more dreadful. The flave-traders appear to en- courage the chiefs to contraft debts, for the fake of the confequent right of feizure. The very large credits, which, being incompatible with ordinary commerce, feem peculiar to the flave-trade, form, perhaps, one of it’s main pillars ; for fome fa61s that have appeared at S. Leona, un- equivocally fhew, that liberal credit legalizes all kinds of enormities. It ferves equally to fubjeft a country to a flave- faftor, or to fecure difpatch to a flave-lhip. By thefe cre- dits, the mulatto trader acquired his power over the chiefs, and depopulated the whole country around him, without violating the cuftoms of Africa, or forfeiting his charafter, as a “ good man and man of humanity (§ 468.) It is plain, that Have-captains, coming to trade on the coaft, may make the fame ufe of this fyftemof credit. By diftributing part of their goods among the chiefs, they eftablifli a claim to feize both them and their people: and, if their crews be frong enough (§ 469) they need not wait long for their car- go; THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. go ; for they have only to refort to the country Law of pany - aring. ( § 469.) In the Mandingo country alfo, it has been fliown, that debts caufe kidnapping; for chiefs getting into debt to Europeans are put into confinement; and hence their people are obliged to kidnap, to redeem them ( § 456.) In fhort, no proceeding of the S. Leona Company has fo much offended the chiefs, as the refufal of the ufual African credit. 480. War alfo might feem, on a fuperficial view, to rank with the leaf! objectionable fources of the flave-trade. But, when viewed more clofely, it is feen to involve the moft horrible enormity. The Africans, afraid to live detached, congregate into towns, under the protection of fome chief, whom they commonly call their father. He, being cor- rupted by liquor, is largely credited by the flave-faCtor, who, on this ground makes war on the people. Some are killed, and many more taken and fold as flaves, and thus the chief’s debt is paid. Such were precifely the numerous little wars of the great mulatto trader, againft all the inferior chiefs around him. From thefe wars others fpring, and a long train of hoflilities follows. A chief efcapes from the mulatto trader, with the refidue of his people, to an ifland: thence he carries on a vindictive, predatory war; taking 40 prifoners at once, from the mulatto-trader, who would not be flow to retaliate ; and the flave-trade gets farther victims from each fide ( § 454.) Some of thefe petty wars feem emi- nently productive. The chief of Quiaport attacks the chief of Bowrah, and fends his prifoners to the flave-faCtory. The latter gathers all his ftrength, and feizes double the number from the former ; for he is obliged to redeem his people by paying two for one ( § 456.) Nor are thefe fmaller wars the only productive ones. Every great nation near Sierra Leona, 95 CHAP. XI. Sierra Le- ona. Wars. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 9g CHAP. XL V— v i Si e rra Le- ona. Crimes, real or imputed. I Leona, has been involved in war by the flave-trade. The female mulatto owns, that the Mandingoes have no wars, when llaves are not in demand, ( § 456.) The Foulahs, fays another evidence, are well known to go to war folely to get flaves ( § 456.) “ The people dire£Uy inland, adds another chief, go to war for Haves. Our country being very much depopulated, and the paflage of Haves from remote parts being hindered by wars, the Have-fa6tors have lately endeavoured to prevent them, and the adjacent country to S. Leona, begins to be at peace." ( § 456.) 481. Crimes, real or imputed, are another chief caufe of flavery: adultery is one of the higheH. A native chief, in one cafe, ( § 460.) and an European chief in another ( § 460.) fells an inferior African on fuch a charge; both by their own arbitrary will, and evidently for their own emolument. And here, let the drunkennefs and depravity of the chiefs, who are thus judges in their own caufe, be confidered; let the African polygamy be added ; nor let the remark of a native trader be forgotten, that it is common for chiefs, who want goods, to hint to their wives, to encourage adultery. Many of the other crimes have been fo flight, and fuch the injuflice of the judges, that the decifions aggravate the hor- ror excited by this traffic. A whole town, the chief except- ed, is enllaved, for letting fome runaway Haves pafs to the mountains, ( § 458.) A woman from the next town, is torn from her unweaned child and fold, merely for imper- tinence, ( § 467.) Two men are fold by a chief, to com- penfate for his having, in his drunkennefs, ordered a Have- trader to be flogged, ( § 461.) A man is fold for having changed himfelf into a leopard, ( § 465.) The whole fa- mily of another is fold for his fuppofed theft, after he had been poifoned with red water, ( § 464.) The mulatto- trader’s THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. trader’s fetting up a (lave as a judge, the growing power of this judge, the court paid to him by the flave -traders, and the dread of coming near him, are alfo to be remembered. 482. The inftances given of kidnapping are numerous. A Nova Scotian, formerly kidnapped from S. Leona, on land- ing there is recognized by his mother, ( § 457.) Relations of the king of S. Leona are carried off, at three different times, by kidnappers, ( § 351.) The Company’s agent falls in with a party of natives, in the very a& of kidnap- ping, ( § 348.) A free coloniff from England is kidnap- ped. Another turns kidnapper himfelf; but is detefted and punifhed, by the governor and council, ( § 476.) No lefs than three Britifh commanders are infefted with the contagion, and fell, without fcruple, the free mariners found on board French prizes. In one of thefe inftances, 19 free- men were fold, many of them fons of chiefs, ( § 463.) In a fecond 3 or 4 others, in fpite of the remonftrances of the Sierra Leona government. In a third 4 women left on board as pawns, ( § ibid.) The numbers in the Defert- er’s town are reduced, partly by kidnapping, ( § 458 ) Free-booters infeft the parts between the coaft and the Fou- lah country ; fo that he who brings down flaves is often kid- napped on his return, and fold to the fame faftory where he had been felling others, ( § 456.) In the Sufee coun- try, kidnapping is frequent. In the Mandingo country, mothers dare not truft their children out of their fight, after fun-fet, for fear of kidnappers, ( § 456.) The reafons of it’s prevalence are debts ; impunity, from the facility of fell- ing the victims ; and wars, ( § 479 et Jeq.) A chief owns that in a 5 years war, he ufed to waylay and kidnap paffengers; but lays it was a bad thing, juftified only by the neceftity of having fomething to give to the llave-fa6tories for ammuni- O tion. - 97 C H A ?. XI. v, > Sie r r a Le- ona. Kidnapping. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 98 CHAP. XI. v 1 _S 1 e r r a Le- ona. This account refpe&s S. Leona ; but inland flave- trade cannot be very dif- ferent. ? 0,000 flaves annually dragged from Africa, by the above nefarious means. tion, ( § 456.) We may add the extraordinary ravages of the proprietor of a neighbouring ifland, who fwept away the people of whole towns, when he had intoxicated them, and of whofe indifcriminate ravages even the flave-factor com- plained. 483. Thefe are the four fources of the flave-trade near S. Leona; nor do the Dire&ors conceive that any confider- able number have been obtained from thefe parts, by lefs exceptionable means. Indeed it is reafonable to prefume, that at S. Leona, many atrocities have been perpetrat- ed fecretly, or at leafl concealed from the Company’s fer- vants. The preceding account, indeed, only refpe&s the flaves from near S. Leona, not the general body fold in S. Leona river, mod of whom are brought from the interior. But the Direflors conceive that no one can fairly aflume, that the cafe of inland flaves differs effentially from that of flaves from the coaft : the injuflice and treachery praftifed in tak- ing them, and their confequent wretchednefs, can hardly fail to be fomewhat flmilar, in whatever part of Africa fuch fcenes take place *. 484. Let then this aggregate of mifery be contemplated ; let it be remembered, that the above is but a fample of the manner in which EIGHTY THOUSAND men are annually dragged from Africa by the civilized Europeans, efpecially by the Britifh: let all the concomitant enormities, the blood fpilt in wars, in cutting off flave-fhips, in a£!s of fuicide on board, and in fanguinary vengeance on fhore, be borne in mind: let the drunkennefs, the treachery, the unnatural * That the flave-trade is carried on by flmilar means, and is attended with flmilar fcenes, on the coaft from Senegal to Gambia, and alfo about Boo miles up the former river, may be feen in my “ Observations on the Slave-trade, &c.” 8vo. London printed 1789. C. B. JV. fale THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY.' — BRITISH. 99 fale of wives and children, for debt and for liquor, let the chap. depravity communicated,as by contagion, to Britifh captains, ; failors and fadors, and the atrocities to which fome of them Sie£^Le* have beentranfported, be recolleded; above all, let the ftop put to the civilization of one fourth of the globe, and the guilt of hindering that light of revelation, which has fo long fhone on Britain, from fhining on the inhabitants of that vail continent, be added to the account : let the miferies of Afri- ca be contralled with the blellings which might have refulted from a contrary condud in G. Britain, and from the intro- dudion of Chriflianity and European knowledge, and from that promotion of induflry which is the fure refult of an honeft, innocent and peaceful commerce. — Let all thefe confiderations be put together, and the evil of the flave-trade will indeed appear enormous; its hindrance to civilization, and it’s hoflility to every principle profeffed by the S. Leona Company, become abundantly evident; and the profpeds of civilization about to be Hated will appear important, not only from their immediate confequences, but from their evincing the practicability of reverfing the cruel fyHem which yet prevails in Africa. 485. The fubverfion of the flave-trade was one leading sick flave. motive in the inflitution of the Company ; and it is one of Svedats'. the objeds to which thofe who manage it’s affairs, profefs Leona- that their belt endeavours fhall be direded. But they truft that they fhall not allow their deteflation of that trade, to de- generate into ill-will to thofe engaged in it; and they feel pe- culiar fatisfadion in obferving, that their government abroad, however their zeal for it’s abolition may have been excited by the fcenes they have witneffed, have never ufed either violent or underhand means to promote this objed ; having neither forcibly interrupted the Have-traders nor irritated the O 2 • natives ICO COLONIES IN AFRICA, OM CHAP. XI. v * J SurkaLi- O.N A. French flavc- faftor pro- tested at S. Leona. natives or the Nova Scotians againft them; nor have they encouraged failors who thought themfelves cruelly ufed, or flaves, in the fhips or fa6lories, to defcrt to the colony. Indeed the governor and council have been peculiarly mo- derate, in fome trying cafes; labouring to promote peace, to compofe differences and to prevent private vengeance. They have been juft towards the flave-traders, and have given them proofs of humanity and kindnefs. They have entertained many tick Europeans from the flave-ftiips, whom the known falubrity of the air, or the expectation of good medical advice have attrafted to Freetown, and who have been lodged in the town, at the Company’s expenfe, or gratuitoufly received into the hofpital. Their im- partiality appeared, when a complaint having been made againft fome natives by the flave-captain, whofe cruelties on board, and feizure of the natives on fhore, appear from his converfation before recited, the governor and council in- duced the neighbouring head-man to obtain a hearing of the cafe. But the accufed natives exculpated themfelves, the flave-captain being wholly to blame. 486. The following is an inftance of the prote&ion afford- ed to a flave-trader, by the governor and council, and of their prudent care to prevent the outrages of the Have- trade from taking place on the Company’s diftrift. It has been ftated that an European flave-fa6tor fold a free native, in his fervice, without the form of a trial, on a charge of adultery with one of his wives, ( § 460.) This fale gave rife to the outrage now to be defcribed. A neighbouring French flave-faftor having landed on the colony, a native ac- cufed him of having wrongfully fold a free grumetta (his brother) who had ferved him faithfully, many years. The native collared the Frenchman, threatening to drag him to a neighbouring town, that the difpute might be fettled. I refeued him, with fome difficulty, being determined to forbid all fuch a£ls on our ground. But while THE PRINCIPLES OE HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 1 01 while I was getting a boat, to convey him out of the colony, he fell again into the CHAP, hands of the fame natives. By help of the governor and another principal fervant ( ^ * of the Company, I refcued him again, and he got fafely to his veffel. He was fo Sierua Le- terrified, that he thought us all his enemies, and begged that we would kill him our- on a. felves, and not give up to the favages. I feared the interference of the N. Scotians, many of whom beheld this fcene; but they behaved very well; though their feel- ings leaned ftrongly to the fide of the natives. I told them that, before any ftranger fhould be forced from our diftrift, we were refolved that we ourfelves would be car- ried off, and this language reftrained them very much. The next Sunday, our cler- gyman noticed from the pulpit, how unbecoming it would be if any ftranger, how. ever, culpable, who had come to the colony for prote&ion, fhould be feized in itr of this the N. Scotians approved. On complaining to the chief of the native who collared the Frenchman, he apologized, and allured me that no fuch outrage fhould be committed in future. Soon after this, the Frenchman reported, that the aflault of the native had been inftigated by us. He was certainly fo terrified at the alTault, that he might not have been a judge of what pafTed. Befides, as a flave- trader, he would be prejudiced againft us. But, I think, I would again fubmit to fuch calumny, rather than let any violence be committed on our ground. 487. This fame flave-trader, foon after his own refeue, Hisingrat'* infligated the drunken chief to affault one of the Compa- tude‘ ny’s captains 478.) Though the governor and council have a6led upon the pacific principles recommended by the Dire&ors, fome inftances of the Company’s interference with the interefls of the flave-traders may have been inter- preted into a£ts of hoflility. 488. To the following incident, it is necelfary to pre- mife, that the legiflaturesof the Northern States of America have prohibited the flave-trade, in certain cafes, under hea- vy penalties. An American fliip arriving in S. Leona river, the fupercargo, who feems to have Americans known little of the Company’s principles, went haftily to the governor and council clandeftinely and offered them his cargo, for a cargo of Haves, faying he would take no other arti- ^de^ho'Jgh cles, and hoped they would foon favour him with the Haves he wanted. A coun- prohibited. fellor alked him how the American laws flood, refpefting this trade. He faid that, where he came from, it was prohibited, under forfeiture of the fhip and £ tooo penalty on the captain. “ But, added he, no body will inform.” — Indeed, Sir, re- plied the counfellor, I myfelf fhall inform, if none elfe will. — I hope Sir, you will not do 102 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON CHAP. XI. ' ' SlERR aLe- ONA. which the Direftors are taking fteps to prevent. Companyge' neroufly re- folve to re- deem flaves, do fo unfriendly a thing. — I would rather prevent evil than punilh it, (faid the counfellor) and I warn you, that if you carry a fingle Have from this coaft, you fhall find an information lodged againft you in America. — The fupercargo then faid, he was not in earneft, and that he really abhorred the flave-trade. 489. This fhip quitted the river, immediately, to the obvious prejudice of the flave-fa&ories there. — The Direc- tors have received from S. Leona, a lift of all the Ameri- can fhips, which have tranfgreffed the laws of that country, and are taking meafures for conveying to the feveral legif- latures, whofe authority hath been infulted, fufficient evi- dence of the circumftances tending to the convi6tion and punifhment of the offenders. 490. Another flep of the Dire6tors to limit the exceffes of the flave-trade, may be worthy of mention. The in- formation of the fale of the free mariners found in the French prizes, came accompanied with an intimation of the doubts of the Company’s fervants abroad, whether they ought to have redeemed thofe injured men. It was thought that the price paid for their liberty might be recovered in England, by an a6lion againft the Britifh fubjeds who fold them. On the other hand, the expenfe of fending wit- neffes from Africa, the danger of failing in fome point of legal evidence, and the many uncertainties of fuch a bufi- nefs, were fo obvious, that, on the whole, the governor and council were afraid of adopting this ftep. But the Direc- tors, on confidering the advantages of avowing their deter- mination to interfere in future cafes of this fort, thought it right to fend inftruttions, that if, in certain fpecifted cafes, any neighbouring native fhould be unjuftly fold, either to or by a Britifh fubjeft, the governor and council were to pay the price of fuch perfon’s redemption, if no other means of liberating him fhould be afforded. This intellh gence THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. Sierra Le- ona. and to conci- liate chiefs. 103 gence is faid to have been fatisfa&ory to feveral of the c p* neighbouring chiefs. 491. The obftacles of the Have-trade to the Company’s defigns will farther appear in defcribing their dire6t efforts to fet on foot plans of cultivation and induHry, and to pre- pare the way for the introdu&ion of Chriftianity and civil- ization. One of the molt effe&ual means of promoting thefe obje6ts muft obvioufly be, by gaining over fome prin- cipal kings or chiefs to this great caufe. (fee § 130.) If any chief poffeffed of fertile land, and having grumettas under him, could be perfuaded to employ them in regular culti- vation, under the dire£tion of an European planter; if he could be induced to entertain a fchool-mafter or miffion- ary, a friendly intercourfe, alfo, fubfifling between fuch chief and the Sierra Leona government ; it can hardly be doubted that civilization would rapidly advance. 492. Among the obftacles to the adoption of any plan of si. trade, ob- cultivation by the kings or chiefs, near S. Leona, it has Vation;by been dated that they univerfally deal in flaves. By the &2.profits' fame traffic alfo many private flave-traders have become chiefs : the difference between a chief or king, who is alfo a Have-trader, and a flave-trader who has raifed himfelf into a chief, being principally that the king is the lefs pow- erful of the two, and is commonly alfo in debt, and fubfer- vient, to an European fa£tory; whereas the flave-trader is often rich and independent, having many chiefs in his debt, and therefore, fubje6t to him. It is obvious that nei- ther kings leagued with a flave-fa£tor, nor chiefs become rich by the flave-trade, can generally be expe6ted to pa- tronize induftry and reformation of manners. This traffic, indeed, prefents profits often fo eafy and tempting, that habits of labour feem not likely to prevail till it fhall ceafe. —On 104 CHAP. XI. V. v J Sierra Le- ona. (but it has in- troduced.a tafte for Eu- jopeangoods) by it’s large credits. bygrcundlefs prejudices. Chiefs, Sc c. who may be expedled to favour the Company's views. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON —On the other hand, the flave-trade hath initiated the na- tives into the ufe of European goods, fome of which they con fide r even as neceflaries. This tafte may, therefore, be expected to ftimulate induftry, as foon as ever the produce of the land and labour of Africa fhall be required, for European goods, inltead of her inhabitants themfelves, 35 etjeq.) 493. The large credits given in the flave-trade alfo oppofe any fudden dereliction of it ; fince they render it very difficult for chiefs who might be difpofed to favour cultivation, to call in their capital. 494. The prejudices which many chiefs at firft imbibed again!! the Company, form another obftacle to cultivation. They feem to have been taught to believe, that the Compa- ny were to be the general difturbers of the peace, by chang- ing the cuftoms of Africa; that they intended to deprive the chiefs of their power, and, in the end, of their territories ; and to encourage Haves to defert their matters and take refuge in the colony. It is obvious, however, that this impediment is merely temporary. 495. Thefe obttacles were expe£ted to oppofe, and have in fa<5! more or lefs oppofed, all the Company’s attempts to intereft the African chiefs in plans of civilization and in- duttry ; but, though many of them ftill operate, they have, in feveral inftances, been happily overcome. The means by which this has been effecled are eafily explained. Firft, a few natives of fome confequence, the fucceflors of de- ceafed flave-traders, are growing lefs fond of that danger- ous traffic, by which their property was originally acquired. Among fuch the Company may be expe&ed to make pro- felytes. Other chiefs may be thrown into diftrefs by the flave-trade; may lofe a near relation by it; or poffibly having THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. —BRITISH. 10J having been redeemed from a flave-fhip themfelves, may c * p* be affefted by narrowly efcaping the fate to which they ' v > have too often configned others. And circumftances have SiConAa.L * already occurred, which give hopes of gaining fuch per- form. Others again may be led, partly by higher princi- ples, to contemplate the miferies brought by the flave-trade on their country, and, if a fair opening be afforded, and the facrifice be not too great, may become favourers of order and induflry. Laftly, fome chiefs, flruck with the improve- ments at Freetown, or having, perhaps, vifited England, may return animated with a defire to impart the bleffings they have witneffed, who may be induced, poffibly by embracing Chriflianity, to Hand forward as promoters of civilization, and friends of the Company. That one or other of thefe principles has actually operated on the minds of feveral very confiderable chiefs, will appear — fil'd from a quotation from the journal of one of the Company’s fervants already often reforted to, and which deferibes an interview with a neighbouring chief, about a year after the inditution of the colony. Having heard of this chief’s prejudices againflus, I firli expreffed to him my fear -An in^ance. that our engagements in the cate of our infant colony, might have afforded time for interefled men to fpread reports againfl us ; that it was true we were not friends to dices remov- the flave-trade, but that we wifhed peaceably to draw the natives from it, by fetting before them other fources of wealth. Though civil, he was, atfirfl, far from cor- dial. He allowed that we had many enemies, and that he had been alarmed for his property. I then explained feveral parts of our conduft, which I found had been grolsly mifrepiefented; affuring him particularly, that it was not our purpofe to decoy Haves from their mailers (as he had been told) and that, if we did not feize and de- liver them up, yet we would neither Ihelter, nor employ them. I offered education, at Sierra Leona, to any of his young people, and hinted that a feminary might be fet up at his own place. I then urged him to fet his grumettas to cultivation, calcu- lated and fet before him the advantages he would derive from having his lands co- vered with cotton and coffee, inltead of their being depopulated by the flave-trade. He was very inquifitive about this plan, and appeared rather to approve it; but P doubted COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 10S C H A F. doubted whether he ftiould find a market for his produce. I anfwered that we would t agree to take it, at a certain price. He was fatisfied with my explanation, and Sierra Le- wifhed the Company fuccefs. I afterwards viewed fome of his land, which is ex- ona. cellent : cotton grows abundantly, and the true indigo is feen in feveral places. 496. The Direftors have the fatisfaHion of adding, that, and he be- by recent advices, this perfon’s difpofition to quit the flave- vourabie to trade appears to be ftrengthened, and that he has adlually cultivation, taken fome meafures for commencing cultivation. He has been retarded from adopting the Company’s fuggeftions, by his outftanding debts, which it has been difficult to col- lect, except in flaves ; by the alluring profits of the Have- trade; and by his temporary prejudices againft the Company, (fee § 492 et feq.) But his known humanity and. liberality, and perhaps the late reduction of the demand for flaves, from the war, and the failure of credit here, feem at length to have operated on him fo effeftually, as to incline him to favour cultivation. — From what has been faid, it may be prefumed that this refpeftable African, when he followed the flave-trade, would exercife as much humanity as could be reconciled to fuch a traffic ; and that he would probably coniine his purchafes to flaves from a diftance, giv- ing protection to the people around him. The truth of this prefumption appears from the cenfures of the flave-traders. his humanity He is the very man who made the Britifh flave-captain wait fo long for flaves, being “ afraid to make a haul of the peo- ple'" as the “ fine fellow” (the mulatto chief) his predecef- for ufed to do; and whofe town, therefore, the captain faid he would have feized “ if he had been well manned,” in order, doubtlefs, to teach this African “ a proper fpirit.” His incapacity for the flave-trade has been alfo intimated by a Britifh fa£tor, who being afked, “ Does the mulatto trader’s fucceffor recover debts by the fame means (laying wafle THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. wafte his debtor’s towns) that he ufed,” replied “ No he is too eafy ,” (See § 368, 369.) In the journal fent home, a no lefs honourable teftimony of this African, and of the peace and fecurity he has introduced, is implied in the words of a third Britifh flave-faftor, who dwelt on a neighbouring ifland. “ I remember the time” faid he “ when, if I fent a grumetta up the country, with goods equal in value to one Have, I was fure to have him back with two fiaves in return, within fix days: but it will now take as many weeks to get the fame num- ber, and yet flaves are dearer than ever.” 497. The Company owe their fuccefs, in this diftri£t, partly to the war *, and partly to the remembrance of the ravages of the mulatto trader. They owe a fimilar benefit to the experience of the bitter effefts of the flave-trade, in the following recent cafe. — The Mahometan chief, whofe humane, modeft and difinterefted conduft has been men- tioned (§ 475) made the following obfervations. He faid, he had been taught to look on the colony with jealoufy, and had there- fore hitherto kept aloof ; but that recent misfortunes, brought on him by the machi- nations of flave-tradcrs, fome of which he related, added to what he had lately learnt of our conduft, had made him fufpeft the truth of what he had heard, and that he was come to have his doubts cleared up. He earneftly entreated my affifiance, in recovering his intimate friend, Famarah, a diltinguifhed chief carried off the coaft, fome time ago, as a flave. He alfo fpoke to me of the free boy whom he had juft loft, and to induce me to exertion in recovering both captives, he named his redemp- tion of our free colonifts, for which, he faid, the flave-traders had blamed, as well as laughed at him. Though I could give him little hopes of recovering either of the captives, he was pleafed, on the whole, with his vifit. He was particularly gratified by feeing our fchools. “ If I were younger, faid he, I Ihould ftay here ; but, as it is, I fhall fend my children.” He alfo fpoke of his having been driven, by the arts of a Britifh flave-trader, to the neceffity of quitting his native place ; but faid that lie lived now in a country affording fomeproduce, which he fhould be happy to col- left for us. His converfation and manners interefted me much. He is about 60 years old, of a good and benevolent appearance. His mind, which is naturally fe* * The interruption of the flave-trade by the prefent European war is here evidently meant. C. B. JK P 2 gacious, 10 7 CHAP. XI. < . i SlE It R A Lt- 0 N A'. Humane Ma- hometan chief unde- ceived. COLONIES IN AFRICA,.. ON. 108 CHAP. XL Sie r r a Le- on a. Chief of the river makes moft gener- ous offers. gacioits, being now bowed down- by misfortunes, is the more open to impreflions' againft the flave-trade, and I tr-ufl we (hall attach him to us. 498. The Directors will next add a very encouraging ac- count of an interview with another chief. I waited on the chief of this river,, who is faid to have great influence over the three neighbouring kings, and to- have nominated them all. I was furprifed by the appearance of a man about 90 years old, ftill fenfible and aftive. I acquainted Him- with the motives of my vifit, and the principles of the Company. He very readi- ly allured me, that he would protect our traders, and favour us in the cuftom of his river. He promifed to fend one of his boys to the colony for education, and to vifit it himfelf, the next dry feafon. He alfo offered prote&ion to a miffionary, or fchoolmafler, and to make his fituation. comfortable. I have met with no native more liberal in his views, or clear in his ideas or converfation. He has wonderful- ly divefled himfelf of African prejudices and fuper.flitions-, and reprobates the cuf- tom of facrificing to the devil, who, faid he, “ mull be himfelf a creature of God." Though occafionally engaged in the flave-trade, he rejoices in the profpeft of it’s abolition. Some years ago, his town was deftroyed by the mulatto Have trader, and many of his people carried off : he flill waits for an opportunity of revenge. — We had propofed to him to build on an ifland of his, a factory and a rice-houfe, veiling, in us the right of po'leffion, and that he fhould furnifh a planter, whom we might fend, labourers to clear and plant the whole. I think it likely that our pro- pofal will be accepted, and a magazine may be fixed for the produce of the neigh- bourhood, which is very rich in rice, flock and camwood. A fchoolmafler, or mif- fionary, would find a confiderable population, if the cultivation fhould proceed withi fpirit, and would be within one or two hours diftance of feveral of the largeft vil- lages in thefe parts. 499. A very favourable fpecimen of the African charac- ter, and a mod pleafing proof of the pra&icability of intro- ducing European improvements, are afforded by the following incident. Chief from Five natives lately arrived, in a fliip of our’s, from the Gambia. One of them, the Gambia, named Cuddy, i^a chief and principal trader there. His figure is very prepoirefling. He is well made, and about 6 feet 3 inches high. His manners are civil and eafy, and his face the piflure of benevolence. He is modeft and diffident, and afraid of offending againft the truth. He was dreffed in his country fafhion, neat and clean, but defpifed finery. He has rifen much in my efteem, and that of all the Compa- ny’s officers, as well as of the colonifts, during the 14 days he fpent at my houf’e. It*, was pleafing to obferve him contemplating whatever he faw, with the view of turn- zealous for improve- ment. THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. IO9 ing it to his country’s advantage. He has been afliduoufly endeavouring to prevail C H A P. XI. on feme of the N. Scotia blacks, to go with him to the Gambia, to inilruft his coun- trymen, and has induced a good carpenter to go, who is to build him a honfe and Sierra Le- make him ploughs and hufbandry utenfils, and alfo looms; for Cuddy has it much ona- at heart to introduce the broad loom among his people. Another man is to embark with him, who underftands ploughing, and can make fhingles, & c. Cuddy has long been partial to the Company, has always been kind to thefr fervants, when in the Gambia, and has built, on the Floop fide of that river, a little town, which he has named Sierra Leona. Being curious in natural produftions, he fhowed our botanift feveral dying plants growing here, particularly a tree ufed in the Gambia, for making indigo more durable. 500. The Directors will next offer fome information rela- Interefting tive to the interior country, gained in a journey lately made t2utttrior.° into a large neighbouring kingdom *. — The governor and council having been informed by fome of the Foulahst, a powerful nation to the N.E. of S. Leona, that their kingde- tired to form an intercourfe with the colony, two gentlemen in the Company’s fervice, offered to attempt to penetrate, through a large, and as yet unknown country, to his capitalj. Sailing accordingly, to the Rio Nunez, they obtained inter- * The account of this expedition, and much other matter, in this and the preced- ing chap, were not inferted in the Report read to the Proprietors. Advices from S. Leona, of the 6th Sep. 1794, had been received at time of fending this Report to the prefs, which have furnifhed much additional intelligence. Their recent ac- counts are, in almoft every refpeft, more favourable than any preceding. They convey, neverthelefs, information of a difturbance in the colony, from the violence of fome of the moil difaffefted N. Scotians. But the ringleaders had been taken up, or had left the colony, the utmoft tranquillity prevailed when the lafl difpatches came away, which were dated 7 or 8 weeks after the tumult, and the government are perfuaded that there is no reafbn to fear any permanent or material ill confe- quences. + There feem to be feveral independent tribes or nations of Foulahs, of which this, is probably one of the moil confiderable. $ Mr. James Watt, already fpoken of (formerly manager of the eftate of George Rofe, F.fq. M. P. in Dominica) and Mr. Winterbottom, brother to Dr. Winterbot- tom, phyfician to the colony. preters- 1 10 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON Sierra Le- ona. Govern- ment, iL’.te of civilization, See. &c. prefers and guides at Kocundy, a confiderable way up that river, and then fet out on foot, in a party of about twenty perfons. They mention, with much thankfulnefs, their obligations to fome Have-traders, efpecially to a mulatto trader near Kocundy. Shortly after leaving Rio Nunez, thev found that a confiderable intercourfe fublilted between j the interior country, and the upper parts of the river; for 5 or 600 Foulahs were often feen in a day, carrying on their backs great loads of rice and ivory, to be exchanged for fait. In the numerous fuccellive towns, generally diftant 6, 8 or 10 miles, the travellers were always molt hofpitably re- ceived; the inhabitants having been agreeably furprized at the light of white men, of whom none had ever been feen even a few day’s journey from the coall. After travelling 16 days, through a country barren in many parts, but fruit- ful in others, and remarkably full of cattle, and after palling 2 or 3 fmall rivers, one of them faid to empty itfelf into the Gambia, they arrived at Laby, a town about 200 miles, al- moft due eaft, from Kocundy. Here they fpent 3 or 4 days, being moll cordially received by the chief who is fub- ordinate to the king of the Foulahs. Laby is about 2- miles in circumference, and is fuppofed to contain not lefs than 5000 people. From Laby, they proceeded, in another week, 72 miles farther inland, to Teembo, the capital of the Foulah kingdom, experiencing every where the fame hofpitality. 501. During 14 days which they palfed in Teembo, they often converfed, through their interpreters, with the king, with a perfon who a<51s as deputy in his abfence, and with many other principal perfons. This kingdom is about 350 miles long, from E. to W. and about 200 miles broad, from N. toS. The king is very arbitrary, in many points, and he opens or Ihuts up the markets and channels of trade, jult as he THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. I I I he pleafes. Teembo may contain about 7000 inhabitants; and the fuperiority of all thefe interior people, to thofe on the coafl, is great, in moll branches of civilization. The houfes here, at Laby and fome other places, are occafionally fpoken of in the journals as very good. The hlver orna- ments, worn by fome of the chief women, are faid to be equal in value to £20. At Laby and Teembo, they work in iron, filver, wood and leather, and weave narrow cloths. The chief men have books, generally on divinity or law; and reading is common, there being fchools in almoft every town. Horfes are commonly ufed by the chief people, who often ride out for amufement; and the king invited the two -ftrangers to fee a fpecies of horfe-race. The foil is gene- rally ftony ; much of it is pafture : in fome parts, rice is cul- tivated, chiefly by the women, the men, many of whom are haves, carrying away the produce on their backs. The foil is dry ; about one third of it is faid to be extremely fertile, and the climate is thought very good. The nights and mornings were fometimes cold, and the thermometer '* was once as low as 510, at^ pafl 5 in the morning; but it role to near 90° at noon. The religion is Mahometanifm, and there are many mofques; but neither priefts nor people feem to have much bigotry, though they fail not to obferve the Mahometan rites, praying five times a day. The king’s pu- nilhments are arbitrary and fevere, efpecially for difrefpeft to his own authority; but it appears that no Foulahs are ever fold as flaves, for debts or crimes, and kidnapping fel- dom occurs. Till lately, however, the Foulahs dealt very confiderably in flaves, to procure whom they avowedly go to war. Their religion affords them an apology for this horrible injuftice, by permitting them to defiroy all infidels, * Farenheit’s CHAP XI. Sierra Le- ona. a term I 12 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON c Hy ta p- a term which Teems to include all their neighbours. Our v j travellers loll no opportunity of reprobating thefe wars, Si ona Lt and of inculcating the principles of the Company, as appears from the following extra6l from one of the journals. Foulahs (i.J In the morning, I had a vifit from the deputy king, who told me with a snake war to fhocking degree of opennefs, that the foie obje£l of their wars was to procure Oaves, 0et a\es. as they could not obtain European goods without Oaves, and they could get Oaves without fighting for them. I mentioned rice, ivory and cattle; but he faid, the fafiories would not furnifh them with guns, powder and cloth, which he confi- dered as the clriet articles, for any thing except Oaves. I told him thaiyby a’trade in produce, they might become rich, without going to war for Oaves, which mull cer- tainly offend that God, to whom they prayed five times a dav. “ But the people on whom we make war, returned he, never pray to God: we do not go to war with people who give God Almighty fetvice.” In an interview with the kinghimfelf, the following con- verfation occurred. King difpof- (2.) After Hating the views of the Company, I took the liberty of remarking, donthe flare ^ow wic^e(^ a was *or one nati°n to deftroy another. If thefe people, faid I, have not fo much knowledge as you, you fiiould infiruft them. There were prefent, the king, the head prielt and the chief miniller, and they Hill fuffered me to proceed without interruption ; I was furprized at their attention. They all acknowledged the truth of what I faid, and the king obferved, that, if he could get guns, powder and every thing elfe he wanted, for ivory, rice and cattle, lie would foon have done with the flave-trade. I told him, that, if once the Africans knew the S. Leona Company perfe&lv, I was fure wars would ceafe. They all faid, they believed fo too. The next day, a converfation occurred to this effe6l. (3.) I waited on a head man, by his defire. I found him writing, but he quickly laid afide his work. I had much converfation with him, fimilar to what I held with the king the night beiore. He defended for fome time, then religious wars, but at Jafl. admitted that they muff be difplcaf.ng to God. He Hill faid, however, that their book defired them to make war on nations that would not do God fervice. I replied, that there might be many good things in their book ; but that I was fure the devil had put in that paffage: God was fo good and merciful that he mull hate men who deflroyed their fellow creatures. He fcrupled not to fay, that if the Foulahs could get the goods they wanted without war, he would then believe that going to war offended God : but, faid he, if we cannot get thefe things without war, God can- not be angry with us for going to war, efpecially as it is fo in our book. Another trade. Religious wars. THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. Another circumflarice, more lamentable than any of the preceding, mud be added here. (4.) The king’s deputy, after Rating that the Foulahs made war, folely to get .flaves, faid alfo, “ that the old men , and old women, who were captured in thefe wars, and who were known to be unfaleable, were put to death, Thefe are the words in Mr. Watt’s journal: that of Mr. Winterbottom reprefents the king’s deputy as faying that they “ cut the throats ” of the elder captives; and mentions, that when this cruelty was condemned, he replied, that it was not fo cruel as letting them ftarve to death, adding, that their enemies would not fcruple to do the fame. See § 509. 502. That this additional and enormous evil is dire&ly chargeable on the flave-trade, thefe quotations feem to evince : and that no fimilar effufion of blood can be fuppofed to happen, even among the fame people, in the cafe of able- bodied, Jlaves, returned or withheld for want of a market, the following circumftances clearly prove. — It has been Hated, that the war with France fuddenly checked the flave- trade on the coaft. It appears, from the journals of this expedi- tion, that The influence of the European war was as ftrong in the interior. The wars of Teembo ceafed about this period: flaves at the fea-fide fell from t6o to 120 bars. The king of the Foulahs, to bring the flave-traders to terms, forbade his fubjecls to carry flaves down till 160 bars fhould be again offered ; and the confequence of the flaves being thus withheld (except a few fmuggled ones) was that the Foulah coun- try had become full of them *. 503. It has been dated ( § 456.) that the Foulahs were of- ten feized by freebooters, in returning from the fa&ories to which they had been carrying the captives, taken in their predatory wars. This fa£t is confirmed by the following incident, among others of the kind that occurred in this journey. An old man called on the travellers at Teembo, and begged them to enquire after his fon, who with fix others, fome of them related to the king, had been feized, in returning from Rio Pongos, about four years ago. They had been fold to the Bri- tifh flave-faftor at the Ifles de Los^and, immediately Hupped off to the W. Indies, * The journal intimates, though not ery diftinttly, that they were put to work. Q 113 CHAP. XL v - Si e r r a Le- ona. Unfaleable flaves, killed by the Fou- lahs. but faleahle ones would not be killed, even if the market were flopped. European war checks inland flave- trade. Kidnapping in the inte- rior. except H4 CHAP. XI. < J Sie ru a Le- on A* Foulah king favours the plough, &c. Route to Tombudtoo and Calbna. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON except one, who was recovered by the Foulah king: The old man faid, he woulrt willingly pay any ranfom for his fon *. I adored him, the writer of the journal adds, that the governor of S. Leona would feel almoft as much pleafure in reltoring his fon, as he could in receiving him, and that we fhould fpare no pains in the en- quiry. At hearing this, the old man’s eye’s glillened, and he left me, bleffing both the governor and inyfelf, and alluring me that he fhould pray for me. 504. The Directors have the fatisfaCtion oTobferving, that the two travellers appear, by the propriety of their conduCt, and by their declarations of the principles of the Company, to have ingratiated themfelves much with the natives, efpe- cially the chief people. The king, being alked. Whether he would encourage any European to fettle near him, with a view to cultivation, readily anfwered, that he would furnifh him with land, and cattle and men, for the purpofe. Much converfation palled at different times, concerning the intro- duction of the plough, of which no one had ever heard in the Foulah country. The king of Laby offered to fend a fon to England for education, and a principal prieft feemed willing to do the fame. Diligent enquiry was made at Laby and Teembo, concerning the road to Tombu£too, an inte- rior town, fuppofed of the firft magnitude, to which fome adventurers from the African Affociation have attempted to penetrate, (See § 327.) It was faid, at Laby, that a free communication fubfilted with TombuCtoo, though diftant no lefs than a four month’s journey ; fix kingdoms interven- ing between the Foulali country and that of the king of Tombu6too, namely Belia, Bouriah, Manda, Segoo, Soofun- doo, and Genah. This laft, the neareft kingdom to Tom- buCtoo, and that of TombuCtoo itfelf, were fpoken of as richer than any of the reft. The city of Cafhna feemed to be * Two of the perfons fold bore the name of Omar, another is called Hamadoo, and another Bubar- tarrie. Two others are mentioned under the name of Hamodoo, one of whom was the fon of this ©Id man. The Direftors have introduced their names, to promote their redemption. known THE PRINCIPLE'S OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. known at Laby; but the route was defcribed as hazardous. 505. From Teembo, the Company’s fervants returned by a different, and rather more dangerous path. But, by the kings command, they were efcorted by a body of Foulahs, amounting, for part of the journey, to 5 or boo. When this body arrived on the borders of the Sufee country, a fufpi- cion arofe, on the part of the Sufees, that the Foulahs were come to attack them, on pretence of conducing white men to the coaft. But the latter removed the fufpicion, fhowing that they had goods and flaves with them; and at a meeting of the Sufee chiefs, it was determined, not only that the tra- vellers and their party fhould be permitted to pafs to Sierra Leona, but alfo that the path, which former wars had fhut, fhould become permanently open. Four or five confidera- ble perfons from the Foulah, and other kings, with their fuite came to Freetown, with the white travellers, paffed a few days there, arranged fome commercial plans, and re- turned highly gratified by their vifit. It has fince been learnt, that when the Foulahs got back to the borders of their own kingdom, their countrymen, who came to meet them, were fo much interefied with what had been heard and feen at S. Leona, that the converfation lafled till day-break*. 506. The fuccefs of this journey has fuggefled a more im- portant one, on which one of the above mentioned travel- lers, and another fervant of the Company were, by the laft accounts, likely foon to enter. Their main object will be to penetrate to Tombu6too, probably by the Foulah coun- try. If they fhould reach Tombu&oo, it will depend on the information they will there receive, whether they return to * See the route of the travellers, as traced on the large map, at the end of this work. — For the route of Major Houghton in 1791, l'ce “ Elucidations of the African Geography,” publiflied by five African Affociation. Q* 115 G H A P XI. V 1 Sie r r a Le- on a. Incidents on the return of the travellers to S. Leona. Intended journey to Tombuftos. Teembo l i6 CHAP XI. v i Sierra Ls- OK A. Wars ceafe with the flave-trade. Slave-trade diminifhed near S. Leo- a a. Refuted flaves put to work. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON • Teembo and S. Leona, or fhall go towards the Gambia, or i through the continent to the Mediterranean. 507. Since the ftagnation of the demand for Haves, wars have ceafed near S. Leona, and in other parts of the coaft. That rcfpe&able chief Cuddy, from the diftant river Gambia, ( § 499.) mention- ed, when at Freetown, that there were now no wars in any part near him, and that the few (laves fold there, whofe number was daily diminifhing, came from the remote country of Gallam. He added, “ What fhould a man go to war for now? There is nothing to make people go to war: no price for (laves — no (hip to take them —no goods to give for them! Suppofe (hips come plenty, aye, then people go to war again.’* 508. The declenfion of the flave-trade near S. Leona, ap- pears to have been very great. The governor and council fuppofe that not above ± of the ufual number of flaves are now carried off the adjacent coaft. The French flave-fac- tory, and an individual Britifh flave-fa&or, have removed from S. Leona river. The flave-faftory in the Ifle de Los, is on the point of being given up*, and that on Bance Ifland, the only one remaining either in or near S. Leona river, is thought to apply more than formerly to the colle&ion of produce, and has begun a cotton plantation, worked by na- tives, and whiqh the Company’s inftitution appears to have fuggefted. A flave-fa&or, of the name of Wilkinfon, declar- ed that he would quit the trade, and transfer his property (amounting to about £2000) to Freetown, offering to con- form to the laws, if permitted to fettle there. But he is fince dead. 509. The governor and council have taken fome pains to enquire What has been done with flaves withheld or return- ed, for want of purchafers, and what would probably be their fate on a total abolition of the flave-trade ? (1.) A refpeftable chief from Port Logo, an upper branch of S. Leona river, being afked if retufed (laves were killed, anfwered “ No, never in Port Logo we carry them home and make them work” — But will they not run away ? If they do, we can’t help that, we can’t kill them. If a man is too old to fell, he is too old to do you THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. H7 CHAP. XI. v — v / Sierra Le- ona. you harm; what (hould you kill him for? — Did you ever fee any refufed (laves killed? — No: I am an old man, but I never faw that : if they do that in another country, I don't know.that.” (2.) Two other intelligent native traders, from the interior, mentioned the great numbers of flaves now confined on the coail for put chafers: one trader had no fewer than 200. Being afked why they were not fet to cut wood, plant rice, &c. they re- plied that there might be danger of infurre£lion from employing fo many, and that they muff firft be difperfed ; befides, there had been no encouragement to cut cam- wood : they could not tell what our commercial agent, who was gone down the coaft, might be able to effeft in this refpefl. They obferved that, if the flave-traxle con- tinued at a Hand, no more (laves would come from the bufh (inland) and indeed that few came now. They faid that the (laves would certainly not be put to death; for that nobody was ever put to death, except in war, or for crimes. (3.) A white factor alfo fays that fcarce any (laves have been bought, for a year paft, between C. Vergoand C. Mount, from the traders on the coail infilling that the price (hould be reduced /'to or/'i2; and that the natives, in confequence, had lately withheld their (laves entirely, and had fet them to cultivate rice, efpecially in the Sufee and Mandingo countries. 510. The accounts given of feveral natives, who have been General cha- peculiarly indrumental in forwarding the Company’s views, Africans. e ought not to be confidered as a fample of the common Afri- can chara£ter. So far as the Dire&ors are enabled to judge, the Africans, in general, are extremely fuperditious. Their Superftition. belief in witchcraft, incantations and charms, fubje&s them to grofs impofitions, and leads them to a6is of cruelty and injudice. Some learn many additional fuperditions, from the numerous travelling Mahometan prieds, who trade in charms. The natives of S. Leona, and all the adjacent parts, occalionally facrifice to the devil. They believe in a God; but they appear to render him no dated worlhip. They* have fome vague notions of a future date; but their faith feems to have little influence on their pra&ice. Polygamy Polygamy, is every where common, and the fpirit of retaliation and re- Retaliauon* venge may be confidered as univerfal. One of the mod enlightened chiefs, already mentioned, was waiting to re- venge uS COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON' CHAP. XI. t .. -> Sierra Le- ona* Drunkennefs: Ac. Gratitude. Affeftion. Eager for re- ligious im- provement. Difapprove the flave- trade. venge an injury he had received many years before, not from the objeft of his vengeance, but from his predeceffor. The moft amiable character perhaps met with in the Foulah country, after allowing Chriftianity to be good in many re- fpe£ls, exprefsly objected to the forgiving of injuries, as a Virtue unattainable, and therefore not to be required. The African character is various, fome nations appearing more ciafty, fome more uncivilized, than others: nor can thefe differences be always traced, either to the flave-trade or to local circumftartces. The fuperiority of the Foulahs, and their great hofpitality have already fufficiently appeared; but, on the other hand, the natives of the coaft in general, efpecially thofe near the flave-fattories, are much given to liquor, fufpicious of whites, crafty, favage and ferocious: they are faid alfo to be felfifh, unreafonable and encroach- ing.— They are, however, generally grateful for benefits re- ceived; they have much natural affection and feeling; though occaiionally violent, they are not unmanageable; and the energies of their minds (which the cutting off of flave- fhips fhow to be very ftrong § 471-) though turned as yet to wrong objects, are capable no doubt of a better direction. They appear eager for knowledge and religious improve- ment, and readily invite the teachers of Chriftianity. But this readinefs, though it affords ample encouragement to miftionaries, is obvioufly owing rather to emulation and am- bition, than to any approbation to Chriftianity, of which they are yet ignorant. They admit the wickednefs of the flave-trade, as much as that of any other criminal pra£Hce, purfuing it for it’s profits, contrary to fome glimmering light of confcience, if not in direft defiance of convi6fion.— • A few circumftances will illuftrate certain points in the character of the Africans. To begin with a brief account of THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. of the confequences of the injurious charge of poifon, on c p* the death of King Naimbanna’s fon, (fee § 401.) < * (1.) The black who made this fuggeftion, had croffed the fea with King Naim- ^E* banna’s fon, and had been offended by the captain’s urging him to do duty as a failor. He had feen the captain give the deceafed fome medicine, which produced a trifling ficknefs of ftomach; and it is fuppofed his ill-will may have fuggelled fuf- Palaver on the picions of the captain, which, after his arrival, were rafhly communicated to the Na^mbanra,’* relations of the deceafed. The dead body was immediately delivered to a fkilful fon. necromancer, and being placed ere&, was fucceflively afked. Whether the S. Leona Company — the governor — the phyfician — or a fervant of the Company who attended the patient, had caufed his death ? The corpfe continuing motionlefs, it was then afked, Whether the captain was guilty ? on which it was faid to have nodded .affent. A threatening letter was now written, in the name of the relations, to the governor and council, afking compenfation for the murder; but it was handfomely intimated, that it was not the Company, but fome of the flave-captains who were fuppofed to have infligated the Company’s fervant, to put the king’s fon to death. The governor and council refilled this claim, but were obliged to permit the calling of a palaver, at which a great concourfe of armed natives attended. The debate was folemnly opened, in the name of the mother of the deceafed, by a neighbouring chief, who fpoke in the Timmany language (flopping to let each fentence he in- terpreted) to nearly this effeft. That the queen had no palaver again ft the Com- pany, nor the governor, nor feveral others named; but that the queen had a palaver againft the captain who had poifoned her fon with a cup of tea, at fea; and that fhe demanded 600 bars (near/- too) which, if lent her immediately, would prevent her making war on the Company, and would terminate the palaver. It was added that, if the captain denied the crime, now clearly proved, he mull be fent up to the queen’s town to Hand his trial, by drinking red water, according to the Timmany laws*. The captain felt fome emotion at the laft article ; but a loud laugh among the na- tives Ihowed that they did not expeft the captain’s compliance. The governor and council infilled on calling evidence on the fpot, when the black accufer explained away all his infinuations. The captain’s innocence was eflablilhed by many other wit- neffes; the natives becanje alhamed of their conduct; and, the next day, the queen * This confifts in making the fufpe&ed perfon drink a quantity of water fuppofed to be poifoned. If he be affe&ed, as he often is, in the way confidered to imply guilt, his brains are knocked out on the fpot. But he often dies immediately from the poifon, as in the cafe mentioned § 464. In either cafe, all his family are fold as flaves. Natives of the higher clafs are laid often to furvive thefe trials, and it is fuppofed they find means to prevent the poifonous ingredient from being put into the water. came 120 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON CHAP. XI. k. 1 Sierra Le- ona. Ridiculous Yupaltitions. Popifh black chief offers to promote Chriitianity. Mandingo la- dy fhocked at W. Indian fiavery. came to Freetown, profeffed the utmoft confidence in the governor and council, and defired them to take another fon under their caret. (2.) It is not eafy to conceive how their imaginations have been filled with ridi- culous extravagancies. They believe that one of the iflands in the river would fink, if the king of the neighbouring fhore were to land on it. It is fuppofed, that another ifland higher up, is the habitation of a legion of devils, and that if any man carry off from it the leal of a tree, his boat would fink, and he would be drowned +. 511. The following quotation prefents a lamentable pic- ture of extraordinary fuperftition and ignorance in the headman of a neighbouring town. I waited on him and found him at dinner, along with a chief of the upper coun- try, and a Mahometan prieft, who is now making grifgris (charms) for him and the neighbouring chiefs, and affifling at their facrifices to the devil. After dinner the headman produced his mafs-book, and prayed devoutly fome time. He ex- preffed great concern that he had not met with a popilh confeffor for fome years ; but told me that he had left orders, that at his death, two of his Haves fhould be fent to St. Jago, to urge the Romifh prieft there to fmooth his way to heaven. He doubts no more of the power of an abfolution, than of his exiftenee, and he appears well acquainted with all the Romifh fuperftitions ; but his tenets are ftrangely difguifed with the idolatory of his country. He expreffed much anxiety to promote the gof- pel in Africa, offering to engage in any plan that would promote it, and propofed to give a houfe and land to a fchoolmafter, and to protefl him. He fhowed a confci- oufnefs of the criminality of the flave-trade. “ What more, faid he, have I to do with the flave-trade : it is time that I fhould leave it off, and fettle my account with God. I am old, and ought to think only of heaven.” 512. The fucceeding extratts will confirm fome points already touched on, and will (how the defire of inftru&ion which prevails among the natives, and the good under- handing between them and the Company. (1.) The mulatto lady enquired muGh, when at the colony (§ 456 (3,) about the fiaieof the flaves in the W. Indies, and was much affefled at hearing that flaverv defeended to the children of the flaves fent from Africa. She added “ you muft + The Dire£lors~wifh not fail in acknowledging any inftance of friendly conduft in the flave-fafto- ries towards the Company. They are therefore defirous of remarking, that, on occafion of the inju- rious charge againft their captain, they were befriended by the agent of the neighbouring Britifh flave- faftory; and they take this occafron of adding, that they have in general experienced every civility, ' from the proprietors of flave-faftories refident in England. } See in the Append. Notes refpe£Ung S. Leona and Bulama, Note Y. think THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. 121 think me very bad; for I have juft taken two Haves to the factory, where I have left them; but I wilh I could give up the trade altogether.” It appears that the travellers who went to the Foulah country, profited much by her civility, their route on re- turning having lain through her town. She is learning the Arabick language, in order to extend her influence. c h a p. XI. ' V -V Sierra Le- ona. (2.) Some of the chiefs who came to Freetown, to the palaver (fee § 510) were Chiefs encou- carried to the fchools, and were much pleafed at fo novel a fight as 3 or 400 child- rage ren, at their books. A headman of fuperior information, began immediately to treat with one of the teachers to go up the country, to inflrufil the youth of his town. Some other applications, almofi: exaftly fimilar, are men- tioned. (3.) Three or four N. Scotians, fettled up the river, have large plantations of Colonifts, rice, land having been given them gratuitoufly by the natives. One of them can the^iver.^ ^ read, and a native, who came down to Freetown, has been taught by him to read a little alfo. ’ 513. The following extra# from the official letter of the governor and council, Ihows the meafures they have taken to inflru# the natives. * (1.) You will fee, by the direfilions given to the mailers of our veffels, that we Chiefs fend have miffed no opportunity of inviting all the chiefs of the neighbouring coall, to Freetown° fend their fons hither for education, and the invitation has been uniformly wrell re- fchool. ceived. A chief in the Rio Nunez has already fent his fon hither, and feveral others only wait the approaching dry feafon to accept our offers. In the towns of the chiefs, in this river, with whom we are connected, there are few children fit for fchool; thefe few are with us, and fome of them confiderably improve in reading. We are promifed many more from the chiefs in the Bunch and Kokelle, the upper branches of this river, and who are to come, the next dry feafon. We had anticipated your advice refpefiling a fchool at the plantation on the Bullom fhore, a teacher re- fides there with his family, both as miffionary and fchoolmafter ; and the labourers already univerfally abftain from work on Sunday. The Direftors underhand, that there are now in the Above 4o fchools at Freetown, about 20 native children in all, many of them fons of chiefs. Above the fame number of native R children 1 22 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON C H A P. XI. V > SierraLe- ONA. A chief’s fon accidently killed. The fatlier's good fenfe and re- lignation. Natives turn out to defend the colony. j . H. Naim- banna’s dc- fign in com- ing to Eng- land, children are under inftru&ion, on the Bullom fhore. 514. The following very unhappy incident, fhows the remarkable confidence of one of the natives, in the Com- pany. Soon after the war with France commenced, fome {hells were preparing for the acting engineer, who ordered a N. Scotian, working under him, to dry them by the fire. Having done thus, the man proceeded in the furveyor (or engineer’s) abfencc, to load them, and a fpark having got into one of them, it burfl as he was filling it, and killed him, and the fon of a neighbouring chief, left but a few days before for education. H is father was fent for, who, though affc&ed, was quite refigncd. Some of his words are faid to be nearly thefe. — Gentlemen, he was my only fon. I thought to have had him with you for his good ; but God hath thought otherwife. I fee it was an acci- dent; I do not blame you. Be not concerned about it’s happening here: had God wifhed him to live, he would have lived. To fliow you that I feel no ill will, I fhall fend you my daughter, to be educated. 515. A very fatisfaftory proof of the friendfhip of the natives to the Company, (hall now be added. Two {{range veffels, fufpe£ted to be French, having appeared in fight, the fame king or chief who caufed the difperfion ot the firft colony, and alfo fet on foot the palaver which impeded the former eilablifliment oi the prefent, fent a party to afiift the governor and council, with a meffage that he was following with a further force, and that, if neceflarv, he would raife the country in the colony’s defence. When the velfels were found friendly, being French prizes, the natives departed, faying, Well, your friends are our friends, and your enemies our enemies. The Dire6lors have the fatisfaclion of adding, that the Company have hitherto been on very friendly terms with the furrounding natives in general. 516. To the preceding information, refpeCting the gene- ral difpofition of the natives, the Dire&ors will join fome obfervations on the chara61er of an African who was, for 18 months, under their care in England.-The late John Henry Naimbanna*, fon of the former king of S. Leona, when * I underlland, he affumed the name of Henry, as a lafling remembrance of the gratitude he owed, both on his own account and that of his country, to Henry Thornton Efq. M. P. the worthy, liberal and difinterefled Chairman of the Court of Dire&ors. C. B. JT. at THE PRINCIPLES OT HUMANITY. — BRITISH. at the fuppofed age of 24, was induced, by the fuggellions of one of the firft black colonifts from London, to deter- mine on coming to England for education; intending to commit himfelf to the liberality of an Englifh gentleman, to whom that free black owed fome fchooling. (fee § 339.) He was on the point of agreeing to give three Haves to a Have-captain, for his palfage, through the W. Indies hither, when a fhip fent out by the Company, to explore the coun- try, arrived in the river. Being brought by this fhip to England, he was placed under the care of two clergymen fucceflively, who have furnifhed moft of following informa- tion concerning him. 517. A defire of knowledge predominated in his charac- Hischara*- ter. He continually urged his teachers to prolong the ter# time of inftru&ion. He was grateful to every one who alfilled him in his Hudies, regretted the being led into any company which interrupted them ; and, when left to himfelf, he read not lefs than 8 or 10 hours of the day. Though the difadvantages of the long negleft of his mind were apparent, he poffefTed very good natural fenfe. He had alfo the faculty of difiinguilhing chara&ers, and his mind, as might be expected, readily received imprefiions from thofe of whom he had a good opinion. With few advantages of perfon, his manners were uncommonly pleafing, courteous and even delicate, and his difpofition was kind and affe&ionate. All his feelings were quick, and his temper occafionally warm. A degree of jealoufy alfo entered into his chara&er. In particular, he was indifpofed to anfwer the quefiions of flrangers, refpefting his own country ; for he fufpe&ed they meant to draw unfavour- able comparifons between England and S. Leona. He R 2 would 123 SierraLe. ON A. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 1 24 CHAP. XL V ' Si crra Le- on a . His patriot ifm. His im- provement morals, &c. would therefore, turn the converlation by remarking, that the attainments of a country, fo neglected as S. Leona had hitherto been, was not to be fuppofed worthy of converfa- tion in G. Britain. — The following anecdote will fhow his extreme fenfibility, when the honour of his country was touched, and will account for his peculiar jealoufy on that head. — A perfon having been mentioned, who, he under- llood, had made a public alfertion very degrading to the African character, he broke out into fome vindictive lan- guage again!! this perfon. Being immediately reminded of the Chriltian duty of forgiving his enemies, he anfwered nearly as follows, “ If a man,” faid he “ fhould rob me of my money, I can forgive him ; if a man fhould fi;oot at me, or try to ftab me, I can forgive him; if a man fhould fell me and all my family to a flave-fhip, fo that we fhould pafs all the reft of our days in flavery in the W. Indies, I can forgive him; but (added he, rifing from his feat, with much emotion) if a man takes away the charafler of the people of my country, I never can forgive him.” Being afked why he would not forgive thofe who took away the character of his countrymen, he replied, “ If a man fhould try to kill me, or fhould fell me and my family for flaves, he would do an injury to as many as he might kill or fell ; but if any one takes away the chara£ler of black people, that man injures black people all over the world ; and, when he has once taken away their character, there is nothing which he may not do to black people ever after. That man for inftance, will beat black men, and fay, O, it is only a black man, why fhould not I beat him ? That man will make flaves of black people; for when he has taken away their charafter; he will fay, O, they are only black people, why fhould not I make them flaves ? That man will take away all the people of Africa, if he can patch them ; and, if you afk him, But why do you take away all thefe people? he will fay, O, they are only black people, they are not like white people, why fhould not I take them ? That is the reafon why I cannot forgive the man who takes away the charafter of the people of my country.” 518. His improvement in England was in all refpects confiderable. Though, when he arrived, he knew but little Englifh, he learnt, in the 18 months he palled here, to read very fluently, and to write a letter, without much difficul- ty* THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 1 2- ty. When he firft landed, he had moll of the peculiarities which have been afcribed to the Africans in general. He believed in witchcraft, and had no idea of forgiving injuries. He had even endeavoured, when in Africa, “ to make him- felf,” as he expreffed it, “ as proud as he could.” Before he left England, pride and revenge were become odious to him; his belief in witchcraft had entirely left him, and he appeared fearful reflecting his own future condud. His morals were pure; even at S. Leona, he had carefully abftained from drunkennefs, and in England he {hewed a ftrong abhorrence of profanenefs and every kind of vice ; as appeared, more particularly about the time of his depar- ture, from feveral ftriking fads. He paid great refped to the teachers of Chriftianity, whom he wifhed much to invite to his country; he had the utmoft reverence for the Scrip- tures, with which he had become very converfant ; he dif- courfed, on religious fubjeds, with much opennefs and fim- plicity ; and was free from enthufiafm. He appeared to be improving, in all refpeds, when the news of his father, K. Naimbanna’s, death, called him fuddenly to S. Leona. The deplorable ftate of his country, when he left it, with the change in his own difpofttions and views, muft have fug- gefted to his mind many new duties, and have excited pe- culiar anxiety, when he was on the eve of his return. A few days before his embarkation, he converfed much with fome of his friends, concerning the condud which it would be his duty to adopt at S. Leona, and it appeared that there was no perfonal facrifice which, if Chriftianity required it, he was not prepared to make. The following extract from the difpatches of the governor and council defcribe fome occurrences during his paifage, and give an account of his death. SIHIRaLe- QN A. A fervant 12 6 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON CHAP. XI. V. — - 1 SlE R R A Le- O N A r The circum- ftaures of his death. Two Tons of chiefs now ill England. >vum of this report. A fervant of the Company, who was in the fame Hi ip, fays, he left Plymouth m perfeft health; but, as foon as he reached a warm climate, he began to feel a flight complaint in his throat and occafional pains in his head. He was anxious and un- eafy, being evidently difmayed at the profpeft ot the difficulties he expected. Many were the plans which he amufed himfelf with devtfing, for fpreading Chriili- anity among his rude countrymen ; but he feemed conitamly to be tortured by the idea that foraething would obftruB his defigns, and this dread feemed to increafe as he approached his native Ihores. The heat alfo affeBed him very violently, and a fever enfued, attended with a delirium. In a lucid interval, he defired the perfon who gave this account, to aflift him in making his wilt, by which he entrufted his pro- perty to his brother, for the ufe of his young fon, and, in the will, he earneftly re- quefled his brother to exert every endeavour to put an end to the fiave-trade. When he reached S. Leona, he was infenfible. His mother, with fome younger branches ot the family, came to the governor’s houfe, where he was laid, and, after a few hours attendance on his dying bed, faw him breathe his laft. The governor and council mention, that nothing could exceed his mother's dillrefs at this event. ($**•) 519. Thus died this amiable and enlightened African, from whofe exertions, had he lived, the Company might have expected the moll important fervices. He has, how- ever, rendered one important fervice to his country: he has furnilhed a memorable inltance of the effe£l of educa- tion on an African, and a moll encouraging omen in favour of his benighted countrymen*. 520. Two Africans, the eldell about 18 years old, are now in England, receiving their education under the Compa- ny’s directions : the one is the fon of the prefent king of S. Leona, the other of a neighbouring chief. They advance regularly in their learning, and, though their tempers be different, in capacity they appear to be fully equal to Eu- ropeans of their own age. 521. The Dire&ors have now laid before the Court all the information they have to offer. They have Hated * See § 146, and alfo in the Append. Notes, &c. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bu- laraa, Note Z. briefly THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. briefly the hiftory of the colony, the expenfes of eftablilh- ing it, and the general fituation of the Company’s funds. They have alfo fpoken diftinftly of the climate, of the pro- grefs of cultivation, and of the opening profpe&s of civil- ization. They have had the fatisfacHon of fhowing, that many African chiefs are difpofed to promote the Compa- ny’s defigns ; that the Foulah and other nations court a connection; that fome paths into the interior, which the wars had clofed, have been opened ; that farther difcovery is attempting; and that the flave-trade is materially de- clining, feveral factories having been broken up, and many flaves, returned or withheld for want of a market, added to the productive labourers of Africa. 522. The advantages of this temporary declenfion of the flave-trade, naturally lead to the contemplation of the bleff- ings which are to be expected from it’s abolition. When that happy period arrives ; when the peace of Africa, in- ftead of depending, as now, on the event of the war in Europe, fhall be better fecured by the termination of this traffic, flmilar, but far more important, confequences, than thofe arifing from it’s fufpenfion, are obvioully to be ex- pe&ed : the chiefs, having no other means of obtaining European goods, will refort to regular trade and induftry, not partially, as at prefent, but generally and of neceffity ; and the European flave-faftories, hitherto the greateft impediments to civilization, the chief rivals of the Compa- ny, and the principal fupport of the more diflblute kings, will altogether ceafe. 523. When this aera, which the DireClors cannot confldcr as diflant, fhall arrive, the S. Leona Company will probably acquire much additional importance, and the advantages of a Britifh colony in Africa, may prove extremely great. It 13; CHAT. XI. '' — — 1 Si KR.RA Le- ona. Advantage* expected from the abolition ot the flave- trade. 1 28 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON CHAP. XI. v ) Sierra Le- on a. Conclufion, It will then be the duty of the Directors to embrace the opportunities which will arife of extending commerce, of fuggelling plans of cultivation to the chiefs, and of eftab- lifhing fchools, and promoting Chriftianity, as far as the Company’s influence may reach. 524. The Dire&ors truft that, all the circumftances ftated in this report being duly weighed, they fhall not be thought to have failed eflentially in the requiflte exertions, or to have made an improper ufe of the confidence of the pro- prietors. The anxiety of the Diredtors, and indeed their labour, have been occafionally confiderable; but thefe have been amply compenfated by refledlions on the magni- tude of their caufe, and by the continually improving profpedl of being able, by the blefling of Providence, to lay fome foundation for the future happinefs of a continent, which has hitherto derived nothing but mifery from it’s intercourfe with Great Britain, (See § 376.) ,525. To the Report (of which the foregoing, I truft, will be found a circumftan- tial and faithful abridgment,) the Direftors have fubjoined the fubftance of two re- ports of Mr. Afzelius, their botanift, refpe&ing the natural produftions of S. Leo- na, and which I intend to infert in the Appendix to this work*. 526. I had Capt. Thompfon’s plan of S. Leona engraved; but on confidering how incefl'antly that gentleman, however able, was engaged, during his fhort ftay there, I was induced to prefer the plan publifhed by the DireHors, from the fketch of Governor Dawes, which, however, I believe that gentlemen does not authorize as perfeftly accurate : And I went to the expenfe, of altering the plate accordingly. I hope it will now be found an ufeful auxiliary to the large map, in illuftrating the correfponding parts of this work. ,527. When the foregoing Abridgment was nearly printed off, intelligence was received that, in Sept, laft (1794) when the colony at S. Leona was in a very thriv- * See Notes refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note A A, ing THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY.— BRITISH. 129 ing Rate, a fquadron of French men of war arrived in the river, feized the (hips and C ^ * (lores, and deflroyed all the buildings belonging to the Company. I cannot now (lop , ' , the prefs ; neither have I fpirits to enquire into the melancholy particulars ; but I Sierra Le- intend to collect them, with all pofhble fidelity, and to give them a place in the Ap- on a, pendix *. In the mean time, I fhall infert an account of the Rate of the colony, in May 1794, by my accurate friend Mr. Afzelius, and which, as far as I have learnt, is perfectly defcripdve of its remarkable improvement, at a period preceding this moll lamentable catallrophe. It will alfo ferve to illuflrate a part of the foregoing abridged report. EXtratt of a Letter from Mr. A. Afzelius , to Baron Silverhjelm, Secretary to the Swedijh Embafjy in London, dated Freetown, May 11, 1794. “ I thrive now much better at S. Leona, than I did before. Indeed not only my- Mr Afzelius’s felf, but the whole colony begins now to tlourilh, under our fenfible leaders. It’s ot l^e advancement, during my abfence, is aflonifhing. We have now a regular town of at leall 200 houfes, fome of them very decent; but, as yet, the llreets are fomewhat obflrucled by the roots of trees. The land is cleared of wood, for feveral miles around the town, and in many places cultivated, which has rendered the climate fo falubrious that, at this moment, there is not one fick in the whole colony, confin- ing of 1400 perfons; and the deaths, during my abfence, did not amount to 20. The fame of the colony begins now to fpread throughout Africa ; and we had late- ly an embafTy from the powerful nation of the Foulahs, whofe king reigns over feveral millions of fubje&s, and whofe land flows with milk and honey, &c. Such is the account of two of our officers who were fent to open a friendly intercourfe with this great prince, and who wxre the firfl Europeans ever feen in Teembo, his metropolis. I am now fo well feafoned to this climate, that I am almofi. determined, if I live till next year, to undertake an expedition through the whole of this un- known part of the globe, an enterprize which no man has yet performed, but I no longer entertain any doubt that it is practicable.” * See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpe&ing S. Leona ar.d Bulama, Note BB. s BULAMA 330 CHAP. XI. J Bulam A. Recommended as a colony, to France, by M. de la Biue, a fecond time by M. Dema- net. His deferipti- on of Bulama. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON BULAMA. 528. The ifland of Bulama, in the mouth of the large and beautiful Rio Grande, was recommended to the French government, as a proper fpot for a colony, by M. de la Brue, Dire&or General of the French Senegal Company, who vi- hted the Ifland, in the year 1700, and deferibed it minutely*. 52 9. A fimilar propofition was made to the French mi- niflry, by the Abbe Demanet, who relided for fome time, on the adjacent coaft, and has given a map of Bulama and Rio Grande, in his Nouv. Hift. de l’Afr. Fran9* 2 vol. i2mo. publifhed in 1767, in which he fpeaka of that Ifland, in the following words. (Vol. I. p. 211.) “ The entrance of the Channel, between the Ifland of Bulama and the Peninfula of Blafaras, is a great league broad, (3 nautical miles, or about gf Englifh miles.) On the fhores, which are pretty high, the fea beats with the more violence, as the flood tide is very rapid. In the entrance, viz. between the E. point of the Ifland of Formofa, or Warang, and the W. point of Biafaras, there are only from 2 to 7 fathoms of water; fo that to avoid the fhelves, which contraft the channel confider- ably, it will be neceflary to keep exaftly in the middle of it, till the N. E. point of Bulama has been gained, where the anchorage is excellent +. From thence to the S. E. point, the anchorage is every where good, even for large fhips; when the tide is known, and the advantages or difadvantages it may caufe in fituations, where a very ftrong current, rendered uncertain and irregular by the violent conflift of the two oppofite tides, makes it neceflary to come to an anchor, in order to fe- cure the ground already gained. The anchorage is excellent from the N. E. point * Relat. de l’Afrique Occident, par Labat. Vol. V. pag. 91. & 141. •f- The author feems here to mean the channel between the Ifland of Areas and the Biafara coafl. If fo, his account of the foundings may be pretty near the truth. But it will not apply to the channel which extends in length from Formofa to the W. end of Biafaras. (See the map.) The truth is, that the foundings, Sic. on that part of the coaft, were not then fo minutely furveyed as they have been flnee j though they are by no means, yet to be implicitly relied on. to THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. to that of the S. E., where there are from 12 to 20 fathoms of water ; the ground muddy and free from rocks. There is, in fhort, an excellent harbour, for all forts of veftels. The fhore of Bulama is level and covered with large trees, and the ifland prefents a moft beautiful landfcape. — The land rifes almoft imperceptibly, for about 2 leagues from the fhore, to the foot of the high grounds in the centre of the ifland. Thefe are all covered with fine large trees, and might be eafily cul- tivated.— In the numerous vallies among thefe eminences, there are many rivulets erf very good water. — The S. point is a natural meadow, where the paffurage is -excellent. This ifland is ten leagues in length from E. to W. 5 in breadth from N. to S. and about go in circumference. France may form there a confiderable enablifhment for all forts of commerce ; for the ifland being fertile, will furnifh all the neceffaries of life, and plenty of timber, even for large fhips. This ifland might become a convenient emporium for European and African commodities, particularly for fuch as might be produced on the fpot, viz. fugar, rum, cacao, indigo, cotton, coffee, roucou, and in general all the objefts of the rich and important commerce with the W. Indian iflands; for here all thefe commodities would grow almoft fpon- taneoufly, The foil is furprifingly fertile; the air here is much more falubrious than on any other part of this coaft. The black inhabitants are partly Chriftians, and partly Idolaters and Mahometans. The natives of BifTao, who at prefent poftefs the ifland, having expelled the Biafaras, will willingly co-operate with the Europeans in making fuch eftablifhments as it might be proper to form on this ifland. In ftrert, every thing concurs to facilitate the fuccefs of one of thegrandeft defigns that could be formed by any European nation*.” 53°* * The above is a pretty good general defeription of Bulama : but from his manner of mentioning the rivulets, it would feem that the Abbe vifited the ifland during the rains, or fliortly after their ceflation; and his account of its extent appears to be merely conje&ural. It is true that the whole of it has never been regularly furveyc-d ; but Mr. Beaver’s profeflional experience and ability, may be fairly fuppofed to have rendered him more competent than the Abbe, to deliver an opinion on fuclix* fubjeci ; efpecially as he furveyed the whole eaftem end of the ifland, and the channel which divides from the Biafara coaft. According to Mr. Beaver, then, the ifland of Bulama is between 17 and 18 Englifti miles in length, and from 4. to 5 in breadth, at the eaft end. He found the lat. of it’s centre to be ixc N. long. 15® \V. from the meridian of London. — The land in general riles gradually towards the centre of the ifland, to between 60 and 100 feet above the level of the fea. The fmall hill, on which the Blockhoufe is fituated, rifes to nearly the fame elevation. — The landing is remarkably eafy and fafe, there being no furge. The tide ebbs and flows regularly ; and fpring tides rife 16 feet. See the map, plate III. — From Mr. Beaver’s daily obfervations at noon, between the 20th July, 1792, and the 28th April, 1793, it appears that the medium heat was 85° of Farcnheit’s fcale, in which the range of the mercury was from 74-° to96c, except that it once role to 2000, in a calm which intervened between the N. E. breeze in the morning, and the S. W. breeze in S a tfte 1.31 CHAP. XI. ^ - 1 y — J Bulama. 102 CHAP. XI. 1 t BuLAMA. a third time by Mr. Bar- ber. But it’s colo- nisation aitti ally underta- ken by the Knglifli. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 530. M. Demanet proceeds to deferibe the articles of commerce, with which the adjacent continent abounds. He mentions further, that the Rio Grande, in the mouth of which Bulama is fituated, is navigable above 150 leagues, and finifhes with the following remarkable exprelfion. 4 It is mortifying to fee countries fo fine as thefie,fio rich and luxuri- ant, fo well adapted for commerce , and fo advantageous for the fubfifiencc of a colony , totally abandoned and negleSled 531. This beautiful ifland was in 1787, during my flay in France, prop fed a third time to that government as pro- per for a colony, by a Mr. Barber, an Englifhman then re- ading at Havre de Grace, with whom I had much convoca- tion, and whofe knowledge of that part of the coaft, was at ieafl equal to that of any man I ever met with : and had not the French revolution taken place, a colonial expedition to Bulama would certainly have been undertaken, by order of the Government of that nation. 532. But, this “ little paradife,” as Mr. Beaver calls it in his lafl difpatches from Bulama, appears to have been rs- ferved for a people better acquainted with the commercial utility of ultramarine eltabli foments, I mean the Englifh nation; for, in the beginning of the year 1792, above £"9000 were raifed by fubfeription, which enabled the afternoon, of the 19th Feb. 17, 95. The difference between die meridian heat and that of the morn- ing and evening, is from 10® to 30°. — 061. 23d 1792, hail of the fize of a pin’s head fell for two mi- nutes ; but not a cloud was to be feen during this pheenomenon. The mercury then flood at S5®. The wind was at N. E. in the morning, and at S. W. in the evening. — The rains fet in about the end of May, or the beginning of June, and continue till Off. or Nov. They do not fall every day ; for there are many intervals of clear weather. In the firft and lafl months, the Ihowers are neither very frequent nor very violent ; but fometimes, on the other hand, they referable torrents, especially about the middle of the feafon. -- In the beginning and clofe of the rainy feafon, the air is frequently puri- fied by thofe ftrong gales called tornadoes , which feldom lafl above an hour, aud are eafily foreleen. But hurricanes, which are fometimes fo deftru&ive in the W. Indies, are unknown in this climate.. 275 THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY.*— BRITISH* 275 perfons to fail from London (in three fhips) with a view to form a colony on the illand of Bulama*. 533. Preparatory to this expedition, various papers and propofals, fome of them, perhaps, rather haftily drawn up, were printed and circulated. But, as moil: of them were afterwards altered, it feems unneceffary to quote them ; and I fhall therefore proceed to lay before the reader, an • Abridgment of the Report of the Injlitution , Proceedings, Pre- fent State, and Future Purpofes of the Bulama Affociation , OfS laid before a General Meeting of the Subfcribers, at the Globe Tavern, in Craven Street , on Tuefday , the 1 1 th Dec * Paul Le Mesurier, Esq. M.P. Sir John Riggs Miller, James Kirkpatrick, Esq*. Bart. Moses Ximenes, Esq. David Scott, Esq. M. P. George Hartwell, Esq. Trufees of the faid Affociation. 534. Towards the end of the year 1791, feveral gentle- men formed themfelves into a fociety, for endeavouring to eftablilh a colony, on or near the coaft of Africa, and fixed *My fituation in England was fucli, at that time, as to enable inc to apply my perfonal knowledge of Africa, to the benefit of this undertaking. When the fub- feription was propofed in Manchefter, where I then refided, I had the fatisfattion to fee my reprefentations of the nature and' object of the enterprize fo much attended to, that I believe, any reafonable fum might, in confequence, have been raif- cd in Lancafhire and Yorkfhire alone, from whence many perfons came to take my opinion, before they fubferibed. But after about ^3000 had. been contri- buted. in that quarter, I was induced by the uncertainty of the enterprize, and the delicacy with which, that uncertainty infpired me, to recommend a ceffation of the fubferiptions, till the undertaking had been fairly feton foot. For I. thought that the Manchefter fubferiptions added to thofe of London, would then be fufiicient to de- fray the expenfes of the firft effay, efpecially on the fmall fcale which appeared to me the mod eligible ; and the eventual fuccefs of which, I thought, would not fail to bring forward more fubferibers to fnpport the undertaking in its maturer ftages. Oft CHAP. XI. \ t Bulama.. Affociationy >79** COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 334 CHAP. XI. V ' Bulama. influenced by Le Buie’s de- -Icription. Original terms ot’ iubicrip- non. on the iiland of Bulama, at the mouth of Rio Grande, as a place lit for their joint purpofes of cultivation and coni' merce. Among other defcriptions, oral and hiftorical, that of the Sieur de la Brue, particularly contributed to fix their choice on Bulama *. 535. The truftees have the fatisfaclion of informing the meeting, that they have found La Brue’s defcription toler- ably accurate, upon the whole ; and they think they can rea- fonably join him in opinion, as to the eafy culture of the valuable productions he enumerates, and the facility of trading with the neighbouring natives. 536. The views of thofe concerned, having been thus dire£led to a particular fpot, the next objeft of the gentle- men, who then conduced the bulinefs, was to devife the means of defraying expenfes ; and, after feveral meetings, they refolved to receive fubfcriptions on the following terms, viz. 537. (1.) That each fubfcriber, willing to become a colonifl, fiiould receive, as foon as pofiible, after the purchafe and pofiefiion of the territory, a grant of 500 acres for ^'30, payable before the embarkation, and in that proportion for fewer or more acres, as far as 2000 1. (2.) That each non-refident purchafer of land, fiiould have a grant of 500 acres for/ 60, and in that proportion, for fewer or more acres. (3.) That the lands of purchafers fhall be allotted in the fame manner, and at the fame time, as the lots of colonills ; the feite of the town, and the town-lots to -colonifts and purchafers, excepted. * In the corcefponding part of the Report, follows La Brue’s defcription of Bulama (publilhed in 1700) which very much agrees with that above extrafled from Demanet, publiftied in 176 7, and which I have preferred, becaufe it is much later than La Brue’s ; and I dare fay, it would have been alfo preferred by the truftees, if they had happened to meet with it. C. B. IF. f As it was not certain, that Bulama, in particular, could be purchafed, it was agreed that if it could not, or if the colonifts, after having formed a temporary fettlement, fliould think proper to abandon it, the engagements were to be underftood to extend to any other fpot, that it might be cho- fen by the colonifts, on or near the coaft of Africa; all the concerns and engagements of the purchaf- ,ers of lands, and of the colonifts, to be thereto transferred, (4.) That THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. (4.) That each purchafer {hall have one acre within the town, for erecting (lores, &c*. (5.) That all lands which fhouldnot be fubfcribed for, or granted to purchafers, or given to yeomen t, on the day of the failing of the expedition, fliould be confider- ed to belong to purchafers and original colonifts, according to the proportions fub- fcribed for by colonifts, or granted to purchafers; provided fuch purchafers did not renounce their right, to be fo exprefled in their grants;. and that fuch furplus land fhould not be cultivated as a joint concern, but be left till fold or divided, fave and except 35,000 acres of the faid furplus land, to be exempted from fuch fale or divifion, to accommodate future colonifts (6.) That every perfon, entitled to 125 acres, or upwards, fliould have a right to obtain a grant for a colonift, on the referved land, in the proportion of 30 acres to each individual, for every 100 acres fo fubfcribed for by him, provided no expenfe to the colony be thereby incurred. (7.) That every purchafer of land be allowed to .fend out an agent to fuperin- tend his interefts, through whom he fhall have liberty to cultivate or not, traffic or not, as he may think fit, and be legally competent to any a £1 which a colonift may do; except that he be not permitted to draw goods from the public (lore for the purchafe of labour}}. (8.) That no power in the colony be competent to levy any tax on the unculti- vated property of abfentee3, which lhall not equally affe£l the property of colonifts.” * It was afterwards agreed, that the town-lots of the colonifts fliould be in the proportion of one- tenth of their land, provided fuch lots exceed not 100 acres. f To induce labourers and yeomen to embark, and become colonifts, every married man was, at the fame time, offered 40 acres of land for himfelf, 20 for his wife, and 10 for each child, provided fuch grants exceeded not too acres, to one family ; and to every unmarried yeoman, or labourer, 40 acres. J The claufe reftriciing the colonifts from cultivating the furplus land, before it was allotted, was introduced to prevent the abfentee purchafers, from becoming liable to a joint refponfibility with the colonifts, for any debts they might contrail. In order farther to exonerate the abfentee purchafers, an advertifement was publifhed in the London Gazette, &c. to the following purport, viz. “BULAMA COLONY. “ Notice is hereby given. That the fubfcribing colonifts are alone refponfible for articles purchafed, and expenles incurred, by the Aflociation, and that the purchafers of land from the colonifts, are not liable to any refponfibility whatever; alfo that the fubfcribing colonifts do not intend to have any deal- ings upon credit, or any joint commercial concerns, beyond the amount of the firft inveftment: and all whom it may concern are defired not to credit any perfons whatever, in the name, and on the faith of the Aflociation.” No. soi, Hatton Garden, Feb. 9th. 179*. (Signed) J. HERIOT, Sec. H See in the Append. Notes, &c, refpefting S. Leona and Bukina, Note C C. alfo § iSo, 181* 538. Pre- 1 35 CHAP. XI. k— — V— — / Bulama.. J,36 CHAP. XI. e v~ — > Hu LAMA. £<)000 fu'o- i.iibed, goods bolighr, colo- nilts engaged, truftees ap- pointed. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 538. Previous to the publication of the preceding terms, the lociety’s intentions were refpe&fully fubmitted to the Prime Minider *. In a few weeks, near £9000 were fub- fcribed and paid in ; and a committee of fubfcribers imme- diately bought a confiderable inveftment of merchandize for purchaling, from the neighbouring natives, the property of Bulama, for the purpofes of t rade, and for the hire of la- bourers. The committee, at the fame time, ‘‘engaged a num- ber of yeomen and labourers to go out from Englandt,” char- tered two veffels of about 300 tuns each, and purchafed a floop of 34 tuns. On board of thefe were (hipped an ample fupply of (lores, providqns, arms and ammunition, for the ufe of the colonids. — II. H. Dairy John Young, Efq. Sir William Halton, Bart . John King, Efq. Philip Beaver, Efq , Peter Clutterbuck, Efq. Nicholas Bayly, Efq. were appointed to manage the 'iplc, Efq. Francis Brodie, Efq. Charles Drake, Efq. John Paiba, Efq. Richard Hancorne, Efq. Robert Dobbin, Efq. and Ifaac X amines, Efq. iffairs of the Society abroad; and P. LeMefurier, M.P. Efq. Lord Mayor of London, 1794, Sir J. R. Miller, Bart. George Hartwell, Efq. David Scott, Efq. M. P. and James Kirkpatrick, Efq. Mofes Ximenes, Efq. Trudces for the concern in England. The veffels finally failed from Spithead, on the nth of April ; but having been feparated, in a dorm, the Calypfo, after touching at Tene- * See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpe£ting S. Leona and Bulama, Note D D. i See in the Append. Notes, &.c. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note E E. rife THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. >37 rife and Goree, arrived firft at Bulama, about the end of c p- May. Mr. Dalrymple, having landed 30 men, intended to c_ — v , wait for the Hankey, on board of which was the inveftment BuLAUA- for purchafing the ifland, and trading with the natives. In the interval, an event happened, fatal to fome individuals, but, in it’s confequences, beneficial to the fociety*. 539. The Canabacs, inhabiting a neighbouring ifland, and \\[e to whom Bulama belonged, having been prepoffeffed againfl Canabacs. the Society, landed a party on the ifland. Afterlurking fome days in the woods, on the 3d of June, they took advantage of Mr. Dalrymple’s abfence, who had gone with four men, to explore the ifland, and furprifing the remaining colonifts, killed five men and one woman, mortally wounded two men, and carried off four women and three children. Upon this, Mr. Dalrymple judged it prudent to draw off his men, and to proceed to the Portuguefe fettlement on the neigh- bouring ifland of Biffao, where he found the Hankey and the Beggar’s Bennifon, fafely arrived, after having touched at Tenerife and St. Jago. 540. The Portuguefe at Biffao received them with great coionifts wdi kindnefs, and aflifted by Mr. Sylva de Cordofa, a Portuguefe ponugueS merchant, they difpatched a floop to the Canabacs, for the women and children they had carried off, and who were Prifoners well brought back in perfect health, having been, in every re- nabIcs.byCa' fpeft, well treated f . 541. On the 10th of June the king of the Papels, who re- Tranfaflions fides on the ifland of Biffao, fent a meffage by his brother to puSafeof'16 the fettlers, of which the following is an explanation. Bulama- * See in the Append. Notes, See. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note F F. + Sec in the App. Notes, & c. refpe£L S. Leona and Bulama, Note G G,No7, 15. T (1.) The COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 138 CHAP, Bul am a. K. of Papel’ s vneffhge. Anfwer. (j.) The King of the Papels fent to me ; he told me, he was given to under, (land, that you wanted to fettle; but the Portuguefe would not allow you to fettle here. But it is not as they chufe. The King of the Papels wants to know, whether the country belongs to them? The king willies much you would fettle here, though he doth not know what terms you may have come upon. He wilhes much you may fettle here, though the Roman Catholics wilh you to go elfewhere. The king willies you would let him know any part you would like to pitch upon, provided you could agree, and come upon good terms, as at this time, they wrote fome other government was here. He has fent his cane as a proof of his fidelity and attachment. Yefterday, don’t you recolleft my hailing for a boat? There were then Papels on fhore from the king to fettle this affair, as they fay themfelves, that the in- habitants of Biffao do not wilh for any other company but themfelves ; but it is as I, the King of Papels, chufe. You may depend on the king’s word, as he declares he is ready to take up any caufe againft the Portuguefe, that may hinder you from landing on any place you may wilh to fettle on. This is the bufinefs thofe Papels are upon, to know if you are willing to buy any ground, from the point as far down as you pleafe. You may rely the King of Papels will proteft. If you do mean to purchafe the ground, I will go on Ihore with you to the king’s to-morrow, and Ihow you the ground. T. BIRCHALL, Interpreter. Received on Board the Hankeyt the 10 th of June. (2.) To this meffage Mr. Dalrymple returned the following anfwer, viz. “ The Britifli fettlers, now at Biffao, gratefully return thanks to the King of the Papels, for his hofpitable offer of a fettlement in his dominions; but as they are de- firous of avoiding all occafions of offence to their friends the Portuguefe, that may tend to weaken the firm and faithful alliance that has long fubfifted between their refpe&ive fovereigns ; and, as the objeft of thefe fettlers is to make an eftablilhment elfewhere, that cannot interfere betwixt the claims or interefts of any European power, they beg leave refpe£tfully to decline the invitation, at the fame time profefling their wilh to remain on terms of perpetual amity and alliance with the King of the Papels, and his fubje&s, and in peace and friendlhip with all men. “ Signed for myfelf and the reft of the fettlers, on board the Ihip Hankey, “ June 11, 1792.” “ H. H. DALRYMPLE.” 542. The friendly difpofition of the Canabacs being now ascertained, the fhips returned to JBulama, from whence Meflrs* THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. MefiTrs. Beaver and Dobbin were Tent to Canabac, where they readily fucceeded in purchafing Bulama for 473 bars, agreeable to the Deed of Cedion ; executed by the kings of that nation, of which the following is a copy, viz. (3.) “ Deed of Ceffion of the If and of Bulama, by the Kings Jalorum and Bellchore , to the Britifi Colon ifs.” “ Whereas certain perfons, fubjefts of the King of Great 3ritain, conduced by H. H. Dalrymple, J. Young, Sir William Halton, Bart. J. King, Philip Beaver, Peter Clutterbuck, Francis Brodie, Charles Drake, J. Paiba, Richard Hancorne, Robert Dobbin, Ifaac Ximenes, and Nicholas Bayley, Efqrs. as a committee to ma- nage their affairs, having arrived on the windward coaft of Africa, adjacent to the river Grande ; and the faid committee having invefled P. Beaver and R. Dobbin, Efqrs. two of their members, with full power to treat with, and purchafe from, us our Ifland of Bulama: we the Kings of Canabac, being fully convinced of the pacific and juft difpofition of the faid perfons, and of the great reciprocal benefits which will refult from an European colony being eftablifh- ed in our neighbourhood, and being defirous of manifefting our friendlhip and af- feftion to the King of Great Britain and his fubje£ts; do hereby, in confideration of four hundred and feventy three bars of goods by us received, for ever cede and relinquifh to the faid King of Great Britain, all fovereignty over the Ifland of Bulama, which fovereignty our anceftors have acquired by conqueft, and have ever fince maintained undifputed in peace.” “ We do further folemnly guarantee to the faid perfons, their heirs, and afligns, again ft all enemies whatever, the full and peaceful poffeffion of the faid ifland: and, by thefe prefents, do bind ourfelves and our fubjefts to aid and aflift them againll all their enemies whatever; and the fame lhall have all the force of a firm and faithful treaty of defenfive alliance between the king of Great Britain and our- felves: and, together with the ifland aforefaid, we do relinquifh all claim to any fu- ture treaty, fubfidy, or compofition whatever.” “ And of all thepremifed conditions, we, the two parties, do bind ourfelves to the mutual obfervance, in the prefence, and in the name of the Omnipotent God of truth and juftice, and the avenger of perfidy; and we have hereunto fet our hands, this 29th of June, 1792. P. Beaver. J his his R. Dobbin. J Jalorum x King. Bellchore s^r King +. Mark Mark t Captain Moore, who afterwards brought home Mr. Beaver's important difpatches of March 16, >793) figned this paper, as a witnefs. T 2 543. It >39 CHAP XI. v ~J Bulama. Conveyance of Bulama, 140 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON CHAP. XI. c_ — v — Bulama. Conveyance of Great Bula- ma. 543. It having been alfo deemed expedient to purchafe the Ifland of Areas, and the adjacent land on the continent, application was made for that purpofe to the kings of Ghi- nala, who very readily, and in confideration of three hun- dred bars paid them, ceded the fame to His Britannic Majefly, as appears by the deed executed by the faid kings, of which the following is a copy, viz. (3.) “ Died of Cejfton, the King of Ghinala to the Britijh Settlers of the Bulama Ajfociation. “ Whereas certain perfons, fubjefls of the King of Great Britain, conduced by- Philip Beaver, J. Munden, Charles Aberdein, and J. Reynolds, Efqrs, as a com- mittee to manage their affairs, having arrived upon the windward Coaft of Africa, adjacent to the Rio Grande, and the faid Committee, having inverted Mr. Philip Beaver with full power to treat with and purchafe from us certain land adjacent to the faid river, we, the Kings of Ghinala, and the Rio Grande, being fully convinced of the pacific and juft difpofition of the faid perfons, and of the great reciprocal benefits that will refult from an European colony eftablifhed in our neighbourhood ; and withal being defirous of manifefting our diftinguifhed friend- fhip and affe£lion for the King of Great Britain, and his fubje&s ; do hereby, in confideration of the value of three hundred bars of goods, by us this day received, for ever cede and relinquifh to the King of Great Britain, all fovereignty over our territories lying to the fuuthward or weftward of a line extended from Ghinala, Weft N. Weft, until it reach the fea, together with the ifland, and all other iflands whatever, adjacent to the aforefaid territories * ; which fovereignty our anceftors have enjoyed from time immemorial : We do further folemnly guarantee to the faid perfons, their heirs and afligns, againft all enemies whatever, the full and peaceable polfeftion of the faid territories and iflands aforementioned ; and by thefe prefents, do bind ourfelves and fubjetts to aid and aflift them againft all their enemies what- ever; and the fame fhall have all the force of a firm and faithful treaty of alliance between the King of Great Britain and ourfelves : and, together with the territories and iflands aforefaid, we do relinquifh all claim to any future tribute, fubfidy, or compofition whatever; and of all the premifed conditions, we the two parties do bind ourfelves to the mutual obfervance, in the prefence of, and in the name of, the Om- nipotent God of truth and juftice, and avenger of perfidy: in witnefs whereof, we have hereunto fet our hands this 3d day of Auguft, in the year of our Lord, one thoufand feven hundred and ninety-two. P. Beaver. "I his his Wit. J. W.Pabia. j NiobanaX King. Matchore King+. Mark Mark * See the large Map at the end of this work. 4 See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpefting S. Leona and Bulama, Note H H. 544. Pof- THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. 544. Pofleftion was taken of thefe purchafes, in His Majefty’s name, and the (hip Hankey and the floop were left at Bulama, with 49 men, 13 women and 25 children, abundantly fupplied with provifions, {lores, plantation tools and goods for the payment of labour. — The whole under the condu6t of Philip Beaver, Efq. a lieutenant in the royal navy. 545. Some of the fociety quitted the fhip at Biffao, and others went to America and the Weft Indies. The reft, dreading the rainy feafon, refolved to return to England, in the Calypfo, and firft to proceed to S. Leona, hoping to find there, accommodation for fome of their number, who wifhed to return to Bulama, at the cefiation of the rains. But, from the want of accommodation and provifions at Sierra Leona, added to the protraftion of the voyage, dif- eafe was generated on board the Calypfo, and many deaths took place, which probably would not have happened, had the fhip returned from Bulama direftly to England*. 546. of the 275 colonifts who embarked, 6 died on board the Calypfo and 3 on board the Hankey, in the voy- age outward; 8 were killed; 13 died on the coaft; and 42 on board the Calypfo, in the paflage home from Sierra Leona. Some of the deaths, on the coaft, were owing to drinking, and the reft to fevers, contraded at Biflao, before the purchafe of Bulama ; for we are fo far happy, as to be able to affert with truth, that not one death can be attributed to the climate oj Bulama t. * See § 390, and the Note thereon. 141 CHAP. XI. t "" V — ' ■ Bulama. Pofleftion ta- ken in His Brit. Majefty’s name. Different def- tinations of the colonifts. Mortality out and home. + See in the App. Notes, &c. refpeft. S. Leona and Bulama, Note G G No. 1, 9. 547. The 142 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON C II A P. XI. < , — J Bulama. Ship of war ordered to call and ailift the colony. Reafons for additional lublci iptions. 547. The Calypfo returned on the 14th. Nov. 1792, in 9 weeks, from Sierra Leona, with between 80 and 90 of the colonifts. And the truftees, confidering that, from the un- paralleled length of her paffage, the colonifts remaining at Bulama, would probably be mortified at not hearing from England ; and, being informed that a man of war would foon fail for Africa, immediately applied to the Lords of the Admiralty, who were pleafed to order Commodore Dod, of the Charon, to vifit Bulama, and to give the colo- nifts every afiiftance confident with His Majefty’s fervice. 548. The fubferiptions, it has been already obferved, amounted to near £gooo. The amount of the charges is about £ 10,000 ; not that there is a balance of £ 1000 againft the concern ; for it’s effefts are much more than adequate to the laft fum ; nor would there have been any immediate call for money, fo nearly was the expenfe of the firft expe- dition eftimated, had not the voyages of the Calypfo and the Hankey been unexpeftedly protrafted. But the truf- tees had anticipated the want of farther fupplies, (1.) for foliciting an Ad of Parliament , — (2.) for conveying to the fubferibers their lands, — and (3) for future fupport to the colo- ny, and propofed to the General Meeting, (1.) That a fubfeription be opened for a participation of the benefits to arife from the Iflands of Bulama and Areas*, and a part of the adjacent coaft, at the mouth of the Rio Grande, all purchafed by the Allociation ; at the rate of £ 50 for every 200 acres, and not lefs to be fubferibed. (2.) That the fubferiptions remain unappropriated, till a charter, or an Aft of Parliament, be obtained ; except a fum adequate to the payment of the balance * Mr. Beaver, in his letter from Bulama of the 10th Oft. 1793, fays, “ People (hould not be taught to believe that the lfle of Areas is of any value ; for, I believe, no water has ever yet been found upon it. Befides it is very fmall and marfhy, and environed with mangroves that extend a great way. The other purchafe, I think much more valuable than people are aware of.” See the Map, Plate II. owing THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. owing on the firft expedition, to the fupply of Bulama with ftores, and to the folicitation of a charter*. 549. To thefe proportions the General Meeting una- nimoufly confented, and a fubfeription is now opened for £10,000, to profecute the prefent plan. 550. In corroboration of the preceding account of the climate and foil of Bulama, and the probability of eflablilh- ing cultivation and commerce on and near that lflandf, the following extra&s are adduced from letters, to the truflees J. From Mr. Dalrymple's, to the Truflees , dated the. jth of November , 1792. “ At Goree, I had frequent converfations with Mr. St. Jean, fon of a former governor, who informed me that his father had often vifited Bulama, and that he, (governor St. Jean) confidered it as the moll eligible place, on the coaft of Africa, for a colony; and, in confequence of that opinion, had endeavoured to prevail on the French Senegal company to purchafe that ifland. As at the time I quitted Bu- lama, none of us had failed round it, I cannot exa£Uy afeertain it’s dimenfions; but I fuppofe it to be about 25 miles in length, and 20 in breadth. The middle part of it confifts of fmall hills, none of which are more than 100 feet above the fea. Thefe hills are covered with very large trees, with little underwood ; and yams, edoes, and other tropical roots, grow in great abundance, under the fhade. “ The north end of the ifland is one continued Savannah, covered with long grafs, with a few trees interfperfed, but without any rocks or Hones. The foil of this plain is deep and rich ; and in order to cultivate it, it is only nccelfary to fet * The difparity between thefe terms, and the original ones, will not, it is prefumed, be thought greater than is juftified by the difference of circumftances. Originally, even the fmalleft fuccefs was extremely doubtful. It is now certain, that a valuable territory has been fairly purchafed, and taken pofleflion of. In compenfation of the advanced price, the right to a lot in or near the town, the right of fending a fettler to have 30 acres gratis, and a (hare in the neat profits of lands to be fold in future — in thort, all the collateral advantages of the firft purchafers, are underftood to extend equally to new fubferibers, except indeed a priority of allotment of land in favour of the former, which from fome fteps already taken, and engagements made, is become unavoidable. — The land purchafed appears to be at lead 400,000 acres, of which about 1 10,000 are fubferibed for. + The Ifland of Bulama is one in an Archipelago, known by the name of the Biflaos, or Biflagos, called by the ancients the Hcfperides. Few of thefe fine iflands are inhabited at prefent, owing to the ravages made by the flave-trade in their population. J I have taken the liberty fomewhat to abridge the language of thefe extrails, carefully retaining the fenfe, and every material circumftance. C. B. JV, H3 CHAP. XI. I — ml Bulama. fire 144 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON CHAP. XI. v > Bul am a. fire to the grafs, after which the plough may be immediately ufed. Horfes are cheap; the bed may be purchafed at Goree for ll. 10s. a head; and cattle, in any number, may be had, within a few miles of Bulama, at xo or 12s. a head. Hence cultivation might be carried on at a fmall expence; efpecially as the Papels and Bi- afaras may be hired for a great bar (about 5 or 6s.) per month. “ On the fouth-eaft end of the ifland, there is one of the fined bays in the world. The land is here covered with wood; and there are great varieties of excellent tim- ber for cabinet work and furniture, alfo dying woods, &c. There are buffaloes and elephants on the idand, and the feas abound with fifli.” F> on a Letter to the Trujlees , dated. Bulama, 18 th July, 1792, and figned by Mejfrs. Dairy 7)i pie, Young, King, Paiba, Brodie, Drake , Munden, Reynolds, Hancorne, Ximenes, Beaver, Aberdein, and Clutterbuck. .T “ We find the air remarkably falubrious, and the chma**|jKtl '^$5, as far as we have been, beyond expefclation temperate: the c h an n ■ Jv? j (fa os en- trance, is fpacious and fafeh the ^arbour in which we liv^e^JJ^^R&j^ion of our nautical people, the bed they ever faw, and capable of cor’ e Britifh navy : the channel to it being fufficient for the larged flS^»l3jfc’ . “ The people have been employed in fifhing with the feines. This has proved a fuccefsful and falubrious labour*. This fituation is admirably calculated both for inland and maritime commerce. The fhore, rifing gradually from the drand, ex- tends to a plain that affords a commodious feite for a town. There is frefh water in the vicinity; whether fupplied by the rains or the fprings, remains to be afeer- tainedt: but from the concurrent tedimony of thofe who have penetrated into the ifland, it contaiMjj^^^freams. The ifland appears to be between 5 and 6 leagues in len™fc£?^®BPh in the broaded part. The foil, as far^as we have feen, is a red ^[xuriant, that the garden feeds we fowed came up vigor- oudy in two days. The idand, we learn from the gentlemen who have explored it, has extenfive favannahs of a deep black mould. The animals we have feen are buffaloes, deer, antelopes, wild hogs, monkies, and tigers. We have alfo feen fre- quent and palpable vediges of elephants, and have found the fkeleton of one. The Bijugas of Canabac often come over to Bulama, to hunt and cultivate, but there are no inhabitants fettled on it. “ Had we not been unavoidably interrupted, we are perfuaded that we fhould have been fheltered, and have had our grounds prepared before the rains fet in. A * They took at one haul of the feine, as much as fupplied the whole fettlement (three hundred in number, including the ftiips companies) with a good and hearty meal. -}- An entry is made in the public journal of the colony on the 29th of July, that many fprings were on that day difcovered, within the diftance of a mile from the fhip. We THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY.*— BRITISH. We fhould have laboured with that cheerfulnefs which the alluring profpefl of the land is calculated to infpire. But few enterprizesfucceed in all their extent, and though ours has failed in part, we have abundant reafon to think, that if the colony be fea- fonably fupported, there will be fecured to it a rapid and permanent eltablifhment.” From Mtfrs. Beaver , Munden, Aberdein , and Reynolds , to the Trujlees, dated Bulama, 7th Augujl, 1792. “ We have now to enter on a fubjeft of great importance to all concerned. Having learned that there might be a poflibility of purchafing the oppofite ifland belonging to the kings of Ghinala, (a diftrift of the Biafara country,) who were for- merly the fovereigns of Bulama, but driven from it by their more warlike neighbours the Canabacs, it was thought advifeable that Mr. Beaver fhould proceed with the Hoop up the Rio Grande, to negociate the bufinefs, which he accomplifhed in a manner far beyond our moft fanguine expe£lations. The original Treaty, No. IV. accompanies this (§543) ; and we beg to refer you ta the following copy of his letter from Ghinala, for a further explanation. *0 ||/ ‘ Gentlemen , ‘Finding the fhore, called the Greater Bulama, not an ifland, it was my intention to return without purchafing it*: but, at my firft interview with the two kings of this country, they claimed Bulama, having, as they faid, inherited it from their anceftors. As I know there is fome juftice in their claim, I thought it ab- folutely neceflary to flop and fatisfy them, and I expeft them on board every mi- nute, to talk the palaver. ‘ Now conceiving it to be a favourable opportunity, when purchafing Bulama, to purchafe alfo the adjacent fhore, which I think mayl^done for very little more value, I fiiall endeavour to buy all the uninhabited ltflS® which lies between them and us ; that is, all the territory fouth of a line drawn from this place to Goly, which territory you will fee is bounded to the E. by Ghinila creek, to the S. by the Rio Grande, and to the W. by a branch of the fea, which feparates it from Biflao*. The fides, bounded by Ghinala Creek and the Ri<^ Grande, are elevated and cleared in many places, forming a chain of fine bays and creeks, with deep water, through their • whole extent. Should our colony flourifh, which I have no reafon to doubt, this will be found an invaluable acquifitiou, as there is no one part of its banks where a town may not be built, with every advantage for commerce. I hope to leave this place in two days, and to bring with me refrefhments for the fick. ‘ I am, Gentlemen, your moll obedient humble fervant, Ghinala., 2 d Aug • 1792. * P. BEAVERS To the Gentlemen oj the Co?nmitte, on board the Han/iey, Bulama. * See the large Map. u H5 C H A P. XI. 1 > Bulama. We 146 CHAP, XI. V- — 1 v — md Bulama. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON “ We congratulate you, Gentlemen, and all concerned, on the poffeflion of a country equally fertile, and much larger than Bulama, together with the cedion of that ifland from the Biafaras, as well as the Canabacs, the only nation that could claim it, for a fum not exceeding 35 1. fterling. — The rains have not yet proved fa terrible, as we were taught to believe; and our fick lift has been owing rather to the imprudence of individuals, than to the climate. Every opportunity has been em- braced of procuring frefh provifions, of which the colony flood much in need; for, though the ifland abounds with buffaloes and deer, we are too few, and too bufy, (in planting and building) to fend parties to kill them, and Mr. Beaver will fail for Biffao to-morrow, to contra6l with Mr. Cordoza, fora regular fupply. “ P. S. We conceive that, (if neceffary,) a large fum may be raifed by the newly purchafed land, but we wilh it may not be fold under forty {hillings an acre.’* Ext raft of a Letter from Mr. George Fielder , to Colonel Kirkpatrick. “ The ifland is well wooded and watered round the coafts, and the inland parts entirely clear, except the fmall divifions of trees, which form the exaft appearance of fields, and their fences in England. It abounds with buffaloes, elephants, deer, Guinea fowls, pigeons, & c. and, on the whole, feveral gentlemen, well acquainted with the Weft-Indies, judge it fuperior to any of the Weft-India iflands. I have enjoyed uninterrupted health fince I left England. “ I have the honour to be, &c. “ GEORGE FIELDER.5* Extra ft of another Letter of Mr. Fielder's, dated S.E. End of Bulama, July 3 d, 1792. “ Some of us furveyed part of the ifland, which we found covered with wood all round, and for about two miles inward ; but within the woods is open land, covered with high grafs, and divided into fmall fields by narrow ridges of high trees, like hedges in England. The foil is a rich black mould, feveral feet deep, and capable of producing any thing ; the woods abound with Guinea fowls, doves, and other fmall birds; alfo with elephants, and the Afiatic buffalo; and are interfperfed with fmall fp rings of fine water ; in fhort, Mr. Aberdein, who has lived in the Eaft and Weft Indies, fays it is the fineft ifland he ever faw, and that it is fuperior in foil and water to any of the Weft India iflands. “ I have lived principally on the fruits, of which there are abundance of a very fine flavour, have worked hard, and never was better in my life. — My conftitution perfe£lly agrees with the climate, having undergone as much fatigue as any; and though the rainy feafon has fet in thefe three weeks, I am yet as well as ever I was in England ; and my hopes are fanguine of our fuccefs, from the excellence of the foil THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. foil ancl water ; there being feveral thoufand acres perfectly clear, and partly cul- tivated by the Bifagoas. — There are on the coafl people called Grumettas, who work for the Portuguefe, and other Europeans, at the rate of 6s. 8d. a month in goods. — We bought oxen of his people (the Papels) at the rate of about one Guinea each in goods, and many cheaper.” Extrad. of a Letter from Mr. Francis Donnelly , to James Mangles , Efquire , dated Eaf Harbour of Bulama, i'6tk July , 1792. “ Many of the Subfcribers return to Europe to difpatch more fhips, and to obtain a charter. — Some of the interior part of the ifland is a clear and beautiful pafturage, where there has been millet, and other grain cultivated, about two thou- fand acres in one fpot, and many more Savannahs, equally good; fuppofed 40,000 acres of excellent clear land. The appearance of the ifland is really beautiful be- yond defcription, with woods of valuable timber, plants, and fruits of different forts; wild yams, and cafada in abundance: little difficulty will be found in clearing the wood lands. It is worthy remark, that no brambles, &c. annoy Us in going through the woods; the land could be ploughed with facility, there not being any flones. In fhort, every appearance infpires the hope of our being able (by proper exertions) to eftablifh an advantageous fettlement here. We hope mod fincerely, that the ftri&efl attention may be paid to the chara&er and abilities of the tradef- men and labourers next fent out; we find that the lands can be cultivated with eafe and fafety by European labourers. — Our provifions come on apace. It is expefted the rains will continue till September. — The climate is pleafant, not intenfely hot any time of the day; the morning and evening I think as moderate as the climate of England. My health is perfe&ly re-eftablifhed; and the voyage and the climate agree very well with my conflitution.” An Abridgment of the Report , which the Truftees of the Bu- lama Ajfociation intend to lay before the next General Meet - ing of the Subfcribers , and with a M. S . Copy of which I have been favoured. 551. The Truftees of the Bulama Aflociation, purfuant to the direftions of the General Meeting at the Manfion-houfe, June 25th, 1794, proceed to lay before the members, the U 2 tranfa&ions 147 CHAP. XI. BULAM A, COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 148 CHAP. XI. V. 1 B ULAMA. The Hankey leaves Mr. Beaver with only 20 men. Bijngas medi- tate an attack. tranfaftions at Bulama, as flated by Mr. Philip Beaver in his letters, and fince confirmed by him in perfon *. 552. From the 2d Aug. 1792, to which the firft report brings down the proceedings at Bulama, nothing material occurred there, till the 2 2d Nov. following, when the fhip Hankey failed from thence, leaving Mr. Beaver as chief of the colony, with about 20 men (including the crew of the floop Beggar’s Bennifon) 4 women and 4 children. 553. Immediately on the Hankey ’s departure, it was re- ported, that the Bijugas meditated an attack. As the ru- mour was not without foundation, we cannot wonder at it’s calling a damp on the fpirits of the colonifls; but it is morti- fying to add, that even the heroic example of Mr. Beaver, was ineffedlual in recovering them from this panic. *“* Bulama Association, “ At a general meeting of the fubfcribers to this AfTociation, convened by pub- lic advertisement, at the Manfion-houfe, London, the 25th June, 1794, The Right Honourable Paul Le Mefurier, Efq. M. P. Lord Mayor, in the Chair. “ Rejolved unanimouflyt “ That the thanks of this Meeting be given to Philip Beaver, Efq. Lieutenant in the Royal Navy, late chief of the fettlement on the ifland of Bulama, for the ability, zeal, aftivity, and perfeverance, with which, under many difficulties, he condutted the affairs of that fettlement, and for his conffant attention to the interefts of the Affociation; and to affure Mr. Beaver that the members of this Affociation will ever hold his fervices in grateful remembrance.” “ That a gold medal be prefented to Mr. Beaver, expreffiveof the fenfe enter* tained by the Affociation, of his very meritorious fervices.” “ That the thanks of this meeting be given to Mr. John Hood, for the-fpirit and, refolution with which he fupported Mr. Beaver, during the whole of his ftay at Bula- ma,and that he be allured the Affociation will ever gratefully remember his fervices.” “ That thefe refolutions be fairly tranfcribed, figned by the Chairman, and re- fpefiively delivered to Mr. Beaver and Mr. Hood, and that they be publilhed in fome of the daily papers.” A true Extrafl from the Minutes. I. K. MALLESON, Secretary. 554. Mr, THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. BRITISH. 55 4. Mr. Beaver’s lirft objecl was to give fecilrity to the people, by compleating the block-houfe, begun before the Hankey failed. The flrong hold formed a quadrangle of 1 16 feet by 115, and contained two ftore-houfes 53 feet by 14 each, a governor’s houfe, and fmall houfes fufficient for a confiderable number of people. Mr. Beaver, with the help of two, and fometimes three, colonifts, compleated the log- ging, by the 28th Nov. There were four gates into the quadrangle, one on each fide, fecured by Tambours; and as the logging, though mufquet proof, was but 6 feet high, Mr. Beaver began to board the upper 6 feet of the outer wall, which, with the fame aftiftance, he finifhed on the 21ft Dec. (See plate IV.) 555. At this time, a general defpondency prevailed, and fuch was the ficknefs, that, on the 30th Nov. every man except Mr. Beaver, and everv woman and child, was ill. (See § 84, 8b, 91.) From the rft Dec. to the 21ft, there died 9 men, 3 women, and 1 child, being nearly half of the colony. 556. To add to this calamity, Bellchore, one of the kings of Canabac, remarkable for his exploits and his treachery, having heard of the departure of the Hankey, loft no time in viliting the colony. On the morning of the 5th Dec. he was feen coming round the point, with two canoes. Mr. Beaver immediately beat to arms, faluted him, and loaded the great guns with grape-fhot. By this time, Bellchore had landed, and marched up in battle array, at the head of 32 well appointed men, to within 40 yards of the eaft gate, where he halted. Mr. Beaver’s whole force then confifted of only 4 colonifts, whom he could not call well, and 7 gru- mettas. Having placed two centinels at each gate, with or- ders to kill the firft man who fhould attempt to enter by force* Mr. Beaver went out to meet Bellchore, who knew and 149 CHAP. XI. e— v — j Bu L AM A. Block-hcmfe* &c. ere&ed. General de- l'pondency and- ficknefs. Sufpicious vi-. fit of the Cut- nabacs. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 15° CHAP. M. \ Bv LAMA. which alarms and haiafles the colours. and embraced him very cordially. As the only defence of the place was a cannon covering each gate, of which the Bi- jugas were much afraid, Mr. Beaver informed Bellchore that he never admitted any one into the fquare; but that he would give up to his people the grumettas’ hut, which were under a large tree, and that he himfelf would live with him in his tent, which was pitched a little way without the gate. Appearing contented, after he had dined with Mr. Beaver, he begged to be admitted into the block-houfe, in which he was gratified, and then returned to his own people. A grumctta foon after reported to Mr. Beaver, that he heard Bellchore fay to his men, That mod of the white men were dead, that thofe living were all lick, except the captain, and that they were his people whenever he pleafed ; that he put them there, and whenever he chofe could take them away; adding that they zvere his chickens, an expreffion which Bell- chore applies to the Biafaras, to fignify the eafe with which he takes them. 557. This alarming language induced Mr. Beaver to di- vide his fmall force into two watches, 2 colonifls and 3 gru- mettas in each. One watch was commanded by himfelf, and the other by Johnftone, a grumetta; for not one of the coloniits was well enough to execute the order with vigour. Mr. Beaver took other precautions, and, refolving to perifh rather than yield, he took out the heads of two barrels of powder, and kept a match burning between them all night, (ignilymsr to the colonills, that there was no alternative be- tween prelerving the place, or blowing up himfelf and them. Only one oi the Hoop's crew then remained, and he was on board, w ith orders to fire into the huts, if he fhould hear the report of two mufquets. The night paffed quietly; but two of the people were much worfe in the morning, from the THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. CHAP. XI. Bulama. Mr. Beaver gets rid of them. the cold dews and the fatigue of watching; and two of the grumettas, ftill lefs able than the whites, to bear fuch hard- ships, were taken ill. 558. Mr. Beaver, feeing his force thus diminilh, intimated to Bellchore, in the morning, that ‘'there was much work to do; that the people would not attend to it while his men were on the ifland ; that he would be happy, if he would flay with him, and fend his men away.” Bellchore, paufing, re- plied, “ My fon has reafon : I fee that you have a great deal to do, and we are in your way — we will depart.” Mr. Beaver made him fome handfome prefents, and he quitted the ifland an hour before dark. Bellchore undoubted- ly came to a61 with hoftility or peace, according to the weaknefs or ftrength he might obferve; and it mull be at- tributed folely to the prefence of mind, firmnefs and vigil- ance of Mr. Beaver, that this alarming vifit terminated fo happily. 559. He was employed in putting the place in a date of The colony defence, till the 11th Dec. when the grumettas, dreading treme weak.- another vifit from the Bijugas, determined to leave the colo- nels’ ny. Mr. Beaver told them, that every man in the ifland was free to go where he pleafed ; that they had voluntarily come to work for him, and that he would not detain them a minute again!! their inclination; adding, that though he wanted a few grumettas, if they did not like their fituation, they might depart in the firfb boat. Accordingly, a canoe arriving on the 14th, they were paid their wages, and all went away, except Johnftone and another grumetta, who remained to aflifl; in navigating the pinnace to Biflao, in queft of more men. Mr. Beaver alfo permitted H?rvifon, one of the colonifts, to depart in the pinnace, agreeably to his maxim, “ never to afk a man to flay in the ifland, who wiflied 152 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON C II A P. XI. V . 1 But AM A. Another vifit from the Ca* nabacs. wifhed to leave it.” * When the pinnace left Bulama, there remained with Mr. Beaver only one man, fit for duty. They flept in the eaft gate-way, having the fick, 7 in number, in the adjoining birth, to be ready to aft in a body, in cafe of an emergency. In this critical fituation, hourly expeft- ing another vifit from the Bijugas, they remained till the 21ft, when a BifTao canoe arrived with five grumettas, “ a cargo,” (as Mr. Beaver calls it) “ more valuable than gold.” The whole colony was then fcarcely able to dig a grave. The grumettas were immediately fet to perform that duty, for two fubfcribers who had died in the morning. The lofs of one of them, Mr. Aberdein, was feverely felt. Of that gen- tleman, Mr. Beaver writes thus : “ In him the Affociation loft one of it’s belt members, the king loft a good fubjeft, the weak loft an advocate, fociety loft an ornament, and I loft a friend. He was unfortunate in this world : may he be happy in the next.” 560. On the 27th, Johnftone returned in the pinnace, with 18 grumettas, 3 women and 2 children, among whom were all who had before left the colony, except one. This proved to be a very feafonable reinforcement; for, on the fecond day after, two Bijuga canoes arrived, with two fons of Jalorum, the other king of Canabac, and about 40 men. Mr. Beaver faluted them, kept under arms, and giving the men the outfide huts, as when Bellchore was there, kept Jalorum s fons with him. In the middle of the next night, they departed, owing to one of the men having, in difcharg- * “ On the contrary,” adds Mr. B. “ when the Hankey left us, I advifed them ell to go home; for fo many lazy and cowaidly people were never, before, I believe, collected together, in fo fnriall a number.”~See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpetling S. Leona and Bulama, Note G G. No* £, 8, 16. ing THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. ing his piece, accidentally lodged a ball in the foot of an- other. 561. Till Jan. ill, 1793, the colony was employed in finifhing the upper part of the outer wall of the block- houfe, in logging the tambours, and in making plaiHer for the logging. On this day, they began to fet up the inner polls for the houfes, on the north fide, and to dig up the roots of the trees, cut down during the rains. 562. Jan. 3d, a cutter arrived from S. Leona, bound to Bilbao, for flock; and the mailer reporting that falted, as well as frelh, provilions, were wanted at that colony, Mr. Beaver fent them 10 barrels of pork, and 6 tierces of beef, promifing 5 bullocks, if a fufficient number could not be procured at Bilfao *. 56 3. Jan. 4th, Mr. Beaver was informed, by a Bilbao canoe, that a fhip bound to Bulama, with a number of colonills on board, had got on fome fhoals between that illand and Ar- eas, and wanted a pilot. He therefore went, in the two- oared boat, to conduCl her in, leaving the block-houfe with a Itrong band of grumettas, and ftriCt injunctions to Mr. Hood, the only furviving fubferiber, to preferve good order and a llrift watch. On the 8th, he found the fhip, which was the Scorpion Hoop of war, having orders from the ad- miralty, to give every poffible alliltance at Bulama, and to report to them the Hate of the colony. She had not been in any danger, but had only got into the wrong channel, and the captain, not thinking it prudent to proceed, had, lince Mr. Beaver’s leaving the block-houfe, fent his boat thither, for the necelfary information, and which returned an hour before he got on board. * See in the Append. Notes, See. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note G G, No. 2, 12. 564. Had 153 CHAP. XI. t V— — _ J Bulama. Employment. Mr. B aver afiifts S. Leo- na with provi- fions. Man of war arrives in the offing. X 3 54 CHAP. XI. l v Bulama. Bad charts millcad the mail of war. Formidable vilit of the Bi- jugas. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 564. Had not Mr. Beaver joined the Scorpion when he did, Capt. Ferris would immediately have returned to his commodore, at C. Roxo. Mr. Beaver’s vifit was therefore fortunate, as it prevented the captain from returning with- out vihting Bulama, when he might have faid, and very pro- perly, that there was not water for large drips. His miftake was owing to a very bad chart. Mr. Beaver obferves, that which he meant to exchange, witn fome trading v ^ — 1 veffel, for cloth. — Mr. Beaver concludes this interefting let- Eulama. ter w|t|1 0bferving} that he could defend the place againffc Colony defen- any force of the natives ; that the ifland only wanted colo- hole, and only # J J wanted men. nifts ; that, to fuch as would come out, fuccefs was certain ; that, with one tenth of the fupport given to the Sierra Leona colony, he could ere now have eaftly acquired lands fufli- cient to maintain 500,000 fouls : that the Biafaras often re- inviteT/r&c’ quelled him to build at or near Ghinala; and that a fimilar b. to build, invitation had come from Bulola, about 70 miles up the Rio Grande, but that, having neither goods nor (European) men, he was tied down to a few acres, and was inactive from neceffity, not from inclination*. 579. In Sept, a cutter belonging to the Sierra Leona Com- pany went to BifTao; and by her Mr. Beaver received tea, fugar and molaffes. From the great damps, owing to the want of medical affillance, dry and elevated houfes, and proper drains to carry off the water, accumulated by incef- fant rains, the colony was then very fickly. They were in- deed fo reduced as to be obliged to have the mate of the Hoop to ad: as cook, not another man, either on fhore or on board be- ing then equal to the tafk. On the 20th Sept, the men, obferv- ing that the time when they were to exped the veffel with new colonilts had elapfed, and their fpirits having been de- preffed by ficknefs, all agreed to quit the colony, when they Mr. b. fooths couldf. Mr. Beaver, with his ufual fpirit and prefence of the impatient _ . . 1 rri colonilts. mind, told them that the time in which the veffel was exped- ed, had barely elapfed ; that Ihe might have been detained by * See in the Append. Notes, See. refpe&ing S'. Leona and Bulama, Note G G, No. 5, 8,10. + See in the Append. Notes, &c. rcfpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note G G, No. ii. contrary THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. contrary winds, or might then be refitting, after a gale, in fome harbour; but that, if they would flay fix months longer, they would undoubtedly be reinforced*.” To this propofi- tion they affented: Mr. Beaver concluded that the veffel was taken; but hoped that, by Feb. or March, he would receive fuccour. He then found fome difficulty in engag- ing grumettas ; for the prime articles with which he paid them were exhaufted, and he could offer them nothing but powder or tobacco. 580. While in anxious expectation of a reinforcement, a report was received from Bilbao that the Bijugas meditated a formidable attack. This rumour operated fo ftrongly on the minds of the colonifts, now enfeebled by ficknefs, that, on the night of the 22d. Oct. the mate (then commander) of the Hoop, and another man ran away with the boat. Mr. Beaver the lefs regarded this lofs, as he had Hill two white men left who, he hoped, would remain till more ar- rived. Two days after this defertion, a Mr. Lawrence, a faCtor in the Rio Nunez, touched at Bulama, in his way to Bulola. The next day he failed, and was to return in a week to Bulama, and thence to fail for Bilbao. Four days after his departure, the colonifts delivered to Mr. Beaver a written requeft, that he would not only permit them to leave the illand, but that he would leave it with them. The latter requeft he politively refubed, and, again fucceed- ed in perfuading them not to urge the former. But, 15 days after, Lawrence not having returned, they delivered * The refemblance of Mr. Beaver’s frtuation, at this trying juncture, to that of Colnmbus, in the voyage, in which he difcovered America, is too ftriking to efcape the notice of intelligent readers. May the magnanimous perfeverance of this able officer, infpire the fupporters of this undertaking with fimilar zeal! May his fuccelX be equal, and his reward iuperior to thofe of the difcoverer of the new world! (See Robertfon’s Hilt, of America.) him l65 CHAP. XI. 1 > Bulama,. But they per-s. tilt in their in- tention to leave Bulama. i66 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON CHAP. XI. V- • Bulama. Mr. B. reluc- tantly yields. His icaions. Mr. B. arrives at S. Leona. His opinion of the undertak- ing* him a fecond paper, exhorting him to confider their dan- gerous fituation, and fignifying their refolution to feek their own fafety, by quitting the iiland, as foon as poffible, Mr. Beaver, repeatedly and earneftly expoftulated with the people on “ the folly of leaving a place where they had la- boured fo hard, at a time when all difficulties were over,” But finding that fuch was their pofitive determination, he was under the painful neceflity of yielding*. “ I did not quit the ifland,” to ufe his own words, in his letter from S. Leona, of Jan. 19th, 1794, “becaufe I could not keep it; for I might flill have retained 20 grumettas with me in the block- houfc, a number fufiicient to maintain fuch a ftronghold not only againfl the Bijugas, but all the Iflanders of Africah. But their pay would have been much. They would not have wrought; and inftead of labourers, I fliould have been pay* ing 20 mailers, who would belides have plundered me. The cutter too, I mull inevitably have loft, having no mooring- chains, nor a fingle man to take care of her.” To preferve her, therefore, and the remaining ftores, Mr. Beaver con* fented to carry the people to S. Leona; and, by letter, he chartered Lawrence’s fchooner for that colony, to carry the goods which the cutter could not contain. He fent Mr; Hood to Biflao to inform the governor of his refolution; and tranfmitted to Jalorum and Bellchore, kings Canabac, Matchore, king of Rio Grande and Woody Toorey, queen of Bulola, prefents of 20 bars each, informing them that he was going home, but fliould return after the next rains. 581. Mr. Beaver having {flipped almoft all the goods, in three fmall veflels, on the 29th Nov. “had,” as he fays, “ the * See in the App. Notes, &c. refpeft. S. Leona and Bulama, Note G G. No. 4. tSee in the App. Notes, &c. refpeft. S. Leona and Bulama, Note G G, No. 9. mortification THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 167 mortification to fee that fpot abandoned, which the labour c ^ A p- of a year and a week (from the Hankey’s departure) had e_— -v- — / rendered a little paradife.” Dec. 23d, he arrived at Sierra BuLAMA* Leona, where he fold the floop Beggar’s Bennifon and the goods. “ The hofpitality and attention,” fays he, in his let- ter of the 19th Jan. 1794, “ which I have experienced from Mr. Dawes, the Governor, Mr. Macauley, the Lieut. Go- vernor, and all the gentlemen of the colony, demand my grateful acknowledgments *.’* The Governor and Council kindly gave him and Mr. Hood, a palfage to England, where they arrived in May 1794, with a few hundred pounds, the only remains of £1 0,000 raifed to colonize Bulama. Yet,” fays Mr. Beaver, “ the fcheme cannot be called a bad one. I have a better opinion of it now, than ever I had ; and am confident that a very fmall portion of induftry andperfe- verance on Bulama, will anfwer the expeftations of our moll fanguine fubfcribers. We have not mifcarried, but we have been unfortunate, See.3’ See his letter from S. Leona, of 19th Jan. 1794. 582. Having thus finifhed the hifiory of this firft at- Supplies ar- tempt to form a colony at Bulama, we muft add, that alter the eva- the John, which failed in O&ober, got to Bilfao about a month after the evacuation ; and finding Enfetter from Mr. Beaver, advifing any fhip that might arrivefco return home, Capt. Cloufton fold a part of the goods at Biflao and the C.de Verdiflands, and inverted their value in fait, with which and the remaining goods he arrived at Corke, where they are now felling for account of the Affaciation. * I feel the greatefi: fatisfaftion in joining Mr. Beaver in a fimilar acknowledg- ment to Mr. Dawes, to whofe liberal communications I owe feveral interefting par- ticulars in this work, efpecially in the maps. Though I have not the happinefs of Mr. Macauley’s acquaintance, I have been fo fortunate as to procure, and have taken the liberty to infert, fome of his valuable remaiks. 583. The i68 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON C A p. 583. The Truftees will now give a general ftatement of the > accounts of the Afiociation. General ftate- nient of ac- counts. To the amount of outfit, &c. to the 7th June, *791, paid, is - £7155 ** to To paid fince, freight of fhips to 2 ift Aug. 1791 - - 897 o c To balance of Do. of the Calypfo paid - . - -6330c To Ditto Ditto, of the Han- key, paid - - 64.0 0 o To hills drawn on the Truftees, and fmall charges - - an 7 o By fale of 41,000 acres to purchafers . - £504® o ® By Do. of4i,875 Do. to colonifts *512 io o By extra fubferiptions of colonifts, after time - - - 1500 By ftamps on grants received - 13 16 o By fubferiptions railed by the Truftees - - 1336 4 o By advances made by Do. - 619 9 10 £9536 19 10 By value of floop, &c. to be remitted from S. Leona By Cafli in the hands of the Lord Mayor (Paul Le Mefurier, Efq.) By Do. in the bank of England - * By Do. in the hands of Meflrs. Biddulph and Co. By Do. in the hands of J. K. Mallifon By eftimate of goods at Corke ... • By Do. of books, and furveying inftruments By debts due in Africa - • By debts due of no value, or not afcertainable * Debts owing by the AfTociation . - Balance, in favour of the AfTociation - • £9536 19 10 le general viz. £3°° 0 0 234 *4 5 77 9 6 93 18 6 4 7 2 150 0 0 20 0 0 259 9 11 140 7 6 £ 1280 7 0 360 6 9 £ 9 20 0 3 Truftees* opi- 584. The Truftees having now fulfilled, as well as they tu°e under- can, the directions of the General Meeting, refpe&ing paft proceedings, are now to give “ their opinion as to the pro- bability of future fuccefs.” By this, they underhand that the General Meeting wifh to know, What would be the probable expenfe of colonizing Bulama, and how the fame could THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. could be raifed. — And here the Truftees mud take for grant- ed, that a charter from His Majefty, fan&ioned by Parlia- ment, will be obtained; for, without fuch authority, they could not recommend a renewal of the colony. 585. Suppofing then a charter obtained, the fcale of the undertaking will much depend on the (late of Europe, at the time; if, during war, the Truftees would recommend a fmall fcale ; and they have Mr. Beaver’s opinion, in his letter of the 10th 061. 1793, that 20 Europeans, would at firft be fufficient, namely, a governor, a ftore-keeper, two furgeons, a furveyor and his affiftant, with 14 labourers, who fhould have regular pay, keep guard, if neceffary, over- look the native labourers, accompany or head them in excurfions through the ifland, &c *. To thefe whites, 50 natives might be attached (and we know that any number may be hired) who fhould perform all the hard labour of building and clearing land, this having been one chief caufe of the mortality of the former coloni ft sf. It might be proper alfo to encourage fome proprietors of lands to go over. About 50 feem an eligible number, who might have a free paffage, and an allowance of provifions, for the firft year. None but healthy, fober, induftrious men of a proper age, fhould be permitted to go, nor any (fpeculating) “ merchants or traders J.” They fhould be advifed to hire at leaft one na- tive labourer each : and thus, barring accidents on the paffage, the governor would enter upon his charge with 70 Europeans * See in the App. Notes, &c. refpeft. S. Leo. and Bula. Note GG. No. 6, 8, to. t See in theApp. Notes, & c. refpett. S. Leo. and Bula. Note G G. No. 1,5, 8, 16. | 1 am happy to find that the opinion of the Truftees fo perfe&ly agrees with my own. and 169 chap. XI. *. v -J Bulam A. If In war, a fmall fcale re- commended. z COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 1 7° CHAP. XI. V ■ - Bulama. Eftimated ex- penfe. Means of de fraying it. and joo natives, a ftrength fufficient for defence, as well as to ered; buildings and clear land for future colonifts*. 586. As the Truftees are inclined to think that an under- taking, on this fmall fcale, will be molt generally agreeable, they will confine their e Hi mate to it’s probable expenfe. — If the war continue, they think it will be necelfary to pur- chafe fall failingpackets.of between 70 and 100 tons, of which three may be fufficient for the firfi; expedition. £■ Thefe, copper-bottomed and fitted for fea, may coft about/' 1200 each 3600 W ages of 9 men for each will be about /T62 per month, or for 6 months 972 Infurance out and home, 20 per cent on /'3000 - 1000 Goods for trade - 1000 Arms and ammunition, about - 300 Dry and wet provifions, for twelve months - 2000 Plantation and building tools, feeds, &c. ... . 1000 Salaries for one year for Governor £300, Store-keeper /'200, two Surgeons /hjco, Surveyor and afHfiant/ 400, and 14 others /"40 each, is t - i860 Cafh to pay port charges, & c. - - ,500 Expenfes at home - - - - - 500 Total efiimated expenfe ' £12>932 587. The means of defraying this and all future expenfe, are obvioufly to arife from the fale of lands, of which mil- lions of acres may be advantageoufly purchafed. Befides Bulama ifland, and the large difirift, called Great Bulama, purchafed by Mr. Beaver, and which, together, may contain 500,000 acres, he might, with equal eafe, have bought the * See in the Append. Notes Sc c. refpe£Hng S. Leona and Bulama, Note G G. No 14. f In my opinion all thefe falaries ftiould be doubled ; for it cannot be expefted that men of real worth and ability, will ckearfully enter on the laborious duties of a new undertaking, in a new and untried climate, for incomes which, (except thofe of the labourers,) are fcarcely equal to what fuch men can obtain at home. In particular, I think £300 a year for a Governor, £400 for /wo furgeons, by far too little for perfons, on whofe abilities and exertions, under Providence, the fuccefs of a new colony, in a great meafure, depends. See § 1*5, *17. oppofite THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. 171 oppofite fhore of the Rio Grande, and the valuable territory of Ghinala, and, in fhort, any lands belonging to the Papels and Biafaras that he chofe. (See the large map.) It is therefore perfe&ly within bounds to calculate that 1,000,000 of acres may be bought by the Alfociation, and fold again to Europeans, which at £60 for 500 acres (the reafonable rate of the firft fubfcription, fee § 180, n. ) would raife £1 20,000 Her. a fum which the Truftees deem amply fuffi- cient to colonize any lands which His Majelly may, by his charter, be pleafed to authorize the Alfociation topurchafe*. 588. The Truftees are farther of opinion, that if an expe- dition, on the fmall fcale they have pointed out, fhould be thought advifable, and fhould fucceed, the lands fhould be divided at the beginning of the fecond year, and the pro- prietors be called upon to locate their purchafes. ( § 181.) The furveyors will then have had fufficient time to make fuch furveys, as will be neceffary for the divifion of the lands : and it is obvious, that the fooner this takes place, the fooner may a vigorous cultivation be expe&ed to commence. 589. The Truftees are fully warranted in entertaining the moft favourable opinion of Bulama and it’s neighbourhood. They are convinced that the country, when cleared, will be healthful for Europeans; that the foil is rich; that, even in it’s prefent negletffed ftate, the country abounds with valuable woods, plants, fruits and animals, with a great variety of fpices ; that the harbours are excellent and fwarm with fifh; that the native tribes are few, and, except the Bijugas, friendly; and the Rio Grande, and other navigable rivers in the neighbourhood, afford a profpe6l of opening a moft ad- vantageous commerce with the interior parts of Africa. CHAP. XI. ' . 1 Bulama. Lands fhould be divided, at the beginnin of fecond yeat . Truftees’ opi- nion of the loil, &c. of Bu- lania. * See in the Append. Notes, &c, refpefting S. Leona and Bulama, Note H H. Z 2 590. It M . 1 72 CHAP. XI. Petition for a charter for Bulama pre- pared. African fafls not yet pub- lifhed. COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 590. It only remains for the TruRees to apologize for the length of this report, and to befpeak the fame candour and regard to truth in judging of it, which have guided them in difcharging the delicate talk of it’s compilation. 591. lO the above (abridged) Report, andthe notes and papers in the appendix therewith connefted, I have only to add, that a petition for a charter to incorporate the Bulama Af- fociation, has been prepared, and will, no doubt, be commu- nicated to the Britifli MiniRry, as foon as circumRances feem to promife fuccefs to the application. But, in the prefent poRure of public affairs, Miniflers are of courfe fo much occupied in concerns of a more prefling nature, that they can- not reafonably be expected to confider this propofition with that collected attention which it deferves, and which, it may be hoped, the return of peace will fhortly enable them to beflow on this and fimilar fubje&s. 592. As to that part of the Appendix which relates to Sierra Leona and Bulama, I would obferve, that it contains every paper and document, which can with propriety be given to the world, at this time, from my African colleftion, the whole contents of which I hope to be, one day, at full liberty to communicate to the public. Not wifhing to excite expefta- tions which I have not fome profpeft of gratifying,I can only fay, at prefent, that I have long been, and now am, engaged in colle&ing every kind of information refpe&ing Africa ; and that, when all obflacles to publication are removed, I may be able to contribute my {hare towards convincing the Eu- ropeans of the value of that negle&ed quarter of the globe. 593. From what has been Rated in the four foregoing (abridged) Reports, refpe&ing the Britifh colonies at Sierra Leona THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — BRITISH. I73 Leona and Bulama, every intelligent and candid reader will c Hx a p. eafily collect, that the leading principle, in both undertakings, «. -t.— > has been a fincere defire to communicate to the injured na- tions of Africa, the bleflings of civilization. Not that mer- Civilization cantile confiderations have been entirely excluded. The objelT/the reader will perhaps trace a few ideas of this kind, which, like SJ tares among the wheat, have intruded into both inftitutions. But he will alfo difcover that, far from having been fuffered to predominate, they have been, on every occafion, ren- dered as fubfervient to the generous views of both the Afiociations, as circumftances would permit. He will can- didly remember too, that the minds of the prefent genera- tion of Europeans have been fo entirely pecuniarized (if I may venture to coin a word) that no enterprize, quite free The prefent from the bafe alloy of mercantile fpeculation, can be expe6t- ed fuddenly to be undertaken. So violent a tranfition CUNIARIZtl> could fcarcely be permanently beneficial, and might ulti- mately be very injurious. Social improvement is, in it’s nature, progrefiive, and though it’s advancement may not be perceptible to vulgar eyes, the philofopher will trace it by comparing the prefent with the pall; and the Chriftian will reft fatisfied, that every real improvement which, in the courfe of Providence, has once been begun, will in due time, arrive at perfe&ion. 594. Some perfons, I know, who are apt to doubt the exiftence of difinterefted motives, becaufe, perhaps, they do not feel them ftirring in their own bofoms,have not fcrupled to attribute to the promoters of the grand enterprizes we have been defcribing, the fame felfifh views which afluate all commercial adventurers. I believe few of my readers will fufped me of partiality to commercial fpeculation : feveral of J74 COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON C P* ^iem know that I have been jealoufly watching the rife, v progrefs and objefts of thefe interefling enterprizes; and, fo fully am I convinced of the general purity of the motives fcEs°toUb’ aftuated the Dire&ors of the S. Leona Company, the African coio- Truftees of the Bulama Affociation, and the Subfcribers to mzation. both, that I cannot deny myfelf the pleafure of adorning my Append, with their refpeftable names. Iwifh it were in my power to convey them to the mod diflant regions, and to nations yet unborn. But I can at lead indulge the pleafing hope, that their meritorious exertions will be attended with the refpeSlful imitation of their cotemporaries , the grateful remem- brance of pofemty, and above all , with the blejfmg of Providence . I am fare I cannot better employ the remainder of this page, than by refpeftfully fabmitting to the benevolent in general, el'pecially to the promoters of African colonization, the following Cafe of real and prejfmg Diftrefs : A refpe&able tradel'man in this metropolis, whole imprudent zeal in the Bulama undertaking, had filled his mind with high expectations of immediate faccefs, embarked for that Ifiand, with his wife and three unmarried daughters, and his and their whole property, leaving behind him two daughters married in London. The difappointment of fuch expectations, added to the hardlhips and Ioffes he experienced, in the unfortunate catallrophe which befel the colony, preyed fo much on his health and fpirits, that he died at S. Leona, fliortly after the Calypfo arrived there. ( § 545.) Having loft their proteftor and their property, the difconfolate females returned to England, filled with anxious cares rei'peCting their future fabliftence. They have fince ftruggled hard to maintain themfelves by needle- work, which their good education both enabled and difpofed them to execute. But, unfortunately, they have never been able to procure a regular fupply of this kind of employment. While fabfifting thus precarioufly, fometimes with, and fometimes almoft without, the neceffaries of life, the hulband of the eldeft married daughter was imprifoned for debt, and, after languifhing for 10 weeks in the Fleet prifon, in a damp cellar, laid with flag-ltones, and crowded with 8 other perfons, he expired in a galloping confamption. The hulband of the other married daughter, who was his farety, has lately been alfo arrefted, and is now confined. Thus, to this difconfolate family are now added, the two married daughters, with their two children. In Ihort, thefe fix helplefs females and two infants, are now pining with want, in the houfe adjoining to that in which I live. Thofe who are difpofed to relieve them with money or needle- work, may receive fuller information refpefting their cafe, from Darton and Harvey, No. 55, Gracechurch-ftreet. N.B. I was unwilling to commit the above to the prefs, till I had fully fatisfied myfelf of the truth of this ftatement. But, in addition to other enquiries, I have fince viewed the wretched apartment above mentioned, and was informed by the perfon who attends it, that the debtors confined in it, are generally feized with a galloping confamption, which foon carries them off. (See § 197.) DANIS PL THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — DANISH. 3 75 CHAP. XI. V ■— V " AQUAP1M. DANISH. 595. While the flave-trade was under a tedious and hi- therto ineffe&ual inveftigation in the Britifh Parliament, the Danifh Government, convinced, by a much fhorter enquiry, of it’s impolicy and barbarity, determined that their part of it fhould be abolifhed in the year 1802: and, preparatory to this meafure, they refolved forthwith to open their African ports to all nations, and to eftablifh a colony in fome eligible part of that country*. 596. Dr. Ifert maybe regarded as the founder of this Dr. ir«t_ Danilh colony f. He had accumulated a mafs of informa- colony, tion refpetting Africa, which appeared fo interefling to the Danifh miniflry, that they fent him out to make obferva- tions on the country. Having made a very fatisfa&ory re- port, he was then empowered to look out for the mod * See His Danifh Majefty’s Edi£t, of the 7th November, 1792. + It is worthy of remark, that medical men have contributed much to remove the prejudices which have fo long obftrufted the civilization of Africa, by the ufeful ob- fervations which their liberal education enabled them to make. Not that we can fuppofe the doftors of the flave-fhips to be generally men of liberal education. But it is certain, that feveral excellent furgeons and phyficians, have vifited the coaft in this difagreeable fituation, and that others have gone there to increafe their fund of na- tural knowledge. — Van Riebeck, afurgeon, founded the colony at the Cape of Good Hope, and Doftors Lind, Smeathman, Sparrman, Ifert, Trotter and Falconbridge have all recommended the eflablifhment of colonies in Africa — Dr. Folhergill’s ex- tenfive information fuggefted to him the fame meafure; though, I believe, he never vifited that part of the world, eligible COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON 176 CHAP. XI. ' ' AqU APIM. Danifh go- vernment fupport it. eligible fituation for a colony, and even to make the experi- ment, if he judged it advifable or prafcticable. This was juft the enterprize in which, above all others, the do&or wilhed to be employed. He intended to make his firft attempt on a large and beautiful ifland in the river Volta. But, having been oppofed by the natives, or rather by the influence of the white flave-traders, he was induced to look out for a more fecure fituation, among the mountains of Aquapim (which he had before vifited) 10 Danifh miles (60 Englifh) above Area, about the fame diftance from the weftern bank of the Volta, which is navigable to the la- titude of the colony, and about 5 Danifh miles from the river Pony, which is only navigable for canoes. Such a fituation cannot be fuppofed very convenient for com- merce. But this difadvantage, if it be a difadvantage, is more than compenfated by the falubrity of the air ; and the fertility of the foil appears, from the fuccefs with which cultivation, particularly that of Guinea corn, millet and cotton, has been already attended. — It may be worth while to remark, that the Caboceer, or chief, at Aquapim, ceded as much territory as the colony at prefent occupies, or might hereafter occupy, for a monthly quit rent of 8 rix-dollars, or about 16s. fterling. 597. The Danifh miniftry, purfuant to their general plan of eradicating the flave-trade and introducing civilization, feem determined to fupport this eftabliftiment. Among other colonifts whom they have fent out, and who continue very healthy at Aquapim, is a fkilful farmer who has gone there to introduce the plough, and there is little doubt but he will fucceed. 598. Unfortunately, however, that kind of mercenary cultivation which prevails in the Weft Indian iflands, has not THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. DANISH. I77 siot been excluded from this eftablifhment ; for the Danifh c A ?- government has thought it advifable to permit a few (laves < — t to be fent from Chriftianfburg to perform that hard labour Aq~uapim- which would injure the health of the unfeafoned Europe- Colony begun .. r with (laves.. ans. But it is to be hoped they will be recalled to Chrifti- anfburg, when the colony fhall have furmounted the firft difficulties; and, in 1802, the year fixed for the termination of the Dani(h (lave-trade, their fyftem of flavery will proba- bly undergo fome reform. It muft indeed be allowed, that if focial and political evils are once tolerated, even in the fmalleft degree, there is danger that they may take fo firm a root, as not to be eafily eradicated, efpecially out of colo- nies very diftant from the feat of government. But perfons who, from contemplating the enormities of perfonal flavery, juftly dread it’s introduction, will remember, that many of it’s evils are moderated by the vigilant fuperintendance of an arbitrary government; efpecially when adminiftered fo ably and faithfully, as that of Denmark is acknowledged to be, at prefent, by the great and humane Count Bernfdorff*. 599. Dr. Ifert’s indefatigable exertions having unfortu- nately terminated in his death, Lieut. Colonel Roer, who to great botanical knowledge, adds much experience in W. In- dian cultivation, was appointed to fucceed him ; but I know not whether he has yet arrived at Aquapim. — M. Biorn, the Governor General of the Danifh fettlments on the coaft, * I hope I need not caution my readers againft fuppoling that I mean to jultify arbitrary power, which I abhor. I only date the fa£t, that Haves are more mode- rately treated by mailers who are themfelves reftrained by arbitrary power, than by free mailers, whole bad paflions are not under fuch control. (See Hume’s ElTays.) Accordingly, Challellux, in his Travels in America, reckons the Spaniards and Por- tuguefe the moll humane mailers, the Danes fomewhat more rigorous, the French more rigorous Hill, and the Englilh and Dutch the moll rigorous of all. A a who COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON >7* C X1A P w^° Pa^ec^ through London, in Auguft 1793, on his way ■ "V — mmJ home from Africa, where he had refided above twenty Aqx-APiM. y ears, aflured me, that the colony was in as great forward- nefs as could be expefted. fie added that it was the more likely to fucceed, as the fpot, which he had vifited himlelf, is one of the moll fertile in that part of Africa, that the na- tive inhabitants are of the bed difpofitions, and, above all, that the country, at that diftance inland, is much more falu- brious than any part on or near the coaft, (fee § 80.) — • Dr. Ifert, in his letters to his father, published in 1788, fays the natives of Aquapim, where he afterwards fixed this colony, live in a date of focial harmony, which infpired him with the idea of paradifaical happinefs and fimplicity ; and that the foil yields them mod luxuriant crops, with very little labour*.. * I expe&ed lo be enabled, by the letters of fome refpe&able correfpondents, at Copenhagen, to give a fuller account of the Danifh Colony at Aquapim; but the un- accountable and unprecedented detention of the mails from Hamburgh, 23 of which are now due, has deprived my work of the benefit of thofe communications. If they arrive, however, before the Appendix is printed off, I (hall certainly give them a place in it. Wlhle the foregoing imperfefl fketch of the Danifh colony was in the prefs, I was fortunate enough to difcover another fource of intelligence ; having been in- formed that M. Moe and M. Hanfon, two gentlemen of ability, fent by the Danifii Government, to the Gold Coafl, to invefligate fome affairs of national importance, had arrived at Dublin, and were fhortly expefted in London. Such additional in- formation refpefting the Danifh colony as they may think proper to communi- cate fhall be inferted in the Appendix, if not printed off before they come to- London i SUPPLE- THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — SWEDISH. *79 CHAP. XI. V. — y ^ Supple- ment. SUPPLEMENT TO CHAP. XL SWEDISH DESIGN or ATTEMPT. 600. Although the execution of the Swedifh defign of forming a Colony in Africa, has not hitherto been carried farther than the exploration of fome part of that continent ; yet, as I can take upon me to affirm, that it originated in the pured and molt difinterefted motives, and had for it’sobjeft the advancement of the happinefs of mankind, fome ac- count of it feems to deferve a place, at lealt as a fupple- ment, in a chapter, fet apart for brief hidories of fimilar inditutions. 601. Some members of a Society, formed for the pur- Meeting at pofe of diffufing thofe principles, and that fpecies of fo0*”/.1"6, civilization, which appeared to them bed calculated to promote focial order and happinefs, met at Norkioping, in Sweden, in the year 1779. 6 02. Among other matters which were confidered on that occafion, was an objection commonly made to emigration in general, namely. That as all reforms ought to originate in our own bofoms, fo colonies or affiociations might be form- ed within Europe itfelf, where wade land and degenerate morals too much abound, and from which, as from the A a 2 heart iSo C H A P. XI. V v— / Supple- ment. Propofe to form a new Cotamunity, out of Eu- rope, and in Africa. COLONIAL DESIGN IN AFRICA, heart in individuals, the vital principles of philanthropy, might be propelled to the molt diflant extremities. 603. A full inveftigation of this momentous fubjeft, led them to a firm conviCtion, that though feveral of the pre- fent European governments even fhould be difpofed to grant, yet not one of them could fecure and guarantee, to a little community, however ufeful, (exifting in their domini- ons as a Status in Statu,) the privilege of enabling their own laws, of coining their own money and of exemption from imprifonment for debt. 142, Qu. 51.) privileges which appeared to form an indifpenfable part of their plan. — For being placed, as it were, in the great current of the prevail- ing felfifh principles and fluCtating politics of Europe, it was eafy to fee, that what fuch a community might build up to-day, was liable to be fwept away to-morrow. 604. The gentlemen, therefore, foon agreed that the chaos of jarring interefls, involved in the prefent politics, finances and commerce of Europe, oppofed a formidable obftacle to their defign : and they were clearly of opinion, that the only meafure which promifed any reafonable hopes of fuccefs, would be the eflablifhment of a new community, fome where out of Europe, in the original organization of which, fuch regulations might be adopted, as would effeCtu- ally exclude every political, financial and mercantile prin- ciple, which was not deemed confiftent with the happinefs of mankind. But the queftion was, to what part of the ha- bitable globe they were to turn their views? — Though many large traCts of Alia and America were unoccupied, few of them were unclaimed, and flill fewer were within a convenient diflance of Europe. — To the weftern coafl of Africa alone, thefe weighty objections did not apply. — Abounding with tra&s, neither occupied nor claimed by European ON THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — SWEDISH. l8t European powers, fufficiently near to Europe to afford an c H A P- injant fociety the advantages of her foftering care, yet fuffi- i_ — _> ciently remote to place a mature community beyond the SMU"JE' reach of her influence, particularly, her commercial in- fluence : — in thefe refpe&s, the Coaft juft mentioned ap- peared the beft adapted for the propofed undertaking. 605. Such were the general confiderations, which among Their op;. others, dire&ed the hopes of thefe gentlemen to the weftern ed°byCDefisrm' coaft of Africa; and farther enquiry convinced them, that, Maich;us* upon the whole, their plan would be more eafily pra£lica- ble in that, than in any other, quarter of the globe. Their opinion was particularly influenced by the Chev. Des Marchais’ interefting Voyage to the Coaft of Guinea, made by order of the French Government, fome paffages of which, together with extra&s from other authors, not generally known, I have confidered fo much connected with this work, that I have inferted them in the Appendix*. 606. It was concluded then, that there was a probable profpeft: of eftablifhing in Africa, with little oppofition, either from European claims or from the natives, a colony on their own principles, which might ferve as a bafts for a new and free community. In order, therefore, to give the reader an idea of their plan, I fhall here infert the general principles on which they propofed to form their affociationt. * See in the Appendix, Documents, &c. refpe&ing the Swedilh Colonial Delign, No. 1. f The following articles are general articles, there being no room for particular explanations, which indeed would not be very amuling to moft readers. It is alfo neceflary to oblerve, that various circumftances occafioned various little deviations to be afterwards made from the articles inferted at p. 45 et feq. of a “ Plan for a free Community, See. printed in 1735, and which were found applicable to a later period. Outlines I§2 C H A I XI. v— — v Supple- ment. Outline of the Flan. COLONIAL DESIGN IN AFRICA, * Outlines of a Plan for forming an AJfociation , in order to efablifh a new and free J Community out of Europe, and beyond the fphere of it' s political, financial and ( efpecially J commercial infuence. (i.) A certain number of friends to this undertaking (fay 10 heads of families) to aflemble, in order to make choice of members to form the firft elements of this new community. Each of thefe 10, to recommend 9 others, and the whole too fo chofen, to felefl from among themfelves a certain number, (fay 40 families) to embark. (2.) A committee to be chofen to provide for the embarkation, and to manage all the concerns of the community, (fee the whole of Chap. IX. and particularly § 179.) This committee to be furnilhed with maps and every other neceffary in- formation. (3.) This whole AfTociation to divide themfelves into three Clades, viz. PRODUCTORS, MANUFACTURERS and MERCHANTS, (See § 194 f.) Their political influence in the community to be in a certain definite proportion (fay Produ&ors to have 12 votes, Manufactures 8, and Merchants 4.) (4.) To prevent all undue influence, the reprefentatives in the Legiflature to be ballotted for by each head of a family feparately, and without affembling for fuch (5.) When the (40) families have determined to embark, they are to give up a certain part of their property to fuch public ufe, (§ 170) as may be found proper by the committee mentioned in article 2d. (0.) In order that no prejudice may arife to that country, from which one or more of thefe (40) families may emigrate, all the too heads of families are to bind themfelves as fureties, that fuch property of thofe individuals as may be employed in this undertaking, fhall be reftored to that country from which he removes, with- in a flipulated term of years, together with a certain annual intereft. (7.) This new community to make an agreement with thofe nations, where they ■f- The prefent European communities appear to be all more or lefs infefted with prejudices, not eafily eradicated, arifing from the unnatural clarification of dates into Nobility, Clergy, Burghers, Peafants, Sec. The whole community except the two firft clafles, are called Koturiers in France, Commons in G. Biitain, and Ofrelfe, (that is UNSAFE) in Sweden. Thefe diftinflions appear to have encouraged pride and idlenefs in the firft clal's, bigotry and intolerance in the fecond, money purfuits and an artificial credit in the third, and to have increafed the mifery and poverty of the whole fall clafs, who form, however, the greateft part of the ftate, Are ON THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — SWEDISH. are going to eftablifh themfelves, and which agreement, for the fafety of both parties, {hall not be inconfiilent with any of the articles herein mentioned*. (8.) Perfonsof any nation, who may be difpofed to emigrate on thefe conditions, may apply to any of the members in the committee, mentioned in the 2d article, from whom they may receive all neceffary information ; and, upon fatisfying the committee, refpe&ing their charatters, may fubfcribe the Social Contrafrs (fee § 152 et Jeq.) and receive certificates of their having become members of the communityt. (9.) The government of the community to be organized, from the very be- ginning, according to fuch fyftem, as they may adopt among themfelves, (fee § 179,) and to be changeable or permanent, agreeable to the determination of the community, (fee alfo § 154 and 171.) (10.) That the Chiefs, in every Department of Government, be anfwerable to, and checked by, the whole Community, in the execution of it’s will. In like manner, the underjlanding of the Members of the Community, relative to the pub- lic happinefs, to be enlightened by the knowledge and example of the government; and, if thefe prove ineffeftual, the evils arifing from error to be checked by the ex- iffing laws£. (ti.) All the Members wifhingto emigrate, who pofTefs property, and are unac- quainted with the commodities neceffary to be procured, may depofit fuch proper- ty in the hands of the Committee (Art. 2.) who will give fecurity for the applica- tion thereof, according to the proprietor’s defire, confident with the regulations agreed upon. Members not redding in that country where the embarkation may take place, and not able to be prefent till near the time of the failing of the expedi- tion, may impower the Committe, or any number of the Aflociation, to tranfaft their concerns, and to vote in their behalf. (12.) All humane perfons of property who may be inclined to contribute to the formation of a capital, for the fupport of this undertaking, may depofit fuch fums as they think proper with the Committee, for which they will receive a bond, dgned by all the too members. By this bond the fubferibing members will oblige them- 183 CHAP. XI. V Supple- ment . * The emigrating colonifts to agree about a trail of land fufficient for the maintenance of an in- creafing community. (§ 196.) -f- With refpefl to the cautious choice of the colonifts, fee § 1, 125, 128, 1+5, 355, 358,404, 408, 446, 476, 559 note, 570 note, 571 note, — and without figning fuch contrails no body to embark. J That nothing may obftruil the improvement of the underftanding, it is here meant that every in- dividual may l'peak, write or print whatever he thinks proper, fubjeil to no other reftraint than the known laws cxilting before fuch fpeech or publication. For the fame reafon, it is farther meant that news papers and other prints, calculated to dift'ufe public information, Ihall be circulated, and the poftage of letters defrayed, at the expenfe of the public. felves* \ 184 CHAP. XI. V- •*," ! S U V P L E- MENT. / COLONIAL DESIGN IN AFRICA, felves, in behalf of the whole community, to pay a certain annual interefl till the whole principal is difcharged, which, however, muft not be done before the expir- ation of 10 years, after the arrival of the colonifls on the fpot fixed on. In the fame bond, the community (hall bind themfelves, after the expiration of the 10 years, be- fides paying principal and intereft of the fums advanced, to convey and make over to the lenders, a certain quantity of cultivated land, as a gratification, for every fum (fay/' 1000) with which the undertaking may have been affifted in its infancy. (13.) Differences arifmg among members of the afTociation to be decided by the arbitration of 12 perfons, chofen equally of each party, till other regulations may be agreed upon; and any difference, that may arife between the community and other communities or nations, to be decided, if pofftble, in a fimilar manner. (14.) As foon as this community increafes to 100 families above 10,000, they are to purchafe more land, in order to fettle a frefh community, upon the fame principle. (15.) That all kinds of private monopoly fiiall be excluded; or, if any monopoly be allowed, it fhall refide in the community, and be excrcifed by the government. Con- fequently coining, hitherto monopolized, will be in the power of every individual. (16.) That no individual in this new community, fhall ever be liable to be arrefl- ed for credit given to him, (17.) That there fhall be in this community, public checks to prevent any indi- vidual from employing his property in any manner that maybe found deflruftive of, or inconfiflent with, good morals. (16.) It is the defign of this plan, that our free community fhall be ere&ed in Africa, confequently among the negro nations; not for any of the bafer purpofes of ufurping dominion over them, diflurbing their peace, enflaving their perfons, or de- bauching their manners; but for the nobler purpofes of civilizing, and gradually incorporating them into our community, by every gentle means, as by regular mar- riages, the education of their children, & c. It will therefore become the indifpenfi- ble duty of every member to fpare no pains for promoting this beneficial purpofc, particularly by educating one or more of their children, under control of the whole community. Oppofition of 607. The more the local fituation of the intended ihciUe-tiade cojony was conddered, the more the gentlemen were perfuaded that no part of the wedern coal! of Africa, would admit of being peopled by a body of men a£tu- ated by principles, which, in their view, promifed to eradicate corruption, unlefs the flave-trade, the chief com- merce purfued in thofe regions, could be removed to fuch a dillan.ee from the fpot where the colony might be fixed, as ON THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. SWEDISH. 185 as would fecure it from all future intrufion of that formid- c HVTA p able enemy. 608. The refultof thefe deliberations, (in which I had the S""“" honour to affift) was a refolution to explore that part of the weftern coafl; of Africa to which our attention was directed. But the execution of this plan was, at that time, retarded by the American war which, though it threatened ruin to fome of the parties engaged in it, relieved Africa, by inter- rupting the flave-trade, and has fince appeared to be the harbinger of an event which, it may be hoped, will termi- nate in real and rational liberty in Europe. Yet this obftacle, though then infurmountable, never induced us for a mo- ment to lofe fight of our objeft. 609. Previous to that period U. Nordenfkiold, (a brother of The King of the late A. Nordenfkiold, fee § 400) a zealous and well in- a charter to 4.0 formed traveller, had publifned an intereflingtreatife * on the laimllt::>' fubjeft of the prefent work, and which, feafonably fupported by his influence and a&ivity, at the Court of Stockholm, pro- moted the bufinefs fo far as to induce His late Swedifh Ma- jefty to grant a charter to 40 families to emigrate to the weft- ern coaft of Africa. By this deed, they were empowered to organize their own government, to enact their own laws, and to eftablifh a fociety in all refpe£ts independent on Eu- rope, and even of Sweden itfelf, by which, however, they were to be prote&ed, during the infant ftate of their com- munity. The only conditions annexed to thefe privileges were, that the Society fhould defray every expenfe attend- ing their expedition and eftablifhment; and fhould abftain from all infringement on the territories poflefled, or claimed by every other European powerf. But thefe preparatory * See in the Append. Documents, &c. refpeft. the Swedifh colonial defign, No. 1. + The obftacle mentioned in the note to § ,599, namely, the detention of the mails, puts it out of my power to prelent the reader with a copy of this fingular charter, as alfo of feveral other documents relative this Swedifh undertaking. B b fleps, i8S COLONIAL DESIGN IN AFRICA, CHAP. XI. \ • Supple- ment. Plan for learching for gold. The author’s petition granted. fteps, however important, could, in fa&, avail but little, while no fyflematical plan had been devifed for carrying the fcheme into execution, and while the two moll power- ful, not to fay the moll enlightened, European nations (France and Great Britain,) were tinging the ocean with human blood, and, in various ways, preventing the intended enterprize. 610. Knowing, however, that the eminent mercantile houfe of M. Chauvell of Havre de Grace, was embarking in various enterprifes to Africa, we offered to engage in an ex- pedition to that part of the world, on his account; and ac- cordingly he drew up a plan for exploring the interior parts of Africa, which was communicated to us *. But, as we foon found, that M. Chauvell had no other end in view than the difcovery of gold, the foie objed of the merchant' s pnrj icit, and ■that his plan was better accommodated to the financial interefts of Guftavus III. than to our particular objefl, it was immedi- ately laid before the Senatg^Baron Lilljencrantz, then Se- cretary of State in Sweden. But though it did not excite in us any very fanguine expe&atipns ; yet, by keeping alive the attention of the Swedifh miniftry, it contributed to give rife to a more interefting enterprize ; and no time was loft in call- ing for the co-operation of feveral friends to our defign in dif- ferent countries, and applications were even made to certain governments 611. At length Providence was pleafed to grant me a nearer approach to the bourne of my wifhes, by giving me an apportunity of embarking, on a voyage fo long me- ditated and fo anxioufly defired. For, having again peti- tioned His Swedifh Majefty, he was pleafed to favour my views, not only by granting me leave of abfence from my * See in the Append. Documents, & c. refpeft. the Swedifh colonial defign, No. 2. public ON THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. SWEDISH. public office, but alfo to intereft himfelf in my behalf with the Court of France. 612. It may here be obferved, that Guftavus III. in granting the Charter before mentioned, obeyed a kind of warm and generous impulfe which indeed feemed conge- nial to his character, and often operated inftantaneoufly and vifibly on his conduft. But without any difrepett to His Majefty’s memory, I may venture to add, that when he came to confider the propofition coolly, he allowed fome private intereft to blend itfelf with his generality ; for it was very apparent that one of his views, in giving his confent to, and encouraging, this expedition, was the difcovery of natural produ&ions, efpecially gold, which, it is well known, His Majefty efteemed above all the curiofities in the three kingdoms of nature. Hence it was, that thofe able naturalifts, Dr. Sparrman and the Chevalier Capt. Arrhenius, were alfo ordered on the expedition. But, had His Majefty’s great natural taints been more engaged in promoting the happinefs of mankind, than the partial inte- refts of the fycophants who Surrounded him, he would pro- bably have paid lefs attention to metallic difcoveries, and more to the original objeft of the undertaking ; the fuccefs of which, however, would have affigned to that unfortunate monarch a Angularly diftinguilhed place among the be- nefa&ors of the human race. — But the truth is, that the King loved gold, my worthy companions loved natural fci- ence, and I loved colonization. It muft be confefled too, that fo warmly did we profecute our refpe&ive purfuits, that a phlegmatic obferver would not perhaps have fcru- pled to pronounce each of us an enthufiaft in his way ; efpecially if he had known that we had alfo ferioufly de- B b 2 termined 187 C H A P. XI. V. y— ^ Supple- ment. Objefls of the voyage to Africa. 1 88 COLONIAL DESIGN IN AFRICA, CHAT. XI. V- — v — t Supple- ment. Difficulties ii France l'ur- mounted. termined on an attempt to traverfe the continent, and to re- turn home by the eaflern coafl of Africa. 613. Animated by our different profpe£fs, we left Sweden, in May 1787, and our journey to Paris, through Denmark, Germany and a part of France, we took every opportunity of colle&ing fuch kinds of information as had any connec- tion with our undertaking. Though our reception at Paris, fully anfwered the expe&ations we had formed from the letters of introdu&ion with which we had been favoured ; yet we foon began to feel the effe6ls of an exclufive com- merce, in the felfifh fpirit which aftuated the Senegal com- pany, in common with all other monopolifls, and which very much retarded our buhnefs in that capital. This cir- cumftance the Swedifh ambaffador, Baron Stael vonHolflein, had but too much reafon to remember from the repeated ap- plications he had occafion to make to the miniflry, in our behalf. To our difficulties in Paris I may add thofe we af- terwards experienced at Havre de Grace. Thefe formidable obflacles, however, were at length removed by the Mare- chal de Caffries, then minifler at war and of the colonies, who exprefsly ordered the directors not only to give us a paffage, but to inflru£l their agents on the coaff, to give us every poffible affiflance, and to place all the expenfe to the account of government. He, at the fame time, furnifhed us with fimilar orders to the fuperintendants of thofe French fa6lories, on the coafl of Guinea, which were independ- ant of the Senegal company, and to the confuls at Sallee, and other places on the coafl of Barbary*. Thus, after fbme delay, unavoidable perhaps in fuch bufinefs, our * See in the Appendix, Documents, &c.refpe&ing the Swedifh colonial defign, No. 3, 4 5, 6. views ON THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — SWEDISH. views were promoted with that liberality which certainly forms an amiable feature in the national chara&er of the French. 614. All our difficulties in Europe, having been happily furmounted or eluded, we failed from Havre de Grace in Aug. 1787, in a ffiip belonging to the French Senegal com- pany; and arrived at the coaft, at the end of the rainy feafon. We intended to touch firft at Senegal; but, from the low- nefs of the coaft, the ftrength of the currents, and perhaps the ignorance of the captain, we miffed the entrance of the river. We therefore proceeded to the Ifland of Goree, where we delivered our difpatches, from the Marechal de Caftries, M. de Malfherber and others, to the Chevalier de Boufflers, then Governor of French Africa, and who, I muft gratefully acknowledge, received us in a manner that needs not be explained to thofe who are acquainted with the amiable chara&er and various accompliffiments of a man who does real honour to his country, and to civilized fociety. 6 15. During our ft ay at Goree, we made feveral excur- fions to different parts of the adjacent continent, and met with many whites, negroes and mulattoes, who were ex- tremely well acquainted with the whole coaft, and fome whofe knowledge extended to very diftant parts of the interior country. The Chev. de Boufflers promifed us a veffel, in which we might furvey the whole coaft, and parti- cularly S. Leona, where he had been himfelf, and which he defcribed as one of the moft beautiful places he ever faw. But, to our great mortification, thefe agreeable expe£lations were difappointed, by events which it was impoffible for us to forefee or control. — (1.) Unfortunately for us, our worthy benefa&or, (for fo I may well call him) the Chev. de Boufflers, refigned his government and returned to France; and with him 189 CHAP. XI. < Supple- ment. Arrival in Africa. Difappoint- ments there, and their caufcs. 19° COLONIAL DESIGN IN AFRICA, C H\f F him eveiT idea of liberality feemed to have departed from _ — , > Goree : for (2.) After this inaufpicious event, we were very m'iTk uncivilly treated by the agents of the Senegal company, w ho would neither grant us a veffel to proceed along the coaft, nor furnifh us, as they were ordered, with thofe goods which they well knew were abfolutely necelfary, for our pro- pofed journey into the interior parts. (3.) A French corvette which arrived at Goree, brought the difagreeable news, that hoftilities had commenced between Great Britain and France. Though this report afterwards proved to be ground- lefs, it greatly increafed the difficulties in our arrangements with M. Blanchau, the new governor. (4.) The general war, •which the moft powerful negro nations were provoked, by the oppreffive monopoly exercifed by the Senegal company, to declare againft the French, rendered it impoffible for us to penetrate to the interior, through the extenfive maritime territories of thofe juftly irritated princes*. Return to 616. Controled by thefe irrefiftible caufes, we were obliged Europe. to return to Europe, and to content ourfelves with thofe ob- fervations on the adjacent coaft, and that intelligence refpecl- ing remoter parts, which our opportunities enabled us to make and to collect: ; and which, though not fo extenfive as we wilhed, afforded my fellow travellers no mean fpecimensof the natural treafures of Africa, and fully convinced me of * The late Senegal company of France, had contrived to obtain perhaps the moll extenfive privileges ever enjoyed, by any fimilar eftablifhment. Every article from which a mercantile profit could be fqueezed, not excepting the natural curiofi- ties of the country, fell under their gripe. As an infiance, I may mention that I could not get a parrot, without it’s palling through the hands of the company’s agents. In fhort, fuch was their unconfcionable rapacity, as not only to roufe the vengeance of the negro nations, but alfo to excite the filent but deep felt refent- ment of the mulattoes of Goree and Senegal, whofe very exiftence depended on their commerce with the neighbouring continent. the ON THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. SWEDISH. igi the pra£Hcability ofeftablifhing European colonies, on feveral c A p- parts of that coalt. „ - 6 17. Of all the places we vifited, Cape Verd appeared to S"PEFH“‘ me the mod eligible fituation for a new colony*. The na- tural advantages of this promontory, are indeed fo numerous, that nothing but the general inattention to Africa, which has c. verd, &c. fo long prevailed in Europe, can account for the negleft of colonization, fuch a fituation. (See §2 et feq.) Being nearly furrounded by the fea, and abounding with bold elevations, and rich vallies, watered with excellent fprings, it is undoubtedly as healthful, fertile and defenfible, as any part of that coaft, within a convenient diftance from Europe. Befides an eafy intercourfe with Europe, this Cape has an advantage altoge- ther peculiar to itfelf, in the vicinity of the cleanly, airy and healthful town of Goree, where the colonifls might be well accommodated, till they could ere£l houfes on the adjacent continent, and from the fame town the colony might derive occafional affiftance, during the delicate period of it’s in- fancy. But political confiderations forbade me to cherifh any hope of forming a colony at Cape Verd. The French had twice purchafed that whole peninfula, from King Darnel, for that exprefs purpofe t. The laft bargain was made by the * I might have obferved, in the text, that Joal, Portudal, Cape Rouge, and one or two other places which I vifited, are all more or lefs proper for colonies. But it may be necelfary to add, that the whole country adjacent to Fort Louis, in the river Senegal, is fo unfavourable to health, as to be an unpleafant, not to fay an un- fafe, habitation for Europeans. See § 80, 97. + The neceffity of fometimes re-purchafing the fame traft of land from the negro princes, may arife, (i.) from their fimple idea of property, which appears to de- pend intirely on immediate occupancy. If the purchafer do not refide on the land, and cultivate it, they conclude that, having no ufe for it, he has given it up, and confequently COLONIAL DESIGN IN AFRICA, 192 CHAT. XI. j Supple- ment. Caufes of the author’s Itay in England. the Chev. de Boufflers himfelf, the liberality of whofe fenti- ments led me to think that he would have countenanced our fcheme, if the communication of it to him had been then proper. But, in Uriel conformity with the terms of the King of Sweden’s charter, I direfted all my views and enquired to places neither occupied, nor claimed, by any European power, of which there were feveral about Cape Mount and Cape Mefurado. I alfo thought it my duty to fubmit the refult of my obfervations and enquiries to that monarch, in the fil'd; inftance. But, in cafe he fhould not accede to fuch propofitions as our Society might, in confequence, make, and which I feared would be the cafe, my intention was to recommend to them an application to the Court of France, through the Chev. de Boufflers, for permiflion to eflablifh a colony at Cape Verd, on the principles of our adociation. 618. Having thus given a fhort fketch of our expedition, the attention I owe to a certain clafs of my readers, induces me to (late briefly, the caufes which have obliged me to remain fo long in England, and which I hope, will convince thofe worthy perfons, that I have never, for a moment, forgotten the great end and aim of all my labours. — (1.) One of thofe caufes has been anticipated in the introduftion (p. 2.) in which I obferved, that Dr. Sparrman and myfelf, on coming to London, were fummoned to attend the Privy Council, where we were examined (as I was afterwards, in a Com- mittee of the Houfe of Commons) refpe&ing the flave-trade, the abolition of which has been agitated fo long, and appa- rently to fo little purpofe, in the Britilh Parliament. — confequently that it reverts to the former occupier, or proprietor; — or (2.) from the unfaithfulnefs or ignorance of the interpreter who affiltsin making the agreement, whence the prince may miftake the price paid, for a periodical prefent; — or(3.)from the mere forgctfulnefs of the negroes, who do not record fuch tranfa&ions. (2.) About ON THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — SWEDISH. I93 (2.) About the fame time, an Affociation was formed in Lon- c ** a p. don, for exploring the interior parts of Africa, a defign in t , which the knowledge acquired by Dr. Sparrman,in his former travels in another part of that continent, was found of great ufe*. — (3.) The fame period was diftinguifhed by the com- mencementofthe colony at S. Leona, for which Mr. G. Sharp was fitting out a veffel, at his own expenfe, when I arrived in London. — (4.) The emancipation by purchafe, of a fon of the King ofMefurado, from his, pretended friend, and which I had then the happinefs to effeft in London, feemed likely to in- duce his father, to favour the eflablifhment of our intended colony in his territories +. — (5 ) In cafe fuch of our fociety as might determine to emigrate, fhould chufe to form a part of the new colony at S. Leona, Mr. Sharp endeavoured to facilitate their reception, by recommending it to the colo- nifts to referve lots of land for them J. 619. Thefe nearly cotemporary events certainly afforded, The author’s upon the whole, no unpromifing profpe&s of obtaining ef- ipecls in Eng- fe&ual fupport to our plan, in Great Britain, where fcience, land* liberality and wealth feemed to confpire with a laudable zeal to promote philanthropic undertakings. At lead it will be acknowledged, that I had much greater reafon to hope * See the Refolutions of the “ Affociation for promoting the Difcovery of the interior Parts of Africa,” dated June gth, 1788. + See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note Z. J In the fame recommendation, Mr. Sharp included the King of Mefurado’s fon, to whom, it was obvious, a little pofTelTion at S. Leona might prove ferviceable. Nor was it improbable, that Mr. Sharp’s grand defign might be advanced, by giving land and privileges at S. Leona, to an African who was receiving his education in England, and was likely one day, to pofl'efs both lands and power, at Cape Mefurado, and thus might be able to promote civilization in two parts of the coaft, at the fame time. C c for J94 C H A XI. Supple went. COLONIAL DESIGN IN AFRICA, p- for fupport in this, than in my native, country, where the -j abfurd war with Ruffia was abforbing the attention, the treafure, and the blood of a nation then fuffering under the influence of ruinous councils*. Nor were my hopes ill founded, though they have hitherto been deferred; for my applications to the Britifh Miniftry, were fo effectu- ally fupported by perfons of the firfl; refpeftability, that, in 3789, a veflel was ordered to be equipped, for an expedition to difeover the moft proper fituations for colonies, on the Weftern coaft of Africa. 620. The command of this veflel was, undoubtedly with great propriety, conferred on Captain Roberts of the * I am forry to obferve, that I myfelf have, in more than one inflance, been made the dupe of fuch councils. In particular, in the year 1774, I was fent to Sollingen in Weftphalia, by order of the late King ot Sweden, to engage fword- cutlers to come over to that country. M. Sandels, counfellor of the board of mines, who was at the head of this political, or rather warlikermanceuvre, hinted to me, in confidence, that the King even then, (viz. fo early as 1774,) meditated an attack on Ruffia, and was determined to have fwords made in Sweden, without the knowledge or affiftance of any other European power. Young and inexperienced in court machinations, I was prevailed on to undertake this bufinefs, without being well apprized of the hazard to which I expofed myfelf. For, after engaging fome cutlers, I found that a flavifh law in that place, prohibited thofe poor creatures from endeavouring to better their condition, by emigrating to other countries. I was therefore arrefled, and confined for feveral weeks in the citadel of DufTeldorf. But this did not make me abandon my obje£t, in which I at laft fucceeded fo well, that I brought over with me 27 perfons, who were eftablifhed at Efkilfluna in Sweden, where their deftrufifive manufacture is now carried on, in as great perfection as at Sollingen, an acquifition to my country, which I now blufh to have been the infirument of introducing ; and, for which I have nothing but the inexperience of youth, and miflaken notions of patriotifm and honour, to offer in excufe. When engaging therefore with Guftavus III. in the African expedition, I ought to have recollefled how little reafon I had to depend on the philanthropy of a monarch in- vefted with unlimited power, and befet, as he was, on all ftdes, by wicked and interefted courtiers. Royal Otf THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY. — SWEDISH. I95 Royal Navy, whofe nautical education under the great c p* Cook, whom he accompanied in his voyages round the — ' world, eminently qualified him for fuch an undertaking. I men r. " had the daily fatisfa&ion of feeing the equipment proceed, under the able infpe&ion of Capt. Roberts, when a mercan- gf«pp0r‘^d tile difpute about a paltry cargo of fkins, purchafed by a war Wltt Rritifh fhip on a barbarous coaft, claimed (forfooth) by Spain, had nearly ended in a war between the two nations. Ridi- culous as was the caufe of this contefi, it’s confequences to my fcheme were ferious ; for the fhip having been equipped, Capt. Roberts waited a confiderable time for orders ; and, after all, I had the mortification to fee him commanded to proceed on a fecret expedition, which I had every reafon to believe, was connefted with this Nootka Sound bufinefs. (fee § 324.) From the year 1790, to the commencement of the prefent war, the peace of Europe was too precarious for me to hope for attention to any application on this fubje6f ; and the defiroying fword mull be fheathed, before I can ra- tionally think of renewing them*. Thus has this undertak- ing been four feveral times interrupted by preparation for, * When in Africa, I was much (truck with the inclination I every where ob- ferved among the negroes, to fpin and weave cotton; and was often furprized at their perfeverance under all the difadvantages which attend imperfeft machinery. I brought home, however, one of their fimple looms, and feveral fpecimens of their cloth, of different qualities, fome of which are even elegant enough, to have con- vinced every Englifh manufacturer, who has feen them, that the fabricators want nothing but in ftru£f ion and encouragement, to make them excellent artizans. As I had hopes of returning one day to Africa, I thought I could not better employ that time, during which I was obliged to wait for the final determination of the Britifh Government, than in endeavouring to obtain a competent knowledge of the cotton manufa&ure. Accordingly, I entered into that bufinefs at Manchefler; and, I truft, the knowledge of it I there acquired, has qualified me, in one refpeft, to contribute to give the natives of Africa, that inftruftion, which has hitherto been denied them by civilized nations. Cc 2 or igS CHAP. XI. ^ .. ■ . - ^ Supple- ment. yet not hope- ids. COLONIAL DESIGN IN AFRICA, &C. or the a&ual ravages of war, that fcourge of the human fpe- cies, that invariable diflurber of every enterprize, calculated to advance their moral improvement, or their focial hap- pinefs. 621. Yet I do not think thefe difeouragements, fhould make me defpair of the ultimate fuccefs of the propofed plan; though it mull be confefled that, in any preceding century, fuch a plan would probably have been regarded as an in- ftance of enthufiafm, approaching to infanity. But the cruel reign of prejudice, efpecially refpedling the war- fy Item, ap- pears to be drawing fall to a period, and mankind are apparent- ly advancing to a new and exalted degree of improvement. Thofe great, yet fnnple truths, which craft and ignorance have hitherto concealed, begin to be unveiled by a light, which, though occalionally intercepted by lowering clouds, feems deftined to difplay Social Harmony, in all her lovely proportions, to the admiring and obedient nations. APPENDIX. APPENDIX, Containing explanatory Notes, Quotations and Original Documents', fome of which , had the Author obtained them fooner, would have been , with more Propriety, in - ferted in the Body of the Work. Subjlance of tzuo Letters addreffed to Dr. Knowles, of London , on the Productions and Colonization of Africa. By Dr. Henry Smeathman. See § 62. Sir, 621. '"T~,0 pofterity it may perhaps appear extraordinary, that the Europeans A ffiould for near 200 years, have carried on a brilk trade with Africa for little elfe but Haves. A fhort refle&ion on the fituation of Africa mufl certainly countenance this opinion. It lies in climates, which in the other continents pro- duce the richeft materials of commerce: and it’s produ&ions are a&ually fimilar. The principal are gold, ivory, dying wood, gums, honey, wax, ambergreafe, & c. and probably there are few of the riches of the eaftern or weftern hemifpheres which may not be found in this middle region. 622. This is not mere conjefture. I have, by obfervations made in 34 years prociuce, refidence, a moral certainty, that on a proper plan, a molt lucrative, fafe and ho- nourable traffic may be carried on to that quarter, from Europe. The Grain Coaft, from it’s fertility in rice, would, if a proper vent was opened, in a few years produce of that commodity alone, and the fineft in the world, an immenfe quantity. And nothing is wanted but encouragement, to procure great quantities of cotton, as fine as the E. Indian, and tobacco as the Brazilian; alfo fugar and a fpecies of indigo infinite- ly fuperior to that of the weft, and various drugs, fome peculiar to Africa, others the ufual refult of induftry in thofe climates. Among the former we may reckon various gums, fpices, and woods; and of the latter the fpirit of fweet potatoes, wild grapes, &c. from which I have made excellent brandy, various kinds ol flax and hemp, Dr. Smeathman' s Letters 198 Appendix. t / Tendency of the Doitor's plan. ✓ hemp, See. To thefe may be added palm oil, equal to olive oil, for food and other purpofes; and of which an infinite quantity may be got merely by collefting the fruits or nuts, and boiling them. The coaft abounds with fifii and turtle, and would be an excellent fituation for a whale fifliery. But an enumeration of it’s various produftions would be tedious. 623. My plan would tend to emancipate and to civilize every year, fome thou- fandsof {laves, to dry up one great fource of that diabolical commerce: and if not to produce liberty to the Haves in the W. Indies, at leaftto meliorate their fituation. The Hopping fome fource would not only encreafe the price of Haves, but alarm the W. India planters, left they fhould foon have no frefh fupply. This would make them more tender of thofe they already poftefs. And of this be allured, the plant- ers will always buy Haves as long as they can calculate, that each will, in 7 or ro years, repay his price. If fuch a plan would be agreeable to the fociety of Friends, I fhould have pleafure in laying it before them, and to difclofe, under a promife of fecrefy, the latent hinge on which it will afluredly fucceed. If they fhould find my propofals expedient, I will gladly dedicate the chief part of my fu- ture life to the carrying them into execution. 624. I conceived this projeft in Africa, where an induftrious cultivation of the foil, with various excurfions, made me well acquainted with the genius, cuftoms, agriculture, trade and arts of the natives. My ftay in the W. Indies was with a view to inform myfelfof tropical cultivation, previous to my return to Africa. I accomplifhed my intention, and have fince, by ftudying various branches of philo- fophy and ufeful arts, qualified myfelf ftill further. 62,5. By the enclofed letter you will fee, I had, previous to your fpeakingto me on the Have-trade, begun to feek out a method of executing my plan. Mr. Wilding is my particular friend, and though engaged in the Have-trade, is in other refpe&s a man of great fenfe, honour and candor. But I fhould be glad to have no connec- tion with any concerned in the Have-trade, and therefore, if no gentleman, in your truly refpettable fociety, will take it up, I have been advifed to make overtures to a foreign power.— -I am, & c, H. Smeathman, LETTER II. Sir, 626. Not to take up much of your time in forefeeing and anfwering little objec- tions, I fhall only obferve, that folicitations for employment on the coaft of Africa are indeed extraordinary; fince thofe who have concerns there, find it difficult to prevail on perfons of abilities to refide in Africa, at any rate. And yet I am defir- ous to refide there, on a plan in which I muft meet more difficulties, and hardfliips, and 0 ref petting Africa. afid receive lefs emolument, than on one to which I am flrongly recommended, wherein I fliould have every kind of fupport, and handfome commiflions. 627. The part of the coafl I would recommend for this plan, poflefles every ad- vantage. Large, fertile and unoccupied tracls of land, adapted to ali tropical pro- ductions, but now covered with endlcfs forefls of the fined gums, feeds and fpices, and an endlefs variety of plants, and animals of known and unknown value. Among the former are gum copal, malaguetta pepper, cotton, capficum, tobacco, fugar canes, an aromatic feed called monkey pepper, oflriches, elephants, buffaloes, antelopes and monkies, Ethiopian hogs, &c. Some of thofe lands are mountainous, but the greater part are fiat and Tandy within 10 or 15 miles of the fea; but the foil, from the frequent fucceffions of vegetables, is very rich, and improves the farther we go inland. They are all watered with prolific rivers and refrefhing brooks, hav- ing numerous fine creeks and ports, profufely flored with turtle and fifh. 628. The country is governed by a kind of ele£live kings, who have a power fimilar to our mayors, and not much greater, though farther extended. It is but thin- ly inhabited, and is moflly fubdivided into little independent fiates, rather headed than governed by chieftains. Tliefe fiates are feldom founded either in wifdom or juflice. They have no law’ but cuftom, and no policy but to preferve their independ- ence. Wealth is the molt common means of becoming a chief, for as the children do not inherit the power or riches of their fathers, it is very rare that power con- tinues in the fame family for generations: and, while the wretched defeendants of kings and chieftains cultivate the foil of cruel mailers in the W. Indies, the defeend- ants of their flaves rule the land in Africa. The fubjefts of many black chieftains have been moflly enfiaved in the inland or neighbouring countries, by purchafe, fraud or violence. After having been domeflicated for a few years, they gain a kind of freedom, infomuch that the chief dares not fell them, . without firfl convi£ling them of fome real or imaginary crime, which he finds no difficult matter : yet he muft be cautious, fince thefe people, having only a precarious liberty, make a point of com- bining againfl fleps that may affeft their common fafety. They find their principal prote£lion in the cuiloms ol the country, bad as they are ; hence they fcrupuloufiy fupport them; and as fall as flaves are domeflicated, take care to acquaint them with their interell, which, among other things, is not to aggrandize their mailer over much : hence a chief gains no internal, and very little relative power, by encreafing his people, neither does he add much to his wealth, whatever he may to his reputation. Exclufive of what redounds from riches, the chiefs obtain their power furreptitiouf- ly, feldom exert it for the advantage of their fubje£ls, and govern rather by force and chicanery, than by juflice and equity. They have rarely any view but to grati- fy their own appetites, and often by abufing power, facrifice the liberties, and fome- times the lives, of individuals to their own bad paffions. Hence it is evident their government J99 Appendix. Produce. Government and ltate of the flaves. 200 Dr. Smeathman* s Letters Appendix. White traders become chiefs. Free fociety might ealily be formed. government is neither calculated to promote the happinefs, nor the increafe of the community. 629. A white trader who can get 2 or 300 people about him, becomes virtually a Chief in Africa. Embaflies have been fcnt to them, and they have often entered into the political difputes of the inhabitants. As thefe traders are generally illiter- ate, diiTolute feamen, as ignorant and improvident as the black themfelves, they feldom or never make a proper ufe of the power granted them by the courtefy of the country; and calculate only for a little more than to acquire luxuries, and a fortune to fubfifl on, or rather, perhaps, to dilTipate, at home. It is then very obvious, that by a regular Code oj Laws, a well concerted plan of agriculture, ma- nufactures and commerce, and with little more money than would buy a cargo of Haves, a free commonwealth might be founded, which would be a fanfluary for the oppreffed people of colour, and gradually abolifh the trade in the human fpecies. In fliort, if a community of s or 300 perfons were to be affociated on fuch principles as conflitute the profperity of civilized nations, fuch are the fertility of the foil, the value of its products, and the advantages of fuch an efiabliihment, that it mud, with the blefling of the Almighty, increafe with a ra- pidity beyond all example; and in all probability extend it’s faving influence in 30 or 40 years, wider than even American Independence. The fources of this increafe would be numerous: there is no Hate in the country, which gives not a certain proteflion to the unfortunate; and there are all over the country little communi- ties, befides individuals, who have not been regularly emancipated. Thefe people live in continual fear of their former inafters, who often revive their claims, and continually fqueeze out of them the chief produce of their little induftry, and often make palavers*, and fell them or their children, A free ftate conduced with prudence, and exerting but a little regular induftry in agriculture and commerce, would be enabled to redeem great numbers of flaves yearly. 630. The laws being at firfl fettled, every number gained to the community would be an addition to the internal, as well as relative, ffrength of the ftate; and there is the greateft probability that it would, in the natural courfe of things, very foon civilize the country, and gradually abforb all the petty tyrannies, and change them into fubordinate free ftates, by offering advantages to all ranks too inviting to be refilled. The Code of Laws for fuch a community ought to be fhort and fimple, and the police ftrifl, but not fanguinary, 631. Succefs will depend, in a great meafure, on the goodnefs of a plan of pub- lic education, which I hold, to be the beft adapted to form valuable citizens, to * Palaver means a quarrel, difpute, oration, amufing fpeecli, &c. — Here it means aftions at law. Thefe are generally carried on to all appearance equitably; but in fome of thefe cafes they refemble tribunals of foxes trying geefe. make 201 ref petting A f rica. make men as happy as the nature of things will admit, and confequently to make profperous and happy focieties. 632. Rice is the ftaple of the country, which they cultivate with moll care. But they alfo cultivate caffava, yams, fweet potatoes, a little Indian and Guinea corn, and a grain as fmall as milliard, called pine, plantanes, fome kinds of beans, peas and greens. Their trade at prefent is in flaves, ivory, camwood, rice, palm oil, fifli, venifon, fowls, goats, and other provifions. Their manufactures are cotton cloths, which they rarely fell, matting and bafket-work. They make alfo their own wood-knives, hoes, and other little implements of hufbandry, fifhing lines, fmall nets, &c. In their labours, however, they meet little advantage from being in fo- cietv : the fame man who weaves in the morning, forges in the afternoon ; at one time makes a bafket, at another thatches his houfe; to-day he works at his planta- tion, and to-morrrow traverfes the woods or the waters for animal food; or, takes his canoe, and with his young men rows and fails by the help of a rice-mat, 10 or 15 leagues, to buy of the neareft fhip or fa£lory, 4 or 5 pounds worth of European neceffaries and luxuries. A pot or kettle, two or three pewter bafons, cargo knives (i8d. the dozen at Birmingham,) a gun, powder, Ihot, flints, a filt hat, a fliirt, a ruffled cap, fifh-hooks, needles and thread, coarfe woollen, linen and cotton cloths, filk handkerchiefs, tobacco (though it grows round his door,) rum, brandy, &c. induce his voyage. He often gets drunk as foon as he gets on board, and fells not only his own goods, but tliofe he had on commiffion from his neighbours, for rum, tobacco and gun-powder. 633. They feldom unite their flrength and their fkill, but in making a plantation for the town, in rowing a canoe, and in building a houfe, in drawing an alligator or a fhark on fliore, and in poifoning a piece of water to draw the fifh. Their flrength is in general exhaufled upon folitary and trivial exertions, and two-thirds of the produft of their little induflry is often, through a pernicious cuflom, or a difinclina- tion to combine their powers at a critical moment, abandoned to the birds and beafls, or left to rot for want of flores and calks, of mechanic powers to clear it, or of Europeans to purchafe it. Not knowing the ufe of wheels in fpinning, they make lines and nets between the finger and thumb, or by rolling on their thighs. Hence perhaps it is they never have a feine of any tolerable fize, though they often aflifl the feamen in drawing thofe of European fhips; neither do they unite to make a weir in the fea, by which they might eafily procure a conflant fupply of fifli. They even hunt the elephant in folitude, juft as they fet a fnare or a fifh-pot. 634. From this improvidence, they are never bleffed with any great fuperabund- ancc, and fometimes not finding articles fufficient to barter with the Europeans for indifpenfible neceffaries, they fell fome friendlefs fervant. And, as a flave will buy more neceffaries than they want, they get more rum, which is apt to produce fuch a rage for it, as to induce them to fell another and another. Hence the country is fo thinly inhabited, that we rarely find a town containing 2 or 300 inhabitants, D d within Appendix. V. — y — mJ Cultivation and trade. They unite not their exer- tions. 202 Lr . Smeathman’s Letters Appendix. ' > Their charac- ter mifrepre- lented, and might be improved. Cuftoms a- gainit inauilry within 10 or 15 leagues of another of the fame population. The fineft rivers will not have towns upon them, where perhaps there are 100 perfons within a long tide’s diflance of each other. 635. As they draw very little fubfiftence from hunting, and have every where good fifhing places, and grounds for plantations, every little community chufes where to pitch its tents, without any regard but to the vicinity of good water ; the land itfelf becomes of no value. From thefe accounts of this people, it may be conceived, that they want fpirit and abilities, and that they have fuch a propenfity to indolence, that no mode of legiflature or education will infpire them with in- genuity and induftry. But this is not a juft opinion. This unhappy race have continually fuffered by mifreprefentation. While our moral and philofophical writers* have facrificed them to fyftem, and our travellers to prejudice, our mer- chants and planters, regarding them as mere beads of burden, have devoted them to their avarice and cruelty t. 636. Whatever may be faid of the effe£ls of local fituation and the extremes of heat and cold, it will probably be found hereafter, that all men, in their difpodtions and conduft in life, are formed more by artificial than natural caufes, by the laws which impel, and the education which trains them; in (hort, by cuftom and habit- A very fingular jurifprudence, and cuftoms, which in fome refpe&s are wife, but in this pernicious, enchains the inhabitants of this part of the globe, and, till the charm is broken, mud keep them in indigence, indolence and contempt. Thefe are a ju- rifprudence, which renders improvement unacceptable to the public, and ingenuity- dangerous to the pofledbr; which make reformers criminal, and takes away all merit from hofpitality and generofity. Under this difpenfation, cuftoms, which are impolitic and degrading, have as flronga fan&ion, as thofe which are wife and im- proving. This cannot be better illuftrated than by two fnnple faffs : 637. The cultivation of rice muff always, according to their cuftoms, be praflifed in a certain manner, and it is reaped by cutting the ftalks 6 or 8 inches below the ears, one or two at a time, if they grow fo near as to come within the grafp of the knife and right thumb. Thus 1, 2, or 3 ears are cut off and leifurely transferred to the left hand, till it is almoft full, when they tie it up like a nofegay, and put it in a bafket. When I fallied out to reap my firft crop of rice, I was quite difap- pointed to fee my labourers reaping it in this idle way, and expended to pleafe them by {hewing them how we reaped corn in England. Though I cut more in a few minutes, than 7 or 8 had done in half an hour, and though I begged them to fave the ftraw for tliatch, they difregarded my information and deftre; and I was obliged * See Montefquieu's Spirit of Laws, and Wilfon’s Effe£i of hot Climates on animal and vegetable Bodies. •J- See Long’s Hiftory of Jamaica fajfim. to ref peeing Africa . 203 to compel them to ufe my method. The chief, who had been brought up in Eng- Atpendix. land, told me, that fuch an innovation would have cod a native his life. He would ^ v—— ^ have been accufed of intending to overthrow the cuftoms (or laws) and would have been obliged to drink the red water, which feldom fails to find the culprit guilty. Thus there is a flop put to public improvement. — The law of hofpitality is ob- ftruftive of indullry. If there is provifion in the country, a man who wants it has only to find out who has got any; and he mull have his (hare. If he enter any man’s houfe during his repad, and gives him the ufual falutation, the man mud in- vite him to partake. Thus, whatever abundance a man may get by afliduity, will be fhared by the lazy ; and hence, they feldom calculate for more than neceffaries. Hence alfo they feldom live in large communities. Indudrious men, who have wives, children, and domedics about them, retire to fome fequedered creek to avoid thofe interlopers, who lounge in every finall town. Here they may thrive; but are often expofed to the dangers of flavery, from fome neighbouring tyrant. But the laws of hofpitality are not reflrained to diet. A common man cannot qui- etly enjoy a fpare Ihirt or a pair of trowfers. Thofe who are too lazy to plant or hunt, are alfo too lazy to trade, and begging is not difgraceful ; fo that if an induf- trious man gets a fpare fhirt or utenfil, he will be teazed to death for it, and he muft not refufe; but he mud talk the palaver. Whatever reafons the beggar offers for ■the want of any thing, he mud give others for detaining; and fuch is their patience, that they will palaver as long as fome gameders will play — long enough for the de- tainer to have worn out the fhirt or matter in difpute. A man in thofe cafes mud fometimes give of neceffity, that he may keep with fafety. The rich are continu- ally plagued with fuch requeds, and are in fa£t but dewards for the red. As they are condantly drained by their dependants, and are themfelves both improvident and extravagant, they often differ a total want of European luxuries. A great chief who fells 20 or 30 flaves for cloths, laced hats, beads, rum, tobacco, gunpowder, (chiefly for falutes) fait beef, pork, hams, butter, flour, buifeuitx, porter, wine, tea, coffee, choco- late, fugar, fpices, &c. as they affedl very much to live in the European manner, (hall, in 6 or 8 weeks, be entirely exhauded, and be obliged fo live on rice and caf- fava, and take his chance of filhing or hunting. What a dreadful trade, and how weak mud be focieties, where they part with thofe who conditute the wealth of other countries, for articles, from which they derive as little benefit as we do from the Wed Indian turtle! 638. From what has been faid, it appears, that the indolence and ignorance of might be re- thefe men arife not from the climate ; and that good government and education would change them wonderfully. Thofe Europeans, indeed, who are brought up in indolence and ignorance, generally remain at lead ufelefs to fociety. But many of the Gentoos, in a climate as warm as that of Africa, are, by wifer laws and a better education, rendered ingenious and indudrious. We have then every reafon D d 2 . to 201 Dr. Smeathmans Letters Appendix. ' ' ’The Doctor’s plan ot coio- uizing. Whites to be chol'en as co- lonifts and blacks. to imagine, that by a final 1 encouragement to African productions, and by degrees introducing habits of induflry, we might open a current of commerce, which would increafe like one of their rivers, to which “ our iloods are rills.” For hitherto we have been as little acquainted with Africa, as we were with America, during the firfl 20 years of our connection with that continent. 639. “ I have now hated on what grounds a new and profitable trade to certain parts of Guinea, without dealing in human bodies, feems very practicable. I could have mentioned many more, but they appeared unneceffary, fince I have particularly deferibed the produce of the country, and the manner in which it might be culti- vated to greater advantage. Referring to that account, I fhall conclude with fub- mitting to better judgments an outline of the methods, which the information ob- tained feems to indicate as neceffary to the fuccefs of a new and natural commerce to a country, which, for thefe 200 years, we have only drained of it’s population, with- out increafing our own, or that of the colonies, in any manner adequate to our own expenfe of men and money, or the defolation of a proiiEc continent. 640. “ From what has been faid, it might feem, that nothing but princely fortune, or the power of government, is adequate to this undertaking. But this is not the cafe, fince any two fhips of 130 or 200 tons each, flavinaonthc coaft, always carry more men, and coft a greater outfit, than would be nqqjfllary for ourjnirpofe ; and at a time like this, (viz. in 1783,) when fo many want employment, it will not be difficult to procure proper perfons. Thefe are chiefly tradefmen, as carpenters, joiners, coopers, fmiths, rope-makers, fail-makers, weavers, taylors, mafons, gar- deners, men bred on Weft India plantations, viz. planters, diftillers, 8c c. Many fuch having been prefled, or otherwife introduced, into the naval or military fervice, are now become ill-qualified to refume their occupations at home, or are fupplanted by younger labourers. W e very often find men of moft of thefe profeffions on board of one Guinea fltip, where they generally are very ufefully employed ; and, when at work under the awning, make the deck appear like a manufaftory. 641. “ Succefs would much depend on the conduft of thofe men. But I would alfo recommend the procuring of a great number of black men. There are, I con- ceive, now in this country, hundreds, and many of them perfons of charafter, pof- fefted of a little property, who under the fanftion of a refpeflable company of Quakers, and the profpetl of an independent fettlcmont, would gladly engage. And if it once tak.es place, there are vaft numbers of people of colour in the Weft Indies, who though calUd free , labour under fuch intolerable oppreflion, that they would almoft to a man unite themfelvcs to fuch a community. Even thofe of America would not be backward in emigrating to a country where colour would be no re- proach, and where they would enjoy thofe privileges never allowed them in govern- ments framed folely by white people. How far it might be prudent to acquaint the coloured rcfpecling Africa. coloured people on the other fide of the Atlantic of fuch a projeft, previous to it’s execution, is not eafy to determine. 642. “ Suppofing one large or two fmall fhips, fufficiently manned and provided, I fhould propofe failing flrll to Madeira, to take in live flock and wine, for medical ufes. From thence it might not be amifs to call at the Canaries, where we might probably procure volunteerSg If it might be permitted to purchafe a few {laves at Senegal, Goree, and Gambia, it would be political: many of the flaves from thofe parts have as juft a fenfe of the value of liberty, as either Britons or Americans, and are brave and ingenious men. We fhould by thefe means vary our new fubje&s very ufefully; for, not to mention their different kinds of knowledge, one great ad- vantage is obvious. Thefe people could not have the fame cuftoms and language, which they would give up for liberty, and readily agree to be governed by what they term White-man’s JaJhion. Upon this every thing would depend; for by the Angular, as well as the ufeful, difference, we fhould be enabled to exclude the bad cuftoms of our ignorant neighbours. For the fame reafons it would be proper alfo to call at the Weftern Iflands, where the fine cloths are made, of which I have fpoken in my account of cotton. The inhabitants were fo oppreffed formerly, as to offer by hundreds to emigrate with our Guinea captains, fome of whom have been villains enough to ^ell them in the Weft-Indies. Here it has alfo been ufual for Guinea fhips to takeln fait, five flock and frefh provifions, which we might probably want in that part of our voyage. When we arrive at that part of the coaft deftined for our fettlement, we fhould immediately agree with one of the kings or chiefs for a fequeftered port and tra£l of land. In a month or fix weeks, we fhould have com- plcated fufficient habitations, and be advanced a great way in clearing land, and that without much impediment to our trade. In a few months we might not only buy quan- tities of rice, but fee the indications of plenteous harvefts of our own. All forts of plants will vegetate merely from the genial influence of the climate. Hence the lof- tieft mountains, which, at leaft moll of thofe I have fe'en, are nothing but rocks, are covered to their fuminits with ftately trees; and we often fee fine riceflourifhingon the fteep fides of thofe mountains a mile and a half high. ( § 62.) Here then is the fineft field for exerting that fpecies of induftry, which is the fureft foundation of national profperity. “ Agriculture, as Dr. Johnfon obferves, not only gives riches to a- nation, but the only riches we can call our own, and ofwhich we need not fear either deprivations or diminutions.” And again, “ the nation which can furnifh grain and wool, may have her fhips welcomed at a thoufand parts, or fit at home and receive the tribute of foreign nations, enjoy their arts, or treafure up their gold.” 643. “ As rice there is the fineft and molt nourifhing of all grain, and cotton comes into univerfal demand; we fhall have two folid objefls of commerce on which to ex- ercife our induftry. I have two deferted rivers in my memory, enjoying all the necef- fary advantages. In either place we could have excellent fituations for water-mills for 205 Appendix. V 1 A mixture of people ealiell formed, into a fociety. Propofcd fitu- ation. aoS Lr. Smeathmari s Letters, &e. Appendix. for the cleanfirig rice, grinding corn, and fawing timber, good ports for fmaH craft, — and fifh in plenty. If I was to conduft this enterprize, I would lift the fird axe and the firft hoe myfelf; and may fay without vanity, fince it is faid from experience, fet an example of labour and indudry in cultivation. For hulbandry, far from being to me a drudgery, is the mod delightful amufement. I attribute all the extreme good health I enjoyed by intervals in Africa, with the foundnefs of my conditution at this hour, to the hard labour I then fudained with infinite pleafure, often contemplating with how much greater enjoyment I could labour, in profecuting fuch an attempt of Seeds, See. to civilization. It would be our bufinefs to take not only the feeds common in the cli- c.i* 1 il out. inates> but aifoau the feeds to be procured from warmer regions, of ufe in food or me- dicine. Our own hot-houfes would furnifh us with coffee, American indigo, aloes and other ufeful plants; and I Ihould think the chocolate tree ( theobroma cacao J might be procured. Thefe are not indeed primary objeds, but by the time they increafe, will be very worthy of attention. As this fettlement would require frequent fupplies of European neceffaries, our fird endeavours would be to obtain fuch remittances, by trade or cultivation, as would at lead fupport our credit. In the fird year, the erec- tion of dore-houfes and other public works, would neceffarily abridge our efforts in agriculture. Elfe by that we might hope to make very important remittances. Probably 3 or 4 blacks might, by that branch alone, in one year, pay for their re- demption, which will not probably cod us above to or /T2 each ; and our land will cod us nothing. The Wed India planters pay about four times as much for their flaves, and exorbitantly too for their grounds, with taxes and other expenfes : and yet fome few who have borrowed their capitals at 8 and 10 per cent, have made pretty fortunes. 644. “ Befides artificers, I fhould propofe taking out naturalids, to colled fub- je£ts in natural hidory, and draughtfmen to delineate them. See. The colledion I fhipped under innumerable difadvantages, had they all arrived fafe, would have fold for a very great amount. 645. “ It would perhaps be the mod prudent method, if practicable, to give the perfons employed fmall wages, and allow them (hares of the profits, as in didributing prize-money in (hips of war. In thefe indances fuch a mode may increafe rapa- city, in our’s it will promote indudry and aeconomy. PrcTervation 646. “ Among many other regulations which I have yet to propofe, are the me- et health. thods of preferving the health of our people. The didrift I propofe, is as healthy as any between the tropics. And fuch is my confidence of that circumdance, and the knowledge I have of tropical difeafes, that, let me have the care of 100 perfons of good conditutions for 3 years, barring accidents and obdinate refufal of medicines, I would engage to bring them all home again. The mortality of Europeans on this coad may be objected; to which I (hall oppofc other fads and plain reafoning, in my account of the difeafes of thofe climates. Dr. Smeathman' s Plant Gfc. 647, “ Here I fhall only obferve, that the Britifh feamen and foldiers feem to be fent thofe coafts, as if with a view to make them a facrifice; fo that the wonder is not that fo many die, but that fo many return. But by proper precautions, it may probably be as little furprifing in a few years, that xoo perfons fhould return hearty and well, from a 3 years refidence on the coaftof Guinea, as after a 3 years circumnavigation, which, till governments condefcendcd to confult men of fcience, were generally at- tended with the lofs of three-fourths of the feamen. 648. “ Should any thing herein offered want elucidation, I fhall be obliged to you for your remarks. Hammerfnith, I am. See. 2 1 ft July, 1783. Henry Smeathman.” ** Subjlance of a Plan of a Settlement, to be made near Sierra Leona, on the Grain Coajl of Africa, intended more particularly for the fervice and happy tflablifhment of Blacks and people of colour to be flipped as freemen, under the direClion of the Committee for relieving the black poor, and under the protection of the Britifh Go- vernment. By Henry Smeathman, Efq. who rejided in that country near four years.” London printed 1786, in'tsvo. See § 338. (1.) “ Any perfon defirous of a permanent and comfortable eflablifhment, in a molt pleafant, fertile climate, near Sierra Leona, where land is cheap, may do it on the following advantageous conditions. (2.) “ They will be carried out at five guineas each perfon, and fupplied weekly during the voyage, with ^lb. Bread, 1 ditto Beef, 3 ditto Pork, ^ ditto Mokfles, j! ditto Flour, 1 ditto Pot Barley, i ditto Suet, ~ ditto Raifins, 1 pint Oatmeal, li ditto Peas, 2 ditto Rum for grog; with Pimento, Ginger, & c. (3.) “ They will alfo have the fame allowance, for 3 months after their arrival, and which will coll 3I. 15s. Her. for each perfon. (4.) “ Thofe who can afford to go as fleerage, fleward-room, or cabin paffengers, will be accommodated accordingly. (5.) “ On their arrival in Africa, a convenient tra&of land will be purchafed for the community, to be their joint property. A townfhip will then be marked out, and houfes run up by the joint labour of the whole, for immediate fhelter : this may eafily be effefted there, as materials are fo near at hand, that ro or 12 men may erett very comfortable habitations, in a few days. (6.) “ Each perfon will be allowed, by common confent, to poffefs as much land as he or fhe can cultivate, to which they may always add as much more as their neceffity, or convenience may require. (7.) “ It is propofed to take out proper artificers, for erefting the neceffary build- ings, and dividing the lands. (8.) “ Befide the produce obtained from their own lands, individuals, by mode- rate labour, will have other eafy means of procuring, not only the nccelTaries, but alfo 207 Appendix. — T~ ■ Head’s of Dr, S’s plan. 208 Dr. Smeathmaris Plan Appendix. alfo the comforts of life. Fowls, hogs, goats, and fheep, are very cheap, being propagated with a rapidity unknown in Europe; plenty oi fifh may be eafily caught ; and the forefts abound with venifon, wild-fowl, and other game. (9.) “ Such are the mildnefs and fertility of the climate and country, that a man pofleffed of a change of cloathing, an axe, a hoe, and a pocket knife, may foon place himfelf in an eafy fituation. All the cloathing wanted is what decency requires; and the earth turned up of 2 or 3 inches, with a flight hoe, produces any kind of grain. (to.) “ Thefe favourable circumflances, combined with the peaceable temper of the natives, promife the numerous advantages refulting from the quiet cultivation of the earth, and the exportation of it’s productions, which may be very advantageouf- ly exchanged for European manufactures. (11.) “ The climate is very healthy to thofe who live on the productions of the country. The caufe why it has been fatal to many whites, is, that they have led molt intemperate lives; have fubfifled chiefly on dried, faked, rancid and other un- wholefome provifions; and have indulged beyond all bounds, in the ufe of fpirits. They have been alfo cooped up in (hips, ftnall craft, or factories, ftationed for the ad- vantage of trade, in clofe rivers or creeks, not choofing healthy fpots, as is now pro- pofed. Add to this, that the furgeons of fhips trading thither, have hitherto been generally ignorant of the proper mode of treating difeafes in that climate; or they have not been fufficiently fupplied with medicines. Many perfons have perifhed for want of good diet or nurfing, and not a few from the total negleCf of that mutual afiiftance, which the fettlement propofed will furnifh. (See § 74 et feq.) (12.) “ The adventurers on this new eftablifhment will be under the care of a phyfician, who has had 4 years praftice on the coafl: of Africa, and as many in the w. Indies; and who being well provided, accompanied by fkilful aflillants, in fur- gery, midwifry, & c. and by feveral experienced women, they will enjoy every neceffary afliflance. (13.) “ It is alfo intended that the adventurers fhallbe accompanied by a clergy- man, and a fchoolmafler and miftrefs, at the expence of the whole community. (14.) “ Such will be the fituation of thofe, who cultivate their plantations for their own advantage: but, as many, iqltead of working wholly for theinfelves, may choofe occaflonally to ferve the agent, or any other individual, for hire: fome will employ their money in cultivation and trade : in that cafe the labourers will be fupplied with provifions, and paid for their daily labour in the currency of the country. (15.) “ Only 8 hours of fair labour each day will be required, in fummer or win- ter ; and on Saturday’s only 6 hours. The fabbath will be fet apart as a day of refl, inflruClion, and devotion. (16.) “ The colonifls being under the proteClion of the Britifh Government, will confequently enjoy both civil and religious liberty, as in Great-Britain. for civilizing Africa . 209 (17.) “ Dlfputes relative to property, or offences committed among themfelves, Appendix. will be fettled according to the laws, by their own peers, in a town meeting. ' " * (18.) “ Offenders againft the natives, in neighbouring diftritts, will be amenable to the laws of the country, unlefs the agent fhall be able to compound for the penalty. (19.) “ In addition to thofe perfons who are able to pay for their paffage, it is intended to conduft this enterprife, on the mod humane principles: it will be ex- tended to others who have not money, on condition of agreements for their re- fpe&ive hire, to be calculated according to the ages and abilities of the parties ; fo that every one may be fure of having a comfortable provifion made, after a Ihort period, on the reafonable terms of moderate labour. (20.) “ And whereas many black perfons, and people of colour, refugees from America, dilbanded from His Majefty’s fervicc by fea or land, or otherwife diftin- guilhed obje£ls of Britifh humanity, are at this time in the greateft diftrefs, they are invited to avail themfelves of the advantages of the plan propofed. (21.) “ The committee, appointed for the relief of the Black Poor, having repre- fented their unhappy fituation to the Right Hon. the Lords Commiffioners of the Treafury, Government has agreed to furnifh them, not only with a paffage and pro- vifion, but alfo with cloathing, provifions for 3 months after their landing, together with all forts of tools and implements of hufbandry, neceffary for the ellablilhment of a new colony, according to the fchedules annexed. (See § 129.) (22.) “ Such perfons will be alfo entitled to the neceffary allotment of land, and other benefits, in as great a latitude as will render their lives eafy. (23.) “ An opportunity fo advantageous may perhaps never be offered to them again ; for they and their pofterity may enjoy perfect freedom. Settled in a country congenial to their conflitutions, and having the means, by moderate labour, of the moft comfortable livelihood, they will find a certain and fecure retreat from their former fufferings. HENRY SMEATHMAN.” SCHEDULES ABOVE REFERRED TO. (24) The Weekly Allowance of Provifions for the Voyage, and for 3 Months after their Arrival, the fame as above. Cloathing at the rate of *1. 1 js. far each Man. 1 Blue Jacket, 1 Striped Flannel ditto, j Pair of Canvafs Trowfers j Pair of Flannel ditto, a Pair of Shoes, 4 Shirts, 2 Knives, J Razor, 1 Hat, £ c Bedding, Cloaths for the Women in pro- portion. Tools and Utenfds at the rate of 19s. ad. value for each perfon. 1 Hoe, 1 Wood Axe, i Pewter Bafon of alb. 1 Wooden Cann and drinking Horn. Fora Company of twelve perfons, 1 Iron Pot of 5 Gallons, 1 Ditto. z Galls. 1 Ditto. 1 Gall. 1 Iron Water Ciftern of zo Galls, 2 Pails, 1 Iron Crow, 1 Whip 210 Appendix . Dr. Smeathman's Plan, (3c. i Whip Saw, i Crofs Cut ditto, a Hand-Saws, i Caffava Grater, a Mefs Batons of 4lb, x Wheelbarrow, 3 Spades, 3 Shovels, Medicines , ©V. /or a Company of ioo Perfons. A Medicine Chelt at 16s. for each perl'on, including 8olb. of Bark. Wine, Porter, Vinegar, &c. for the Sick, for ioo Perfons, at ps. xod. each Perfon. Tool Cheji, and ftlefl Tools , fot ioo Perfons. 6 Broad axes, 3 Falling ditto. 6 Adzes. 5 Dozen Chiffels and Gouges, 6 Claw Hammers, lotted, 6 Rafps and Files, 6 Pair of Pinchers, a Pair of Pliers, i Dozen Augers, i Chalk Line and Rule, 1 Tenon Saw, 3 Hand Saws, 12 Files and 2 fets, 2 Rules, 2 Iron Squares, 1 Bevil and Square, 3 Pair of Compalfes, 4 Draw Borers, ! 6 Brad Pinchers, 2 Whetftones, 6 Dozen Gimlets, forted, 1 Doz. Brads, Awls and Handles 1 Mallet, 6 Drawing Knives, Glue and Glue Pot, 1 Bench Screw, 2 Screw Drivers, 1 Philifter, 1 Plough, 3 Smoothing Planes, 1 Jack ditto, 2 Fore ditto. 1 Jointer, 1 Grindttone, 6 Pick and Matt Axes, 2 Mauls, 6 Splitting Wedges, 6 Hatchets, 3 Screw Jacks for Timber, 6 Trowels. 649. To Dr. Smeathman’s plan is annexed the following hand-bill, which throws fome light on the hiftory oi the Colony at Sierra Leona. BLACK POOR. “ IT having been very maturely and humanely confidered, by what means a fupport might be given to the Blacks, who feek the prote&ion of this government; it is found that no place is fo fit and proper, as the Grain Coaft of Africa; where the ne- cefTaries of life may be fupplied, by the force of induftry and moderate labour, and life rendered very comfortable. It has been meditated to fend Blacks to Nova Scotia, but this plan is laid afide, as that country is unfit and improper for the faid Blacks. “ The Committee for the Black Poor* accordingly recommended Henry Smeath- man, Efq. who is acquainted with this part of the coaft of Africa, to take charge of all the faid perfons, who are defirous of going with him; and to give them all fit and proper encouragement, agreeably to the humanity of the Britifh Government. Batfon’s Cojfce-houfe , By defire of the Committee, lyth May, 1786. Jonas Hanway, Chairman. “ Thofe who are defirous of profiting by this opportunity, of fettling in one of the moft pleafant and fertile countries in the known world, may apply for further in- formation to Mr. Smeathman, the Author of the Plan, and Agent for the Settle- ment, at the Office for free Africans, No. 14, Canon-ftreet. ” * A lift of that refpeftable Committee is inferted at § 331, note. 6$c Dr. 211 Quantity of Gold found, &c. 650. Dr. Lettfom, to whole liberal communications I have been much indebted, appendix. has favoured me with the perufal of a great number of Dr. Smeathman’s original 1 letters to him, fome of which are, in many rcfpeiEls, very interefting. From them it S’s letters appears, that Dr. S. while in Paris, was much engaged in the improvement of air toDr.Lettfoift balloons, a purfuit natural enough to his philofophic mind : but I believe his pro- pofed application of it was altogether peculiar to himfelf; for he declares his refo- lution to appropriate all the profits, which might refult from his intended aeronautic adventures, to his African fcheme. Men of a fportive fancy, may perhaps deride this idea, as little elfe than a projedl to build one aerial caltle upon another. But a little refledtion will remind them, that fome of the greateft difcoveries were origin, ally projcdls. They will remember, that Galileo was not only derided, butperfe- cuted; that Columbus was treated as a projedtor; and that even Newton, though fupported by demonllration, was ridiculed and contradidted, before he was under- ftood. Without ranking Smeathman with fuch names, it feems but juft to allow him the praife due to that generofity, capacity and perfeverance which prompted him, under many difcouragements, to purfue an arduous enterprize, only as the means of attempting one ftill more arduous, and far more ufeful. — But my limits will not admit any farther particulars refpedting this fingular genius. This is the lefsto be regretted, as Dr. Lettfom well knew, better than I, how to apply Smeath- man’s letters, and the other valuable MSS. in his pofteftion, to the benefit of man- kind, which I am perfuaded he ardently wifhes to promote. For a proof of Dr. Smeathman’s tafte for Natural Hiftory, efpecially the more ufeful parts of it, fee his account of thofe deftrudtive infedts the Termites, (Wood-ants, Wood-lice, Bug-a- bugs,) in the Phil. Tranf. for 1781. The following interejling Paper is taken verbatim from a fcarce Book, entitled, “ Philofopkical Experiments and Obfervations of the late Dr. Robert Hook, “ S. R.S. 6?c.” publified by Mr. Derkam , London , 1726. *' Tranfcript of a Paper of a Quantity of Gold up the River Gambay, in 1693. 651. “ Your importunity, together with my gratitude to you, for your moll curious informations and inftrudtions in the mechanics (without which, I confefs my labour had been in vain) has extorted that from me, which, I confefs, the refo- lution I had a-new taken to the contrary, by refolving never to divulge, either lor love, or force ; to which end I expedt, according to your faithful and folemn vows of fecrecy, both of the bufinefs itfelf, and likewife of which I would not The writer re- fhould be known to the King for £ to, 000, being content with what proportion it quires fecrecy. E e 2 hath 212 Quantity of Gold found Appendix. — D— ■ Direftions re fpccting the boat and apparatus. hath pleafed God toaflign me, as well as with the King’s revenues. Nor fhall I wholly, or fully, difcover the vail proportion of gold I difcovercd there, being fo much, not fit to be communicated to paper, as not knowing to whofe eyes, or The quantity through whofe hands this may come. I fhall only tell you, I was more troubled to ot gold gieat. 0b{'cure its abundance from my fellows, than to bring down what I got; and I am con- fident, that if yourfelf go upon thisdefign, and follow the dire&ions of my journal, and attain your purpofe, you yourfelf will be of my opinion; for, as it is faid, “ what will the whole world profit a man, if he lofe his foul?” fo I fay, what will the riches of both the Indies advantage, if thereby you forfeit your fecurity, life, and freedom ? And how will you be afTured of any of thefe, if thefe things fhould come to knowledge of fuch as have power of you, and to command you in what they pleafe; that I do truly tell you, did I not value my own peace and quiet at fo high a rate as I do, I fhould come willingly, and manifeft it to his Sacred Majefly ; though I am not fatisfied in that neither, as not knowing whether the information may prove good or bad to the public; however, I conjure you a-new, that, whatever you attempt, you conceal me, fothat dire&ly or irrdireftly I be not difcovered. 652. “ If you goon the bufinefs, let your boat be flat-bottomed, for mine being fome feven tons, or thereabout, and made after the common fafhion, was extremely troublefome, both at fords and at falls, where we were forced to unlade her; and having unladed her, to heave her, or launch her over land : you ought alfo to have a little boat for common ufe, which you will find extreme ufeful. You advifed me to take 20 pounds of quickfilver, for trials ; if you go, take at leaf! too pounds, for fome in working will be loft, as you know better than myfelf: your advice alfo, for 50 pounds of lead, is too little, take 150 pounds, much more you cannot well carry, for the peflering of your boat. 6,53. “ The Sal Armoniac I ufed little of, for it I can give you no advice : the Borax I ufed all, wifhed for more, if you go, carry 50 pounds; my fand ever did me rare fervice, I ufed it all, better have to pounds too much than too little, therefore take 40 pounds. I am confident, if I had carried the philofophers bellows, I had done very well; I was fo troubled with fitting the other, though I confefs them better when a-new placed. Antimonia Horn did me little fervice; I believe it rather from my ignorance, or wanting the perfeft ufe and inftru&ion you gave me. Ingots I would take two, I carried but one, I wanted another for expedition. Wedges 12, with a fledge or two, or beetle; for about 12 Englifh miles from the firft fall, or fomewhat more to the fouthward, in the fide of a barren rock, looking weft- ward, there is a cliff in the rock, rather mod rich be- tween the ftones, almoft half a handful thick in fome places. Our pick-axes did here Hand us in no great ftead, but having. with us fome iron tools, that we could hardly fpare, with much ado made a fcurvy iron wedge, and prefently we found the benefit of that, for fome 12 or 14 days, till improvidently one of us driving the wedge up the River Gambay. wedge up to the head, and not having another to relieve it, we were forced to leave it behind us, to our great lofs and grief. Wooden bowls from England, fix or eight, are very neceffary, and will do better than gourds, that I was forced to make ufe of; you may take flore of them, it is no fore* 654. “ For the crucibles 1 mull inform, that four large melting pots, in our large work, will Head you much, and make better difpatch than fix nefls of crucibles; though you cannot well fpare thofe, I was forced to make ufe ot a broken earthen pot, that I carried along with me; I made ufe of it till it broke, had I had crucibles, and pots enough, I had brought fo much gold in fand or Tyber. 6,55. “ For the feparating and difTolving waters, I ufed but little, becaufe their ufe was troublefome, neither had I conveniencies to ereft a flill a-fhore; but for the Aqua Regis I ufed it all, and could have done more, if I had had it; yet, in my opi- nion, the trials of quickfilver are better, had I had it. But I carry coals to New- caftle ; you know better the operation than myfelf. Let your mortar be of iron, and large ; I wifh I had followed your direflions in that, for my brafs one put me to a double trouble, and I was enforced to leave the refining of much, till I came into England, for the Mercury got a fpurca from thence, which is communicated to my gold, which no art, I underfland, could free it from; in this particular you left me lame, or my memory much failed. 656. “ There is a tree much like our cornels in England, but very large, which we felled, and made a fhift to make charcoal of, which we did thus; we cut off the boughs, for we wanted a faw, and therefore could not meddle with the body of the tree, and cut them into fhort pieces; then we digged a good large pit, or hole in the ground, about a yard wide, and fo deep, or deeper; in the bottom we kindleda fire, and filled it with wood, and when it was well burned, threw earth upon it, and damped it; and when it was cold, we took out the coals : you will eafily find the place, if you ob- ferve but the cautions; you will come to a broad gathering together of waters, not much inferior to Ronnander Meer, in the edge of Lancafhire: here we fpent a week in fearching many creeks and in-falls of rivers ; but we followed that which points fouth eaft and by eafl. My miferable ignorance, in the mathematics, cannot dire£l you, neither for longitude or latitude. Up the buffing flream, with fad labour, we wrought, and fometimes could not go above two miles in a day. You muff pafs the fix ft fall; yet there my exceed of gold was 47 grains from to pounds of fand. When we, or you come to the upper fall, you will be much troubled, I believe, as well as I, to get your boat over land; but being up, proceed till you come to the in- fall of a fmall flream to the fouth, direttly thence liften, and you fhall hear a fall of waters; you cannot get your boat thither, by reafon of the fmallnefs of the brook; you will there find our reliques on the fide of the rock, with many of our names, I mean, letters of our names, cut with our knives. Here, though the fand, by the %vafh, yield plentifully, yet do you alcend the top of the rock, and, pointing your face 213 Appendix. I— —y — -J The writer makes char- coal. Marks to find" the place. 214 Quantity of Gold found Appendix, face drre&ly weft, you will obferve a fnug of rocks fomewhat to the left hand of 1 1 -you; and, under that, if the rains and force of weather have not wafhed away the earth and ftones, you will difcover (they being unmoved) the mouth of the mine itfelf; where being provided with materials -fit for that work, you will not defire to proceed any further, or with a richer vein. 657. “ Take this, all along, for a conftant rule, which I, in my fearch, obferved up the river, that in the low, and woody and fertile country, I could never find either metal or rich mine, but always among barren rocks and mountainous countries, and commonly accompanied with a reddifh kind of earth. Other inftru&ions I £haU not give you, being (as I conceive) a thing needlefs to you, unlefs I Ihould return you your own principal, this being but only the intereft of what is due, bcfides that obligation which tieth me unalterably to remain, &c. Crtw & cargo 658. “ I began my voyage up the river, December the 4th, about two hours before the fun fet; in my company no more than feven men, befides myfelf, all Englifh, and four blacks, whereof one was aMaribuck, who, being acquainted with the Portugal language, I intended for an interpreter, if I fhould Hand in need; but the main was, to help us in our labour againft the ftreain. My provifions were chiefly of two forts : for my voyage and for accommodation, three barrels of beef, ten gammons of bacon, two barrels of white fait, befides bay fait for trade ; alfo two hogfheads of bifcuit, befides rice; half a barrel of gunpowder, and (hot proportion- able; ftrong-water, vinegar, paper, beads, looking-glaffes, knives i8d. per dozen, fome iron, little brafs chains, pewter rings, and a deal of fuch like fluff, as occafion permitted: the other fort of provifions were a pair of goldfmith’s bellows, crucibles four nefts, fcarnelles two nefts, quickfilver, borax, fal-armoniac, aqua regis, aqua fortis, a mortar and peflle, and leather fkins to flrain, brafs fcoops and ladles with long handles, to take up fand, and other implements for my private defign : all which had laden my boat far deeper than I defired; for thereby I drew much water, which, I was jealous, might hinder our.progrefs over the flats, if we fhould meet ■with any. 659. “ December the 7th, we arrived near Settico, being 14 or 15 leagues above where our men flaid; but pafled one half league further up where we anchored, the river there being broad, we always chufingthc middle, as being freefl from dif- turbance, though it oft fell out otherwife; for our ugly neighbours, I mean the fea- Sea-horfesand horfes and crocodiles (it feems) ill pleafed, or unacquainted with any co-partners crocodiles }n the{e Watery regions, did often difturb us in the night, not only with their ugly noifes, but their vicinity to our very boats, which caufed us to keep watch. 660. “ December the 23d, we were much troubled that day with getting over a flat, .under the wafh of a fteep and high mountain bearing fouth. Here I firfl put in practice my defign, and took up fome fand at the firfl trial of the ford, and out of five ■troublefome. up the River Gambay . 2 15; five pound weight of that fand, got three or four grains of gold. I tried alfo in another place of the fame ford, but did get lefs. I faw neither town, nor houfes, nor people, fince we left Baracunda. 66 1. “ January the 14th, at a ford between two high mountains, I tried again; and out of ten pounds weight of fand, I wafbed 30 grains of gold. I made a trial like- wife with mercury, and found out of five pounds, 47 grains. Here my hcpes in- creafed, yet refolved to try higher. 66 2. “ January the 27th, we were much troubled with great trees that lay in the water upon the fide of a rock, on a craggy, barren mountain adjoining. 1 afcended, with three men with me, to make difcovery ; and carrying a pick-axe with me, which, as we were digging up apiece of ore, as I conceived, we were afTaulted with an incredible number of monftrous great baboons; whom, no orator)', but our guns, could perfuade to let us retreat to our boats ; for, having killed two or three of them, fo incenfed the reft, that had not the report of our guns terrified them, I verily be- lieve they would have torn us to pieces: having attained our boat, I fell to try my ore; which proved but a fparre. 663. “ February the 6th, I made a trial of a certain glittering fand, which I took up. from the fide of a rock, the river here inclining fouthward, with a fudden turning like an elbow. The wafh of this, afforded 41 grains from 10 pounds weight of fand; by other trials, from five pounds weight of fand, 57 grains. Here I thought to make a ftand; yet, upon more ferious advice, had refolved to proceed. 664. “ February the 15th at night, a fea-horfe ftruck our boat through with one of his teeth, which troubled us fore, being all bad carpenters; which caufed us to un- load her on a fmall pinnacle to mend her; and, to prevent the like mifchief for the future, I invented this device, to hang a ianthorn at our ftern ; and thereby we were freed from all after-troubles of that nature, they not daring to come within three or four boats length of light fhining in the water. 663. “ February the 24th, I tried the ufe of Virga Divina, upon a high, barren and rocky mountain : but, whether it afforded no metal, or whether my rod, being cut in England, and being dried and carried far by fea, had loft it’s virtue; or whether it hath no fuch quality (which I rather believe) I am not certain. However, my companions laughed me out of the conceit. 666. “ March the 16th, between two mountainous rocks iffued a creek; and, put- ting up therein, difcovered a fall of waters from the fouth of the river. Here, mak- ing trial by the way, I found 63 grains of gold from five pounds weight of fand. Other trials, more exa£l, afforded very large proportions; fo that here we fpent 20 days; and, plying hard our work, in that time had gotten 12 pounds Troy, five ounces, two penny-weights, 15 grains, of good gold. 667. “March the 31ft, our materials wafting apace, I was willing to try further, here beginning our greateft toil; for, often in a day, we were conftrained to ftrip our- felves. Appendix. * ~ t — f 47gr. gold from 51b. fand 4igr. from i°lb. 57gr. from 51b. Virgo. Di0 aoc- 1 217 Appendix. From Dr. Franklin's “ EJfay on Luxury , Idlenefs and Indujlry," in his letter to B. Vaughan , EJq. written in 1784. Franklins Works , Vol.II.p. 133. See § 36, 37. 670. “ I have not yet thought of a remedy for luxury. I am not fure that in a Innocent j great ftate it is capable of a remedy ; nor that the evil is in itfelf always fo great as ury promotes it is reprefented. Suppofe we include in the definition of luxury all unaeceflary indultry* expence, and then let us confider whether laws to prevent fuch expence are pofli- ble to be executed in a great country, and whether, if they could be executed, our people generally would be happier, or even richer. Is not the hope of being one day able to purchafe and enjoy luxuries, a great fpur to labour and induftry ? May not luxury therefore produce more than it confumes, if, without fuch a fpur, peo- ple would be, as they are naturally enough inclined to be, lazy and indolent ? To this purpofe I remember a circumftance. The flapper of a Ihallop, employed be- tween Cape-May and Philadelphia, had done us fome fmall fervice, for which he refufed to be paid. My wife underftanding that he had a daughter, fent her a prefent of a new-fafhioned cap. Three years after, this flcipper being at my houfe with an old farmer of Cape-May, his paflenger, he mentioned the cap, and how much his daughter had been pleafed with it. “ But (faid he) it proved a dear cap to our congregation.” — “ How fo — “ When my daughter appeared with it at meeting, it was fo much admired, that all the girls refolved to get fuch caps from Philadelphia ; and my wife and I computed that the whole could not have cofl lefs than a hundred pounds.” — “ True (faid the farmer,) but you do not tell all the do- ry. I think the cap was neverthelefs an advantage to us ; for it was the firfl; thing that put our girls upon knitting worfted mittens for fale at Philadelphia, that they might have wherewithal to buy caps and ribbons there ; and you know that that in- duftry has continued, and is likely to continue andincreafe to a much greater value, and anfwer better purpofes.” — Upon the whole, I was more reconciled to this little piece of luxury, fince not only the girls were made happier by having fine caps, but the Philadelphians by the fupply of warm mittens. Ff From 2l8 ExtraCls from Dr. Franklin's EJfays , Appendix. - * From Dr. Franklin s FJfay , entitled “ Precautions to be ufed by thofe who are about to undertake a long Sea Voyage .” Franklin s Works , Vol. II. p. 128. See § 14 1. Navigation, when ufeiul & when noxious. Sugar may be iaidtobeting- edwith human blood j dearer in Paris and London than in Vien- na. 671. “ When navigation is employed only for tranfporting necefTary provifions from one country, where, they abound, to another where they are wanting; when by this it prevents famines, which were fo frequent and fo fatal before it was in- vented and became fo copimon; we cannot help confidering it as one of thofe arts which contribute mofl to the happinefs of mankind. — But when it is employed to tranfport things of no utility, or articles merely of luxury, it is then uncertain whether the advantages refulting from it are fufticient to counterbalance the misfor- tunes it occafions, by expofingthe lives of fo many individuals upon the vaft ocean. And when it is ufed to plunder velfels and tranfport Haves, it is evidently only the dreadful means of increafing thofe calamities which afflict human nature. 672. One is aftonifhed to think on the number of veffelsand men who are daily expofed in going to bring tea from China, coffee from Arabia, and fugar and to- bacco from America; all commodities which our anceflors lived very well with- out. The fugar-trade employs nearly a thoufand veffels; and that of tobacco al- moft the fame number. With regard to the utility of tobacco, little can be faid ; and, with regard to fugar, how much more meritorious would it be to facriftce the momentary pleafure which we receive from drinking it once or twice a-day in our tea, than to encourage the numberlefs cruelties that are continually exercifed, in order to procure it us ? 673. A celebrated French moralill faid, that, when he confidered the wars which we foment in Africa to get negroes, the great number who of courfe perifli in thefe wars ; the multitude of thofe wretches who die in their paffage, by difeafe, bad air, and bad provifions; and laftly, how many peri fh by the cruel treatment they meet with in a ftate of flavery ; when he faw a bit of fugar, he could not help imagining it to be covered with fpots of human blood. But, had he added to thefe confidera- tions the wars which we carry on againft one another, to take and retake the iflands that produce this commodity, he would not have feen the fugar fimply fpotted with blood, he would have beheld it entirely tinged with it. 674. Thefe wars make the maritime powers of Europe, and the inhabitants of Paris and London, pay much dearer for their fugar than thofe of Vienna, tho they arealmoft three hundred leagues diflant from the fea. A pound of fugar, deed, cofis the former not only the price which they give for it, but alfo what t pay in taxes, necefTary to fupport thofe fleets and armies which ferve to defend proteft the countries that produce it. Notes, &c. refpe&ing S . Leona and Bulama. — Note A, 219 Notes and Documents , refpe&ing S. LEONA and BULAMA. Note A. See § 330. 675. 1 have already given fome inftances of the defire of improvement which animates the Africans, and have mentioned with the refpefl it deferves, the manly and humane policy of an African chief, in aflerting his independence on the whites, in prohibiting the flave-trade, &c. (See § 16, 23, 38, 147, 497 et feq.) But notwithflanding thefe inftances, and the very numerous proofs of African genius and docility, contained in the Evidence before the Britifh Privy Council and Houfe of Commons, as well as in the Reportsof the S. Leona Dire&ors, fome perfons may ftill entertain that kind of doubt on this head, which, even in well difpofed minds, often arifes from involuntary prejudice. Such perfons will be furprifed to find that an overture for civilizing Africa fhould have come from a prince of that country, and efpecially from one of thofe princes whofe barbarity, having been firft purpofely exaggerated , has been largely infifted on, by fome felf-contradi&ory flave merchants, as an argument for their traffic. (See Lord Muncafter’s Sketches of the Hiftory of the Slave-trade.) 676. It appears, however, that about the year 1726, after that great, and confe- qucntly bloody, conqueror, Trudo Audati, King of Dahomy, had fubjugated the maritime kingdoms of Ardrah and Whydah, he fent Bulfinch Lambe, a fervant of the Englifh African Company, whom in 1724, he had made prifoner at Ardrah, to the Court of Great Britain, to propofe the eftablifhment of a Britifh colony in his dominions. Lambe, it feems, was the firft white man Trudo had ever feen, and he was fo charmed with his accounts of the arts and policy of Europe, that, thinking to make him inftrumental in introducing them into his own country, he had endea- voured, for above two years, to attach him to his interefts, by a profufion of favours. On Lambe’s departure, the kingprefented him with a number of flaves andg20 ounces of gold. In order to know whether Lambe’s accounts of England were true, he fent along with him a negro, called Tom, whom he had alfo taken at Ardrah, who was a man of addrefs, fpoke good Englifh and was to return with Lambe. The latter, how- ever, like a true flave-dealer, fold poor Tom in Maryland. He afterwards traded among the W. Indian iflands till 1728, when he heard at Antigua, that Capt. Snelgrave had faid, that the king, notwithflanding his long abfence, ftill fpoke of him with regard. He then went to Maryland and redeemed Tom, whom he brought to London, in 1731. There he found Capt. Snelgrave who told him that, after fo long and unaccountable an abfence, it would be imprudent in him to re- turn to Dahomy. Thinking, however, to profit by Tom’s addrefs and his own, Lambe had the impudence to announce him, under tfte title of “ His Excellency Adorno Oroonoko Tomo, ambaffador from His Majefty Trudo Audati, King of Dahomy, Ardrah and Whidah.” In this character, Tom delivered to King George II. his credentials, which having been referred to the Lords of Trade, E f 2 were Appendix. * ■ — v ■ ' ^ Africans de- firous of im- provement. Colony pro- pofed by an African chief, in 1726, but fruftrated by a flave- captain’s vil- lainy. 220 Appendix. V— Moft of tlie fii'ft colonifts of S. Leona an abandoned crew. Provided with neceflaries by Government, and with com- forts by Mr. Sharp. Notes, &c. re/pe fling S. Leona and Bulavia. — Note B. were declared fpurious; as well they might, for Lambe had drawn them up in London. Capt. Snelgrave, however, having explained the whole matter. His Excellency Adorno Oroonoko Tomo had his titles docked, and was reduced to plain Tom: but having been ftill looked upon as a perfon a&ually fent by the King of Dahomy, though in a very humble ftation, he was not a little noticed by the great. After fpending fome time in viewing the curiofities and enjoying the amufements of London, (fee § 146 n.) he became impatient to return home, and having received fome confiderable prefents for the King his mailer, he was fent over in His Majefty’s Ihip the Tiger, Capt. Berkley; but Lambe did not think proper to accompany him. The king received the prefents very courteoufly, and made a valuable return; but it never reached England, for Capt. Berkley, not having had time or patience to wait for a mefienger from the inland country of Dahomy, had failed before the King’s prefent reached the coalt. — See Smith’s Voyage to Guinea, p. 83, 12,5, French tranflation, and Snelgrave’s Account of Guinea, p. 9, 78, French tranflation. Note B. See § 334. 677. During the American war, many negroes entered on board the Britifli fliips of war, or repaired to the Britifli ftandard, and were formed into regiments of rangers ; and they generally behaved well, both by fea and land. At the peace in 1783, part of them, as well as of the white loyalills, were conveyed to the Bahama iflands, part to Nova Scotia, and others to G. Britain, chiefly to London. Thefe laft, having been indigent, unemployed, defpifed and forlon, foon added to the vices of common foldiers and failors thofe of the numerous beggars who, notwith- flanding the prodigious fums levied for maintaining the poor, difgrace the police of this capital. Such, together with a few whites, chiefly ftrumpets, were the firft colonifts of S. Leona ! Their fubfequent conduft was fuch as might naturally be expefted from perfons of their defeription. But it was neceflary they fliould be fent fomewhere, and be no longer fuffered to infeft the ftreets of London. 678. Accordingly tranfports, provifions, tools, arms, 8c c. having been furnifhed by the Britifli Government, many of the black poor embarked, in the river Thames before Chriftmas 1786; and, by confinement and living entirely on fait provifions, they began to be fickly, even before they left the river. Others delayed going on board till Jan. and Feb. 1787; having been deterred by an apprehenfion that they .were to be fent to Botany Bay; for fhips with convifts on board then lay at Portf- mouth, where the fliips for S. Leona were alfo to wait for orders. Many having pawned their cloaths, refufed to go on board till they were redeemed. Mr. Gran- ville Sharp, however, not only took up their pawns, at his own expenfe, but alfo furnifiied them with many comforts, in addition to the neccfiaries allowed by Government. On 221 Notes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bu'lama. — Note B. 679. On arriving al Portfmouth (20th Feb. 17 87) it was found that, of 700 blacks. Appendix. who offered themfelves, only 441 had embarked on board the three tranfports ’ * appointed to receive them. On the 2zd Feb. they failed from Portfmouth, under Sail, under command of Capt. Thompfon of His Majefty’s iloop the Nautilus ; but, having been immediately feparated by a Form, they did not all rendezvous at Plymouth numbers and till the 19th March. Thus the be ft part of the feafon was loft; and many of the jgngiand^ ^ poor people had been on board above three months, and were very fickly. The rum furnifhed for their comfort proved their greateft bane. Many were daily in- toxicated, by drinking their whole day’s allowance at once — an irregularity which, with fait provifions, and a fituation rather crowded, increafed the ficknefs fo much, that above 50 had died before they reached Plymouth. The rum aifo caufed mu- tinous behaviour, for which 24 were difeharged; and 23 ran away. But, having received fome recruits, 411 finally failed from Plymouth, on the 9th of April 1 787, and having experienced the mortality Hated in § 334, the furvivors arrived, at S. . Leona on the 9th of May. 680. After feveral conferences with King Tom, Capt. Thompfon obtained his Land allotted, permiflion for the black poor to land, which they began to do on the 14th. Divine ^ fervice was performed on fhore, on the Sunday following, and a fuitable fermon would not preached by the Rev. Mr. Frazer, Chaplain to the colony. But very few of v’°lk' the colonifts feemed to pay any attention to the fervice, or to the duties incul- cated. As Capt. T. could not learn who was the true polIeRor of the land, the purchafe was not compleated till the t2th of July, when the grant was ratified by King Naimbanna, his vaffal King Tom, &c. Lots of land, of one acre each, were next drawn for, the feite of the town chofen, and a ftore-lioufe founded. But nofoon- er were thefe meafures, taken than the worthlefthefs of the colonifts (if they deferved the name) began to appear. The immediate profpeft of labour produced it’s ufual effefts on indolent and depraved difpofitions. Inftead ot that harmonious exertion which their critical fituation demanded, lazinefs, turbulence and licentioufnefs of every kind fo entirely pervaded this wretched crew, that fcarcely a man of them could be prevailed on to work fteadilv, in building the hut that was to flicker him, or even to aflift in landing the provifions by which he was to be fupported. The rains fet in on the -28th of June, and the mortality became dreadful : yet the infa- tuated furvivors perfilled in their excefl'es. 681. On the 12th of July, Mr. Irwin, the agent-condu£lor died, leaving the whole Store houfe weight of the undertaking on Capt. Thompfon, whofe well-direfted, animated and it y* diVIdf T * ~ humane exertions might have been attended with the beft effefts, if the people from bad huts, themfelves had heartily co-operated. By the 23th of July, he got the ftore-lioufe finilhed, and the provifions and ftores landed from one of the tranfports (another which had but few ftores on board having before failed.) The rains now became fo violent, that it was impoflible to ftir out with comfort, or even fafety. The huts 222 Appendix. —y mJ Neceflity o- bliges the co- lon ills to plant. Provifions&c. finally ferved out. Capt. T. leaves S. Le- ona. Colony reduced to 276 But, by Capt, T’s care, his fliip loft but one man. Bad water. Notes, &c. refpeding S. Leona and Bulama. — Note B. huts of the colonills were neither wind nor water-tight, which increafed the mor- tality fo much that, though in June only 9 died, no fewer than 42 were carried off in July. Such was the general diftrefs and indolence, that the remaining transport, which had in the greateft quantity of ftores, was not cleared and ready to fail till the 21ft of Auguft. 682. Her departure brought the colonills to fome fcnfe of their condition ; for they then plainly faw that, without exertion, they mull inevitably perifh, when their prefent flock of provifions fhould be exhaufted. In the intervals of fair weather, therefore, they began to plant rice, Indian corn, &c. which throve very well. Stock was very fcarce and dear; yet fome of them had poultry in their yards, which they had brought with their fpare cloaths, &c. and others had faved a a part of their weekly allowance of provifions ; for feveral individuals had all along been induftrious and temperate. 683. By thei3th of Sep. the provifions, the cloathing, tools, &c. were entirely ferved out to the colonills, and, on that day, the arms and ammunition were fent on fhore. From the mortality which had taken place, there remained feveral furplus articles which Capt. Thompfon flored on fhore as public property, for the benefit of the community. 684. On the 16th of Sep. (1787) Capt. Thompfon, in the Nautilus, failed from the colony, which mortality and defertion, chiefly the former, had reduced to 276 perfons, namely 212 black men, 30 black women, 5 white men and 29 white wo- men. Capt. Thompfon having witneffed the reformation which the failing of the tranfports and the approach of his own departure had wrought in the poor people, was not without hopes of their final fuccefs; for he confidered that the furvivors were then feafoned to the climate, and that neceffity would oblige them to plant the ground and to build comfortable houfes in the approaching dry feafon. 685. Moll of the above particulars are extra£led from the journal of Mr. T. D. Woodin, kept on board the Nautilus; and fome of the mofl material of them were confirmed by Capt. Thompfon, in his evidence before the H. of Commons (Minutes of Evidence on the flave-trade 1790, p. 171.) It is a remarkable fa£l, that the Nautilus, furrounded as fhe was by the ravages of death, for above 4 months, loft only one man, the reft of the {hip’s company enjoying perfeft health, though confined entirely to fait provifions, and on a ftation where a flave-fhip would molt probably have loft the greater part of her crew. This circumftance mult fure- ly be admitted as a proof, not only of Capt. T’s prudent care, but that the mortality on fhore was not fo much owing to the climate, as to want ofjhelter , and to intem- perance which had debilitated many of the poor wretches, long before they faw S. Leona. This, however, is far from being the only inftance of King’s fhips being perfeftly healthy on the coaft of Africa (fee § 78.)— Mr. Woodin mentions bad water as a frequent caufe of difeafe on the coaft, and affirms that, in two former voyages he made, 223 Appendix. Notes, (Be. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note B. made, “ the water lower down the coaft, gave the people Guinea-worms, fome of which did not appear out of the flefli for 8 months after leaving Africa. Thefe, continues he, “ the company of the Nautilus were not troubled with, and is a con- vincing proof that S. Leona is the moll eligible fituation on the coaft for a fettle- ment, having plenty of wood and excellent water.” (See § 52.) 686. In March, 1788, the Rev. Mr. Frazer returned, on account of ill health. Be- fore his departure, many of the colonifts had fold their mufkets, See. for rum. The ficknefs had entirely ceafed: but fo many had emigrated to the flave-faftories, See. as to reduce the number of the colonifts to 130, whom he left in perfect health, he himfelf having been then the only fick perfon among them. The emigration he attributed partly to the ficklenefs of the people, and partly to the want of live flock, •which even the more induftrious, who remained, were too poor to purchafe. 687. In May 1788, Mr. Granville Sharp chartered a veffel of 160 tons, at his own expenfe, in which he fhipped two months provifions for 50 perfons who had en- gaged to go out, with cloathing, arms, tools. See. and a fum of money to buy live flock, on the coaft. On Mr. Sharp’s application, Government furnifhed £200 fter. more, for the purchafe of ftock. On the 6th of June, the veffels failed with 39 perfons on board, the reft having deferted. The veffel touched at St. Jago, one of the Caoe de Verd Iflands, and did not arrive at S. Leona till the 6th of Aug. But the captain, who wasalfo the owner of the veil'd, took in no live ftock at Saint Jago, or any where elfe; but, contrary to his own exprefs contraft, he delivered to the colo- nifts goods to the value of a certain number of cattle. Thofe goods he doubtlefs car- ried out with him from England, in the way of a job , a fpecies of frugality which the captain certainly had as good a right to praftife as any other man. He appears in- deed to have made a profitable job of this whole bufinefs. My reafons for faying fo are, ill, His being owner, as well as captain, of this chartered veffel. adly, The unconfcionable length of his voyage outwards. 3dly, His having goods ready, cut and dry, to deliver in lieu of cattle ; for it is not likelv that he carried thofe goods from England for any other purpofe, as he well knew the poor colonifts were unable to pay for them, qthly, Part of the money intrufledto him was Government-money , which was alone a ftrong temptation to a job. ^thly, I have heard perfons of ftri£l veracity, well acquainted with this whole bufinefs, declare that Capt. T — 1-r a£led as a . Thus did an unprincipled fellow dare to fruftrate the benevolent inten- tions, not only of Mr. Sharp, but of the Britilh Government itfelf. — 'I have been well informed that this expedition alone coft Mr. Sharp between 5 and £600 fter. exclufive of the £2.00 given by Government, and of 150 guineas, fent him by a worthy perfon whofe name, if I could difeover it, ihould accompany that of his friend; for, I think, all fuch examples ought to be made public, for the imitation of the 1 ich, and the confequent comfort of the poor. Mr. Sharp, I know, is of a different opi- nion; but, from the nature of the tranfa£lions, Ins generality, on this and fimilar occafions* In Mar. 1788, colonilts healthy, but many had emi- grated. Mr. Sharp fends a velfel to relieve the colony j but the cap- tain deceives him. 224 Appendix. V -> Many colo- niftsemigrate, a fold as flaves. Man of war ordered to call at S. Leona. St. George’s Pay Co. af- terwards in- corporated in- to S. Leona Co. Notes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note B. occafions, could not be concealed: and, indeed, I knew moll of the circuinftances of this expedition, at the time, having been often on board the vefle!, while Ihe lay in the Thames, and having taken care to inform myfelf of the refult of this bufinefs. 688. By a letter from Mr. Weaver, the Chief Magiftrate, dated S. Leona April 23d, 1788, which arrived after Capt. T — 1-r had failed, it appeared that moll of the colo- nills had then emigrated, fome to the flave-faftories, and others on board flave-lhips; alfo that King Tom, prefuming on the weaknefs of the remainder (whofe numbers Mr. Weaver did not fpecify) had fold two of them for Haves, and threatened to fell more. The furgeons and other whites, tempted by large falaries, had entered into the fer- viceof the flave-merchants, at the neighbouring factories. This difagreeable intel- ligence, Mr. Sharp immediately communicated, by letter, to Mr. Pitt, requelling that directions tnight be given to the captain of the fliip of war, then under orders for the coalt, to reprefent to King Tom the impropriety of his behaviour, and to fe- cure the people from farther injury. Orders to this effeft were accordingly given to the captain. But I am forty that the want of materials prevents me from pur- fuing this narrative. 689. 1 think, however, I ought not to omit that, previous to the incorporation of the prefent S. Leona Company .of Aft of Parliament, in 1791, a number of gentlemen, anxious to promote the civilization of Africa, which, from the Report of the Britilh Privy Council, feemed very practicable, and to colleft the furviving, and really moll deferving colonills, had alfociated, under the name of “ the St. George’s Bay Com- pany.” Of the minute made at their ftrft meeting, the following is a copy. 690. “ At a meeting of the Gentlemen difpofed to encourage a free trade to St. George’s Harbour, on the coalt of Africa, held this 17th of Feb. 1790. Prefent, Mr. Alderman Clark, in the chair, Mr. Pritzler, Mr. Granville Sharp, Mr. Hardcaltle, Mr. H. Thornton, Mr. W. Sharp, Mr. Corlbie, Mr. Geo. Sharp, Mr. Heyman, Mr. Wilberforce. Mr. Alderman Le Mefurier, Mr. Morland, Mr. R. Hunter, ( per proxy,) Mr. Rayner, Mr. Ludlam, Mr. Whitbread, Mr. Sanfom, Mr. W. Moore. Members abfent, Mr. Shaw, Mr. J. Philips, Mr. Vickeris Taylor*. * Several cf the above gentlemen were chofen Direflors of the S. Leona Company, Oil. 19th 1791. (See § 333.) Indeed the S. Leona Co. was formed out of the St. George’s Bay Co. or rather, it is the fame alfociation, incorporated (for 31 years) under a different name. RESOLVED, Notes , &c. ref peeling S. Leona and Bulama , — Note C. 225 (i.) “ RESOLVED, That the ere&ion of a Company, for the purpofe of opening Appendix. and eflablifhing a trade in the natural produftions of Africa, to the Free Settle- '■ ment in St. George’s Harbour, is a meafure highly proper.” (2.) “ RESOLVED, that the thanks of the Meeting be given to Mr. Sharp, for the pains he has taken in the bufinefs: and he is hereby requelled to take to his aflift- Refolutkms. ance, fuch profeflional and other advice, as he may find neceflary to the projefl.” “ In cafe the propofed ellablilhment lliould take place, we agree to take the fhares of £ 5° each. fet down againltour refpeflive names. Shares. Granville Sharp 2 W. Sharp 2 R. Clark 2 W. Wilberforce, Efq. (by letter, fiiares not fpecified.) S. Whitbread 4 H. Thornton ..... 2 Jof, Hardcallle 2 Jof. Corfbie 1 Shares . Philip Sanfom 1 William Moore 1 Jof. Reyner 1 W. Long, for Robert Hunter ... 1 Mr. Pritzler ( per W. Ludlam) 1 W. Ludlam 1 Ab. Harman ( per Mr. Whitbread) 2 H. Heyman (by letter) ........ 1 Geo. Sharp ................. 1 “ Thcfe undermentioned gentlemen were not prefent; but they have fignified their defire to fubferibe, viz. Mr. Alderman Le Mefurier, W. Morland, Efq. Mr, J. Phillips, Mr. Jo. Shaw, and Mr. Vickeris Taylor.” Note C. See § 335, 473. 691. The circumllances attending the breaking up of the firft colony at S. Leona, Situation of in Nov. 1789, are Hated in the fecond report of the Dire&ors, (fee § 473.) — The afterdieir^* colonifts having loft their houfes and their little property, took immediate refuge in difperfion. Bob’s I (land, belonging to the fa£lory at Bance Illand, where, however, they do not appear to have remained long. Mr. Alex. Kennedy, in a letter “ to the St. George’s Bay Company,” dated Bance Illand, Feb. gth, 1791, writes thus concerning them. “ Some fettlers paid me a vifit laft week. When I gave them ,Mr. Granville Sharp’s letter, they feemed very much overjoyed ; and the thoughts of not being forgot in England feemed to give new life to them. About 50 of them live at Pa Bofon’s, about 12 miles above Bance Ifland, and a few live and fometimes work on Bance Ifland. The others are fcattered up and down the country. I cannot get any exaft account how many there are. See. I have been up where they live, and I underhand, the chief, Pa Bofon, expefts a confiderable prefent for the time they have been living with him. They bear a very bad charafler among the flave-mer- chantshere; but I am rather apt to believe it is not fo bad as they fay ; for I faw every thing veiy regular; and they have a kind of church where they fay prayers every 'Sunday, and ling the pfalms very well. I attended, when there, perfonally, with fuch of my people as were with me, and they all feemed to pay great attention.*’ G g Without 22 6 Appendix. >- -y— > Mr. Falcon- bridge fixes them at Gran- ville town. Accounts of the climate of S. Leona. Notes } &c. refpetting S. Leona and Bulama . — Notes D and E. — Without obtruding my own reafonings concerning their chara£ter, I cannot help obferving, that fuch an account of them as the foregoing might naturally be expe£led, after repeated calamities had carried off the incorrigibly vicious and improvident, and doubtlefs had alfo improved the furvivors. Befides, llrong neceflity would at length effeftually recommend the examples of thofe who had all along been regular and induftrious. Note D. See § 336. 692. At the palaver held on this occafion, Mr. Falconbridge, in behalf of the St. George’s Bay Company, repurchafed, from King Naimbanna, and the fubordinate chiefs, for goods worth about ^30 her. all the land which had formerly been pur- chafed by Capt. Thompfon. But it was agreed that the colonifls fhould not build on the former fpot. Mr. F. therefore took poffelfion of a village, confiding of 15 or 16 good huts, which the natives had recently abandoned, from a notion of it’s being haunted ; and he rightly thought that their fuperflitious fears would tend to pre- vent their holtile attempts, efpecially in the night. In about 4 weeks, he erefled fome additional huts, and a houfe in which he depofited the flores and ammunition he had brought out for the relief of the colonilis. But, not truding to the honour of the natives of the place, he regularly appointed a guard every night. This new village he named Granville Town , in honour of it’s benefaftor Granville Sharp, Efq. Note E. See § 337, 367. 693. Lieut. Matthews is not the only author who has given a favourable opinion of the climate of S. Leona. — Old Purchas (Vol. I. p. 44.) gave a good account of that place, from the obfervations of a Mr. Finch, made in 1607. — In Ogilby’s Africa, printed in 1670, we read that “ Serre Lions, according to Jarrick, many take for the healthfulleft place in all Guinea,” and that “ the air is better for a man’s health, than, in many places of Europe, &c. ’ — “ We fhall only mention,” fays Dr. Lind, “ the high hills of S. Leona, upon whofe fummits the air is clear and ferene, while thick mills and noifome vapours overfpread the lower grounds: yet, even at this place, the Englilh inhabit a low valley, merely for the benefit of a fpring of good water, the carriage of which, to any part of that hill, might be ealily performed by flaves,” (Dif. of hot Clim. p. 158.) — And if by flaves, why not by freemen, efpe- cially blacks? for I do not believe that the Doftor would have recommended any labour that could injure either freemen or flaves. Is it not probable that the bene- fit of trade (which the Doftor elfewhere alludes to as the caufe of the unhealthful fituations of “ trading factories,” (fee § 75,) may have partly di&ated this molt abfurd and pernicious choice of the Englilh refiding, in his time, at Sierra Leona? And may we not hope that fuch prejerence of trade to health, is now at an end, in that river? — But farther: Mr. U. Nordenlkiold, brother of the gentleman of that name who lately died at S. Leona, among other places in Africa proper for coloniz- ' * ation, Notes, &c. refpecling S. Leona and Bulama. — Notes F and G. 22 7 ation, mentions C. Mefurado, C. Monte, Rio Sherbro and Bance Ifland, in Sierra Appendix. Leona river. “ Treatife on the Utility of Commerce and Colonization in both the ' -j Indies and in Africa, Stockholm, 1776.’’ — Sir Geo. Young of the Navy has a good opinion of the climate of S. Leona, elpecially (like Dr. Lind) of the higher grounds; and, before the black poor failed in 1787, he gave Capt. Thompfon, of His Majefty’s floop Nautilus, particular directions where to place the town. — That excellent man, Mr. Harry Gandy of Briftol, who made two voyages to S. Leoija, where he re- mained a conhderablc time, writes thus: “ Gambia is a much deeper river, yet for want of a harbour near the fea and good water, it is, on thefe accounts, rather incon- venient; and, though fome other parts of the coall may juftly boa ft of their feveral beauties, richnefs and fertility, yet, for want of a good river, a fafe harbour and fine water, they can, for colonies, by no means ftand in competition with Sierra Leona; which has alfo this concomitant advantage, beyond a leeward fituation, or any near the line, that being fo far to windward, a paflage from thence, (viz. S. Leona,) to England, might be made in half the time that is commonly done from the Gold and Slave Coafts.” See his letter of the 3d Dec. 1788, in the N. Jerufalem Mag. No. IV. — See alfo the opinion of Mr. Woodin in Note B. — Thus it appears, that the gen- tlemen concerned had very good reafons for chufing S. Leona as a proper place for a new colony; for it is natural to fuppofe, they confulted inoft of the above authori- ties, and perhaps others which I may not have feen. But unfortunately, the intem- perance of many of the firft colonifts, and the hardfhips fuffered by them all, fiom the want of proper fhelter and food, were fuch as no human conftitutions could with, ftand, in any climate whatfoever. Note F. See § 343. 694. The moft ufeful produfts of that portion of Africa which I have included in the map, as the beft adapted for colonization, have been already enumerated. S. Leona is a part of that traft of country; and an abridgement of thofe paragraphs of the report which deferibe it’sproduftions, would be little elfe than a repetition of all or moft of the contents. of the fifth chapter, to which, therefore, I beg leave to refer the reader— alfo to Note B B. Note G. See § 335. 695. The blacks living in London are generally profligate, becaufe uninftrufted, Caufesofthe and vitiated by flavery: for many of them were once flaves of the moft worthlefs Pr°fiigscy of defeription, namely the idle and fuperfluous domeftic, and the gamblers and thieves London.0 who infeft the towns in the W. Indies. There are fevere laws againft carrying, or enticing, flaves from the Iflands, without the knowledge of their owners. Yet fome of thofe fellows contrive to conceal themfelves, or are concealed by others on board fhips on the point of failing ; a better fort come to attend children and fick per- fons on board, and others are brought by their mafters, in the way of parade. Many of G g 2 them. 228 Notes, &c. ref petting S . Leona and Eulama. — Note H. Appendix, them, naturally enough, but perhaps without fufficient reflettion, prefer “ a cruft of — bread and liberty,” in Old England, to eafe, plenty and flavery in the W. Indies. For, excepting the too frequent excefles of capricious, tyrannical, or drunken owners, the treatment of fuck flaves is as good as that of the truly ufeful field-negroes is bad. In London, being friendlefs and defpifed, on account of their complexion^ and too many of them being really incapable of any ufeful occupation, they fink into abjeft poverty, and foon become St. Giles’s black-birds. Unhappily moil of the firfl! colonifts of S. Leona, compleatly anfwered this defcription, before they embarked; though their original circumftances were different. (See note A.) The Directors, therefore, did right in reje&inganew embarkation of fuch London blacks; and it is to be hoped, they will always adhere to their refolution of ftri&ly examining the chara&ers of thofe, of whatever complexion, whom they fend out as colonifts. See § 127, e t Jtq. and, above all, § 301. Firft terms offered to co- lonifts by the S. Leona Co. Note H. See § 362. 696. The Directors alfo publifhed a paper entitled “ Terms of the Sierra Leona Company, to all fuch Settlers as fhall fail from England, within three months from the date hereof, in order to go to Sierra Leona.” Of this paper, which is dated Nov. 3d, 1791, it does not feem neceftary to give more than an abridgment, which I {hall do, by copying its marginal contents. (i.) “ Each fettler to have twenty acres of land for himfelf, ten for his wife, and five for every child.” Mines, & c. referved for the Company. (2.) “ No rent on the land to be charged till midfummer 1792. A quit-rent of one {hilling per acre to be then paid for two years. A tax, not exceeding ttvo per cent on the produce, to be chargeable for the next three years, and afterwards a tax of four per cent.” (See § 193-) (3.) “ A fettler, by depofiting fifty pounds for each ten acres, may have, befides his own proper lot, as far as forty additional acres, and fhall have ltores from the Company to the amount of his depofit.” (4.) “ Every fuch fettler to be carried out at the Company’s expenfe. To have three months allowance of provifions, and three month’s half allowance, and bag- gage, if lefs than one ton, to be carried free of freight.” (5.) “ Lots to be forfeited, except thofe of women and children, if one-third is not cleared in two years, and two-thirds in three years. The clearing of lots of women and children, muft, after three years, be proceeded upon, according to the fame rate of progrefs.” (6.) “ No one to buy more than 20 acres, in the town diftrift, till three-fourths of his land is cleared.” (7.) “ Settlers to give £50 fecurity for their paffage, and to be allowed there- upon, to borrow ^30 worth of goods, from the Company’s ftores.” * (8.) “ Paf- Notes , &c. ref petting S. Leona and, Bulama. — Notes I and K. 229 (8.) “ PafTage-money out never to be called for, if the fettler flays 12 months. Appendix. nor paffage money home, if the fettler or his wife is obliged to return on account of l- — health.” (9.} “ The fettler may pay £ 50 in money, if hepleafes, inftead of giving a joint bond for it: the/^o fo paid, to be returned him at the end of one year.” ( 10.) “ Bond, or payment of £50 to be difpenfed with in the cafe of artificers and hufbandmen well recommended, and in fimilar cafes, at the difcretion of the Di- refilors.” (11.) “ Houfes to be built by the Company, each fettler paying ten per cent rent, or purchafing his houfe at prime coll.” (12.) “ Settlers to affi.fl jointly in clearing the ground for the town, or to pay a commutation in money.” (13.) “ The Company to fell goods to the fettlers at a profit of 10 per cent.” (14.) “ The Company to buy the produce of the fettlers, or to convey it for them at 2y per cent, commiflion, and cuftomary charges, giving them a credit for two- thirds of the value.” (15.) “ No duty on articles imported or exported, ever to exceed 2§ percent.” Note I. See § 369 697. It gives me no fmall fatisfa£lion to find that fome attention has been paid to thefe my very able and worthy countrymen ; efpecially as I had the honour to intro- duce them both, as well as the late Mr. Strand, another Swede, to the acquaintance of fome of the Directors; and this I did at their own particular defire. Mr. Nor- denfkiold and Mr. Strand, while they lived, did the credit I expefted, to the cha- ratter given of them, a charafter which Mr. Afzelius flill fupports, with, honour to himfelf and fatisfa&ion to the Company. Note K. See § 370. 698. In the very outfet, the whole undertaking at Sierra Leona was in great Danger of danger of being ruined by the fecret efforts of flave-merchants. and flave-hold- en,emie? t0 tI,s 1 • r • 1 • i. ci- tt 1 /- colony becom- ers, to get their friends into the Uirettion. Had they fucceeded, they would ing Directors, doubtlefs have proceeded in a manner very analogous to the too common praftice of Mortgagees-in-pofTeffion of Weft Indian eftates, and who frequently refide in England. Such a gentleman, by means of a proper agent, has perhaps buildings erefted which are not immediately neceflary, and, in fhort, increafmg expenfe by various methods which I have not room to detail, at the fame time, neglefting the crops, he, in a few years, makes an eftate his own; while the unfortunate owner, in an ifland perhaps where few of the refiding planters can help one another, hath not the means of contending at law with his powerful oppreffor, nor even dares to mur- mur,lor fear of exafperatmg him and making things worfe. By fuch arts, are moft of 23° Atpsnoix. ' i — , " 1 ml to be avoided by giving the coionifts a lhare in the government. I il ufage of . black Ameri- can loyalists. Notes, Cstc. rejpecling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note L. of the fuddenly overgrown Weil Indian fortunes accumulated. By fitmlar means, would IV. Indian Dire£tors have conduced the affairs of the S. Leona Company. They would have appointed proper agents, to make a feint of cultivation and com-, merce. Thefe agents would have defignedly failed; and yet would have made it appear, perhaps by witnefles examined on oath, (fee § 183.) that they had in vain exhauited all their ingenuity and induilry in the fervice. ' 699. In order, therefore, to exclude for ever all forts of enemies to this eitabliih. ment, enlightened and induiirious coloniils ihould be encouraged to go out, and be allowed to take part in their government, and to give their votes at the ele£lion of the Diretlors. For annual elections, by the fubfcribers independent of the coloniils, as praftifed at prefent, expofc the undertaking more or lefs, at every new eleflion, to the machinations of it’s enemies, who, in fpite of every precaution, may fucceed at laft, and then the ruin of the colony will be fealed. The prefent fyilem lodges the whole power in the Directors, who refide in Europe, and whole orders the Governor and Council in the colony are bound to obey. The coloniils can only petition or remonilrate; and remonilrances are commonly generated in, and feldom fail to in. creafe, ill humour. Having no other means of defence again!! incroachment and opprcilion, it appears to me, that the coloniils muil inevitably be ruined or cruihed, if ever a majority of the Dire&ors, (which Heaven avert!) ihould be ignorant of, or adverfe to, their real intereils. But in my humble opinion, fome fuch conilitution as I propofed at § 181 et feq. would have greatly tended to fecure the colony from fuch ferious dangers. Indeed, when I confider, that,befides the dangers juft mentioned, the prefent Dire£lors may be removed by death and other caufes, and that it is poffible, they may be fucceeded by perfons lefs difpofed, or lefs qualified, to watch over and promote the intereils of the colony — I fay, when I confider thefe circumilances, I certainly do wiih, and even hope, that the coloniils may obtain the exercife of the un. doubted right of every free community, to cleCl their own government ; and that this government and the Court of Dire£lors may be incorporated into one body. For, as the intereils of the coloniils and fubfcribers, are, or ought to be, the fame, their reprcfentatives ought not to be feparated. See § 181, 182, 183. — — — ' ■ Note L. See § 374. 700. I have already mentioned that, at the peace of J783, many white and black American loyaliils were conveyed to G. Britain, the Bahamas, and Nova Scotia. A few alfo went to Jamaica and other W. Indian iilands; and, I believe fome to Canada, and other places. The fate of the blacks who came to England, has been noticed, (Append. Note B.) Their brethren in the Bahamas fared far worfe. The laws of thofe Iilands, like the other ilave-laws, prefume all blacks to be flaves, unlefs they can prove the contrary, and admit not their evidence againji white men . Hence free blacks are very often reduced to ilavery, efpecially in the •* * more Notes , &c. ref petting S> Leona and Bulama. — Note L. *231 more extenfive colonies, by unprincipled whites; for fuch have only to fwear to Appendix. their property in any free negro, who cannot produce formal proof of his freedom, l— and he becomes ipfo fatto the flave of the fwearer. Two very notorious inftances of this pra&ice, in Jamaica, one of them in the cafe of the wife and children of a Iniqultoufly free black loyalifl, from Carolina, were ftated in evidence to the Houfe of Cora- t0 fla" mons, by Capt. Giles of the 19th regiment of foot, who humanely interfered, and fucceeded in a public trial, attended with much trouble and expenfe, the greater part of which, by the way, I am well informed, he never was repaid. In the other cafe, Maior Nefbit of the fame regiment, after a fimilar trial, delivered a free wo- man from a white villain who had feized her as his flave. And, but for the interpo- fition of thofe worthy officers, thefe women and children, though really free, would, like many other free blacks, have been retained in flavery. (Min. Evid. 1 79 1 , p, 105.) 701. In Bahama this iniquity was pra&ifed by the white loyalifts againft the black ones, to fuch a degree, that the late worthy Governor Maxwell was obliged to take public notice of it, a flep which rendered him extremely unpopular, among the guilty , and was ultimately ineffe&ual. The white loyalifts carried the fame difpo- fition with them to Nova Scotia ; but I have not fpecifically learnt that they pro- ceeded to fuch flagrant exceffes. The dij'pofition, however, they certainly ffiowed, and even indulged, to a certain extent. In particular, they in feveral inftances, de- prived the blacks of the houfes they had built, and the lands they had cleared ; and, at laft removed many of them to an inhofpitable part of that inhofpitable country, fo very diftant from any market, that it was imprafticable for them to fell their produce, and to procure necelfaries. In ffiort, a Chief Juftice declared publicly from the bench, That the climate of Nova Scotia was too cold for whites to fubfift there without the help of flaves, — a very fignificant hint to the blacks, what they were to expefh The fa£l is, that men who have once been fuffered to indulge in the prac- tice of flavery, muft ftill have flaves. The W. Indian iflands are too hot, and Nova Scotia too cold, for them to do without auxiliaries, whom the pride and lazinefs generated by flavery, have rendered neceflary to their very exiftence. 702. Among other writers, Montefquieu, in his Spirit of Laws, and Dr. Franklin, slavery ener- in his Thoughts on the peopling of Countries, have noticed the tendency of flavery to vates and cor" vitiate the minds of mafters, as well as flaves. I have been ferioufly allured, that it 1UptS ma is common in the W. Indies to deferibe the diftrefs of a ruined planter by faying, “ Poor man he has but one negro left to bring him a pail of water,” an expreffion which, in the phrafeology of that country, fignifies the deepeft diftrefs. And in - deed it muft be no fmall hardlhip to be fuddenly deprived of the attendance of 20 domeftic flaves, or even double the number, who, Mr. Long aflures us, are not un- ufual in a Jamaica family. Hift. of Jam. Vol. II. p. 281. By comparing account No. 3 in the Privy Council’s Report, Part IV. with the Report or Anfwersof the Barbadoes Aflembly, we find that on an average, every white man, woman and child, 232 Apfendix. *1 ^ ~ Account of the abolition of the flave- trade. Notes, &c. refpeSling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note M. child, rich and poor, in that Ifland, keeps a domeftic flave in waiting! Thefc fa£ts, I prefume, require not the aid of arguments to prove the neceflity of abfolute- )y excluding from every new colony, the praftice of flavery which, in every view, hath been fo deftru&ive of the peace, the profperity, the morals and the happinefs of the old. Note M. See § 337. 703. I fliould be inexcufable, were I to omit this opportunity of paying my little tribute of refpeft to the diftinguilhed merit of thofe worthy brothers, the Rev. Mr. Thomas Clarkfon, A. M. and John Clarkfon, Efq. Lieutenant in the Britifh Navy. 704. In order to appreciate the extent and importance of their fervices, it might not be amifs to enter a little into the hiftory of the grand and important queftion of the Abolition oj the Slave-trade. But my limits will fcarcely permit me to mention the public and hazardous expoftulations of George Fox, the founder of the refpe&able fe£t of Quakers, with the planters of Barbadoes, where, in defiance of perfecution, he preached againft flavery, in 1670 : or the early and humane la- bours of Morgan Goodwyn, or thofe of Woolman and Benezet, Whitfield and Wefley ; and Mr. Sharp’s valuable exertions have been already hinted at (fee Note B.) I mull therefore content myfelf with obferving, that, in 1784, the late Rev. Mr. James Ramfay, Vicar of Teflon, in Kent, publifhed his excellent “ Eflay on the Treatment and Converfion of African Slaves, in the Britifh Sugar Colonies.” This work was the refult of the worthy author’s perfonal obfervation, during a long refidence in the W. Indies; and, although it rather extenuated than exaggerated, the horrors of flavery; yet it very much alarmed the planters, whofc retainers, in order to deftroy it’s effeft, attempted to ruin the reputation of the author. But they were difappointed; for Mr. Bamfay’s charafler was too well eftablilhed to fufTer any permanent injury from their attacks, and their clamour excited that very enquiry which they fo much dreaded. Mr. Ramfay, in bis various replies, fo ably maintained his ground, as to make on the public mind, a very conftderable impref- fion in favour of his caufe; and in 1785, the Univerfity of Cambridge, to the appli- cation of whofe eminent learning the liberties of mankind have, at various times, been fo much indebted, propofed a queftion refpefling the flavery and commerce of the human fpecies. This produced a Latin eflay on the fubjeft, from Mr. Tho- mas Clarkfon, which was honoured with the firft prize of the Univerfity, for that year: and of which he foon after publifhed an Englifh tranflation. 705, About that time, Mr. Wilberforce, one of the Members for Yorkfliire, appears to have formed his refolution of introducing the fubjefl into the Britifh parliament, of which he is fo diftinguilhed an ornament. This noble defign, which he Notes, &c. refpetting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note N. 233 he has fince profecuted with fitch ability and perfeverance, I believe, was firfl fug- Appendix. gefted to his mind by the work of Mr. Clarkfon, who was his cotemporary at the 1 Univerfity; and the formation of the Society for the Abolition of the Slave-trade can be dillinftly traced to the fame excellent publication. 70 6. The merit of a performance thus diffinguifhed, and thus perfuafive, may be Mr. T. fuppofed to have been great; and it is but doing it juflice to fay, that it has always s ex~ preferved a decided fuperiority over all the numerous trafts which fucceeded it. His next works were “ An Elfay on the Impolicy of the Slave-trade,” and another on “ the Inefficiency of Regulation as applied to the Slave-trade” both which con- tain a mod valuable fund of information, then entirely new, but which, as well as Mr. Ramfay’s writings, has fince been fully confirmed by the Evidence delivered before the Britifh Legiflature. But Mr. Clarkfon’s aftive benevolence was not fa- tisfied with merely writing in favour of the Abolition. His unremitting exertions, fometimes attended with great perfonal hazard, primarily contributed to drag into light the dark fecrets of this horrid myftery of iniquity ; and, it is to be hoped, will ultimately contribute to it’s annihilation. 707. His amiable and worthy brother all along participated, more or lefs, in his and thofe of labours; and, when the tranfit of the Nova Scotia blacks to Sierra Leona was re- Mr. J.Clark- folved upon, he generoufly offered his fervices to the Company, or rather to Govern- ment; though he was perfeftly aware of the difficulty of the undertaking. The manner in which he performed it, is mentioned by the Dire&ors in terms of appro- bation ; and indeed it would have been very difficult for them to difcover a perfon, whofe amiable manners and ftrift integrity, fo eminently qualified for uniting the minds, and fatisfying the fcruples, of a fet of men who had but too much reafon to diftruft the profeffions of white men. His fubfequent conduft, in the more delicate talk of governing a mixed multitude, during a period of awful mortality and alarm- ing difcontent, appears to me, very meritorious, and fo difinterefted, that I verily beT lieve the only reward to which he looked (certainly the beft he ever received) was the confcioufjiefs of having done his duty — the only idea that can fupport the mind under unmerited negleft, in a world where it often happens, “ That Virtue, from preferment barr’d, “ Gets nothing but her own reward. ” Note N. See § 389. 708. When a colony may have been begun, upon fuch a fyflem as I recommend, and is incorporated into one focial body , of which the government is a part (§ 182, 183, 194,) they will confequently have one common interejl', in which cafe, the go- vernment may be empowered to keep a ftore of necejfaries , to be bought with the public money, and fold for prime coft and charges; for to require a profit on fuck articles, would, in my view of it, not only be unreafonable but inhuman. The in- come or revenue of the community ought alone to arife from taxes, and profits upon H h luxuries’. 234 Notes, (3 c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note O. Appendix, luxuries. Perhaps alfo upon a certain moderate quit rent, for fuch land, as may t_ — ( — — t be bought on account of the community. (See § 696 No. 2.) The Government of a new colony, whofe objeft is civilization, ought to be empowered to regulate and controul the ufe of luxuries, with a view to moral improvement ; and that, not fo • much perhaps by compulfive laws, as by example and influence. The government alone can be fuppofed competent to judge, whether or not any particular luxury be compatible with the happinefs and improvement of the community; and if it ber when and how it ought to be introduced. In an infant colony, therefore, the go- Publie fam- vernment alone ought to be authorized to keep a public retail Ihop, or rather Jam - commended6." pie-room , where fpecimens of all approved articles of luxury fhould be difplayed, with the prices, including a determinate profit, affixed. Having previoufly eftimated the probable demand for fuch luxuries, by the orders lodged at the ffiop or fample- room, the government might then import them, in fuch quantities as would be likely rather to fall ffiortof, than to exceed, the expe&ed demand. (See § 114, et Jeq.) Thus there would be few or no luxuries imported on fpeculation, to wait for cuftomers,till they are probably fpoiled. It appears to me that, fome fuch plan as this, executed with proper caution and management, would greatly conduce to civilization, which, as I before obferved, the gradual and prudent introduction of of innocent luxuries very much contributes to promote, (fee § 36, 670.) 709. RefpeCting the “ money-medium” mentioned in the text, I ffiall hereafter have occafion to offer fome remarks (fee Note W. to § 424.) Note O. See § 390. Bulama colo- 7 10. It appears from § 545, that moll of the Bulama adventurers, who arrived at not^cTintrude ^-eona Calypfo, intended to return to England, and that their chief view into S, Leona, in touching at the latter place, was to procure accommodation for fome of their number who wifhed to return to Bulama, after the rains. But there feems to be no reafon for fuppofing, that any of them wifhed to remain permanently at S. Le- ona. Owing to various caufes of delay, the rainy feafon had overtaken them at Bulama, before proper houfes were built. Such of them as were difpofed to per- fift in the undertaking, but dreaded the rains, againfl which they were not provided, naturally enough expended to find accommodation during that dangerous period, in the S. Leona colony, which had then been fome time fet on foot. In this expectation they were difappointed; but the readinefs with which the government executed the inltruCtions of the Directors, by affifling thofe diftreffed people, as well as the liberal declaration of the Directors (^ 391) certainly call for the grateful acknow- ledgments of every friend to the civilization of Africa. 711. That among the Bulama colonifls there were many perfons of an improper cajl, lor fuch an undertaking, is evident from Mr. Beaver’s letters (See Note G G, No 5, Notes, refpeEling &c. S. Leona, and Bulama.-Notes P} Q and R. No. 5, 8, 1 6.) But I think I can take upon me to affirm, that the Dire&ors do not here mean to infinuate that all the Bulama colonnfts were of this defcription; for, not to mention Mr. Dalrymple, Mr. Beaver, Mr. Hood and Mr. Aberdeen, ,551, 559) it is certain that feveral other perfons, of the belt charatters and the pureft in- tentions, embarked for Bulama. In like manner, it is evident from the context, that, by perfons who might hav« “ left debts in England,” the Direttors do not mean unfortunate , but fraudulent, debtors; and it would be the extreme of raffinefs to affirm, that there were none of this defcription among the adventurers both in the S. Leona and the Bulama undertakings. Note P. See § 397. 712. The fevere difcipline, neceffary to preferve order among the convifts at Botany Bay, probably difgufted Mr. Dawes with the refpe&able ftation he held in that new colony, the principles of which are fo diametrically oppofite to thofe of S. Leona and Bulama. For the fame caufe, Mr. Watt and Mr. Macauley may have been difpleafed with their fituations in the W. Indies, where the difcipline is ftill more fevere. For a more fevere difcipline is certainly neceffary to compel {laves to drudge inceffantly for the foie benefit of other perfons, than to maintain tolerable order among the moll abandoned convifts. Note Q. See § 398. 713. The circumftances intended to have been inferted in this Note have a very clofe connexion with thofe which form Note B B (§ 52 7) to which I beg leave to refer the reader. Note R. See § 400, 478. 714. I have already hinted at the merits of my late friend Mr. Nordenfkiold, (§ 70) but this melancholy paragraph (400) fuggefts the propriety, or rather the ne- ceffity, of inferting, though I cannot well fpare the room, fome acccount of the ciri cumftances which preceded his death. But I ffiall leave to an abler pen the talk of doing juftice to the memory of a man whofe abilities were fo well known in his native country, and whofe penetration of mind was fo tifefully employed in the in- veftigation of truth, and in the improvement of his friends. This perfonal detail I hope my readers in general will excufe; as fome circumftances convince me, that I owe it to my friend’s relations, efpecially to his poor difconfolate widow and children, and to his refpeflable brothers*. Something feems alfo due to my own feelings. * Otto Nordenfkiold, Chief Admiral of the Swedifh Navy, Adolph Nordenfkiold, Colonel of the Swedifh corps of Engineers, Charles Fredrick Nordenlkiold, Secretary to the King’s Chancery and Ulric Nordenfkiold, Chamberlain to the King. 235 Appendix. ./ Some of them perl'ons of worth. Mr. D. Mr. W. and Mr. M. how em- ployed before they went to S. Leona. Keafons for in- ferting an ac- count of Mr. N’s expedition and death. H h 2 I recom 236 Notes , &c. refpecling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note R, Appendix. I recommended Mr. Nordenfkiold to feveral of the Direftors, as well as Mr. Af- * zelius, and the late Mr. Strand. Bat this recommendation was in confequence oi their own exprefs requefl, as Mr. Afzclius can teliify ; and I think. I cannot take a more effeftual method of convincing Mr. Nordenfkiold’s relations, that I afted both as a friend and an honell man, than by fliowing that I have no objection to publijh the following particulars, in a country where maay creditable perfons can confirm or contradift them. Mr. N's Tick- 7 15. Mr. N’s bed friends mull confefs, that his attention to his health was by no tre^'b! tore means proportionate to his many good qualities. Before he failed for Sierra Leona, he embarked, he was fo much weakened by a dangerous illnefs, that I endeavoured to perfuade him to pollpone the voyage, till his health was perfeftly re-eflabl Hired ; but in vain. Hu refolution was fixed, and he embarked at Briftol on the 10th of Jan. 1792, to endure the hardfhips of a llormy palfage, of no lefs than 16 days from that port to Corke, which fo affefted him, that he was moflly confined by fevere ficknefs, during the fhip’s flay of 7 weeks at that port. I need not conceal that pecuniary difficulties, oc- cafioned by his unexpected delay and ficknefs, increafed his diflrefs. But he was moll generoufiy aflifled by Mr. WolfT (for I muft mention his name) one of the Sierra Leona Direftors, who really knew and valued his talents, and, but for whofe friendly and individual aid, he mull have been left, probably to die, in a place where he had not a fingle friend to clofe his eyes. The grati- tude he felt and expreffed for this aft of liberality, no doubt contributed to agitate his mind; and, every thing confidered, he mufl have been then very unequal to the profecution of the voyage. But the voyage he would, and did, profecute. At S. Leona, he was again taken ill, and before his recovery was perfefted, and after his conflitution had fuffered feverely from repeated attacks, he fignified an ardent defire to penetrate immediately into the country,- where he always hoped to find an innocent, hofpitable people, among whom he could pur- fue his refearches, to his own fatisfaftion and to the emolument of the Company. His honefl mind, too, could not brook the idea of living at the Company’s expenfe (though he had no falary) while he remained inaftive; and it mufl be acknowledg- ed, that diflention and confufion rendered the colony a very uncomfortable habit- ation for a perfon of his habits. The remonflrances of his friends, chiefly Mr. Af- zclius and Mr. Strand, againfl fuch an attempt, in his weak flate, and during the rains too, were ineffeftual. His mind was fo ardently bent on ufeful purfuits, that he often neglefted that caution which is fo necefTary a concomitant to refolution in all hazardous enterprizes ; and there is no doubt that this deleft in his charafter was one chief caufe of his death. Some account 716. The following is the bell account of his percipitate and fatal expedition that I tion^&death" ^ave keen a^e to colleft.-- Having, by repeated folicitations, obtained, the confent of the Governor and Council, together with the moft proper goods the flores then con- 3 tained, Notes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note R. 237 tained, for his difburfements on the journey, he took his departure about the 25th of Aug. 1792, (the middle of the rainy feafon) for Robanna, the iflandon which King Naimbanna refides. There he was detained fome time by bad weather, when, hearing of the arrival of the York, he returned to Freetown, in hopes of obtaining fome arti- cles which be could not procure when he firft fetout, but which he thought had pro>- bably arrived in that fh i p from England. In order to take a more compleat view of the country, he now refolved to go to the town of Port Logo, by the river Scaffos (or Searcies.) Accordingly he fent to Robanna for the goods which he had lef tthere. He received, however, but a forry account of them. King Naimbanna’s courtiers, it feems, like others of that privileged order in every part of the world, thinking themfelves intitled to make free with every thing they found within, the walls of the palace, had converted to their own ufe raofl of the articles, efpecially the liquors, which Mr. N. had depofited there. The fmall remnants of them which were returned, together with the goods he had obtained from the York, he put on board a (loop belonging to and commanded by a white flave-trader, who had agreed to perform the voyage for 100 bars. They proceeded up the ScafTos, to the place where it was agreed they fhould land, and convey , the goods acrofs the ifthmus, which fepa- rates that river from the river of Port Logo, and 12 miles diflant from the town of this name. A part of the goods were landed from the {loop ; but whether they were fent along with Mr. N. and the white man and the negto, who conftantly at- ended him, or preceded, or followed them, does not diftin6lly appear. It is only cer- tain, that in walking this fhort diftance, moll of them were ftolen. Circum fiances fo adverfe, added to the fatigue and bad accommodation, mull have operated on his ardent mind with a poignancy deflru&ive of the little health he then poffefled. 717. At the town of Porto Logo, which is between 70 and 80 Englifh miles above S. Leona*, he was taken ill ; and being deprived of the means of piofecuting the journey, he was under the neceffiiy of returning to the colony, which he did in a canoe belonging to King Naimbanna’s people, who brought him very carefully to Freetown. They arrived, in a very unwholefome, foggy night, and carried Mr. N. who was entirely wet and in a delirious Hate, to his friend Mr. Strand’s hut, where he was accommodated and attended, as well as circumftances would permit, but was afterwards removed to that of Mr. Afzelius which it feems was larger. But his cafe was by that time beyond the reach of human aid. In feveral fliort intervals of recolletlion, his mindfeemedintirelyoccupied with the awful concerns of futurity, and he was too weak to fpeak much; fo that his friends could not think of troubling him with minute enquiries refpe&ing the expedition. But he repeatedly complain- Appendix. ' — —y— ■ His goods fto- len. He is taken ill- * The reader will fee by the map, that the river of Port Logo is a branch of the river S. Leona, fo called from the town of Port Logo, fituated on it. ed 238 Appendix. V, i—y — I and dies. Who it was that proba- bly hole his goods. Mr. N. re- ceived no l’ala- ry, and his fa- mily no pro- vifion. Notes , &c. refpcSling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note R. ed of the conduft of the mafter of the floop; adding, that if he could hope to live to make a fecond attempt, he would carry no goods, but would depend for fupport on the hofpitality of the natives, in whom he placed much confidence. A little before his death, he requefted Mr. Afzelius and Mr. Strand to fend all his papers to his Brother Adolph, in Sweden, and to none elfe. Thefe were fome of the laft words he fpoke ; and he expired, in a very peaceful ftate of mind, about 14 days after his re- turn to the colony. 718. The white attendant and the black fervant came back with Mr. N. but neither of them could give any account of the theft ; which makes me think that the goods landed from the floop were fent on before them and Mr. N., or were to follow them. That they were not privy to the theft, would appear from the bare cir- cumftanceof their adhering to Mr. N. to the laft. Indeed the white man never (Quitted his bed fide till he expired. Yet, for aught they knew, he might recover and give a diftin£l account of the whole affair. Befides both of them always had, and itill preferve, very good charafders, in the colony*. It is true, that the captain of the floop alfo returned to the colony, with the fmall part of the goods that were not landed with Mr. N. and was paid the 100 bars, for which he had agreed to per- form the voyage. Whether or not he was concerned in the theft, it is impoflible pofitively to afeertain. But I have very good authority to fay, that he was a Jlave - trader, and not one of the beft chara&er ; and that, from Mr. N’s repeated com- plaints of his conduft, he was fufpefted in the colony of being privy to the whole of this dark bufinefs. 719. Iam not infenfible that this is but a lame and imperfeft account of this un- fortunate expedition, and the myfterious circumftances attending it, which will pro- bably never be fully explained. But it is the beft account I have to offer, and imperfeft as it is, has coft me no fmall trouble to collef). 720. I need not mention the difappointment which the company have fuftained by the death of a man fo zealous in their caufe, and fo able to promote it; and in- deed the Direflors feem not to be infenfible of his worth. It is no doubt gener- ous to acknowledge a man’s merit after he is dead: but I cannot help thinking it is ftill more generous, as well as more juft, to pay him for his labour, while he is alive. At leaft it might have been expended that the Direfdors would not have permitted a man of Mr. N’s merit, efpeciailya foreigner, and one who had a wife and family, to undertake a hazardous enterprize without a regular falary. Indeed, con- fidering the circumftances, and the manner in which the Dire&ors mention their en- gagements with Mr. Afzeliusand Mr. Nordenfkiold,(§ 369) I never could havedreamt that they had undertaken their laborious refearches without any emoluments. I lived * The white man came from N. Scotia with Mr. Claikfon. The black man, whofe name is Lou- don, came alfo from N. Scotia. t at ' I . Notes, (3c. refpeding $. Leona and Bulama. — Note R. 239 at Manchefter, when they failed for S. Leona, and I confefs I never gave them Appendix. credit for any fuch romantic excefs of difintereftednefs, till Mr. Afzelius aftonifhed ~ me, by mentioning it the iaft time he was in England. Suppofing then, as I did, that Mr. N. received a regular falary, I ftill thought that, as he might be faid to have fallen a viffim to his too forward zeal in the Company’s caufe, it was but reaw fonable to expefit, that fome provifion would be made for his widow and orphans, as had been done in at leaft one lefs urgent cafe*. Full of this reafonable expecta- tion, as I then thought it, and ftill think it, I who had, what I may well call the mif- fortune to introduce Mr. N. to the Direfitors, addrefied to them the following letter, which, of courfe, would have contained an additional and forcible argument, had I known, at the time, that Mr. N. received no falary. To the many mortifications I have endured in this bufmefs, I have to add, that the Direttors never deigned to return any anfwer whatever to this letter t. “ Gentlemen, “ Having lately received the unfortunate news, of the The author's unexpended death, of your mineralogift and my moll intimate friend, Mr. Auguftus ^.te^t0 ^ Nordenlkiold, whofe abilities and knowledge, I am convinced (had his life been that fubjeCt, fpared,) would have proved of thehigheft utility to the Company, in the department to which he was appointed; permit me, Gentlemen, from the fame attachment I always entertained to the genera' profperity of the new colony, and it’s ultimate obje£t, the abolition of flavery, in which I have been ever ready to dedicate my life, property and fervices, to recommend to your notice another Swedifh gentleman, Mr. Ekholm, of great experience and capacity in mineralogy and chemiftry, to fucceed Mr. Nor- denfkiold. This gentleman is at prefent in Stockholm, but would, on due notice from the Company, come over to England to prepare for his poll, and attend your further orders. * The cafe alluded to, was that of the late Dr. B. who died from drunkennefs about a fort- night after his arrival at S. Leona. Dr. B. was a man of merit in his profeffion, before he contracted this fatal habit, which he had fo fuccefsfully concealed, that it did not come to the knowledge of the Directors, till he had been appointed. When informed of it, they took immediate fteps to prevent his failing for S. Leona : but he had failed, before their refolution to that effeCt could overtake him. The Directors, however, not only allowed his widow one year’s falary, (£250) but all'o made up a fum, out of their private purfes, fufficient to purchafe her an annuity of £50, during her life. ■f If the reader fliould think me a little warm on this fingle occalion, I hope he will excufe me when I remind him, that Mr. Nordenlkiold was my countryman and my intimate friend, whom, with a view to gratify all the parties concerned, I became inftrumental in introducing to the Directors : and the fituation in which I Hand with refpeCt to his diiconfolate family, is too delicate to allow me to be filent. “ As 34° Notes, &c. refpeding S. Leona and Bulama. — Note S. Appendix. “ As an additional motive for this appointment, I have authority to fa , that Mr. — Ekholm, out of friendfhip and attachment to the memory of the deceafed Mr. Nor- denfkiold, his brother in law, is willing to appropriate a part of the falary that may be allowed him, towards the fupport of his unfortunate widow and four children, v/ho are left dellitute by his death; and I trull this humane confideration, in addition to his real qualifications, will have weight in his appointment, efpecially when I cart aflert for fa£l, that the deceafed Mr. Nordenfkiold, exclufive of the facrifice of all his own property in the expedition, and that of his friends to the amount ol£§oo and upward, alfo loft by his death, a confiderable and lucrative poll in his own coun- try, amounting to no lefs annually than 1500 Rix dollars*, which his widow is, of courfe, now deprived of. “ Should this recommendation, Gentlemen, meet your wilhes, in acquiring a ufeful member to your community at Sierra Leona, I truft the conlideration of Mr, Ekholm’s humane and liberal acceptance of the arduous fervice, will alfo induce you in the appointment, to make him an allowance of falary equal to your excellent and learned botanift Mr. Afzelius; as his fervices, exclufive of the fuperior danger in his line of purfuit, cannot be lefs. — Suffer me alfo, Gentlemen, fo far to plead for the dellitute widow and children of the deceafed, as to fuggeft, that, in cafe of the death of Mr. Ekholm, a part of the falary you may intend for that gentleman, may he continued for the fupport of the late Mr. Nordenfkiold’s wife and children. “ In the difchargeof this duty to the Company, and to the merit and misfortunes of my friend, I have the honour to remain, “ Gentlemen, Your devoted friend and fervant, “ C. B. WADSTROM Note S. See § 415. Mr. S’s death 721. Mr. Strand, the late Secretary to the Council at Sierra Leona, was probably and character. as anxious about his health, as Mr. Nordenfkiold was carelefs. At leaft fomething of this kind feems to have appeared, from his very free ufe of opium, of which he had always a quantity by him, and which could not but affe£l his health. As he has not, like his friend Mr. Nordenfkiold, left a widow and orphans to deplore his death, it feems unnecelfary to add any thing more concerning him, than the follow, ingextrafl; efpecially as it contains an account of his character, which cannot but afford his refpettable friends in Sweden as much fatisfa&ion as it did to me, who re- commended him to the Direflors. * A Swedifh rix-dollar bears the proportion to an Englilh crown, in pure filver, as 534-*- to i79r§-5 See Joranffon’s Tabeller, 4to. i777« Extraft Notes, C3c. rejpethng S. Leona and Buldma. — Note T. 341 ExtraEl of a Letter ftom the Governor and Council at S. Leona, to the Chairman of Appendix. the Court of Directors of the S. Leona Company , dated Freetown, 6ih Nov. 1794. l~ ' 722. “ II is with real grief we infotm you that the Company have fuftained an irretrievable lofs, by the death of Mr. Strand, on the 30th ult. after an illnefs of four days continuance. We dare not flatter ourfclves that the Court of Direflors will find one fo eminently qualified as Strand was, for the confidential Ration he held. “ Examined, London 24th Jan. 1795. “ J. R. Williams, Solr. & Seer.” Note T. See § 415. 723. The mortality, of about 21 per cent, here noticed, by the Directors, is an- Mortality of final; for the voyages of flave-fhips average exaftly 12 months, and 12 days. The ths 88 flave-fhips returned to Liverpool and Briflol, in 1786, and up to Sep. 1787, when an abftraft of their mufler-rolls, lodged in the cuftom-houfes of thofe towns, was given into the Privy Council, by Mr. Thomas Clarkfon, M. A. In 1790, thofe documents were brought to London, by order of the Houfe of Commons, and 4 perfons, (2 for, and 2 againft, the abolition) were appointed to examine them; the 2 delegates of the abolitionifts, of whom Lieut. J. Clarkfon was one, having been enjoined not to debate with the 2 others, but merely to fee that they took no unfair advantages. The refult was, that, of 12,263 feamen, in 350 flave-fhips, which failed from Liverpool and Briflol, from Sep. 1784, to Jan. 1790, there died 2643, or 2i| per cent, in every voyage, [i. e. in about a year,) were upon the dead lift, exclufive of very great numbers who die on fhore, in the W. Indies. For, when the flaves are fold there, from | to \ of the furviving feamen, fuffice to bring the fhips home. By way of leffening expenfe, therefore, the flave-captains barbaroully treat thofe whom they wifft to get rid of, to make them forfeit their wages, by defertion; or if too fick to defert, they land them, in the night, before they fail. The deferters wander about, friendlcfs and forlorn, till mod of them perifh with hunger, and dif- trefs in various fhapes. The fick, worn out with fevers and fluxes, or entirely dif- abled with tumours, ulcers and Guinea worms, (fee § ,52.) languifh on the wharfs and beaches, till welcome death feals up their eye-lids. — Such are the effefils of a trade, to which certain men, who would be thought adepts in what are called the fciences (as they certainly are in all the arts) of political ceconomy, finance and commerce, have not fhuddered to lend their fecret favour, or their avowed fupport. If fuch be, as they pretend, the foundation of fhe commerce of Europe, “ My foul come not thou into it’s fecrets!” 724. Having given this fample of the policy and humanity of the flave-trade. Mutter-rolls and of its fhamelefs and infidious abettors, I mull add, that the mufter-rolls are do- |eftify cuments of the mod unqueftionable kind, being lodged in the cuftom-houfes, by the ftatement. I i Have- 342 Appendix. v— — y > Compared with mortality at S. Leona. Climate im- proves with cultivation. Reafor.s for re- luming the conlideration of money. Notes, &c. refpeding S. Leona and Bulama. — Notes U and W. flave-captains tliemfelves ; and that the near agreement of the two abflracls of them made out, for different periods, by order of the Privy Council and of the Houfe of Commons, is at once a proof of their accuracy, and of thefyflematical deffruXion of feamen in this mod iniquitous traffic. — It is alfo worthy of remark, that in the fhips of the S. Leona Company, the mortality, under all the pafi disadvantages, appears not to have exceeded what takes place in the W. Indian trade, which is generally allowed to be a nurfery for feamen; and, there can be no doubt, that the health of the Company’s failors will improve with that of the colony. — Fora full and accu- rate Hatement of the mortality of feamen in different trades, efpecially in the Have- trade. See Mr. Clarkfon’s Eifay on the Impolicy, &.c. Note U. See § 419. 725. Of thefe obfervations of the Directors all the modern European colonies afford examples, more or lefs appofite; and every eftabliffiment of the kind, made or attempted, in the W. Indies, gives the flrongeff evidence of their truth. The climate of Barbadoes, in particular, now juftly reckoned (that of Bridge-town ex- cepted) one of the moil healthful tropical climates in the world, was extremely fatal to it’s early inhabitants. — When I came to the mortality experienced at Bulama, I intend, if adequate materials can be procured, to ffiow, by a comparative view, of the infant and mature Hates of different colonies, that neither that ifland nor Sierra Leona have been peculiarly fatal to human life; and that, as the DireXors intimate, their climates may be confidently expended to improve, in the fame proportion as the foil is cleared and cultivated. — See in this Append. Note GG. No. 18, et feq. Note W. See § 408, 424. 726. I muftconfefs mvfelf pleafed with every opportunity of drawing the reader’s attention to the opinions which I wifh to inculcate refpe£ting money; and very little attention feems neceffary to convince every thinking man, that the fubjeft is of the higheft importance to mankind. In conformity, therefore, with what has been al- ready intimated in § 122, 142, (efpecially in qu. XXVIII.) I beg leave to offer a few candid remarks, fuggefkd by the following paffages where money is mentioned by the DireXors, as connefted with the affairs of the Sierra Leona colony. — But firfl it may be proper to obferve, that in entering on a plan of no lefs magnitude than the civilization and confequent happinefs of the inhabitants of a whole quar- ter of the globe, we ffiould ferioufly labour to avoid thofe evils which are found to concur in rendering our prefent focial connexions fo difagreeable. “ The firft Hep,” fays a great author, “ to do good, is to leave off evil.” It is plain, therefore, that we cannot too carefully invefiigate the nature of all focial abufes, if we really mean to avoid the infemination of them into a new and uncorrupted community. Well Notes , &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note W. 343 Well apprized, however, of the pure intentions of thofe who are now exerting Appendix. themfelves in this great caufe, I mull repeat my conviftion, that the Direfilors of ' — *> ~ the S. Leona Company, earneftly wilh to introduce real civilization into Africa, and to exclude thofe focial abufes, which too many miilake for civilization itfelf. They and I aim at the fame end : we only differ as to fome of the means. 727. The wages , fay the Directors, given to the Nova Scotians , were at leaf the double of thofe given to the natives. ( § 408.) If it be allowed that our wants impel us to feek the means of fupplying Caufes for ?n- them, and that thofe wants increafe as we advance in civilization or refinement, Scotia'f’s^ then it will appear, that as the Nova Scotians had adopted more European cuftoms wages, than the natives, they had more wants to fatisfy; or, in other words, were more civilized. But this is not all: thofe people muff have been ufed to money before they came to Sierra Leona; and thus had imbibed the defire of accumulating mo- ney, for the folepurpofe of fatisfying their artificial wants, independent of their na- tural ones*. From thefe caufes combined, they could not but be continually ftriv- ing, againft the intereft of the Company, to increafe their wages. 728. “ The DireElors trufi they have gone to the root of another evil , by introducing a confiderable quantity of coin into the colony , thus fubfituting the plain and cer- tain medium of dollars , in place of the former one of bars , which having been a medium of calculation that was extremely variable and confufed , and merely nomi- nal, has occafoned much trouble and difpute, and given the opportunity of prac- tifing perpetual frauds in tbe African commerce” ( § 424 ) If this pafTage fhould be clofely examined, I fear it's contrary would appear to be Bars a confuf- the true Hate of the cafe. For the African idea of bars is founded on an article eL me, . m t0 the whites, as (iron) which is of primary and indifpenfible neceffity to the negroes; whereas dol- is money to lars are founded on an article (filver) which isneceffary only to thofe who deal with tlie thofe negroes: confequently the confufon, trouble, difputes , and frauds , here attri- buted to the calculation by bars, mull be on the fide ot the white people. But we ought alfo to take into the account, the confufon, trouble, difputes, and frauds, which the changing of bars into dollars, (money) mult necelfarily occafion to the African inhabitants. But perhaps we are not fo ready toconfider the confequences of our meafurcs, to thofe poor ignorant people, as the convenience of our commerce. 729. If ever it fhould happen, (which may Heaven avert) that the nature of Eu- European me. ropean money, (artificial credit,) fhould be permanently ellablifhed in any new ^urTous 'to5' African colony, and money fhould become the only object of indultry, independent the Africans, * Civilization neceflarily produces wants. But, in my opinion, there are two kinds of civiliza- tion and two kinds of wants, — the artificial and the natural. The leading principle of artificial civilization is diflimulation, and it's confequences a felfifh a&ivity, and an increafe of artificial wants, in an undue proportion to natural wants. The leading principle. of natural, or innocent, civilization is integrity, and it’s confequence, a focial activity, and an increafe of natural wants, prior to and in. dependent of artificial wants. I i 2 of 314 Notes, &c. reflecting S . Leona and Bulama.—Note W. Appendix, of commodities, as has been unfortunately the cafe in Europe, then it appears to ine, ' that the feeds of the fame abufes and corruptions will be fown, which have led Europe, and are now leading America, with a celerity proportioned to her progrefs in fpeculation commeice, from focial to felfifu intereils. From that moment, I would give up all hopes ot real civilization, or moral improvement. On the con- trary, I Ihould not be furprized to find a flourifhing c otnmerce introduced, at the expenfe of the morals and civil happinefs of the poor Africans, who, inltead of be- ing carried as Haves to the W. Indies, would be lubjected to unpolition and fraud, and would virtually become Haves in their own country, to the fame Europeans whole jolt ’ ohjtll, at prefent is, the accumulation of money, whether it be in Africa They tell the dollars. European mo- ney a luxui y, or in the W. Indies. 730. That the demand for bars is derived from the natural want of the commo- dity (iron) will l’carcely bedifputed; and that the value of this natural money rifes or falls, as it is more or lefs wanted, will appear equally true*. 731. But coined money has an artificial or arbitrary value; inafmuch as it is founded on a commodity, (gold, filver, copper, &c.J which, if allowed to circulate, uncoined, by it’s weight and ftandard, would certainly not be demanded nearly fo much as (iron) bars. Indeed, that coined money is not demanded at all, by the Africans, but obtruded upon them, appears evident from their exprefliou, “ Jelling the dollars,” ( § 427.) that is, they get rid of a commodity they do not want, in order to re-introduce thetr old bars, which they confider as a reprefentation of one of their real wants, and which, as a money medium, the Directors are taking fo much pains to diferedit and eradicate +. 732. From w'hat has been faid, it is evident that coined money will be much more produff ive of confufton and difputes with the negroes, than ever were bars; efpecially when it is confidered that thofe fimple nations are not nearly fo expert in fine mercantile calculations, as the Europeans. 733. Before a nation attain that degiee ot moral improvement, which qualifies it to partake of luxuries without endangering focial order, it appears extremely impoli- tic to introduce an article of luxury, which no man can procure without fubjeffing himfelf to a kind of ilavery. 734. That fpccies of luxury, (or fuperfluity, gold, filver, &c.) which is prema- turely introduced, in any charaffer whatfoever, and even that of money, previous to articles of primary neceflity, and left to the arbitrary difpofal of individuals, ought * The reader may recollefl Qg. XXVT. § j+z. “ Is not the real want of any commodity in a community, the only natural baiis of the intrinfic -value of that commodity?” If fo, it’s value can never be fixed. ■f I arrant that the prefent African bar is nominal ; but it is demonftrable that the dollar is alfo nominal. Who cannot lee that the prefent pound fterling, or livre Tournois, does not convey the idea of a pound Troy of filver, which however it originally contained ? to s Notes, &c. refpeCting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note W. 345 to be checked by the whole community, through its government. For this liberty, Appendix. independent of any check or order, appears to tend direflly to deflroy the ufeful and l- moral chara&er of individuals, and, paradoxical as it may feem, to reduce then* which tends to ultimately to flavery. This pofition refls on that irrefragable principle, drawn from man~ uniform experience, namely, that luxuries, when once they get firm root in a com- munity, change their nature, and partake fo much of the nature of neceflaries, that they cannot be eradicated without doing violence to liberty, and bringing human nature into fome degree of buffering*. 735. The difpofition of man, naturally tends to despotism, not only in accumulat- ing power, to influence and govern others, which too often leads to the deprivation of life; but alfo in accumulating money or wealth, which too often terminates in the forcibly depriving others of their property; in both cafes unchecked by the commu- nity in which he lives t. — This kind of independence is at prefent generally called liberty , and is aimed at and fought after by all thofe, who do not wifh to be fubjetted to any focial check. But this inclination is diametrically oppofite to order, which, it were eafy to prove, requires each individual, in every focial refpeft, to be governed by the will of the whole, or of the majority, and not vice verfa. 736. For the foregoing reafons, 1 cannot but think, that real, iron in bars,, fhould hut real iron have been introduced even into the colony. They would have had all the effential ^ar*t*ia not ufes of a money medium, without being liable to the abufes of European money, the nature of which they would have kept out of fight, as being themfelves com- pofed of (iron) the mofl ufeful of all metallic commodities. They would therefore have tended to keep the produ&ion of commodities conflantly in the view of both the natives and the colonills. But, perhaps, it would not be yet too late to change the colonial money fyflem, before the felfifh fpirit, encouraged by European money, has entirely debauched the minds of i nnocent Africans. 73 7. It is evident that the Company wifhes to eflablifh a certain credit in the co- Credit natural lony;and that is as right and neceffary as that they fhould endeavour to give a and artificial, proper energy and firmnefs to the colonial government. All that I wifh to obferve is, that they cannot be too much on their guard againfl the introduction of an arti- ficial credit, which will as certainly end in an unlimited credit, as the inveftb- ture of the colonial government with an unchecked power, will terminate in dej'potij'm. # I do not mean that kind of luxury, which a man produces by means of kis own labour or in- dultry, either for the necelfaries, the conveniences, or the enjoyments of life, but I'uch luxuries only as are procured by means of money . -}■ It has been hitherto confeffed, that abufes and tyranny fpring from an arbitrary ox unchecked power of governing, and I think it is not lefs certain, that an arbitrary or unchecked power ofdif- pofing of wealth leads to abufes of another kind. Both terminate in a fpecies of perfonal flavery. To prove this affertion, plenty of inftahees might be produced. 3 7 37- 346 Notes, &c. refpeSling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note W. Appendix. .Price, depend- ing on demand, cannot be fixed Three objec- tions anfwered 738. “ But as the valuing of the bars produced fome altercation , the price of 3 dollars a month , or about ys. 6d. a week, is now fubjlituted.” ( § 426.) - To what has been faid, I need only add here, this fimple queltion. — Is it pof- fible to fix the price of any article whatever, without deranging the natural propor- tion between commodities, which arifes from the natural and variable want and de- mand of them, in a community? 739. I fhall pafs over feveral other parts of both the Reports, which are connefted with money matters. But, before I difmifs the fubjetd, it may be proper to add a few words to juflify and elucidate fome opinions advanced in the firft part of this work. For, as men at this day commonly infer their objeftions and arguments, on fuch fubje&s, from fafts and particulars, and cannot be expefted to contemplate the (civil evils) caufes of diforder in the communities of the prefent age, from the fame identical point of view, I may very naturally fuppofe that the following obje£lions ■will be made to the opinions implied in § 142, qu. XXXVII, LI. (1.) It may be alked, How bufinefs can be conduced in fociety , without credit, that is to fay, without coined ?noney ? 740. I anfwer, that fuch credit, being only an artificial credit, oughttobeentirelyba- nifhed and removed ; but notthat kind of credit which is founded on a real knowledge of ufeful ability and aQivity of men. This lafl kind of credit, which maybe manifeded in any form whatever, may be fafely fubdituted for money, and will never difturb -or diminilh any bufinefs of real utility in fociety*. An indudrious, a£tive, and ufeful farmer, for example, will be known and accredited by his labourers; a tradef. man or a manufafturer by his cuflomers, and the merchant by thofe who entruft him •with their orders for fupplying their wants +. Thus a charafter for ability, induftry, fobriety and integrity, is the true flandard for all natural credit, which needs not the barbarous and impolitic fupport of arreds and imprifonments for debt; but di- refcily tends to encourage the excellent moral qualities ou which it is founded. In a word, artificial credit tends to dilfolve, or etflave , civil fociety; and natural credit to confolidate and improve it. (2.) If gold and fiver, were to circulate according to their weight and fandard, would not many be impofed upon by bafe metals? 741. But are not gold and filver, even at this day, bought and fold, in every pof- fible fhape, both damped and undamped, and confequently are not bafe metals cur- rent, even on the prefent fydem ? — It is true, that if money were altered from coin (or credit) to weight and fandard, the buyer would be obliged to examine the * If the reader will confult Mr. Sharp's “ Sketch of temporary Regulations for S. Leona,” he will find that a currency of any extent, and for the larged community, may be molt advantagcoufly founded on day labour, regidered in a public bank. 4 In the prefent order cf things, however, the contrary is the cafe. quality Notes , &c. refpetiing S. Leotia and Bulama. — Note W. 347 quality of the commodity rather more minutely than he does at prefent. Such Appendix. examination is, indeed, now, in a great meafure, out of the queftion; as the buyer, ~ ' ■ like a creditor, depends on the artificial laws enaXed to relieve and proteX him, in all cafes*. 742. But on the natural fyftem of weight and ftandard, every able, and of courfe, accredited aflayer would become a natural banker; or the banker, from an ignorant money-holder, would be obliged to become a fcientific aflayer of gold and filver; and his note would be taken in payment, within the circle of his connexions, as monev, and it’s validity or eftimation would be proportioned to the natural credit fuch an aflayer had obtained. (3.) If there were no J peculation commerce , how would focieties be provided with necejfaries ? (See ^ 114.) 743. I anfwer, that all fpeculation, in articles of the firft neceflity, ought, in a well regulated community, to make a part of the duty of the government: or, if that fhould be found difficult or impraXicable, a commiflion-commerce might eafi- ly be organized fo univerfally, that, from the moll diftant individuals, orders might be conveyed from one commiflion tradesman to another, even to the lad commiflion merchant. All thefe might in fuch cafe obtain a decent and fecure living, proportioned to their different degrees of trouble and rilk. This commer- cial fyftem, indeed, might eafily be introduced even into our prefent focieties; fince all kinds of property may be effeXually fecured by the eftablilhed modes of infur- ance. Weight and denominations of S. Leona coin. * This would certainly be a very great, and, I fhould think., a very proper check on fpeculation commerce, which at prefent hurries on bufinefs with the tumultuous celerity of a hunting match. One man pufhes another, he a third and fo on, whether they can bear pufhing or not, with fuch dif- orderly eagernefs that many tumble and trip up others, while the leaft defcrving often fhare the greatcft prizes in this mercantile fcramble. In the mean time, intelleftual improvement, and every other kind of improvement, perfonal, domeftic or focial, is entirely neglefted: for when a man’s whole time and at- tention are engroffed by one low fordid purfuit, every nobler purpofe of his being mull be overlooked- — See alfo that excellent work, IValker's Geography, Second Edition, 1775, § 150. 744. A reprefentation of the filver and copper coin, introduced into the colony of S. Leona, is inferted in the large Map. Fig. j, reprefents the Dollar, which is called a Cent piece. Fig. 2, the half Dollar or half Cent. Fig. 3, the 20 Cent, and Fig. 4, the 10 Cent. Fig. 5, the copper coin of which 100 makes one Dollar. One Dollar contains 400 grains of pure filver. 100 coined copper Cent pieces weigh 31b. Note Notes , &c. refpecling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note X. i. 348 Appendix. ^ v ‘ * Not£ X. 1. See ^425 et feq. , 745. II' the reader has given that attention, which the fubjeft fo well deferves, to what is laid on cultivation (from § 13 1 to 1 40 inclufive) he will not fuppofe me a very warm admirer of the fyftem adopted; or rather, I would fain hope, only under trial , at S. Leona. The part of my book juft quoted, which touches on cuiti- Cultivation at vation, was printed feveral weeks before I had an opportunity of perufing the arti- iiinilar to’ the cle on 1116 fame fub je£I:, in the fecond report of the Dire&ors (fee § 425 et feq.) and W. Indian. at which, I confefs, I was both grieved and furprized. I was grieved at obferving fo much fimilarily between the fyftem of cultivation adopted, or tried, at S. Leona and that praftifed in the Sugar Iflands ; and I was furprifed that any thing like an imi- tation of that mercantile fyftem of cultivation fhould be tolerated at S. Leona, after it’s oppreflive confequences to the unhappy Haves on fugar eftates, in the W. Indies, had fo clearly appeared in evidence, before the Britifli Privy Council and Houfe of Commons*. The fimilarity which I lament, appears in the following particulars: (1.) As on Weft Indian fugar eftates, the grumettas, on the Company’s planta- tion, have a flated, though certainly a more liberal, allowance of provifions ; and their dinner is drelfcd for them in the manager’s houfe, as for weakly negroes, and for children on mod plantations in the fugar iflands. This mode will fave time; but I much doubt if it will tend to improve the natives in the arts of houfehold ceconomy. * That oppreflion Is infeparable from the prefent mode of cultivating the' fugar cane in the W, In- dies, appears by inference from Long’s Hift. of Jamaica, and explicitly in Dickfon’s Letters on Slavery. This laft writer (p. 23) particularly deferibes the manner in which the cane-holes are dug and the dung dillributed. “ I have feen,” fays he, “ land lined off into fquare fpaces 4 feet each way, which I believe, is the general rule in Barbadoes. The cane-holes, therefore, may be about 3 feet fquare, and 7 or 8 inches deep, wrth a fpace or “ diftance" between each, and another fpace or “ bank" at right angles to the diftance, to receive the mould. The holes are dug, with hoes, by the flaves, in a row, with the driver at one end, to preferve the line. They begin and finifti a row of thefe holes as nearly at the fame inftants as poflible ; fo that this equal talk mull be performed in the fame time , by a number of people who it is next to impoflible, fhould be all equally ftrongand dexterous.’’ — “ The w«ak, therefore, from the very nature of this mode of turning up the foil, mull necejfarily be oppreffed. The driver is often obliged to fet fuch negroes as cannot keep up with the reft, to work, in a feparate cor- ner by themfclves ; but I am forry to fay he too often firlt tries the effe£l of flogging.” “ In dif- tributing dung, each negro carries on his (or her) head a balket full of it, the driver with his whip bringing up the rear of the gang. Here then, is another equal talk, to be performed in an equal time, by people of unequal ftrengtli. In diftributing dung, therefore, as well as in holing, the weak are unavoidably oppreffed.” “ In this work, (he negroes have no help at all from cattle or implements of hulbapdry, the hoe and the balket only excepted.” &c. The balkets are all of the fame fize ; inl’omuch that a dung-bafket has become a kind of meafure for potatoes, &c. as a trajh-bajiet , which is much larger, is for other things. (2.) They Notes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note X. 1. 249 746. (2.) They are called to work in the morning by the blowing of a horn. — On Appendix. fome W. Indian plantations a fhellis ufed for this purpofe, and on others a bell. v ' “ Shell-blow,” as the flaves call it, roufes them about 4 o’clock. In half an hour Labourers on after, more or lefs, the driver Tallies forth bawling “ Turn out ! Turn out!” at the Jat^°s called fame time loudly fmacking his cowfkin, which he fmartly applies to the naked bodies out with a of thofe who come too late into the field. — May no W. Indian overfeer or negro- °r"’ driver*, ever find means to fubftitute a flogging for the dram, now given at S. Leona!! 747. (3.) They work under the immediate eye of one of the better fort of natives, while and work un- the planter direEls their general operations 'fees them often from his window and walks PJ‘inUr s occafonally among them." — If, for “ one of the better fort of natives,” an overfeer, or driver, with his whip, fhould ever Ileal into the fields of S. Leona, and whether or not fuch an event is to be dreaded we fhall prefently fee, then this pafTage might be indifferently applied to that colony or to the W. Indies. But, in the Southern ftates of America, the negroes have certain talks afligned them, which when they have finifhed, they are at liberty to fifh, hunt, work in their own grounds, or amufe themfelves for the reft of the day. In this way, they do more work and per- form it fooner, better and more chearfully, without the fuperintendance of a driver than the negroes in the W. Indies who drudge all day long, not only under the eye, but literally under the whip, of the driver. A Mr. Douglas, fome few years ago, carried 60 negroes from Carolina to Jamaica, where he continued his talk work, with the fame fuccefs as in America; but as things now Hand in the W. In- dies, improvements cannot be introduced without much difficulty. (See Min. Evid. 1790 p. 183, and 1791 p. 218, 250.) I am, therefore, clearly of opinion, that tafk work, or rather piece-work, would tend, much more than day-labour, to call forth the a£livity of the native Africans, and confequently to promote their improve- ment : and I would fain hope that as foon as the grumettas on the Company’s plan- tation become tolerably expert, that piece-work will be affigned them, inftead of drowfy, lifelefs day-labour. 748. (4.) The company’s labourers appear to be employed from fun rife to fun fet, from fun rife except about 2 hours for dinner, and, as I am told, a fhort fpace for prayers, which cep^about T1" may be about equal to the breakfaft-time allowed to the flaves in the W. Indies, hours. Thus the former feem to be employed nearly as many hours as the latter are, out of crop. I fay nearly ; for the latter are generally obliged to “ pick ” a bundle of grafs, and to carry it to the cattle on the penns, and thus are deprived of a great part of their dinner-time; and at night they have to ferve the cattle with a fecond bundle of grafs, which they can feldom do till a confiderable time after fun-fet. This is out of crop ; but in crop-time , which lafls 4 or • Thefe words are very often ufed fynonymoufly in Barbadoes and the other windward iflands, where the chief of an eftate is generally called the Manager. But in Jamaica commonly called the Overfeer. K k ^ months 250 Appendix. jo hours daily labour, too much in a tro- pical climate. Notes , &c. refpetting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note X. i. 5 months in the year, the W. Indian flaves are obliged, after their hard work in the day, to continue their labours in the mill and boiling-houfe, every fecond or third night, according to the ftrength of the gang. Thus I would by no means infinuate that the negroes on the Company’s plantation are yet wrought fo hard, or for fo many hours, as thofe oil W. Indian fugar eftates. But it is to be remembered that in the W. Indies, no other improvement than that ol the mailer’s property is fo much as pretended to; whereas at S. Leona, the focial and intelle£lual improve- ment of the natives is the declared end and aim of the whole ellablilhmcnt. 749. Now I think it may fairly be quellioned, whether the 10 hours daily, though moderate, labour, performed by the Company’s negroes, under a tropical fun, be compatible with any confiderable improvement, either by inftru&ion or ftu- dy, or by what, in one view, is equally improving, I mean, attention to their own little concerns in the houfe, in the field, or at the market or other focial meeting. (§ 471 n.) In my opinion, the Creator has put this matter out of doubt, by furnifhing the tropical regions, not only with a profufion of almoll fpontaneous vegetable food, but with gourds, calabafhes and other elegant, vegetable velfels to put it in. In Europe, before corn can be ufed, it mull be threfhed out, winnowed, kill-dried, fhelled, ground, fifted and baked. In Africa, moll of thefe operations are unnecefTary ; and when the maize is ripening, a hungry man may go and pluck two or three ears of it and roalt them for his fupper. Yams, fweet potatoes and other roots require not much labour, and the numerous and excellent fruits fcarcely any. Were it necelfary to corroborate this argument, I would only afk any man who has been, for any length of time, obliged to labour or bullle under a tropical fun for 10 hours every day in the week, except Sundays, whether, in the evenings, he felt himfelf moll difpofed to make an addition to his day’s work, or to go to fleep? Dr. Smeathman, who was as a£live as moll men, and as well acquainted with tropical climates, I am pretty fure, would have fent fuch a man to bed; for, in the plan he publifhed, he propofed only 8 hours labour for 5 days in the week, 6 hours on Sa- turdays, and the Sabbath to be fet apart, as it now very properly is at S. Leona, for reft and inllruftion. (See § 648, No. 15.) Upon the whole then, I cannot but think that 10 hours daily labour, in that climate, is more than what is com- patible with any confiderable improvement in the labourers, efpecialiy when I re- collefl that this labour is dull, mechanical day-labour, in the fuccefs of which the labourer is only indireftly interefted, through his wages, and not dircftly , by reap- ing the produce tor his own behoof. 75°-{b') “ Their number and regularity have fcarcely varied for above a year, except in their abfenting themflves for a week or two, at the approach of the rains, to work on their own plantations , an interruption which it is thought may in future be prevent- ed,"— Here I am conftrained to acknowledge, that if the W. Indians forced or en- couraged their negroes to work on their own grounds, on any other day than Sunday, q I Ihould Notes, &c. refpeCling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note X. i. I fhould certainly, in fo far, prefer their fyflem to that of S. Leona. But encour- age, or rather force them, to this work, the W. Indians certainly do; and I never heard that they reckoned it an interruption to the plantation work. The truth is, that this paffage, combined with the reft of § 4:6, ftrongly excites myjealoufy for Africa, and raifes in my mind very unpleafant fenfations; fori cannot but think that it betrays a greater regard to the Company’s planting concerns, than to the civiliza- tion of the natives. I allow that the abfence of the native labourers from the Compa- ny’s plantations at the approach of the rains, or the planting feafon, may be incon- venient to the Company. But is the abfence of the native labourers, from their own little plantations, at the fame period, no inconvenience to them? In countries where rents are paid by perfonal fervice, the abfence of the vaffals, in feed time and harveft, isdoubtlefs inconvenient to the landlord. But the inconvenience felt by the poor vaffal, when he lofes his feed-time, or when his little crop rots upon the ground, while with a heavy heart, he is performing his landlord’s work, the haughty landlord little regards*. Now it is impoffible that civilization can profper where perfonal fervice, or any other fyftem, that tends to leffen the labourer’s intereft in the produce of his own toil, generally prevails. This is evident from the rude ftate of thofe countries where fuch fyftems are ftill adhered tot. And, without fuf- pe£Hng that any fyftem obftrufftive of civilization is dejignedly meant to be intro- duced into S. Leona, I will venture to fay, that, while the native labourers are con- fined fo clofely to day-labour, as to prevent them entirely from tilling portions of land for their own immediate advantage, their civilization will advance but (lowly. For wherein does civilization (exclufive, I mean, of higher confiderations) confift, but in fuch an improvement of the intellect, as enables a man to conduft his own affairs to the beft advantage, and to interchange good offices with his neighbours. But how can a man learn to conduft his own affairs who has, properly fpeaking, no affairs of his own to conduft; who is roufed from his morning llumbers, by an over- feer’shorn; who labour’s almoft all day under his eye, and is fed with food ready dreffed from his kitchen; who has little time to look after his family, and ftill lefs to fpend in neighbourly intercourfe ;£ ? In ffiort, how can any fet of beings be expe£t- * I mention perfonal fervice merely for illuftration, without intending any invidious reference to S, Leona; particularly as I am forry to fay that fuch fervice is very frequently abul’ed in my own native country Sweden. --I had always fuppoled that this kind of perfonal fervice had been long annihilated in one European kingdom at leaft. But I was miftaken ; for I have been credibly informed that, whatever the law may be, the pradice ftill exifts in two counties in the North of Scotland — not to mention the wretchtd degradation of the poor Scalags in the Hebrides. — See a very well written paper in a periodical work entitled the Bee, publifhed at Edinburgh, by the able, intelligent and patriotic Dr. James Anderfon — alfo the Rev. Mr. Buchannan’s account of the Hebrides, lately publilhed. f Even the Einprefs of Ruftia, defpot as fhe is, fanftioned, and perhaps dictated, this noble fentence “ L’agriculture nepourra jamais profperer la oil l’agriculteur ne poffede rien en propre.” Agriculture can never flourifh in a country where the hulbandman has no property— Cath. II. Imp. de RulT. Inft. p. 83. t The time, fays a great philofopher, which a country mechanic fpends in going from one job to another, is what prevents him from degenerating into a brute. (§ 122.) K k 2 ed 25 i Appendix. k-i — y— l Civilization cannot ad- vance where labourers are not interefted in produce, 252 Notes , &c. refpetting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note X. 1. Appendix, ed to improve, if they have little or no fcope for the exercife of their faculties, and ' v_ if every avenue, which dire&ly leads to focial or intellectual improvement, be, in a great meafure, fhut againfl them ? exemplified in 751. Lord Kaimes fomewhere obferves, that on public roads being carried nufafture,ma" trough fome of the lefs improved parts of Scotland, the neighbouring cottagers were feen gradually to transfer the regularity, neatnefs and patient labour with which they faw the work conduced, fucceflively into their gardens and little fpots of land, their cottages, their furniture, and their apparel ; infornuch that at laft the improvement reached their very minds. But, I apprehend, this falutary progreffion could not have taken place, if thofc cottagers had had no property of their own except money, no gardens, or fpots ol land, nor any time to cultivate them. Had his Lordfhip, however, lived but a few years longer, he would have had the mortification of feeing this lafl cafe, and it’s confequences, verified in fome parts of his native land. He would have feen multitudes of males and females, promifeuoufiy crowded into certain modern manufactories; cloathed indeed in cottons, inftead of their home- grown and home-fpun linens and woollens; drinking tea inltead of butter-milk, and whilky inftead of water or fmall-beer; eating, perhaps, wheaten bread inftead of oaten bread and potatoes; and, above all, the very children earning fo much money, as to render them completely independent of their parents, and confequently not very well prepared for focial reflraints. But I fear he would have looked in vain, for the wonted bloom of health or blufh of innocence on their faces, or for that fobriety, in- telligence and decency, which diflinguifhed the converfation and behaviour of their immediate progenitors. His Lordfhip would have found, however, that they con- fume and fabricate a great many excifeable commodities; that their labour, though deflruftive of their health and morals, caufes a great circulation of money ; and that thus, in a financial and com?nercial view, they fulfil what fome politicians feem to contider as the great ends of their creation*. and in that of 752. Now every fugar plantation, in the W. Indies, is no other than a great ma- fugai- nufaClory, in which 2 or 300 people are colleCied, and avowedly confidercd and treated as mere paftive implements of labour, that have no interefl whatever in the produce ; and this is one caufe of the ignorance, vice and diforder which prevail in the W. Indies. In this refpeft, therefore, the fimilarity of the Company’s planta- tion at S. Leona, to a W. Indian one,. is likely, if continued, to lead to very bad confequences. But I would fain hope, that when the culture of fugar comes to be * The evils here hinted at, are perhaps not fo explicitly (fated, in the (fatidical account of Scot- land, as could be vvifhed. But their introduction is well remembered, and much lamented by many worthy and truly patriotic perfons in that country.— —In Manchefter, the evils alluded to are of longer (landing, and more inveterate. To enumerate inftances would be endlefs ; but I (hall mention one, which fell within my own notice. I knew a workmen there, who, when trade was bri(k, earned his guinea a day by cutting fuftians. He regularly worked 4 days in the week, and, accompanied by his wife, (pent the reft of his time, and all his money in the neighbouring public houl'e. ferioufiy Notes , &c. refpeding S. Leona and Bulama. — Note X. 1. ferioufly purfued at S. Leona, fome fuch plan as the annexed one defcribed, by Mr. Botham, which interefts the labourers in the produce, and does not colle£land keep together fuch numbers of them, will be finally adopted by the Company. 7,53. (6.) In the W. Indies, there is an inceffant conflift between the managers and the flaves, the former being interefted in getting as much labour done, and the latter in doing as little, as poftiblc. At S. Leona too, it appears that “ little differences may have occajionally arifen between the manager and the native labourers .” — Far be it from me, to infinuate there is any prefent danger of fuch differences, being fettled in the forcible W. Indian mode. I have too good an opinion of the prefent go- vernor and council, efpecially of him who condufils the plantation, to harbour fuch a thought. Still I cannot diffemble the fa£t, that fome gentlemen at S. Leona, have for years, been accuflomed to fee the mode alluded to praftifed in the W. Indies ; and we all know the lading force of education and habit, as well as the general frail- ty of human nature, when urged by ftrong temptation 754- (7*) I come now to what I think by far the ftrongeft obje&ion to the prefent mode of cultivation at S. Leona, namely, the handle that it may one day afford to de- figning men, for the introduction of Weft Indian abufes. — In truth, the S. Leona plan already fo nearly refembles the W. Indian, that if any future governor and council could find means to withdraw the pittance of wages from the labourers, and to flip the whip into the hand of the overfeer, the two fyftems would not only be fimilar, but aftually the fame. And indeed there are too many reafons to fear, that the W. Indian fyftem may, at fome future, convenient time, be really compleated in that ill-fated co- lony. A ftrong tendency to abufe, has ever invariably prevailed in provinces diftant, as S. Leona is, from the feat of fupreme Government, a truth exemplified in all the Britifh fugar colonies; in one inftance fo recently as 12 or r 3 years ago, when a go- vernor, in open defiance of all law, wrefted a confiderable fum of money from a certain ancient and refpeftable W. Indian colony, confifting of 18 or 20,000 white people. * The accounts J have uniformly heard of Mr. W. are (uglily favourable to that gentleman's general ckai'a&er, particularly for humanity. It is not denied, that a confiderable number of men, who well deferve the fame character, prefide over W. Indian plantations. But I own it fomewhat (urprifed me, to find the Dire&ors exprefling difappointment in the character of the lower overfeers, ( § 449-) vvhofe general depravity has been fo often mentioned as one caufe of the fufferings of the poor flaves. Without (hocking the reader with their numerous babarities, dated in evidence, I (hall refer him, for their general cbarafter, to Beckford’s Hift. of Jamaica, printed in 1788, but which I have not now at hand. Mr. Long, however, tells us, that “ many of them are the very dregs of the three kingdoms that “ they have commonly more vices, and much fewer good qualities, than the flaves over whom they are fet in authority;” in particular, that “ they exhibit deteftable pictures of diunkennefs, for which rea"fon he advifes their “ rum to be fetved out to them ready mixed with water.” Hift. of Jamaica, Vol. II. p. 289, 409, 4.71. 253 Appendix. Differences between ma- nager and la- bourers at S- Leona. Extreme dan- ger of W. Indian fyftem. being com- pleated there. many Notes, &c. refpedling S. Leona and Bulama . — Note X. 1 many of them men of property, education, and knowledge of the world*. The arts by which W. Indian attornies or agents, and managers or overfeers, defraud and ruin abfentee planters, are too numerous and intricate to be here particularly explained, if not too well known to need explanation t. Now if thefe things can, and very often do happen, to the property of individuals, whofe all is at flake, what feturity can there be, that fimilar arts fhall not be employed in defrauding a joint flock company, where the fhare of each partner, is too fmall to interefl him much in it’s fuccefs? Or, which is more to the purpofe, what fecurity can the unreprefented colonifls have, againfl the completion of the W. Indian plan, already begun at Sierra Leona? Indeed, when I confider the various caufes which may call the prefent Direftors from their benevolent labours; that they may be fucceeded by men lefs attentive or lefs difinterefled; that future Subfcribers may become more indifferent than the prefent, to the grand objefts of the inflitution, and lefs inquifitive as toil’s management; that the affairs of the Company will naturally become more and more complex, and that the accounts fenthome may be deftgnedly perplexed (one of the W. Indian arts,) that the governor and council may find it to be their interejl to * It is however but juftice to the memory of the then Miniftry to fay, that this governor was re- called, with evident marks of difapprobation, not to fay difgrace. f “ If we judge from experience, and the common conduCt of Managers, in the abfence of the Proprietors, an eftate yields not half as much when the owner is abfent, as when he is living on the fpot.” Anfwer to the 53d qu. of the Britilh Privy Council, by Governor Orde of Dominica. See alfo the Anf. of Lieut. Governor Matthew of Grenada to the fame query, with many fimilar palTages in that valuable body of information, and in Min. Evid. before the Houfe of Commons.— Mr. Long very explicitly deferibes one grand caufe of thefe enormous defalcations. “ It is well known,” fays he, “ that a great many eftates of different abfentees, and lying in diltant parts of the ifland, are often given up to the charge of one agent only, who cannot poflibly refide at them all, or vifit them very frequently. Matters are then left to the diferetion of overfeers, whofe chief aim it is, to raife to themfelves a character as able planters, by increafing the produce of the refpeCtive eftates j" (on which produce a law of the ifland ordains, that their patrons, the attornies or agents, fhall be paid a commiflion of 6 per cent.) “ This is too frequently attempted, by forcing the negroes to labour beyond their abilities. Of courfe they drop off, and if not recruited inceffantly, the gentleman fteals away, like a rat from a barn in flames, and carries the credit of great planterfliip and vaft crops in in his hand, to obtain advanced wages from fome new employer,” (very often an attorney) “ in ano- ther diftriCt of the ifland. The abfentees are too often deceived, who meafure the condition of their properties by the large remittances fent home for one or two years, without adverting to the heavy Ioffes fuftained in the production of them ; and they find too late their incomes fuddenly abridged, and the finews of their eftates wafted far below their expectation.” Hift. of Jamaica, Vol. II. p. 406. — — “ While by imprudent exertions, there may be a viflble increafe of crop, perhaps to 4 or £500 annual value, there is, at the fame time an annual decreafe of working negroes, to more than double that value.” Anf. by a Planter of 1068 acres in Barbadoes, in fupp. to the Privy Council’s Report, p. 31. force , Notes, &c. refpeSling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note X. 1. 255 force , inflead of paying, the labourers; that not fo much as a private letter can be Appendix. lent to England without their knowledge; and that the colonilts, being without re- ^ / prefentation, will be without remedy* — I fay, when Iconfider all thefe circum- ftances, not as an airy train ol pollibil ities, but as events which feldom fail to happen in fimilar cafes, I cannot help exprelhng my fears, that, at fome future period, the labourers may come to be paid their wages, with whips and chains, and thus the finilhing ftroke be given to the W. Indian fyltem at S. Leona. 735. I have no fault to find with any of the articles planted, except the fugar-cane, D.plorable ef- the cultivation ol which is unqueflionably too laborious for any new colony ; efpe- ^pug^ul- cially for a new colony, intended to civilize a rude people, whom the fight of fuch tivation. exertion as is necefTary on a fugar plantation, would be apt to difgull with regular labour. Indeed, the cultivation of fugar engroffes fo much attention and labour, that I am clear, it fhould never be attempted, on any fyflem, till a colony abound with people, and cattle, and food for both. (See § 727 n.) The premature introduftion of that plant into the Britifh colonies, efpecially into the Ceded Iflands, about 30 years ago, deftroyed fuch multitudes of flaves and cattle, in Dominica particularly, that it has been clearly proved, no capital was ever, upon the whole, fo difadvantageoufly employed, as that veiled by the Britifh in W. Indian eflatest. In fhort, in no age or country, was ever avarice more compleatly difappointed, or humanity more fhock- ingly outraged, than in the flattering but ill-judged introduction of the fugar cane into all or mofl of the Britifh W. Indian Iflands, efpecially the Ceded Iflands. It has indeed been a root of bitternefs to thofe colonies; and it’s premature and forced cultivation has, within our own memory, fwept mailers and flaves, the oppreffors and the oppreffed, into one common grave. It was difficult for me to fuppofe, that the DireClors were uninformed of thefe deplorable faCts, or would fuflfer themfelves to be milled by the alluring eflimates which the W. Indians fo well know how to fabri- cate, when they wifh to difpofe advantageoufly of a lofing property:}:. My aflonifh- inent therefore was great, when I was ferioufly aflured, that acompleat apparatus for making fugar, had been fent to S. Leona, by one of the firfl {hips. 756. If * I hope what I have faid refpeCling reprefentation, may not be mifunderftood. I only mean, that colonifts, who are fuffkiently enlightened to form a proper judgement of their own focial interelts, fhould chufe reprefentatives. (See § 161, II. 699.) f This has been irrefragably demonftrated, from the datao f the prefent planters, and of their prede- ceffors, in Mr. Ramfay’s Anfwers to Objections againft the Abolition of the Slave-trade, and in a feries of e flays figned ’Terentius, pubiifhed in Woodfall’s Diary, in May, 1789. J In fuch eftimates, the apparent profits of large crops are explicitly dated ; but the Ioffes, if men- tioned at all, are too often couched in general terms, from which perfons inexperienced in W. Indian affairs, can draw no juft conclufion. Yet the Ioffes are at leaft as capable of explicit ftatement as the profits. Thus fome eftates require 6 new negroes, others 8, and othere even 10 or more, to keep up the ga»g» Notes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note X. i. 756. II' this lad meafure was dilated, as 1 am perfuaded it was, by a wifh to fupply die humane demand for fugar raifed by freemen, the motivewas laudable and excel- lent, but the attempt was neverthelels premature; and fo, I will venture to fay, it was confidered, by a few of the Dire&ors, who, though quite unconnected with the W. Indies, are known to be particularly well informed refpe&ing the laborious culture and manufaftuie of fugar, but who, I prefume, were in the minority when this refolution was taken. 7^7. Having thus taken the liberty to date my chief objeClionsto the plan ot cul- £no°t her plan, Nation introduced, or under trial, at S. Leona, it may be expefted that I fliould offer my fentiments refpeCling the plan which ought to be adopted. This I Ihall do, with all the deference juftly due to gentlemen of whofe good intentions I am fo fully convinced, (fee § 329, 593, 594.) I Ihall do this the more readily too, as I believe the plan of cultivation is not fo far advanced, or fo unalterably fixed, as not to admit of any change or modification which the Directors may deem expe- dient. Or, if my hints, which (exclufive of the Batavian plan of cultivating fugar, inferted below,) are few and fimple, Ihould not have the good fortune to be attended to by the Directors, they may perhaps be ufeful to others who may hereafter attempt cultivation in Africa. Defires of a 758. It appears to me then, that all human exertions are excited by human defires, he^xcked'6 l° or wants, natural or artificial, and confequentlythat rai/civilization is belt promoted by and gratified raifing and properly directing, the defires or wants of a rude people. (See §33,708.) luxuries. When every individual of a community can, independently of others, exchange his la- bour for the articles he wants, he is then happyand free. Inother words, the happinefs and liberty of the individual depend on the opportunities he has of ufing his own per- fonal refources, to procure neceffaries or luxuries. (See § 734 n.) Hence, I think, it follows, that, if we intend to make a rude people happy, by training them to the in- nocent habits of civilized life, we Ihould firlt enquire, whether they defire, or feel the want of thofe articles, which in the civilized world, are thought abfolutely neceffary to comfortable fubfiftence. If theydo not, thofe defires Ihould, in the firft place, be excited; and this being done, fome innocent luxuries Ihould be exhibited to their view, lor obtaining which they have no other means than their labour. (See § 36, gang, and a proportionable number of cattle. I am happy, however, to add, that a confiderable num- ber of eftates require no new negroes; but fuch feldom or never come into the market, becaufe the hu- manity and prudence of their proprietors and managers, precludes the grand caufeofthe ruin of thole eftates, namely, the deftruftion of the negroes. Whether fomething of the obfcurity alluded to, does not appear in the eftimates given by certain W. Indian hiftorians, let thofe, who are capable, judge. Yet certain it is, that large crops have been made and even fworn to, purpofely to enhance the price of eftates offered for fale, and on fuch crops fome W. Indian eftimates are evidently founded. But neither affidavits noreftimates, contain any account of the negroes murdered, by producing fuch forc- ed crops, nor of the cattle deftroyed by conveying them to the (hipping places. — See the note, p. 354.. 256 Appendix. The author 37. Kites, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note X. 1. 257 37, 670.) New articles of cultivation, or a more vigorous profecution of the old, •{hould, at the fame time, be encouraged ; fo that they may always have obje&s on which to exert their aftivity, in order to procure the offered luxury. 759. The firff thing, therefore, to be encouraged in a new African colony, (and 'through the colony among the furrounding natives,) is the raifing of an abundance of provifions, provender, and cattle. This point being gained, which, upon every fyllem, muff be the foundation of all folid improvement, fome new luxury might be introduced, and the cultivation of cotton, ginger, coffee, or other eafily raifed article for exportation, at the fame time, encouraged by premiums (if neceffary,; confining of the new luxury. 760. I have already intimated the neceffity of engaging the co-operation of the native chiefs, in the great work of civilization. Though the colony at S. Leona is not fo clofely connefted with thofe chiefs, as I think could be wifhed, ( § 130.) yet the Directors feem greatly and juftly to value their friendlhip, and it is pleafing to ■obferve their fuccefs in cultivating it. ( § 495, et feq.) They appear indeed to be fo ready to adopt the improvements they fee at Freetown, that, if they Jliould not be, in the prfl injlance, frightened or dfgujled at obferving the intolerable manual la- bour attending the W. Indian mode of cultivating the fugar-cane, there cannot be a doubt, that the S. Leona government, by encouraging cultivators and artifts from the colony, to go and live with fuch chiefs as Cuddy, ( § 499.) will fucceed in gra- dually reconciling the natives to all forts of regular induftry. — Provifions of all kinds, and alfo cotton and ginger, may be raifed by any man of common fenfe, even if he had never before feen them planted. That they require lefs labour than fimilar articles in Europe, has been already mentioned ; and the bare fight of the plants will point out, how they are to be treated. Thus I think any man who has feen the po- tato planted in Britain, where it is exotic, may, if ht pleafe, raife yams, eddoes, fweet potatoes, ground nuts, ginger, &c. in Africa, where thofe roots are indigenous. The culture of Indian and Guinea corn, is as fimple as that of peafe and beans in England. Plantains and bananas, are certainly as eafily raifed in Africa, as cab- bages and greens are in Europe. Oranges, limes, cocoa-nuts, &c. &c. require far lefs attention, than any kind of fruit in this part of the world. And, had there been any myftery in the cultivation of cotton, we {hould not have feen it fo fuddenly fupplant fugar, as it lately did, in feveral W. Indian iflands; efpecially in Barbadoes, where, after the fugar-works were deftroyed by the hurricane in 1780, cotton was planted with great fuccefs, by many perfons who had never before attempted it. Thus every kind of provifions, and even fome articles for exportation, may certainly be cultivated, without the tuition of W. Indian artifs*: and their culture may be carried Appendix. Native chiefs to be concili- ated. Provifions, &c. eafily raifed ; * If any man (hould doubt his ability to raife cotton, ginger, and even coffee, without any parti- cular courfe of inftru&ion, he may look, into Mr. Long’s Hift. of Jamaica, and Edwards’s Hift. of L 1 the 258 Appendix. ' > alfo provender but not fugar, indigo, Sc c. Notes , &c. refpecting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note X. 1. carried on by manual labour, till the roots of the trees are removed, and till cattle can be railed to draw the plough. 761. If the natural grafs fhould not afford fuflicientor proper food for the cattle, Guinea-grafs, Scotch-grafs, and other kinds, maybe raifed by hand, as in the Well Indies. Thefe, with the blades of Indian and Guinea corn, potato vines, the leaves and Hocks, or trunks, of plantain and banana trees, not to mention cane-tops, fupport cattle fo well, that were they cultivated with proper care, in the fugar-iflands, the ne- groes would not be much harralfed with grafs-picking ; efpecially as the artificial grades, and the blades of Indian and Guinea corn, may be converted into hay, as in fome parts of Jamaica, where they alfo cure the wire grafs and the four grafs, which when green, the cattle will not tafle *. 76a. Sugar, indigo, and one or two lefs confiderable articles, are the only tropical productions that require any great art or experience, either in the cultivation or the manufacture. As to indigo, the manufacture of it is fo deftruCtive to “human life, that I would as foon think of introducing the plague into any country. But when the fugar-cane comes to be cultivated, fome inflruCtion from a perfon well fkilled in the boiling of fugar, and the diltillation of rum, will be abfolutelv neceffary. I fhould think that fuch inltruCtion might be obtained from fome perfon poffelfing the proper qualifications, of humble profpeCts and a manageable difpofition, who might be fent out in afubordinate ftation. In order to prevent bribery, and to in- tereft him in the undertaking, he fhould hare a liberal fhare of the neat produce. But by no means fhould he be intrufted with diferetionary power, in any fhape; for, however low his education and condition, and however fubmiffive he may be to white fuperiors, he has mofl probably been habituated to defpife every man with a black fkin, and to abufe his authority, in fome land of flavery, where authority, though frequently abufed, muff be fupported ; and where the fuperiors on eftates, though ever fo well difpofed, have too much on their hands to attend minutely, to the complaints of every individual Have. the Brit. Col. in the W. Indies, where, to gratify the curiofity of European readers , the cultivation of thefe articles, among others which require a far more complex procefs, is delcribed. Several other books and pamphlets contain fimilar delcriptions. But the culture of provifions of all kinds, is rec- koned too plain a bufinels to require particular explanation. — By Mr. Beaver’s planting and gardening journal now before me, it appears that he was very fuccefsfulin railing Indian corn, yams, ground-nuts, pine-apples, bananas, oranges, limes, goavas and pepper. He not only raifed, but drefled and eat calfada, which is rather a delicate procefs. Cotton alfo throve with him to admiration. Yet a know- ledge of planting cannot be added to that gentleman’s other excellent qualifications. In his journal he not only declares his total ignorance of cultivation, but (hows it, by (owing feveral European feeds, which could never yet be brought to thrive within the tropics ; but others failed from being mully. * Some of the natural grafs, in the Savannahs, yields 4. tons of hay annually. — Long, Vol. I. p. 453, 763. Thus Notes, &c. r effecting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note X. i. 763. Thus I have endeavoured to clear the way for the introduction of the fugar •• cane, the fucccfstul cultivation of which, at S. Leona, I will venture to fay, I am as anxious to promote as any one member of the Company. But, in order to infure the fuccefs of that important fpecies of agriculture, I wifh it to be introduced with due precaution and preparation, and profecuted in fuch a manner as may improve and preferve, inftead of deftroying, as it has uniformly done in the W. Indies, the morals, the happinefs and the lives of the poor labourers. I muft, therefore, repeat my opinion, that, after the cultivation of provifions, provender, cotton, ginger, cof- fee, and perhaps fome other minor flaples*, (hall have taken firm root, after cattle fhall abound — in fhort after the colony fhall, by the blefling of Providence, have become populous, and, in all refpefts vigorous and flourifhing — then, it appears to me, but not before , may the cultivation of the fugar cane be fafely introduced, and profecuted by the following method pra&ifed near Batavia, and at Bencoolen (but not in Bengal, fee § 139.) Mr. Botham on the cultivation of a Sugar Plantation at Batavia and Bencoolen. From Abridg. Min. Evid. before the Houfe of Commons, 1791 , p. 133. See aljo Privy Council’s Report, Part III. 764. “ Having been two years in the Englifh and French W. India iflands, and fince conduced fugar eflates in the E. Indies; it may be defirable to know that fugar, better and cheaper than that in our iflands, and alfo arrack, are produced in the E. Indies, by the labour of free people. China, Bengal, and the coaft of Malabar, produce quantities of fugar and fpirits; but, as the moll confiderable fu- gar eflates are near Batavia, I fhall explain the improved mode of conducing thofe eflates. The proprietor is generally a rich Dutchman, who has built on it fub- ftantial works. Fie rents the eftate (fay of 300 or more acres) to a Chinefe, who lives on and fuperintends it, and who re-lets it to free men, in parcels of ,50 or 60, on condition that they fhall plant it in canes for fo much for every pecul, (i33flb.) of fugar produced. The fuperintendant collefts people from the adjacent villages to take off his crop. One fet of tafk-men, with their carts and buffaloes, cut the canes, carry them to the mill and grind them. A fecond fet boil them. A third clay and bafket them for market, all at fo much per pecul. 763. “ Thus the renter knows with certainty what every pecul will coft him. He has no unneceflary expence, for when crop is over, the tafk-men go home, and, for 7 months in the year, there only remain on the eftate the cane planters, preparing the next crop. By dividing the labour, it is cheaper and better done. Only clayed fugars are made at Batavia, which are equal to the belt from the W. Indies, and * So called in the Weft Indies, in contradiftin£tion to Sugar. L 1 2 fold 2 59 Appendix. When fugar lhould be introduced. Cultivation of Sugar eftates at Batavia, by free la bourers, 2 6o Notes, re/peSting'&c. S. Leona and Bnlama. — Note X. i. alfo at Ben coolen. Plough and o- ther imple- ments tiled. Appendix, fold at 18s. per pecul. The Shabander cxafits a dollar per pecul on all fugar ex- ported. The price of common labour is from 9 to iod per day. But the tafk-meri gain confiderably more; not only from extra Work, but from being confidered artifts in their feveral branches. They do not make fpirits on the fugar eftates; the mo- lalfes and fkimmings are fent for fale to Batavia, where one diftillery may buy the produce of 100 eftates. Here is a vaft faving in making fpirits; not as in the W. Indies, a diftillery for each eftate. Arrack is fold at Batavia at about 8d. per gallon; the proof of the fpirit is about 5 tenths. 766. “After fpending two years in the Weft Indies, I returned to the Eaft in 1776, and in the laft war conduced fugar works at Bencoolen, in Sumatra, on nearly the fame principles as the Dutch; I confined my expences to what they had' done, allowing for the unavoidable charges, on a new and foie undertaking. 767. “ The cane is cultivated to the utmofl: perfefifion- at Batavia. The hoe, almoft the foie implement of the Weft, is there fcarcely ufed; the lands are well ploughed* by a light plough with a fingle buffalo; a drill is then ploughed, and a perfon, with two bafkets filled with cane plants, fufpended to a flick acrofs his fhoulders, drops, plants into the furrow alternately from each bafket, covering them at the fame time with earth with his feet. Young canes are kept often ploughed as a weeding, and the hoe is ufed to weed round the plant when very young; but of this thefe is little need, if the land has been fufficiently ploughed. When the cane is ready to earth up, the fpace between the rows is ploughed deep, the cane-tops tied up, and with an inftrument like a fhovel, with teeth at the bottom, a fpade-handle, and two cords fixed to the body of the fhovel, ending by a wooden handle for a purchafe, is- ufed by two perfons to earth up the cane, the ftrongeft holding the handle of the fhovel, prcffing it into the ploughed earth, while the other on the oppofite fide of. the plant, by a jerk of the cord, draws up to the plant, all the earth that the plough had loofened. Two perfons, with this inftrument, will earth up more canes in the day than 10 negroes with hoes. The canes in India are much higher earthed than in the Weft Indies; in moift foils, they, with little labour, earth them as high as the knee, at once making a dry bed for the cane, and a drain for the water. 768. “ The improvement in malting the cane into fugar, at Batavia, keeps pace with that in its culture: evaporation being in proportion to the furface, their boilers have as much of it as poflible. The cane juice is tempered and boiled to a fyrup; it is then thrown into vats, which hold one boiling, there fprinkled with water, to fubfide its foul parts. After ftanding fix hours, it is let off by 3 pegs of different heights, into a copper with one fire ; it is tempered again, and reduced to fugar, by a gentle fire; it granulates, and the boiler dipping a wand into the copper, ftrikcs it on the fide, then drops the fugar remaining on it, into a cup of water, fcrapes it up with his thumb nail, and can judge to a nicety of the fugar’s being properly boiled.. The vats I mentioned are placed all at the left end of a fet of coppers. After run- Mamifafture ot the Sugar. Notes , &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note X. 1. ning off, for boiling all that is clear, the reft is ftrained on the outfide of the boil- ing-houfe; what is fine is put into the copper for fugar, the lees kept for diftilling. 769. “ Claying ol fugar is as in the W. Indies. The cane trafii is not, as in our iflands, carried into fheds, where it lofes much of its ftrength before it is ufed ; but is laid out immediately to dry, then made into faggots, fet up in cocks, and ufed immediately when dry ; hence its force of fire is much greater, and the carrying it to and from the tralh-houfe is faved. 770. “ The culture of the cane in the Weft Indies is in it's infancy. Many altera- tions are to be made, expenfes, and human labour leffened ; the hoe, now ufed to turn up foils of different texture, is of one conftru&ion, cheap and very light; fo that the negro, without any help from its weight, digs up the earth, (and the cane roots, on replanting) by the fevereft exertion. In the Eall, we plough up the cane roots. Having experienced the difference of labourers for profit, and labourers from force, I can affert, that the favings by the former are very conftderable» 771. “ The Weft India planter, for his own intereft, fhould give more labour to. beaft, and lefs to man; a larger portion of his eftate ought to be in pafture. When practicable, canes fhould be carried to the mill, and cane tops and grafs to the flock, in waggons ; the cuftom of making a hard-worked negro get a bundle of grafs twice a day, aboiifhed ; and in fhort a total change take place of the inferable manage- ment in our Weft India iflands. By this means following, as near aspoffible, the Eaft India mode, confolidating the diftil leries,. I do fuppofe our fugar iflands might be better worked than they now are, by two-thirds, or indeed one-half of the pre- fent force. Let it be confidered, how much labour is loft by the perfons overfeeing the forced labourer, which is faved when he works for his own profit. I have ftated,.with the ftriCteft veracity, a plain matter of fa£l — that fugar eftates can be worked cheaper by free perfons than flaves. — Whether the Have -trade can be aboiifhed, and the blacks freed, is for the confideration of Parliament. In. my judgment, thefe defirable purpofes, may be effe&ed without materially injuring the W. India planter. He has but to improve his culture, and Ieffen human labour, and the progeny of the prefent blacks will anfwer every purpofe of working Weft India eftates. 772. “ The flaves in the French iflands, appeared to be better cloathed, better fed> and better behaved, than in the Britifh: and their being well fed is chiefly owing to the French planter putting a great proportion of his eftate in provifions. Whe- ther it might or might not be ultimately for the intereft of the Britifh planter, and the benefit of his flaves, if he were to allot to provifions, more of the land now deflined to fugar, is a queftion that can only be decided by experiment in the diffe- rent iflands, as the fame anfwer to it would not fuit each. In iflands that fcldom fail in rains, it is no doubt for the planter’s intereft, to facrifice a part of the ground; 2 6l Appendix. W. Indian cultivation in its infancy.. How to be improved. French ne- groes better- treated than- Brititb, and why. 262 Appendix. V ' A modificati- on of Mr. B’: plan. Notes , &c. reflecting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note X. 1. ground allotted for fugar, to provifions; as thefe feed his negroes better than any dry or other provifions imported : but in iflands fubjeft to droughts, I do not think the planter can, without materially leffening his crop of fugar, give up any portion of ground to provifions.” — Thus far Mr. Botham. 773. The grand principle of the foregoing plan, is the dire£f and immediate in- tereft with which it animates every individual, concerned in it’s execution. This principle being ftri&ly adhered to, the adaptation of the plan itfelf to local circum- Jlances, indeed , muf be left to thofe who are befl acquainted with thofe circum- Jlances. This fuppofes fame little modifications which will always be found ne- cejfary in reducing to practice any general Jyfem. It is with great diffidence, that I would venture to mention any fpecific deviation, from a plan propofed by a gen- tleman who has fo fully experienced it’s praftical utility. But it feems worthy of confideration, Whether the coloniffs and the natives, at S. Leona, might not be flill more intcrefted in the produce, if they were encouraged to cultivate the fugar-cane on their own lands ; and, as their property may not at frf be very adequate to the ereftion of fuch expenfive buildings as mills, boiling-houfes, curing-houfes and ftill- houfes; Whether the Company might not build thofe works in convenient fituations, to take off the crops of all the little furrounding planters, they paying the Compa- ny a certain proportion of the produce*. This mode is now occafionally praftifed in Barbadoes, by a few of the fmall proprietors, whofe places, as they are called, are fufficiently near to fugar-works. — I am aware, however, of forne objeftions to the general adoption of this modification of the Batavian plan. The frfi is, The difficulty of fettling, among feveral independent proprietors, the quantity of canes to be planted by each; fo that the whole fhall not exceed that quantity which the works are calculated to take off and manufa&ure, in due time ; for canes are always damaged, and fometimes almoft wholly loft, being left too long Handing in the field. — But the quantity of canes to be planted, might be previoufly agreed upon by the planters themfelves, in proportion to the cane-land poffeffcd by each. The fecond objeftion is, that, as each of the planters will have a feries of cane-fields, of the fame ages refpe&ively, and which ought to be cut at or near the fame time, fome differences might arife as to their turns at the mill, &c+. But all fuch equal pretenfions are very eafily determined by lot. The Third , is the difficulty or trouble, * Whether cattle-mills, wind-mills, or water-mills fhall be ufed, will of courfe, depend on fituation, and other circuinftances. -f The canes in the fame trail, are planted at or about the falling of good (howers of rain, which, in mod of the fugar iflands, are very unequal and partial. But many eftates in St. Domingo and fome in Jamaica have been watered, with very great advantage, from the neighbouring rivers'; and fuch eftates may thus be faid, in fome meafure, to have the feafons at their command. Long’s Hift. Vol. !• P- 454 a°d Vo). II. p. 156. — A gentleman lately fent out a fire-engine to his eftate, with a great length of leathern pipe, to be ufed in watering the cane-fields from an adjoining brook, I have not learnt Notes , &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note X. i* trouble, of keeping the produce of three, four or more planters diftinCt and fepa- rate. But this might, perhaps, be obviated, by marking the pots, jars and hogfheads of each individual, as the hacks are at many corn-mills in Europe. If thefe objec- tions, however, and others which may occur, fliould prove too ffrong for this mo- dification of the plan defcribed by Mr. Botham, I fhall readily give it up. My only view in propofing it is to increafe the labourer’s interefl in the quantity and quality of the produce, the true principle of all natural and ufeful cultivation in every part of the world. 774. The gradual and cautious introduction of the fugar-cane, above recom- mended, was fuggefted by the fuccefs with which that mode was a&ually attended in the French fugar iflands, and the evil confequences of the contrary pra&ice in the Britifh. The fugar colonies of the latter were in general eflablifhed by large capitals, abftraCted from the agriculture, manufactures and commerce of the mother country; and thus the growth of the fugar-cane in the Britifh iflands was forced, like that of exotics in a hot-bed. The French planters, on the other hand, whofe merchants could not, or, under their old Government, would not, furnifh their planters with extenfive credit, were obliged to depend for fuccefs, ina great meafure, on their own induflry and frugality. The confequences were precifely fuch as might have been expeCled. The Englifh planter was a great man, diflinguifhed by the fplendor of his living, and the magnitude of his debts, as much as by the ex- tent of his apparent property. The French planter was more like an oeconomical hufbandman, whofe favings in good years not only enabled him to keep his ground in bad years, without running into debt, but alfo to make gradual additions to his produClive property. He began with the afliftance of his wife and children, and perhaps one or two negroes, to plant provifions with his own hands. He proceed- ed next to coffee, cotton, &c. and, taking the utmofl care of his negroes and cattle, in procefs of time, he found himfelf able to ereCl a fmall fugar-work and to plant a few canes; and fuch has been the foundation of very many of the molt flourifhing eftates in the French iflands, and even of fome in the Britifh. It may be faid, that their Government gave them their lands gratis, and favoured them in other refpeCls; whereas the Englifh planters generally bought their lands, in onefhapeor another, and in fome inflances at a confiderable price, and were not fo much indulged by their Go- vernment. But the compleat monopoly of the Britifh market is alone to be confidered as an advantage more than equivalent to all the indulgences enjoyed by the French*. — From thefe faCts it appears, that the returns of the Britifh fugar colonies are to be viewed, in a great meafure, as intereft of the capitals which, as it has turned learnt that it was much ufed for the dire£t purpofe for which it was fent ; but it was found fo ufeful in watering the dung-heaps, on the fields, that, in one year, it more than laved it’s price. * It is computed that, in proportion to the population, thrice as much fugar is confumed in Great Britain and Ireland as in France. "-" See § 180, note. 3 2 63 Appendix. French and .Britilh modes of eftablilhing lugar planta- tions. out, 2 6| Notes, &c. refpeEling S. Leona and Bulama . — Note X. 1. Appendix, out, have been unprofitably veiled in them*; and that a great part of the French re- ^ v turns are fo much fair gain to that nation. From the fame caufes, the French planters were enabled to underfell the Britifli, by no lefs than 25 per cent at the European market. Hence alfo the French negroes were not fo hard pulhed, were more civil- ized, and in all refpefls better treated than the Britifli; a circumftance, however, to be partly aferibed to the vigour and vigilance of the old French Government. But what I chiefly wifh the reader to obferve, is the llriking fimiliarity between the fyf- tem unfortunately adopted by the Englifh, in the eflablilhment of their fugar co- lonies, and that which is now under trial (for I trull it will never be finally adopt- ed) at S. Leona; and between the French fyllemand the natural and humane one which I have ventured to recommend t. * “ Very few fugar eftates, when loaded with a very heavy debt, have been known to get rid of fucli debt, or to pay more than the intereft of 6 per cent on the money lent them, and many do not pay 4 per cent, for the money laid out. Many proprietors have been obliged to abandon their eftates, after having been at a great expenfe, in the purchafe thereof, flocking it and erecting buildings thereon.” Anf. to the 53d. qu. in the Privy Council’s Report by Governor Matthew of Grenada. The Ja- maica planters make not more, on an average, than 4 per cent on their capital, and of courfe many not fo much. Id. Part V. -}- For the above fa£ls, relative to the French and Englifli fugai colonies, fee the Anf. of Gov. Mat- thew of Grenada and Gov. Seton of St. Vincent to the 1, 2, 3 and 4 qu. in Part V. of the Privy Council’s Report ; t'le Infpe&or General, Mr. Irving’s Evid. before the Com. of the K. of Commons, and alfo that of Mr. Greg. The above being merely an outline of tropical cultivation, it is hoped the reader will not pafs fentence on it, till he has informed himfelf fully, and has carefully weighed all that he will find on the fubje£l , in the P. Conn. Report, Min. of Evid. Le Poivre, D’Auberteuil, Long, Beckford, Edwards, &c. — To fhow that I am not unreafonably jealous of the introduction of W. Indians and their maxims, into any African colony, I mull intreat the reader’s attention, to the following propofed addition to the flave-law of Jamaica, publifhed in the Cornwall Chronicle of that Ifland, of Dec. 19th, 1787. “ Whereas the extreme cruelties and inhumanity of the MANAGERS, OVERSEERS and BOOK- KEEPERS of eftates, have frequently driven Haves into the woods, and occaiioned rebellions, Sec. And whereas alio it frequently happens, that flaves come to their deaths by hafty and fevere blows, and other improper treat ment of overseers and book-keepers, in the heat of paflion ; and, when l'uch accidents do happen, the viflims are entered on the plantation-books, as having died of convulfions, fits, and other caufes not to be accounted for ; and to conceal the real truth of the cauj'e oj the death offuch flave or flaves , be or they is or are immediately put under ground." See. — The humane and fpirited Mr. Gray of Ja- maica, who introduced this claufe into the Aflembly, premifed that, to his own certain knowledge, very unnatural punifhments were often infiifled on negroes." (S.e feveral fnmlar proof's in Preface to Ablt. Min. Evid.) In St. Kitt’s, when Itarving flaves are killed and put under ground, in dealing fugar canes and provifions, it is familiarly called “ hiding ” them. In Barbadoes “ an unlimited power of maiming or killing negroes, is frequently exercifcd by WHITE SERVANTS and the muider of a (lave “ is fcarcely noticed any more than the death of a cow or horfe." Supp. to P. Coun. Rep. p. 24, 3 3. In Jamaica, Grenada, and Dominica, laws have been made to check fuch enormities. But under all thofe mock ftatutes, framed as they are by planters, agaioft planters, and adminiftered by planters, the evidence of negroes and their defendants, free or flaves, is not, in any fhape, admitted againjl white ferfons, in criminal cafes. At S. Leona, the rights of witneiles and jurors are exerciied by black men. ( § 378.) But, even there, if IV. Indians, inveterately prejudiced as they generally are, were to ■be allowed to prefide as judges, I (hould have very great doubts as to the impartial adminiflrarion of juftice, between whites and blacks. In England ifief, juries have formerly been lent to prifon, till they brought in verdifts agreeable to the judges. 2 * Note Notes, &c. refpeSling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note X. 2. 265 Note X. 2. See § 441 to 451 inclufive. 77,5. The flatcment of the original condition and fubfequent viciffitudes of the Nova Scotians, and the reafonings upon them, appear to me to place the can dour and abilities of the Direftors in a very amiable and refpe&able point of view. Several eminent philofophers have indeed reafoned admirably on the moral and fa- cial effe&s of flavery ; while others might be named, who, I will venture to fay, have failed egregioufly on that difficult fubjeft*. But I know of no author who has had oc- cafion to eflimate the combined effefts of flavery, irregular warfare, an emigration, fcarcely diftinguifhable from exile, and a fecond emigration attended with great ficknefs and hard (hips, on the general chara£ler of a body of predial flaves, who had emancipated themfelves. This Angular and complicated cafe was referved for the Dire£tors of the S. Leona Company; and, in my opinion, they have treated it in a manner which would do credit to the firfl: philofophers of the age. 776. It appears to me, however, that the reports now in general circulation, re- fpefting the diflatisfa£lion of the N. Scotians, from not having yet obtained thofe lots of cultivable land which were promifed them, and which would have changed the principle of their exertions irom Iifelefs, drowfy day-labour, to the improvement of their own property, in order to procure neceflaries and luxuries — thefe reports, I fay, appear, in my humble opinion, to deferve, in every point of view, a very fe- rious con A deration. And, as the accounts of the local and aftual condition of the colony, feein to have come to the knowledge of the Direftors chiefly through the medium of fervants appointed by themfelves, and to the knowledge of the fub- fcribers only through the medium of the Directors, it appears to me that this truly delicate fubje£l ffiould be inveftigated by a certain number of commiffioners, one half chofen and fent out by the fubfcribers at large, to be joined on the fpot, by the other half fairly chofen by the N. Scotians themfelves. Thefe commiffioners hav- ing chofen a prefident and agreed upon their rules, ffiould have power to enquire fully into the condutt of the Company’s fervants, on the one hand, and the con- duct and claims of the N. Scotians, on the other, and to ellabliffi fuch temporary or permanent regulations, as they ffiould And expedient. 777. The conveying a body of people to the colony, without having framed Appendix t - ^ / Charaffer of the N. Scotians fairly ftated. But their claims, See. fliould be in- veftigated. * In the Elem. of Moral Science, fttely publithed, (in t large Vols. 8vo.) but which I have not yet had an opportunity of perufing, I am told, the worthy, ingenious and learned author, Dr. Beattie, hath obliged the world with a pretty full abftraft of the do&rines refpe&ing flavery and,it's effefls, which he has, for thirty years, been teaching in the clafs of Moral Philofophy, in the Marifchal Col- lege of Aberdeen. Mr. Dickfon has given a few hints refpe£Iing the fervitude of the Ifraelites in Egypt, and their glorious emancipation, which, on feveral important accounts, feem to deferve to be profecuted by tome perfon of learning and leifure. Letters on Slavery p. 139, 158, 178. M m houfes 2 66 Appendix. < > Canvas houfes loon decayed. Mr. Dubois’s merit and fer- vices. Oracle near C. Palmas. Notes, &c. refpeBing S. Leona and Bulaina. — Note X. 2. houfes on the fpot, ready to be fet up, the moment they landed, appears to me to have been an error of the fame kind, as fending out an apparatus for the manufac- ture of fugar before houfes had been built, lands had been cleared, or provifions had been raifed, either for man or beaft. Note Y. 1. See § 430. 778. Four patent houfes, or rather tents, covered with oil-cloth, made at Knightlbridge, were fent out to the colony. But, though well adapted for temporary Ihelter in Europe, they neither hood the fun nor the rains at S. Leona; and went fo foon to dellruftion, that the Directors very properly refolved to fend out no more of thofe tabernacles. — The belt houfe, hitherto ere&ed in the colony, is, or rather was, that of the governor, the ftru&ure of which, I have been told, ap- proached nearly to that reprefented in Plate I. Fig. B. This and all the other principal houfes, the Company and the colony owTed to the ingenuity and exertion of Mr. Dubois. — Having mentioned this gentleman’s name, I cannot but add, that this was far from being the only fervice which he rendered to the colony. He had fpent the greater part of his life in hot and unhealthful climates, and had acquired every kind of knowledge and experience, necelfary to preferve health and life in fimilar fituations. In particular, fucli had been his attention to medicine, that he brought 500 of the colonifts through the country fever, with the lofs of only one patient — a degree of fuccefs which few protefiional men can boaft, and which, I will venture to fay, never diftinguilhed the commencement of the pra&ife of any European phyftcian, in a tropical climate. Having been born and bred in the fame part of America with moll of the Nova Scotians, and having perfonally known feveral of them from his infancy, having accompanied them in their warfare, and in their emigration to N. Scotia, and thence to S. Leona, it cannot appear wonder- ful that he Ihould polfefs conftderable influence among them. As he does not ap- pear to have ufed this influence with any private or perfonal views, it is to be re - gretted, that the colony has been deprived of the fervices of a man who fo entirely poflelfed the refpeft and confidence of the greater part of the inhabitants, and was. fo well qualified and difpofed to promote their happinefs. Note Y. 2. § 510. 779. The late Gapt. R. Norris, of Liverpool, among other curious particulars inferted in this Appendix, told me, that at Cavaliy, not far from C. Palmas, there is an oracle in which the fuperllitious natives implicitly confide. It returns anfwers in all the languages of the country, and attracts many negroes to the coall from different Notes, (3c. refpeSling S. Leona and Bnlama. — Note Z. i. 267 different parts. But this is not a very fafe pilgrimage; for Capt. N. added, that Appendix. many of thofe vifitants are at laft kidnapped and fold. l- ' — Note Z. 1. See § 444. 780. If the S. Leona Company had heen inftituted merely for the fake of com- Company’s merce, every one muff allow that 10 per cent, would be a very moderate profit. But, PI0^ts’ had that been the cafe, and the circumftances of the colony had been in other refpe&s the fame, would not the 10 per cent, if raifed on articles of the firft neceffity, have been repaid to the colonifts, in the higher wages which the Company would of courfehave been obliged to give them for their labour, the only commodity which they have hitherto had an opportunity of offering for faleP 781. In conformity with the Company’s grand objeft, the civilization of Africa, I have reafon to believe, that no profit has been demanded on articles of primary neceffity, exported for the fupport of this new colony ; for, as the colonifts have not received their lands, they are not in a condition to provide for themfelves. The world will always expeft to find this S. Leona bufinefs unadulterated with any commercial purfuits, which have not a direft tendency to promote the interefls and the profperity of the colony, and confequently the grand end of it’s eftablifh- ment, the civilization of Africa Note Z. 2. See § 519, 618. 782. The Dire&ors appear to have drawn the charafter of the late John Henry Na- Additional imbanna with great candour; for it correfponds exaftly with every account I have of jT'h! Ni. heard of that intelligent and amiable African. I had feveral opportunities of converf- ambanna. ^ ing with him, during his flay in London; and was much ftruck with his acutenefs and good fenfe. When I was firft introduced to him, I could not help expreffing my aftonifhment at finding, that he could already read a little Engliffi. “ It is that lady," faid he, pointing to Mrs. Falconbridge*, “ to whom I owe this improvement ; for fie was * The refolution of Mrs. Falconbridge, (now Mrs. Dubois,) in accompanying her former hulband twice to S. Leona, and the hardships Ihe fufFered at the unproinifing commencement of the colony, def- titute as it then was of every thing neceflary to the comfort of a well educated European lady, prove that even the tender fex, under the influence of conjugal attachment, may be fo much interefted in a great undertaking, as to forget the delicacy of their frame, and to face danger and diftrefs in every terrifying fliape. That this lady poflefles not only patience and fortitude to endure difficulties, but ability todeferibe them, will not be doubted by thole who have read her interefting account of Sierra Leona, which (he pulilifhed after her fecond return from that colony. If any excefs of warmth fhould te obfervsd in fome parts of this fpirited little work, it will be remembered that the writer is awoman, M m a who 268 Appendix. and of Job Be n Solomon. Notes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note Z. 2. zvas kind, enough to teach me in the pajfage from 5. Leona." — Being at Portfinouth or Plymouth, foon after his arrival in England, he was carried to fee one of the arfenals. After a filent and attentive furvey of the place, he at laft exclaimed, “ Me no love lor fee fo many gun,” an exprelhon, which, from his manner and emphafis, was evidently di&ated by a patriotic jealoufy, left thole formidable engines, lliould one day come to be dire&ed againlt his defencelefs country. On many other occalions, that patriotifm, which very commonly a£luates African bofomst, dillinftly appeared in his converfation ; and, from the excellent direfclion which was given to that and the other energies ot his mind, there can be no doubt, that if Providence had fpared his life, his country would have derived many advantages. Being one day at dinner, by invitation, before his charafter was thoroughly known, the clergyman who had the care of his education, beckoned, by way of caution, to a gentleman who was prefling him to drink. He obferved it, and immediately withdrew. On en- quiring why he fo fuddenly left the table, he alked, “ Whether Mr. G. really thought, that he could not have wine before him, without making a bead of him- felf.” Talking of the diftinguilhed member of parliament who propofed the gra- dual abolition of the flave-trade, he faid, “ Mr. Ihould have his carriage drawn by afles, for they go very gradually.” — His application to lludy was, as the Directors Hate, indefatigable; and fo ftrong was his wilh to underlland the Scriptures thoroughly, and to be able to read them in the original languages, that, to his other acquifitions, during his lhort flay in England, he added, in his private hours, no in- confiderable proficiency in the Hebrew. 783. Mr. Ramfay, Mr. Clarkfon, Mr. Dickfon and others, have publilhed ac- counts of negroes eminent for their virtues and abilities. But I do not know that any of them are more worthy of attention, on many important accounts, than the biographical lketches which Moore has given us of Job Ben Solomon, in his Tra- vels into the interior parts of Africa, printed in 1735, to which I mull refer the reader, who will alfo find fome account of Job, in the Annual Regifler, I think, for 1767. The only piece of information, refpeflirig Job Ben Solomon, that I can add to Moore’s is, that W. Smith, Efq. M. P. (who, by the way, in his excellent fpeeches, in fupport of the abolition of the flave-trade, has difcovered an intimate knowledge, and a deep fenfe, of the wrongs of Africa,) has in his pofleflion a MS. copy of the Koran, in Arabic, written by that extraordinary negro, when in England, purely from memory; as appears, from a Latin certificate, at the end, figned by the who generoufly facrificed her eafe and comfort, to a principle of duty to her hufband, and enlightened zeal in a great caul'c j that the certainly fuffered many fevere trials ; and that, (lie might think, fome of them might have been prevented by human prudence and forefight. f See Dickfon’s Letters on Slavery, p. 75, 94, Rev. Notes, &c. refpeSling S . Leona and Bulama. — Note Z. 2. 269 Rev. Dr. Chandler, and fome other reputable perfons, competent to judge of the merit and authenticity of this curious performance. It would appear, that the Duke of Montagu, mentioned by Job, with fo much gratitude, (Moore, p. 147.) was a great patron of African merit; for to his Grace’s liberality, the negro poet and ma- thematician, Francis Williams, owed his education at fchool, and afterwards at the Univerfity of Cambridge*. I have been told that, when Job was at the Duke’s houfe, the fervants ufed to complain that he fometimes foiled the flairs, when he retired to his chamber to pray, which he regularly did feveral times a day. 784. I fhall clofe this note with fome account of another African, who, though he was not endowed with any fuperiority of intellect, pofTelfcd, in an eminent degree, that goodnefs of heart, which fo honourably characterizes the African genius. — In April, 1781, I was informed, that a young African was going to be conveyed on board a velfel bound for Sierra Leona. Curiofity induced me to enquire, in what capacity he was to be fent there; as the grand queflion, refpefting the abolition of the Slave trade, had then become a merited objeCl ofuuiverfal invefligation, parti- cularly in this Ifland — I foon dil'covered that the mailer of this poor negro had no other intention in conveying him out of this country, than to difpofe of him after- wards with the greater facility, for the Wefl-India market, in order to reinflate his expences with profit. — On clofer enquiry, I found that this youth, whofe name was- Peter Pana/i, was really a fon of the prefent Peter, King of Mefurado, who had himfelf been educated at Liverpool, by tire Have-traders. I difeovered farther, that Appendix. ^ y " — ^ Account of a kidn?pped African prince, who 1 .tely died in England. he had been bafely kidnapped from his father, conveyed to a Mr. Hammer at Sierra Leona, by an Englifh flave-vefTel, (Capt. Frafer) and fold there to a Capt. Cambeby, who carried him to the W. Indies, where he met with other flaves from his own country, who immediately recognized him to be their king’s fon. — This fad was moreover proved by the mark he bore on his breafl, which is inferibed on all the king’s children, to diflinguifh them from others. 785. One Johnfon.a mulatto dealer at Grenada, being acquainted with this circum- „ n . . , r 1 A mercantile itance, conceived that luch a deed committed againfl the King of Mefurado, in the /peculation ia perfon of one of his children, could not but injure the commerce carried on by the lns perfon‘ Englifh in that country. Making this therefore his plea, he combined it with his own interell, and fuppofed that if he brought this young prince to England, it might turn out greatly to his advantage, provided the public could be interefled in his re- demption. But this mere mercantile fpeculation failing, Johnfon refolved to return with him to the Wefl-Indies, to fell him there for the 60I. he had paid for him. Some papers, which I received from Johnfon himfelf, clearly prove thefe fa£ls: but as his return direftly to the W. Indies was likely to be expenfive, he was * Long, Vol. II. p. 476. cunning 2/0 Appendix. ^ . — , — J The author trees him from his bondage. His death. Notes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Biilama. — Note Z. 2. cunning enough to obtain permiffion of Mr. Sharp, under pretence of eftablifhing himfelf at the new colony, to get a free paffage for himfelf and his negro to S. Leona, whence his paffage to the Weft Indies was eafv. 786. The compaflion I felt for the fituation of this unfortunate youth, and the profpedt, by reftoring him to his father, of furthering my favourite plan of civilizing Africa, the inoft effectual means for abolifhing the Slave-trade, made me the lefs hefitate to refeue him from his bafe (hackles: I therefore redeemed him: this was done in prefence of the Rev. Mr. Ramsay, Mr. T. Clarkson, and Mr. R. Phi llips, on the 6th of May, 1788, for 20I. fter. — I then placed him at Mr. Dempfter’s academy, at Mitcham in Surry, to be inftru&ed in the firft rudiments of Chriflianity, into which he was regularly baptized on the 25th Dec. 1788. At this fchool he likewife had fuch education as his faculties were capable of receiving. — He indeed proved obedient and pliable, but he was not gifted by nature with any extraordinary parts. He made, however, a tolerable proficiency in reading and writ- ing, and fhewed a great defire for agriculture. Though pretty much accuftomed to European manners, he feemed to retain an unconquerable propenfity to return to his former habits of fimplicity, in his native country, where he knew he would find a mode of life more fuitable to his tafte. 787. Mr. G. Sharp promifed to ufe his endeavours to procure him a free paffage to his own country, but various incidents retarded and prevented this gentleman’s kind intentions, till he was taken ill, at Mr. Dempfter’s fchool, by fleeping one evening on the damp grafs. This indifpofition foon ended in a gallopping confump- tion, which baffled the power of medicine, and he died, in 061. 1790, in my own houfe, aged, as near as I could guefs, about 18 or 20. 788. I cannot but mention the generofity of three gentlemen, who happened to hear of the cafe of this unfortunate youth, and fent me towards his fupport, the fol- lowing fums refpeftively : Mr. WlLBERFORCE £20 O O The Rev. Mr. Gisborne 5 5° Mr. Pennant 1 1 o fo that his.redemption, fchooling, cloathing, medicine, &c. exclufive of tlicfe contri- butions. during the time he was under my care, (27 years) did not coft me more than £67 10s. ,5ft. But, though it pleafed Providence to call him hence, I never fhall -regret this expenditure. 789. It may be fajd, that I need not have purchafcd the liberty of this unhappy -youth, as he was free the injlanthe landed on the Britifh Jhore. (See § 330.) But it ought to be remembered, that the beft laws are often rendered expenfive, and even ultimately ineffe&ual, by the many arts which lawyers and other defigning men prac- tife, to elude them. Befides, though the lawfeems to be againft perfonal or individu- al flavery in this country, the merchant who dares openly avow himfelf as a dealer in human 271 Notes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama . — Note Z. 2. human fe/h, is not only protefted in his iniquity, but enjoys all the rights of honeft people, not excepting that of fitting upon a jury, even in the mod ferious criminal cafes, from which, however, the dealers in the jlejh of animals axe. excluded*. But put a defpot into a free country , where there is a focial check upon his aElions, and he is no longer a defpot: and put a Jlave-mer chant into a country where induftry and abi- lity, and not money , are theflandards of credit, and he is no longer a flave-mercllant. 790. This leads me back to the principles advanced in feveral parts of this work, refpefting perfonal flavery, in our prefent European communities, efpecially in thofe where commerce is carried on to any extent +. 791. I confider the abufed power of governing to have generated that kind of flavery, which, for the fake of dillinflion, I call Political Slavery, and that which arifes from the abufed power of money, I think I may fairly call Mercantile Slavery. The firfl, which has reference to a perfon’s fituation with refpeft to the commu- nity, feems to be, in fome degree, guarded againft, in this Ifland, by the general principles of the Britifh conftitution, as well as by particular flatutes. But the fe- cond kind, which has reference to a perfon’s fituation, with refpeft to the interefts of individuals, and which is alfo perfonal, inafmuch as an individual can not only be arrefted for debt, but aQually ffarved to death in a gaol, (fee § 594, note.) appears to me not to have been hitherto fully confidered, at leaft not by the majo- rity of thofe whofe province it is to reftity the evil; for the humane exertions of Lord Moira, Mr. Grey and fome other refpeftable members of both Houfes of the Britifh Parliament, have hitherto been unfuccefsful. (See § 142, qu. LI.) * To this comparifon, between a butcher and a flave- merchant, it may beobjeCled, that the former carries on his bufinefs within the reach, and very properly under the protection, of the Englifh laws ; whereas a part only of the bufinefs of the latter is confined to England, the reft being tranfa&ed partly in Africa, which is out of the reach of Englifh laws, and partly in the\V. Indian Iflands, the laws off which, however, their charters ftipulate, thall not be repugnant to the laws of England. But the queftion is, Whether a fet of men, who by their mercantile operations, violate all laws, in any foreign part cf the world, ought to be allowed to live among honeft people, in a civilized community, calling itfelf free? To put the cafe in a more ftriking light, I would afk, Whether any legiflature ought to give it’s protection to a fet of men, who Ihould make it a trade to fit out fhips, under it’s jurifdiCtion, in order to catch and kill human beings, and fait up their flefh at O’Taheite, and carry it to New- Zealand, to be fold to the Cannibals ? ■j. I ufe the term perfonal fiavery in a more extenfive fenfe than ordinary, for the truth is, I am not fatisfied with the diftinClion of flavery, as commonly divided into political and perfonal. They are both flviftly perfonal; for perfons alone can be Haves in any fenfe. Appendix. V ■ / — 1 Note Notes , &c. refpeding S. Leona and Buiama. — Note A A. 272 Appendix. 1 — 1 Note A A. Mr. Afze- 79 2. At § 523, 1 fignified my intention of inferting in this Appendix, the “ Sub- lius'i account flance Gf two Reports” from Mr. Afzelius, fubjoined to the Report of the Direc- ot the natural r . J ... 1 productions, tors; but interefling materials have to unexpectedly multiplied on my hands, that I find I can only afford room for the following Abridgment of an Account of the Natural Productions of S. Leona *. ANIMALS. Oxen & afles. Sheep, goats, hogs. Antelopes, Sec. Lions, Sec. Japanzee. 793. Cattle thrive well, and even grow fat, but not fo commonly as in Europe. A number of bulls, oxen and cows graze in the favannahs. — Some few affes, fent to the colony, are ufed in labour, and do not fuffer by the climate ; but are not equal to mules. 794. Sheep change their wool into hair. They fuffer from the heat, are com- monly lean, and do not increafe much. But goats and hogs are very prolific, and as fine and large as in any other countries. The colony is fufficiently flocked with thefe animals. 795. Porcupines, wild hogs, fquirrels and antelopes, may alfo be clafTed among the animals found at S. Leona proper for food. The fkin of the latter appears to be proper for gloves. 796. The beafls of prey are lions, leopards, hyaenas, mufk cats, and many kinds of weafels, which laflare very deftru&ive to poultry. The fkins of fome of thefe might be of ufe in a commercial view. There are two fpecies of mufk cats at S. Leona, the civet and the zibet cat. 797. The Japanzee or Chimpanzee, common in the mountains of S. Leona, refembles man more than even the Ourang Outang. Of two brought to the co- lony, one died foon; the other, being older, lived fome months. He was nearly 2 feet high, but their full fiature is nearly '5 feet. He was covered with black * Having already bellowed a Chap, (the jth.) on natural productions, I certainly would not fwell my work with any thing more on the fubjeCl, if I did not think the deicriptions of fo able a na. turalid as Mr. Afzelius, infinitely more worthy of attention than any thing I can pretend to write on the fubjeCl. The reader, however, will obferve, that the memoir, of which I here offer him an abridg- ment, is itfelf given by the Directors, only as “ The fubftance” of two reports from Mr. A. I have not feen thofe reports ; but, from that gentleman’s known caution and accuracy, I may venture to fay, that they were not intended for publication, in any fliape ; efpecially, as I know how difficult it is for a perfon to exprefs himfelf accurately in a foreign language, which the Englifh is to Mr. A. as well as to myfelf. I believe, I may pronounce them to have been mere popular deferiptions, intended for the ufe of gentlemen concerned in the S. Leona undertaking, who could not well be fuppofed minutely ccn- verfant in the technical language and arrangement of natural hiftory. The learned reader, therefore, will not fuppofe Mr. A’s two original reports, dill lefs their fubflance, and lead of all, this Abridgment of their Subjlance , to be fpecimens of Mr. A’s profeffional abilities. 3 hair, Notes , &c. rcfpecling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note AA. hair, long and thick on the back, but fhort and thin on the bread and belly. His face was bare ; his hands and his head refembled thofe of an old hlack man, except that the hair on his head was flraight. He ate, drank, fiept and fat at table, like a human being. At firft he crept on all fours, on the outfide of his hands; but, when grown larger, he endeavoured to go ereft, fuppprting himfelf by a dick. He was melancholy, but always good-natured. This ape, although not entirely unknown in Europe, has ufually been confounded with other apes. 798. Of thefe the Direftors have as yet received no perfeft account. A fpe- Birds, cies of crane is mentioned, which becomes very tame, and is reckoned very good food. Fowls multiply amazingly. Ducks thrive; but geefe and turkies have not anfwered expectation. 799. Green, hawk’s bill, or loggerhead, turtles, are very common, and fome- Amphibious times of an immenfe fize. Frefh water turtles, and land turtles, are a!fo found, annuals, &c, the latter in abundance.; and it is thought that they might be imported into England to good profit. Crocodiles, or alligators, of a non-defciipt fpecies, 10 or 12 feet in length, have been found; and lizards of fix fpecies, among which are the Guana and the Cameleon. Snakes are almoft innumerable ; they haunt the houfes in the night in fearch of poultry; the largefl yet difcovered meafurcd 18 feet, which did not prove venemous. 800. The infefts are very numerous. The mofl remarkable are the termites, Ir.ftcls, Sec. (commonly called wood-ants, or bug-a bugs) which deflroy wooden houfes and fences ; ants, which devour provifions ; cockroaches and crickets, which deflroy clothes, linen and leather; mufquitoes, fand-flies, fcorpions, tarantulas and centi- pedes; alfo wild bees, which furnifh plenty of wax and honey. The vermes are little known; the barnacles are very large, and injurious to vefiels not copper-bot- tomed. 801. Fifhes are in great variety, both in the fea and the river. The fpermaceti Flflies, See. whale has been occafionally found at S. Leona, but oftener down the coa/l. Be- fides the whale, the fhark, flinging-ray and porpoife, there are eels, horfe-inackarel, tarpoons, cavillos, mullets, fnappers, yellowtails, old-maids, tenpounders, and fome other fifhes; all of which, except the eels and tenpounders, are efteemed fine eating. Oyflers are found in great abundance, and another fnell fifh, which the natives eat. Among the Zoophites, none is more worthy of notice than the common fponge, which covers all the fandy beaches of the river, particularly on the Bullom fhore, and would fetch a high price in G. Britain. VEGETABLES. 802. ( 1 .) Rice is the chief plant cultivated at S. Leona, and the fiaple of the country. Rice. The lower clafs of the natives fubfifl almofl entirely upon it. Although it prof- N n pets 273 Appendix. 274 Appendix. ' ' Caffada, to be cauti- cully ufed. Notes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note A A. pers bell in fwamps, it will thrive alfo on elevated land; but, like other aquatics, it grows fmaller and thinner, though the grain is better. Of this quality is the rice on the eminences of S. Leona, while on the plains of the Bullom fhore, and other fuch trafts, it grows as luxuriantly as in Carolina, and ii cleaned with equal care, it would be equally white ; but at prefent, through the negligence of the natives, both the rice intended for confumption, and for trade, retains part of the brownilh rind. The rice fields are prepared during the dry feafon, and receive the feed in the tornado feafon, antecedent to the rains ; but the feafons varying, the time for fowing is irregular. In the year 1792, rice was fown in June, and reaped in Oft. 2. This conllitutes, after rice, the chief food of the inhabitants, and it’s culture requires time and care. It fucceeds bell in fandy, open places. In 3 or 4 months after planting, the roots grow fit for ufe. The natives do not reap the whole at once, but dig up a few roots as they want them; but, before the fucceeding rains, they clear the field, never extending their plantations beyond the fuppofed exigen- cies of a fingle year. The natives fometimes make cakes of caffada, which though dry, are well tailed and extremely white : they alfo boil or roafl this article. A kind of ale might pofiibly be prepared from it, as is done by the Arawafks of Surinam*. * As no part of houfehold oeconomy requires fo much care and caution as the preparation of Caf- fada, fome further account of it cannot fail to be acceptable to fuch of my readers, as may have cc- caflon to relide in any new tropical colony. — Dr. Browne mentions two fpecies of that plant, which are ufed in the Sugar Iflands as food; and which he thus deferibes. “ Iatropha 4 Folits pal- math pentadaftylibus, radice conico-oblonga, carne fublaSled .” “ “ Iatropha, Foliis palmatis, lobis lanceolatis, levibus integerrimis." " Linn. Sp. PI. — The Caffava, CaJJada or Cajj'adar. — The juice of the root is fweetifli, but nmre or lefs of a deleterious, or poifonous, nature, both frelh and in the pu- trid Hate. — But, however, unwholefome or violent, the rough juice may be found, immediately after it is expreffed, &c. it has been lately difcovered by an ingenious gentleman, who has praflifed many years in the warm parts of America, that a little mint water and fait of wormwood will calm the molt violent fymptoms that arife on taking it; and prevent all bad confequences, even in the human fpecies, if it be but timely adminijlered. “ Iatropha 5. Foliis palmatis, lobis incertis , radice ob~ longa, funiculo valido per centrum dutto, carne /lived. — The fvjcet Cafj'ada." — (The Linnsan deferip- tion of this lalt fpecies, if any, Dr. B. has not inferted.) — “ This plant,” continues the Do£tor, “ is very like the foregoing, both in habit and appearance, and cultivated in the fame manner; but the root is free from any of that deleterious quality that is generally oblerved in the juices of the other fort. It is always planted in feparate pieces, for fear of a miltake, and roajled or boiled for ufe; but the latter feems to be the belt method of dreffing it.” Nat. Hilt, of Jamaica p. 349, where the learned author deferibes the method of preparing the farine, or meal, from the firlt fpecies above men- tioned. See alfo Long’s 3d. Vol. But I apprehend that in all fuch procelfes, experience is a fafer guide than any deferiptions to be found in books. — Not knowing into whofe hands this work may fall, I have inferted the above extracts, by way of caution to perfons unacquainted with the danger efufing caffada indifcrlminately, and without being duly prepared, by fome perfon praftically Ikilled in the operation, which though not difficult, requires great care and attention. — A certain eminent bota- nift, and alfo a friend of mine who has been long in the W. Indies, both advife me, by all means, to In- lert this note. 3. Thefe 2 Votes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note A A. 275 3. Thefe refemble potatoes, and are dry, farinaceous, and nutritious. Though Appendix. elfewhere there are many fpecies of yams, there is but one in S. Leona. The ' v largeft root in the Company’s gardens weighed only about 41b. the foil being pro- Yams* bably too hard for it. The natives do not bellow fo much pains on yams ascaflada. 4. Thefe are good and ufeful roots, in no particular, however, refembling the Sweetpotatoe* true potatoes, except that like them, they are farinaceous roots. They thrive belt in a loofe foil, but the natives are as inattentive to them as to yams. The leaves boiled make a good difli on the table, and afford an excellent nourilhment for Iheep, goats, or pigs. 5. Thefe are eaten by the natives, either raw or roalled. Ground-nuts. 6. Though abundant, they are not fo much ufed as they deferve to be. The leaves, Eddoes. if young, are as good as fpinach ; and the roots, when boiled, refemble chefnuts. They are fit for ufe when 3 months old, but are bell after 4 or 6 months growth. 7and'8. Country potatoes of two forts ; ill, Ajuck, a round root, fome what big- Country pota-, ger than a hazel nut, found in abundance in low places, with a long Item, which toes* creeps round it on the ground; it’s talle is better than that of fweet potatoes; but it is lefs folid. And, 2dly, Abunk, which grows on the branches of the tree in a ftrange manner, and is a fingular excrefcence of an irregular, angular and tuberous fhape. It taltes fomewhat like fweet potatoes. 9. A common, handfome and ufeful tree, indicating a good foil. It fupplies the Oil-palm, inhabitants with oil, wine and food. The wine in appearance perfe&ly refembles whey, talles well when frelh, but is apt to ferment, to change in 3 or 4 days to the flronged vinegar, of a difagreeable fmell. It is collefled by tapping the tree. The oil is-obtained from the fruit, which is of the fize of a hazel nut, confiding of a hard kernel, enclofed in a thick, fat matter, covered with a thin Ikin, which dilfolves and yields the oil, which is ufed by the natives by way of butter to their rice. This oil, though liquid at fird, in a fhort time hardens, and turns rancid : a fuperior oil is made, though in fmall quantities, by bruifing and boilling the kernels in water. The interior fubdance ol the top of young palm-trees being boiled, eats like cab- bage : the leaves ferve the natives for balkets. 10 and 11. Thefe grow very commonly, and are two ufeful trees, nearly related Plantains* to the palm. Plantains are larger than bananas, more regular, bent at the bafe, and banaaas* fewer in each cluder, harder and lefs lufeious. They are eaten raw, boiled, or road- pd. Bananas are among the fuperior fruits of this country, foft and fweet, and ge- nerally eaten raw : above 100 grow in a cinder. The leaves are ufed for various economical purpofes ; and the fibres ferve in fome places for thread. 12. A fine fruit of a deep green, but when ripe of a yellow colour. When papaW, green it is boiled, when lipe eaten raw as a fruit. The leaves are ufed indead of foap, the hollow llalks for pipes, and ropes may be made of the bark. 13. Some green fruit of this kind has been dilcovered in a neighbouring bay. N n 2 14 and Guava. Appendix. ' ' Oranges and limes. Pompions. Melons, &c. Pine apples. Pigeon peas. Maize or In- dian corn. Millet. Cocoa-nut trees. Cafliew. Ockra. Sugar-car.e. Butter and tallow tree. Notes, &c. refpeding S. Leona and Bulama. — Note AA. 14 and 15. Thefe are very common in their wild ftate, bearing ripe fruit throughout the year, though not always in equal abundance. The oranges are ex- cellent, and larger than thofe ot Europe. Lemons planted long ago by the Portu- guefe in the neighbourhood, have degenerated fo much as to refemble limes. 16. Thefe are to be found wild, wherever the ground is loofe; but though more folid, are not fo large as the European. They are ufed for pies and puddings-, and may be had throughout the year. 17, 18, 19, 20. Squafh, watermelon, cucumber and mufk, melon. Thefe arrive at the greateft perfeftion, and by proper care might be made to furpafs the Euro- pean. The fir/l fettlers found no water melons, but took the feeds with them. 21. Thefe are far better flavoured than thofe of Europe, but tougher in the middle. They are to he found all the year, growing wild in the woods, and on de- clivities near water. They are alfo planted by the natives. 22. This is a good pulfe, and is dreffed like Engliflt peas or beans. It grows wild in the fkirts of woods, and in old rice and cafl’ada fields, and may be had throughout the year. 23. This is cultivated more on the Bullom flioie than near Freetown ; it re- quires but 3 months to ripen, fo that feveral harvefts are afforded in a year. The grain is boiled in fait water, or roafted in the ear and eaten with butter, but fometimcs it is eaten raw. The natives of the Gold Coaft make puddings of it. Goats and cattle eat the blades with avidity. 24. Millet of two kinds, is found wild and ufed for poultry; the /talks of the larger fort contain a refrefhing juice. 23. Cocoa trees grow in Sherbro, where they have been planted. The nuts are eaten raw or made into pies. 26. Cafliew nuts, according to Lieut. Matthews, were introduced by the Euro- peans; but none have been feen at S. Leona, except on the Bullom fhore. 27. The fruit of a little tree refembling the Englifh featree mallows, very com- mon in S. Leona. The pods render foup gelatinous and highly nourifhing; the leaves boil like fpinach. 28. Thefe have been found, in fmall quantities, near S. Leona. They probably will thrive exceedingly, as foon as the land lhall have been fome time in cultiva- tion. 29. This is common in low lands about Freetown: it abounds with a juice re- fembling gamboge in taint and durability, which exudes after the leafl laceration. The wood is firm, and feems adapted to various ufes. The fruit is nearly oval, about twice the fize of a man’s fill; the rind is thick, pulpy, and of a pleafant acid ; in the infide are found from ,5 to 9 feeds, of the fize of a walnut, containing .iin oleaginous matter, ufed by the natives, with their rice or other food. go. Of 277 Notes , &v. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama. — Note AA. 30. Of thefe there is a great variety. The velvet tamarind and common tama- Appendix. rind grow pentifully on the ifland of Bananas. The white tamarinds, being of an v — -v— — ' indifferent tafte, are much neglefted. The brown tamarinds are fweet and highly Tamarinds, elleemed. There is alfo a hard and infipid fruit refembling a tamarind, eaten by the natives, which they call malfino. 31. Fig-tree. The fruit of this tree, which fcarcely exceeds a hazel nut in fize, Fig-tree, is agreeable like other figs, hut it can hardly be eaten, owing to the number of fmall infe£ls with which it is commonly filled. 32. Country figs. Thefe in no refpeft refemble the true figs, except in the number of their gritty feeds. This fruit is of the fize of an apple, nearly round, and agreeably’ tailed, when ripe refembling the European ftrawberry. The tree is non-defcript; it is found in the bell foil in the woods. 33. Hog Plums. Thefe are rather fmaller than European Plums, yellow, and Hog-plums, not unpleafant : the natives are very fond of them. The tree, in fome refpefls, re- fembles the alh. 34. Country plums. Of thefe there are many kinds, befides thofe juft mention- Country ed. They contain generally one or more kernels. They are commonly of the fize P!ums* of an hazel nut. 23. Thefe are round and black, acid and acrid ; they might certainly be improve- Grapes, ed, but never fo as to refemble grapes, for they belong to a genus totally different. 36. This contains an acid fimilar to that of real forrel, but refembles it in no other Sorrel, refpefl. The plant is common enough. 37. This is the bell fubftitute for fpinach, if properly dreffed; it grows in clear- Caieloe. ed grounds, and indicates a good foil. 38. A very common plant on hills near the Ihore. It appears 3 days after being purfla;nk Town. It is faid to have been applied to wounds with fuccefs. 39. There is a well known and much elleemed fruit of this fort in the W. In- Mammee. dies; but that of S. Leona is of a different fpecies, though no way inferior. 40,41, 42. Cainito, bumelia and icaco, or pigeon plums, three W. Indian Cainito, See. fruits. The laft is rather infipid, but improves greatly by cultivation. 43, 44. Antidefma, of the fame tafte with red currants, and mantanka, being alfo Antidefam. tolerably good. 45. The country cherries furpafs all the fruits of S. Leona. A fine neflarine Cherries, is the fruit to which it can bell be compared. 46. This has at a diftance the appearance of an old apple-tree. A fpecies of it Bread fruit, grows plentifully on the Bullom Ihore, and in low and fandy places. The fruit is about the fize of an apple, and when frelh is exceedingly good and nutritious, hav- ing almoft the fame talle as gingerbread, but it lofes much of its flavour when old. 47. This is ftill larger and quite round: there are always two of the fruits united Cream fruit. and 278 Notes, &c. refpetting S. Leona and Bulama . — Note A A. Appendix. V. > Malaguetta pepper, & c. Nutmegs. Coffee. Piper Ethio- picum, Mabeck. Barreliera. Tomato. Cola. Pcruvianbark. Caftor olh Cafiia of the cane. Dye fluffs, gums. Cotton. and hanging at the end of a fmall branch; when wounded they yield a fine white juice, refembling fugar or the belt milk; the natives are very fond of it. 48. There is a fet of plants, called by the botanifts amomum, all of a fpicy nature, and are of 3 divifions. To the lit, belong the gingers. To the 2d, grains of para- dife, or Malaguetta pepper. The 3d, is called cardamoms. The true ginger grows in the Sufee country, though not yet found in S. Leona. Malaguetta pep- per of 4 different forts is found; 1 ft, Maboobo, the feeds of which are pretty large, oblong and of an agreeable but weak flavour. 2d, Malfaaba, fmaller than the preceding, but much like it; the pulp in the pod, when frefli, is of a fine acid. 3d, Mafia Amquona, the feeds of which are of the fame nature a6 the lalt, but rather more angular and pungent; the leaves and Hems are endowed with the fined aro- ma, both in fcent and tafte. 4th, Tofian, the native and true Malaguetta pepper of Africa, and grains of paradife of the fhops. It excels all other kinds in pungency. 49. A new fpecies of nutmeg, different from all others, has been difeovered ; but whether it is as good as the common fort, is at this time difficult to afeertain. 50. Coffee trees are found of two different fpecies, both non-defeript; but whe- ther of any ufe is not yet afeertained, 51. A well-known fpice, grows on lofty trees, in great abundance on the moun- tains. It is ufed both by colonifts and natives inftead of black pepper. £2. A fine fpice, though not very pungent. The virtue is in the hufk, and is ufed by the natives for many medicinal purpofes. The tree is high and valuable. ^3. A fmall plant with the fame fcent as thyme, and might be ufed for the fame purpofes, 54. With which the natives feafon their rice, are angular and red. It is thought that Capficumsgrow wild. ,55. Cola is a famous fruit, highly efleemed by the natives, for the fame virtues as the Peruvian bark. It is ufed for the fame purpofes by the Portuguefe, who fend fmall vefiels along the coaft, to colleft all the cola they can get. 56. Of the Peruvian bark a new fort has been difeovered, which may perhaps prove as ufeful as the other. The natives ufe it for the fame purpofes, 57. The bulh which produces the nuts from which this oil is exprefTed, grows every where in S. Leona. 38. The African fpecies is nearly related to that of the W. Indies, and will not, it is thought, be found lels ufeful. £9. With refpeft to dyes, yellow may be extrafted from the butter fruit tree, and blue from indigo. Black and red may be obtained from other plants. Cum Copal and gum Senega, the lalt ulually fold in the Ihops lor gum Arabic, are among the chief gums on the coaft. 60. Cotton groves plentifully in S. Leona, as does the filk cotton among other cotton fruits. hi. The Notes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note E B. 61. The natives ufe the bark of the mahant for ropes and whips, and the roots of the famous mangrove for bas in making mats. 62. Common tobacco grows at S. Leona, but the natives do not cultivate it. MINERALS. 63. No report having been made by the late Mr. Nordenfkiold, the Company’s tnineralogifl, the Direflors are not prepared to offer any particular fpecification of the minerals found at S. Leona *. Note B B. See § 527. Late TRANSACTIONS of the FRENCH at S. LEONA. I cannot better fulfil my promife, of giving the mod authentic accounts I could colleft of thefe tranfafdions, than by laying before my readers the following va- luable paper which the Swedifh Ambaflador has obligingly put into my hands ; ExtraB. of a Letter from Mr. Adam Afzelius to His Excellency the Chevalier von ENGESTROM, the Swedfh Ambaffador in London , dated Sierra Leona, 15th November, 1794. 804. “ The Lnglilh Colony at S. Leona had, like all other new Colonies, in the beginning, great difficulties to overcome. But, before the end of two years from its firfl inflitution, order and induflry had begun to ffiew their effe£ls in an increafing profperity. — A new town had been laid out, with regular flreets and a little garden belonging to each houfe. The woods had been cut down to the diflance of about half a Swedifh mile (3 Engliffi miles) all round the town By this means the climate had become healthier, and ficknefs had diminiffied. The fame of our colony had fpread not only along the whole weflern coafl of Africa, but alfo to parts far diflant from the coafl ; and we have had embaffies from kings and princes, feveral hundred miles diflant, with the view of acquiring a better knowledge of us, and of obtaining our friendfhip. — i hey began to fend their children to us, with full confidence, to be brought up in the chrillian religion. — In ffiort, we were externally refpe&ed and internally happy. — For my own part, 1 could never wifh for a better fituation. — I had every comfort I wanted. — I was in good health and fpirits. — I fat at the table of the governor himfelf, who treated me with liberality and kindnefs. — I had a houfe of my own, which was large enough to contain fpe- cimens of all the natural treafures of this coafl. — It was furrounded by a fine gar- den, in which I had myfelf planted the fcarceft plants, and the moll beautiful arc- * Mr. Nordenfkiold arrived at S. Leona in May, 1792, and died in the Sept, following, having been ill during moll of the time. (See § 714, et feq .) 279 Appendix. V ✓ ' Mahant. Tobacco, Profperity of the colony be- fore it was at- tacked by the French. matic s8o Appendix. ^ ' Colony at- tacked by a French I'qua- dron. After fome firing, the co- lony l'ubmits. Moft of the colonilts fled. Notes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note B B. matic and odoriferous flowers, which delightfully recompenfed my pains. — I had aifo many living animals, including about 30 birds in cages and fmall houfes. — Na- tural curiofities poured into my collection from all quarters; and thefe I fent from time to time, as opportunity offered, to a friend in London, to be kept for me till my return. — The lalf opportunity I had to fend any thing was the 4th of Aug. — I then began a frefh collection, which, before the expiration of 2 months, was more valuable than what I had got together 3 months before, or from the time of my laft return to S. Leona. 805. “ But all thefe treafures are no more. Our felicity and profperity are van- ilhed, and have given place to mifery and want. — I myfelf have largely participat- ed in the common calamity. My own feparate and individual lofs is irreparable. The French have been here and have ruined us. — They arrived on the 28th of Sept, laft, early in the morning, with a fleet con filling of one large (hip, 2 frigates, 2 armed brigs and one cutter, together with two large armed merchant {hips, taken by them at the Ifles de Lofs, an Englifh flave faCtory to the N. of our colony, and which they have alfo deftroyed and burnt. 806. “ So well had they concealed their nation, that we took them at firft for Englifh.-— They had Englifh built veffels, which were rigged in the Englilh way. — They fhewed the Englifh flag, and had their failors, at leafl thofe we faw on deck, dreffed like Englifh. — In fhort we did not perceive our miflake, till we ob- ferved them pointing their guns. — We had not flrength fufficient to refill, and therefore our governor gave orders, that as foon as they fhould begin to fire, the Britifh flag Ihould be ftruck, and a flag of truce hoifled. — Accordingly this was done, but ftill they continued firing, and did much damage, both within and with- out the town. — They killed 2 people and wounded 3 or 4. — But, as we did not underftand the meaning of this proceeding, we afked them for an explanation ; and they anfwered us that we fhould difplay the flag of liberty, as a proof of our fub- miflion. — We allured them that it fhould already have been done, if we had had any, which terminated the holiilities from the fhips. 807. “ In the mean time, moft of the inhabitants had fled from the town, hav- ing taken with them as much of their property as they conveniently could, in fuch a hurry. — I was with the governor, together with a number of others, but as foon as I was certain they were enemies, I went towards my own houfe, with a view to fave as much as pollible of my property and natural collections ; but was receiv- ed in fuch manner, that I could not venture to proceed. — My houfe was fituated near the fhore, and unfortunately juft oppofite the frigate which fired. — I faw the ■balls palling through the houfe and heard them whizzing about my ears. — I faw that I Ihould loofe all my property; but life was dearer to me, and I haftened to the woods. 2 808. “ In Notes, &c. refpeSling S. Leona and Bulama . — Note BB. 808. “ In the afternoon the enemy landed, finding the town almoft deftitute of people, but rich in provifions, cloathing and other llores. They began immediate- ly to break open the houfes and to plunder. What they did not want, they dcftroy- ed, burnt or threw into the river. They killed all the cattle and animals they found in the fields or llreets, yards or elfewhere, not fparing even afles, dogs and cats. Thefe proceedings they continued the whole fucceeding week, till they had intirely ruined our beautiful and profpering colony. 809. “ When I returned to the town, I found my houfe converted into a melan- choly guard-houfe. My principal property, fuch as money, cloaths, my very va- luable inftruments, and moll of my furniture, were either carried off, or broken to pieces. According to bills and accounts, which I have Hill left, this lofs amounts to very near/* 300 iler. The reft, which was of no value or ufe to the enemy, but on which I myfelf put a juft and great value, I had the mortification to find fo total- ly deftroyed, that the fight almoft drew tears from my eyes. My neat and beauti- ful little garden, I found intirely ruined, the trees cut down and the plants pulled up by the roots. My living animals and birds were partly eaten and partly thrown out of doors, with their heads cut olf. My library and colleftion of animals, fruits and flowers preferred in fpirits of wine; of birds, infefts, fhells, harbarium, fruits and feeds, together with all my manuferipts ; all were thrown down and fpread Ovcr ihe whole floor, where they were all mixed with offals of victuals, treacle, rum, beer and other things of the kind. At lafl 1 received leave from the commodore to clear away this dirty mixture. I had then the floor fwept, and collected what was not wholly fpoiled in 3 bags, which now contain all the miferable remnants of my property, except the cloaths on my back. When the enemy found nothing more worth plundering, they fet fire to the public buildings and all the houfes be- longing to Europeans; and confequently to mine among the reft. About 24 houfes, great and fmall, were thus deftroyed, and 9 or 10 houfes of the co.lonifts were alfo burnt, by miftake. 810. “ In the mean time, the enemy were not lefs aftive on the water. They fent three of there veflels to Bance ifland, an Englifh flave-fa£lory higher up the river, which they plundered and burnt, together with fome Have {hips lying there. They took befides about 10 or 12 prizes, including the Company’s veflels. Moft of thefe they unloaded and burnt. T hey took along with them alfo 2 of our armed veflels, one of which was a large fhip, laden with provifions, and which had been long expe&ed; but fhe unfortunately arrived a few days too foon, and was taken with her whole cargo. We expected at leaft to receive our private letters, hut even this was refufed, and they were thrown over board. What hardfhip is .this to me, who have not had the fmalleft information from my patrons and friends, ftnee I was in England 8 months ago? 28 * Appendix. V— -v- ' The colony plundered, See, Mr. Afzeli, us’s lofles. Prizes taken* Oo 811. “ At 282 Appendix- ' ' The fquadron leaves the ri- ver. Sieknefs but no want. Mr.Afzelius’s peculiat mil- iortunes. The French fquadron ap- pear to be ig- norant of the true ohjeft of the colony. Notes , &c. refpeEling S. Leona and Bulama.—Note BB. 811. “At lad, after inflicting onus every hardfhip we could fuffer, only fparing our lives and the houfes of the colonifls, they failed on the 13th OCl. lad, at noon, proceeding downwards to the Gold Coad, and left us in the moll dreadful fituation, without provifions, cloaths, houfes, or furniture, &c. &c. and I fear much, that mod of us fliould have perifhed, had not our friends in the neighbourhood, both natives and Europeans, who were fo happy as to efcape the enemy, been fo kind as to fend us what they could fpare*. 812. “ In the mean time, mod of us have either been, or flill are, very fick, and many have died for want of proper food and medicine. The word, however, is now pad. At lead we are not in any want of provifion, although of the coarfed kind, but are deditute of the mad neceffary articles and utenfils for the houfe, the table and the kitchen. 813. “ Befides the common misfortune, in which I participated equally with the red, I have feveral grievances which make me particularly uneafy. All that I could podibly fave from dedruCtion, were a few books, fome dry herbs and feeds, and only a few fragments of my MSS. Thefe lad were my mod valuable property, and the only fure voucher or tedimony I could produce, to certify my perfeverance and attention in my refearches, rn the courfe of my travels in foreign countries — but mod of them are no more, and many of them can never be redored, as for indance, my journal from the time I fird came to this place till this terrible catadrophe, &c. &c. Defcriptions of natural productions and of my collections, I might perhaps, in a great meafure, replace, had I only the necedary indruments and other requifites, but I have lod all. What then can a poor beggar do in a defert? He mud endeavour to employ his time'in the bed manner, patiently fubmit to the will of Providence, and wait until adidance can arrive. By the next vedel from England, which, however, cannot arrive here in lefs than 4 or^ months, I hope my worthy friends and proteCtors will remember me with fuch things as I may want. 814. “ Before I finilh, I beg leave to make two general obfervations on the con- duct of the French at this place. 815. “ I. That they aCted contrary to their own acknowledged fundamental principle, viz. the fpreading of light and liberty , when they plundered this colo- ny, which has been indituted for thofe very purpofes, viz. to abolijh the Slave trade , to enlighten the Africans , and to render them virtuous and rational, free and happy. This edablifhment, which has no parallel in hidory, at fird fo much at- tracted the attention of the National Adembly that feveral of its members, as I have been told, wrote to the Directors of this colony in London., and adured them that * Mr. A. here alludes to the Europeans, redding at the neighbouring Have faftory, whofe friend- ly ofEces, as well as the civility of their employers in England, the Directors liberally,acknowledge. $ce the note at the dole of § 510. neither Notes, &e. refpeEling S. Leona and BuUma.-~-Note BB. 283 neither their fhips, nor Colony fhould be expofed to the Republican arms. I have great reafon to believe that this correfpondenc'e is yet preferved. 8t6. “ It may be faid that this offer and promife was given by the party, called Girondifts , who no longer exift; but I fhould think that the Mountains, (fo called) would not yield to their opponents, in noble and generous fentiments. There mull confequently be fome fault or mifunderftanding, either in theory or in pra&ice; either with the Convention, who ifTucd the orders, or with the commodore who put them into execution. I mentioned thefe circumftances to fome of the French officers, and they did not deny their juftice; but they laid all the blame upon two American Have captains, who have been obliged to efcape both from England and from America, for great crimes, and who, thinking they had fuffered fome injury here at S. Leona, were looking out for vengeance. Thefe men piloted the French hither, encouraging their failors to commit all poffible violence and cruelty. But be this as it may, that promife once made to our Dire&ors, had lulled both them and us in the colony, into fo profound a fecurity, that neither they nor we could think of any hoftile attack, and confequently had not put ourfelves in any Hate of defen. e *. 817. “ II. That they atted againfl the laws of neutrality, when they plundered me. I mentioned that I was a Swede, and a naturalifl, who was expofing my life in Africa for the fake of enlightening, and making difeoveries for the benefit of all na- tions, and who was refiding here only for a certain time, without having any thing further to do with the Englilh. They acknowledged, that I was ill treated, and many of them even allowed that I ought to be indemnified for my lofs. I very na- tnrally fupported this lafl proportion, and even fpoke to the commodore about it, but, although he gave me full hopes, nothing could be effe&ed. They excufed themfelvesby faying, that I was out of the way when my houfe was broke open, and that if they had known to whom it belonged, they would have preferved it. This founds well, but that they were not ferious, I think I can conclude from what I experienced. When I firfl entered into my houfe and found that there were flill Appendix. Mr.Afzelius's own remarks. Mr. A. tko’ • Swede, was plundered. fome trunks left, I afked for one of them, but was anfwered that it belonged to the captain of one of the frigates, and when I then afked for another, that belonged to fuch or fuch an pfficer, &c. &c. They had, however, juft before agreed that I had fuffered injury. The following day, when the captain himfelf came on fhore, I afked him for my trunk. He fhrugged up his fhoulders and complained much of my misfortune, faying, that he would do me this little favour with all his heart, if it was in his power. Another time I faw in my room a bed-cover; I afked the officer, who was on his poll for it, and he gave it to me, but a failor came immedi- ately and tore it from me, faying that it belonged to him, and I loft it. I could men- * This appears to be fully explained in $ 837. O O 2 non 284 Notes , &c. ref petting S . Leona and Bulama. — Note BB. Appendix. 1 > tion many fimilar inftanccs. But the plain truth of the matter was that the officer* had no authority, and the failors did what they pleafed. The former, who were in general fenfible and refpeftable men, were very forry for thofe violences that were committed, but complained ftncerely that it was totally out of their power to pre- vent it. The latter, or failors, feeraed in general to be miferable and in great want; but at the fame time cruel, and could be compared only to wild beafts who live by devouring their prey. 818. “ I have fcarcely any paper, pens or ink, nor even a penknife; fo that I have very good reafons to hope for fome indulgence, remaining, &c. * * # “ A. Afzelius.” Agreement of the public aiui privateac- counts of the tranlaftions ot the French Jquadron. 819. It is important to obferve, that the report of the governor and council to the Directors, the foregoing letter of Mr. Afzelius, and feveral other private letters, mutually corroborate each other. 820. Mr. Gray in particular, in his letter to one of his friends in London, dated Ruin f of Freetown, Oft. 18th, 1794,” and which I have juft feen, mentions every material faft contained in the loregoing cxtraft. He adds, that “ the largeft French fh ip carried 50 guns, and the two frigates 32 guns each.” But it would appear, that they were fo ill found, and the feamen fo diforderly, that he goes on to fay, “ I am confident that two Englilh frigates would have taken their whole force” (namely the foregoing fhips, with two armed brigs, and fome velfels of inferior confidera- tion.) “ It rather furprizes us, that this coaft fhould be fo ncglefted, Government not having a vefiel of any kind in this quarter of the world. So the French no doubt had learnt, which caufed their coming here. However, for mv own part, I do not find room to blame the French fo much, as thofe who are at the head of Englifh affairs, for the evils that have befallen us.” — “ You muft not imagine,” adds he, “ becaufe we have been taken by the French, and have had our houfes burnt, that we are flecping in the woods, or that we are ftarving lor want of viftu- als. No: we have houfes yet, the governor having hired fome of the belt of the fettlers’ houfes, for the officers and himfelf; nor, whilft we have fheep and goats for fending for, no very great diflance, can we be fuppofed to be famiffiing.” Mr. G. having been captured in a velfel at fome diftance from Freetown, fays, “ I flept on board one of the frigates, where I muft acknowledge being well treated; fo much fo, the captain offered me his own bed.” This gentleman alfo writes, that notwithftanding his paft hardfhips, he had enjoyed uninterrupted health; and that he was about to accompany Mr. Watt in an attempt to penetrate to Tombuftoo. Muft probably, therefore, thofe enterprizing gentlemen have, ere now, entered on that interefting and arduous journey. 821. From Mr. Padenheim’s letter to C. Grill, Efq. the Swedilh Conful Gene- ral, in London, it additionally appears, that an American Have-captain, of the name 2 of Notes, &c. refpeEling S. Leona and Bulama . — Note BB. 285 of Newell, who had thought himfelf affronted by the Governor, had perfuaded the Appendix. French to attack the colony, affuring them of a very great booty. Hence I think ^ " v'" J it is fair to conclude, that the hopes of plunder operated fo powerfully on the French incited minds of the French failors, that their commanders found it impoflible to reflrain colony, them, either from attacking the colony, or from plundering it*. * * * PROCEEDINGS at a GENERAL COURT of PROPRIETORS of the S. LEONA COMPANY, held at the Paul’s-Head Tavern, in Cateaton-street, Feb. 26th, 1795. That I may omit nothing that tends to give my readers an impartial , though I ac- knowledge^ a very general , view oj this interejling fubjetl, I Jhall now lay before them fome Account of thefe Proceedings. 822. Mr. H. Thornton, the Chairman of the Court of Dire6lors, took the Chair, and read the journal tranfmitted by the Governor and Council at S. Leona, relative to the late tranfaftions of the French at that place; and he concluded with reading various remarks made by the Direftors thereupon. 813. [This journal contained fo full and circumftantial an account of the attack upon the colony, that the reading of it took up above three hours. I have not room even for an abridgment of this detail, a circumftance the lefs to be regretted, as the Directors have juft publiflied a very faithful Abridgment of it, under the title of “ Subftance ot the Report of the Court of Diredfors, &c. Feb. a.6th, 17957’ which came rather too late into my hands. Befides, I really could not offer the reader a better luminary, than the above extradls from the letters of Mr. Afzelius, Mr. Gray, and Mr. Pa- denheim; for I am happy to (ay, that, in a general view, thofe extradfs and every other account that has come to my knowledge, perfectly agree with the journal and the “ Subftance,” of it, of which two (or perhaps more) editions have been publifhedfjfo that the reader can eafily make the comparifon. Upon the whole, it feems as unnecelfary, as it is impracticable, for me to inlert more than the follow- ing abridgment of the concluding remarks of the Directors. See “ Subftance,” &c. from p. 16, to the end.] 824. “ It appears, that in about three weeks after the departure of the French “ from S. Leona, an almoft univerfal ficknefs prevailed among the whites, the con- “ fequcnce of the exertions of fome, and the fufferings of others, at the crifis. The “ want of medical attendance, (the phyfician and both the furgeons being ill, one of “ the latter of whom died) and improper food and accommodations, aggrava'ed the “ diforder, which, as in the firft fickly feafon, was fatal, almoft exclufively, to the “ lower Europeans. The deftruclion of the medicines was now moll feverely felt, as “ appears from the Governor himfelf, after a fit of fever, refraining from taking bark, “ led he Ihould confuine too much of the fmall remaining quantity. The Dire£lors “ mention with concern, that, of the 120 failors firft put on fir ore at S. Leona, by Sicknefs and diftrels for want of medi- cines, &c. * Having mentioned Mr. Padenlieim, I cannot but add Mr. Beaver’s opinion of this gentleman, ^.jr g,.nver.s That he did not know any perfon at S. Leona, while he was there, who had done more eflential lervice opinion of Mi . to the colony, than Mr. Padenheim. A teftimony fo honourable, from fo exce lent and impartial a Padenheim. judge as Mr. B. is, especially of this kind of merit, convinces me that Mr. P. muft indeed be a valua- ble member of the colony. f Printed by J. Phillips, George Yard, Lombaid-ftreet. “ the 286 Appendix. Favourable circumftances. Company’s lofs and re- maining (lock. Company’s final I veffels and goods on fliore not in- filled, and why Good effe&s likely to relult from the cala- mity. Notes, CBc. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama — Note BB. “ the French, 80 have already died. The Governor Hates, that they never, in any “ ftage of the public diftrefs, wanted at leaft a regular meal of rice; and the Direftois “ are perfuaded, that no pra&icable nteafures of prudence or humanity have been “ neglefted, either refpefting thefe, or any other refugees from flave-fhips.who from “ time to time, have been caft on the clemency of the S. Leona government. 825. “ Before the date of the lad difpatches, the ficknefs is faid, in fome degree, “ to have abated. The healthy feafon was approaching; and a very feafonable, though “ probably an inadequate, fupplyof articles much wanted, had been juft bought from “ the captain of a chartered veflel fent out by the Direftors. 826. “ The whole lofs of the Company, on this occafion, may be computed at “ g 40,000, exclufive of the buildings deftroyed, which coft about £15,000; but “ their value having been much lefs, fuch of them as will now be thought necef- “ far)', will probably be rebuilt for 2 or /'3000. About 8 or £9000 have been laid “ out on works of defence, roads, a landing place, a wharf, and the allotment and “ cultivation of lands. The whole remaining property of the Company, exclufive of “ the 8 orjfgooo dead ftock juft mentioned, the Direflors compute at about £85, 000. 827. “ The Company’s frnall velfels, trading on the coaft, were not infured; for “ the monthly premium, required on them, was thought unreafonably high. The “ value of each veftel and cargo feldotn exceeded 2 or /'goco; and the capture of fo “ many of them at once, on differentparts of the coaft, was not confidered as a proba- ble event. The Company’s large fia ip, the Harpy, with her cargo, was mofily in- “ fured. But the infurance of goods on fhore, againft infurreflions and foreign “ enemies, were found to be exprefsly excepted in the policies of the only Company “ that underwrites goods on fhore, indiftant countries. 828. “ The governor and council date that fome good eftefts may be confidered “ as refulting from this calamity. They obferve, that it has convinced the N. Sco- “ tians of their folly, in having contended for the ground neareft the river, and in “ neglefring the more diftant and mountainous parts. They even remark, that the “ improvement in the mountains, during the enfuing dry feafon, feenrs likely to “ counterbalance the damage done to the town *. Thus an opportunity is faid to be afforded * I have juft been favoured with a paper, which makes me think that fugar will never be among the produfl ions of thofe mountains; though it may be hoped the Bullom ft) ore will, in due time, afford a fupply of that commodity. This paper juftifies feveral of my remarks on the cultivation of the Com- pany’s plantation; lb that had I been in poffeftion of it when I drew up Note X. 1, I could have rendered that hnjlj and general outline lefs unworthy of the reader’s attention: for I could have exem- plified fome of my reafonings with faffs which prove that fymptoms of the fpirit of fugar fpeculatioo had aftually appeared at S. Leona. But I muft add, that nothing has come to my knowledge to juftify a fuppofition that the Direftors were ever aftuated by that fpirit. They fent out indeed the proper implements for manufadluring fugar; but I have good authority to fay, that in this infhnce, they Notes, (3 c. refpetting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note BB. 287 *» afforded of difmifling from the Company’s fervice, a number of N. Scotians, Appendix. “ whom the governor and council had long been in vain endeavouring to fix on V v ' “ their farms. The expeiience of the internal refources of the colony is mentioned “ as very important. The colony has been left many weeks, deflitute of almoft every “ European article ; much of the live-flock and all the boats and fhipping deftroyed ; “ and yet no want of neceffary food, nor any other evil, than what has been men- “ tioned, has enfued. The governor and council mention that they intend to “ ere£l only one confiderablc flore, a large dwelling houfe and a church, all of •« country materials. The laft was fo far advanced, that public worfhip was to be “ performed in it, the Sunday after the date of the difpatches. Meafures were alfo “ taken for erefiting a building on the Bullom fhore for additional fecurity. 829. “ On the arrival of the difpatches, the Dire&ors loft no time in fending out Supplies I m- “ two fmall veffels with an affortment of neceffaries. They alfo fhipped a few ma- J^fpped^7 Mr. “ terial articles on board the Amy (now the Company’s only large fhip,) which had Dawes returns « already in her a few goods for trade. Some perfons engaged in the Company’s tob* e°na* “ fervice, (the number of whom, on receiving the above intelligence, was reduced,) “ are alfo gone out in her: and among them Mr. Dawes, who having been two years “ governor of the colony, had returned to England. His health and the circum- “ fiances of his family had induced him to think of leaving the Company’s fervice ; “ but, when informed of a tumult having taken place ( § 443-) at S. Leona, his “ zeal in the Company’s caufe led him again to offer his fervices. The late more “ ferious calamity, and the indifpofition of the afting Governor, Mr. Macaulay, “ rendered Mr. Dawes’s prefence fo defirable, that the Dire£lors thought it their “ duty to accept this gentleman’s offer. 830. “ The Dire£lors propofe to reduce within very narrow limits the Com- Contra&ion of “ pany’s future rifk in Africa; and they alfo hope to reduce their general ex- theCompany’s “ penfes. The faving from removing many colonifts to their farms has been men- UtUie plaR‘ “ tioned. The contra&ion of the Company’s trade will be accompanied by a cor- “ refponding abatement of charges. The diminution of fhipping will leffen one “ chief fource of expenfe. In confequence of the late Ioffes, only one fmall veffel 4‘ has been purchafed, the intended plan of trade not requiring more, and tliofe frequent fupplies on which the colony depended at firft, being no longer neceffary. 831. “ The Directors will here repeat, that however profperous theN. Scotians N. Scotians “ may become, the great ends of the inftitution are not likely to be gained, unlefs ^nt inltru<2> “ they fliall be furnifhed with European inftruftors and governors. The untoward they were milled, by perfons, who, with the bed intentions, have unfortunately been drawn into the dangerous vortex of W. Indian fpeculation. The fugar apparatus, whicli was never let up or ufed lay rotting and confuming with ruft, till it received the coup de grace from the fledge hammers of the French : and there is fcareely a fugar-cane r.ow growing at S. Leona. difpofition 288 Appendix. V ■ — y "■ " ‘ Dire&ors de tertnined to perfevere. Slave-trade checked. Humanity and civilization the chief objects. Notes , &c. ref peeling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note BB. “ difpofition of too many of them, though it may be thought to make them lefs “ worthy of afliftance, proves, however, the importance of affording them the “ means of inftruflion, and an intelligent and protefting government ; and it fftould “ be remembered that 300 of their children, befides thofe of the natives, are now “ under the Company’s care. When the influence of the S. Leona government “ ovct many powerful chiefs, of whole attachment feveral frefh proofs have been “given, on the late trying occafion ; when, the ufes of that influence, the Com- “ panv’s progrefs in the interior, and all the other pro fpefts of civilization formerly “ ftated are recollefted, the Directors are perfuaded, that the proprietors, under “ their former impreffion, will rejoice at hearing that no events that have yet hap- “ pened have fhaken the refolution of the Dire&ors to profecute this orcat caufe, “ with unabated zeal. 832. “ The flave-trade, which, notwithffanding the war, had in fome mcafure re- “ ceived a confiderable blow from the French fquadron. The whole property cap- “ tured and deftroyed by it, is computed at /'qoo.ooo, moft of which was engaged “ in that pernicious traffic. Some commercial advantages, as well as an increafe of “ the Company’s influence, may poffibly refult from this deftru£fion of European “ property on the coaft. 833. “ The Direflors cannot but repeat, that they truft for the caufe of humani- “ ty, the honour of Great Britain, and the interefts of the Company, that the termina- “ tion of the flave-trade is approaching, and they refleft with fatisfaflion, that the “ maintenance of an eftablifhment in Africa, for aiding the natural progrefs of ci- “ vilization, and for promoting Real Commerce, may hereafter prove material, not “ only to the proprietors, but as a matter of national policy. 834. “ The DireFfors have thus ftated the grounds on which they are encouraged “ to perfevere. They fhall endeavour to contrail both the rifk and the expenfes “ of the Company, on the principles ftated; at the fame time purfuing their main “ objeft, in fuch a way as not to relinquilh the commercial advantages they have “ gained, nor in any degree to fufpend the meafures neceftary to promote the unin- “ terrupted progrefs of civilization.” 833. The report having thus been read, a motion was made and fecondcd, that the thanks of the meeting fftould be given to the Directors, for the indefatigable pains they had taken, in promoting the ends of the inftitution. This motion paffed unanimoufly. 836. A gentleman, (Mr. Friend,) rofe, and addreffing the chair, requefted the Direftors to inform the meeting, Whether a report now in circulation was true, That , on the JirJl Jetting out of the colony , the Trench Convention had intimated to the Direflors their good wijhes towards the injituhon, that it would not in any way impede it's progrefs , and requefed to have a lif of the jJnps employed in the fervice of the Company, that proper orders might be iffued Notes , &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note BB. 289 iffued to the commanders of flips of war of every kind, not to molef the fame, but Appendix. to proteB them to the utmojl of their power*. Upon the anfwer given to this quef- v s,— ' J tion, a refolution might be entered into, probably tending, not only to alleviate our prefent calamity, but to prevent the repetition of a fimilar injury in future. 837. The Chairman rofe and explained to the Meeting, the nature of the commu- TheChair- nication alluded to; that a Mr. Stone, when in Paris, having a particular connexion with a committee of the Convention, had mentioned the S. Leona undertaking, and had been authorized by one of their committees to write to the Direftors, requelling a full account of the defign of the inllitution and the names of the Ihips employed in their fervice, and to allure them of the good wilhes of the committee, to fo noble an undertaking. — This account was confirmed alfo, in another part of the debate, by Mr. Wilberforce who Hated, that in confequence of Mr. Stone’s communication to them, they had waited upon Lord Grenville, the Secretary of State, and by his per- miffion, had given to Mr. Stone, when in England, a lift of the Ihips to be by him communicated to the National Convention, and as he was thoroughly acquainted with the nature of the inllitution, defired him to reprefent it in its proper colourst. 838. Mr. Frend teftified his fatisfaftion with the information from the chair, as debate takes it gave him hopes that the Meeting would come to a refolution to enter into a better P*ace* communication with the French Convention, Hating to it, that our inllitution was founded on the general principles of humanity ; and as the French nation were the avowed advocates of thefe principles, it could not be fuppofed,that they would fane- tion any meafures in direft oppofition to the happinefs and liberty of the Africans. 839. To this it was objefled by a gentleman, that the traitorous correfpondence bill was an infurmountable obllacle to fucli a communication. 840. Mr. Frend replied, that he was not fo well acquainted with mercantile affairs, as the gentleman who fpoke laft ; but he underftood, that very lately, fums of * During the laft war, the like generous prote&ion was given by the French Miniftry, to the cele- brated Captain Cook, anJ alfo to the fhips liberally fent by the Britilh Government, with fupplies for the futferers by the great hurricane at Barbadoesand Jamaica, in 1780. f As I confider this fubjeft of great importance, el'pecially refpefKng the future indulgence of the French to the colony, I have taken much pains to inveltigate it. Among other enquiries, I alked Mr. Thomas Clarkl'on, who was then in the Dire&ion, Whether he did not think, with me, that as the colony was of a peculiar nature, inftituted entirely for the benefit of mankind, and unconnected either with mercantile concerns or national quarrels, there was r.o neceflity of laying the generous prepofal of the French before the Britifh Miniftry. With that franknefs which charafiei izes this friend of the human race, Mr. Clarkl'on replied, That he was fo much of my opinion, that the oppofition he met with in fup- porting it, in the Court of DireCfors, (an oppofition undoubtedly dictated by the heft motives,) was one of the chief caules which induced him to relign his feat among that refpeftable body. He added, that he had, however, the fatisfaflion to find that feveral of the Dire&ors joined him in opinion ; although the majority thought the affair ought to be laid before the Miniftry. Pp money 290 Appendix. V ■ ■ y — 1 ' The attack not authorized by the French Convention. Mr. Trend's morion. Notes, &c. refpecling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note BB. money had been remitted under the fanflion of Minillry, by houfes in the city, to perfons in the enemy’s country. 84 1. This was anfwered by an obfervation, that fuch remittances related not to the traitorous correfpondence bill, but to the bill for preventing money belonging ] to foreigners, to be fentout of the kingdom. Mr. Fiend urged, that it was of little confequence to what bill thefe remittances related, fincethe fatl wasallowed, that per- fons, in the city, were permitted to correfpond with others in the enemy’s country; and, in faff, it would be abfurd to fuppofe, that the governors of this country had not the power to fend a flag of truce into France, or to enter into any cartel for the exchange of prifoners. His intended refolution did not imply a correfpondence with the enemy, without the fanftion of Government. All that is intended was, that the Directors fhould wait upon the Governors of this country, to flate to them the fituation of the S. Leona Company, the hopes they entertained of the French Convention, and to requell permiffion to fend over fome perfon to the National Convention, to negociate on the means of fecuring the future tranquillity of the colony. 842. Upon this, adefultory converfation took place. — It was urged that the fub- jeft was of too delicate a nature, to be debated in the prefent critical times; that the Company mult not Hand too forward, when there were hopes ot great fupport from our own Government. — Among this and other matters, an interclling account was given by Mr. Inglis, one of the Directors, of the attack upon the colony, in which it was affirmed, that this attack was not made by the orders of the French Conven- tion, but by a company of privateers, which probably made no difference between this and the flave-fcttlements on the coall. This account was confirmed by feveral other perfons. Mr. Inglis faid, that he had this information froma captain latelyarriv- ed,who was at that time at S. Leona. This captain fays, that feveral flave-merchanis ol Bourdeaux and L’Orient, had fitted out fome brigs and cutters, to run down the whole coall, with which they were very much acquainted, in order to dellroy the Englilh Have- factories, and upon requeft to the Convention, had obtained one two decker, which they had equipped at their own expcnce. 843. Mr. Frend exprelfed his fatisfa&ion, at hearing that the calamity was not owing to the National Convention. He conceived therefore that he had now better grounds for making his motion. 844. The chairman obferved here, that as there had been a motion made and fe- conded, another could not be made till that was difpofed of. Upon which the motion of thanks to the Direflors was read, and palled unanimoufiy. 845. This bulinefs being difpatched, Mr. Frend begged leave to fuggelt, that he had heard no fufficient reafons why he fhould not move, That the Diredors be requejled to take Juch Jteps as fiall appear to them proper, for opening a communication with the French Notes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note BB. 291 French Convention, for the purpofe of injuring, in future , the tranquillity of the Appendix. colony. This was feconded by Mr. Audley. v' — ' 846. Upon this the chairman got up, by requefl, and propofed that the Meet- Adjournment ing fhould be adjourned. prepofed, 847. Mr. Frend {hewed fome furprife at this propofal, and begged leave to ob- ferve, that a motion had been regularly made and feconded; and therefore he did not fee the propriety of adjourning, till the fubjeft had been regularly difeufled. 848. Several perfons, from different quarters, teftified the fame opinion, by calling but not cam- out, go on, go on. e<*'J 849. Mr. Wilberforceexpreffed his wifh,that the queflion might be fairly agitated. 850. Several perfons now declared their opinions on the matter before them. Some expreffed their wifhes, that a negociation might be entered into. Some ex- prefled their fears, that, in the prefent times, it would not be prudent to make a refo- lution upon the fubjeft; but that it would be better to leave the Directors to aft ac- cording to their befl judgment, and the apparent wifhes of the meeting. 851. Mr. Frend here obferved, that he was by no means defirous of obtruding a The matter refolution, which might in any ways tend to thwart the objeft which he and all the *eft t0 t*ie 1 • • • • • rc6lors Company had in view, namely, the civilization of the Africans, by the profperity of the rifing colony; and it would be fufificient, from the converfation that had taken place, that the Direftors were now informed of the defires of the Company, and were left to aft in this, as in many other cafes, to the befl of their diferetion. 852. Here this matter dropped, and after a little paufe, Mr. Frend got up and obferved, that he feared one point had been forgotten, in the interefling debate which had taken up fo much of the attention of the Meeting, and begged leave there- fore to move, that the report, which had been read from the chair, fhould be publifhed and circulated. 853. This motion was feconded; but was oppofed from different quarters, on the grounds, that it contained many minute details, not fit for the public eye; that there were expreflions, which might give offence to the French nation, and that it would be better to leave it to the diferetion of the Direftors. 854. Others obferved, that people in the country were much interefled in this fubjeft; that they had dwelt on the calling of the prefent Meeting, and would be greatly difappointed, if they were not favoured with the means of information; and- that many who had heard it read in a curfory manner, might wifh to perufe it at their leifure. 855. Mr. Frend apologized for rifing fo often, and begged leave only to obferve alfo the prmt- to all the objeftions made to the printing of the report, that he would leave the cor- ing of tlle re* reftion of it to the judgment of the Direftors; and that they fhould be defired to 1>0U’ print it in the manner leafl offenfive to any one, and in the befl mode for the in- formation of the Company at large. P p 2 8,56. Mr. 292 Appendix. — v— Thanks to the chairman. Mr. Frend propoles a de- legate to be lent to the convention. Notes, & )c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note BB. 856. Mr. Inglis faid, there would be foon a General Meeting, and fuggeded, that it might be better to deter the printing of the report, till the annual report was made, to which this report might be added. 857. Mr. Frend replied, that as this report contained fo much important matter, he could not confent to the delay; and mult beg leave, that the motion for printing it immediately might be propofed. Upon this it was read from the chair, and palled with a very great majority. 858. A vote of thanks to the chairman was then pafled, for his conduct during the Meeting; after which a gentleman rofe, and made a fpeech of confiderable length, which could be heard only by the perfons neared the chair, and which did not end in any motion. The Meeting was then adjourned. At a General Meeting of the Proprietors of the S. Leona Company , the 26th of March , 1795. 859. The chairman (Mr. Thornton,) having taken the chair, the refolutions of the lad Meeting were read and confirmed. 860. The chairman defired to know, whether any perfon had any thing to pro- pofe, and after a fhort paufe, Mr. Frend rofe, and dated, that he had taken the liberty at the lad Meeting, of fuggeding the propriety of taking fome deps, both to gain redrefs from the French Convention, for their late attack, and to prevent fimilar calamities in future. Since that time, he had more maturely confidered the fubjeft, and was confirmed in his opinion, from what had tranfpired at the lad Meeting, that there were very good grounds to expeft, that, on a proper application to the French Convention, the affaiis of the colony might be put upon a very refpe&able footing. Thatfuch ap- plication might be confidered indeed by fome perfons, as unneceflary or improper; but, if we took a view of the fituation of the Company, and of the country at large, there would appear no profpefts of future fuccefs, unlefs the colony could be pre- ferved, for which there were neither fufheient capital, nor warlike preparations. As to the latter, the Company was founded upon better principles, than the politics of war, and could expeft fuccefs, only by the dation which it held, in the good opinion ol it’s neighbours. That little fupport could be expedited from the Britifh Govern- ment, was evident from the late ravages along the coad of Africa, the prefervation of which was not a fufficient objeft to a minider, and the fituation of the colony, ren- dered it liable at all times, to fall an eafy prey to a flight invaflon. “ On thefe grounds,” faid he, “ we mud, if we expeft that our colony fhould fucceed, look for- ward to gain the benevolence of the power mod capable of injuring us. And, if it fhould appear, that the Convention were likely to liden to our requed, could a proper perfon be lent over to negociate with it, we were fortunate at prefent, to fee among 3 us Notes, &c. refpeEling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note BB. 293 us a gentleman, whom every peifon would allow to be fully competent for the Appendix. undertaking, and whofe writings, then on the table, proved him to have not only the ^ v— — ' intereft of Africa, but of all mankind, at heart. From having travelled in Africa, and being firmly united with the Company, in it’s views of enlightening the inha- bitants, he could explain to the Convention, the real natuie of the Company , and being the fubjeft of a neutral power, he could do it with the greater propriety and effeft. A meafure of this fort was not to be undertaken, without the approbation of our own Government, and an application mull be made for it’s confent. He fhould therefore beg leave to propofe the two following Refolutions. ift, Refol-ved, that an application be made to Government, for permiflion to fend a perfon over to His propofi- F ranee, to negociate with the French Convention, on bufinefs relating l’olely to the concerns of the tions * Company in Africa, and on the feas. 2d, Refol-ved, that if Government fhould not objeft to this meafure, Mr. Wadstrom be appointed to lay before the National Convention of France, an account of the inftitution of the S. Leona Com- pany, and the lodes fudained by it, from the late attack of a French fquadron, fuppofed to have ailed without the knowledge or approbation of the Convention*. 861. Thefe * As the above proportions were brought forward by a gentleman, to whom I made no application for this purpofe, an explanation of the circumftance may not be improper. — After my grief and fur- prize, at the calamity which had befallen the colony, had partly fubfided, I began to confider, Whe- ther it might not be poflible for me, to contribute to it’s reparation. The plan contained in the fol- lowing addrefs foon prefented itfelf to my mind, and, after mature confideration, I thought it my duty to fubmit it to the General Meeting, which had then been called to deliberate on this melancholy fub- je£h The mode of bringing forward my plan, which feemed to me to promife mod fuccefs, was to requeft, that James Martin, Efq. M. P. a fubferiber, whofe philanthropy, patriotifm, candour, and independent Spirit, are defervedly refpe&ed by all parties, would be fo good as to read it in the Gene- ral Meeting. This Mr. Martin very obligingly agreed to do, provided it fhould be in his power to attend. But fome bufinefs having intervened to prevent him, Mr. Fiend’s enlightened zeal in this great caufe, feems to have prompted him to bring forward the above propofitions, rather than fo fa- vourable an opportunity of difeufling them, in a full meeting, fhould be loft. ADDRESS to the GENERAL MEETING of the SUBSCRIBERS TO THE SIERRA LEONA COMPANY. Gentlemen, Having, at your laft Meeting, with inexpreftible concern, heard the dreadful Report read, concerning, the late unexpected attack upon the colony of S. Leona, by the French, I feel myfelf too fenfibly interefted in the preservation and objeft of the colony, not to offer, on this critical occafion, the refult of that experience, which I have obtained, by having been hitherto inceffantly, and not un- fortunately, employed, in the caufe of oppreffed Africa. Not to occupy your time unneceffarily, I will endeavour, gentlemen, in a few words, to lay before you a plan, in the execution of which, I flatter myfelf that I may dill be rendered ufieful to the caufe of humanity, and the Company be dlentially beuefitted, in the prefent precarious fituation of their colony. Theie is reafon, gentlemen, to believe, that if a proper reprefentation of the real objefl and principle of the S. Leona Company, together with a full and impartial account, of the late fui prize and attack of the colony, were laid fairly before the National Convention, by fome perfon not immediately con- . cerned Notes, &c. refpc&ing S. Leona and Bulama — Note BB. 861. Thcfe refolutions were feconded by Mr. Highmore, who enlarged on the propriety of the application, particularly as it was brought forward in fuch a manner as could not offend any party. 862. Mr. Elliot obje&ed to the meafure, as interfering with the Government at home, to which he did not fee how we could confiftently apply; fince all inter- courfe, between the two ftates, was forbidden. But he admitted, that, if the mea- fure fhould be adopted, Mr. Wadilrom was a very proper perfon to carry it into execution. 863. Several others objefted very ftrongly to the refolutions, chiefly on the grounds, that it would be indelicate to apply to the Minifler; that an affair of this fort fhould be left entirely to the Directors, who would undoubtedly manage it with the greateff propriety; and that the Company was affembled to chufe Dire&ors, and not to tranfaft any other bufinefs, which indeed would be improperly introduced. 864. Gn the other hand, it was contended, that this was the proper mode of bringing forward a queflion, in which the Company was fomuch interefled; that, with refpeft to the future DireQors, they were not at prefent known, and therefore no flight could be meant to them; that the great end of all thefe Meetings, was to give an opportunity to individuals, to fuggefl what might be for the general good, and to keep up a proper intercourfe between the Direftors and the Company. 865. Mr. Frend obferved, that he rofe in confequence of the chairman’s requefl to all fuhfcribers, to bring forward any meafure which they might have to propofe. 866. Mr. Granville Sharp hoped, that no difference might appear upon this queflion, and, for the fake of the inftitution, that Mr. Frend, whofe motives he doubted not were founded on the beft principles, would confent to withdraw his motion, and another perfon fuggefted the propriety of fome amendment to it. 867. Mr. Frend faid that his foie view was, to fuggefl what appeared to him moft beneficial to the Company ; and that, if the end was obtained by any mode whatever, in which the Meeting agreed, it was the fame to him, whether his refolu- terned in the undertaking, fecurity might be obtained, againft the repetition of fuch a cataftrophe, and probably fome compenfation might be offered for the injury already fuftained. The proper defign of the colony, as it refpeiSfs the annihilation of the flave-trade, and the enlight- ening of Africa, ought therefore to be laid before the Convention, together with an account of the re- cent events, fo contrary to the interefts of humanity at large, and which mull be prefumed to have been the confequence of a compleat ignorance, of the real intention of the colony, in the fquadron which fo unfortunately ruined it. Being the fubjeft of a neutral power; having been likewife, throughout my life, actively engap-ed in the caufe ; and prefuming myfelf qualified, in fome degree, from my experience and knowledge, in what concerns the interefts of Africa ; I fhould be happy, if, by my perfonal fervice with the French Convention, I could contribute to the welfare of the Company, and through it, to the happinefs of the inhabitants of a great continent. tions Notes, &c. refpeding S. Leona and Bulama. — Note C C. tions were entirely withdrawn, or amended by any other perfon, fo as to meet the withes of the Company. 868. The withdrawing and the amending of the refolutions were oppofed in a defultory converfation, and at lafl the firft refolution was propofed, and on a (hew of hands, there appeared to be a very fmall majority againfl it. Of courfe the fe- cond refolution was not put to the vote. 869. This bufinefs being fettled, Mr. Williams, Solicitor and Secretary to the Court of Direfclors, got up and faid, it has been propofed and feconded^ that H. Thornton, Efq. (the prefent chairman) be the chairman for the next year, re- queuing thofe who were for the motion to hold up their hands, which being done, thofe of a contrary opinion were defiled to hold up their hands. No hand was held up, and the chairman was declared eletled. Mr. Williams then repeated nearly the fame words for the next candidate in his lift, and proceeded in this way till all the thirteen Directors were unanimoufly re-ele£ied, except one, who having re-~ figned, another gentleman (Mr. Hunter) was chofen in his room. Note CC. See § 537, No. 7, alfo § 180, 181. 870. It is fomewhat curious that both the S. Leona and the Bulama AfTocia- Impolitic con- tions Ihould have been betrayed into tranfatlantic errors, in their agricultural con- ditionpublith- ed by the Bu- lama Affocia- * The following, as .far as I have been able to learn, is the lateft intelligence received from S. Leona, tion. I apprehend it was inferred, by authority of the Directors, in the Daily Advertifer of Friday, May 29th, 17951 from which paper I have copied it. “ On Monday laft difpatches were received from Sierra-Leona, dated the 14th of March, by which it appears; that the colony had materially recovered from the effe&s of the late depredations of the French, although no fupplies had fince that time arrived from England : a cargo of neceflaries had, however, been purchafed from an American fhip which called there. Great and fuccefsful exertions had been made by the fettlers in opening and cultivating new farms, as well as in pulhing their trade with the neighbouring parts. A delegate from the fociety of the Friends of the Biacks, in Rhode Hand, (a black man of intelligence) had arrived at Freetown, with whom it was agreed, that about 10 or 12 free black families, from Rhode Hand, Ihould be permitted to migrate to Sierra Leona; proper teftimonials of their charafter being given. The utmoft harmony prevailed in the colony, and the neighbouring natives continued to Ihew the moll friendly difpofition. Some deaths had happened foon after the departure of the French, in confequtnce of the hardlhips which were then fuffcred ; but both the blacks and whites were in general reftored to good health, before the date of the difpatches, and all the necelfary buildings were nearly finilhed. The Company’s Ihip, the Amy, was met at lea within two days fail of Sierra Leona, which carried out a fupply of neceflaries and ieveral paflengers, among whom was Mr. Dawes,' who is returned to the colony as Governor.” The fame conveyance alfo brought fome mterelling accounts of a journey, paitly by land, partly by water, made by Mr. Watt and Mr. Gray, to the river Cazamanca, and the adjacent country. The particulars I have not been able to learn ; but I have been lucky enough to procure their route, which the reader will find traced on the large map. 295 Appendix. 1 ~ * and rejected- Eleftion of 11c v. Directors » cerns. sgS Appendix. i ) Probably fug- gefted by fome American, it's effects ex- emplified in Jamaica, and would ru- in Bulama. Notes, &c. refpeEling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note CC. cerns. Whatever may have caufed this remarkable coincidence, I fcruple not to prcdift that the elFefts would be deplorable; for, if the W. Indian mode of cultiva- tion Ihould be eflablifhed at S. Leona, the labourers would become fpiritlefs, hope- lefs, abjeft drudges; and, if land-monopoly, managed by agents , Ihould be an article of the conftitution of Bulama, the colony would contain in it’s vitals the principle of it’s own decay or ruin.— The condition quoted (§ 537, No. 7) if ultimately adopt- ed, would be neither more nor lets than a permiflion to a few greedy fpeculators in Europe, to make their fortunes, by obftrufting the population, the making of roads, the means of defence, the improvement of the foil, and confequently of the climate; in a word, by cramping, in every poflible way, the progrefs of the colony. For how can any colony thrive, if monied drones, living in a diftant part of the world, be fuf- fered to veil fums of money in it’s land, for the notorious purpofe of letting it lie wafte, till the refident colonifts, by cultivating the furrounding country, fhall have flampcd a new value on this defert, which the fpeculator, or his heirs, can then leifurely fell at an exorbitant profit ? 871. The condition juft mentioned appears to me fo glaringly abfurd and impolitic, that I cannot help fufpefting that fome fpeculator in American orW. Indian lands has found means to elude the vigilance of the Truftees, and to foift it in among the terms of the Bulama Aftociation. But, having already touched on this fubjeft (§ 180, 181) I have only room to obferve, that I can now add another refpeftable authority to thofe I there cited: I mean, that of the learned Dr. Browne of Jamaica, who very properly expofes the folly and injufticeof this pra&ice. (Civil and Nat. Hift. of Jamaica printed 1789, p. 12.) As an inftance, he mentions a tra£l in St. James’s pa- rifh, held by about 120 monopolills, though nearly equal in extent to Barbadoes, where land-monopoly never prevailed, and which, in 1676, was peopled by about 70,000 whites and 80,000 blacks. It ftill contains about 100,000 of both com- plexions, and the population of Jamaica exceeds not 300,000; fo that the little Ifland of Barbadoes may be faid to contain about one-third of the population of the extenfive Ifland of Jamaica, on a furface equal to that which, in the latter, is held by about 120 monopolifts! 872. The application to Bulama is eafy. That ifland may be nearly equal in ex- tent to one-third of Barbadoes. Now the queftion is limply this : Whether it would be moft defirable that it fhould be occupied by 40,000 or 50,000 inhabit- ants, or by 40 or 50 monopolifts, or rather their agents, who perhaps may conde- feend, when it fuits them, to fell the land for double or triple the price it coft them ? But I prefume enough has been faid, to convince every impartial man that the condition in queftion is compleatly repugnant to the intereft of any colony, whether confidered as a diftinft community, or as an eftablifhmcnt intended to promote the civilization of the natives in it’s vicinity. Note Notes , &c. refpecling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note DD and EE. 297 Note DD. See § 538. 873. It is to be lamented that fo many interruptions concurred to retard the firft Bulama expedition; fince the great mortality was chiefly to be afcribed to the (hips arriving on the coaft in the rainy feafon. Among other caufes of this delay, we are to reckon the interference of the Miniftry, who, when the fhips were waiting at Portfmouth for a fair wind, fent an order to detain them, till certain articles in the conftitution, or agreement of the colonifts, were renounced. This circumftance obliged Mr. Dalrymple to return to London, which was attended with confiderable lofs of time. Had the leading objeft of this undertaking been commerce, efpecial- ly monopoly, this expedition would, no doubt, have fallen immediately within the province of the Minifter. But feeing that it was undertaken for a purpofe little, if at all, conne£led either with commerce or finance, I fhould think the Miniftry might as well have permitted them to go out unnoticed. My reafons for enter- taining this opinion, I have already hinted at, § 837 note. Appendix. Sailing of the Bulama expe- dition retard- ed, by the Minifter’s in- terference. Note EE. See § 538. 874. I fear that many, I do not fay all, of the Bulama colonifts but ill deferved Bad character the refpeflable name of Yeomen , or the humble, but creditable, appellation of La - ? fh^B*** tourers. The yeomanry, or the middle clafs of country people, are juftly account- lama colonifts. ed the mod virtuous members, and the moft liable fupport, of every community. How far the generality of the Bulama colonifts anfwered this defcription, may be collefled from Mr. Beaver’s account of them. (See the extrafts from his letters in Note G G.) But he excepts Mr. Aberdeen, Mr. Hood and a good number of other perfons, whofe excellent example, in every refpe£l, could not have failed to operate powerfully on any fet of beings not wholly loft to every fenfe of Ihaineand decency. 875. The truth is, and 1 am grieved to obferve, that this undertaking was hurried through it’s firft ftages, with a precipitancy, which but ill accorded with the pru- dence and caution neceflary to fuch a defign ; efpecially with the moft delicate part of it, the choice of colonifts. See § 127 et feq. 301 n. — Mr. Beaver was alfo very unfortunate in his grumettas; but not in the choice of them ; for his fituation pre- cluded every idea of choice, and he was obliged to take fuch as he could get. “ You will fee,” fays he, in the letter laft quoted, “ by the open lift, No, 12, that many have been difcharged for attempting to ftab others, a common crime among them ; and one fourth of my grumettas have been here, for having committed mur- der, on the Ifland of Bilfao.” — Thus, in the charafter of this vile crew of idlers, drunkards, cowards and aflafiins, white and black, we already fee a caufe of failure, which even the fortitude and perfeverance of a Beaver, aided by the virtuous co- operation of fome worthy colonifts, could not poffibly counteraft. Qq Note 298 Notes t &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulcima . — Note FF. Appendix. Bulama colo- nifts attacked, for want of an interpreter. Note F F. See § 538. 876. Among the many misfortunes which betel the firft Bulama expedition, we mull aflign the chief place to the fatal mifunderhanding, mentioned in the text. I call it a mifunderflanding; becaufe it appears to have been entirely owing to the want of an interpreter, to explain the pacific views of the colonifis to the native princes, who, not being able to diftinguilh them from invaders, of courfe, attacked them. To obtain an interpreter was Mr. Dalrymple’s chief reafon for calling at Goree. Flaving myfelf experienced the good offices of feveral refpedlable inhabit- ants of that place, I had reafon to believe I could facilitate Mr. D’s good reception there. I therefore gave him a letter, of which I infert the following copy, as a proof that I always underflood the foie ob]z&L of this undertaking, like that of S. Le- ona, tube THE CIVILIZATION OF THE NATIVES. A Monfieur le Chevalier de Blanchau, Gouverneur a Goree, & a Monfieur d' Aigremont, Commif- faire ordonnateur du Rot a Goree. Manchejler le 29 de Fevr. 1792. Messieurs, La generofite et l'hofpitalite, avec les quelles, moi & mes compagnons de voyage, le Dr. Span-man & le Capit. Arrhenius, fumes re^us de vous, MelTieurs, me font efperer, que je puis hardiment profiter de la prefente occafion pour vous temoigner ma vive reconnoiffance et gratitude des civilites dont vous m’aves comble, & en meme terns pour introduce et recommender a vos honnetetes ceux de mes amis, qui vont s’eta- blir fur la cote d’Afrique principalement Monfieur Dalrymple. Ce n’cft qu'un vrais et noble tranfport pour l’humanite, qui les a engages a s’expatrier, et a courir les dangers ferieux, aux quels les expofe l'enterprife courageufe de chercher un azile dans quelque endroit fur la dite cote, pour le feul et grand objet de civilifer les pauvres habitans de 1’Afrique ; objet fi digne de notre fieele et de la noble fenfibilite de votre coeur, J’ai etudie trop long terns le fond du caraftere Fran$ois pour ne pas etre perfuade, que cette na- tion eft douee des premieres qualites qui font l’homme civilife ; c’eft a dire, la fenfibilite hu- maine et la compaflion pour la partie fouffrante dk notre race 5 ou un amour decide pour tout ce que To the Chevalier de Blanchau, Governor of Goree , and to Mr. d' Aigremont, the King's regulating Commifjary at Goree. Manchejler the 19th of Feb. 1792. Gentlemen, The generous hofpitality with which you received Dr. Sparrman, Capt. Arrhenius and myfelf, give me reafon to hope that I may venture to take this opportunity of teftifying my lively gratitude for your many civilities, and of recommending to your good offices my friends, who are about to form an eftablifhment on the coaft of Africa, efpecially Mr. Dalrymple. Nothing but a noble zeal for the caufe of hu- manity prompts them to expatriate themfelves, and to face the dangers attending a learch for an afylum, on fome part of the coaft, for the foie and grand objefl of civilizing the poor natives of Africa — an object worthy of our age, and of the generous feelings of your hearts. Having long ftudied the character of the French, I am perfuaded that they are endowed with the beft qualities which diftinguifh civilized man, namely a humane fenfibility, compaflion for the differing part of our fpecies, and a warm regard for all the means of promoting human happinefs. " The Notes, &c. refpeSling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note GG. 299 qui peut rend re l’homme heureux. AuiTi, Mef- fieurs, le monde entier fera un jour l’eloge de tous ceux qui auront contribue aux fucces d’un projet, aufli grand et auifi noble que celui, entre- pris par ces amis de Phumanite, et l’hiftoire elle meme fignalifera toutes les anecdotes qui l’accompagneront. Je me flatte que ces heros de Phumanite ont le fiecle, la philofophie et tous les grands coeurs en leur faveur; en confequence, vous ne pouves que les bien acceuillir, et dans cette efperance non douteufe, J'ai l’honneur d’etre, &c. The world, Gentlemen, will one day dojuftica to tlie conduct of' thofe, who fhall have contributed to the fuccefs of the great and noble enterprize of thefe friends of mankind, the events of which hiftory will record. 1 flatter myl'elf that thefe zealous philanthropifts will have the fpirit of the age, philofophy, and every heroic mind in their favour j confequently I cannot doubt but you will receive them well, in which hope, I have the honour to be, &c. Appendix. ' — 1 y ** t 877. At Goree, Mr. Dalrymple was advifed by M. St. Jean, a merchant of that place, to put into the river Gambia, where he could not fail to find fome perfon difpofed and qualified to accompany him, as an interpreter. But Mr. D. was pre- vented from taking this falutary precaution, by the diffention which prevailed among the members of council on board the Calypfo, and which, I have been credi- bly informed, was chiefly excited by the violent conduft of Mr. Hancorne. Thus thwarted and difappointed in a meafure, fo abfolutely neceflary, and feeing no pro- bability of harmony being reftored among his affociates, we are not to wonder if Mr. D. refolved to abandon an undertaking, in which he had embarked from the purefl motives; but which it was no longer in his power to promote in the manner he wifhed. Note GG. See § 540, ,545, 562, 568, 570, 578, ,579, 580, 585, 587. 878. In this Note, which will be unavoidably long, I fhall give extracts from Mr. Beaver’s letters and other original papers, refpe&ing the Bulama undertaking. Ex trails from Mr. Beaver's letters from Bulama to the Trufees of the JJfociation , dated the 22 d Nov. 1792. 879* (*•) “ The great mortality mud certainly be attributed to the great labour Mortality at and fatigue, attendant on thofe who firfl attempt to fettle a colony, and the necefli- Bulama owing ty we were reduced to of working in the rains, in order to have a fort to defend, and not^the d°i- and a houfe to cover us. At the beginning of the dry feafon, when we expefiled mate* the {hip was to leave us, had we been ftrong enough to have worked but little, and that during the intervals of the rains, I really think but few would have died. But with little ftrength, we found it neceflary to work from morn to night, except when the rains poured like torrents, and by thefe we were often caught, when going Q q 2 in 300 Appendix. Provilions in plenty. Land cleared. Mr. B’s per- fevering refo- lution. founded on conviction. Coloniftsmoft- ly drunken profligates. Cultivation and trade. Coionifts,able to hire labour- ers, if credit- ed, for a time, with provi- flons, may be furcol fuccefs. Notes, CSc. r effecting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note GG. in the boat, either on board or on fhore. The climate I really think a good one, and it is reckoned, by all the traders, the healthieft fpot on the coalt. 880. (2.) “ My vifit to Biffoa has enabled me to kill a bullock for the colony every week, befides fowls which I have occafionally ferved out to the Tick. 881. (3.) “ Notwithftanding the decreafe of our numbers, and the generally long fick lifts, we have been able to clear about 12 acres of ground, on the crown of a hill. 882. (4.) “ I am determined to ftay, Ihould my fervant only remain with me, till I hear from you ; and then, if you abandon the colony, I lhall reft fatisficd with having done all that man could do for it’s fuccefs. 883. (o-) “ With refpeft to our profpe&s, I am more and more convinced, that the colony, if at all fupporte^, will fucceed. We want a reinforcement of men, and we fhould have them foon; but not fuch as the laft. They fhould be carpen- ters, blackfmiths and bricklayers, men accuftomed to labour — not fuch as we brought out, habituated to drunkennefs, idlenefs and all the vices of the capital; moft of whom came here in dread of punifhment, for crimes committed againft their country’s laws; and let them be bound by articles to a certain duty, for a li- mited time, before they are entitled to any lands. 884. (6.) “ Send us a furveyor, and thefe lands may inftantly be put into cul- tivation. 885. (7.) “ The merchants of Biflao already look to this, for a fupply of En- glifh goods, which they abfolutely cannot do without. 886. (8.) “If you have any new fubfcribers, let them not come out, unlefs they can afford to hire 2 or 3 grumettas to clear their grounds. Thofe who can do this, may came out with a certainty of it’s anfwering. And to fupply thefe new adven- turers with provifions, it would anfwer very well to any one to fend a fmall vefTcl to America, and let her bring hither beef, pork, flour, fifth and lumber*. With thefe articles give credit to the planter, and I will infure his being able to pay his debts, at the end of the 2d year, and have a tolerable income, in 5 01 6 years. Let men, I fay', who can afford to hiie grumettas, and merchants who chufe to fet up aftore, and trade for ivory, wax, &c. come out, and I will anfwer for their fuc- cefs. But, with Juch labourers , and fuch fubfcribers as we brought out, the fineft country, with the greateft advantages, would never flourifh. I have to requeft, gentlemen, that you will not delay informing us, whether another embarkation is to take place or not; as 1 fhall wait with anxiety to know the fate of my endeavours for this infant colony.” * Mr. B. evidently means, till the lands can be brought into cultivation. From Notes , &c. refpeSling S. Leona and Bulama . — Note GG * 4fr * * /Vow Mr. Beaver's letter , Bulama, 16th. Biarch, 1793. 887. (9.) “ The good people of England need not be afraid of coming out. They will find a fort ready to protefil them. They need not be much afraid of the climate: I think it a healthy one. They need not run the rifik of clearing a fpot of ground to build on : I have already as much cleared as a large town would cover. They need not work, as we were obliged to do, for a covering or defence, either when it rains, or in the heat of the fun; for I will Ihelter them. They need not be frightened ; for I will infure their fafety. In fhort, they need not be expofed to any of the inconveniences which wre have experienced, and therefore I think it fair to fuppofe, that few of them will die. In anptherpart of this letter he fays, “ Thofe who may hereafter come out, will find a fort ready to prote£l them ; and if we hold it till then (and I think that, at this inflant, I could refill the united force of Africa) we furely (hall be able to hold it, when reinforced. In Ihort, had I 25 Europeans here, I wmuld make the Bijugas fear me,” &c. 888. ( 10.) “ The mod necelfary man, in the next embarkation, is a furveyor. The people already think it hard, that they have no ground of their own to work upon. The next is a furgeon, and the third, I think, a clergyman. — I will not give you my own opinion, but that of Capt. Moore (w'ho carries thefe difpatches) of the prcfent value of this place. I put to him the following queftion. Suppofe I Ihould wilh to fell this block-houfe, with the ftores, ammunition and whatever elfe it contains, together with the cutter and a few acres of ground round the houfe, fup- pofe 300, to the proprietors of the Illes de Los, or any company of merchants who may chufe to fettle themfelves, or other people here, for the purpofe of trade, what wmuld be it’s value? He anfwered £\o,ooo at lead. I afked him what he conceived, from prefent appearances, land, taken one part with another, might be worth, in this ifiand, per acre? He anfwered £ 1 fieri*. Unlefs he is very wide from the mark indeed, Gentlemen, I think this ifiand worth keeping. When once you are firmly fettled here, you may command, without a profpeft of a rival, the whole trade of the many navigable rivers and creeks, between the rivers Gam- bia and Nunez. Wax and ivory are the principle articles. Matchore, one of the kings of the Rio Grande, was here the other day. He brought me wax and ivory, which 1 bought. He begged that I would fend the cutter to Ghinala to purchafe more. He faid that his houfe was full, and that he kept it for me. The wax and ivory I have difpofed of, for the more ufeful articles of cloth and linens, to pay the grumettas their wages. * The purchafers of uncleared land in the Ceded illands, paid £3113 per acre. See $ jSo note. 3or Appendix. Colony pre- pared to re- ceive new in- habitants. Surveyor, &c. wanted. Value of the land and fixed ftock at Bula- ma. Commercial profpe£ts. 880. 3C2 Notes , &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note GG. Appendix. 889. (11.) “ As I have not heard from you, Gentlemen, fince we left England, it is impoffible for me to gucfs what meafures youpropofe purfuing, for the future colonizing this illand.” See § 570. 890. (12.) “Asa proof of the quantity of game on the ifland, take the following lift Killed or wounded by an individual, a ftranger, and the only 9 days that he Abundance of was on the illand, Feb. 24th, 2 guinea hens, 1 deer. I prevented his fhooting an elephant, by approaching to within 30 yards of it, which frightened it away, before he could load with iron. — 25th, 4 guinea hens, 1 deer. — 26th, 2 guinea hens. — 27th, 1 elephant wounded in the head. — 28th, 1 deer. — March lft, 5 guinea hens. 2d, 10 ditto, x mountain goat. — 3d, 1 deer, 1 elephant wounded in the head. — 4th, 2 guinea fowls.” — In fhort, to live here, a man has nothing to do but to plant yams, and be a good markfman.” The long fi Ituce of the Truftees. gtine. Colony wants but men. Diflnterefted declaration of Mr. Beaver. Vicinity of Bulama abounds with eligible fitua- tions. Exiraft, from Mr. Beaver's Letter from Bulama, of the 24th July , 1 793- * 891. (13.) “ In anfwe^^Hhat part which requires a lift of our wants, I have only to fay that we have nto&ppd if I Ho not fee the face of another European for 10 years, and my men xill hold the place for that period. The ifland indeed wants but fettlers; let them come out, and fuccefs is certain. 892. “ Notwithftanding it was my intention to have returned to Europe, on the profpe6l of a war, not only that I might be within the reach of promotion, but be- becaufe there is fomething difgraceful in being out of aftual fervice at fuch time; yet, gentlemen, as the colony has not been ftrengthened, I will not quit it. I will never leave thofe men who put themfelves under my direftion. I will not aban- don the interefts of this colony, and I will never confider my own, il it tends to lefl'en the probability of it’s fuccefs, on which probably depends the happinefs of millions. Therefore, gentlemen, while the exertions of an individual are of con- fequence, here will I remain; when thofe exertions will .not be miffed, I will return. At the fame time, I hope you will exert yourfelves as much as poflible, to render my being here of no confequence, and appoint fome perfon to whom I may give up the charge of the colony. 893. “ The Biafaras often requefy me to build a houfe, at or near Ghinala. I have alfo been requefted to fettle at Bulola. In fhort there arefo many places where I could build towns, protect them, and infure fuccefs to cultivators, that if the good people of England knew but one half of the advantages, to be derived from colonizing this part of Africa, on an extenfve Jcale , you might command half the money in the kingdom. • ' 894. 2 Notes , &c . r effecting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note GG. 303 894. “ The fhort flay of the Felicity, in this harbour, prevents my writing more at Appen-dix. large. I (hall therefore conclude, by repeating to you, that we want nothing, that v" - we are in good fpirits, and that we are determined to hold the ifland, till you can That the co- fend out other fettlers. I am, Gentleman, &c.” jony wants nothing, re- peated. ' Ex trail from Beaver's Letter from Bulama , of the 10th Ocl. 1793. r k 895. (14.) “ Should fuch a number come out, as I have hinted above, fuppofe 20, it is my firm opinion, that it would be for the interefl of the colony, for them all to be public fervants, and no private fettlers. Among thefe, there fhould be 2 furgeons, a furveyor and his afliflant, a ftore-keeper and governor, the other 14 labourers ; and the half of thefe, if pofhble, failors, or perfons whng examples of this in the firfl fel mouth and V irginia, and people then were neither fo idle nor now. Befides, people will build ftrongand permanent houfes on1 but were the ground on which they build, liable to be allotted to another perfon, the year after, nothing but temporary huts would be erefted. The fettlers would be uncomfortable and fickly, and the colony thrown back another year, or till fuch time as a man could build upon his own property. Be careful that the affiant fur- veyor knows more of his hufnefs than they generally do, and that he be capable of a&ing as principal, in cafe of the death of the furveyor. In this country, it is well to have duplicates of ufeful men. Any man, of common fenfe, may acquire fufficient information in half a dozen hours, to aft as an additional afliflant furveyor, in cafe of the death of either. ^ 897. “ As people, when cultivating for others, or cultivating in common, work not with that fpirit which they would do, if cultivating their own ground, it ap- pears to me impoflible ever to fend out people on the public account. In this in- flance Public fer- vants wanted. Colonifts will build good houfes and vi- goroufly culti- vate their own land only. Number that ought to em- bark, and when. Appendix. V . ' No women or female child- ren ftiould go Out, &c. 304 Notes, 65V. ref petting 5. Leona and Bulama. — Note G G. fiance it is neceflary, merely to keep poffeflion and furvey, during the next rains; but more ought not to be engaged than are abfolutely neceflary, and 20 I think ought to be the outfide. The firfl embarkation ought to arrive by the laft day in 061. or the beginning of Nov. The rains will then have ceafed for about a fortnight or three weeks, (the foggy or fmoky months, as they are called, which follow are not to be dreaded, as moll people believe,) and they will then have certainly 7 months dry to ere6l their houfes, clear their little plots of ground ready for fowing, and make their fences, this will bring them to the lafl day of May, which is quite early enough to commit their feeds to the earth. 898. “ I before fuppofed that too fubfcribers fhould come in the firfl: embarkation; but now we will fuppofe 50 only, neither women, nor female children, nor male un- der the age of 12, fhould be buffered on any account to come out. W e will fuppofe that, at the leafl, each fubfcriber will bring one fervant, which will make 100 Eu- ropeans; and, on their arrival in this country, we will fuppofe that each fubfcriber would engage at leafl one grumetta. Thefe grumettas, by living in the different fami- lies, would in a fhorttime become fo attached to good mailers, that I queflion whe- ther they would ever after leave them. 899. “ N. B. At firfl it appears to me abfolutely neceffary, that there fhould be fome power to take cognizance of the treatment which grumettas may receive from their matters; and to hear and determine all their complaints, or it will be in the power of any diffatisfied, ill-natured, or inhuman fubfcriber, to ruin the undertaking by ill treatment of them (fee § 35, 145, 161, 2.) for they are very fufceptible of ill ufage, and the leafl word from any one of them, to your difadvantage, is fufficient to deter any native from coming near you: this I know from experience. It thefe gru- mettas are married, fo much the better: their wives will be found ufeful in wafhing, cooking, and beating of rice, and their children alfo in many ways. They will much more than repay their fuftenance, which in this country is very cheap. 1 hefe gru- mettas, when once attached, will be always able to procure their matters as many more as they may want. The children that you grow up on the ifland, to whom your modes and habits only will be known, having no connexions in the neighbourhood, &c. will never leave you. Whither are thcytogo? Or fuppofe they have connexions, foliciting them to leave you, can they at they at once overcome thofe prejudices fo naturally in favour of the cultoms in which they were brought up? Can they fhake off at once their European manners, which in fome degree they mutt have acquired here, and enter at once into a favage life ? If they can, they will do what no people hitherto have done. Church and 900. “ Befides, foon after the arrival of 50 fubfcribers, I fhould hope that the ichool. See. foundation of a church and a public fchool for native children, would be laid, which would unite the natives more intimately, with the interefl of the colony, and what- ever ■Grumettas (hould be pro- tefted. Their dilpoiition, See 3 Notes , &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note GG. 305 ever rigid moralifts may think of me, I would encourage as much as poffible a con- Appendix. neftion between the colonifls and native women*. k “ ~v — J yoi. “ On the arrival of fuch a force as I have been fuppofing, we fhould be too Security and formidable to fear an attack from the Bijugas, who are the only people who would fiakexpuife' interfere with us; people would then go to work with fpirits, on their own ground. The woods would infenfibly vanifh, and fair plantations rife to our view, in lefs time than we have been talking about it, which is ever fince the 9th ot Nov. 1791, and this would be done at little expence. 902. “ Inour firft embarkation I conceive, nay I am confident, that we threw away £l°°° t^wn at leaft/'gooo. I have not the knack of explaining myfelf clearly on paper; therefore which infu- I think I could be of much more fervice to the public good, were I in England, than ture. ™ay l)C . avoided. bv remaining here. Any body with men can keep poffefflon of the ifland, but every one cannot lay before a General Meeting, thofe obfervations which I have been able to make on this^coaft; or make the nece/Tary arrangements and alterations in any future embarkation, which the experience of the firft has taught me are abfolutely neceffary. 903. (15-)“ The Governor of BifTao is exceftively civil, attentive, and polite; but I have certain proofs, that many in that place, are endeavouring to prepolfefs the natives againft us, and wilh to have us cut off.” ***** The two following Letters, from Mr. Beaver and Mr. Hood , were laid before a General Meeting of the Subfcribers oj the Bulama Affociation, held at the Manjion Houfe , London, 25th of Jane, 1 794. Sir, London, 24th June, 1794. 904. “ AS a wifii was expreffed at our laft General Meeting, that, previous to Mr. Beaver’s any new fteps being taken, I fhould give my opinion to thofe concerned in the late ^ attempt to colonize the I fie of Bulama, on the coaft of Africa, of the probability future fuccefs there might be of future fuccefs, if fuch fubferiptions were raifed for that purpofe, at Bulama’ and, at the fame time, point out the caufes of the failure of the firft, I here fend you in as concife a manner I can, my opinion of both. To anfwer, as fully and fatisfa&orily as may be, the above queftions would from the number of others which they involve, take up much more of my time, than I can at prefent fpare; therefore, though many, nay moft of them, admit a degree of proof, amounting almoft to ma- thematical demonftration, I fhall confine myfelf at prefent, merely to affertions, the truth or fallacy of the grounds of which, will be left to the opinion of each indivi- dual; referving to fome future period, when I may have more leifure, a more minute detail of the various caufes which have hitherto baffled our endeavours, as alfo of thofe which produce a well grounded hope of future fuccefs. * I have no doubt but that Mr. B. means here an orderly or focial connection. R r Lirfl, 3°S Appendix. V- — v Caufrs of failure. Vices of the coloniiis. Arriving in the rains. Want of Ihel- ter. Caufes of er- rors, to which the failure was owing. Notes , &c. ref peeling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note GG. Firjl. Of the Caufes of the Failure of the late Expedition , 905. “ Many might be enumerated; but as 1 mean to be as brief as poflible, I fhal! confine myfelf to three, which appear to me to have been the principal ones. if. The carrying out men of the mof infamous character and vicious habits. 2 d. The arriving onjhe coaft of Africa at the mojl improper J'eafon of the year. 3 d. The omitting to carry out the frame and materials of a houfe , or houfes, fujfcient to fecure the whole of the colony , immediately on their arrival, from the rains , and from the fun. 906. “ On the firfl of thefe I need not fay much. It cannot be expefted, that in a fnuation, where authority, however neceffary, could not be legally enforced, thofe men could be kept in any kind of order, who, in an old eflablifhed and well regu- lated Government, had been in the habit of living in open violation of it. Among the virtues peculiarly requifite in thofe who undertake to fettle, or as it were, to create a colony, I fhould reckon fobriety, indu dry, hone fly, patience, and fortitude. 1 he major part of our people, were drunken, lazy, difhonefl, impatient, cowards. 907. “ On the fecond of thefe caufes, I fhall only obferve, that the rainy feafon at Bulama, begins the latter end of May or the beginning of June. We arrived on the 5th of the lafl mentioned month, and had confequently the whole rains before us. 908. “ With refpeft to the third. Had we carried out the frame and materials, neceffary for the ereftion of a large houfe, it might have been finifhed in, at mod, one month: but as all the timber which I built with, was growing at the time of our arrival, it was Feb. in the following year, before I had a room to put my head in. The being expofed during the whole of that time, to either the rains or the fun, mull certainly have been a great c’aufe of our mortality. 909. “The three errors above noted, namely, thofe of carrying out bad fubjccls, at the word feafon, without means of fhelter, are in themfelves fuflicient to prove, that we did not aft on a well digeded plan. The fil'd of thefe can never be entirely avoided ; the fecond arofe from the danger which it wras thought there was, of others purchafing the idand, if wre delayed failing; and the third from the ignorance of thefe who direfted the undertaking: as one of them, for thefe three errors, I beg leave to take to myfelf, a great portion of the blame. But, though thefe were diffi- culties, that might and ought to have been avoided, they wrould not have entirely ruined the colony, if there had been a fuflicient firmnefs and decifion in the con- duft and charafters of the members of the council. Among other caufes of the failure, maybe reckoned, the failing without a charter ; the having too many mem- bers in the council ; the two diips not keeping together; and theunfortunate circum- flance of lofing fome men, by an attack from the natives. The very injudicious mode of the expenditure of the money, might be reckoned another, as from the fum fubferibed, a fuflicient portion might have been retained in the hands of the truflees, to fit out a fmall vefiel, both with refrefhments and men, at the end of the firil rains. In Notes, &c. ref peeling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note GG. In three articles, this was particularly confpicuous. The purchafe of the plantation tools, the purchafe of the fait provifions, and the chartering ol (hips, the carrying out women and children, was, though it may not appear fo at firll fight, a great caufe of expenfe, and a principal one of failure. — I have now enumerated what appears to me, to have been among the principal caufes of our mifearriage; if they appear not in the fame light to others, I could wifh that they would reconfider them. They are almoft all of them demonftrably true; but, as I before obferved, I fhall only affert, and leave others to trace, how and in what manner, they operated pernicioufly to- wards our enterprize. We come now to the other queflion. Secondly. Of the Probability of future Succefs. 910. “ Our firfl failure will here be of great fervice to us, if we confider our former errors as fo many beacons, put up to warn us of danger. The three firfl which I have enumerated, feem to have been the mofl eflential, and, except the firfl, are ea- fily avoided, as well as all the reft. May I be permitted, without the imputation of vanity, to fay, that after all our former difficulties, my having been able with only four Europeans, and without the fmalleft fuccour or aftiftance, to keep pofteffion of the ifland for the laft year, to cut down 50 acres of timber, 16 of which were inclofed, and the roots taken up, to erefl three large buildings, and toraife with eafe, vegeta- bles enough for more than ro times our number, afford a fufficient proof of the certainty of future fuccefs. But as it may here be expe&ed, that I fliould enter a little into particulars, I fhall more fully ftate the grounds of my opinion. 911. “ The end, I believe; propofed by the major part of the fubferibers, was the cultivation of eotton, others propofed growing fugars, coffee, tobacco, and indigo, while a few hoped to drive on an advantageous commerce with the natives, for ivory, wax, and other productions of that part of Africa. The profpeft of thofe, whofe views are confined to cultivation, mull depend entirely upon foil; and this, I am warranted to fay, from the univerfal concurrence of thofe who have feen it, whether natives or Europeans, is remarkably fertile. It is deep, that is from one foot and a half to two feet. I never faw a rock or ftone upon the ifland. Except on one fmall fpace clofe under the block houfe, I never faw a foot of bad foil. Every thing which I planted, throve admirably, and among thofe plants, 300 were cotton. They were only in bloffora when I came away : I therefore had no opportunity of bringing home a fpecimen. But, fuppofing the cotton on that part of the coafl, to be of the very worft quality, it could not at all affeft the value of the ifland, or the probability of its fuccefs in its cultivation, as nothing can be more eafy, than to carry thither the feeds of either the Bourbon or Pernambuco cotton. The former I be- lieve is reckoned the beft in the world, and the latter the next to it. The firfl place is about 20, and the latter about 9 degrees fouth of the equator. Bulama is 11 de- grees diftant -from it, on the north; fo that there cannot be any great difference, in ■the climates of thefe three places, but more particularly the two lafi; from which I Rl'2 fliould 3°7 Appendix. ' s > Probability of future fuccefs. Reafons for this opinion. A foil capable of producing every tropical article. 308 Notes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note GG. Appendix. <• v ) and an excel- lent Situation for trade. fliould infer, that equally cotton, planted in equally good foil, either at Bulama or Parnambuco, would be of equal value ; fuppofing the Bulama foil to be equally good with that of other countries, in the fame climate, whether north or fouth of the equator, I fee no reafon why, with equal cultivation, equally good fugar, coffee, and tobacco, might not be produced on that ifland, as that which we know is produced, in the fame degree of both north and fouth latitude. 912. “ An advantageous commerce, I know may be carried on with the natives, in' the two articles of ivory and wax. The central fituation of Bulama, it’s harbour being a great thoroughfare for the Portuguefe trade, it’s proximity to the three great rivers of Gambia, Grande, and Nunez, and the innumerable inlets, or fmall branches of the fea, navigable far inland with fmall veffels, between the firft and lafl of thofe livers, render it a moll eligible fituation for fuch trade. Its diftance from Europe, is not fo great as that of the W. Indies; the navigation to it is fafe and fecure ; it contains one of the finefl harbours I ever faw ; the fea abounds with fifh ; and the number of animals, but more particularly elephants, buffaloes, and deer, on the ifland, is almoft incredible. The teeth of the former, and the hides, I fhould fuppofe, of the latter, are articles of commercial confideration. With fuch advan* tagesof foil and fituation, a trifling fum, expended in a judicious manner, for the equipment of a fmall number of men, embarked on board two or three little veflels, and dire£led by a man of common fenfe and great power would, in my opinion, preclude a doubt of fuccefs. It might be commanded; but, when I fay it might be commanded, I prefuppofe a greater firmnefs in thofe who go out, and more zeal and aflivity in thofe who remain at home, than has hitherto been evinced by either. “ I am Sir, &c. “ P. Beaver.” Mr. Hood's Letter of the fame Dale. Sir, Soilof Bulama 913. (17). “ AS I am lately returned with Mr. Beaver from Bulama, and excellent, not being perfonally known to the gentlemen who have the direflion of the bufinefs, I therefore think it my duty, to give you my opinion of the ifland. It is a fine, light, fandy loam, of confiderable depth, and free from {tones, and appears to be as and yields well fine land as any in England. But we do not go from appearances only, but proofs. Mr. Beaver laid out a garden, and fenced it in, and prepared the ground againfl the laft feafon, in order to fow the feeds brought out from England ; but they being at leaft two years old, and damaged fo much, few of them came up. Not being able to get any more, we were obliged to apply to the Portuguefe at Biflao. Befides, Mr. Beaver being defirous to make trial of all that could be got, agreed with all the commanders of the canoes, that came to Bulama, to bring all the feeds and plants they could, by which means he got as follows, viz. plantains, bananas, papaws, goavas, Notes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama . — Note GG. 309 goavas, oranges, limes, cotton, pepper, callavaces, pine apples, yams, cairada Appendix. pumpkins, water mellons, cucumbers, ground nuts, mint, parfley, & c. All thofe '' v throve in a furprifing manner, and I make no doubt, but European feeds would grow well. 914. “ In general, the ifland is well covered with ufeful timber, both for houfe Fine timber, and fhip building ; befldes fome clofe hard-grained woods, that would make good ^c* furniture, and I think, would make excellent wood for turning. I never have been able to learn the names of any of the woods, though I never miffed alking every one who I thought knew any thing of it. We have plenty of elephants, buffaloes, deer. Guinea-fowls, monkeys, &c. The only beaft of prey I have feen, was a wolf. There are plenty of fifh, all round the ifland, and at low water you may get plenty of oyfters, which are excellent. And, fince we have have got a large fpot of land cleared, and all the rubbifh burnt, the place is not only healthier, but more beautiful than any other place I have feen in Africa. The land is good, and capable of bringing forth any thing that wants deep root, as well as richnefs of foil. Although I never worked fo hard in my life, I have enjoyed, the latter part of my time, as good health as in all my life. “ I am, &c. “John Hood.’* ***** ExtraB of Letter , containing an Account of the Ifland of Bulama, by J, Young , Efq. a Member of the Council . 915. “ The atmofphere of the ifland is remarkably falubrious, as we all can teftifr, Climate, particularly a large party, who having loft themfelves in the woods, by indifcreetly venturing too far without a compafs, paffed 5 days and as many night, in open air, without any ficknefs having refulted from it. The utmoft heat, while we were there, by Farenheit’s thermometer, being 84, tempered by a pleafant fea breeze, which enabled our people to work during the whole day without inconvenience. 916. “ The foil is exuberantly fertile, as is evident from the fpontaneous vegeta- s0j] tion that every where appears, and from the afpetl of the garden which we made, wherein all the efculent vegetables of the European gardens, as well as fugar-canes, plantains, bananas, pine apples, the lime, the orange, the guava, the olive, and the vine of feveral fpecies, which the Hankey brought from Teneriffe, throve with a luxuriance that feemed marvellous to Englifhmcn, who were unacquainted with the combined effefts of heat and moifture, upon rich and new land. The foil of the margin of the ifland, appears to be a red fand, mixed with loam; that of the interior favannahs, or natural meadows, a black mould. The country is agreeably diverfi- fied with undulating grounds, but poffeffes no land of fuch elevation, as to merit the denomination of a hill. Yet it contains many fprings and brooks, according to the united teftimony of feveral gentlemen who have traverfed it. There are a few iron i ftones 3 10 ArPEKDIX. ' * — ' Animals, fruits, roots, ixc. Infects. Lands pur- chased, &c. Notes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama. — Note GG. ftoncs between high and low water mark; but we did not difeover any of thofe beds of oy ller-lhells, and quarries of frecflone, which according to La Brue, it contains. 917. “ The fhores abound with filh of many fpecies, and of which, with a feine to each fliip, we took daily, in a few hours, as much as we could confume. The woods abound with a delicious fpecies of deer, ol a moufe colour, and about the fize of large greyhounds, called by the natives of Sierra Leona (where the fame fpecies is found) Tillimtombo; alfo with buffaloes, elephants, monkeys, Guinea-fowls, partridges, pheafants, Mufcovy ducks, and pigeons. There are alfo fome ferocious animals. Thefe devoured a pair of oxen, 4 afTes, and upwards of 40 goats and fheep, which were landed from the Hankey, before an inclofure could be prepared for them ; but when the country comes to a be little cleared, thofe implacable favages will retire, as is their cuflom, from the habitations of men. Its fpontaneous fruits are plums of various fpecies, fome of them of an agreeable flavour ; a fruit of about the fize of an o firich’s egg, with a yellow pulp of a fharp acid, like a tamarind, and a fpecies of well tailed grape, whofe flock or vine refembles that of a kidney bean, climbing up the flender trees. 918. “ It’s roots are yams,' eddoes, cafTada, and a kind of fweet potato. It has trees which exude gums of various fpecies; and it is extremely probable, that it con- tains camwood and other dying woods, in common with the continent. It’s trees are for the mofl part very large, with fpreading branches, but not very lofty, like thofe in the forefls of America. There is neither underwood nor brambles in thefe woods ; but the wild grafs grows under their fhade as in a well- watered meadow. 919. “We faw no ferpents, or other poifonous reptiles; but the white ants are faid to be troublefome at fome feafons. Communities of them which are very fre- quent, dwell in hillocks about ten feet in height, and which were at firfl taken for huts of the natives. Thefe may eafily be deflroyed by building up wood about them and letting fire to it. Swarms of bees, that make honey of a delicious flavour, are very numerous in the woods, and which may eafily be domeflicated.’' ***** Extral 1 of a Letter from Mr. J. Munden , to Mr, Flynn dated Bulama. 920. “ Our Hoop went up the Rio Grande to purchafe a large tra£l of land, op- pofite our ifland, belonging to the Biafaras, and returned lall night, having made the purchafe of the wifhed-for land, which is larger than all Bulama. We have likewife the illand of Areas. Fowls are very plenty up the rivers. The land we have purchafed is wonderfully fine, and eafy of cultivation. The country near the rivers abounds with cattle of all forts, and a vaft number of elephants. We have never met with beafls to annoy us, we have alfo cotton growing in our garden, and our peas and other vegetables flourifh.” ExtraLl Notes, &c. ref petting S. Leona and Bulama — Note GG. ***** ExtraB of a Letter from Charles Drake, Efq. to Meff. Jackfon , Sykes and Rufh - forth, at Manchfler, dated S. Leona. 921. “ With refpeft to the Ifland of Bulama, I think it one of the moll pleafant I ever faw, abounding in a variety of fowl, deer and game : the foil particularly rich and fertile, and vegetation remarkably quick, as was obferved by fome feeds we fet, which came up almoft inftantaneoufly. It feems well adapted for fugar and every oLher W. Indian produce; and, on the whole, I am perfuaded it will prove an important objeft to the fubfcribers, particularly when a charter or grant is ob- tained, and a permanent government eflablilhed, alfo people endowed with zeal and activity fent out to conduft the enterprize. 922. “ We left the remains of feveral of our people at Bulama; but I know of none whofe deceafe might not be accounted for, by their being addifted to drink rum.” — See § 546, ,572. 923. “ With refpett to this place, I have not time to give you my opinion of it in the manner I could wilh. If we may judge by its effects, it is not near fo healthy as Bulama. We are under much obligation to Mr. Clarkfon’s civility and attention. I wilh fome of his kind propofals had been accepted. He, however, pofitively re- fufed allowing me to land my tobacco, which obliged me to fend it to Bance Ifland, with my hardwares, & c, 924. “ With refpeft to the general trade of this coal! , I have formed the mofl flat- tering expeftations. I can plainly perceive a market for an immenfe quantity of Britilh goods. The natives barter for our articles, with a great deal of avidity, and by them we can get a very confiderable profit. 925. “ I think there can be no difficulty in difpofing of the remaining land, (of Bulama) on the arrival of the Calypfo, even at-a very confiderable advance; as it will then be known we have fucceeded in many things that before were doubtful; namely, — i'hat we have purchafed and taken pofleffion of the Ifland, with the full and entire approbation of every power who made any kind of claim to the ifland ; that we find, what before we had many doubts about, viz. feveral rivulets and fprings*, and plenty of freffi water on the ifland. The air, particularly the weft point, which is open to the fea, is falubrious t, and the whole ifland infinitely more healthy, than either the Portuguefe fettlement of Biflao in it’s neighbourhood, or the fettlement of S. Leona. , 926. “ Under thefe circumftances, nothing can poffibly prevent the fuccefs of the plan, but a want of zeal and aftivity in thofe who undeitake the execution of it. * It is to be obferved that the rainy feafon was not over when Mr. D. left the ifland. See § 5*9. t This perfe&ly agrees with Mr, Dalrymple's opinion of the W. Point. See the Map. 2 There 311 Appendix. V — t Soil, See. of Bulama. Mortality not owing to cli- mate. which is bet- ter than that of S. Leona. Commercial profpeil s. Important particulars af- certained. Nothingwant- ing but a char- ter, Sic. 312 Notes, &c. refpecling S. Leona and Bulama . — Note GG. Appendix. Natives paci- fic. There appears to me nothing wanting to render this fettlement of national import- ance, and a truly valuable objeft to the proprietors, but the obtaining a charter, with a well digefted plan ol government. Therefore I hope every exertion will be ufed towards obtaining the fame. 927. “ I have alfo not the fmallefl doubt but the Papells who live in BifTuo.and the Biafaras people, who arc both mild and well difpofed, may be readily procured to work on the plantations. “ I remain, See.” ***** ExtraEl of a Letter from Mr. Fr. Donelly, refiding at the Ifland of Bulama, to J. Mangles , Efq. of London , dated 22 d Nov. 1792. Climate good. 928. “ I take up my pen with great pleafure to addrefs you, being, thank God, in perfeft good health, fince my firft arrival upon the coaft of Africa, except a few days indifpofition, caufed by eating wild plums. In fhort, I find the climate to agree very well with my conftitution. — The profpe&s of fuccefs entirely depend upon the manly exertions of gentlemen in England. Commercial 929.“ The fituation of our ifland and lands adjacent thereto, for a central trade, prolpe£ts. Hands the firft of any that I have heard of upon this coaft. The itland of Bulama, &c. deferves the particular attention of purchafers ; as nothing already recited falls fhort of our profpefts of its becoming, in good time, exceedingly produ&ive. The chief trade carried on here, is by trading fchooners. I think it may become an ob- je£t worth attention to fend a fraall floop or good fchooner, freighted with goods, w'ell laid in, and chofen particularly in the London market, provided it meets the fan&ion of your very refpeftable friend. “ I remain, &c.” ***** ExtraFl of a Letter from P. Beaver , Efq. to the Author , dated Bulama , 24th, July, 1793. Commerce. 930. “ We have the beft. foil here at Bulama, and it requires only moderate cul- tivation to make it incredibly rich. Though the primary objeft of this undertak- ing is cultivation; yet, in order that the colony fhould flourifh, it is neceffary that great attention muft alfo be paid to commerce, and here we have the advantage of the S. Leona Colony. — That is a place well known, much frequented by fhips, not only of our own, but alfo of foreign nations, who participate in their trade both for wax and ivory. This a place little known, not at all frequented, except by Portu- guefe, and the adjacent coafts are enriched with innumerable creeks, which are na- vigable for fmall veffels, and which gives us, as it were, all the inland navigation of thefe Appendix. i J Notes, &c. rejpeding S . Leona and Bnlama. — Note G G. thefe parts. The Ponuguefe then, Sir, are our only rivals. Which of the two nations will carry mod of the commerce is evident. 931. “ The ground on which the block-houfe Hands, I conceive to be elevated Soil, about fifty feet above the high water-mark. I believe that I have not feen any foil on the ifland but what is very good : at leaft, thofe feeds which I have lodged in it’s bofom, have always come up with great flrength and vigour. Thofe who un- derftand better than myfelf the qualities of the earth, are lavifh in its praife. 932. “ Cotton , I know, will do here very well; for, in the garden, I have many Produce, very ftrong plants of it; and I have not a doubt of fugar and coffee fucceeding as well. In the drieft times we have had fufficient water for our colony; therefore, I fearched not for more; but am inclined to think there is plenty on the ifland. Windwills, I am confident, will anfwer well. I have only to add, that I much wifh for that day, when this colony fhall be ftrengthened by yourfelt, or any of your friends; for, on your arrival, Sir, the fuccefs of our enterprize will no longer be Confidered problematical,” &c. 3*3- 933. “ Return of the Deaths of the Bulama Adventurers , by J. Young , Efq. 5 Died in the outward bound voyage $ Killed or died of their wounds at Bulama 7 9 Died at Bulama *. * Died priloners at Canabac 3 Died between Bulama and Sierra Leona ei Died at Sierra Leona 13 Died between Sierra Leona and London 5 Died after the (hip arrived at her moorings in the river “ Return of the Living. 7 Taken by the Bijtigas of Canabac, 3d June 5 Redeemed of thefe, the 19th June 1 Left at the Goree from the Calypfo 16 Left at Biflba at their own requeft, or failed for America 13 Left at Sierra Leona 14 Took their paflage from Sierra Leona in the other velfels 85 Arrived at London in the Calypfo '•141 “ State of the Colony at Bulama. 87 At the time when the Calypfo left the ifland Men I 7 6 m >n. 0 I 1 Chiu. Abftrafl ac- a count of the Bulama colo- 0 nifts. O z X 3 0 D »5 4 2, IO 1 X 3 I I 45 9 10 0 4 3 O 3 -X I 0 0 IO 3 S IO 3 O - 9 z 4 37 3a l6 67 46 28 49 13 5 * “ Of the 9 perfons who died at Bulama, not one contrafled his fever there, but all of them at Bilfoa, except thofe who brought their difeafes from England. Of the remaining number, many caught the fever at S. Leona, through intemperance, many others from the relaxation caufed by living lb long on lalt provifion, without any thing to correct it’s effects; fome on board the Calypfo, never having been on (hue from the time they left England, which was 8 months. The coaft fever is of the intermit- tent kind, and not infectious. a S f 87 At / Notes, &c. refpefiing S. Leona and Bulama. — Note GG. (j 34. The fallowing Statement I have carefully extracted from Mr. Beaver's Lifs tranfmitted to the Trujlees. 87 At Bulama, when the Calypfo failed according to § 544. which agrees with the foregoing ftatement of Mr. Young 6 Returned from S. Leona, 6th 0£l. 1792 93 Of thefe, 19 To return in the Hankey, to England, by the W. Indies 3 Run -29 Alive in the colony at Bulama, 22d Nov. 1792 26 Fever 1 Fever and flux a Confumption 1 Lunacy j Mortified hand ■j Drowned 1 Worms 2 Complication of diforders j Hooping cough 4 Diforder not fpccified in Mr. Beaver’s lifts 40 Lien Hon. Child. 49 *3 25 2 3 • I 51 l6 26 12 3 4 3 O O J9 6 4 z. 12 5 9 1 O O 1 1 O 1 O O 1 O O 1 O 0 I O 0 2 O O O O I 3 O 1 23 Mortality great, but not peeuliary fo. 935. I am forry that I have not been able to procure data fufficient to enable me to remedy the defe&s of Mr. Y’s ftatement, which feems to apply partly to the colonifts on board the Calypfo, and partly to the whole colony ; nor to bring down the ftatement, taken from Mr. Beaver’s lifts, to Nov. 29th, 1793, when he evacu- ated Bulama. 936. I thought it my duty to give a fair abftraft of the papers before me, without attempting to conceal the great mortality which they unhappily exhibit; but which, as well as the mortality at S. Leona, is fufEciently accounted for, in the four foregoing (abridged) reports, independently of any peculiar malignity of cli- mate. To prove that neither of thofe colonial undertakings have been attended with any peculiar fatality, it was my intention fif I had had room, as I have not) to give fome account of the mortality, diforders and difafters which attended the firft formation of almoft every European colony, both in North America and the W. Indies. I allude particularly to Canada, New England, Virginia, W. Florida, Jamaica, Surinam and Cayenne; fome of which countries, however, are now found to be as healthful as any in the known world.*. That they were not fo to the firft colonifts * See the tft Vo!, of Winterbotham’s View of the United States of America. Dr. Lind’s Eft”, on the Difeafes in hot Climates, 4th, edit, p. 89, 99. Dr. Blanc’s OJjf. on the Dil'eafes incident to Sea- men Notes, &c. refpetting 5. Leona and Bulama. — Note HH. i. 31/5 colonifls, appears to have been principally owing to the following caufes. — iff, The Appendix. overbearing fpirit of commerce. — 2dly, Inexperience in the means of preferving -* health in new and untried climates. — 3dly, The fixing, for the fake of commerce, on fwampy fpots, and other improper fituations. See § 75. — 4thly, The want of proper food, and of proper framed houfes, ready to be fet up when they landed. See § g-j.—^thly.Exceffive labour, in building houfes and clearing lands. — 6thly, The unfea- foned colonifls not taking the little care of themfelves which was in their power. — 7thly, Their diforderly and debauched livesandirregular hours. — 8thly, The want of proper medicines, and of medicinal men experienced in the difeafes of different cli- mates.— 9thly, The want of firmnefs and unanimity among the immediate leaders, who, of courfe were incapable of preferving order among the colonifls.-. lothly, The gene- ral inexperience or felfifhnefs of thofe who managed the concerns of fuch undertak tngs in Europe. Note HH. x. See § 543. 937. I fear fome people will laugh at the rude fignatures of thefe African kings: Ignorance^and for a deed from a black prince having been lately read in a Houfe of eminence, in cient and mo- Weflminflcr: when the reader concluded with “ his mark," a horfe-laueh was voci- fiern ^ lators. ferated by fome individuals to whom that fpecies of utterance is fo natural, that on a former occafion they could not reprefs it even on hearing a recital, which drew tears from many or mod of the audience. For the information of perfons who cannot boafl of fuch qualifications, and opportunities of improvement,! fubjoin this quotation. — “Several charters flill remain, where Kings affix Jignum crucis, manu propria, pro ignoratione liter arum (the fign of the crofs, with their own hands, becaufe of their ig- norance of letters.) From this is derived the phrafeof figning a paper. In the ninth century, Herbaud, Comes Palatii, though fupreme judge of the empire, could not write his name. So late as the fourteenth century, Du Guefclin, conflable of France, the greatefl man in the flate, and one of the greatefl men of his age, could neither # men. Dr. Motley’s Treatife on tropical Difeafes, and Long's Hift. of Jamaica pajfun. From this laft author, I cannot help tranfcribing one pafTage which fhows that the mortality which attended fome attempts to colonize certain wafte lands, in that extenfive ifland, was owing to the very fame caufes which unfortunately prevailed at S. Leona and Bulama. “ Several poor adventurers,” lays Mr. Long, Vol. I. p. 426, “ came at different times, from Europe to Jamaica, and among the reft, a colony of Palatines. They had the charge of their paffage defrayed, and were fubfifted till they ar- rived on the lands aligned to them, 'which they found in wildernefs, the trees for the moft part of flu- pendous hulk and not one acre cleared . Dejlitute of habitations as 'well as of land prepared for culture , their time •was neceffarily firjl taken up 'with building houfes and felling trees. The labour and hard/hips they had to ftruggle 'with were ?nuch too fe-vere for perfons juft come from Europe. Most of them died, the reft difperfed, and not one of thefe families (as I am told) fucceeded." S f 2 read 316 Notes , &c. refpcEling S. Leona and Bulama. — Note HH, 2. Appendix, read nor write. The greater part of the clergy were not many degrees fuperior in fei- *■ ence to the laitv. Many dignified ecclefiaflics could not fubferibe the canons of thofe councils at which they fat as members.” Robertfon’s Hill, of Charles V. Vol. I. p. 232. — It were eafv to fhow, that extreme ignorance prevailed in many parts of Europe, at a very late period, and that, in feveral parts of it, extreme ignor- ance prevails at this hour. But enough has been faid to prove that the anceftors of iheprefent Europeans were, in no refpeft, fuperior to other barbarians. Note H H. 2. See ^ 587. E. Indian fub- 938. There can be no doubt, but that a number of refpeflable fubferibers will come R'nbcrs to the forward, as foon as a charter fhall be obtained: and I have the fatisfaftion to mention Bulama un- ... del-taking. that Colonel Kirkpatrick, flated at the lafl General Meeting at the Manfion-houfe, that he had lately received information from his agents at Fort George, that “ they were about to advertife the plan of the Bulama alfociation, in the Madras Courier, for railing a fum not exceeding/'^ooo, in aid of the fubfeription ; that they meant to give their own names to it; and that, if it did not fill at that prefidency, they would pub- lifh it in the Bengal papers, where there could be little doubt of it’s fucceeding.” Some farther accounts of the Danifi colony at Aquapim. See § 599. 939. Since the {ketch of the Danifh colony, in Africa, was printed off, I have fortunately met wTith Melf. Moe and Hanfon, who were fogood as to communicate to me feveral interefling particulars refpeflingthat part of the world, molt ot which are contained in the following interefling letter from Mr. Moe. Sir, 940. “ I fhould have been glad, if I could have anfwered your queries refpefling the Gold Coafl, particularly the Danifh colony, now eflablifhed at Aquapim. But having been in Africa yourfelf, you cannot but know, how difficult it is for perfons, unconnefled with the Slave trade, to obtain information concerning it. This trade abforbs fo much of the attention and aftivity of the Europeans in that part ol the world, that it is only the merchant who can come into it’s fecrets. 941. “ During a flay of 14 months on the Gold Coafl, I had quite different ob- jefils in view; and ficknefs, which never fails to meet Europeans there, took up great part of my time. I have, however, the fatisfaflion of acquainting you, that I have been in Aquapim, and have feen the late Capt. Ifert’s colonial eflablifhment at that place*. It is fituated on a high and mountainous traft of land; but fo dif- * M. Moe mentioned to me in converfation, that the late Dr, Ifert was made captain, in confe- rence of his great exertions to eftablifh the new colony. tant Account of the Dani/h colony at Aquapim. tant from navigation, that it appears to me very inconvenient for commerce *. But, for the reft, I have good reafon to think, that the foil, air and water are all very good. There are but few Europeans; but they were in the bell ftate of health, during my ftay among them. Mr. Flint, who till the arrival of Lieut. Col. von Rohrs, takes care of this infant colony, has eftablifhed another fimilar one at the foot of the mountains, nearer to Acra ; and I faw growing at both places, a con- fiderable quantity of cotton-trees and maize, all of which flourilhed and throve very well. The dry and wet feafons are not fo diftinff at Aquapim, as near the coaft; for rains fall there in all the other months of the year, as well as in the rainy feafon. 942. “ I obferved that, near the Danilh forts at Rio Volta, Printzenftein and Ouitta, the commanders of thofc places and a certain merchant have begun to plant cotton, fugar-canes, different kinds of garden fluffs, fuch as greens, fweat peas, &c. 943. “ In the the neighbourhood of Chriftianfburg, at Acra, an old, refpeftable negro, a native of Dunco, at a confiderable diftance up in the interior part, has eftablifhed himfelf on a folitary fpot, and has planted large fields with cotton, maize and various kinds of provifions and garden Huffs. By his intelligent and laborious cultivation, he has diftinguilhed himfelf fo much, that he is now come into great repute. He raifes fuch quantities of provifions, that he fupplies not only Chrif- tianfburg, but alfo molt of the neighbouring negro villages. 944. “ The fhip, in which my worthy colleague and myfelf returned to Europe, being loft, together with all our papers, we with fome difficulty reached Ireland ; a circumllance which will fufficiently account for our not being able to fulfil our own withes by fatisfying all your enquiries. London, 25th March, J795. “ I am, &c. “ H. Moe.” 945. I have only to add a circumftance, which M. Moe told me, but which he lias forgotten to mention in the above letter, namely, That Mr. Flint’s filter, with the fame zeal for the civilization of Africa, by which Mrs. Dubois has done fo much honour to the fex (§ 782,) has accompanied her brother to Aquapim, with a view to inftru£t the negro women in needle-work, fpinning cotton and other parts of fe- male induftry; and that fhe has already made very confiderable progrefs in this laudable and benevolent undertaking. * The reader may fuppofe that I am not very much concerned at this circumftance, which I think rather in favour of a new and innocent colony, 3'7 Appendix. ■/ Documents , Appendix. C. Mefuiado affords good iupplies tor (hipping. Anchorage good. The king's reception ot of Chcv. Des Marchais. C. Mefurado tld'cribed. ( 318 ) Documents, &c. refpcEling the Swedijh colonial Defign . No. 1. See § 605. Defcription of Cape Mefurado. Abridgment, of the Chevalier Da Marchais' Defcription of Cape Mefurado, from the Account of his Voyages to Guinea and Cayenne, A. D. 1723, 1726, and 1727, by Order of the French Government. See Labat's ColleElion , Vol. I. page 93, ct fcq. Paris, 1746. 946. Almoft every veffel, after leaving Cape Mount, touches at Cape Mefurado. They are obliged to call at this lafl Cape, for wood and water, to ferve them while they remain at the faftory at Whidah, where the water is indifferent, and difficult of acccfs. Another reafon is, that the natives at Whidah, looking upon trees of every kind, as a fpecies of divinities, will neither cut them down themfelves, nor allow other people to do it. In the third place, rice, maize, or Indian corn, fowls, fheep, goats, and even oxen, are in greater plenty at Mefurado, than at Whidah. 947. The courfe from C. Mount to C. Mefurado, is S. E. and, when the wind is unfavourable, E. £ S. the dillance 18 leagues. The coaft is clear, and the an- chorage every where good. If the wind be contrary, it will be proper to anchor: if there be a calm, for fecurity again!! the currents, you muff alfo come to, and wait for the land breezes in the night, which are generally fair. The author had his pa- tience exercifed in this ffiort paffage, which, though often made in 6 hours, col! him 6 days; and, unlefs he had anchored, the contrary winds and currents would have carried him back. On the 9th Dec. 1724, he anchored half a league from C. Me- furado, in 1 1 fathoms, muddy bottom, mixed with fand and broken ffiells. 948. A canoe immediately came off to him. He was heartily welcomed by the natives, who had long known and efteemed him. The king being informed of his arrival, fent the Grand Marabou to invite him on fhore, and accordingly he landed the next morning. The king, who was waiting at the river fide, embraced him very cordially, and gave him the be!! reception, of which the princes in that country’ are capable. The king ordered water, wood and provifions to be carried on board. Thecattle, fheep, goats, 2nd fowls, are abundant. 949. C. Mefurado is a detached mountain, fteep and high towards the fea; but lefs fo on the land fide. The fummit forms a level plain, the foil of which is better than what is generally found in fuch fituations. On the eaf! is an extenfive bay, bordered by a good and uniform foil, which is bounded by hills of a moderate ele- vation, covered with large trees. On the well is another great bay, which receives the river Mefurado. 930. The Cape points to the S. E. It’s lat. is 6° 34- N. long. 50 37' from the meridian of Tenerife. On the ea!f, a long fpit of land feparates the fea from a ba- fon, alio the liver. Documents, &c. refpeHing the Swedijli colonial Defign. — No. i. 319 fon, (Jaque d'eau,) formed by the R. Mefurado, and a fmaller one which joins it. Appendix. They navigate this laid in their canoes, 6 or 7 leagues at low water, and double the ; y ' diflance at high water. The water is always fait, or at lead brackifh; but it is lull of fifli. The courfe of the great River (Mefurado) is N. W. for 17 or 18 leagues, afterwards N. E. but it’s length is unknown. They called for one of his fubje£ls, who affured the Chev.-Des Marchais, that he had gone up this river in his canoe, for 3 moons , when he came to a great river, whence it proceeded, which runs from E. to W. on which there are rich and powerful nations, who drive a great trade in gold, ivory, and Haves. The Mefurado runs through fine countries ; but is fo rapid, that thofe who have laboured 3 months in afcending it, may return in 18 days. The negroes call the rich country, where their river originates, Alam, that is, the country of gold. 931. In the great bafon (Jlaque d'eau ) juft mentioned, are two iflands, a fmall The king one at the mouth of the little river, and a larger at that of the great rivdr. This laft is called the king’s ifland, though he never refides there ; but fome of his Haves raife land, and cattle and poultry on it, for his ufe. The king gave this ifland to the Chev. and ve- f^kon'lu '° ry much preffed him to fettle on it. It is never overflowed, even by the great annual inundations, which, as in the Niger, take place in July, Aug. and Sep. This ifland is 2 leagues long, and * of a league broad. It’s foil is excellent, as appears from the fize and height of the trees, which alfo evince it’s depth. The winds which blow without intermiflion, from the N. the E. and N. E. render it’s air very temperate. The only inconvenience it labours under, is the want of frefh water, which muft be brought from the fprings on the continent. But thefe are at no great diflance, and are very abundant. 932. The tide flows 20 leagues up the Mefurado, at the equinoxes, and 8 or 9, Tide and during the reft of the year. In July, Aug. and Sep. the water is brackifh only 3 watei* leagues up, owing to the rapidity of the ftream in thefe months; but 4, or 3 leagues up, the water is perfe£Hy fweet. 953' The king who reigned in 1724, was called Captain Peter, a name which has The king call- long been common to the kings of Mefurado. When dealing with the Dutch ed Capt. Peter. and Englifh, both parties take every precaution againft roguery. They are armed, Dutch and hoftagesare exchanged, and mutual caution is obferved. — The French, on the con- Engiifh^f- trary, trade there, without the lead fufpicion. They put themfelves in their power, beloved, go on board their fhips without fear, and, on all occafions, manifeft the moll friendly difpofnions towards them. The French deal with them as with old and faithful friends, go on fhore unarmed, commit their perfons and effe£ls to their diferetion, and never had any reafon to repent of this confidence. 034. The religion of the natives of Mefurado is a kind of idolatry, ill underftood, Natives not and blended with a number of fuperllitions, to which, however few of them are bi- goted. They eafily change the obje£l of their worlhip, and confider their Felijies only 320 Appendix. V-. — v — . ) Country po- pulous, be- caule there is tittle (lave trade. Character of the natives. Thar houfes. Their women, good wives and mothers. Documents, (3 c. ref peeling the Stoedjh colonial Defign. — No. 1, only as a kind of houfchold furniture. The fun is the moll general objefil of their adoration ; but it is a voluntary vvorlhip, and attended with no magnificent ceremonies. 955. In the fpaceof a few leagues, are many large villages, fwarming with child- ren. They praflife polygamy, and their women are very prolific. JBefides, as thofc people deal no farther in Haves, than by felling their convi&ed criminals to the Europeans, the country is not depopulated like thofe in which the princes conti- nually traffic in their fubjefts. The purity of the air, the goodnefs of the water, and the abundance of every necelfary of life, all contribute to people this country. 956. The natives arc of a large fize, flrong and well proportioned. Their mien is bold and martial ; and their neighbours have often experienced their intrepidity, as well as thofe Europeans who attempted to injure them. They pofTefs genius, think juflly, fpeak correflly, perfeftly know their own intercfls, and, like their an- cient friends the Normans, recommend themfelves with addrefs, and even with po- litencfs. Their lands are carefully cultivated, they do every thing with order and regularity, and they labour vigoroufly when they chufe, which, unfortunately, is not fo often as could be wifhed. Interefl ffimulates them ftrongly ; and they are fond of gain, without appearing fo. Their friendfhip is conflant ; yet their friends inufl beware of making free with their wives, of whom they are very jealous. But they are not fo delicate with refpeft to their daughters, who have an unbounded li- berty, which is fo far from impeding their marriage, that a man is pleafed at finding that a woman has given proofs of fertility, efpecially as the prefents of her lovers make fome amends for that which he is obliged to give her parents, when he marries her. They tenderly love their children; and a fure and quick way to gain their friendfhip, is to carefs their little ones, and to make them trifling prefents. 9^7. Their houfes are very neat. Their kitchens are fomewhat elevated above the ground, and of a fquare or oblong figure; three fides are walled up, and the fourth fide is left open, being that from which the wind does not commonly blow. They place their pots in a row, and cement them together with a kind of fat, red clay, which, without any mixture of lime, makes a flrong and durable morter. Their bed-chambers are railed three feet above the ground. 1 his would feem to indicate that the country is marlhy, or fotnetimes inundated. But this is by no means the cafe. The foil is dry, and they take care to build their houfes beyond the reach of the greatefl floods. But experience hath taught them, that this elevation contri- butes to health, by fecuring them from the damps caufed by the copious dews, in houfes not fo elevated. 958. The women work in the fields, and kindly affifl one another. They bring up their children with great care, and have no other objett than to pleafe their huf- bands. — What a noble example to thofe who are inclined to follow it. — Why fhall we be obliged to contemplate this at fuch adiflance? Why traverfe the ocean to find it P 959 • Plan of a Colony at Cape Mefurado. 959. The extent of King Peter’s dominions, towards the N. and N. E. is not well known; but, from the number of his troops, there is reafon to believe it con- fiderable. The eaflern boundary is the river Junco, about 20 leagues from Cape Mefurado, and the wellern is a little river about half way from Cape Mount. 960. The whole country is extremely fertile. The natives have gold among them; but whether found in this country, or brought thither in the courfe of trade, is not precifely known. The country produces fine red wood, and a variety of other beautiful and valuable woods. Sugar-canes, indigo, and cotton, grow without cultivation. The tobacco would be excellent, if the negroes were fkilful in curing if. Elephants, and confequently ivory, are more numerous than the natives wifh; for thofe cumbrous animals very much injure their corn fields, notwithftanding the hedges and ditches with which they fo carefully fence them. The frequent attacks of lions and tigers, hinder not their cattle from multiplying rapidly; and their trees are laden with fruit, in fpite of the mifchief done to them by the monkey tribes. In a word, it is a rich and plentiful country, and well fituated for commerce, which might be carried on here to any extent, by a nation beloved like the French; for no nation mujl think of ejlabiijhing themfelves here by force. The Chev. Des Marchais has propofed a plan for forming a colony at C. Mefurado, which (fays his able editor. Father Labat) appears to me fo promifing and advantageous, that I think it my duty to lay it before the public. Plan of a Colony at Cape Mefurado. 961. It has already been remarked, that King Peter gave to the Chev. Des Mar- Ch.Des Mar- chais, the largeft of the little Iflands at the mouth of the river Mefurado, and had fcceptlng'an3 very much urged him to fettle upon it. That gentleman had it not in his power to bland offered accept this offer, not knowing whether it would be agreeable to the Company. He by the therefore declined it, giving the king fuch reafons as he could prudently communi- cate; for an entire difclofure of his fentiments on the matter, might have railed fuf- picions in the mind of that Prince, who is extremely jealous of his liberty, and of that of his people. 962. It is certain that this little ifiand is well fituated, and might eafily be put' Advantages into a Hate of defence; that the foil is excellent; that the want of frelh water might ot tlns be fupplied by citterns; that it lies in the very centre of all the trade, that can be carried on by the river Mefurado; that the provifions produced on it, and the fifh which furround it, would maintain the European inhabitants a confiderable time,, even fuppofing the negroes Ihould take it into their heads to befiege it, or to reduce it by famine. 963. But it mull be owned, that this little ifiand is a great way from the entrance it’s difad- of the bafon, (faque d’eauj by which alone a communication can be kept up with vanta£cs* T t European 321 Appendix. 1 . / Extent of the king’s terri- tory. Produce abundant. 322 Appendix. The kino; of- fers tlie Chev. any p^rt of the country he chol'e to colonize. He prefers the Cape itlelf, Si dcfcribes it. It might he fortified with advantage. and with little expenfe. Documents , &c. ref peeling the Swedi/h colonial Defign, — No. i. European (hipping; fo that this colony would be in the power of the negroes, who could (hut ud the entrance when they pleafed. The want of frefh water is a confi- derable obje£lion, which could not be removed fo eafily as may be imagined; and Euiopeans Jet tit d among negroes, ought always to be majlers oj the ingrefs and egiefs, to and Jrom their habitations. 964. Captain Peter, finding that the Chev. Des Marchais was not fatisfied with the little ifland, told him to fearch for a place which he thought more proper for a colony, and he would chearfully put him in poffeffion of it. — On receiving this adiirance, the Chevalier took a view of the country; but found no place better fuited to his purpofe, than the Cape itfelf, the fummit of which is a level plain, about qcoo paces in circuit. The foil is good and fome trees grow on it. This eminence e(fe£lually commands the road, or rather the roads; for the eaftern bay will (helter a veffel, in a cafe of difficulty; though the bed and mod fecure anchorage is in the wedern, at the foot of the Cape, and within a mufquet-fhot of the (hore. There is good holding ground, in 8 or 10 fathoms, between the Cape and the mouth of the liver or bafon (Jlaque d'eau.J A bar runs along this bay, before the river’s mouth, which, in fome places, is dangerous; but it is eafily got over by thofe who are accuf- tomed to it, and who know the proper time. This bar, however, is fcarcely per- ceptible at the foot of the Cape, in the angle which it makes with the continent. At this is a village, and a large perennial fpring of water, which is light, keeps well, and is eafily filled and brought on board. It idues from a rock, more than halfway up the hill, whence it falls in a cafeade, into a bafon which it has formed, whence it runs into the fea. Here the cades are filled, and the boats come- near enough to take them on board without difficulty or danger. 965. E'rom this account it is evident, that thofe in poirefiion of the elevated plat- form might, by fortifying themfelves, and making a proper road, defend the (hipping at the foot of the hill, and command the fpring of water, and the entrance into their faftory, even if the negroes fhould block it up on the land fide. 966. The expenfe of a fortified fa£lory, or even of a fort, would not be great. Clay fit for bricks, abounds every where, and even (lone proper for afhlar work. Buiiding timber grows on the fpot; and the common country provifions are ex- tremely cheap. Except wine, brandy, and wheat dour, which the Company mud fupply, every thing elfe is to be had on the fpot. Beef, mutton, goats, and hogs, colt little, and game abounds. Antelopes and deer graze quietly with the tame cattle in the meadows. There are many fpecies of birds. The bafon, the two rivers, and the fea, afford plenty of fidi and turtles. No river on the coaft is fo much frequent- ed by fea-horfes as the Mefurado. The dedi of thefe animals is good food, and their teeth, which are whiter and harder than thofe of the elephant, are fcarce and dear. (See § 304.) 967- Plan of a Colony at Cape Mefurado. 323 967. The following is a lift of fuch goods as might be bought for the propofed Appendix. trade and eftablifhment, at the prefent prices in France. Livres. Livres. Brandy in kegs for - 4-000 Brought up 21500 Goods proper Gunpowder - - 3000 Cowries - • 7000 for a factory at Mefurado. Trade- guns - ... 2000 Brafs pans - 4300 Swords IOOO Pewter plates and pots - - 3OOO Dutch knives - 5OO Iron bars, flat and fhort - IOOO Striped linen - 5000 Coral - IOOO Blue Salempouris (Eaft Indian) 2000 India calicoes - - 2000 Glafs ware, of all forts 3000 Gun flints • - 200 Glafs beads IOOO -■ Livres 40,000 Carry up 21,500 (at jd.rr^isoo fler.) — 968. Befides this expenfe, annual prefents mull be made to the three neareft kin * * * * Account of various Voyages to Africa and America by P. Grand Pierre. 1726. Extracts from 975. Page 134. This author thus deferibes Rio Seftos. — “ My ambition is, to G an.. 1 lent. p0werfu) antl rich enough to fit out a large fleet, filled with able and intelligent people, to make a conquell of this fine country and change it’s nature, by introduc- ing the beft focial laws and religious knowledge. I cannot comprehend why fimi- lar grand fchemes are not undertaken by our princes, who, in other refpefts, are fo intoxicated with the love of glory and honour. Nothing would appear to me more glorious than the execution of fuch noble and humane undertakings. ***** Account of the commerce carried on by different nations with the Coajl of Guinea , as afo a deferiplion of the Danifh If and of Sta. Croix, in the IV. Indies, printed at Copenhagen, 1758. 800. Page 38. “ It is to be obferved that the negroes of the Windward Coaft are by nature well difpofed, and very friendly, inafmuch as Europeans among them, even in their cottages, are much fafer than on the Gold Coaft, though prote6Ied by forts mounting 30 or 40 cannon. Befides that the Windward Coaft is very delight- ful and agreeable, as alfo much more fertile and produtlive. Many Englifh captains have been fo highly captivated by the beautiful fituations and fertility of this part of the coaft, that they have fixed themfelves on five or fix different places, on fpots which they have probably before vifited, and after unloading their cargoes, they have delivered their {hips to the care of the mate, telling him, You may now return and give my bef compliments to all my flips owners. Several of them have lived there many years, in the greateft happinefs, and are even become very rich, & c. P. 116 et J'eq. “ Calculation of expences on a fugar plantation, which however, appears to be far from correft.” See § 735. ***** Treatife on the Utility of Commerce and Colonization, in both the Indies and in Africa, by Ulric Nor denfdold, 1 776. Otlavo *. Extrafts from 977* ^age 9- “The expenfe of eftabli thing a colony will certainly not be fo Ulric Nonlen- great as many people imagine, unlefs the leading adventurers fpeculate with a view of forming their own immediate fortune at the expence of the colony, which unfor- tunately has been very often the cafe.” P. 10. “ Salaries fhould be paid in goods, and not in money. All merchants in a colony fhould only be allowed to carry on * This refpettable author, a brother of the late Mr. A. Nordenlkiold, fee § 400, and Note R, feems to have owed many of his excellent propofitions to the Moravians, whole pure and difinteiefted conduft does fo much credit to chritUanity and to human nature. Extracts from an anonymous writer. a com. Extracts from various Authors. 327 a commifTion-trade. A fufficient number of perfons, who are particularly acquaint- Appendix. cd with natural hiftory, fhould be engaged in a new colony, in order to encourage ’ , every kind of natural produXion. The colonills ought to be connected together in true focial order, and of courfe to find their own happinefs in the increafe of their colony.” P. 11. “ By the example of the French, the author (hows that the beft fe- curity againfl any infurreXion of the natives is to behave well towards them, and that this has much better effeX than the ftrongeft forts or numbers of foldiers. In or- der to avoid all kinds of ufurpation, the author propofes to ftudy and obferve a ftriX attention and maintenance of the laws, regulations and connexions ufed among the natives themfelves.” P. 12. “ France, during the reign of Lewis XIV. in 1685, framed a particular law for the negroes in the W. Indies formed on humane princi- ples.” P. 13. “ The author quotes various examples of colonization, and gives it as his opinion, that in order effeXually to promote a colony, the Directors of it fhould pofTefs property both in Europe and upon the fpot, in order to prevent, as much as pofiible, the interference of mercantile fpeculation. He alfo ftrongly recommends great caution in the choice of the firft fettlers, and advifes, in the be- ginning, to have only a few, but well chofen charaXers.” P. 29. “ The Dutch were once inclined to efiablilh fugar plantations on the Coaft. of Guinea, and aXu- ally began to clear the land with 200 negroes; but, being foon aware that this un- dertaking would be hurtful to the flave-trade, and to the trade in gold-duft, they abandoned it.” P. 38. “ Among the feveral places the author propofes for colo- nization, are Cape Mefurado, Cape Monte, Rio Sherbro, Bance Ifland in Sierra Leona river, &c.” P. 41. “ He recommends the Coafi of Guinea to be explored by forne of the difciples of the great Linnaeus.” P. 47. “ The Dutch African Company (under the fanXion of their government) clear 181,000 Guilders per Ann.” P. 49. “ In order to preferve barley, an article of great ufe for a colony, the author propofes to pound it with fait.” P. ^8 to 63. “ Are feveral interefling tables with calculations for fettling a colony with different numbers of people, ex pences, Sc c. ***** Sketch of Temporary Regulations for the intended Settlement near Sierra Leona , 3 d, Edition, by Granville Sharp , Efq. 1788. 978. Page 1. The old Englifh fyflein of frank-pledge, or free furetyfiiip, Extras from given by all houfeholders for themfelves and each other, is recommended very Gr* slia,P- highly in a new colony, and is certainly of the greateil importance. P. 5 and 7. Civil and military government, in a very fimple and eafy manner, propofed on the ancient fyftem. P. 8. The author feems to admit of apprenticefhips in the new colony. P. 11. Encouragement for indented fervants for obtaining their liberty fooner than the term fir ft aggreed on.” P. 14. A moll excellent pro- polal 328 Documents, &c . ref petting the Siccdifh colonial Defign. — No. r. Appendix, pofal that free labour fhould be made the ftandard or means, by which all kinds of commodities in the community might be meafured, initead of monev. P.26. Bell means for controlling or checking the credit of every individual and thus preventing abules. P. 28. Excellent means for excluding Haves from the the community. P. 38. Inftilution of a public exchequer or bank founded upon day labour, and appears to be of the greateft importance in fupporting real and practical focial liberty, provided; it be brought into a fyftematical form. P. 59. Day labour to form a ftandard in refpedl: to value from cultivating the earth. Every indented fervant to fign a certain number of days labour in the year, at the exchequer, as a tax, which forms a public revenue. Divifton of day labour into hours and minutes. 979. It were to be wilhed that the ingenious author had propofed an equal tax of day labour upon every individual; but, at page 69, he makes a further remark with refpett to the rich and wealthy, whom he wifhes to he taxed according to their in- activity, which, it is plain, would be a very difficult, if not an impoffible, tafk. P. 63 and 64. Means propofed for knowing every ones debts in the community. P. 64. Value of day-labour currency reduced, into Englilh money. P. 81 and 82. Utility of frankpledge. ***** Extracts from “ A Defcription of Sla. Croix, with a Jhort View of the Ifands of St. Thomas, Tortola, Spanifh-town and Crab If and, by H. Weft.” Printed in Danijh,at Copenhagen, 1793. Extraft from 980. Page 18. The climate is generally reckoned very favourable for white child- Weft.Climate. ren> tjjj jn tpie;r feventh or eighth year. Choice of co- 981. At P. 55, the author laments the unhappy confequences of being carelefs in the choice of colonifts; and then endeavouring to counteraCI their bad examples, by fending out enthufiaftic miffionaries. He fays farther, that, when England fent her numerous conviCls to America, Dr. Franklin knew of no better way of ffiewing the gratitude of the colonies to the mother country, than by returning the fame number of rattle-fnakes to be nurfed and multiplied in the royal botanical garden at Kew. Franklin’s moral is appofite and ftrong. P. 73. The author calculates the yearly expenfe of maintaining the (laves at 25 Danifli rix-dollars each*. Philanthropic 982. P. 96. He mentions, with the greateft refpeCt, Lieut. Col. von Rohr, who, of th^Danffh a^ter hav‘ng hudied tropical climates for thirty fix years with great attention and government. ability, has lately, in his fifty ninth year undertaken a voyage to Guinea, by order of the Daniffi government, for what fpecific purpofe, the author does not fay; but •it appears, from his further expreffions, that this voyage forms a part of one of the * The proportion of the Danifli rix-dollar to the Englilh crown, in pure filver, is as 540* to 379-—^. See Joranfon Tabeller, 4to, 1777. mof Extracts from various Authors. 329 mojl philanthropic undertakings that any government zias ever engaged in. (See Appendix. §<599>9410 105* The author propofes a plan for the benefit of the negroes in St. ' — 1 — 1 Croix, to be tried on a fingle plantation, to the proprietor of which a loan for the purpofe may be made by Government. This plan contains many valuable hints. 983. Atp. 113, the author juflly obferves, that “ enthufiafis only, and not wife Similarity be- ftatefmen and true judges of mankind, will think of doing violence to nature, and tween children .... . and negroes, bringing children or negroes, who in fo many refpe&s refemble one another, at once to apprehend abflraft ideas. Enthufiafis alone will expeft that thofe who can underftand their obvious rights, will alfo find out their duties as chriftians, hufbands, fathers, fervants, citizens, proprietors, &c.” P. 11,5. It is undeniable that lawgivers ought not to indulge themfelves in one fingle cruelty, and that the fafety of the fubjeft ought not to depend on the occafional charafter ol the fupe- rior, but on the true proteflion of the laws. 984. P. 129. On the one hand, nothing works upon the negroes more than be- Management nevolence and encouragement; and, on the other, nothing is more neceflary than die negroes, punifhment, or the fear of it, to ftimulate their exertions. The whole art of ma- naging them confifls in knowing when and how to apply thefe oppofite modes of treatment. Nor am I miflaken, when I believe that chaflifement would be lefs frequent, but more fevere and juft, were the fentence and execution of it left to a jury of old and worthy negroes. P. 131. The conduft of the whites is of ferious confequence, even in fpeaking or dropping inuendoes. P. 137. The author men- tions jealoufy as a frequent caufe of the diiTolution of the connexion between ne- gro men and women. This delicate fubjeft appears to deferve the inveftigation of the clergy, in every regular community. 985. In order to lay a foundation for a nearer incorporation of the negroes with Incorporation the body of the ftate, and to prevent the atrocities which accompany the hideous wit^fhe bo- man-trade on the coaft of Africa, the Government (of Denmark) has limited it’s ex- dy of die ftate iftence to ten years, ending in 1802. „ 986. P. 150. The author very judicioufly propofes, that no colonial regulation fhould be formed in a mother country which has not firfl been fent out, propofed, acknowledged and approved of by the colonifls. 987. P. 170. He points out the unfortunate confequences of introducing much money into a colony. P. 171. Speculation trade, or monopoly, very hurtful in a colony. P. 189. The author laments the deterioration of the coined currency, by the introduction of Birmingham counterfeits, which is not to be prevented. P.190. Uf- ing the tickets of refponfible people for the fake of change was inconvenient, from it's not being brought to perfedion . P. 195. The weighing of fpecie is more juft, lefs deceitful, and more conformable to the prattife of the ancients. 988. P. 171. The author mentions that the crops at St. Croix fail regularly every third year. Does not this feem to prove, that the cultivation of African produce in that ifland, is not natural, but forced and artificial ? U u I 002, Colonialregu- lations. Bad confe- quences of money. Crops, 989. 33° Appendix. Health. Climate. Documents, &c. rejpetting the Szvedijh colonial Dejign. — No. 1. 989. P. 174 to 183. He eftimates the annual expenle of a decent family in St. Croix, at 4040, and that of a fingle man at 2500 Danifh Rix-dollars. 990. P.221. St. Croix, being 7 Danifh (about 40 Englifhj miles in length, and 1 Danifh (about 6 Englilh,) in breadth, produced, in 1788, a very produXive year, 24,000 hoglheadsof fugar*.— P. 226. The number of flaves in St. Croix, of both fexes, and above 12 years of age, is 17,040. — P. 229. The foil of the level parts of St. Croix is not liable to be wafhed away by the rains, and although fhallow, is mofl excellent for fugar, 991. P. 256. The cold bath, before fun-rife, fortifies the nerves, and fur- nifiies ftrength for the day’s bufinefs. Horfe-exercife ftrengthens a weak ftomach, and the pungent red pepper whets the appetite. Caftor-oil, Peruvian-bark, old Madeira wine and opium are fimple weapons againll the common difeafes. Could it well be believed by any European phyfician, that, in order to bring a dying per- fon to life again, it was necefiary to make him fwallow 45 bottles of old Madeira and 7 bottles of burnt brandy in 9 days? 992. P. 257, in fpeaking of the climate, the author has the following words ; “ and although the firft abode of a European in a warm climate, is not altogether “ pleafing or comfortable, flill, cuftom, connexions and a way of living nearer to “ the order of nature, will foon compenfate to him for the artful pleafures of Eu- “ rope, provided his conflitution be not totally averfe to the climate; that he enjoys “ the necefiaries and conveniences of life; and that he has not placed his whole en- “ joyment in exercifing fuch kinds of fcience, as local circumllances, moral and “ phyfical, cannot allow.” * In order to fliew, (merely to fatisfy the reader’s curiofity,) what quantity of fugar may be pro- duced by a certain number of labourers, the following faffs, taken from obfervations on the Jamaica plantations, may ferve as examples. — The calculation thews how many negroes in each of the follow- ing parithes are required to make 100 hogtheads of fugar, each 1+ cwt. In the County of Middlefex. St. Catharines 1 71, St. Dorothy 200, St. Thomas in the Vale 180, St. John 168, Clarendon 127, Vere 138, St. Ann 200, St. Mary 150. Total 1334 In the County of Surry. Port Royal 250, St. Andrews 162, St. David 172, St. Thomas in the eaft 120, Portland 182, St. George 158. Total 1044 In the C. of Cornwall. St. Elizabeth 204, Weftmorel. 1 41, Hanover 142, St. James’s. 132. Total 619 So that, in Jamaica, the produflion of every i8oohhds. requires negroes 2997 In other words, on an average of the whole ifland of Jamaica, every 5 negroes produce 3 hhds. of fugar, (each 14 cwt.) In the parifh of Port Royal, twice as many negroes are required to produce j 00 hhds. as in the parifh of St. Thomas in the Eaft. The aftonifhing difparities in this ftatement, are owing to differences of foil, rains, See. within the fame if and. And the proportionable difparity of expenfe, (in raifing the grofs produce ) is a convincing proof of the difficulty, or the impoffibility, of eftimating for praftical purpofes, the neat profts, (if any) of fugar eftates, in the whole IV. Indies. See Long’s Hift. of Jamaica, Vol. 2, p. 438 ; and § 755, note, and 774. 993- M. Chauvel' s Plan for exploring Africa . — No. 2. 331 993. P- 315* The author points out methods for preferving plants. — P. 34,5, He Ai-pcndix. dcfcribes the flourifhing Hate of European garden vegetables, as peas, cauliflower, l- & c. — fays, the milk is rich and well taffed, and the butter delicate. 994. P. 263. The author, after touching on the prefent ffate of commercial po- litics in Europe, concludes his excellent work with thefe remarkable words. “ / believe, that the Wejl Indian ijlands are at their zenith , with refpett to the inter ejl of, and fubmiffion to, Europe.” No. 2. See § 610. Plan for exploring Africa, by M. Chauvel , Swedifi Conful General, at Havre de Grace, drawn up in 1784. 995. The following paper was, at M. Chauvel’s requeft, tranfmitted to the author M. Chauvel by his partner Nicol Reinicke, Efq. who has fince fucceeded him, as Swedifh Con- p^|^aLmadc ful General at Havre de Grace. M. Chauvel, true to his mercantile principles, fixes to him. his attention entirely on gold, negle£fing all the other hints and propofals ; though the application, to which the following is an anfwer, related chiefly to the cultiva- tion of the land, and the exploration of the interior country. Gold was barely men- tioned as one of the articles it afforded, and not a word was faid of the flave-trade. 996. “ In anfwer to the propofal of the two Swedifh Gentlemen, who wifh to vifit Africa, to fcarch for gold mines, the Sieur Chauvel, Conful General of Sweden, begs leave to Hate the particulars which have come to his knowledge. He has carri- ed on an extenfive commerce to the Gold Coaft, and he has juft font thither two very- intelligent captains, in addition to his agents, who have refided many years in that country; and they think that Kalienaut and Natacou, near Fort St. Jofeph in Ga- lam, on the river Senegal, are the moll proper places to fearcli for gold. The fol- lowing are the grounds of his opinion. 997. “ M. David, Direftor General of the Senegal Company, returning to France M. David’s in 174IJ prevailed on the Company to profecute a plan he had formerly propofed, open lfe F rcfpe£ling the mines at Galam*. Accordingly, after trying fome bags of earth goldmines, which he had brought home, the Dire&ors refolved upon a fecond attempt. The Sr. David was himfelf empowered to go to Galam, and to take the proper meafures for the propofed fearch. On viewing the country, he eftablifhed fome faflories; and, after fatisfying himfelf of the richnefs of the mines, he returned to the principal faflory, and fent the Sieur de la Brue to Galam, to execute the plan. In the mean time, the war of 1744 broke out. M. David was fent to the Ifle of France, and La Brue fucceeded him as Dire£lor General of Senegal. Other objefls engaged the Compa- * M. David was Hill alive when I was in Paris in 1787, and a very aged man. Though I called on him feveral times, I was not Co fortunSte as to fee him. But my fellow traveller. Dr. Sparrman, had a good deal of interefting converfation with him. U U 2 ny’s 332 Appen dix. Expenfe of the expedition, and it’s obje&s Documents, &c. refpeCling the Swedijli colonial Defign. — No. 2. ny’s attention till the peace. Yet the plan was not abandoned. The faftories efta- bl ilhed by M. David, at Bambouc and Boudou, were kept up. The Sieur AufTenac, Governor of Fort St. Jofeph in Galam, went in 1756,10 Kelienaut and Natacou, where new mines were difcovered, which, finding to be rich and abundant, he fent to the Direftor of the Company at Paris, ores ( des mineraux) fo rich in gold, that fcveral of them yielded 3 and 4 drams. The Sr. Auffenac obferved in one of his memoirs, that the deeper the mines were dug, the richer they were found ; and he dated, as the refult of all the attempts, that, after paying all expenfes, there remained a profit of between 40 and 50 per cent; and that this profit would be greatly augmented, bc- caufe all preparatory expenfes were paid, and need not be repeated. The taking of Senegal in 1758, put an end to this bufinefs. The Englifli, indeed, fent out an artid who died at Galam ; and fuch has fince been, the unfettled date of that country, that no farther attempts have been made. (See § 70, 651, et feq*.) 998. “ The Sieur Chauvel is fo much convinced, that two perfons of (kill would ealily difcover this precious metal'in that country, that he hereby propofes to equip a veffel of between 100 and 150 tons burden, which ought not to draw more than nine feet water, when loaded. She ought to be well fheathed, to prevent the worm, com- mon in thofe hot climates, from damaging her bottom. Such a veffel, well equipped and iurnifhed with one year’s provifion$, would cod from 25 to 30,000 livres Tour- nois. It would be proper to put on board this veffel, goods to the value of 60 or 70,000 livres ; fo that the whole expedition would cod from 90 to 100,000 livres. The Sieur Chauvel will defray one half of this expenfe, if the two gentlemen, or their friends, will furnifh the other half. 999. “ If the gentlemen confent to this condition, the management of the bufinefs mud be committed to the Sr. Chauvel, who will addrefs a memorial to the Minider * The fate of the miners fent from England, is mentioned by Dr. Lind, in his Eflay on the Dif- eafes of hot Climates, p. 4.0, where, on the authority of a medical gentleman, he gives a lamentable account of the lofs of lives, in the paffiige of 6 weeks, up the river, againft the ftream; and alfo of the mortality at the little fort fituated on it’s banks, above 700 miles from the fea. During the inunda- tions, this fort is furrounded by the waters of the river, and during the reft of the year, by a large ex- tent of mud and flim’e. It is no wonder then, that in fuch a navigation, and fuch a fituation, the mor- tality was enormous. But I beg leave to obferve, that, as my fellow travellers and myfelf intended to have gone to Gtlam, if we had not been prevented, ( § 615.) we made very particular enquiries re- fpe&ing that place, and the journey thither. We were allured by feveral perfons at Goree, and par- ticularly by a refpe£table French officer who had twice vifited Galam, that the journey by land is at- tended with little mortality, and that the mountains, where the gold is found, at a moderate diftance from the oozy banks of the river, are blefled with a healthful air. I was told, at the fame time, of a French officer, who had lived many years among the natives at Galam, and that he was fo well pleafed with his fituation, that he reje&ed fome very tempting offers made him by the Senegal Company, only to come down and acquaint them with the nature of the country, and the beft mode of cultivating a commercial intercourfe with the natives. 3 / of M, Chauvel's Plan for exploring Africa . 333 ©f the Marine, to obtain the protection necefTary for fuch an undertaking, the fuccefs Appendix, of which will be the more certain, as it will embrace two objects — firlt, the difco- ' - very of mines ; — and, fecondly, trading with the natives, while the gentlemen refide on the fpot; fo that, in cafe they fhould not fucceed in their refearches, (which I hold to be impoffible.) their expenfes might be defrayed by the following operations. 1000. “ The velfel ought to be ready to fail in May; fo that they may be up- Trade c°m*. on the coaft in June and July, to take advantage of a fort of convoys which the na- ni‘ng kernel1' tives fit out, at that time of the year for Galam *. And, inllead of coming down the river, with the annual floods, as is the praClife of thofe whofe only objcCf is trade, the vefTel would remain at Galam, and trade in ivory, gold and flaves. Thefe articles, though not very abundant, are yet in fufficient plenty to employ advantage- oufly the time in which the gentlemen will be making their refearches. 1001. “A very fmall number of men will fuffice to navigate the vefTel to Senegal,, which is commonly performed in 3 or 4 weeks. On arriving at Fort Louis, it will be advifable to take on board a reinforcement of the natives, who are excellent failors. 1002. “ To prevent difputes with the natives, it will be necefTary to obtain Tome of the king’s Tons ashoftages, (which is never refufed) and to detain them, till the bufi- nefs be finifhed. 1003. “ The gentlemen need not carry any attendants with them ; for negroes are eafily hired in the country, to perform every kind of labour. Befides the negroes- purchafed in the courfe of trade may be employed in the mofl laborious work. 1004. “ Thegentlemen being able, as there is no room to doubt, to fulfil the objeCt of their voyage, by the difcovery of the mines, would remain to puifue their re- fearches, while the vefTel, having finifhed her bufinefs, would proceed with the ne- groes to St. Domingo, and return with produce to Havre. And to fupply the gen- tlemen with necefTaries, M. Chauvel,on receiving advice from them, would difpatch- a vefTel to them, if needful: or they might be fupplied by the fhips belonging to a company to whom the king has granted an exclufive charter for the gum trade, and, who of courfe will have many fhips going and coming to and from that part o£ the world. 1005. “ If the foregoing propofals meet with the approbation of the gentlemen, an> Conditions agreement to the following purport may be figned by thefe gentlemen, and by ^'j^chaii'vel M. Reinicke, in behalf of D. Chauvel and Ton. 1006. “ We, the underwritten refiding at- and Dd. Chauvel and Ton, Merchants in Havre, in whofe behalf M. N. Reinicke will ftgn thefe prefents, have mutually agreed upon the following articles. * M. Chauvel here means the convoy which annually fails from Fort Louis, up the Senegal, during the inyndations, and which, in fome years, confifts of jo or 60 veffels, large and fmall. 1.007,, 334 Appendix. ' ' Documents , &c. ref petting the Swedijh colonial Defign. — No. 2. 1007. (i*.) “ The Sieurs D. Chauvel and fon, fhall fit out a veflel of fuch fize as may appear to them proper for trading in the river Senegal, and the forts and rivers thereon depending. 1008. (20.; “ The Sieur Chadvel and fon are hereby empowered, to purchafe fuch goods as they may think fuitable, for the cargo of the laid velTel. 1009. (30.) “ The propoled plan of operation, after arriving at Senegal, is to hire black failors, and to take one of the king’s fons as a holfage, who fhall remain at Senegal, while they proceed to fearch for mines, and to trade in Haves, ivory and gold-dull. 1010. (40.) “ MelTieurs are hereby authorized to re- main as long as they think it convenient, for the difcovering of mines, and the vef* fel, when (he fliall have finifhcd her trade, fhall proceed to St. Domingo with the flaves, and return with produce to Havre, whence fhe fliall be immediately difpatch- ed to Senegal with fuch articles as the gentlemen may requefl to be fent them: and the fame veflel, if they think proper, fhall attend them upon other difcoveries, ol which they fliall be bound to give notice to the Sr. Chauvel, when they fend for the goods which they may want. 1011. (50.) “ While the veflel remains at Senegal, or is on her voyage to St. Do- mingo and Havre, and back to Senegal, if Meflieurs fhould be in want of any European articles, the Sr. Chauvel and fon, on receiving advice thereof, will take care to fend them out by the firft opportunity ; or, if they are of great importance, will even difpatch another veflel with them. 1012. (6°.) “ It is computed that the cargo and outfit will coft from 90 to 100,000 livres, of which one half fliall be on account of the Sieurs Chauvel, and the other half on account of Meflieurs who, on figning this agreement, fhall direfil fome houfe in Stockholm, Hamburg, Ainflerdam or Lon- don, to make reimburfement. 1013. (70.) “All the tranfaflions refpefling the fhip and cargo, the difcovery of mines, and the expenfe thereof, as well as the profits which may refult therefrom, fhall be ~ an account of Mefl. and the other of Mefl. Chauvel. 1014. (8°.) “ The management of the whole bufinefs, in Europe, fliall be entirely committed to the Srs. D. Chauvel and fon, not only the outfit of the veflel, and the purchafe of the cargo, but the fale of the returns ; and .Meflieurs oblige themfelves to remit to them all the gold and other minerals refulting from their refearches, and which the Srs. Chauvel and fon bind themfelve.s to fell, and to apply one half of the neat proceeds, agreeable to the order of Mefl. 1015. (90.) “ The veflel fhall be under the orders of Meflieurs who may condufil her to any place where they chufe to make refearches; but the trade in Haves, gold-dull and ivory fhall be entrufled to the captain. 1016. , 1 Explanatory Letters ; — No. 3. 335 1016. (io°.) “ If Meflieurs do not underftand French, they Appendix. may carry with them a young man to a£l as interpreter and clerk, at the expenfe of 1 the concern, D. CHAuVELand SON. No. 3. See § 613. Letters explaining various Difficulties in the Execution oj our Undertaking , and how they were to be removed ; alfo Jhewing with what Zeal and Generojity the Swedijh Ambaffador , ( Baron de Stael, J and the French Minijler, ( Marechal de CaJlriesJ promoted our Views. M. Le Baron de Stael d'Holfle'm. Baron Stael von Hojlein. Paris, le 12 Aout, 1787. Monsieur L’Ambassadeur, La Compagnie s’etoit empreffee d’offrir les fervices les plus etendus a M. M. de Sparr- man, Arrhenius, et Wadftrom. Les ordres qu’elle a regus depuis, a ce fujet, de M. le M»U de Caftries, et la recommendation que vous lui avez fait l’honneur de lui addreffer, font autant la recoinpenfe de l'on zele, que des motifs de devoir et d’encouragement. Elle a eu plufieurs confe- rences avec ces favants fur les moyens de rendre leur voyage de l’interieur de 1’Afriqne, auffi fur et le moins penible qu’il fera poffible. Ils trou- verent dans les comptoirs, et aupres des agents de la Compagnie, les refeignemens, le fecours, les refources que la colonie peut comporter; et en attendant ils feront traites avec beaucoup de dif- tinCtion dans le navire qui va les tranfporter au Senegal. La Compagnie fe felicite infiniment d’avoir une pareille occafion de temoigner a votre Excel- lence combien elle delire de lui etre agreable. Je fuis, avec refpeCt, Monsieur L’Ambassadeur, See. Fraisse, Adr. Dcur, Par procuration de la Compagnie du Senegal. Paris, Aug. 12, 1787. Sir, THE Company anxioufly wilh to TheCompa- offer themoft extenfive fervices to Melfrs. Span- ny’s anfwer to man, Arrhenius, and Wadftrom. The order they ^ar’ have received on that head, from the Marechal de Caftries, and the recommendation which you have done them the honour to addrefs to them, at once recoinpenfe their zeal, and are motives for their activity. The Company had many conferences with thofe learned gentlemen, refpeCting the means of rendering their journey into the interior, as le- cture and ealy as poffible. They will find at the factories, and with the Company’s agents, the di- rections, affiftance, and refources, which the fet- tlementscan afford ; and, in the mean time, they will be treated with great attention on board the flap which is to convey them to Senegal. • The Company is extremely happy in having this opportunity ol ffiewing your Excellency how mueh they defire to be agreeable to you. I am, with refpeCt, Your Excellency’s, Sec. Fraisse, Ailing Director. For the Senegal Company. 336 Documents , &c. refpc Sling the Swedifh colonial Defign. — No. 4. Appendix. No. 4. See § 613. M. Le Baron de Stael d'Holflein. Baron Stael von Holjlein. Monsieur L’Ambassadeur, The Compa- ny excul'e themielves to Bar. de Stael. VOUS me faites l'honneur de me marquer, que M. Miftral, Intendant de la Ma- rine au Havre, fait difficulte de laifler embarquer M. M. Arrhenius et Wadftrom. La Compagnie n'y a aucune part, puifqu'elle a donne ordre a fes adminiftrateurs au Havre, d’accorder le paffage gratis, a ces naturaliftes, aulfi qu’a M. Sparrman. Je penfe, Monfieur, que ce que j’ai de mieux a faire c’eft d’envoyer a Havre, la lettre originale par laquelle M. le Marechal de Caftries a recom- mande a la Compagnie ces trois voyageurs, fans exception ; et neanmoins je vais ecrire a ce Mi- niftre, pour le fupplier de faire favoir fes inten- tions a M. Miftral inceflamment a ce fujet. J’ai vu dans les bureaux, fa decifion donnee fur une lettre de M. de Malelherbes, qui ne lui recom- mandoit que M. Sparrman. C’eft la-deffiis que les commis auront fait la lettre minifterielle, pour ordonner au bureau de dalles du Havre, que ce Do6leur fut embarque au fraix du roi ; et ils au- ront ignore qu’il avoit deux compagnons. Votre Excellence peut-etre perliiadee, que ces deux com- pagnons auront au moins, inceflamment la per- miflion de s’embarquer. Quant au fraix de leur paffage, la compagnie en recevra le rembourfe- ment du miniftre, ft ce font fes intentions : mais elle ne le demandera point, parce qu’elle eft ties flattee de pouvoir conti'ibuer de fon mieux a de# royages aufli interelfants. Je fuis, avec refpeff, See. F RAISSE, Adr. Dcur. Par procuration de la Compagnie du Senegal. Sir, YOU do me the honour to obferve, that M. Miftral, Intendant of the Marine at Havre, obje&s to the embarkation of Meflrs. Arrhenius and Wadftrom. This was no fault of the Company, who have ordered their managers at Havre, to give a paflnge gratis, to thefe natu- ralifts, as well as to M. Sparrman. I think, Sir, I had belt fend to Havre the original letter, in which the Marlhal de Caftries, hath recommended to the Company thofe three travellers, without exception j and I will, moreover, write to that minifter, to make his intentions on that fubjedl known immediately to M. Miftral. I have feen in the office his determination, in a letter to M. de Malclherbes, which recommended M. Sparr- man only. In confequence, the clerks, in writ- ing the minifter’s letter, ordering the office of the department of Havre, to give the Doctor a paffage at the king’s expenfe, did not know he had two companions. Your Excellency may reft allured that the two other gentlemen lhall have immediate permiflion to embark. As to the expenfe of their paffage, the Company will receive it from the minifter, if fuch be his intention. But they will never alk for it, being much gratified by having it in their power to contribute to their utmoft, to voyages of this interefting nature. I am, with refpefl, See. Fraisse, A£ling Dire&or. For the Senegal Company. Explanatory Letters.— No, 5 and 6, 337 Appendix. No. 5. See § 613, IrU Le Baron de Stael d'Holjlein. A Verfailles, le 29 Juillet, 1787. Baron Stael von HoIJlein. Verfailles, 19 July, 1787. COLONIES. On a ecrit aux Adminif- trateurs de la Compag- nie en favour de Sieurs Sparrman, Arrhenius, et Wadftrom: Monsieur, J’ai re^u la nouvelle lettre, que vous m’avee fait I’honneur de m’ecrire, le i6dece tnois, a l’occafion de Meff. Sparrman, Arrhenius, et Wadftrom, qui le propofent de voyager en Afrique. Ce n’eft en effet qu’avec des marchan- difes que Ton parvient a traiter avec les habitans de ce continent ; mais comme ils pourfoient eprou- ver des difficultes a cet egard, fur la partie des cotes entre le Cap Blanc et le Cap Verd, dont la traite eft relervee a la Compagnie du Senegal, j’ai ecrit conformement a Tt>$ defires, a cette Compagnie, pour les faire lever. Je ne doute pas qu’elle ne fe prete, autant qu'il dependra d’elle ^ -procurer aux Srs. Sparrman, Arrhenius, et Wadftrom, toutes les facilites neceflaires pour le fticces de leur voyage. J’ai 1’honneur d’etre, avec un tres fincere at- tachement. COLONIES. The Direttors of the Company have alfo been written to in favour of Meff. Sparrman, Arr- henius, and W adftrom. Sir, I have been honoured with a frefti letter Obftacles to from you, on the 16th inft. in behalf of Meff. Sparrman, Arrhenius, and Wadftrom, who wilh ra0ved. to fail for Africa. They can only trade with the natives, by means of goods. But, as they may meet with fome difficulties, in this refpefl, on the coaft between Cape Blanco and Cape Verd, the trade of which is referved for the Senegal Com- pany, I have, agreeable to your requeft, written to the Company, to remove thofe difficulties. And I doubt not that they will be ready to contribute every thing within their province, to the fuccefs of the voyage of thofe gentlemen. I have the honour to be, with fincere at- tachment. Monfieur, votre tres humble, et tres obeiffant ferviteur, Le Mal. de Castries. Sir, your moft obedient, and moft humble fervant, Le Mal. de Castries, No. 6. See § 613. M. Goury. A Verfailles, le 7 Juillet, 1787. J-UDA En favcur dc Meffrs. de Sparrman, Arrhenius, et Wadftrom. CETTE lettre, Monfieur, vous {era remife par Meff. de Sparrman, Arrhenius, et Wadftrom, Suedois, qui fe rendent en Afrique pour fe livrer a des recherches relatives a l’hiftoire naturelle. Si par une fuite du plan de leur voyages, ces Mefiieurs M. Goury, Verfailles, 7 July, 1787. WHIDAH. In favour of Meffrs. Sparrman, Arrhenius, and Wadftrom. THIS letter, Sir, will be delivered to you by Letters of Meffrs. Sparrman, Arrhenius, and Wadftrom, introduilion. Swedes, who come to Africa, to make refearches in natural hlftory. If in the profecution of their plan, thofe gentlemen fliould call at Whidah, you X x will 338 Documents , &c. ref petting the Swedifh colonial Defgn. — No. Appendix. * » * v " ^ Meffieurs patient a. Jada, vous voudres bien leur procurer routes les facilites qui d^pendront de vous, pour qu’ils puiffent remplir avec fucces l’objeil de leur recherches. Je fuis, Sec. Le Mal. de Castries. will of courfe do every tiling in your power to facilitate the fuccefsful accomplilhment of their object. I am, &c. Le Mal. de Castries. 1017. We were furnilhed with firoilar letters to the following perfons, viz. Monfieur Valliere, Vice Conful, Charge des affaires du Confulat a Tripoly. Monfieur du Chateauneuf, Conful General, Charge des affaires du Roy, aupres du Bey a Tunis. Monfieur du Rocher, Conful General, Charge des affaires du Roy, aupres de l’Empcreur de Maroc, a Sales. Monfieur de Kerey, Conful General, Charge des affaires du Roy, aupres du D'ey, a Alger. Monfieur le Dire&eur du Comptoir d’Amakon, fur la Cote d’Or, Monfieur le Direfteur du Comptoir de Gambia, a l’entree de la Riviere de Serra. Lionne. No. 7. See § 618. (5.) ExtraEl of a Letter, to the worthy Inhabitants of the Province of Freedom , on the Mountains of Sierra Leona , dated Leadenhall Street, London, 1.6th May, 1788, by Granville Sharp, Efq. Mr. Sharp ge- neroufly re- commends lands to be given gratis, 1018. AS I have thus incurred a very great expence, not only this year, but alfo on your firft embarkation laft year, without the leaft view of any private interefl 10 myfelf, but rather for a general good, in promoting a j u ft and honourable trade in African produflions, in contradiftin£lion to the abominable Slave trade: alfo for the peculiar advantage of yourfelves, I trufl you will be fo fenfible of this, that you will not deny my earnefl requeft to you, as a favour to myfelf that you will readily admit all the perfons that are now paffengers on board the Miro, people of colour as well as white, together with the captain, mates, and fuch of the feamen as defare it, to an equal fiare with yourfelves in the fettlement, gratis, agreeable to what is propofed in page 122 of the Additional Regulations, even if the Miro fhould unfortunately be de- layed from arriving at the fettlement, within 12 months from the firft eftablifhment. The 12 months will expire on the 12th of the next month; for I fee by an extrafl from the log-book of the Nautilus, that the lots were drawn on the 12th July, 1787; and though the Miro was chartered on the 23d April, 1788, time enough for her arrival within the firft year, yet fo many unforefeen delays have happened, that there is a probability that fhe may not reach your fettlement, till after the commencement 2 . of ExtraEl from a Letter of Mr. Sharp. of the fecond year fince your ellablilhment ; neverthelefs, I rely on your friendlhip, that you will fulfil my requell, in granting lots gratis to the palfengers, ike. in the Miro, and, (as the rainy feafon will probably be fet in,) that you will receive them into your houfes, and afford them the bell accommodations you can give, with aflift- ance to procure Ihelter alfo for their goods, cattle, and fowls, and to aid them in erefting houfes for themfelves, as foon as the weather will permit. 1019. I mull likewife requell that you will lay out a free lot, and caufe it to be re- gillered, and referved for the Rev. Mr. Thomas Clarkfon, a gentleman who has eminently dillinguilhed himfelf by feveral excellent publications, as an able, {Te- nuous, and fuccefsful advocate, for the liberty and natural rights of the negroes, and who, at prefent, is prevented from joining the fettlejnent^ by his continued indefati- gable exertions in the fame jull caufe, as a Member of the Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade-, to which fociety a continuance of his allillance is at prefent in- difpenfibly necelfary. 1020. Alfo a lot, to be laid out, regillered, and referved, in like manner, for Wil- liam Sydney Smith, Efq. Poll Captain of the Royal Navy, and another for John Spencer Smith, Efq. Page of Honour to Her Majelly the Oueen, — alfo a lot regif- tered and referved, for Lieut. John Clarkfon of the Royal Navy, (brother to the Rev. Mr. Clarkfon, above mentioned,) a gentleman everyway qualified to render you very elfential fervice, as a member of your free community , whenever he may arrive. 1021. Alfo a referved lot for Mr. Peter Nafaur{on of Peter King of Mefurado, who had entered himfelf as a palfenger in this fh ip ;but afterwards was prevailed onto flay fome time longer in England, on account of education : and for Mr. William Johnfon, a mulatto, who redeemed him (Mr. Peter Nalfau; from 11 avery in the Well Indies. (See § 784, et feq.) 1022. Alfo for Henry Martin Burroics, a poor negro, whom I faved this year from flavery (with another man,) by a writ of Habeas Corpus, from on board a Honduras Ihip, and whofe legs (which were mortified with cold and hardfhip) have been lately cut oflfin St. Bartholomew’s hofpital. — Alfo for William James, a black man, lately arrived at Rriltol, trom New York, who is llrongly recommended to me for his abili- ties; but he cannot have lime to arrive here before the Ihip fails.-^— Alfo for Henry Byron who was this day fent on Ihore from on board the Miro, on account of ficknefs. 1023. Alfo for the undernamed 12 Swedilh gentlemen oT rank, great learning, and abilities, feveral of them members of univerfities, and philofophers, who propofe to embark in two or three months time, but perhaps may be delayed a little longer, viz. j. A. N. 2. C.F. N. 3. U. N. 4. C. J. 5. A. J. 6. A.B. 7. C.B.W. 8. G. 9; A. A. 10. J. S. 11. M. S. 12. G. S .* 339 Appendix. to feveral En- gli/h gentle- men and ne- groes : alfo to 12 Swedilh geo tlemen. * Several reafons prevent the author from mentioning their nam:s at fi ll length. 1024, 340 Documents, &c. refpeSling the Swedijh colonial Defign. Appendix. * . ^ Hu reafons. 1024. The free admiflion of thefe Swedilh gentlemen, to an equal participation with yourfelves in the fettlement, gratis , I earneflly recommend to you, becaufe I believe it will be highly beneficial to the fettlement in general, that they fhould fet up their head quarters with you, and make their principal refidence in the Pro- vince of Freedo?n, which will probably be a means of opening to you an extenfivc communication with the internal parts of Africa, which they (with the moft benevo- lent intention towards the natives) mean to explore: and their aflbciating with you will certainly promote trade, and will fecure and enrich the fettlement. (See § 606.) 1025. Although this work has unavoidably far exceeded it’s prefcribed limits; yet the author thinks himfelf bound, by hispromife at § 594, to infert the names of the original fubfcribers to the S. Leona and Bulama undertakings. Indeed he could not, without doing violence to his feelings, omit this opportunity of rendering as public as he can, the names of the firfl; promoters of the civilization of Africa, who have done fo much honour to this age, to this country, and to mankind*. * It is pleating to obferve, how much the following lifts are graced with the names of Ladies j a cir- cumftance the more remarkable, as, in general, their property is not fo much at their own immediate difpofal, as that of the Gentlemen. This is one inftance, among many, to (how how warmly the Ladies intereft theml'elves in liberal and humane enterprizes ; and their example, in lupporting the S. Leona and Bulama undertakings, appears not to have been loft upon the other fex. To what fublime degrees of humane feeling and heroic virtue, might not mankind arrive, if, in union with the fex, they would always fet before them the amiable pattern of female goodnefs l % LIST * ► LIST OF THE ORIGINAL SUBSCRIBERS TO THE CAPITAL JOINT STOCK OF THE SIERRA LEONA COMPANY. INSTITUTED FOR PROMOTING THE CIVILIZATION of AFRICA; With an Abridgement of the Aft of Parliament, which incorporated that refpeftable Body. The original Price of each Share was/^o.' — The Subfcriptions clofed, in June, 1792. NB. The Figures annexed to the Names, denote the Number of Shares fubferibed for. A Abdy,Rev. W Jarvis, Horjleydown 1 Adams, Peter, Whitechapel 2 Adams, Thomas, efq. Alnwick, Nor- thumberland 3 Adamfon, Rob. efq. New Broad Jl. 3 Adcock, John, Leadenhalljl. I Addifon, John, efq. Sudbury 3 Addifon, R. at Meffi. Child’s , Tem- ple Bar I . Addifon, Tho. Ludgate hill 2 Affelck, Ann, Bury. St Edmunds 1 Agar, Will, efq . Lincolns Inn 1 Alburn, Rob. Token houfeyd. 1 Alifon, Al.efq. Excfe Off. Edinburgh 2 Allen, J. Bruce, Wellclofe Sq. 1 Allen, Ofwald, Lothbury, York 1 Allen, Maxey, efq. Lynn, Norfolk 2 Allen, Mrs. (Exec, of Hen. Allen, efq.) Swanfea 1 Allen, Lewis Rob. efq. Southwick, near Farehan, Hants q Alleyne, Mrs. Penelope, Nottingham 1 Alleyne, Mifs Ann, Ditto j Ames, John, efq. Briftol 3 Anderfon, Lady Frances, York 2 Andrews, J. P.efq. Brampton, Midd.^ Andrews, Sir J. Bart. Knights bridge 1 Andrews, Rev. Mordacai, Cogge- fhall, Ejfex 3 Angell, Will. Sandell, Cornhill 1 Annefley, Alex. efq. Bridge Jl. 1 Anfley, J. Bread Jl. Cheapfsde 5 Anfell, Geo. efq. of Goodmans felds 2 Anftie, Benj. Webb, Devizes 5 Anftie, John, Ditto 2 Arden, J. efq. Beverley 2 A rden , Mifs J ane. Ditto 2 Arkwright, Sir R. efq. Bake well, Derbyjhire 3 Arnaud , J ohn, Strand I Arnett, Rich. Bearbinder lane 2 Arney Scheve, Wellclofe Sq . 1 Arnold J. Plymouth dock I Arthur, J. Copthall court 1 A (He, W. Portpool l. Gray’s Inn /. 2 Atkinfon, R. St. George’s l. Monum. 1 Atkinfon, T. efq. Mold green, near Huddersfield, Yorkjbire 20 Atkinfon, Law, Ditto 10 Atkinfon, Cu. Muncajler, Cumberl. I Atkinfon, Jafp. efq. Aldermanbury 1 Atkinfon, Tho. efq. Lothbury 1 Atkinfon, W. efq. j London Jl, Totten- ham Court Road 3 Atterfale, Jof. Fulham 1 Atwood, Rich. Bath 2 Audley, J. efq. of Cambridge 3 Auftin, J. Bap. General Pojl Office 5 Ayton, Will. Banker Lombard Jl. 2 B Babington, Rev. Mat. Rotherley Leicefterfioire 4 Babington, Tho. efq. Rotherley TempleLeiceJler 1 o Bacchard, Jo. Wandfworth 10 Bagfhaw, J. efq. the Oaks, Sheffield 2 Bailey, George, Mark l. 1 Bailey, John, Cornhill «• 1 Baily, Th. little Tower Jl. 1 o Bailye, Rev. Hugh, Hanbury, near Burton on Trent 1 Bailye, Rich. efq. Litchfield 2 Bainbridge, George, Bread ft. 2 Baker, J. efq. Peck ham, Surry 2 Bale, Charles, Albemarle ft. 1 Balgonie, Lord, Balgonie Houfe, Edinburgh I Baly, W. Wycombe, Bucks l Bancroft, Dr. Ed. Francis ft. Bed- 1 ford Sq. 2 Banger, Jofiah, efq. Hackney 3 .Y 7 Bankes, Rev. J. Staines, Trinity hall, Cambridge 2 Banks, George, of the Bank of Engl. 1 Banner, Francis, Beech ft. Crippleg. 2 Barclay, Rob. Efq. Lombard ft. 3 Barclay, G.efq. M. P. Hatton Gar. 10 Barker, J . Howden, near Hull 1 Barker, Rev. R. Hollym, Holdernefs , 2 Barlow, J. Cranboumft. Leicefter ft. Barnard, John, Norwich Barnard, Sam. Efq. B oft on Barnard Will. efq. Norwich Barnett, T. at Meffi- Wilfcns, Minor. Barnett, W. Bridge ft. Weftmiufter Barnett, J. efq. Lombard ft. Barnett, Mich. Cock l. Snowhill Barnett, Robert, Minories Barrett, Bry. efq. Stockwell, Surry 1 1 Barrett, If. Bry. Hay Market 7 Barry, J. Efq. Tenerife z Bartrum, Charles, Peckbam 1 Bartrum, Cha. jun. London Bridge 4 Bafeley, J. Green, e(q. Norwich 4 Bafeley, Mifs Harriet, Norwich 1 Bafeley, Tho. Warrener, Norwich 1 Bafeley, Mifs Eliz. Norwich 1 Bafnett, John Oakingham 2 Bafs, Will. G'fwell ft. 1 Bateman, Th. Great Yarmouth, Norf.i Batley, Benj. Thames ftreet 6 Batterfby, Edw.%fq. Manchefter 2 Bax, John, efq. New Broadjl. 1 Bayley, Tho. Butterworth, efq. Hope, Manchejter 3 Bayley, Arthur, Treafuty 1 Bayley, John, Ditto 1 Bayley, Mrs. Sarah, Ditto 1 Bazett, Hen. Richmond, ^urty t Beacroft, Judith, Thorp, Norwich 2 Beams, Hugh, 96, Fleet ft. 1 Beardmore, Jof. Milk ft. 3 t Beaumont, 342 Names of the original Subfcribers Beaumont, R. H. efq. Whitley , near Huddersfield , Yorkjhire 2 Bedder, Tho. Little St. Tho. Apofile 2 Bedome, Sam. Long l. Bennondfey 2 Beet, Benj. Blackfriars 4 Begbie, Alex. Great St. Tho. Apofile 1 Belcher, Will. Milk Jl. 10 Bell, Daniel, efq. Leadenhall jl. I Bell, J. Martin's l. Cannon Jl. 3 Bell, James , Cecil Jl. Strand 3 Bell, j ames, Coventry Jl. 2 Bendelack, Mofes, fame's c. Buryfi.i Benfteld, Paul, efq. M. P. Cower Jl. 3 Benford, Will. efq. York row, Ne w- ington Butts 3 Benham, Rob. 331. Borough 1 Benfufan, Sam. Levy. Plough court , Lombard Jlreet I Bent, Will. St. Martin's l. 3 Bentall, Will. efq. Totnefs, Devon. 5 Bentinck, Capt. Will, at Mrs. Bent inch's, Privy gardens 2 Bentley, Rev. Roger, Camber-well 3 Bentley, Will. Ordnance Off '. Tovier 2 Berjeu, John Paine, Brijlol 2 Berwick, Jof. efq. 35, Cornh. banker 2 Bell, Robert efq. deputy Jecretary of the Bank 1 Bell, Geo. Duke Jl. St. fames's 1 Betke, Cha. efq. Budge Row 8 Beawan, W. Hibbs, Lincolnjhire 1 Bevvicke, Hen. efq. Lawrence l. 1 Beynon, Rev. Tho. Tlandilo, Car- marthenjhire 2 Bick,Ed. Manjton Houje Jl. 1 Biddle, Will. efq. ofCupers Gardens 6 Biddle, Ar.dr. Ed. Wycombe, Bucks. 1 Biddulph, Francis, efq. Charingcrofs 1 Billinge, George, Cateaton Jl. 1 Billinge, Tho. Cateaton Jl. 1 Binham, Richard, Exeter 2 Birche, Will. Gr. Qu. Jl. Lincoln's Inn fields 2 Bird, W. W. efq. Woodfi. 1 Birket, Daniel, efq. 74, Hatton gar. 1 Bifchoff, James, Leeds 1 Bifchoff, Mifs Magdalen, Ditto 1 Bifchoff, Mifs Martha, Ditto 1 Bifchoff, Thomas, Ditto 2 Blagbrough, Samuel, Leeds 1 Blake, Will. efq. Aldcrfgate Jl. 3 Blake, Thomas, junr. Norwich 1 Blakemore, Tho. Wefi Bromwich, Warwickjhire 2 Blakefley, J. Hinckley, Leicejlerfhire I Blakefley, J. Btfhopfgatefi. 5 Blakefley, J. junr. Ditto 5 Blamire, Ed. Ayliffefi. Goodman sfi. 1 Blanchenay, Francis, Leadenhal Jl. 2 Blaxland, Henry, Broad Jlreet 3 Blew, William, Crutched Friars 1 Blinkhorn, T. Raven Row, Spitalfi. 2 Blizard, J 0. Broad Jlreet 3 Blunt, John, efq. Prefcott Jlreet Goodman's fields 3 Blunt, J. junr. efq. Ditto 1 Bode, John, General Pojl Office 1 Boddington, Mrs. Eleanor, Enfield 1 Bogue, Rev. David, Gojport 3 Boiieau, Jn. Peter, efq .Hertford Jl. 2 Boldaro, Ed. Gale, Cornhill 1 Bond, J. of old Broad Jl. 8 Bonham, Henry, efq. Cornhill 3 Booth, J. No. 20, Little Towerfi. 2 Booth, Abraham, Newgate Jl. 1 Booth, Jacob, Tower Hill 1 Booth, lfaac, No. 18, Chamber s Jl. Goodman s fields j Bofanquat, Chr Bijhopfgate Jl. 2 Boultbee, C. Baxterhy, Warwickjh. t Boultbee, John, Ditto 1 Boultbee, Jof. efq. Ditto 1 Boultbee, J of. junr. efq. Rotherlcy, Leicejlerjhire \ Boultbee, Tho. efq. Leifier 1 Boultbee, Wm. Rich c. Lime Jl. 1 Boultbee, Hercules, Rotherley, Leic. 1 Bourne, Rev. Jo. Chartcrhoufe, Hull 1 Boultbee, Jofeph, Ditto 1 Boulton, Mat. efq. Soho, Birmiugh. 2 Bowdler, Mifs H. Gay Jl. Bath 1 Bowen, Capt. James, Deptfoid 1 Bowers, N. Ward, Cannon Jl. 20 Bowers, William, Ditto 5 Bowley, G. Oilman, Bijhopfg. With. 2 Bowman, John Chriftian, No. 71, Queen Jl. Borough I Bowfer , G . Newington Green I Bowzer, R. Fairfi. St. John's, South. 2 Boyes, John. efq. Hull 1 Boys, Thomas, Hendon, Middlefex 1 Boys, Mrs. Mary, Ditto 1 Boys, Tho. junr. Newgate Market 1 Brackenbury, Mat. Ely,Cambridges. 2 Bradbury, Sam. Bafinghall Jl. 1 Braithwait, G. efq. Newington Gr. 3 Brand, Aug. Ever. Arlingtonfi.Pic. 2 Brandram, Sam. efq. Size lane 20 Brandram, James, Ditto 1 Brandreth, John, Buxton 1 Brandftrom, Mrs. Letitia, Hull 1 Brandftrom. Mifs Elizabeth, Ditto 1 Braffey, Nathaniel, efq. Lombardjl. 10 Braune, J. Gotlob, Furrier, No. 8, Warwick c. Holborn. 2 Brazier, J. efq. Camberwell 3 Bree, Dr. Robert, Leicejlcr 2 Brickwood,J. tkq.Rich courtLime Jl. 2 Brickwood, Jn. junr Ditto 1 Brickwood, Law. Ditto 1 Brickwood, Nath. Thames Jl. 1 Bridges, Jn. Chartcrhouje Sj. 2 Briggs, J. Hobart, Pcfi Off. Lom- bard Jl. 5 Broadwood, J. S .Great Poulteneyfi. 2 Broadwood, John Ditto 4 Brocas, Mrs. Har. Wakefield, Berks 1 Brocklehurft, Mifs, Mauchefier 1 Brocklehurft, John, Ditto 1 Brocklehurft, Wm. efq. junr. Ditto 2 Brook, Jofeph, Whitechapel 1 Brooke, George, efq. Chancery l. 10 Brown, Mifs Ha. Myles, Churchc. Kenfington I Brown, Thomas, Hull 2 Browne, Hutchin. Hotherall, Cuf- tom houje 1 Brown, Ed. Raven row, Spitalfi. 3 Brown, Jn. Upper Market, Norw. 3 Brown, Thomas, St. Mary Axe 3 Browning, Jn. Five-foot l. Southw. 5 Brundfon, Charles, Bafinghall Jl. 1 Buck, James, Leeds 3 Buckingham, Ja. efq. Bread ft. 3 Bukle, Mifs, Wakefield 1 Bulkley, Ja. Huntley Hall, Stafjordf.i Bullock, Wm. efq. Milk Jl. 1 4 Bulmer, Francis, Butter F after, York 1 Bulmer, Peter John, Hull 1 Burbidge,Wm, Newark -upon- Trent 2 Burbidge, John, Ludgatejl. 1 Burcham, Wm. Wighton, Norfolk 1 Burchall, Robert, Lothbury 1 Burgefs, Rev. Thomas, Durham 3 Burges, J . B. efq. M. P. White H. 17 Burges, Wm. efq. Brabant c. 3 Burges, Ynyr, efq. Eajl Ham, Effi. 1 Burgh, Wm. efq. York 1 Borland, John Berkeley, efq. Stoke Houfe, Dorfet 8 Burnett, Robert, jun. Vauxhall 3 Burnett, Robert, fen. efq. Vauxhall 3 Burftall, John, Hull 1 Burton, Dan. Cannon Jl. Manchejler 1 Burton, James, Upper Guilford Jl. 3 Bufhan, Jofeph, efq. Guildhall 5 Butcher, William, Sutton AJhfield, Nottinghamjlire r Butler, James, Cheapfide 2 Butterworth, Mat. Dowgate Hill 1 Button, Rev. W. 24, Paternojler r. 1 Buxton, Thomas, Leicefier 1 Buxton. John, Bermondfey Jlreet 2 Buxton, lfaac, Leicefier 1 Buxton, Charles, Ditto 1 Buxton, Robert John, efq. Shadwell Lodge, Norfolk 1 Buxton, Rev. ].CarletonRode, Norf. 1 Buxton, Thomas Bentley, Leicefier 1 Byerley, Thomas, Greek-fireet 1 1 C. Caddick, Henry, Piccadilly 1 Calde- to the Sierra Leona Company 343 Caldecot, John, Rugby 2 Call, Sir J. Bart. Old Burlington-Jl. 4 Calthrop, Eliz. 63, Oxford-Jlreet 1 Calthrop, John, Ditto 1 Calthrop, Mrs. Mary, Ditto 1 Calthrop, Robert, Ditto 1 Calverley, John, efq. Leeds 20 Calvert,Peter,efq. Theobalds, Herts. 3 Cammeyer, Ch. Great Trinity-lane 4 Campbell, John, Edinburgh 2 Campion, William, efq. 4 7, Great Ormond-Jlreet 5 Cannarvon, Thomas, Greenwich 2 Cardale, William, Bedford-row 2 Cardwell, Richard, efq. Blackburn, Lancafhire I O Carr, Henry, Cambridge 1 Carr, Samuel, Puplett, Colchejler 1 Carter, Mifs Hannah, Malden 2 Cary, General, Leven Grove, Yorks. 2 Cafs, John, Whitechapel 2 Cawthorn, George, Abchurch-lane 1 Cay, Hen. Boult, efq. Curftor-Ji. 1 Cazalet, Peter, efq. /lufiin Fryars 5 Chalk, Robert, jun. Linton, Camb. r Chambers, Mrs. Ann, Welbeck-Jl. 2 Chambers, Jarvis, Bennet-Jl. Surry 1 Champion, Alex. efq. Winchefter-ji. 5 Champion, Mifs Elizabeth, Ditto 1 Champion, Mifs Henrietta, Ditto 1 Champion, Mifs Maria, Ditto 1 Champion, William, Old City Road 6 Chandler, Benj. St. Paul's Ch. Yd. 3 Chandler, Richard, Gloucefter 2 Chaplin, John, Ludgate-Jlreet 1 Cater, Richard, Lothbury 2 Chapman, James, Bungay 2 Chapman, Will. Penton-Jl. IJlington 2 Charlef worth. Rev. J. Ojfington near Tuxfrd Nottingham 2 Chafe, Mrs. Eliz. Arm, Luton, Bedf. 1 Chater, Eleazer, Cornhill 1 Chater, Nath. St. Dunjian’s Hill 1 Cheefment, John, G. Wolf 's, efq. America Square 2 Chefelden, Mifs Ann Lavinia, Bread-Jlreet 1 Chetwynd, Lord Vifcount, Bolton Row Piccadilly I Chriitie, Dan. Beat, ti(\.Wimpole-Jl. 1 o Church, John, Bett's ftreet, Rat- cliff Highway I Clapton, Mifs Ann, Great Dun- mow, Ejfex 2 Clapton, Mifs Mary, Ditto 1 Clapton, Mifs Mary , Kmefvjorth, Camlridgejhire I Clark, Mrs.Mary, wife of Richard Hall Ctai k, efq . 2 Clark, Richard, efq. (Alderman) New B, idge Jlreet % Clark, Rich. Hall, efq. Bridewell near Cullumpton 2 Clark, Samuel, Leicejler 1 Clark, Mrs. Sarah, wife of the Rev. Thomas Clark 1 Clark, Rev. Thomas, HAl z Clark, John Alden, efq. Manfton- houfe-flreet 2 Clarke, William, 269, Borough 5 Clarkfon, Rich. Kingfton , Surry 1 Clarkfon, Rev. Thomas 10 Clay, John, Smithfield Barrs, St. John Jh eet 6 Clayton, Ralph, Serjeants' -Inn Chancery-lane 2 dementi, Muzie, Mr. Broadwood’s Great P.,l e ;ey -ftreet 4 Clements, J. efq. Portland Place 5 Clemitfon, Ja efq. Swithin' s-lane 2 Coad, Jofeph, 41, Brewtr-flreet Golden fquare 1 Coad, Mrs. Elea. Narrowall, Lamb. 2 Cobb, James, efq. Eajl India botje 2 Cock, Charles, Great D unmow , EJf. 2 Cock, Mifs Elizabeth, Ditto 2 Cock, Mifs Mary, Ditto 2 Cocks, Mrs. Eliz. A Aon, Middlefex 1 Cocks, Thomas Sommer, efq. Downing ftreet 1 Cohen, Levy, Bevis Marks, St. Mary Axe 1 Cohen, Samuel, Ditto 1 Cole, Charles, efq. Egham , Surry 1 Collett, lfaac, Bath 2 Collier, Mary, Plymouth 1 Collinfon, Edw. efq. Lombard ft. 5 Collinfon, J. Gravel-lane, Southw. 1 Coltman, Mifs E. Neworks, Leicef. 1 Coltman, John, Lticeft.r 3 Comber, Rev. William, Kirby Moor fide, near Helmfley Yorks. 2 Compton, John, Portfmoutk Com- mon, Hampjhire 2 Compton, ,Clapton,Hackney I Compton, Thomas, efq. Ditto 1 Conftable, Marmaduke, efq. Waf- fand , near Beverly 2 Conyngham, Burton, tfc\.fermyn ft. 3 Cook, David, Trump ftreet 1 Cooke, Rev. James, Whi.t-Lyon Yard, Oxford ftreet 1 Cookfon,Rev. Chrift. Stamford 2 Cookfon, Rev. William, Forncett near Long S/etton, Norfolk 1 Code, Benjamin, St. Petefiburg 1 Coope, John, jun. Qxbornftreet Whitechapel 3 Cooper, John, Hinck'ey, Lcicefterjk. 1 Cornwall, J. efq. Portland Place 10 Corrie, John, Vauxhall 1 Corrie, Richard, Wellingborough 3 Y y 2 Corfbie, Jofeph, Duckfoot-lane 10 Colby, Sir Henry, Harley-ftreet 4 Cotton, Henry Cal veley, efq. Ditto 5 Cotton, J ames, jun. Rumford 2 Coverdale,Nornfon,efq. Skadwell 2 Cowell, George, Water-lane 1 Cowell, John, Ditto 1 Cowley, John, Cateaton-ftreet 2 Cowper, Char. efq. Middle-Temple 1 Cowper, David, 117, Lower Thames-Jlreet 2 Cowper, Edward, Borough 2 Cowper, Mifs Fra. Hinckley, Leic. 1 Cox, Leader, efq. Brixton Caufeway z Cox, Mrs. Mary, Ditto 1 Cox, Thomas, Wifbech, Camb. 6 Coxhead, Th. efq. M . P. Great Her- mit age -ft. St. George's in the Eajl 2 Cracklow, Aaron, Tooley-Jl. Southw. 2 Cracklow, Henry, Ditto 2 Cracroft, John, efq. Hackthorn,near Lincoln 1 Crafton, Robert, Coleman ftreet 3 Crane, Mrs. Sarah, Enfield 1 Craven, John, Buckle-ftreet, Good- man's-ftelds 3 Crawfliay, Richard, efq. Upper Thames-ftreet 2 Cremer, George, 93, Holborn-hill 1 Crefwell, Henry, Billingsgate 5 Crifp, Sam. efq. Hartford, Herts. 2 Crompton, Gilbert, efq. York 1 Crompton, Mrs. Hannah, Clapham 2 Crofs, Robert, Exeter 1 Crolfe, J . N. Hull 1 Croucher, John, Haymarket 1 Crump, Jofeph, efq. New Broad-ft. 5 Culme, John, efq. Plymouth x Cunliffe, Mifs Margaret Eliza, New Norfolk ftreet 1 Cunliffe, Lady Mary, Ditto x Cunningham, Jo. 33, St. James-ft. 1 Cure, Capel, efq. Great George- ftret t, Weftminjter 3 Curling, Daniel, Cuftom-houfe x Curling, Jefle, Paradife-row, Ra- ther hi the 2 Curling, John, Princes' -fir eet, ditto 1 Curling, Robert, 1 Currie, William, efq. Eaft Horftey, Surry 2 D. Daintry, Michael, efq. Leek, Staff. 1 Dale, David, Glafgow 3 Dalton, Mrs. Elizab. Stanmore Middlefex 1 Danby, Wm. efq. Swinton, York t. 2 Darwin, Erafmus, Derby 1 Davidfon, Ebenczer, Thames-ftreet 1 Davidfon, John, Navy Offce 3 Davies, 3M Names of the original Subfcribers Davies, William, 9, Serleftreet , Lincoln' s-inn-fields 1 Davies, John, Wood-ftreet 3 Davies, Timothy, Bond Jlreet 3 Davifon, Alex. efq. Harpur-ftreet 1 Davifon, Tho. efq. Egham, Surry 1 Davy, Samuel, Crediton , Devons. 1 Davy, William, Ditto 1 Daw, Wm. efq. Elm-court, Temple 2 Dawfon, Mifs Alice, Gower-J'treet 2 Dewion, Benj. Walcot Parade, Bath \ Dawfon, Mifs Ifabella, Gower-ft. 2 Dawfon, Mifs Martha, Ditto 2 Deacon, James, efq. James-ftreet WeJ'tminfter 6 Dean, George, 11, Fifh-ftreet-hill 2 Dearden, John, efq. Holly ns, near Halifax I Debaufre, Jofeph, efq. Old Broad-f . 2 De Bons, Henry, 7, Wormwood-ft. 7 De Grave, Charles, 59, St. Mar- tin's le Grand 1 Delap, Char. Penrith, Cumberland 1 Denman, Dr Tho. Burlingtcn-ft. 1 Dennis, Ad. Clements' -lane, Lom- bard-ftreet 5 Deformeaux, James Lewis, Pearl- ftrcct , Spitalfields I Dettman, George, Virginia-ftreet 1 Dcttman, Jofeph, Betts-freet , Rat- cliff- Highway 2 Dewes, Matthew, Chipping Norton 1 Dcwes, Robert, efq. Coal Harbour 1 Dewey, James, Spital-fquare 3 Dickenfon, Mifs E. Truro, Comzv. 2 Digby, Knelm, efq. 6, Welbeck-ft. 2 Digby, Robert, Vice Admiral, Harley-f/reet 2 Digby, The Hon. Stephen, Wel- beck-fircet 5 Digby, Wriftefley, efq. Mer reden, W urwickjhire I Dillingham, Bampton Gurdon, efq. Norfolk 1 Dirs, Carlton, Wcllclofe- fquure 2 Dixon, Rev. Jo. Tuddmgton. Bed- ford/hire 1 Dixon, Jofeph Ilarrifon, efq. 17, Cheapfide 1 Dixon, Marcus, London-ft. q Dixon, Richard, Hartford End near Felfied, Effex 1 Dixon, Robert, Felfted, Effex 1 Dixon, Wm. Mead Place, Lambeth 3 Dods, Robert, efq. Hajlar-Hofpital Gofport 1 Dolben, Mrs. Ann, Finedon near Wellingborough I Dolben, Lady Charlotte, Abing- don-freet, Weftminfter 1 Dolben, Sir Wm. Bart. M.P. ditto 1 3 Donaldfon, Wm. efq. at Childs and Co. Temple-bar 4 Dore, Rev. James, at Keene's, efq. W a/worth 1 Dornford, T. Philpot -latte 2 Dorrien, George, efq. Finch-lane 3 Dorrien, Thomas, efq. ditto 3 Dorville.Jo. jun.efq. NewBridge-ft. 3 Down, Rich. efq. Bartholomevj-lane 3 Drake, Jo. Ex -south 1 Draper, Richard, Bijhopfgate-ft. 1 Drewe, Sam. efq. Charter houfe-fq. 1 Droz, Simeon, efq. Berner s-ftreet 3 Drummond, Jo. efq. Bedford-jq. 2 Drummond, Ro. efq. Hereford-st. 10 Duckett, Rich. Rothley Temple, Leicester/hire 1 Dudman, Jo. Deptford 1 Duncan, Alex. efq. Camberwell 2 Duncomb, H. efq. M.P. Pall Mall 1 Durham, Bifhop of, Cavendijb-sq. 1 Duthoit, James, Beech-st. Barbican 1 Duthoit, James, Old Broad-st. 1 Duthoit, Petei, efq. Highbury Place 1 Duthoit, Mifs Sufannah, ditto 1 Dyer, George, efq. Mincing-lane 1 Dyneley, Jo. efq. Bloomjbury-sq. 5 Dyfon, George, Botolph-lam 4 Dyfon, Theophilus, New Baftng- ball- street 1 Dyfon, Thomas, Difs, Norfolk 1 E Earle, Jof. 92, Wat ling ft. 2 Echalaz, Jof. Broad ft. 1 Eckerfall, Jo. Knoll Park, Briftol 2 Edgar, Capt. Alex. Mr. Ommany's Bloonifbury Square 2 Edmunds, Mifs Amelia, Worflrough, near Barnejley 1 Edwards, Edward, Alderfgate ft. j Edwards, Gerard Noel, efq. M. P. Cafru fe Edge, near Uppingham 1 Edward', Jofeph, efq. Northoram , near Halifax 4 Edwards, Mifs Sally, Ditto j Edwards, Mifs Sophia Elizabeth, Ketland, Rutlandjbire 1 Edwards, William, Coleman ft. 2 Edye, Jof. efq. Briftol 2 Egerton, Ezekiel, Budge Row I Elam, Emanuel, Leeds 3 Elam, Mrs. Mary, Ditto 2 Elam, Sam. junr. Ditto 1 Eldred, Tho. Caftle c. Birchin l. 1 Elford, Jona. efq. Plymouth 2 Elford,W. efq. Biikham,nenr Plym. 2 Eliot, The Hon. Ed. Ja. M. P. Downing ft. 2 Ellice, Alex, efq .Mark lane 1 Ellil,Jo. efq. Cannon jt. 1 Elliot, C. New Bond ftreel 5 Elliot, Jo. 8, Billiter lane 1 Ellis, Jof. Tooley ftrtet 1 Ellis, Will. 19, Fleet jlreet 1 Elmfall, Edward, Thornhill \ near W (ikefield x Elphinltone, Hon. Will. Mortimer ft. Cavendijh Sq. | Engell, Henry, V/ellchfe Square 2 Enovy, Jo. Chrillian, Rockingham row, Newington j Erck,Hen. Wentwortb-ft. Whitecb. 2 Efdaile, Eliz. Clapham 2 Efdaile, Will. Ditto 3 Eltlin, Rev. J. P. Briftol 2 Etheridge, Sam. Bank-bullion Office 3 Evance, Jo. Queen ft. Cheapfide 4 Evan, C .efq. Highgrove, near Glou. 1 Evans, Mifs Ann Janet, 10, Old Change { Evans, David, Old Change 2 Evans, Fra. Mr. Thompjon, Grace- church ftreit 2 Evans, Henry, efq. 27, Hatton ft. 5 Evans, Henry, King ftreit 2 Evans, Jo. 21, Lombard ft. 1 Evans, Jonathan, Exeter 1 Evans, Walter, Derby 2 Evans, Will. Auftin Jriars j Everett, Jo. Gale efq. Heytefiury , Witts. Everett, Jof. Sarum, Wdts. Everett, Tho. Bcdfod Sq. \ Eyre, Rev. Jo. Hackney Eyton, T. efq. Wellington, Shropfh. 1 F. Faden, Will. Strand 2 Fagg, Jo. efq. Ramfgate 1 Falkner, Francis, Bath 1 Farborough, Jof. High ft. Borough 5 Farhill, Jo. efq. Great Ruffiel ft. 1 Farifh, Jas. Cambridge 2 Farifh, Rev. W. Magdalen College Cambridge 2 Farmer, Rich. Kennington Common 3 Farquharfon, Jas. efq, Camber-ioell 2 Farquharfon, Rob. junr. efq. Ditto 2 Farrer, J. efq. S Mary Hill 3 Fuflet, Thomas, efq. Sturbiton,near Kingfion 1 Faffet, William, Ludgate-ft. 2 Fawkes, Edw. efq. Batterjea rife 2 Feilden, H. efq. Blackburn, Lancajh. 1 Fellows, Jo. efq. Nottingham 1 Fenn, Jo. Cornhill 3 Fenn, Nathl. Botolph-lane 10 Fenn, Thos. efq. Ballingdon, Effex 8 Fenton, David, Old Jewry 1 Fenton, Wm. efq. Spring Grove, . near Huddersfield 2 Fernhough, V1V0 to the Sierra Leona Company Fernhough, Jo. George inn, Snow h. 2 Foreman, Rev. G. Cherry Burton, Yorkjhire 2 Ferrers, Tlios. Angel Alley, TVhitee. 2 Field, Rich. Banlfide, Southwark 2 Field, Wm. Upper Thames -ft. 1 Finch, Chriftopher, cfq. Sudbury 2 Finch, Jas. Siblehedi ngh a m , Eft ex 3 Findlay, Rev. R. Prof eft or of Divi- nity, GlaJ'gow 1 Filher, Wm. Blandford, Dorfetfb . 4 Filhwick, Rich. Newcajtle upon Tyne 1 Fleming, Jas. Whitechapel 1 Fletcher, Henry, Wapping Flight, Jof. St. Mary Axe Flint, Jof. efq. Shrewfbury Flower, Richard, Hertford Foggo, jas. Vineyard walk, Cold bath fields Forbes, Jas. efq. Stanmcre, Middl. Ford, Hugh, efq. Leek, Stajfordjb. Fordham, Ed. King, Royston , Herts. 1 Fordhain, Elias, Knuts worth, Cam. 1 Fordham, Geo. Sandom, Herts. Forfter, Benj. Meggot, efq. Thread- needle ft. Forfter, Edw. Ditto Forfter, Edw.junr. Ditto Forfter, Mifs Sufanah Dorothy, Walthamfiow, Ejfex Forfter, Tho. efq. Clements lane Forfter, Tho. Furley, efq. Thread- needle ft. Forfter, Tho. Furley, efq. jun. ditto 1 Forfter, Wm. Hull ; Forfter, Rev. Henry, Wildernrfs row .G of well ft. 2 Forfter, Joel, Hull r Fothergill, Dr. Anthony, Bath t Fothergill, John, efq. York 2 Fourdrinier, Hen. fen. Lombard ft. 1 Fourdrinier, Jo. Rawfon, Wbitech Fowler, Geo. efq. Hull Fox, John, Ditto Fox, Wm. Chcapjide Fox, Wm. Kingsland Turnpike Fox, Wm. Kings Arms flairs, Lamb. 5 Franks, Wm. efq. Beech hill, Barnet 5 Free, Jo. efq. Bartholomew lane 3 Free, Peter, efq. Broad ft. Buildings 3 Freeman, Sam. Flower, efq. Mark lane 3 Freeman, Tho. Edwards, efq. Sack- ville ft. Piccadilly 3 Fiench, Andrew, efq. Copthall co. 6 French, Dr. Hugh, Rathbone place 3 French, Mrs. Judith, Ditto 1 Frend, Rev. Wm. Jcfus College, Cambridge 1 Frewen, Rev. E. Colchtjhr Frifby, Charles, Mark lane Fryer, J. efq . tfuecn Sq. Bloomjhury 3 Fuller, Benj. Clements c. Milk fired Fuller, Wm. efq. Lombard ft. Fuller, Wm. Mejf, Child's, and Co. Temple Bar G. Gadefley, Rev . Tho. Bedford Gainfborough, Right Hon. The Earl of, Cavendifb Square Gambier, Sam. efq. Sbenley hill, Herts Garlies, Lord Vifcount, Charles ft. St. James' s fq. Gardiner, Col. Tho. Hampton court Green , Middl ef ex 20 Garland, Tho. KTncbefier fireet Garrat, Fr efq. Old Swan Gaviller, Geo. Virginia ft. Gataker, Tho. efq. Princes ft. Gazaam, Wm. junr. Cambridge Gazely, J. S. Gr. Q. ft. Lincolns inn fields Gee, Rev. Rich. Hctham, Yorkjh. Geaft, Rich. efq. Llythe hall , near coal hill, War wickf hire Gibbons, Tho. fen- Treafury Gibbons, Jo. Cha. Ditto Gibbons, Mrs. Mary Ditto Gibbs, Rev. Phil. Plymouth . 2 Gibbs, James, Walbrook 12 Gibby, Rev. Jn. Winterton , Lincoln 2 Gibfon, Rev. G. CarlifleHo. l amb.x Gibfon, Ja. efq. Leadenhall ft. Gibfon, W. Penton pi. IJlington Gill, Ja. Size lane Gill, J n. efq. Savil row, Wal v erth 2 Giles, Dan. efq one of the Directors of the Bank of Eng c.nd 2 Giles, Jn. efq. Greenwich 2 Gifborne, Rev. Tho. Yoxall lodge, near Litchfield 3 Gifborne, Mrs. Mary Ditto 2 Glaifter, Sam. Bifhopfgate ft. 2 Glegg, Jn. Witbington, near Knuts- ford, Chtflure 2 Glencrofs, Ja. Plymouth dock, Denso. 2 Glover, D. Marlin's l. Cannon ft. 1 Glover, Rev. Ed Norwich Glynn, Sir Rich. Kerr, Birchin l. Godfal, Phil. Longacre Gold, Mrs. Ann, Loughborough, Leicefterfbire Golding, Wm. Three crown c. South. Goldimid, Benj. Stamford hi.l Goldfmid, Abr. Ayfifieft. Good- man's fields Goodacre, Jn. fen. efq. Pcat’.ing 2 j hill, Leicefterfbire 1 I Goodacre, jn.jun. efq. Ditto I Z z 3 I 345 Goodacre, T. fenr. efq Lelr,Leic. 3 Good heart,E man. HofefenyL me- honfe 2 Goodheart, Eman. jun. Lmehoufe 1 Goodheart, Jac. Ditto 2 Goodhew, Wm. efq. Deptford t Goodman, Job, Towcefter, Nortba.i Goodyer, Geo. Dynelv, efq. Glouc. z Gofling, W. Met chant, Mark lane 6 Gorton, Will. efq. St. James's p. 1. 1 Grace, Rich. Minories 1 Grace, Rich. efq. Old fitrect 8 Grafton, Mifs Mary, Plum ford Ejfex 1 Grafton, Mrs. Eliz. Ditto 1 urahame, Rob. Glafgow 1 Grant, Ch. efq. Queens fq Blocmfb. 3 Grant, Jn. efq. Load ft. 2 Grave, jn. efq. Lombard ft. j Graves, Rev. Tho. Broughton , Aftly , Leicefterfinre 2 Graves, Tho. Rumford 1 G ray, Benj. Scot 5 yard, Bufh lane 3 Gray, Walker, efq. London ft. 3 Gray, W. junr. York ‘ 2 Greathead, Rev. Sam. Newport, Pagnel, Bucks 3 Green, Mifs An. Maria, Terrace , Camberwell j Green, Jn. efq. Ditto 2 Green, jn. Canterbury fq. 2 Green, Jof. Winchfttr ft. jo Green, Sir V, m. Bart. Mortimer J't Cavenaifisfq. ^ Green, W. efq .' Little Winchefier ft 1 Grtcne, Rev. Hen. Roilefton , near Hat borough, Leicefterjbne 2 Greene, Hen. efq. Peter houfe Col. Cambridge 2 Greenwood. Abr. cfq. Staining lane 2 Greenwood, Jof. CoggcfhaH, Efftx 1 Greenwood, Tho. 23, Feuehurchft. 1 Greville, And. Crewe, St. John's ft. 1 Grey, John, Water lane 3 Griffin, Cha. A ew Bond ft. j Griffin, Wm. fen. Ditto 1 Griffinhoofe, Mrs. Jane, Hampton t Griffinhoofe, Wm. Jo. Ditto 1 Griffin, Geo. P ha nix Fire Office 2 Griffith, Ed. efq. Caernarvon 1 Grigby, Jofh. efq. Drinkfion, Bury 2 Grill, Claes, efq. S wed fib Conjul General, D unfit cr c. Mincing lane 1 Grill, Mrs. Maria, Ditto 1 Grill, Mifs Carolina, Ditto 1 Grill, Mifs Maria, Ditto 1 Grill, Charles Henry, Ditto 1 Grimfton, Hen. efq. Efion, near Beverley, J orkfhire 1 Grimfton, Tho. efq. Ki!nwich,near Beverley, Yorkjhire 2 j I Grimwood, J. M. efq. Lincoln- Inn 3 Groom- l6 Names of the original Subfcribers Groombridge, Step. W. Smithfield i Grote, Geo. efq. 7 hreadncedle ft. 5 Grote, Jof. efq. Leaden hall ft. 3 Guillaume, Tho. efq. Southampton 2 Gurdon, Rev. Phil. Affington hall, near Boxford, Suffolk 5 Gurney, Barflet, efq. Norwich 3 Gurney, Jof. Ea/flane, Walworth 1 Gutteridge, Jof. efq. Camberwell i, G uyon, Claude P hil. efq. Greenwich 3 H. Haddock, John, Rye, Suffix Hadley, Nath. Lotigacre Hadley, Sam. efq. Ditto 2 Hainvvorth, Mil’s Han. Graveley, Herts. 1 Hall, Amb. Baftnghall ft. 1 Hall, Rev. Ja. Edinburgh 1 Hall, Jof. Briftol 4 Hall, Hen. Owen, Gracechurch ft. 1 Hall, Luke, Gutter lane I H ambly , Tho. New erfs ft. Deptford 1 Hamilton, Dr. Rob. Lynn, Norfolk 1 Hammerfley, Tho. efq. Palmall 10 Hammond, Arth. Atherley, efq. St. ‘John's Coll. Cambridge Hammond, Cha. Hillgrove, efq. Trinity Coll. Oxford 1 Hammond, Geo. 145, Whitechapel 1 1 1 1 1 3 10 3 Hammond, Jo. Trump ft. Hammond, Sam. Cheapfide Hanbury, John, Threadneedle ft. Hancock, J . Queen ft. Cheapfide 3 Hancock, Jof. London ft. ) Hancock, J. Ellington, Ditto 1 Hancock, Mat. Clements c. Milk ft. 3 Hanrott,Fr. efq. Ely pi. Holborn Hanfon, Edw. efq. Steelyard 5 Hanfon, Sam. Botolph lane Hardcaftle, Jof. efq. Ducksfoot l. 20 Hardcallle, Mrs. Eliza, IJlingtonpl, 4 Hare, John, Lincoln 1 Harford, Edw. efq. Briftol 2 Harford, J. Scandrett, efq. Ditto 2 Harford, Rich. efq. Fredericks pla. 1 Hargood, Hezeki. efq. Fillers Jl. 4 Harman, Abr. Cbifwellft. Moorfi. 2 Harman, Jer. efq. Fivjbury fq. 2 Harrifon, Mrs. Barbara, P entonville 1 Harrifon, Tho. E. Smithfield 1 Harrifon, Jof .Tooleyft. j Harrifon, Rob. Lombard ft. 2 Harris, Jo. Bridge ft. Weftminfter 3 Harris, Mrs. Mary, Leicefter 2 Harris, Rich. Thames ft. 5 Harris, Wm. Palace yd. 1 •Harris, Mifs Sarah, 69, Fleet ft. 1 Harrop, Cha. Hammcrfmith 2 Hart, George, Walwcrth Terrace 2 Hart, Jof. Cambridge 1 Hart, Rev. Benj. Norwich 3 Harvey, Rob. jun. efq. Norwich 4 Hafe, Hen. Upper Thames ft. 1 Hatfull, Geo. Union ft. Deptford 1 Haughton, Harry, efq. Queen fq. 10 Hawes, Jo. Sugar refiner, Manfillft. 3 Hawkins, J. efq. Burton upon Trent 20 Hay, Mifs F ranees, Glynhourne, Suf- fix, No. 17. Cavevdijh fq. Hay, Mifs Henrietta, Ditto Haycraft, Tho. Deptford Haycraft, Jof. Greenland dock Hayne, Tho. Milk ft. Hayne, Wm. Ditto Hayton, Amos, efq. Mark lane Hayward, J. Newington caufiway, Surry 2 Hearne, Tho. Bankfide, near Coop- ers bridge 2 Heineken, Crillian, efq. Peckham 10 Hennell, Dav. Wollafton, Northamp. 2 Hennell, Rob. efq. Fvfter lane 1 2 Hepburn, Jo. Long lane , Southwark 2 Hepworth, Rev. Jo. Burton upon Trent 2 Herron, Rich. Borough 1 Herring, Jo. ft.Storeft. Bedford fq. 2 Herring, Will. Norwich Hervey, Rev. Edm. Willan, Herts. Hervey, Mrs. Eliza, Hinxworth, near New Inn Baldock, Herts. Hervey, Jo. efq. Norwich Helfe, Mrs. Sarah, Betts ft. Rat- cliffc Hewlett, Will. 460, Strand Hewfon, Dav. Botolph lane 10 Hey, Rev. Jo. Norrifian Prcfiffhr of Divinity, Cambridge Hey, Rev. Sam. Steeple AJbton, near Trowbridge, Wilts. Hey, Rich. Magdalen Col. Cambr. 1 Hill, Jo. efq . Lombard ft. 4 Hill, Mifs Ruperria, Fore ft. 7. Hill, Rev. Rowland, Surry Chap. St. Geo. road 3 Hill, Tho. Merchant, Exeter 2 Hiller, Nath. efq. Lavcnham, Snff. 2 Hillicr, Rich. j,Gr. Surry ft. Black- friars road 1 Hillier, Mifs Eliza. Pancras l. 3 Hilman, Sir Wm. Board of Green cloth, St. James' s palace 2 Hills, Mifs Martha, Bffopfgate ft. 1 Hilton, Fr. efq. Finjlury place 2 Hinckley, Hen. Leeds 2 HippufF, Cha. Birchin lane 2 Hirft, Edw. 72, Alderfgate ft. 2 Hoare, Hen. efq. Fleet ft. 2 Hoare, Hen Hugh, efq. Ditto 2 Hoare, Rev. Ed. Hen. Newark 2 Hoare, Sam. jun. efq. Lombard ft. 10 Hobbs, Rev. Giles, North hill, C Ic. 2 Hodges, Weckens, efq. Highgate 1 Hodgkinfon, Enoch, efq. Stamfrdft .4 Hodgkinfon, Samfon, 87, Srow h. 1 Hodgfon, Rob. efq. Congleton, Chejhire 20 Hodgfon, Tho. Church l. Whitech. 3 Hoffman, Jo. Chriftian, Bfhopfgate ft. within 2 Hogg, Rev. Reynold, Thrapfton, Northampton 5 Holbert, Rich. Denmark hill. Cam. 2 Holbrook, Jof. efq. Fillers ft. Strand 2 Holden, Joi. Newington Green, crofs ft. IJlington 3 Holdfworth, Wm. 80, E. Smithfield 2 Holland, Hen. General Pcft Office 1 Hollingworth, Rich. efq. Queen ft. Hey, Will. efq. Leeds 1 o Heygate, J. efq. Aldermanbury Heyman, Hen. efq. Old Jewry Hey rick, Jo. jun. efq. Leicefter Heyrick, Will. efq. Ditto Hibbert, Jof. Crutched friars Hide, Tho. Seymour, efq. Chafifield lodge, Herts. Higgin, Jo. efq. London ft. j Higginfon, Alex. efq. Harley ft. 1 Highmore, Mr. Anth. jun. Bury c. St. Mary Axe Hilbert, Jo. efq. Wandfworth 1 Hill, Sir Rich. Bart. M. P. Hawkfton, Salop Hill, Jo. General Pofi Office >7 Weftminfter Holloway, Tho. Chancery lane 5 Holms, Wm. Pudfiy, near Leeds I Holt, Ja. efq. Tottenham 3 Holt, Jo. efq. Ditto 5 Holwell, Ed. efq. Exmouth, Devon 1 Homewood, Ed. Kirby h. Horton Kent 2 Homewood, Wm. Faverfham , Kent I Hooper, Cleeve, Ringmore, near Lewis, Srffex 1 Hooper, Geo. efq. Greenwich, Kent I Hooper, Steph. Margate 1 Hoppe, Jo. St. Paul’s church yard I Hornby, Wm. efq. Gainfborough, Lincolnjhire 5 Horncaftle, Tho. Batterfia 2 Horner, Jo. jun. Hull 1 Horner, Mifs Jane, Ditto 1 Horner, Mifs Mary, Hull 1 Horner, Jof. Butterfattur, York 1 Horniblow, to the Sierra Leona Company. 34 7 Horniblow, Wm. efq. Shipfion, Worcejierfihire 3 Hornidge, Jo. Lombard ft. i Horton, Jo. Lawrence Pountney l. 5 Horton, Tho. Ditto 5 Hofe, J. D. efq .Merch.Ludgateh. 5 Hofkyn, Mrs. Eliz. Harpford , near Qtlery, Dfvonjb. 2 Houghton, Jo. Draper, Huddersfield 6 Houlbrooke, Rev. Theoph. Holly- grove, Sbropfih. 2 Houfon, Ja. Lincoln's Inn ‘l How, Rich. Afipley, Bedford]!:. 1 Howard, Benj. 23, Mart.n s-lane Cannon-ftreet 3 Howard. Jo. Carton, Hull 2 Howard, Mifs Ann, Ditto 2 Howe, Edw. Ruftell, efq Go veer-fit. Bedford-fqua e 5 Howe, Capt. Jo. Queen Ann fiheet Wefitminfiter 2 Howlett, Rev. Jo. Great Dunmow EJJex 4 Hudfon, Ja. efq. Norwich 3 Hughes, Rev. Tho. Wimbledon 1 Hulme, Dr. Nath. Cbarterbowfe-fq. 3 Humphrey, Rev. Jo. Sprou/ton Hall, Norfolk 2 Kundiebee, Abednego, Crown-fit. Moorfiields 1 Hunt, Jo. Newton, Colcbefiter 2 Hunt, Wm. Efifex 1 Hunt, William, ManufaHurer- f quart, Birmingham 3 Hunter, T. Pilgrim fit. Blackfiriars 2 Hurloek, Jof fen. efq. Litifey-row Chelfiea- common 2 Hutchinfon, Ifaac, Cannon- fil. 1 Hutchinfon, Bury, efq. Brewer's Hall, Addle-fitreet 1 Hutfon, Henry, efq. Cufitom-boufie 2 Hynam, Wm. Ratcliff- higtsway j I. Jackfon, Abr. Finch lane, Cornhill 3 Jackfon, Ja. efq. New Road, St. George’s in the Eafit 3 Jackfon, Jo. Bungay, Suffolk 4 Jackfon, Jof. efq. Hatton Ga den 3 Jackfon, bam. Great Puulttney-fii. St. James's 1 Jacobs, Wm. Pavement , Moorfiields 1 Jamefon, Rob. Ironmonger -l.v.e 1 jaques. Rev. J .Packington,Warw. 1 Jaques, Rich. Lifter, Size-lane 5 Jarman, Mrs. Margaret, Charter - houfic-fipiare 2 Jarratt, R.ev. Rob. Wellington, Somfi. 2 Jee, Tho. Weightman, Pickle/on, L iccfierjhire 1 Jefferies, Ed. efq. St. Tbo's Hfipital 5 Jeffery, Geo. efq. Thrr.gmorton-fil. 5 Jefferys, Mat. Kidderminjler , Wore. 5 JefFreis, Thomas, Cockfipur-fireet 5 Jeffreys, John, efq. Bath 2 Jeffries, John, efq. Gloucefier 6 Jelf, James, Gloucefier 1 Jennings, Jo. Wingate, jun. Har- lington , near W jo burn, Bedford]!:. 2 Jenour, Jofhua, efq. Fleet-filreet 5 Jeffop, Wm. New ark- upon -i rent 5 Ind, Edward, efq. Cambridge 2 Inglis, Hugh, efq. Bedford-row 1 Inglis, J ohn, efq. Mark-lane 1 Jobling, John, Cnpplegate 2 Johnfon, Andrew, efq. Broad-fit. 2 Johnfon, Mrs. Sarah, Burleigh-field , near Loughborough, Leicejterfi:. 2 Johnfon, Mifs Anne Jane, Ditto 2 Johnfon, Mifs Elizabeth, Ditto 2 Johnfon, Mifs Sarah, Ditto 2 Jones, Evan, Jo. Poultry, Crown-Jl. Moorfiields 1 Jones, John, Wcfi Smithfield 1 Jones, Tho. 2S4, High fil. Scuthw. 3 Jones, Rev. Tho. Trinity College, Cambridge 2 Jones, William, Cbaring-crofis 3 Jones, William, St. Mary Axe 2 Jones, Rev. Wm. Oakham Ripley, Surry 1 Jordan, John, Gofport 3 Jofcelyn, Mrs. Martha, Rumfiord, Efi. 1 Jofeph, R. Pewtirer, Little Niwfil. 2 Jowett, Rev. Dr. Jof. Profeffor of Civ'u Law, Cambridge 4 Joyce, Jofnua, Efifex-fil. Strand 2 Irton, Edm. Lamplugh, efq. Irton Hall, Whitehaven, Cumberland 2 Ifaac, Elias, Worccfihr 1 Ifelin,Jo. Fredr. 4, Cloak-lane 1 Ifelin, J. Luke, efq. Norwich 2 Ifherwood, Thomas, efq. Highgate 2 Judd, Jofeph, 6, Wbite-l.on-filreet, Norton -Falgate 1 Ives, Jer. efq. Car: on, near Norwich 3 Izod, Tho. Adams Place, near St. George's Church, Southwark 2 K. Kaye, Benjamin, Leeds 1 Keddy, Ralph, Mile end 6 Keen, Henry, efq. Walworth 5 Keinble, Jo. efq. Carolu.e-fi. Bed- ford-Jquare 2 Kemble, Edw. Bow lane, Cbeapfide 1 Kemble, Francis, Sweitbing' s-lane 3 Kemp, Jo. Coal Fad/or, Bermondfi. 1 Kennedy, Rev. Tho. Mancbcfier 1 Kerrifh, John, efq. lia> hfilon-ball , Norfolk 2 Kett, Thomas efq. Norwich 2 Kettle, Godfrey, efq. Gowerfilreet, Bedford-fiquare 5 Key fall, John, Temple Bar 1 Keyfer, Aifur, Savage-garden , P ower-l ill 1 King, Rev. Rich. Wort hen, Salop 1 King, Edw. efq, Searle-Jlreet , Lin- coln’s inn-fields 2 King, Samuel, efq. Hull 3 King, Ifaac, Wycombe, Bucks 1 King, John, Blandfcrd 1 Kinglake, Rob. efq. Chippingnortcr. 2 Kinglbury, Rev. Wm. Southampton 1 Kingfton, Benj. efq. Wimpole-Jlreet 3 Kingfton, Geo. Bandon , near Corke x Kingfton, Jo. efq. Lower GroJhoe- nor-fireet j o Kingfton, Robert, efq. Coleman-Jl. 5 Kingfton, Rob. efq. Oporto Kingfton, Stephen, Philadelphia 2 Kinnaird, Rt. Hon. Geo. Lord, Meffrs. Hammerfiy, Pall Mall 1 Kittmer, Benj. Walfiingbam, Norfi. 2 Knies, Andrew, Wcllclofiefiquare 1 Knight, William, Camberwell t Knight, Edw. Brick-lane, Old-fit. 1 Knight, Fr. efq. Clifford-jireet Burlington-garden 2 Knipe, Rob efq. Weymoutb-Jlreet , Portland- place 3 Knowles, Henry, High fi. Borough 4 Kohn, George Lewis, London-ftnet 1 Kymer, Jo. efq. Scot’s Yd. Bfih-t. 1 7 L. Ladbroke, Rich. efq. Queen’s-fiq. q Laforeft, Wm. Upper Thames-fit . 4 Lamb, John, efq. Golden fiquare 10 Lambard, Multon, efq. Sevencaks, Kent 3 Lambe, Wm. efq. Pump-c. Temple 2 Lane, Timothy, Alderfgatc-flreet 3 Lanfear, Amb. 32, Cbeapfide 3 Langfton, William, Gutter-lane 1 Langfton, S. efq. Watling-filreet 2 Lardner, Jo. 36 ,Hight-Ji. Southw. 1 Latham, Charles, Melton, Mowbray 2 Launder, Rev. Ab. Collin, Notting. 1 Law, Robert, Stock Exchange 5 Law, James, efq. Portland Place 1 Lawford, Samuel, Pe.kham 1 Lawrence, Effingham, Merchant Great Tower bill 1 Lawrence, J. Towers, Birmingham 1 Lawrence, Richard, e(q. Leman- Jireet, Goodman s-fielcs j Layton, John, 41, Lime- ft set 1 Lee, Richard , Old Jewry 1 Lcathley, John, St. Dutjl. n.-hill 2 Leach, John, Cornhill 1 Lee, Jofhua, High-fireet, Southwark 5 Leech, 348 Names of the original Subfcribers Leech, Tim. Corbelt-court , Grace- church-ftreet 2 Leigh, Rev. William, Bath 2 Legard, Mrs. Frances, B.verley, Yorkshire 2 Le Mefurier, Paul, efq. M. P. W albrook 5 Lettice, Rev. John, Peafemarjh, near Lamberhurft , Sujfex I Leverton, Thomas, Quen’s-ftreet, Lincoln' s-inn-jields 1 Levett, William, Hull 1 Levy, Zach. Broad-jl. B iddings 5 Lewis, Edw. Upper 1 Thames-Jlreet 3 Lewis, Mrs. Hannah, 16, BiJhopJ- gate-Jlreet, within I Lewis, J. St. Paul's- C lurch Yard 10 Lewis, Thomas, efq. Gower-Jlreet 5 Leycefter, Ralph, efq. Hallgrove near Bag/ho', S my 5 Lievrre, Rev. Peter, Church-ftreet, Deptford I Lilckindcy, George, Pafonftreet, E >J1 Smith field I Lindo, Mofes, jun. ^OyLeadenhft. 2 Lifter, Daniel, Hackney 5 Li vius, George, efq. Bedford 10 Lloyd, Mifs Ann, Yak 2 Lloyd, Daniel, Bewldown, near Oley, Gloucejlerjhire 2 Lloyd, Sir Edward, Bart. Lower Seymour-flreet 2 Lloyd, Gamaliel, efq. Bury, Suff. 2 Lloyd, Nathan. Ely, Gloucefnrjh. 2 Lloyd, Sam. Merchant , Lower Thasnes-Jlreet I o Lloyd, William, Ditto 10 Lock, John, F ijbftreet-hill 1 Lock, Rev. Robert, Newark 1 Lockwood, Tho. efq. Mortiiner- freet, CavcndiJh-Jquare 4 Logger: , Tho. B ftnghallftreet 1 Lomas, R’v. Hen. C ippingnirton 3 London, Dr. B. Porteus, Bilhop of, St. James' s-fquare 1 Longridge, Mic. Sunderland, Dur. 1 Lofeby, John, Leicfter 2 Loufada, If. Baruch, efq. De-von- Jhire-Jqiare 4 Lovenden, Edw. Lovendcn, efq. M. P. Cndmt ft ct 4 Lucas, Matthew, T.w/r Dock 1 Lucas, Nathaniel, efq. B .dge-row 8 Lucas, Rob. St. John, York-hot.f, Bath 1 Luders, Alex. Abingdon, WJlnin. 5 Ludlam, Wm. efq. Queen-f reet, Cheapftde I Lum, Aubrey Jof. Stuari-ftreet, Old Artillery Ground 1 Lum, Mifs Mary, Ditto i Luttrel, Fr. Fownes, efq.Powis-pl.2 Lufhington, William, efq. M. P. Porlland-place 4 Lyon, Dr. Benj. Bartlet's Build- ings, H,iborn 2 M. Macauley, Rev. Auley.efq. Clay- brook, Leictfer 1 Machell, Chr. efq. Beverley i Mackay, Alex. Geo. 34, New Broad-ftreet 1 Macreth, Rob. efq. M. P. Coik-ft. 2 Macmurdo, Edw. Longdon, efq. Bread-ftreet 3 Ma&aggart, Jo. efq. Scot's -Yard, Bijh-lune 27 Maddox, Wm. P aradife-row , Rotbirhithe 1 Mair, John, efq. 60, Friday-ftreet 3 Mainwaring, Mrs. Ann, Bennet- f trees, Cam hr i ige 2 Maitland, Jo. efq. Baftngball-ft. 10 Mallet, John, Newington Green 3 Mallet, Mrs. Martha, Mark-lane 3 Mallet, Philip, jun. Newington Green 3 Mallet, Phil. Mark-lane 4 Mallet, Charles, Newington Green 3 Mallet, Mifs Patty, Ditto 3 Maltby, Tho. at Mejfrs. Walter-, Maitby, and Co. 3 Manning, Geo. St. Thomas, Exeter 3 Manning, Mifs Mary, Ditto 1 Manning, Rev. James, Exeter 2 Manning, Rev. Jo. Wyccmb, Bucks 1 Manning, Mrs. Mary, Exeter 1 Manning, Sam efq. Wycomb, Bucks 1 Manning, Tho. Topjham, De-vonJ. 2 Mansfield, John, efq. Leicejttr 2 Mansfield, John, jun. Ditto 2 Mansfield, James, Ditto 2 Man. field, Mifs Sarah, D.rby 1 Marriot, Rich. Ruthbone Place 1 Marriot, William, Hoxton-fquare 1 Mar (hall, Caleb, Scot's-yd- Bujb-l. 5 Martin, Amb. efq. Finch-l me 3 Martin, James, efq. M. P. Tewkjbury 3 Martin, Mrs. Downlng-Jtreet j Martindaie, J. efq. St. James' s-ft. 2 Mardneau, Philip Meadows, efq. N rwich 2 Maferes, Fran. efq. Ki g's-bench W.i.k, Tem h 2 Mafon, John, Deptford 1 Mafon, Rev. Geo. Li r, Leicrf eJ. 2 Mafon, John, Groc r, L o nbard-Jt. 1 Mafon, Rev. William, York 2 X Mather, Jo. Martin's-!. Cannon-Jt. 1 Mather, Benj. Wellingborough, Nortbamptonjbire 2 Matthew, Rev. Anthony Stephen, Rathbone Place 2 Matthews, George, Chippi ignorton z Matthews, Mrs. Mary, DLto r Maud, Jam. Jo. efq. P dice's -fq. 1 Maver, Jo. efq. Foe Ordiiary- couri, Ncholas -lane 1 Maw, Jo. Gainjborougb, Lincohjh. 4 May, John, efq. Malden. Ejjex r Mayelftone, Ja. Ci cu . Mmories 1 Maynard, Tho. 1 8, H aton -garden 1 Maynard, Th. efq. Hoxmhdl, S ft. 2 Mayow, Winnel Mayow, Sydenham 1 Mazzanti, Ferdinand, 4, Tiichfeld- f eet, Oxford Mai ket 3 Meggitt, John, Wakfnld, Yorks 1 Mellifh, John, efq. Bijhopfgate-Jt . 3 Mellifh, William, efq. Ditto 3 Meller, John, Ca i 0 Printer, Le- •vensholm, near Manchefter 1 Mercer, Wm. efq. BaJinghall-ft, 1 Meftaer, Peter Everitt, efq. Ro- therhithe 3 Metcalre, Bilton, GJden-leg-court Cleapjide 3 Meyer, Mifs Cath. Leadenhall-ft. 1 Meyer, Herman, Ditto 1 Meyer, James, Ditto 2 Meyer, John, Aigel-court, Throg- morton-ftreet 3 Mexted, John, Ba ki ig church- yard, Tower -ft eet 1 Meymott, William, Prftp A -place, St. George's, Soutbwat k, 1 Middleton, Sir Charles, Bart. Hertford ft eet , Mayfair 1 o Mildred, Daniel, efq. Fi’Jburyfq. 1 Mildred, 1 homas, Dif, NcrJ'olk 1 Miles, Robert, Af.on Magna 1 Miles, Rich. Campden, Glauceftirf. 1 Milford, Samuel, efq. Exeter 51 Milford, Samuel Frederick, Mer- chant, Exeter 2 Millard, Rev. Charles, Beacon- dalc, near Nirwicb 2 Miller, Jo. Stone Buildings, Lin- coln's-inn j Miller, Frederick, Swallcw-ftreet 4 Millikin, H. Benfon, Whitechapel 1 Mills, Charles, efq. Btrcbin-lane 6 Mills, Jacob, Mr.naguc-cloje Mills, John, C l bY igan, Lancajhire 1 Sykes, Sir Chriilopher, Bart. Sled- more Yorkshire IO Sykes, Jof. efq. Hull 4 Sykes, Mrs. Weft Ella, Ycrkftoire z Sykes, Mifs Mary Ann, Ditto 2 Syms, James Renat, Pudding lane 1 T. T abor, Rob. efq. Hythe, Colchefter z Tailer, Jo.Bayl y ,Woodbridge,Suf. 2 Tayler, Rev. Tho. Ppwis place, Ormond ft. 3 Taylor, Benj. Sutton, St. Edmunds, near Wiftlech 2 Taylor, Ed. Farmer, Chkbtell, Claverlty , Salop 5 Taylor, Gavvan, Scarborough 2 Taylor, Geo. Alderfon,efq. Bowe , near Creata bridge 2 Taylor, Jo. efq. Birmingham 7 Taylor, Jo. efq. Steel yard 2 Taylor, Jof. efq. Lynn, Norfolk 3 Taylor, lfaac, Bifhopfgate ft. without 1 Taylor, Meadows, efq. Difts, Norft. 2 Tayior, Sam. efq. Hatton garden 5 Taylor, Vickeris, efq. Great St. Helens Taylor, Walter, efq. Southampton Taylor, Wm. efq. Greenwich 3 Taylor, Wm.jun. Norwich 3 Ttmpleman, Mrs. Gather. Size l. \ Templeman, Thomas, Ditto to Terrington, John, Hull Terrington, Wm. Newington Butts 2 Terry, Rich. Hull Thefegar, Auguftus, General Poft Ojftce Thompfen, Achicfon, efq. N every, Ireland Thompfon, Jas. Dyers buildings, Hoi. Thompfon, Jo. efq. Croydon, Surry 1 Thompfon, lfahc, Crofts lane, tSt. Mary's bill Thompfon, lfaac, jur.. Ditto Thompfon, Rev. Clapham Thompfon, Tho. efq. Hull Thompfon, Wm. Leeds 5 Thompfon, V m. Hull, Yorkfthire 1 Thomfon, Win. efq. Birds buildings, Ijlingjton < I Names cj the original Subscribers Thorn, Abraham, Hackney 1 Thornton, Henry, efq. M. P. Kings arms yard y8 Thornton, Jo. King James's ft airs. Shadin' ell 3 Thornton, Rich. Horfleydown 8 Thornton, Rob. efq. M. P. Clap- ham, Surry 1 8 Thornton, Sam. efq. M. P. Ditto 6 Thorold, Mrs. Frances, Grimjby, Lincolnfthire 2 Thorold, Mrs. Mary, Hatnpftead 2 Thorp, Abr. 76. Bifhopfgate ft. 1 Thorpe, Anthony, York 2 Tibbits, Rich. Milk ft. \q Tickcll, Wm. Bath j Tigh, P„ob. Stearne,efq. Clanville Lodge, near Andover 4 Tigncombe, Jo. efq. Plymouth 3 Tiler, John, Bow lane j Tiiiley, William, Newgate ft. 1 Tindall, Jas. Scarborough 2 Tingcombe, Jonathan, Plymouth 2 Tolcien, Dan. Gotlieb, Bedford ft. Covent garden 1 Tomkins, Benj. Upper Thames ft. 1 Tomkins, jo. Wm. K ritual ling Of. 1 Tomkins, Jo. Abingdon 1 Tomkins, Jof. elq. Ditto 2 Tomkins, Wm. efq. Ditto 2 Tomkins, Wm. jun. efq. Ditto 2 Toogood, Wm. efq. Shcrborn, Dorftetfthire 2 Toplis, Jo. efq. Workftworth, Derb.z Torkington, James, Stamford 1 Torkington, William, Ditto 3 Tov.good, Jo. efq, Clements l. 10 Towgood, Matt. Stock Exchange 5 Towgood, Wm. efq. Bread, ft. 10 Towle, Jof. Borough High ft. 1 Townfend, Rich. 18, Fenchurch ft. 1 Townley, Jas. efq. Doctors Commons 3 Townfend, Edw. 47, Lime ft. 1 Trigge, Cap*. Jo. Bath 1 T rimbey , J o. eiq. Queen ft. Cheapft. r o Trimmer. Jas. Botolph lane 10 Tritton, Jo.Hinton, efq. Lombard ft. 1 Trump, Tho. Paradftcft. Rother- hithe 1 Trye, Ch. Brandon, Gloucefter 3 Tucker, Tho. 20, Somerfttt ft. Whitechapel Tuffen, Jo. Fumell, Lower Thames ft. Tulk, Jo. Aug. efq. Sloan ft. Knightftbridge 2 Tupper, Jo. Klifha, Guertftcy 2 Turnbull, Jo. efq. Devonjhireftq. 2 Turner, Rev. Baptift Noel, Den- ton, Lincolnfthire 2 Turner, Dorothy, Limeloufte 1 Turner, Jofa. Leeds 1 Turner, Tho. efq. Hull 1 Turner, Tho. Derby \ Turney, Wm. Wood ft. Chcapftdt 1 Tutin, William, Birmingham 1 Twining, Jo. Eftftexft. 3 Twining, Rich. Ditto 3 Tylee, John, Devizes 2 Tyler, Rev. Will. Parlney, Lincoln, 2 V. Valpy, Rev. Dav. Reading 1 Vaux, Edw. efq. Anft in Friars 4 Venn, Edw. Bow lane, Chcapftide 1 Vincent, Zelophehad Wyeth, Little St. Thomas ApoJUe 2 Vivian, Jo. efq. ft anficldc. Temple 5 Vulliamy, Lewis, Leman ft. Good- man's fields 1 W. Waddington, Jo. Minorics Wadftrom, Ch. B. Manchefter Wagftaffe, Jo. Ncrvoicb Wainman, Rev. Rich. B. A. Boddington, North am. ptonfte. Wainman, Will. efq. Carhcad, Cra- ven, Yorkfth. Waldron, Jo. Bank of England vVallford, Jo. Tower Dock Walford, jo. Little Winchefter ft. Walford, Luke Wm. Ditto W alker, J o. Brick lane V/alker, Jona. efq. Femham,near Rotherham 2 Walker, Jof. efq. Eaftwiod, mar Ditto 4 Walker, Jofa. efq. Clifton, mar Ditto 5 Walker, Rich. efq. Manchefter 5 Walker, Rich, at Mr. Willis’s, Borough 1 Walker, Rob. Labour in vain hill y Walker, Sam. efq. Marlborough, near Rotherham Walker, Tho. Holmes, near Ditto Walker, Tho. efq. Red/and, Bnftblz Walker, Tho. efq. Manchefter 5 Walker, Wm. Gravel /. Houndsditch 3 Walker, Wm. Upper Charlotte ft. Portland place 3 Wallis, Peter, Trump ft. 1 Walrond, Mifs Eliz. Fryer, Enter z Walfh, Francis, Bank of England i Walton, Jo. Church l. Whitechapel Walton, Pearfon, St. Mary Axe Walton, Will. Deputy Accomptant Bank Wanfey, Geo. Warminfter Ward, Archer, at Miff. Walkers, Malt by and Co. 3 Ward, to the Sierra Leona Company. 353 Ward , Hen . Wm. Bijhopfgate within z Ware, Jas. efq. Bridgeft. Blackfriarsz Waring, Jof. Lambeth i Waring, Sam. efq. Gloticefter z Warne, Jas. Southwark 3 Warne, Jas. jun. Ditto z Warner, Jo. Fleet ft. 2 Warner, Rev. Dr. Jo. ReSlor of Stour ion, IVilts. I Warner, Rich. Little Wigfton, Leic, 1 Warren, Rev. Erafmus, Bolton row, Piccadilly Z Warren, Geo. Warminfter 1 Warren, Peter, Ditto 1 Warren, Mrs. Mary Domet, Great Rujfel Jl, Bloomjbury 3 Warren, Sam. Ditto 3 Warriner, Geo. N, w Bond Jl. 1 Wathen, Jona. efq. Walbrook 3 Watkinfon, Sam. Lavenham, Suff. z Watfon, Mifs Ann, Whitchurch, Shropjh. 1 Watfon, Chriftoph. Great Tower ft. 1 Watfon, Geo. Sexlingham, Norwich z Watfon, G. efq. Whitchurch, Shrop. 1 Watfon, Jacob Kruger, Little DiJ- taff lane I Watfon, Jo. efq. Mincing lane 3 Watfon, Jo. St. Giles, Norwich 3 Watfon, Jofa. Mincing lane 1 Watts, David Pike, Minories 1 Watts, Jo. efq. General Poft Office 1 Waugh, Jof. efq. Dowgate hill 1 Weaver, Francis, Bathwick z Webb, Jof. 8, Staining lane 1 Webber, Dorothy, Burrow Build- ings, Blackfriars road 1 Webber, Jas. efq. Ditto 1 Webber,Major Jas. 62, Welbeck ft. 3 Webfter, Jude, Spread Eagle Inn, Gracechurch Jl. z Wedgewcod, Jo. efq. EJlruria, Staffordjh. z Wedgewood, Joft. jun. efq. Ditto 6 Wedgewood, Tho. efq. Ditto 3 Wedgwood, Jofi. Greek Jl. Soho j 1 Weed, Sam. Greenwich 1 Welch, Sam. C'ftom hoitfe 3 Wellford, Jo. Lad lane 3 Wells, Jos. efq. Clapham 2 Wells, Peter, efq. Adelphi 2 Welsford, Jo. Creditor, Devonjhire I Weft, Jas. efq .Clapham 3 Wefton, Tho. Clay hill, Enftld 5 Whalley, Daniel, efq. Minories 1 Whalley, Rev. Palmer, ESI on, Northamptonjh. 3 Whalley, Tho. Friday Jl. 2 Watley,.Wm. Oxford c. Cannon f. 1 Whatley, Rev. Geo. Kemble, Hones Green, near Oakingham 1 o Whifhaw, Hugh, Cafle ft. 1 Whitacre, John, Woodhmfe, near Huddjr field 2 Whitaker, Mifs Ann, Loughton hall, Ejfex 2 Whitaker, David, Hackney 1 Whitbread, S. efq. Nl.F.Portmanfq. zo White, Henry, Wood ft. 3 White, Lawrence, Fijh ft. hill 1 White, Rich. 1 24, Wood ft. 1 White, Dr. Step. Foundling Hofpital 3 White, Wm. Bulham 4 Whitehead, Jo. efq. Baftnghall ft. 2 Whitelock, Wm. Leeds 1 Whiting, Mat. efq. Ratcliff crofs z Whitaker, Mrs. Penelope, Man- chefterfq. 3 Whittaker, Mifs Ann, Loughton hall, Ejfex 9 Whittenbury, Jo. efq. Manchefter 2 Whitty, Mrs. Sarah, Lyme Regis, Dcrfetftnre 1 Wicke, Geo. Church l. Whitechap. 1 Wickens, Reh. Aaron, Great Dun- mow, Ejfex 2 Wilberforce, Will. efq. M. P. Old Palace yard IO Wilcocks, Wm. efq. Norwich 1 Wild, John, Queen ft. Southwark 4 Wild, Rich. Bijhopfgatejl. 3 Wilding, Rev. R. Allftretton,Shrop.z Wilkinfon, Geo. Dublin 1 Wilkinfon, Rev. Jas. Sheffield 2 Wilkinfon, Mifs Rebec. Clapham 2 Wilkinfon, Mrs. Rebecca, Prefcot ft. Goodmans fields 1 Williams, Jo. efq. ViSJ nailing Office z Williams, Rev.J. Bridewell, Devon. 1 Williams, John, 26, Bread Jlreet 1 Williams, Jo. 1 9, Arlington Jl. 1 Williams, Jo. Cafely, Exeter 2 Williams, Stephen, Poultry 3 Williams, T. efq. M. P. Adelphi 1 Williamfon, Jolhua, Botolph l. 1 Williamfon, Mat. Bridlington Key 2 Willington, Jas .Phil pot lane 10 Willington, Jo. efq. Kings Bench Walk, Temple I Willis, James, Eaft India Hn/e 1 Willis, John, efq. Dulwich 3 Wilmhurft, Rev. S. Malden, Ejfex 1 Wilfon, Benj. Moorftelds 1 Wilfon, Francis, efq. Navy Office 10 Wilfon, Geo. efq. Lincolns Inn 1 Wilfon, Mrs. Jar.e, Bucklerjbury 1 Wilfon, Jo. Goldfmith ft. 3 Wilfon, Jof. Milk Jl. 3 Wilfon, Mifs Mary, Highbury pi. 3 Wilfon, Stephen, Bucklerjbury 1 Wilfon, Stephen, Church court, Spita/ftelds 3 3B Wilfon, Tho. Broad ft. 3 Wilfon, Tho. efq. Gowa jl. 3 Wilfon, Tho. jun. Wood ft. 3 W i 1 fo n , W m . G oldfinith ft. 3 Wilfon, Will. efq. Clapicn 2 Wilfon, Will. efq. Minories 3 Wilfon, Wm. jan. Ditto 1 Wilfon, William, jun. Hoxton fq. 1 Wiltfhire, Geo. Poultry 2 Windeatt, Sam. Miliord, Bridge town, Totnefs 2 Winter, Ben. Leeds 1 Winter, Sam. jun. Ditto 1 Wifhaw, Jo. Cafle ft. Holborn 1 Witte, Ludeyvig, Wells ft. 2 Witton, Matthew, 63, Chifwell ft. 2 Wilts, Broome, P. 44, Friday ft. 1 Wolff, Erneft F. efq. American fq. 3 Wolff, Geo. efq. Ditto 15 WolfF, Jens, efq. Ditto 3 Wolff, Mifs Maria Ann, Ditto 3 Wallafton, Rev. Fr. Jo. Hyde, JackJonian Profeffor, Cambridge 2 Wallafton, John, Holborn bridge z Wontmer, John, Minories 1 Wood, Sir Francis, Bart. Lower Grofvenor ft. 12 Wood, Henry, Liicefter 1 Wood, John, North Cave, Hull 3 Wood, Rev. Will. Market Brf- worth, Leiafierjb, 1 Woodall, Mifs Eliz. Scarborough 1 Woodhoufe, Jas. Crofs lane, St. Draft arts hill 3 Worley, Jofta Chcapftde 1 Wray, Sir Cecil, Bart. Pall mall 1 W rench, Jacob, Lower 7 hames ft. i Wrench, J. G. Lower Thames ft. 1 Wright, Alex. efq. Eltham, Kent 1 Wright, Dan. Briftol 2 Wright, Jo. efq. Nottingham 5 Wright, John Maud, ITc Ulofc fq. 3 Wright, Will. Goodmans fields 1 .Wroe, Mrs. Ann, Macclesfield, Chejhire 1 Wroughton, William, efq. Hadley, Middlefx 3 Wyatt, Rob. Coleman ft. 2 Wyvill, Rev. Chriftopher, Burton hall, Yorkjhire 2 y. Yardley, Samuel , ,Shrewfintry 1 Yarker, John. efq. Devonjhire ft. Queen fq. I Yates, Rev. Jo. Toxic th Park, Liv. 2 Yerbury, John, jun. Gracehurchft. 1 Young, Sir Geo. Great Rujfel ft. Bloom Jl' ury 3 Young, Joihua, 31 , .New Jlairs, . Rotherhithe 1 Young. Will. Harley ft. 3 The 354 Appendix. V ^ £50,000 to be railed. How fubferib- ers are to be recommended, and balloted tor. Prudent Mode of eleding the firjl Subfcribers to the S. L. Comp . The following Refolutions, flow what laudable care the original fubferibers took to prevent the intrufion of improper perfons into the Company , But their humane intention could not be executed, on account of the impoffibility of obliging perfons who would afterwards become pojfeffed of flares, as heirs, Gc. to difpofe of them in a manner fuitable to the original plan. Befides the unemployed part of the Com - party's capital could fcarcely be expeded to be always adequate to the pur chafe of the fares, which would thus be continually f allingin, and for which it would not at all times beeafy to fnd proper pur chafers. But it is fub nutted. Whether this difficulty might not have been avoided, if every fubferiber, in cafe of his death, GY. had vejied the right of difpofingof his fares in the remaining original fubferibers, who might have been empowered to exercift that right, as long as a certain number of them , (fay ) fould remain. And in all probability , the objed of the infitution would have been fecured, long before the original fubferibers would have been re- duced to fo fnall a number. (See § 606, Art. 1. Plan.) 1026. (Abridgment.) — At a General Court, held at the King’s Head Tavern in the Poultry, on Wednefday, 30th November, 1791. — Read a Report of the Court of Dire&ors, propofing that, from the increafe of the Company’s affairs, many Propri- etors wilh the fum of £50,000 to be added to the Company’s capital. Reso lv e d, (1.) That not lefs than £ 50,000 be added to the £100,000, voted at the laff court. (2.) That every fubfeription be paid at one payment, within a month after the date of a circular letter, from the Dire&ors, calling for the fame. (3.) That every Proprietor of a lhare, be at liberty to recommend, in perfon at this Meeting, or by letter to the Secretary, on or before Dec. 13th, Proprietors for his proportion of the new fhares; he declaring the perfon he recommends to be well affedtd to the Company's objeds, and to intend holding his (hares, on his own account. [N. B. Every Proprietor of a fhare may recommend for nineteen new fhares in the whole.] (4.) That the new Proprietors recommended fhall be balloted for on the 20th Dec. at a ballot to be kept open from 12 to 5 o’clock ; and that agreeable to a reso- lution of the laff General Court, one third of the balloters fhall exclude. [5.) That the right of recommending new Proprietors for the deficiency remaining after the 13th Dec. fhall he divided equally among the prefent Proprietors, who fhall be informed, by letter, of his farther fhare of recommendations. (6.) That every Proprietor fill up this his farther fhare of recommendations by a letter to the Secretary, on or before the iff ot Feb. and that a farther ballot, of new Proprietors, fhall be taken the btb of Feb. 2 (7.) That Act of Parliament incorporating the S. Leona Company. (7.) That fo much of the £ 1,50,000 as fhall not be filled up on the ill of beb. may he filled up by the exifting Proprietors, either by their taking additional (hares on their own account, or by their recommending new Proprietors, until the whole deficiency be fupplied. (8.) That, in cafe the capital (hould be increafed beyond £ 150,000, the right of taking additional (hares (hall be diftributed as equally as poflible among the then Pro- prietors, in proportion to their (hares; and, if any of them (hall decline taking the (hares due to them, the right of recommendation (hall be diftributed among them on the fame principle of equality. (9.) That the annexed letter be the future form of recommending new members, viz. — “ I beg to recommend A. B. of for Shares, and C. D. of for Shares, in the (lock of the Sierra Leona Company, believing they are well ajfe&ed to the objefls for which the Company is ejlablijhed ; and that they take the faid (lock on their own account. 355 Appendix. * . ■■ v — 1 1 Proprietors to recommend Subfcribers, according to their (it arcs. Form of re- commenda- tion. Abridgment of the Ad of Parliament, incorporating the Sierra Leona Company. 1790. 1027. THE Preamble dates, inter alia , that a commercial intercourfe with the in- terior countries of Africa, would be highly beneficial to the manufa&ories of Great Britain; that thofe interior countries have not yet been explored by Europeans; that fuch undertakings require a confiderable capital joint (lock ; that the parties (hould be poftefled of fome diftrift on the coaft, where they may fecurely depofit their property ; that afociety has been already formed, and confiderable fums fub- Tcribed; but that they are apprehenfive of legal difficulties in recovering debts, &c. unlefs they are regularly incorporated: it is therefore enafiled that the fubferibers {.who are enumerated in the acl) and thofe who may become fuch, be incorporated under the name of the S. Leona Company, and have a common feal. JI. The Company may purchafe lands, not exceeding the annual value of/^ooo, and may alfo fell the fame. III. The Company may raife a joint (lock, not exceeding ^500,000 by fubferip- tions from members of the Company or other perfons, in (hares of £50 each. IV. Subfcribers to have an intereft in the capital joint (lock, according to the amount of their fubferiptions ; and to be refpor.fible to the Company’s creditors, to :that amount, but not farther. See § 373. V. The Company not to borrow money, except by a fubfeription for (hares. VI. The Company not to deal in or have (laves. 3 B 2 VII; 35s Appendix. L "y ^ ■ f AEl of Parliament incorporating the S . Leona Company. VII. Thirteen perfons to be chofen by the members, from among themfelves, to be called a Court of Directors, to manage the Company’s affairs. VIII. The firft eleftion of Direftors to be made in July, 1791 ; and every fub- fequent ele&ion fhall be made between the lft of Jan. and the iff of April yearly ; and they fhall continue Dire&ors till their fucceffors be fworn into office. IX. Fourteen days’ notice of the time of chufing Direfclors, to be publifhed in the London Gazette. X. The Direflors, at their firft Meeting, to chufe out of their own number a chairman and a deputy chairman, who fhall continue in office, till the fucceeding Direflors be fworn in. XI. In cafe of the death, or other avoidance of office, of any of the Dire&ors, on 14 days’ notice in the London Gazette, the members of the Company to meet, arid chufe a fuccefTor or fucceffors, who fhall continue in office, till the fucceeding Dire&ors be fworn in. XII. The fame rule, mutatis mutandis, to be obferved by the Dire£lors, in chuf- ing a chairman or deputy chairman, in cafe of death, &c. XIII. Eleflions and bufinefs in General Courts, to be determined by the majority of votes. XIV. Members of the Company, in General Courts, to have votes, according to the number of their fhares, namely, 1 or 2 fhares entitles a member to 1 vote; 3 or 4 fhares to 2 votes; 5, 6, or 7 fhares, to 3 votes; 8 or 9 fhares to 4 votes; 10 or more fhares to 5 votes, and no member fhall give more than 5 votes. XV. Direftors to take an oath to give their beft advice and affiflance in the con- cernsofthe Company, and to demean themfelves faithfully andhoneftly in their office. XVI. No perfon to have a vote in the eleftionof Direftors, or making of bye- laws, but proprietors in their own right, and not in truft. XVII. Where joint proprietors hold a ffiare or fhares, the perfon whofe name ftands firft in the Company’s books, fhall vote. XVIII. Quakers to make folemn affirmations inftead of the oaths required. XIX. No perfon to be chofen a Direftor, unlefs poftefled, in his own right, of one fhare ac leaft in the faid capital joint flock. XX. Every Director to take an oath that he poflefles, in his own right, one fhare at leaft. XXL Oaths to be taken by Dire£lors,to be adminiftered by the Lord Mayor, or any Alderman of London, orby any twoormore Direftors who fhall have been firft fworn. XXII. In cafe any perfon chofen Direftor, refufe or neglefl to qualify or take the office, a new ele£lion to be made. XXIII. Court of Diretlors, or the majority, (the Chairman or deputy Chairman being always one) may meet when, and where convenient, may fummon General 1 Courts AH of Parliament incorporating the S. Leona Company . Courts when they fee caufe ; and, in all cafes not provided for by this aft, or by the bye-laws agreed upon by the General Court, they may aft as they think meet. XXIV. Direftors may appoint Subcommittees to tranfaft bufinefs. XXV. The Secretary to be chofen by the Court of Direftors, to receive notice of his eleftion, and to take an oath of fidelity to the Company, which is to be ad- minillered by the Direftors. XXVI. Notice to begiven to perfons appointed agents orfervants to the Company. XXVII. Direftors to adminiiter to agents or fervants, an oath of fidelity to the Company. XXVIII. Secretary, agent, or fervant, neglecting or refuting, for 40 days after receiving notice, to take the oath, vacates his office. XXIX. Members of the Company may meet at any convenient time and place, to chufe Direftors, make bye-laws, &c. Such Meeting (the Chairman or deputy Chairman to be always one, except in cafes hereafter mentioned) fhall be called a General Court of the Company. XXX. One General Court in a Year at the leafl to be called, by the Court of Direftors. XXXI. In cafes of failure to call them by the Court of Direftors, any 5 of their fuccefTors may call a General Court in the month of May next enfuing. XXXII. On a written requifition from any 9 or more members, at any time, the Direftors fhall call a General Court, within 20 days. In cafe of refufal, the faid 9 or more members, on 14 days’ notice in the London Gazette, may fummon a Gene- ral Meeting, and appoint one of themfelves chairman, and may hear any complaint againft any Direftor or Direftors. In cafe he or they fhall not clear him or them- felves, then, within 20 days, (notice being publifhed as aforefaid) another General Court fhall meet and determine the matter, and may remove fuch Direftor or Di- reftors, and eleft one or more Direftors in his or their place. XXXIII. The General Meeting may make bye-laws and inflift penalties, fo that the fame be not repugnant to the laws of the realm. The penalties to be applied to the ufe of the Company. XXXIV. Firft General Court to be held in July, 1791. XXXV. Chairman to have the calling vote, when the number of votes is equal, either in a General Court, or in a Court of Direftors. XXXVI. A Court of Direftors, to be held at leafl every month; and, if the Chairman or deputy Chairman negleft or refufe to call fuch Court, then 5 or more Direftors, on reafonable notice in the London Gazette, may fummon the faid Court. XXXVII. The Chairman or deputy Chairman, within 2 hours after the Meeting of the Direftors,. fending notice of their inability to attend, the other Members may proceed to bufinefs without them. XXXVIII. Books by the name of “ The Ledger of the Capital Joint Stock of the Sierra Leona Company,” and “ The Transfer-book of the Sierra Leona Com- pany,” 357 Appendix. 35^ Appendix, V...'-— ■ i-— -• J Act of Parliament incorporating the S. Leona Company . pany,” to be kept, fworn to by the accomptant, if required ; and, from time to time, to lie open for infpeftion. XXXIX. Shares to be transferable by an entry in the transfer- book, figned by the party, to this dfcft. I A. B. dotransfer and affign unto C. D. his executors, adminiflrators, and Affigns, my Share or Shares [ as the cafe may be] in the Capital Joint Stock of the Sierra Leona Company , and all benefit ariling therefrom. Witnefs my hand, this Day of in the Year of our Lord Or, by his attorney, to this effeft I A. B by virtue of a Letter of Attorney from C. D. dated the Day of in Year of our Lord do in the name and on the behalf of the faid C. D. transfer and aflign unto E. F. his executors, adminiflrators, and afligns, the Share or Shares of the faid C. D. in the Capital Joint Stock of the Sierra Leona Com.' pany, and all. benefit arifing therefrom. Witnefs my Hand, the Day of in the Year of our Lord XL. No perfon to claim as executor, adminiflrator, or devifee, without producing the probate or letters of adminiflration, of which a memorandum mull be entered in the transfer-book, which {hall lie open for infpeftion, without fee. XLI. For preventing doubts with refpeft to the credit of the Company, an ac- count of their debts, credits, and capital, figned by the Chairman, deputy Chairman and 5 other Direftors, {hall be publifhed in the London Gazette in April, every year. XLII. The Direftors to appoint officers and fervants, .continue them while they think fit, and eflablifh their falaries. XLIII. Shares in the Capital Joint Stock to be deemed perfonal eflate. XLI V. His Majefly impowered to grant, and the Company to hold, the exclufive right of fuch part of the Peninfula of Sierra Leona , as may be veiled in His Majefly, by grant or purchafe from the native kings; and the Company empowered to pur- chafe, if they think fit, thexefl of that peninfula, from the native kings, &c. XLV. The fliips of the African merchants, may, as heretofore, anchor in Sierra Leona and Camaranca rivers, may build temporary tents and huts on fhore, and may purchafe from the natives, ivory, wax, camwood, and provifions,fire-wood and water, without any new charge. XLVI. Proceedings, in purfuance of this aft, not to be quafhed or vacated for want of form. XLVII. Aclions for things done in purfuance of this aft, to be brought within 6 months after the fa6l. The defendant may plead the general iffue, and give this aft in evidence, and then the jury fhall find for the defendant, or the Court of Seffion in Scotland fhall difmifs the fuit, and the defendant have treble colls. XLVIII. The duration of this aft, and confequently of the Sierra Leona Com- pany, limited to 31 years from the firll day of July, 1791. XLIX, This aft to be deemed a pjublic aft. LIST (§ 1028.) LIST OF THE ORIGINAL SUBSCRIBERS TOTHE ASSOCIATION FORMED IN I79*» FOR CULTIVATING THE ISLAND OF BULAMA; AND BY THAT MEANS PROMOTING THE CIVILIZATION of AFRICA. This fubfcription was raifed in London and Manchefter, upon lands to be purchafed, from the native chiefs of the IAand of Bulama, and the adjacent parts of the continent. Abfentee Subfcribers paid £60 per 500 acres, and Colonijl Subfcribers £30 per 500 acres : — 8680 acres were to be given gratis to the governor and the other officers who were to conduit the firft expedition. The figures annexed to the names denote the number of acres fubfcribed for. The names marked with afterilks come under the Manchefter fubfcription. Abfentee Subfcribers or Purchafers of Land. •Afzelius, Dr. Adam, Upfal, Sweden 500 •Alfop, George, Manchefter 250 •Baker, Thomas, efq. Ditto 500 Banbury, W. efq. 166, Bjhopgate without 125 •Barton, Henry, Manchefter 500 •Bateman, Thomas, Ditto 500 •Berry, Jeremiah, Stockport 500 •Binns, Jofhua, Manchefter 250 •Birch, So. Ditto 500 •Birch, Scholes, Ditto 500 Blew, Wm. High Lords Court, Crutched Fryars 250 •Broadhurft, John, Manchefter 5C0 Campbell, Hect. 1 2, Newcaftle ft .Strand 250 Cock, Ambrofe Hinde, 65, L. Shadwell 250 •Collin, John, Stockport 500 •Cooper, Thomas, efq. Manchefter 500 •Cooper, William, Leeds 250 Collett, William, efq. 500 Cotton, Jof. Exchequer, Chigwell, Effiex 1 25 Denham, Thomas, 500 Dickenfon, S. 31, Stanhope ft. Clare Mar. 250 Dickenfon, Thomas, 250 •Dodgfon, J. Manchefter 250 Douglas, Hon. Dunbar, at Couts Trot- ter's, Somerfet place IOOO •Doxon, James, Manchefter 1250 •Dunderdale, David, Leeds 500 Duppa, Mrs. Sarah, 250 •Edenfor, John, Manchefter 250 •Edenfor, Wm. Johnfon, Ditto • 500 Elkins, Randolph, 250 Etheridge, John, fen. Hoxlon 125 Etheridge, John, jun. Ditto 123 •Fielding, John, Manchefter 250 Fletcher, Henry, 184, IVapping 250 *Fogg, Ralph, Manchefter 300 •Fogg, Thomas S. Ditto 250 Frogley, Bartho. efq. 28, Winchefter ft. 1 23 *Gee, Robert, Stockport 500 Gibbens, John, 3, City Road 123 Goodwin, Dav. 63, Lower Shadwell 123 Goring, Charles, 300 Gratton, Thomas, Norton Falgate 250 •Hanfon, Jofeph, Manchefter 300 Harrifon, Wm. efq. Bread ft. 300 Hartwell, Geo. efq. Navy Office 2000 Hayne, Wm- 3, Broadway, Blackfriars 230 •Heywood, Geo. Manchefter 300 •Hilton, Thomas, Ditto 300 Hopkins, Jofhua, efq. Elder ft. Norton Falgate 125 •Inkerfole, Jofeph, Leicefter 250 •Jackfon, John, Manchefter 300 •Jackfon, John,Z«Vf/?fr 300 •Johanfen, Andrew, Yftad, in Sweden 250 •Jowett, 360 Names of the original Suhfcribers , ♦Jowett, Benj. Leeds 300 “Kay, Benj. and Sons, Ditto 500 “Kay, Benj. junr. Ditto 500 Keyfer, Afliir and Cohan, Sam. Bevis Marks, St. Mary Axe 300 Kirkpatrick, J.S. efq. 14., John ft. Adelp.i 250 Langdale, J a. 16, Tabernacle row 125 LcMefurier, Paul, efq. M. P. Walbrook 1750 Locke, J ohn , Tijh Jlreet hill 250 Loufada, Em. Barah, jun. efq. 36, Perry Ji. Ralhbone place 230 *Lupton, Jonathan, Leeds 250 Lopes, M. 250 Mangles, Ja. efq. 272, Wapping 250 Miller, Sir J. Riggs, Bart. 1750 “Mitchel, William, Manchejlcr 500 Mocatts, Jacob, 250 Montefiora, Sam. Vita, Man/ell ft. Cood- mansfields . 230 Morgan, F. L, 230 Mullens, Wm. 26, Bartlets Buildings 300 Paiba, Roland, Garraway's Coffee houfe 1 25 Parker, Ifaac, Putney, Surry 230 Pearce, Wm. \z, Howland ft. 123 Phillips, Ifaac, 27, City road 1 23 “Phillips, John, junr. Manchefter 300 * Phillips, Robert, Ditto icoo ■“"Phillips, George, Ditto 1000 “Phillips, Thomas, and Co. Ditto xooo “Phillips, Chriftopher, Hallifax 230 “Prefton, Thomas. Manchefter 300 Reed, Shakefpeare, 230 “Rees, C. G. Manchefter 250 “Rees, P. L. Ditto 250 Reid, R. efq at Paul leMefurier's, IValbr.i^o “Roberts, Rich. efq. Manchefter 500 “Rofs, Jofeph, Briftol 230 Rickets, John, 230 “Salmon, Jolhua, Whittenham, Manchefter 250 “Sanders, George, Whitby 500 Scott, Dav. M. P. Upper Harley ft. 1 730 230 125 230 250 300 250 250 125 250 250 500 230 250 230 Secretan, Fred. Sain. efq. 6, Walbrook Sherwood, John, 76, Drury latte “Sidgreaves, Ja. Manchefter “Slater, William, Ditto Smith, Nathan. Knightjltidge Sneyd, Tho. 1$, Hertford ft. May fair Sneyd, Ralph, Ditto “iotheby John, Manchfter “Stanley, Charles, Ditto “Stopford, Mils Jane, Stockpirt “Sykes, William, Manchefter Symcoe, John, 13, Oakley-ftreet, Lam- beth, Surry Texeira, Abraham Tulk, John, Aug. 21, Sloaneftreet , Knightjbridge Vial, G. W. 58 ,Wheelcr-ft. Spitalftelds J23 “Wadllrom, Mrs. Ulrica, Manchefter 300 Wainwright, Charles, St. George’s Turn- pike, Eft 123 Walker, Joleph, efq. Dofiors ’ Commons 230 Walker, Rev. Wm. 31, Stanhope ftreet Claremarket 230 “Walker, Mifs Charlotte, Stockport 250 “Wardle, James, Manchefter 300 Watts, Ja. i6,Tabernacle-row, Ciy-road 1 23 Webb, Samuel, 71, Grub ftrett 230 Webber, James, Welbeck-ftreet 500 “Webfter, Robert, Whitby 500 Whitewood, Peter, 2, Old Burlingtcn-ft. 230 Wilfon, Giffin, efq. 10, Lincoln s- inn, Nevj-ftjuare 230 Wilfon, Glofler, efq. Ditto 230 Wood, James, 21, Old Compton-ft. Soho 123 Woodburn, Mrs. Jane, Peterjham, Surry 250 Wootton, Jo. 12, White' s-al. Coleman-ft. 125 “Worthington, Thomas, Manchefter 230 Ximenes, Abr. Garraway's Ccffee-houfe 1 23 Ximenes, Mof. efq. 30, Upper Gower -ft. zoco Young, William, Harley-ftreet 300 Colonifl Suhfcribers to the Bulama Ajfociation, and who failed for that If and on the frf Expedition, in 1792. Aberdeen, C. E. 230 “Afzelius, Dr. Adam, Uffala, in Sweden 300 Ahlelund, Adolph, fr in Sweden 500 Ballard, William Edward, 230 Banfield, William, 300 Bant Mrs. A ina, 125 Bant, Mifs Ann, 500 Bant, Mifs Elizabeth, 300 Bant, Mifs Millefent, 300 Bayley, Nicholas, 500 Beaver, Philip, efq. Lieut, in the Navy 1000 Bollock, Robert C. 500 Brodie, Francis, 2000 Burdet, Henry, 530 Clutterbuck, Peter, 1 500 Curwood, John, 1000 Curry, Abraham, 300 Dobbin, Robert, 1000 Drake to the Bulama AJfo elation . 361 Drake, Charles, 1500 Donnelly, Francis, 500 *Farrer, Timothy, 2000 Fielder and Butler, 1 250 Finlay, Juftice, 123 Flynn, Thomas, 1000 Ford, Richard, 500 Freeman, Jofeph, 500 Gandell, John Strathen, 500 Hancorne, Richard, 500 Harley, John, 500 Halton, Sir W. 500 Hood, John, 230 Keyburn, George, 750 King, John, 500 Lawlefs, John, 500 Longbctham, Bulkeley Thomas, 5 00 Mallefon, John Kennedy, 500 Marfack, Charles T. ICOO Metcalf, Hicks, 500 Metcalf, William, 500 Montefiore, Jolh. 500 Morfe, John, 230 Munden, John, 500 ApPENDlx. Neild, Richard Cloudefley, 1 250 , . *Nordenfkiold, Auguft. Finland , Sweden 500 Ozanne, Thomas, Paiba, John William, Paiba, John, Parny, Henry, Pereira, Benjamin, Pereira, Mordet, Price, Dolphin, Pullen, W. Reynolds, John, Robinfon, Charles, Seaton, R. Sherwood, Charles, Smith, William, Sparks, Thomas, Squire, John, Ward, Richard Samuel, Webfter, Robert, Wightman, Daniel, Ximenes, Ifaac, Young, J. Lands granted gratis, before the Expedition failed. Dalrymple, H. H. efq. Governor 2000 Bant, W. efq. 500 Balled, J. Surgeon 500 Heriot, John, efq. Secretary 500 Marfton, Benjamin, Surveyor Rowe, John, Surgeon Williams, Owen, A Hid ant Suf/eon Young, J. efq. Calypso. Stenzell, J. Captain Acres Stenzell, W. ill Mate Martin, M. 2d Ditto Jordan, A. Carpenter Robfon, W. Boatfvjain Bennet, J. Cormick, W. Jefferfon, P. SHIPS. Hankey. JOO Cox, J. Captain 200 Brixey, J. ill Mate 100 Mackay, G. 2d Di to loo Mitchel, J. Carpenter 100 Hardy, J. Bjat/wain Adams, W. y Seamen, 40 acres each 360 Johnfon, J. Millar, J. Paper, W. Porter, J. Smith, G. Wood, S. 1 Hankey’s 1 Beggar's B.nnifon , Cutter Eickhead, J. Captain 360 31 2° 500 180 1000 500 ICOO 500 1 000 500 500 I2J 2000 5OO 5OO 500 625 25O 25O 25O IOOO .250 75° 500 500 500 500 500 500 200 1 00 100 100 Davis, R. Davy, R. High, J. Mofely, W. Wilkinfon, G. Wood, C. Woody, T. >• Seamen, 40 acres each 3 20 1320 The above lifts, refpedting the Bulama ex- pedition, were communicated to the author, by Mr. Mallefon, fecretary to the alTocia- tion. Errata Kirkpatrick, J. Loufada, E. B. in the above Lifts. S. efq. read 2250 Acres. read 750 Acres. 3 C journals 3$2 Appendix. 1 ~ ^ Dr. S’s MSS. i efpefting Aii'ica. Proofs of Dr. S's ability, and zeal. Obfervations on the ther- mometer. An interfiling MSS. respect- ing coloniza- tion. Dr. Smeathman' s Manu/cripts. Journals and other MSS. left by the late Dr. II. Smealkfnan. ( See § 331, note.*) 1029. When the concluding fheet of this work was about to be printed off, Mr. Hcalbcote, a gentleman particularly acquainted with the late Dr. Smeathman, was fo kind as to fend the author a box containing a great number of the MSS. of that in- defatigable and philofopliical traveller. — Mr. Heathcote’s friendfhip to the Do£lor originated in an enlightened zeal ior the belt interefls of mankind; and a peculiar de- fire to contribute to the civilization of Africa, hasnow induced this gentleman, to en- trull the author with the papers of his deceafed friend. But unfortunately they have come too late to be rendered of any material ufe to the prefent publication. A cur- fory view of thefe curious MSS. however, fuIHciendy fhews, that many of them deferve to be publifhed, on account of their intrinfick value. X030. It is certan that fo many fpeaking proofs of ability and indefatigable diligence, in the caufe of humanity and ufeful knowledge, are not always to be met with among the pollhumous papers of men, whofe fame has yet been found a very pro- fitable theme for fafhionable panegyric. But the very misfortunes of poor Dr. S. and the uncomfortable circumltances in which he often purfued his refearches, will enhance the value of his performances in the eyes of every friend to real merit. 1031. In order to gratify fome readers, the following obfervations on the Ther- mometer are inferted. They are extrafted from one of the Do&or’s Journals, kept at the I (land of Bananas, where they were regularly taken down from the 19th of December 172, till the 16th of January 1773. at 6 in the morning 6oi the lowed, and 68 the higheft 6-f! Average 9 Ditto 65 Ditto 70 Ditto 6SJ Ditto 1 2 Noon 70 Ditto 77 Ditto 73? Ditto 3 Afternoon Vi Ditto 77 Ditto 74i Ditto 6 Ditto 68 Ditto 73 Ditto 7°t Ditto 9 Ditto 66 Ditto 7° Ditto 68f Ditto 12 Midnight 67 Ditto 68 Ditto 67i Ditto 2 in the morning 67 Ditto 68 Ditto Sli Ditto There are feveral fimilar obfervations to be met with in different parts of his journals, but not having been made in a regular feries of time, they cannot be ar- ranged. 1032. Among the MSS. of Dr. S.. is one confi fling of 86 pages large quarto, ap- parently drawn up with much judgement and experience, and which feems to be rea- dy for the prefs. It is entitled, “ A Plan for a new and benefcial Syfem of Commerce and Colonization , which may be efablifhed at a ] mall F.xpence, on the Grain Coaf of Africa , in a feries of Letters to a friend , by H. S.” 1033. There are alfo many detached MSS. refpe&ing the prefervation of health, and the removal of inconveniences attending warm climates, and various large and interefling journals, fragments of obfervations, &c. 1034. Expedition fitted out firom N. America. 363 1034. In fhort the ardour of Dr. S. in ufeful refearches is abundantly verified by Appendix. thcfe valuable papers; and it would be a breach of candour and charity to doubt v — ^ that his purfuits were direfted, not by the fordid and mercantile fpirit of the prefent Anecdote re- age, but by the philanthropic fentiment, thus exprefled in one of his MSS. “ If every s’s^charafte'r man knew that his happinefs depended on making others happy , all mankind would befor The Author here fubjoins the Print of the Medal he promifed. (§ 331 note). 103,5. Capt. I. Kendrick, of the Columbia, the firft American vefTel that vifited the NW. coaft of N. America, purchafed from the Natives a beautiful and fertile traft 240 miles fquare. 1036. It may perhaps not be improper to hint, that the eafy conditions on which this valuable traft of land might be obtained, independent of all claims of jttrifdiftion from any nation whatever, ought to have its due weight with all thofe who may be inclined to form themfelves into colonial afTociations, for exem- plifying and extending any enterprize that may be beneficial to mankind, be- yond the reach of mercantile influence, either according to the plan hinted at, § 604, 606, or any other that may be fuggefled. 1037. The author mull not omit to obferve, that the above interefling piece of information has been kindly communicated to him by the gentlemen, fuperintend- ing the office for difpofing of American lands. No. 24, Threadneedlc ftreet. 1038. Mr. A. Dalrymple’s plan, and the plans purfued by the gentlemen con- cerned in the. African civilization, tend to improve uncivilized nations ; but to improve ourfelves in a form of afTociation in fome fequeftered part of the world, and thereby to arrive at the fame end, appears to be of much greater importance. Firft veflel for difeovery fit- ted out from N. America. purchafea fine trafl of land fit for coloniz- ation. •\ .'A v\ • .SW •. :: ", .siu ii • In ,:km. iJ njff . ft :,i ' vt :• et»r ; ail . ill'! .• . (5 : At. \z, . .. 1 » f ■ <: ' ■ * .aw £ 1 . • l‘.I .• • .1 t - A . iuwi ; r ifi ill ;; ■ • j . i J. H { V i i .Up i . + ,'tj; „ h- U 9V ( oa «n> . si>:r.iiw boil i ;.s moil - • | k_ _ _ , o' i .... i , { . " . ■ ! '4 : . , i. . , . j w. > i .v * . ! % , ' ••• • -^6 j • <- * . . < /< ; ' ' “ao . . * h . > 9 • o' ,1 .* « o -:i i-.iv'.’.-i .. . >* % , “ \ ,• i ,T- - M ■£ '• > , y - ^ j ; 4 CONTENTS OF PART THE FIRST. Confijling of ten Chapters, nine of which treat on the Formation of Colonies , on PRIN- CIPLES ^ COMMERCE, WzW with HUMANITY. The tenth Chap, con- tainsfome Account of the Colonies already formed in Africa , on PRINCIPLES of COMMERCE unconneded with HUMANITY. Introduction. T'VR. Sparrman, Capt. Arrhenius, and the Author, make a Voyage to Afr. — Dr. S. and the Author examined by the Britifh Privy Council. — Profeflbr Zimmerman’s opinion of Afr. CHAP. I. ObfruClions to Colonization, particularly in Africa. Plans of firft European colonifts ill digefted, § i. — Afr. negleCted, and why, § 2, 3. — Slave- trade, § 4. — W. Indies derive importance from Africa, § 5. — Oppolition of Merchants and Planters, § 6. — Objections anfwered, § 7, et feq. CHAP. II. Character and Difpofition of the Africans. Governments, &c. form national characters, § 1 1. — Afr. character mifreprefented, § 1 2.— Civilized nations governed by reafon ; uncivilized, by thepaflions,$ 14. — The real character of the Africans flcetched, §15 , et feq. — Corrupted by Europeans, § 19. — Inftance in a chief, $ 21.— Proofs of their induftry and intelligence, § 23, et feq. CHAP. /III. Civilization in general. Will and undemanding the leading faculties, § 3 1. — Education and civilization defined and compared, § 32, et feq. — Innocent luxury promotes civilization, § 36. (See alfo § 708, 727, et feq. 758.) — Agricultural colonies recommended, § 40. (See alio § 173, et feq. 606, 75 7 > et/ep) 3 d CHAP, CONTENTS OF PART THE FIRST. CHAP. IV. Climate, Soil, and Water. Wet and dry f eafons, § 43. — Quantity of rain, § 45. — Thermometer and barometer, % 4 6. — Soil from C. Blanco to Gambia, § 47. — Bafaltes, § 48. — Adanfon’s account of foil from Gambia to Nunez, § 49. — European factories ill fituated, § 50. — Qualities of rain and river water, &c. § 51, 52.— Guinea worm, § 52. — Howto cool and purify water, ^53, 54. CHAP. V. Produce . Slave-fhips bring little produce, § 55. — Wood veffels deal in (laves, § 56. — E. and W. In- dians oppofe import, of African produce, § 57. — Produce rots in Africa for want of convey- ance, § 58.— -Valuable E. and W. Indian productions indigenous in Africa, § 59. — Animals, $ 60. — Rice, wild fugar-canes, cotton, and indigo, woods, pepper, nutmegs, &c. § 61 , et feq. — Afr. cotton tried, § 64, (and ufed at Manchefter, § 271.) — Hilt, of coffee, $ 69, note.— 400,000 guineas coined from Afr. gold, in one year, § 70. — Iron mines 700 miles up the Senegal, §71. CHAP. VI. The Means of preferring Health. Men and plants affeCted by tranfplantation, § 73. — Europeans regardlefs of health in Afr. 4 74, 75.— Afr. if cleared, would be healthful, § 75. — Inllance in St. Salvador, § 76, 80. — Commerce preferred to health, § 77. (See alfo § 231, note, 271, note, 777.) — Caufes of mor- tality of foldiers and failors, and why (hips of war are healthful § 78. — Comparative falubrity of different places, § 80. — Houfes, temporary and permanent, § 84, et feq. (See alfo plate I.) — Diet, §87. — Sleep, drefs, and employment, § 88. — Cold bath, § 90. Spirits to be kept up, § 91. — Mind comparatively negle&cd by phyficians, § 92, et Jeq. — Who (land Afr. cli- mate bed, $ 95* — Mortality at Senegal efcaped by temperance, § 97. CHAP. VII. General Reflexions on Colonies, and the me ans of promoting them. Colonial policy of modern Europe contracted, § 100. — It’s evil confequences, § 102 — Set- tlements and colonies diftinguifhed, ib. note. — Nations and their colonies compared to parents and children, § 104, et feq. — Caufes ofdifcord between nations and their colonies, § iog.-Gre- cian colonies, why profperous, § no. — Some modern colonies originated in folly and injuftice, § 1 11. — Others ftunted by monopoly and oppreffion, § 1 12. — CommiJJiou Commerce (hould be encouraged in anew colony, § 1 14. — Communication between didam regions of Afr. already open, § 115, note.-- Speculation commerce pernicious, § 11 6. — Speculators unconnected with any community, § 1 17. — Lord Chatham’s opinion of them, § 1 1 8. — Dr. Arbuthnot’s, ib. note. —And Dr. Johnfon's, § 119. — Their operations tend to enflave mankind, § 121. — Becaufe money is become independent of commodities, ^ 122. — Commercial colonies tend to (lavery, agricultural to liberty, § 1 23.— Neccflity of caution in forming colonies, § 125. — How co- lonifts CONTENTS OF PART THE FIRST. lonifts ftiould be encouraged, § 126, 127. — Choice of colonifts, § 12S, 129. — Native chiefs to be conciliated, § 130. — TJfe of the Plough recommended, § 132. — Objections anfvvered, § 133, —Plough has been ufed fuccefsfully in the W. Indies, § 136. — Why not univetfally ufed there, § 137. — Remarkable inftance of it’s fuccefs in the W. Indies, ib. — Commonly ufed in the E. Indies, § 139. — vloll tropical articles may be raifed with it, § 140. — LI. queries con- cerning the inverted Rate of agriculture, finance, and commerce in European communities, and hinting at 3 fpecific regulations in qu. XL1V. and LI.) § 142. CHAP VIII. Hints on the EJfentials of a colonial Govern n*nt. Education, § 143. — Colonifts Ihould inftrufl natives by fchools and apprenticelhips, § 144, et feq. 1 61, note. — Ridiculous education of two O’Taheiteans in Europe, § 146, note. — Afr. idea of God, § 149. — Toleration recommended, § 1 50. — Employments, § 1 51 . — ContraCls ma- trimonial, focial, and civil, § 152, et feq. — Political balance , § 155. — Laws, judicial, political, and ceconomical, §137, et feq. — External worfhip, § 1 6 1 . — Health, 162. — Cultivation of raw materials, § 163. — Manufactures, § 164. — Commerce, § 165. — Internal polity and defence, by frankpledge, § 166, et feq. — Finances, § 170. — Political arrangements, § 171. CHAP. IX. Specific Propofitions applied to the Cafe of a new Colony. Syftem recommended, § 172. — Reafons for fele&ing a particular part of Afr. § 1 73, note.— Prop. I. Directors of two claffes, and their departments, § 1 74, et feq. — Organization of go- vernment, 179. — Prop. II. That the Directors fell the lands to proper perfons, to be cultivated in a limited time, § 180. 181 . — Excellent W. Indian regulations to this effeCt, § 180, note. — Cleared iflands dry, but healthful, ib. — Prop. III. Rights of colonifts and fubferibers, § 1 82. — Prop. IV. Two courts of directors; deliberative in Europe, and executive in the colony, § 183. — Prop. V. Directors muft have vifited the colony, § 184. — Britifh colonies make their own law's, § 184, note. — Jamaica abfentees heavily taxed, ibid. — Prop. VI. That oaths be difal- lowed, becaufe abufed, § 185, and it’s note. — Prop. VII. That commerce be free, and that flave-traders be expelled, § 1 86. — Prop. VIII. That fubferiptions, in money or goods, be opened, at ^60 for 500 acres of land (in Bulama,) § 187, 188. — Prop. IX. That all African affociations aft harmonioufly, § 189. — Prop. X. That the current medium be founded on la- bour, § 190. — Prop. XI. That frankpledge be introduced, § 19 1. — Prop. XII. That a llore and difeounting accounts be kept, § 192. — Prop. XIII. That the colonifts be taxed in 3 claffes, § 194. (See § 606, No. 3.) — Prop. XIV. That the purchafe of land be limited, § 193;. — Prop. XV. That unmarried colonifts be taxed, and married ones partly exempted, § 196. — Prop. XVI. That arrefts for debt be difallowed, bccaufe of their deplorable effeCIs, § 197, and it’s note. — Prop. XVII. That mechanical inventions be encouraged, § 198. 3 D 2 CHAP. CONTENTS OF PART TI-IE FIRST CHAP. X. Colonies formed or attempted in Africa on the Principles of Commerce by the Portuguefe, Spaniards , French , Dutch, &c. PORTUGUESE firft explored the African Coaft ; but their communications fparing, and their orthography unfettled § 200. — This (ketch of Portug. Afii. reviewed by Col. Bolts ib. note. — Awerri § zoz. — Angola § 203. — Congo § 204. — Loan go and Benguela § 205. — Religious fociety at Loando have 12,000 (laves § 206. — Miflionaries § 207. — Portug. (lave trade § 208 and 239 note.g— So/h/ff produces yearly £1,666,666 in gold § 212. — Mount Ophir^ 213. — Mozambique, governor’s duties above £60,000 (ler. yearly § 215. — Melinda city contains 30,000 Portug. See. § 217.— Madeira deferibed § 221 etfeq. — Yields 30,000 pipes of wine yearly § 224. — It’s animals. See. § 224, 2Z5. — Imports fi(h from Sweden and America § 225. — Swedi(h commerce and board of commerce § 225 note. — Inhabitants § 226, 227. — Go- vernment and revenue § 228. — Swarm of prielts § 230. — Population, births, deaths § 231.— C. de Verd IJlands deferibed § 232, 233. — Inhabitants opprefled by monopoly § 234, and by def- pots and priefts § 235. — Cloathed from Rag-fair in London, ib. note. — Complexion depends chiefly on climate and mode of life § ib. — Agrieulture bad § 236. — Dreadful famine in 1773, ib. note, alfo § 241.— Exports St. Jago cloths, cattle to tire Weft Indies, & c. § 237. Har- bours § 239.— Curious (tones § 240. — People enflaved by the Duqu D’Aveiro § 241 . — 1 0,000 of them fent to BilTao, where they moftly died § 242 — Sugar mills § 243. — Whale fifhery, orchella, manufactures § 244. — St. Thomas, it’s produce, trade and manufactures 245 et/ej.— Produces the true cinnamon § 246 note. — Prince's Ijland, See. eligible for colonies § 249. SPANISH. Canary Islands § 251. — Tenerife it’s produftions § 253. — Pike ib. Population, manufadtures, &c. § 254. — Gran Canaria it’s produce, population. See. fometimes diftreffed by locufts § 255, 256. — Palma it’s produce. Sec. fern-bread § 257. Lancerota and Fuertwentura infdled by afles, abound with orchella; 1 ancerota fertilized by a volcano § 258. Swedi(h orch 11a monopolized by means of corruption §258 note. — Wheat better than Euro- pean § 239 .—Gomera might fubfift independently of other countries § 260. — Ferro § 261. Humane policy of Spain, population, character of Canarians, inquifition, difeafes, commerce, § 262 et feq. — Comparative humanity of Eu opean nations to Haves § 263 note. — Revenue exceeds that of Britifh America and W. Indies § 268. FRENCH. Isle de Bourbon, exports § 270.— Bourbon and Surat cotton compared § 271.— Operations on cotton where it grows, healthful, in Europe unhealthful, and why § Z71 note. — IJle de France, population of it and Bourbon § 272. — Spices thrive there, and the Dutch attempt to deftroy them by corrupting the gardeners § 273. — Dutch profits on fpices £750,000 annually ib. — Madagafcars former flouri(hing eftabliftunents there § 274. — Colony attempted, in 1767, § 275. — Eenycmojley's enterprize in 1772, § 276, is not properly fitted out § 227, oppofed at the I. de France § 278, lands in Madagafcar § 279, builds a fort and makes roads § 280, diftributes lands and digs a canal § 281, fome chiefs oppofe, others fupport him § 282, doaths his troops in the country cloth § 2 82, not fupported by the CONTENTS OF PART THE FIRST. the French miniftry ib. reported to be the fon of a native princefs § 284, acknowledged as fuch by feveral chiefs § 285, interrogated by 2 French commiffioners, receives their cirtificatc and re/igns § 286, ftatement of his accounts ib. note, ftates to the commiflioners feme moft interefting particulars relative to the population and refources of Madagafcar § 287 ; his plan for colonizing that illand ib. note; is declared Ampanfacabe § 288; empowered to treat with France, for which he embarks § 289; inconfiftency of the French miniftry § 291. — The Coutit offers His Britannick Majefty 5000 foldiers and 2000 failors § 292, fails from London to Baltimore and thence to Madagafcar, where he lands § 294; is killed by a party of French § 296, his charafter § 298, infidious conduft of the French miniltry § 299, Madagafcar cot- ton equal to Bourbon ib. note. DUTCH. Cape of Good Hope, Van Ricbeck propofes a colony there § 300. — Libe- rality and prudence of the Dutch E. India Co. § 301. — Obj. againft colonizing in time of war ib. note. — Expenfe 1,000,000 of guilders annually, for the firft 20 years § 302. — Difficul- ties very great § 303. — Soil, climate, animals, &c. § 304. — Exports, farming, tenure of lands §305, 306. — Dutch and Portug. policy contralted § 307. Mortality of men kid- napped by the Dutch Zeelvercoopers, or Sou! -mongers, § 307. No toleration at the Cape § 308. — Government, revenue, military and population § 309, etfeq. AUSTRIAN. Delagoa Bay, Portug. fettle there § 312, and Dutch § 313. Col. Bolts undertakes to colonize it for Auftria § 315; fails in 1776, and is oppofed by commer- cial bodies § 316; arrives, buys land, builds temporary houfes, and begins trade § 317 , et fef. goes to India, whence he fends a Mahommedan miffionary § 320. — Natives intelligent, &c. § 321. — Wild fugar canes, cotton, rice, gold, &c. ib. — The colony thrives, but Prince Kau- nitz difavows it, and the Portug. break it up § 322. — Col. Bolts the reftorer of the Auftrian E. India trade § 323. — Ridiculous claims of Spain and Portugal § 324. — Ridiculous grant of Cha. II. to the Eng. Afr. Co. § 325. — He and his brother, Ja. D. of York, were Have traders, ib. — Charles II. was alfo concerned in privateering, ib. NEW ANECDOTES. Col. Bolts confulted by Guft. III. about a Snnedijh colony § 326. • New plan of the Afr. affociation of London for exploring Afr. § 327. ADVERTISEMENT. The reader cautioned againft mifunderftanding the author’* meaning refpefting colonization on commercial principles; which he entirely difapproves. Caufes of the delay of this publication. — The plan enlarged, which gave rife to its divifion in- to two parts. CONTENTS CONTENTS O f PART THE SECOND , Ccnjlfling of CHAP. XI. Colonies attempted, or now forming, in Africa, on the PRINCIPLES oj HUMANITY, by the Britijh, the Danes and the Swedes. Introduction. Dr. Smeathman’s plan of colonizing Africa, § 330. — Mr. Sharp’s exertions, ib. — Dr. Fo- thergill’s fuggeftion, ib. note. — Dr. Lettfom liberates his Haves, ib. — Committee for relieving the black poor, § 331. — Mr. A. Dalrymple’s plan for benefiting remote and unprovided na- tions, § 331 note. Britijh. Sierra Leona. Firft Diredors of the Sierra Leona Company § 333. Black poor firft fent over, § 3 34- Their mortality and it’s caufes, § 335. Their difperfion, ib. Climate of S. Leona, population, government, religion, § 338, 339. — Natives defirous of improvement, § 339. — King Naimbanna fends his fons to Europe for education, § 340. — Cultivation and trade, § 343. — Europeans fupply natives with powder and fpirits, fuicide, inftances of kidnap- ping, § 345 ,etfeq. Refpedable eftablilhment refolved on, and why, § 334. Capital ,£ico,ooo Her. ib. — extended to ,£150,000, ib. note. — Laudable caution in chufing colonifts, § 355- — Council to promote equal rights, &c. § 358. — Health to be the firft objed, § 359. — Difficulties to be expeded, § 360. — Sources of profit, § 363. — Company’s objed, § 366. — Benefits to Africa, § 367. — Trade and a fugar plantation ordered to be begun, § 368. — Mine- ralogift and botanift engaged, § 369. — Shares, votes, &c. § 370, et feq. — Nova Scotia blacks expeded, § 374. — Caution of the Diredors in admitting fubferibers. See. § 376. Lieut. Clarkfon offers to condud the free blacks from N. Scotia to S. Leona, § 377. — 1196 N. Scotia blacks willing to embark, § 379, — ^235,280 to be raifed, ib. — Whites from England, $ 380. — 1131 N. Scotians arrive at S. Leona: mortality on board, § 381. — They clear land, &c. § 382. — Mortality. Bad accommodation, § 384. — Land could not be allotted, § 385. — Governor and council difagree, § 386. Diforder. Mr. Clarkfon appointed foie Governor, § 387. Sicknefs, diftrefs and confufion, § 389. Bulama colonifts arrive at S. Leona, § 390. — Comp, will promote all attempts to civilize Africa, § 391 . — Diffi- culties in diftributing land § 392. — Lands on Bullom lhore better than near town, § 395. Colony improves, § 397. — Suffers from the war, &c. § 398. — And the Have trade, § 399. — Chiefs undeceived, ib. — Death of Mr. Nordenlkiold, the mineralogift, § 400. — And of K. Naimbanna’s fon, § 401. — Ship York burnt, §403. — Colony healthy in fecond rains, ib. — N. Scotians petition, § 404. — Diredors refol. thereon, § 405. — Advantages and difad vantages of 1 receiving CONTENTS OF PART THE SECOND. receiving the N. Scotians, § 408, 409. — Funds and expenfes Hated, § 41 1. — Colonization arduous, § 414. — Mortality dated, §415'. — Not chargeable on the Directors, nor on the cli- mate, § 418, 419. — Trade, § 420. — Company’s (hipping, factories, &c. § 422, 423, — Dollars introduced indead of bars, § 424. — W. Indin managers, &c. introduced, § 425. — A planta- tion begun, § 426. Native labourers, their wages, hours of labour, &c. § 426.. Their cloathing, &c. improved, § 427. — Canes damaged by bug-a-bugs, §428. — Manager and la- bourers have little differences, § 429. — Natives defire a fecond plantation, ib. — Freetown defcribed, § 430. — Premiums for cultivation, § 432. — That of natives fluctuating, § 433. Factory to buy native produce, § 434. — Blacks ad as jurors, See. § 436, et feq. — Spirit of the government, § 439. — Character of the Company’s fervants, § 440. — And of the N. Scotians § 441 , which, in fome refpeCts, excells that of the lower Englilh, § 4 42 ; their defeCts, § 443 ; and unreafonable claims, § 444 ; fufpicions of whites, and why, § 446 ; their faults owing to flavery, § 447 ; this no argum. againfl prudent emancipation, § 448 ; provifion for their in- druCtion, &c. § 452. — Slave trade obflruCts civilization, § 433. — Recent indances of kidnap- ping, See. 454, etfeq. — A black from N. Scotia redored to his mother at S. Leona, § 457. — - Slave-trade drives the natives to the mountains, §458. — Free blacks, taken in French (hips, fold for (laves, § 463 — Scenes in flave-fhips. See. § 467. — Shocking exceffes of Europeans to obtain money, § 468. — Panjariug defcribed, § 469. — Bloody infurreCtions, § 470, 471. — Or- mand a murderous flave-faCtor, § 472, — The difperflonof thefird colonids, § 473. Slave- trade endangers every colony, § 474. — Exemplary humanity of a chief, § 473. — Some of the fird colonids fold, ib. — One of them turns kidnapper, § 476. — Slave-trade prevents inland in- tercourfe, § 477, as in Mr. Nordenlkiold’s cafe, § 478. — It’s fources recapitulated, debts, wars, kidnapping. See. § 479, etfeq. — 80,000 (laves annually dragged from Africa, § 484. — Sick flave-traders relieved at S. Leona, § 485, et feq. — Americans, clandedinely purfue the flave-trade, lhough prohibited, § 488; which the Directors are taking deps to prevent, § 489. — Comp, rcfolve to redeem (laves, § 490, and to conciliate chiefs, § 491. — Slave-trade ob- flruCts cultivation, by it’s mercantile profits. See. 492, et feq. has introduced a tafle for Euro- pean goods, § 492. — Chiefs who may be expeCled to abandon it, and why §495. — Inflances, § 496, et feq. — Chiefs zealous for improvements, § 499. — Meff. Wat and Winterbottom’s ex- pedition to the Foulan country, § 500. — Government, date of civilization, wars. See. of the Foulahs, § 501 ; kill unfaleable (laves, ib. but faleable ones would not be killed, were the market flopped, § 502. — Foulah king favours the plough. See. 504. Route to TombuCtoo and Cafhna, ib. — Incidents on the road back to S. Leona, § 505. — Intended journey to Tom- buCloo, § 506. — Wars ceafe with the flave-trade, § 507. — Slave-trade diminiflied near S. Leona, $ 508. — Refufe haves put to work, § 509. — General character of the Africans, § 540. < Palaver on death of King Naimbanna’s fon, . — i’opilh black chief offers to promote chridianity, § 31 1. Mandingo lady (hocked at an account of W. Indian flavery, § 512. Above 40 native children at Freetown fchool, § 313. Natives turn out to defend the colony, § 513. J. H. Naimbanna’s defign in coming to England, § 51 6, — his character, § 517; — his improvement, morals, See. § 5 1 8,— circumftances of his detth, ib. — Two chiefs fons now in England, § 31 o. — Advantages evpeCted from the abolition, § 522. — The colony attacked by a French fquadron, § 527. Mr, Afzelius’s account of the colony in May, 1794, ib. Bulats* CONTENTS OF PART THE SECOND. Bulama IJland, now Britifh. This beautiful Ifland was recommended to France, as a colony by M. de la Brue, M. Demanet and Mr. Barber, § 528, 531. Defcribed, § 529 and note. It's colonization undertaken, § 532, — above ,£9000 fubfcribed, ib. — Original terms of fubfcrip- tion, § 537. — Colonifts engaged, &c. § 538. — Colonifts attached by Canabacs, § 539, — well received by Portuguefe, § 540. — prifoners well treated by Canabacs, ib. — Tranfadlions rela- tive to the purchafe of Bulama, § 541 . — Different deftinations of the colonifts, § 545. — Mor- tality out and home, § 546, (fee alfo § 933, et Jeq.) — not to be attributed to the climate, § 546. Ship of war ordered to aflift the colony, § 547. Reafons for additional fubfcriptions, § 548. — Letters defcriptive of the foil, climate, Sec. § 550. — Mr. Beaver left with 20 men, § 552, — Vote of thanks, Sec. to him and Mr. Hood, ib. note. Bijugas meditate an attack, $ 553. — Block-houfe, & c. eredfed, § 554. — General defpondency and ficknefs, § 335. — Vifit of the Canabacs, § 556, — which alarms and harrafles the colonifts, § 557. — Colony extremely weak, § 539. -Another vifit of the Canabacs, § 56o.-Mr. Beaver aflifts S. Leona with provifions, § 562.-Ship of war approaches Bulama § 563,— milled by bad charts § 564.— Vifit of Bijugas, $ 363--Capt. ofman ofwarmufters the colony. His kindnefs, § 366.-Bijugas,though 130 ftrong, retreat and why, § 567. — Land cleared and ready for the plough, § 568. — Capt. Moore quarrels with the Portug. and detains Mr. Beaver’s difpatches, which ruins the colony, § 570. — Har- mony between the colony and it’s neighbours, § 372. Hankey, falfely reported to have the plague, is put under quarantine, § 573, which prevents application for a charter, § 574. S. Leona Comp, kindly orders the Felicity to call at Bulama with fupplies, § 575 Greater fupplies fent, but arrived not in time, § 576. Lands cleared. Sec. Hens and goats in plen- ty, European and tropical vegetables thrive, § 377. Number of labourers, § 578. S. Leona Comp, generoufly furnifti 10 barrels of pork, ib. colony only wanted men, ib. — Bi- afaras invite Mr. Beaver to build a town, ib. Mr. Beaver fooths the impatient colonifts, $ 579. who perfift in their intention to leave Bulama, § 580.— Mr. B. reludtantly yields, and why, ib. arrives at S. Leona: his opinion of the Bulama undertaking, § 381. Supplies arrive a month after the evacution, § 582. Statement of accounts, § 383. Truftees’ opinion of a future undertaking, § 384, if in war, a fmall one recommend- ed, § 585, eftimated expenfe, § 586, means of defraying it, § 387.— —Lands to be devided in the beginning of the 2d. year, § 588. Truftees’ opinion of foil. Sec. of Bulama, § 589. Petition for a charter prepared, § 391. African fadts not yet publifhed, § 392- Civilization the great objedt of the Britifh colonies in Africa, § 393.— — -Prefent Europe- ans pecuniari-zed, ib Names of fubferibers to African colonization, § 394. A cafe of real and prefling diftrefs, ib. Aquapim. Danijk. Dr. Ifert, a German gentleman, founds this colony, § 396. Danifh government fupport it, § 397, Slaves temporarily introduced, § 598. Dr. Ifert dies and Lieut. Col. Rohrt is appointed to fucceed him, § 599 Gov. Biorn's account of the colony, ib. Swedijh Defign or Attempt. Meeting at Norkioping, in 1779, § 601, propofe to form a new community, in Africa, $603,604. — Their opinion confirmed by Des Marchais, &c. 605.— Outline of their plan, $ 606. CONTENTS OF PART THE SECOND. § 6o6.-New claffificationof the community, independent of all feudal ideas, ibid. No. 3 note. — Oppofition of the flave- trade, § 607. — King of Sweden grants a charter to 40 families, § 609. M. Chauvel’s plan for fearching for gold, § 610. The author’s petition granted, $ 6 1 1. — Objedts of the author’s voy. to Africa, § 612.— — Difficulties in France furmounted, § 613. — Arrival in Africa, § 614. — Chev. de Bouffler’s excellent character, ib. — The author's excurfions, § 615. — Difappointments, and their caufes, ib. — French Senegal Company rapa- cious, ib. note. — Return to Europe, § 616. — C. Verd eligible for colonization, % 617. — Caufes of the author’s flay in England, § 618. — Promifing afpedt of his objedt, § 619; — was led into great danger by minifterial artifice in Sweden, ib. note; — is engaged by the Britifh miniftry to go to Africa, and a veflel equipped, ib. — is difappointed in England by a threat- ened war with Spain, § 620; — enters into the cotton manufadture, and why, ib. note. — His prefent hopes, § 621. APPENDIX. Containing Notes , Quotations, and Documents, fome of which , had they been fooner obtained, might have been more properly inferted in the Body of the Work. Dr. Smeatkman’s Letters refpeBing Africa. Produce, § 622, 627. — Tendency of the Dodtor’s plan, § 623, et y5-y.-— Government and Rate of the flaves, § 628. — Why traders become chiefs, § 629. — Freefociety might eafily be formed, ib. — Cultivation and trade, §632. — Natives unite their exertions in certain inftances, § 633, — their charadter mifreprefented, § 635, — and might be improved, § 636. — Cuftoms againft induftry, § 637. — Might be reformed by good laws, § 638. — White tradefmen. See. to be chofen as colonifts, § 640. — Alfo free blacks from the W. Indies, § 641. — A mixed people eafily formed into a fociety, § 642. — Propofed fituation, § 643.— Seeds, Sc c. to be car- ried out, ib. — Prefervation of health, 646. — Heads of the Dodtor’s plan, 648. — His letters among the valuable MSS. of Dr. Lettfom, § 650. — His difinterefted fpirit of enterprize, ib. “ Tranfcript of a Paper of a Quantity of Gold , up the River Gambay, in 1693.” Publilhed by the Rev. W. Derham, F. R. S, in 1726. The quantity of gold great, § 651. — Diredtions refpedting the boat and chemical apparatus, $ 652. — Marks to find the place, § 656. — Sea-horfes and crocodiles troublefome, § 659. — 63 gr. gold from 51b. fand, &c. § 666. — Above 1 2lb. 5 oz. got in 20 days, ib. — River (hallow, water bad, § 667. — Gold in an aftonifhing quantity, § 669. From Dr. Franklin s Fffays on Luxury , &c. Innocent luxury promotes induftry, § 670. — Navigation, when ufeful and when noxious, h 671. — Sugar may be faid to be tinged with human blood, § 673. — Dearer in Paris and London than in Vienna, 674. (See § 268.) 3 E Notes CONTENTS OF PART THE SECOND Notes and Documents refpeEling S. Leona and Bulama . Rote A — Colony propofed by an Afr. king, in 1726, § 676. — Fruftrated by a flare-cap- tain’s villainy, ib. Note B. — Firft colonifts of S. Leona moftly profligates, § 677.— Provided with neceffaries by Government, and with comforts by Mr. Sharp, § 678. — Their mortality in England; fail under Capt. Thompfon, § 679. — Would not work, § 680. — Mortality from bad huts, §681. — Obliged to plant, § 682. — Capt. T’s fhip loft but one man, § 685. — Bad water down the coaft, ib. — Excellent water at S- Leona, ib. — Mr. Sharp fends a veflcl to relieve the colony, § 687, — but the captain deceives him, ib. — Many colonifts emigrate, 2 fold as flaves, M. of W. ordered to call at S. L. § 688. — St. George’s Bay Co. incorporated as S. L. Co. § 689. — Firft minutes of the former, § 690. Note C. — Situation of the colonifts after their difperfion, § 691. Note D. — Mr. Faleonbridge fixes them at Granville town, § 692. Note E. — Accounts, old and new, of the climate, &c. of S. Leona, proving that the gen- tlemen concerned had very good reafons for fixing the colony there, § 693. Note F. — The author pafies over t'he article Produce, in the report, becaufe he has already bellowed a chap, (the 5th,) on that fubjedl, § 694. (See alfo § 622, and 792, et Jeq.) Note G. — Caufes of the general profligacy of blacks in London, § 6 95. Note H. — Firft terms offered to colonills by the S. Leona Company, § 696. Note I. — The author acknowledges the attention which the Dire&ors have paid to fome gentlemen whom he recommended to them, § 697. Note K. — Danger of the colony’s enemies becoming Directors, § 698; may be avoided by giving the colonifts a (hare in the government, § 699. Note L. — 111 ufage of black American loyalills, § 700; iniquitoufly enflaved, by unprin- cipled whites fwearing to a property in them, ib. Slavery corrupts mailers, § 702; ■ ■■ - proved by the crowds of ufelefs black domeftics kept in Jamaica and Barbadoes,/£. Note M. — Sketch of the hill, of the queftion of the Abolition of the Slave-trade, § 704; and of the writings and exertions of Mr. T. Clarkfon and Mr. J. Clarkfon in that great caufe, § 706. Note N. — Public fample-room, in a new colony, recommended, § 708. Note O. — Bulama colonills wilhed not to intrude at S. Leona, § 710. — Many of them pro- fligates, fome of them perfons of refpe&ability, §711. Note P. — Mr. Dawes, Mr. Watt, and Mr. Macaulcy, how employed before they went to S. Leona, § 712. Note — Is a reference to Note BB. Note R. — Reafons for inferring fome account of Mr. Nordenlkiold’s expedition and death, 714. — His ficknefs before he embarked, &c. § 715. — Some account of his expedition up the country', § 716. His goods ftolen, ib. He is taken ill and dies, § 747. Who it was that probably dole his goods, § 718. He received no falary, and his widow and children no provifion, § 720. Yet Dr. B.’s widow was provided for, ib. note. — The author’s letter to the Direflors on that fubjcfl, ib. Note S. — Mr. Strands death and character, § 721. Note CONTENTS Of PART THE SECOND. Note T. — Enormous mortality of feamen in the flave-trade, as teftified by the mufter-rolls, $723 ; — compared with the fmall mortality of the feamen employed by the S. Leona Co. § 7 24. Note. U.— Climates improve by cultivation, § 725. Note W. — Reafons for refuming the confideration of money, § 726. Caufes for increaf- ing the N. Scotian’s wages, § 727. Artificial and natural civilization defined, ib. note. — . Bars confufed to the whites, as money is to the blacks, § 728. European money would injure the Africans, § 729. They fell the dollars, § 731. European money a luxury, § 733 ; which tends to enflave mankind, § 734. Derivation of perfonal flavery, § 73 3, note. — Real iron bars have not that tendency, § 736. — Credit natural and artificial, § 737. — Price depending on demand cannot be fixed, § 738. How bufinefs can be concluded in fociety, without credit, § 740. — That the circulation of gold and filver, according to their weight and ftandard, would caufe no impofition, § 741. Check on Speculation commerce, ib. note. — Societies might be provided, without the aid of fpeculation commerce, § 743. — Weight and denominations of S. Leona coin, § 744. (See the errata.) Note X. i. — S. Leona cultivation fimilar to the W. Indian, § 745. — Labourers called out with a horn, work under a planter’s eye, &c. § 74 6,etfeq. — Ten hours daily labour too much in a tropical climate, § 749. — Civilization cannot advance where labourers are not interefted in produce, § 750. Evils attending the cotton manufadure, § 751 ; and that of fugar, § 752. — Little differences between manager and labourers at S. Leona, § 753. General charader of lower overfeers in the W. Indies, ib. note. Extreme danger of the W. Indian fyflem being compleated at S. Leona, § 754. — Caufes of the ruin of W. Indian eliates, ib. note. Deplorable effeds of forcing fugar cultivation, § 755. Delufive eftimates framed by the W. Indians to impofe on the credulous, /'£. note. — Another plan recommended, § 757. — A rude people to be led to adivity by innocent luxuries, § 758. — Native chiefs to be conci- liated, § 760. — Provifions eafily raifed, ib. — alfo provender, § 7 6t ; but not fugar, indigo, &c. § 762. When fugar lhould be introduced, § 763. Mr. Botham’s account of the cultivation of fugar eftates, by free labourers near Batavia, Sec. § 764, et feq. — A modifica- tion of Mr. B’s plan recommended, § 773 . — French and Britifh modes of eftablifhiug fugar eftates, § 774. Britifh unprofitable, ib. Note X. 2. — Charader of the N. Scotians fairly and ably drawn by the Diredors, §755; — but their claims, See. fhould be inveftigated, § 776. Note Y. 1. — Canvas houfesfoon decayed, § 778. — Mr. Dubois’s merit and fervices, ib. No e Y. 2. — Oracle near C. Palmas, § 779. Note Z. 1. — The S. Leona Company’s profits, § 780. Note Z. .2. — Additional anecdotes of J. H. Naimbanna, § 782; — and of the famous negro Job Ben Solomon, § 783 ; — who while in England wrote a copy of the Alcoran from memory, ib. Account of a kidnapped African prince who armed in England in 1788, § 784. A mercantile fpeculation in his perfon, § 785. — The author frees him from his bondage, § 786. —His charader and death, § 787. — Slave dealers can fit upon a jury, but no butchers, § 7S9, and note. Political and Mercantile Slavery defined, § 791, et feq. Note A A. — Mr. Afzelius’s account of the animal and vegetable produdions ofS. Leona, ■§ 792, et feq. Caution againft the danger of a rafh and indiferiminate ufe of Cafiada, * 802, note. 3 E 2 Note CONTENTS OF PART THE SECOND. Note BB. — Mr. Afzelius’s account of the late tranfaCtions of the French at S. Leona, § 804. Colony, profperous, before the attack, ib. attacked, and after fome firing, fubmits, § 806. — Mofl of the colonifts fled, § 807. — The colony plundered, &c. § 808. — Mr. Afzeli- us’s Ioffes, § 809. — Prizes taken, § 810. — -The fquadron fails, § 81 r — Sicknefs but no want, § 812. — Mr. Afzelius’s peculiar misfortunes, § 813. — The French fquadron feem ignorant of the object of the colony, § 815. — Mr. Afzelitis’s own remarks, § 816. — Mr.Afzelius, though a Swede, was plundered, § 817. — Agreement of the publick and private accounts of this affair § 819, etfeq. — French incited to this attack, § 821. — Mr. Beaver’s opinon of Mr. Paden- heim, ib. note. — Proceedings at a General Meeting of the S. Leona Comp, refpeCting the French attack, §822. — Sicknefs and want of medicines, §824, — favourable circumftances, § 825. — Comp, lofs and remaining flock, § 826. — Small veffels and goods on fhore not in- fured, and why, § 827. — Good effects expeCted from the calamity, § 828. — Sugar apparatus deflroyed by the French, ib. note. — Supplies {hipped and Mr. Dawes returns to the colony, § 829. — Contraction of the Company’s plan, § 830. — N. Scotians want inftruCtors, § 831. — Directors determine to perfevere, ib. — Slave-trade checked by the French, § 832. — Civiliz- ation the Company's chief objeCt, § 833. — Offer of the French Convention to fpare the colo- ny, &c. § 836. — The chairman explains this matter, § 837. — Opinion of Mr. Tho. Clarkfon and the other Directors refpeCting it, ib. note. — Debate, § 838, etfeq. — Attack not authoriz- ed by the French Convention, § 842. — Mr. Frend’s motion, § 845. — The matter left to the Directors, § 851. — Proceedings at another General Meeting, on this fubieCt, § 839. — Mr. F. propofes a delegate to be fent to the French Convention, § 860. The part the author took in this bufmefs,and his intended addrefs, to the General Meeting, /£. note. — Mr. F’s proportions debated on and rejected, § 862, etfeq. — Election of new Directors, § 869. — Letters dated March 14th, 1795, flate the recovery of the colony, after the late difafter, ib. note. — Mr. Watt and Mr. Winterbottom’s new journey, ib. Note C C. Impolitic condition propofed by the Bulama Affociation, § 870, — it’s effeCts in Jamaica, § 871,— would ruin Bulama, § 872. Note DD. — Sailing of the Bulama expedition retarded by the Miniftry, § 873. Note EE. — Bad character of the generality of the Bulama colonifts, § 874. Note F F. — Bulama colonifts attacked by the natives, for want of an interpreter, § 876. — The author’s letter to the Governor of Goree, in favour of Mr. Dalrymple, &c. ib. — Mr. D. prevented from getting an interpreter, by the obftinacy of the council, § 877. NoteGG. Mortality at Bulama owing to fatigue, &c. not to the climate, § 879. Provifions in plenty, § 880. — —12 acres of land cleared, § 881. Mr. Beaver’s perfeverance, founded on^conviCtion, § 882. Colonifts moftly profligates, § 883. Cultivation and trade, § 884. Colonifts able to hire labourers, if credited with pro- vifions, may be fureof fuccefs, § 886. — Colony prepared for new inhabitants, § 887. — Value of land and flock at Bulama, § 888. — Commercial profpeCts, ib. — Long filence of the Truf- tees, § 889. — Plenty of game, § 890.— Colony wants but men, § 891. — Difintereftednefs of Mr. Beaver, § 892. — Vicinity abounds with eligible fituations, § 893. — Colony wants no- thing, § 894. — Colonifts will vigoroufly cultivate their onxm land only, § 896. — Number that ought to embark, and when, § 897. — No women or female children fhould go out, &c. 898. — Grumettas fhould be protected, their difpofition, &c. § 899. — Church, fchool, &c. § 900. 3 —Security CONTENTS OF PART THE SECOND. — Security and profperity at little expenfe, § 901. — £3000 thrown away at firft, § 902. Mr. Beaver’s opinion of the late failure, and future fuccefs at Bulama, § 904.— Caufes of fail- ure. ill. Vices of the colonifts. 2d, Arriving in the rains. 3d, Want of (belter, § 905, et feq. —Caufes of radical errors, § 909.-Probability of future fuccefs, § 910,-becaufe the foil and fitu- ation for trade are excellent, 91 i,et feq. — Fine timber, &c. $ 914. — Climate and produc- tions, 915, et feq. 924. ——Lands purchafed, § 920. Mortality not owing to the climate,. § 922, — which is better than that of S. Leona, § 923. — Important particulars ascertained,, § 925. — Nothing wanting but a charter, § 926. — Natives pacific, § 927. — Abftradt account of the Bulama colonifts, § 933. — Mortality great but not peculiarly fo, § 936. — Attempt to> colonize wafte lands in Jamaica, abortive from the fame caufes which prevailed at S. Leona and Bulama, ib. note. Note H H. 1 . Ignorance and rudenefs of fome ancient and modern legiflators, § 937. . Note HH. 2. E. Indian fubfcribers to the Bulama undertaking, § 938. Farther Account of the Danijh colony , at Aquapim. It's fituation inconvenient for commerce, § 9^1, but healthful, ib. — another colony efta— blilhed near it, ib. rains more regular than near the coaft, ib. and cotton and maize flourilh, ib. A negro from Dunco, an induftrious and fuccefsful cultivator, § 943. Av Danilh lady (Mifs Flint) has accompanied her brother to Aquapim, and is fuccefsfully in- ftru&ing the negro women in needle work, Spinning cotton. See. § 943. Documents ref petting the Swedifh Colonial Defign. No. 1. Defcription of Cape Mefurado, — affords good Supplies for Ihipping, §946, — and good anchorage, § 947. — -The king’s reception of the Chev. des Marchais, § 948. — C. Mefu-- rado deferibed, § 949, — alfo the river, § 950. — The K. gives Des Marchais an ifland, and' preffes him to fettle on it, § 951. Tide and watery § 952.-— -Dutch and Englifh diftrufted,, French beloved, § 953. — Natives not bigoted, § 954.— Country populous, becaufe Have-trade fmall, § 955. — Character of natives, § 956, — their houfes, § 957, — their women good wives and mothers, § 958. — Extent of king Peter’s territories, § 959. — Whole country fertile and produce abundant, § 960. — Advantages of this Ifland offered to Des Marchais, § 962. — It’s ■ disadvantages, § 963. — Des Marchais prefers the Cape itfelf, and why, § 964. — It might be advantageoufly fortified, § 965, — and at little expenfe, ,§ 966. — Goods proper for Mefurado, $ 967. — Annual prefents to the kings, § 968. — Firft expenfe, ib. — Officers Salaries, ib.— Flat bottomed boats for the river trade recommended, § 970. — All Europeans, except French, require garrifons, § 971. R. St. Andrew alfo proper for a colony, § 972. Extrafls from various Writers concerning W. Coajl cf Africa , &c. Extra&s from Tilleman, § 973, — from Ralk, § 974, — from Grand Pierre, § 975, — from an anonymous writer, § 976, — from U. Nordenfkiold, § 977, — from G. Sharp, § 978,— from Weft. — Climate and choice of colonifts, § 980, 992.— (Dr. Franklin’s) opinion of new colo- nifts, § 981. Philanthropy of the Danifli Government, § 982. — Similarity between child- ren and negroes, § 983. Management of negro flaves, § 984, incorporation of them. into the ftate in 1S02, §985. — Colonial regulations, §986.— Bad confequences of money, § 987- CONTENTS OF PART THE SECOND. § 987. Crops, health and climate, § 988, et feq. — In Jamaica, every 5 negroes are com- puted to raife 3hhds. fugar, § 990, note. No. 2. Plan for exploring Africa , by M. Chauvel, Swedifi Conful General , at Havre de Grace, drawn upm 1784. M. Chauvel miftakes the propofals made to him. § 995. M. David’s exertions for open- ing the gold mines, § 997 . The climate of Galam, ib. note Expenfe of the expedition, § 998, and it’s objedls, § 999. — Trade combined with the mining fcheme, § 1000, No. 3. Letters explaining various difficulties in the execution of the. author's un- dertaking, &c. Letter from the adling Diredtor of the Senegal Co. to the Swedifh Ambaflador, the Baron de Stael. (4.) From the fame to the fame. (5.) From the French Minifter, the Maie- fchal de Carries to the Baron de Stael (6.) From the fame to M. Goury at Whidah, to M. Valliere, Vice Conful at Tripoly, See. No. 7. Ex trail of a Letter, from Granville Sharp, Efq. to the Inhabitants of the Province of Freedom, at Sierra Leona. Mr. S. generoufly recommends lands to be given gratis, § 101 8, to feveral Eng. gentle- man and negroes, § roip, alfo to 12 Swedilh gentlemen, § 1023, — his reafons, § 1024. Reafons for inferring Lifts of the S. Leona and Bulama Sub - feribers, § 1025. LIST of the original Sulfcribers to the S. Leona Company, inftituted for promoting the civilization of Africa. — Prudent mode of eledting the firft Subfcribers of the S. Leona Company. ^50,000 to be added to the joint Hock, § 1026. How fubferibers were to be recom- mended, No. 3, and balloted for, No. 4. Proprietors to recommend Subfcribers ac- cording to their lhares, No. 7 and 8. Form of recommendation. No. 9. — The Adi of Par- liament for incorporating the S. Leona Company, in XLIX Articles, § 1027. LIST of the original Subfcribers to the Affociation for Cultivating the Ifland of Bulama, and by that means promoting the civilization of af ric a, § 1028. Abfentee Subfcribers. Colonift Subfcribers. Subfcriptions raifed in London. Ditto in Manchefter. VALUABLE MANUSCRIPTS. — Dr. Smeathman’s colledlion of journals and MSS. § 1029; — are fpeaking proofs of the Dr’s, ability and zeal, § 1030. — His obfervatiens on the thermometer, § 1031. — An interelling MSS. refpedting colonization, § 1032. — Anecdote refpedling Dr. b's charadter, § 1 034. CURIOUS ANECDOTE, refpedling the firft veflel for difeovery fitted out from N. Ame- rica, § 1035 ; — which purchafed a fine tradlof land fit for colonization, § 1036. ADVERTISEMENT. — The author’s reafons for his delay. — Recommends a periodical publication refpedling Africa to all fubferibers, &e. 3 A LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS to this WORK. A. Copies Adams, Minifer Plenipotentiary from the United States of America to the Reptiblick of Holland i Afzelius, John, Profeffor of Chemifry at the Univerfty of Upfala I Afzelius, Adam, Dr. a native of Sweden, Traveller in Africa as Natural Pbilofopher I Almeida, Chevalier d’, Portuguefe Ambaf- fador , London ••••• I Alftromer, Baron Patrick, Chevalier d’, Counfellor of the Board of Commerce in Sweden I Arfvidfon, Charles, Counfellor of the Board of Commerce in Sweden I Arfvidfon, Nicholas, efq. Gothenburg I Arrhenius, C. A. Chev. Captain of the Swedijh Artillery , Stockholm * I Arrowfmith, A. efq. Charles-j 7. Soho-fquare i Afh, John, Leeds . - — * Afp, P. O. Chevalier von, Swedijh Ambaf- fador at Conjlantinople i Averhoff, J. P. Chevalier d’, Swedijh Conful General at Hamburgh I Auker, Chamberlain to the King of Den- mark, Chrifiania, Norway * - I B. Bahrman, P. E. efq. Gothenburg I Baker, Rev. Dr. 60, Lowet Grofver.or-freet i Banks, Sir Jofeph, Knight of the Bath, Soho-fquare I Barclay, Robert, efq. Clapham i Harrell, Jofeph, efq. Bofon, N, America • •• 3 Copies Barrell, Colborn, a native of N. America, American Agent, No. 24, Threadneedlc-f. I Barthelemon, F. H. efq. a native of France, Vauxhall 1 Batty, Dr. Great Marlborougb-Jlreet 1 Beaufoy, H. efq. M. P. George’ s-Jlreet, Weflminjler 1 Beaver, P. efq. Lieut, in the Navy, Conductor of the new Colony at Bulama, Portfmouth 3 Beckett, efq. Madeira 1 Belcher, W. efq. 78, Bafnghall-Jlreet 1 Berndes, P. B. Captain of the Swedijh Ar- tillery, Stockholm « I Binns, John, Leeds 1 Birchall, Samuel, Leeds 1 Bjornberg, N. efq. Gothenburg 1 Blair, Thomas, efq. Dublin 1 Blair, William, efq. Ditto 1 Bland, Jofeph, efq. Mincing-lane 1 Bolts, Colonel, a native of Holland, No. 46. Upper Marrybonne-freet, London 1 Bonde, Baron de, Lera of the Bed-chamber to the King of Sweden, Aide de Camp General, Colonel and Knight of the Order of the Sword j Bonde, G. Count de, of Sdftaholm, in Sweden j Bonde, F. Count de, of Kjettfdtter, in Sweden 3 Boultbee, W. efq. 9, Billiter-fquare 1 Boydell, efq. Alderman, Cheapfide 1 Brahelin, J. P. efq. Stockholm 1 Brahe, Bille, Chamberlain, Copenhagen • •• x Brandftrdm, J. S. efq. Swedijh Conful, Hull 1 Brahelin- Subfcnbers Names . Copies Erahelin, efq. a native of Sweden, If and of Bartholomy I Erafier, ]ohn, efq. one of the Direflors of the S. Leona Company , Camberwell I Eremer, L. the Rev. Reflor to the Danijh Church, Wellclofe-fqtiare •••••• i Erenner, efq. Copenhagen i Brunbeck, J. efq. Alderman, Norkjoping i BULAMA ASSOCIATION 150 C. Carnegie, David, efq. Gothenburg ......... 1 Chalmers, Charles, efq. a native of Sweden, Lime-freet * 1 Chalmers, James, efq. Supercargo, in the fervice of the Swedi/h E. India Company, Canton , China 1 Chalmers, Wm. efq. one of the Direflors of the Swedifo E. India Company , Gothenburg 1 Clark, William, jun. Liverpool 2 Clarkfon, Thomas, efq. Penrith, Wefmorland 1 Ckrrkfcm, j . efq. Lieut, in the Navy, Purfleet 1 Clafon, D. J. native of Detimark, Jury- ftreet 1 Colier, Dr. Manchefer «... — 1 Collett, John, efq. Ckrifiania, Norway 1 Collin, Rev. Deacon of the five Swedifo Congregations in Penfylvania, N- America i Cowie, Robert, efq. Lime-freet 1 Crofby, efq. Camberwell 1 D. Daevel, Fr. Ludw, Captain in the corps of Engineers, in Sweden * 1 Dalrymple, Alex. efq. High freet, Marybone 1 Dalrymple, H. H. efq. Conduflor of the frf Expedition to Bulama x Daws, Jo. efq. Bolton Lancajhire 30 De Geer, Baron J. J. Chevalier, Chamber- lain to the King, Finfpong, Sweden 2 Dickfon, W. efq. London x Dinvvidie and Dinvidie, Manchefer z Djurberg, Dan. Profejfor in the Geography , Stockholm ••>•••••••••••• 1 Copies Dodd, efq. Cornhill p Dotnmer, George, efq. Hanover, in Germany 1 Dubb, Dr. Gothenburg x Durham, Hon. Dr. Shute Barrington, Lord Bifop of - , t E. Eberftein, Chriflian, efq. Hogf'o, Sweden 1 Eberflein, jun. efq. Norkioping, Sweden ••• 1 Elliot, The Hon. E. J. efq. M. P. one of the Direflors of the S. L. Co. Dowing-f. r Empfon, William, of Frtckley I Engeflrom, Chev. von, Swedifo Ambaffa- dor, Cumberland-place 2 Engeflrom, Guflaf, von, Counfellor of the Mineral College, in Sweden, Stockholm ••• I Engeflrom, Adolph, von. Member of the Mineral College, in Sweden, Stockholm ••• I Ernies, jun. efq. Havre de Grace x F. Falck, P. efq. Stockholm I Ferber, efq. Paris • •• j Ferber, efq. Paris 1 Ferner, Bengt, Chevalier, Counfellor of the King's Chancery, Stockholm X Eiellman, S. Secretary to the King vf Sweden, Stockholm I Fifcherftrom, J. Inlendent of the Board of (Economy, Stockholm 1 Fock, Baron, of Rebeck, Sweden I Forfler, Charles, efq. Hamburg 1 Fofter, Jofeph, efq. Bromley-ball 1 Folfh, F. F. Swedi/h Conful General at Marfeilles ...... 1 Fredenheim, C. F. Chev. Counfellor of the King's Chancery in Sweden .......... 1 Froberg, Andrew, Gottenhurg ......... x G. Gahn, J. G. Member of the Board of Mines , Fahlun, Sweden 1 Gahn, H. J. Swedifo Conful General, Cadiz, 1 Gahn, Henry, M. D. Stockholm 1 . Gartz, Claes, Secretary to the King, Stockholm 1 Geyer* 2 Subscriber, Copies Geyer, B. R. Chief DireSlor of the Effay Office in Sweden I Gloerfelt, Ifaac, Swedifh Conful General at Elfneur I Goodcw, efq. Deptford I Gories, efq. Stockholm -•» 2 Grant, Charles, efq. one of the Directors of the S. Leona Co. Batterfea Rife ......... 8 Graues, Th. efq. Captain Brijlol ..... i Greaves, efq. Honiton , Lkvonjhire •> «» I Green, Sir William I Grill, Joh. Abraham, Chev. one of the Directors of the Swedifh E. India Com- pany, Stockholm T Grill, Claes, efq. Swedifh Conful General in London, Mincing-lane 10O Grill, A. U. efq. Stockholm z Guftavus ValTa, a native of Africa i H. Hanfea, L. J. Copenhagen I Hall, Jofeph, efq. Gothenburg I HalJencreutz, J. Eng. Chief of the Mines in Swecen ............. I Hardcaflle, Jef. efq. Duckfoot-1. Thames-Jl. a Kardford, Trnmmen, efq. Limehoufe i Harman, Abraham, efq. Stoke Newington i Harman, Barney, efq. Ditto .. i Harrifon, George, efq. BuBhead-paffage , . J'J'ood-fireet .......... j Hartwell, George, efq. one of the Truftees to the Bnlama Ajfr, edition, Navy Office i Harwood, H. efq. Portfmouth ........ i Hafcins, H. efq. Briflol i Hnilelgren, Conrad, efq. Amfierdam i Hay, S. T. a native of Denmark , Chamler- Jlrcet i Heathoote, Jo. efq. Dcan-ftreet, Soho .... i Kermclin Baron S. G. Counfcllor of the Mineral College, in Sweden .......... i Ileykenfkiold, Chrift. Captain Txe in Sweden i Names. Copies Hjelm, R. J. Effiayer General, and Member of the Mineral College, in Sweden ......... j Hoare, Henry, efq. Mitcham 100 Holterman, Martin, efq. Gothenburg I Howard, W. efq. Ola-Jlrcet I I. Jacobi, Baron, Pruffian Amlaffiador, in London I Jacobs, efq. Riga, in Livonia I Janfon, Edward, Stoke Newington I Jenour, Jolhua, efq. Cbigwell-row, Effiex i Inglis, John, efq. one of the Direflors of the S. Leona Company, Mark-lane I Innis, Robert, efq. Gothenburg - I Johanfen, Chriftian, efq. Alderman, Ef- kiljiuna, Sweden i Johnfon, Edward, efq. Mile-end-road ... z Irujo, Chevalier d’. Secretary to the Spanijh Ambaffiy in London i K. Railing, Count de, Lieutenant-Colonel, Norkjoping , Sweden | K'ampe, Carl, Secretary and Librarian to the King of Sweden I Eant7.au, J. A, Swedifh Conful General at Eifoen i Kay, Benjamin, efq. Leeds x Kingllon, John, efq. one of the Diredlors of the S. Leona Company, New Broad flreet i Kirkpatrick, James, efq. one of the Trufees of the Bui am a Affiliation, Holy dale, Kent I Klingftfom, C. G. Captain, Stockholm i Kdnig, C. G. Secretary to the King and to the Swediffi Anbafy at Lifbon I Kufel, efq. a native of Sweden, Hull ...... i L. Le Mefurier, Paul, efq. M. P. one of the It u fees of the Bulama Afjociation, Wal- brook 5 Lefle, Anders, efq. Gothenburg i Lettfom, Subf cribers Names . Copies Lettfom, Dr. Sambrook-Houfe I Leyonankar,Chev. Admiral in the Swedijh Navy , Cbarlftroon, Sweden I Liedbeck, E. G. efq. Stockholm i Lilljencrantz, Baron Sven, Governor, Hef- felbyholm, Swedtn I Lindahl, Olof, efq. one of the Directors of the Swed/fo E. India Co. Norkioping ••• I Lindahl, P. jun. efq. Norkioping, Sweden i Liungberg, Counfellor of the Board of Com- merce, Copenhagen i Lifter, Daniel, efq. Hackney i Lopes, efq. Lifoon i Low, David, Gothenburg i Lucadou, Peter, efq. Broad-freet i Ludlam, W. efq. ffueen-freet x M. Macmurdo, E. L. efq. Oldford I M'Donnel, efq. Dublin I Maguire, Daniel, efq. Dublin i Martin, efq. M. P. Downing fr . London i Martin, E. Profejfor of the Roy. Acad, of Painting, Stockholm I Martin, Fred. efq. Stockholm I Mathew, Mrs. Rathbone-place i May, the Rev. Mr i Miller, Sir J. R. Bart. M. P. one of the Trufees to the Bulama Affociation I Minten, Johan, efq. Gothenburg i Mitchel, David, efq. Gothenburg i Mohamed, Raif, (Effendy,) Secretary to the Ambaffy of the Sublime Port , to the King of Great Britain x Moe, J. efq. Copenhagen x Moltke, Count de. Lieutenant in the Danijh Navy, Copenhagen I N. Niffen, Eric, efq. Gothenburg i Nifler, Rev. S. C. Redtcr of the Swedijh Church, Prince' s-fepuare x Copies Norberg, C. A, Counfellor of the Board of Commerce, at Copenhagen I Nordenfkiold, Otto, H. Chev. Admiral of the Swedijh Navy, Charlfcronn I Nordenfkiold, Chev. Adolph, Colonel of the Engineers, Frugard, Finland I Nordenfkiold, Ulric, Chamberlain to the King of Sweden, Stockholm X Nordenfkiold, Charles Frederick, Secretary to the King of Sweden, and to the Swedijh Ambaffy, at Hamburg i Nohrftedt, efq. Norkioping, Sweden i NORTHERN SOCIETY, Cateatonf. 9 O. Odelftierna, Chev. Captain of the Swedifj Artillery I Oterdahl, J. O. efq. Gothenburg 1 Oterdahl, P. efq. Ditto j Oxenftierna, C. G. Baron d’, Swedijh Am- baffador, at Lifbm 1 P. Park, Mungo, efq. Traveller in Africa, as Natural Philofopher ... 1 Parker, Sam. efq. one the Directors of the Sierra Leona Company, Clapham r Pauli, A. W. Swcdifo Conful, at Lybeck • •• 1 Payne, William, of Friekley ••••* • 1 Peil, efq. Stockholm ... 1 Pihl, A. Superintendant of the Copper Mine of Fahlun, in Sweden I Plymley, Rev. Archdeacon, Lognor, Salop 1 Pohlhcimer, A. Superintendant of the Mines, in Sweden, Landfcrona 1 Prieftley, the Rev. Dr. Jof. Philadelphia 1 Princep, Jo. efq. one of the Directors of the Sierra Leona Company, St. Mary Axe I Q, Quift, B. Anderfon, Counfellor of the Mineral College, in Sweden 1 Ramel, Subscribers Names . R. Copies Ramel, Baron otto. Major, Maltejbolm, Sweden Rainsford, Chev. Lieut. Gen. at Gibraltar Rantzau, Count de, Copenhagen - . Rappe, Baron, C. kL'exio, S-weJen Rathbone, efq. of Giesn Banku Liverpool • Reaflone, Rev. P. Acklom, Bar/borough, Derbyjkire Reimers, Alex. Gcttenburg Reinicke, Nich. Swedijh Conful General, at Havre de Grace ; Reyner, efq. Duck f cot-lane, Cannon-ftreet Rinman, Gull. efq. EJkilJluna, Sweden Rinman, Carl. efq. ditto ditto ••• Roberts, Richard efq. Manchejler Robfahm, C. one of the Commijfaries of the Swedijh Bank, Stockholm Rodes, Cornelius Heathcote, efq. Burl- b rough -Hall, Derbyjkire ...... ... Rohl, efq. Swedijh Agent in the Ijland of Bartholomew , IK. Indies ............ Rogers, Edw. efq. of Evert on , Liverpool ... Roos, Sven,jun. efq. Stockholm Ropofo, efq. Lijbcn Rofcoe, efq. oj Brchfteld, Liverpool ..... 2 Rothoff, efq. EJkiltuna, Sweden 1 S. Sanfom, P. efq. one of the DireRors of the S. Leona Company, London Jl «... 1 Scharp, efq. Stockholm 1 Schenbom, B. Chev. Swedijh Covjul Gene- ral, at F'eterjhurg I Schmicterlov, G. A. Lieut. CJ. Wcferwyk, Sweden I Scott, D. efq. M. P. one of the Truftees of the Bitlama Ajfociation, Harley ft. j Semflrom, J.. A. Goltenburg 1 Servante, Henry, American Agent, Ko. 24, Threadneedle-Jireet , London I Ser.vante, H. jun. Gheapftde ... 6 Copiet Seton, efq. Ekolmfund, Sweden ........ 1 Sharp, Granville, efq. one of the DireRors of the Sierra Leona Company, Temple I Sharp, efq. Fulham 1 Silverhielm, Baron Goran, Secretary to the Swedijh Ambaffy, in London 1 Smirke, efq. No. 62, Charlottc-ftreet, Rath- bonne-place, London ................ 1 Smith, Charles, efq. Lincoln' s-Inn 1 Smith, John, efq. Goltenburg 1 Smith, W. efq. M. P. Park ft. Weftminfter 1 Sparrman, A. Dr. and Member of the Medi- cal College, at Stockholm 1 Stael, von Holftein, Baron, Chev. Swedijh Ambajfador, to the French Republic I Stanhope, The Right Hon. Earl i Stiller, efq. M. P. a native of Germany , Cannon ■ Jlreet j Sturtzenbecker, Marten, efq. Captain if the Clips of Engineers, Stockholm .... j Sundius, efq. a native of Sweden, City Read, London j Swartz, C. Secretary to the King, Stockholm 1 Swartz, O. Dr. Stockholm ! Swartz, P. efq. Nrkj ping 1 Sykes, Jofeph, efq. Hull 1 Tarras, L. elq. Gottenburg j Thornton, H. elq. M. P. Kings Arms yard z 1 iman, efq. a native of Sweden, Mi no ties 1 Tinldale, Jo. Half moon-court, Manchejler 7 Tc'rngren, Martin, efq. one oj the DireRors lf the Sw,dijh Eajt India Com/any, Got- ten burg j Tranchell, Jonas, Gottenburg 1 Troil, Uno von, Chev. Archbifhi p of Swe- den, Upfala j T ulk, J. A. < fq. No. 2 1 , SLan-ftr. L.ndin 1 Tuxen, Captain, Elfcneur 1 Uhr, Subfcribers Names. U. Copies Uhr, J. Sebaftian af, Chief Direflor of the King's buildings, in Sweden I Uhr, And, af, Swedifh Conful at Toulon I V. Vaughan, S. efq. Mincing-lane, London ••• I W. Wadftrom, P. G. efq. Norkioping, Sweden 20 Wadftrom, J. Ad. M. D. Orebro, Sweden 1 Wadftrom, F. W. Counfellor of the Board of Exchequer, Stockholm I Wall, J. efq. Nicholas lane, Lombard Jlreet I Walker, Th. efq. Manchejler * 1 Walker, Rich. efq. ditto 1 Wedenberg, Dr. Member of the Medical College, Stockholm I Wegelin, J. H. efq. Koping, Sweden 1 Wennerquift, efq. Stockholm 1 Wefslo, Chr. Counfellor of the Board of Commerce , and Swedijh Conful at Cagliary 1 Wefterberg, Adolph, efq. Stockholm 1 Wefterberg, Guft. efq. Stockholm 1 Wefterberg, Eric, efq. Guftim, near Nor- kioping, in Sweden 1 Weftring, Dr. Norkioping, Sweden 1 Whitbread, S. fen. efq. M. P. Portmanfq. 2 Whitbread, Sam. jun. efq. M. P. Lower Grofvenor Jl. * 2 Copies Wilberfor-ce, Will. efq. M. P. one f the Di- reflors of the S. Leona Com, Old Palace y. 3 Wilcke, J. C. Chev. Secretary to the Royal Academy of Sciences, Stockholm 1 Williams, J. R. efq. Secretary to the Sierra Leona Company, Chatham place I Williamfon, Jacob, efq. Gottenlurg t Williamfon, Johan, efq. Ditto 1 Willis, efq. Conful General of Af rice, Dcvon- fhire Ji. Portland place — l Witfoth,efq. Ruffian Con. Gen. at Bourdeaux 1 Wohlfart, Berndt, efq. Gottenlurg 1 Wolff, Geo. efq. one of the Directors of the Sierra Leona Company, and Danfb Conful Genera American f quart 2 Wolff, Ernft, efq. a native of Denmark, American -fpuare • * I X. Ximenes, Mofes, efq. one of the Trufees to the Bulama Affociation, Upper Gower ft. 1 Y. Young, Sir Geo. Admiral, Great Ruffel ft. 1 Z. Zimmerman, E. A. G. Profeffor, Brunfch- wig I NB. As feveral lifts of fubferibers, efpecially thofe from abroad, are not yet returned, and the work, in other refpe&s being ready for delivery, the Author does not think himfelf at liberty to delay the publication any longer. It is hoped that this circumftance will ferve as a general apology to thofe fubferibers, at a diftance from London, who may not find their name* inferted in the above lift. ERRATA et CORRIGENDA. N. B. The Figures refer to the Paragraphs and Lines. $ 4 lint 1 1 read Eaft and Weft Indies. § 5 line 6 note, read though homeward bound fhips from Jamaica, See. are furthered in their tranfit by the gulph ftream. § 1 5 The following note fhould have been added, viz. " It is a fail no lefs furpriz- ing than certain,’’ fays Dr. Forfter, “ that, the more we examine the hiftory of almifi every nation , the more we find this cuftom, (cannibalifm) prevalent in thefirft periods of theirexiftence.” Voy.roundthe World, Vol. II. p. 78. But I may very fafely af- firm, that this horrid pradiice does not exift in that part of Africa which I am now fketchingJ § 40 line 2 read, prefen ts. § 42 line 2 dele in. ib. line 4 read the thermometer. § 57 line 1 4 read made by. § I35 line 1 6 dele is. § 142 Qu. XLVI1I. read Do not. See. § 143 line 2 read depend. § 1 50 line 7 d le a. § 172 line 16 dele the parenthetical marks. § 246 line 1 8 note, read that which he has feen in the E. Indies. § 280 line 3 This road was not finilhed till Feb. 12th, 1773. § 282 line 1 2 for at the head, read the referee § 33 1 l'ine 12 rec*d 1786. § 370 The note referred to fhould be Note K. § 418 line 25 read the greateft rifk. § 443 line 8 read fymptoms. § 447 line 1 6 read captivity. § 448 line 1 8 read having been previoufly promifed. § 479 line 33 read a man of humanity. §316 line 16 read the following. § 543 On Mr. Beaver’s authority, the king’s names are here fpelt Niobana, Matchore. §580 line 42 read kings of Canabac § 599 l'ne 2 ree*d Lieut. Col. von Rohrs. § 605 line z read the views of thofe gentlemen § 606 line 2 note to the 3d art. read unnatu- ral, feudal clafiification. § 61 3 line 2 read in our journey. § 614 line 4 read on the coaft. ib. line 10 read Malefherbes. § 618 Annex to the J note. See in the Ap- pend. Documents, &c. refpedting the Swed- ilh colonial Defign, No. 7. § 647 line 2 read on thofe coafts. § 650 line 19 read will know. § 68 2 line 6 read bought. § 692 line 10 read the horror of the natives at the place. § 694 late 6 read Note A A. § 69 5 line 3 read domeftics. ib. line 17 read Note B. § 703 read Note M. See § 377* § 710 line 3 read latter colony. § 715 line 24 read then rendered. \ 723 line 24 read come. ib . line I 1 read Note GG. § 936. § 744 line 3 dele which is called a cent piece. ib. line 4 dele or half cent. ib. line 3 read the 10 cent piece. § 750 line 6 read l fhould be tempted, in fo far, to prefer, &c. § 734 line 5 read fhould find means. ib. hne 6 read would no longer be fimilar. § 760 line 27 After W. Indian artijls, infert (for gins to feparate the cotton from the feeds, may be fent out from Europe.) ib. line 5 note, read is reckoned by moft writers § 761 note, read annually per acre. §773 line 4 dele indeed ib. line 22 read by being left. § 774 line 32 read Hence alfo. ib. line 3 f note, dele and. § 784 line 4 read April, 1788. §932 line 3 read Windmills. § 936 line 20 read medical men. §973 read No. 1. See § 603, 609. In the lift of names of the S. Leona fubferibers read Affelck, Affleck, Mrs. Ann rial Alleyne, Mrs. Ann real Bcacroft, Mrs. Judith read Beawan, W. H. Lincoln's-Inn read Birket, Daniel, 3 fhares read Blizard, Jo. r fhare read Bufhnan, Jofeph, Guildhall read Culmcr, John, Plymouth read Evans. C. efq. Highgrove, &c. read Jcfferys, Tho. Cockjpur-Jlreet read Jefferies, Johr. efq. Gloucejler read Jocelyn, Mrs. Martha, Rumjoid read Lea, Richard, Old Jewry lead Leech, John, Cornhill lead Nichollon, John, Philadelphia read Nicklin, James, Boto/ph-lanc read Ninde, Benj. Great Prcfcot-Jl. read Ogborn, R. BiJhopgatc-Jt within read Pearfall, Nich. Kidicrminjler read Plumptro, Jo. FrcdwiUe , Kent The author perhaps fhould alfo note, as errata, the words common _ infhort, every expreflion which may have efcaped him tending to read Piideaux, John, Northampton read Prideaux, Thomas. Ditto read Reeve, Jolhua, Canterbury fyaare read Smithers. H. Clink- fl. Southwark read Spranger, Jo. Symond't-Inn read Whatley, W. Oxjord-c. Cannon Jl read White, Wm. Fulham read Wolff, Mifs Maitha Ann read Worley, Ifaac, Uteapfide read Wright, J. M.IVel/e/ofe fq. 1 fhare people, better fort of people , See. to exalt or deprefs the hu human fpecies, from any confideration of outward circumftances ; and, in fo doing, he claims the in- dulgence due to a foreigner, who receives or picks up certain phrafes without entirely entering into their full fignification. The better Jort of people are thofe who are frugal in their ex- pences, and confcientioufly apply their time and pofleflions to the good of fociety, and it is to be regretted that the oppofite character is common. Dire&ions to the Bookbinder. All the plates to be placed at the end of the work, in the following order, Plate I. The Colonial Houfe. Plate II. The Harbour of Sierra Leona. Plate HI. The Iflind of Bulama. Plate IV. The Buildings at Bulama. Plate V. The Slave Ship. Plate VI. The large Map. Plate VII. is inferted below the Letter-prefs, at the end of the Second Part. Perfons who chufe to purchafe the Plates coloured, either with or without the Work, may be fupplied with them, by applying at Darton and Harvey’s, ■No. 55, Gracechurch-ftreefc, ' ■ \ / , ■ . . ■ ■ i : . -« EXPLANATION OF PLATE I. Fig. 1 . A Hat with three valves in the crown, very useful in hot climates. See § 88. • Fig. 2. An elevation of a temporary House, to be constructed on the trunk of a tree. See § 85. Fig. 3. An elevation and section of Mr. Johansen’s House, when a permanent situation is fixed on, (see § 86,) adapted to the transfusion of a continual circulation of air. a. The ground on which the house is to be erected, and which ought to be covered with a coat of cement or mortar, to prevent the ascent of vapours from the earth. b. A small trench, which may be made all round the house, through which water should be constantly running, if the situation admit of it; to prevent ants and other insects from entering the house. c. Pillars, on which the dwelling-house should be raised to a proper elevation above the ground, in order to give a free circulation of air underneath, to carry off the vapours. These pillars may be covered with bricks, and plaistered, if found necessary. d. A Fire-urn or Grate, from which the smoke rises through the opening in the top of the roof. e. The Roof also double, like the floor, in order to give a free circulation to the air, and render the roof, and consequently the room, cool. f. The stairs to be wound up, in order to render the house a place of defence, in case of necessity, particularly in the night-time. g. Curtains, to let down on the side the sun enters; but moveable Venetian blinds are preferable. h. A Gallery, covered by the projecting roof of the house all round, in order tq keep off the sun-shine. To Mr. Johansen’s invention I have added an apparatus which I have frequently seen used in Germany, for blowing their furnaces, in situations where they have water- falls. But where that advantage is wanting, a sufficient quantity of water for cooling a house may be easily raised by a pump. i. Is a Cistern, from which the water falls through the pipe k , full of holes, by which the air enters, and is forced downwards, by the violent descent of the water, into the close barrel, l. The water dashing on the bason, m, is broken into froth, and falls into the lower part of the barrel, n ; whence its runs off by the hole, o, and may then supply the above-mentioned trench, b. The air being disengaged from the broken water, and confined on all sides, is driven into the pipe, p , by which Mr. Johansen’s pipe, <7, under the earth, is furnished with a constant stream of air ; which ascending through his pipe, r, spreads itself in his air reservoir, s, and continues its ascent through his side pipes, t. The cool and purified air thus delivered by these pipes, being spe- cifically heavier than the air in the room, descends towards the floor, and takes placp pf the rarefied air, which constantly ascends till it escapes by the opening, w. Observations . H ith halt'll nufe olliiu/ of Cape Siena /.ram i Ifo&pttuf Point shews dear of ' any other Pant Steer due N from Cape Sierra Leona yon are sure to keep dear of the Middle Ground in y fht/ioms water. f'reeto ten is limit in the direction of' £'A ' K and WS W. (omntnninilnl hr (hptaut IA. (•Other. R KPKRKNVV. a hand merry if tor Pock font b hind rrserrd to the inhabitants of Pa Mo, /units 7bwn . C Company's i Yanhition mdi Manmierr Home Granary pc on the Jttdtorn Shore. On the refund of Cum tun there •i‘a.e /a trie a freneh S/are factory but it te now abandoned . M ailed Puli'll I J'luitnliou V i | TASSO Ir* Ihr/onyoy to i Jihe I/rinsh I d/aerPiictnnr i , the Town ot^the him/ i op (he liin/iia/iey tinoitre • irludi indude.t Wit mi /.eon, Pnlmiiii e Iknimlurv Wf,,um lutim Granville 'l©* V">t' e t,wT, ,s ft"Jfi/M ■ ili.ro/ IS ffi /(,f/ttrrnwS s j 6' / s o S'1 ■TiVt\ Mil/n->\ Jm To»n te’iT, V*s y JenunVi . / \ rum ot' Fn up. town . The dotted liner shew how O was first built the lb flip/* Inuidme/s now destroyed Thornton Fort 2 The Church x T ICS. “■ _ L «.44l i'i itL-t tvt.Il, ZjK»~a oaftM-Y _ - n '•'■t. i :: V-.;. ■d. ~a_ . 108-4-5. A. 45.^ \ sf JT^ __ r"J' L a ^ »«*• jr *-4l' -S: W.C4 0. L O ftO. joy Cc'Mc Deans . k, i «. ^ ^ 4-V v'' . - *->- . cnvr.R i, nhm .Troop '£-4, ‘-.•ggT §i ' o.Oa ‘ a — . 142.4. »”a\i <>\7 s TV „ .9 ^ J 7 o toa.ll‘1 r Yf AV This Sketch , ftttfre /rum that inserted m the report ip the Itim-fors uuxune purlieu itrs m which f fhrve to/ Amu! the ii’rrys'itivie ot'.M'IXuiw anf op tiy/t tiofher. Bui. after alt, as /fc* ryuhtr surrey at' thu harbour has ever been mado.it avi Si*u\Wy be supposed stiftuifnrfy ihxu/iifr tor mm tut if nnmue.e r A * ' t !«. ; f miZA i I I rate* K-v The Tufas u/r yen' trree/tuar i/tneny the /tntiy season, fur in die dry Jfemdu the Tide fim-s at /id! k ehanye y hours 3om rutry about JO feet . They run at the ru/e at' a AhrtsL'thr Plb sets jtmnr/ ut the mttU/e (irounf ' pr-'"' 1 f l ape Sierra Leona from the Sea dirt ~ G mites. Lot 8" 30 .1' Lona.tf.48W. Tartar 14 -to IK Island Jtd die Continent shnfltuf Beuve/v Buildup Vievr oT the West aide of die Island t bam the C/umnet bein' i Island of A lit AS r- no must- heir to be fou/id Gentle aseentr cleared RoC Trees Vic wo/' t/u Enat side of' die Island from the place tvlie/r the Vefsds first anchored. g Gentle assents [iVestml ot'/heer areel/ent water S HOKE Beavers For Kahvmfilcl Bor trot rn/tabiteal >•/' elevates/ Lsuu/ . water, bat JWT*- V I AN I of the 1_ ISLAND of BUMMA Observation* at the Island <• ’ lluhuna he 1’ Beaver F, (mail m die ) ear jV b Hind i/i.Vu’^a/v/ Ar^iwv odd .Yo Jhirmaoms The nun t bet fin Fend with i » Jtho the* setdkwn hue abort hnlt'an hour are irn’ violent at the beyuuurwf sf' the season . The nuns jet u • otbyuuiuy of June is /hush about the e/d of October The end ad the i buna /»* *' be .wty* ,imt mlt Mua- at the Ulo.Yunrz ahtrr che sun i * not to be seen -f Ikmrs after .reason not nit/ni/eh/ii/ T ubhshed Place Tiai/i /.and N. W Field ( Uoiise thr ( untettas Dtoc/e house ihu/trv Hour e Fttnn Yard I Vend fir thr r/earrt/ «(• uu/osyt/ ■ ■-■■ ■■ - ■ ■ a i\unh\unr % Olvc newts i' Sen tree A'uir ii ntwt /!<•>/ home \!n tended tnwts on the V'lva/i jute nor finished placed on dir our y /dt a' the tiunhoune t irtJi.tr of thr filter . ,V The A rtuym mrr r"vu n.,.tr with „ nr, r'*° nn./ht ^ "W’ v( «>ur «y’ 1/Wl/TYlVIlW .*/A, /t„/nw . LIIIJ FLA AT ot'thr ptmirionat defbiee , buitdwjK it cleared tf mtintlr , which hart already hrm e/rcntal at Jtufa/na l>v thr . who had the courage of remaining urutrr da ijreatat difficulties upon the Island •urtpritin• t. , ‘\t; , • ea/rd k inrlaced