If 
 
 . 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
LJ MR A I? V 
 
 (Theological ^cminavtu 
 
 PJRINCETO •/. 
 
 No.'Ca g>4^ 
 
 BR 45 .B35 1808 
 
 Bampton lectures 
 
/ 
 
 
 / 
 
AN 
 
 ATTEMPT 
 
 TO PROVE 
 
 THE TRUTH OF CHRISTIANITY 
 
 FROM 
 
 THE WISDOM DISPLAYED IN ITS ORIGINAL 
 ESTABLISHMENT, 
 
 AND FROM 
 
 THE HISTORY OF FALSE AND CORRUPTED 
 SYSTEMS OF RELIGION : 
 
 IN A 
 
 SERIES OF DISCOURSES 
 
 PREACHED 
 
 BEFORE THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, 
 
 IN THE YEAR MDCCCVIII, 
 
 At the Le&ure founded by 
 
 THE LATE REV. JOHN BAMPTON, M. A, i&GJJT b\*P£. 
 
 CANON OF SALISBURY. 
 BY 
 
 john'penrose, m.a, 
 
 OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE. 
 
 \tc 
 
 OXFORD: 
 
 At the Univerfity Prefs, for J. Cooke, and J. Parker ; 
 
 And for John Murray, Fleet Street ; F. and C. Rivington, St. Paul's 
 
 Church Yard j J. Hatchard, Piccadilly; and A. Constable 
 
 and Co. Edinburgh, 
 
 1808. 
 
TO 
 
 HIS GRACE 
 
 THE 
 
 ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. 
 
 May it please your Grace, 
 
 IT is fo natural that I fhould 
 deem it a high diftin6tion to be permitted to 
 infcribe this work to the Archbifhop of Can- 
 terbury, that but few words can be requifite 
 to exprefs my fenfe of the obligation. My 
 habits of intercourfe with a county in which 
 your Grace has been long known are fuch as 
 to have inftru6ted me in the full value of the 
 favour thus conferred upon me. Indeed, I 
 fliall readily be believed in declaring that I 
 feel it to be doubly gratifying, as it proceeds 
 from a perfon whofe chara&er reflects the 
 higheft honour on his fplendid rank. 
 
 a 2 The 
 
iv DEDICATION. 
 
 The well-known Bampton Le&ures for the 
 year i;84 contain a view of the contraft be- 
 tween Chriftianity and Mahometanifm. To 
 thofe leclures I am willing to think that thefe 
 may be confidered as Supplemental. I have 
 endeavoured to prove the truth of the Chris- 
 tian religion by an inquiry into the wifdom 
 which was difplayed in its firft eftablifhment : 
 and I have taken a line of argument which I 
 do not recollect to have feen purfued elfe- 
 where. In the profecution of this inquiry I 
 have been led into a feries of hiftorical details 
 concerning thofe teachers of falfe religions, or 
 of a corrupted Chriftianity, from whofe con- 
 duel I thought it moft expedient to mow that 
 the conduct of Chrift himfelf may be diftin- 
 guifhed by infallible criteria. And, though I 
 have purpofely abftained from any particular 
 animadverfion on the hiftory of the Arabian 
 legiflator, ftill the topics which I have at- 
 tempted to difcufs are fo fimilar to that of 
 Prbfeffor White, that I may be accounted, 
 not, indeed, as a writer of the fame clafs, but 
 as a labourer in the fame department with 
 him. 
 
 Every 
 
DEDICATION. v 
 
 Every author is entitled to flatter himfelf 
 that he has done fomething for the queftion of 
 which he has treated ; and fliould he on this 
 account be thought guilty of vanity, it is 
 better to fubmit to that imputation than to in- 
 cur the ftill more ferious charge of trifling, 
 willingly, with the attention of the Public. I 
 venture, therefore, to hope that the argument 
 of thefe difcourfes, an argument, which, if juft, 
 is certainly of the greateft importance, will be 
 found to have been ufefully conducted. Should 
 this hope be realized, your Grace, I am fure, 
 will not repent the encouragement which you 
 have been pleafed to beftow on him, who has 
 the honour to fubfcribe himfelf, with the moll 
 unfeigned refpecl, your Grace's mod obliged 
 and obedient Servant, 
 
 JOHN PENROSE. 
 
 C. C. C. June 34, 1808. 
 
PHIHGETOH ^, 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 SERMON I. 
 
 DISTINCTION between wifdom and craft (p. i). 
 This diftin&ion fupplies an accurate criterion by which 
 the truth of Chriftianity may be determined, with- 
 out entering into the queftion of miracles (2). Unbe- 
 lievers hold that the eftablifhment of our religion may be 
 attributed folely to human caufes (3). That eftablifh- 
 ment, however, may be mown to be characterized by 
 fuch and fo enlightened a wifdom as no enthufiaft or im- 
 poftor could, pofiibly, have poflefled (4). Mode by 
 which it is intended to illuftrate this character of the wif- 
 dom of Chriftianity (8). Datum aflumed (9). If Chrif- 
 tianity be falfe, its eftablifhment muft neceflarily be re- 
 ferred either to enthufiafm, or to impofture (11). Cafe 
 of enthufiafm (ibid.) Cafe of impofture (15). Ability 
 requifite to its fuccefs (17). Real ability confpicuous in 
 the defign of Chriftianity (18) : but the nature of that 
 ability inconfiftent with the fuppofition that it could pofli- 
 bly have been poflefled by an impoftor (20). Equally 
 or ftill more inconfiftent with the fuppofition of enthu- 
 fiafm (21). Profpeclive view of the plan of the following 
 leclures (24). 
 
 a 4 SERMON 
 
viii CONTENTS. 
 
 SERMON II. 
 
 Preliminary obfervations (29) . Origin of idolatry (31). 
 Zoroafter, of all men, feems to have been the mod favour- 
 ably circumftanced for purifying the religion of his coun- 
 try {35). Yet he was guilty of an undoubted compro- 
 mife with the idolatry of fire (36). Farther obfervations 
 ref petting the Perfic religion (37). Progrefs of idolatry 
 to Egypt, Greece, and Rome (40). The ancient fages 
 always inculcated an external compliance with the re- 
 ceived fuperftitions of their times (41). They confidered 
 religion as being a part of legiflation, and fubfervient to 
 the ends of government (42). If Chrift had been an im- 
 poftor and addreffed himfelf to the Gentile world, he alfo 
 would have acquiefced in its received idolatries (43). 
 Nor was his conduct fuch as might naturally have been 
 expected from an impoitor who addrefTed himfelf to the 
 Jews (46). Conduct of thofe falfe Medians who in an- 
 cient or in modern times have abufed the credulity of the 
 Jewifli nation. Barchochab, Sabatai Sevi, and others 
 (48). Proofs that the conduct of Chriit, if an impoftor, 
 cannot be accounted for on the fuppofitions of his having 
 acted with a view to pofthumous fame, or from motives 
 of real beneficence (52). 
 
 SERMON III. 
 
 An objection dated which renders it neceffary to (how 
 that Chriftianity (and alfo Judaifm, the truth of which is 
 liippofed by Chriftianity) is not expofed to thofe objec- 
 tions which have been alleged againft the heathen fuper- 
 ilitions (59). All compliance with temporary interefts 
 
 not 
 
CONTENTS. i* 
 
 not liable to objection, but fuch compliance only as is 
 eventually injurious to the caufe which it is intended to 
 promote (60). Intention of religion. Refpe&ive natures 
 of Judaifm and Chriftianity (61). The Jewifh ceremo- 
 nies not idolatrous (65). Their probable intention and 
 ufe (66). Application of fimilar reafonings to Chriftian- 
 ity (74). Toleration of Jewifh obfervances in Jewifh 
 converts (78). Conformity of Chrift and his apoftles to 
 the Jewifh law (79). Nothing idolatrous or objection- 
 able in fuch conformity (81). Scope and character of 
 the religions of Mofes and of Chrift refpeclively (83). 
 
 SERMON IV. 
 
 Firft corruptions of Chriftianity (89). Adoption into 
 the church of the heathen maxim that deceit is justifiable 
 in matters of religion (91). Origin and progrefs of the 
 fuperftitious veneration for deceafed faints, which at 
 length terminated in an entire conformity to the rites of 
 Polytheifm (93). Excefles of the Romifh idolatry (97). 
 Eftablifhment of the Romifh tyranny (100). Diftinction 
 between real Chriftianity, and the Papal corruptions (103). 
 Contraft in real wifdom between the true and the cor- 
 rupted fyftem (105). This contraft elucidates the caufes 
 of the limited progrefs of our religion, and confirms the 
 diftinction which has before been afferted to exift between 
 general and partial wifdom (106). 
 
 SERMON V. 
 
 Rife and progrefs of the Regular Clergy (114). Bene- 
 dictines (115). Mendicants (116). Foundation of the 
 
 order 
 
x CONTENTS. 
 
 order of the Jefuits (117). Ignatius Loyola (119). Con- 
 futations and ol er of the order (120.) Thejuftice 
 of this character confirmed by its real hiftory (130). 
 Cafuiftry of the Jefiiifta (133). They taught that where 
 the end was good, all means were juftifiablc, which 
 might conduce to its attainment (ibid). Their doctrine 
 of Probability (134). The profligate cafuiftry and ambi- 
 tion of the order do not feem to have had any correfpond- 
 ing effects on the moral conduct of individual Jefuits 
 (136). Reafons by which this may be accounted for 
 (137). Rapid progrefs of the Jefuitical power, with the 
 means by which it was promoted (138). The injuftice 
 of any conclufion againft Chriftianity itfelf from the vices 
 of its profeflbrs (143). Peculiar and characteristic excel- 
 lencies of Chrift (T46). 
 
 SERMON VI. 
 
 Conduct of the Jefuit mirlionaries (153). Xavier (154). 
 Propagation of Chriliianity in Japan (155). Its fubver- 
 fion in that country owing to the temporal ambition of 
 the Jefuits (156.) Eftablifhment of Chriftianity in Chi- 
 na (157). Zeal of the Jefuits (158). Their accommo- 
 dations to Chinefe idolatry (160). Ceremonies of the 
 Chinefe in honour of the heavens (161), of their parents 
 and anccftors (163), and of Confucius (165). Defence of 
 thele ceremonies by the Jefuits (166). Invalidity of this 
 defence (167). Contraft between thefe idolatrous com- 
 pliances of the Jefuits, and the fcrupulous care of the 
 primitive Chriftians to avoid idolatry (172). Conduct of 
 St. Paul (173). The partial weight which the argu- 
 ments of the Jefuits in defence of the Chinefe ceremonies 
 may be allowed to poflefs, when urged againft Papifts 
 (174). Their compliances reprobated, however, by the 
 
 Pope 
 
CONTENTS. xi 
 
 Pope (175), but ftill perfevered in (177). This policy 
 has proved ultimately unfuccefsful (178), Chriftianity 
 having experienced an almoft total overthrow in China, 
 and mud alfo operate powerfully againft future attempts 
 for its re-eftablifhment (179). The narrownefs of their 
 policy was not perceived by the miffionaries themfelves 
 (180). The fuperior penetration of Chrift, which he 
 could not have poffeffed, if he had not been enlightened 
 by more than human knowledge (181). A farther pre- 
 emption in favour of Chriftianity from the method of 
 argumentation employed by its defenders (183). 
 
 SERMON VII. 
 
 Univerfality of the religion of Chrift (185). The Je- 
 fuit miffionaries to India, in their compliances with the 
 cafts and fuperftitions of the Hindus, have acted in a 
 manner totally inconfiftent with that univerfal fpirit (ib.) 
 Detail of thefe compliances (187). Confequences which 
 have arifen from them (193). Improprieties committed 
 even by thofe miffionaries, whofe general conduct feems 
 to have been the moft irreprehenfible (195). Their con- 
 duel on being required to work miracles (197). The 
 conduct of Chrift in ftmilar circumftances, and the pre- 
 emptions which it affords (198). Sketch of the hiftory 
 of the St. Thome Chriftians on the coaft of Malabar 
 (199). Tyranny exercifed over them by the Romifh 
 miffionaries from Portugal (202). Its refult (206). Re- 
 mit which might have been expected, had a lefs arbitrary 
 fyftem been purfued (207). Difficulties neceffarily at- 
 tendant on the propagation of Chriftianity in India, and 
 other unconverted countries (210). Inference from thefe 
 difficulties {214). 
 
 SERMON 
 
xii CONTENTS. 
 
 SERMON VIIL 
 
 Preliminary obfervations (217). Nature of the govern- 
 ment of Paraguay under the Jefuits (220). Their domi- 
 nion founded on the extinction of property, and on keep- 
 ing their fubje&s in a ftate of ignorance : a policy en- 
 tirely inconfiftent with the fpirit of true religion (226). 
 Conduct of the Jefuits towards the fecular ecclefiaftics of 
 Paraguay, and the government of Spain (234). Their 
 concern in the Indian war (236). Defeat of the Indians 
 (2 •;;). Though the conduct of the Jefuits upon this oc- 
 cafion may be palliated, or, perhaps, excufed, it certainly 
 does not poffefs the evidence of difintereftednefs (238). 
 Incontrovertible difintereftednefs of Chrift (239). Farther 
 illuftrations (ib.) 
 
 SERMON IX. 
 
 Recapitulation (245). It remains to compare the decline 
 of the Papal and Jefuitical power with the continued fe- 
 curity and progrefs of Chriftianity (252). Decline of the 
 Papacy, with the caufes to which it may be referred (253). 
 Supprefiion of the Jefuits (255). The corruptions of 
 Chriftianity account fatisfactorily for its limited progrefs 
 in the world (262). Nature and reality of the fuccefs 
 which it has obtained (263). Conclufion (267). 
 
 EXTRACT 
 
EXTRACT 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT 
 
 OF THE LATE 
 
 REV. JOHN BAMPTON, 
 
 CANON OP SALISBURY. 
 
 " I give and bequeath my Lands and 
 
 c< Eftates to the Chancellory Mafters, and Scholars 
 "of the Univerlity of Oxford for ever, to have 
 " and to hold all and lingular the faid Lands or 
 " Eftates upon truft, and to the intents and pur- 
 " pofes hereinafter mentioned ; that is to fay, I 
 " will and appoint that the Vice-Chancellor of 
 " the Univerlity of Oxford for the time being lhall 
 " take and receive all the rents, ifTues, and pro- 
 i( fits thereof, and (after all taxes, reparations, and 
 " necefTary deductions made) that he pay all the 
 " remainder to the endowment of eight Divinity 
 u Lecture Sermons, to be eftablifhed for ever in 
 u the faid Univerlity, and to be performed in the 
 " manner following : 
 
 " I direct and appoint, that, upon the firft 
 •f Tuefday in Eafter Term, a Lecturer be yearly 
 
 " chofen 
 
[ xlv ] 
 
 ■ chofen by the Heads of Colleges only, and by 
 " no others, in the room adjoining to the Print- 
 tc ing-Houfe, between the hours of ten in the 
 " morning and two in the afternoon, to preach 
 " eight Divinity Lecture Sermons, the year fol- 
 4i lowing, at St. Mary's in Oxford, between the 
 " commencement of the laft month in Lent Term, 
 " and the end of the third week in Act Term. 
 
 " Alfo I direct and appoint, that the eight Di- 
 11 vinity Lecture Sermons fhall be preached upon 
 u either of the following Subjects — to confirm 
 " and eftablifh the Chriftian Faith, and to con- 
 •• fute all heretics and fchifmatics — upon the di- 
 " vine authority of the holy Scriptures — upon 
 " the authority of the writings of the primitive 
 " Fathers, as to the faith and practice of the pri- 
 " mitive Church — upon the Divinity of our 
 u Lord and Saviour Jefus Chrift — upon the Di- 
 u vinity of the Holy Ghoft — upon the Articles 
 " of the Chriftian Faith, as comprehended in the 
 " Apoftles' and Nicene Creeds. 
 
 11 Alfo I direct, that thirty copies of the eight 
 
 " Divinity Lecture Sermons fhall be always 
 
 printed, within two months after they are 
 
 ' preached, and one copy fhall be given to the 
 
 Chancellor of the Univerfity, and one copy to 
 
 " the Head of every College, and one copy to the 
 
 " Mayor of the city of Oxford, and one copy to 
 
 be put into the Bodleian Library ; and the ex- 
 
 " pence 
 
 u 
 
 tt 
 
 U 
 
[ *v ] 
 
 Si pence of printing them fhall be paid out of the 
 u revenue of the Land or Eflates given for efta- 
 " blifhing the Divinity Lecture Sermons ; and 
 " the Preacher fhall not be paid, nor be entitled 
 to the revenue, before they are printed. 
 
 (C 
 
 " Alfo I direct and appoint, that no perfon 
 " iriall be qualified to preach the Divinity Lec- 
 " ture Sermons, unlefs he hath taken the Degree 
 " of Mailer of Arts at leaft, in one of the two 
 " Univerfities of Oxford or Cambridge; and that 
 <c the fame perfon fhall never preach the Divi- 
 " nity Leflure Sermons twice." 
 

 ~ V 
 
 HON 
 
 
 T$ 
 
 
 John xviii. 36. 
 My kingdom is not of this world. 
 
 W ISDOM and craft, it has frequently been 
 obferved, are principles of diftincl nature, and 
 incompatible fo far as they are diftincl:. They 
 differ in the objects to which they are reflec- 
 tively directed, in the means which they em- 
 ploy, and in the refults which they are calcu- 
 lated to produce. As the grafp of wifdom is 
 ilrong and comprehensive, fo its aim is per- 
 manent fuccefs. The views of craft, on the 
 other hand, are limited by actual emergency. 
 Though acute in the difcernment, and inge- 
 nious in the application of prefent refources, it 
 afcends not from the contemplation of parts 
 to an enlarged conception of the whole. Wif- 
 dom preferves unviolated the precepts of an 
 elevated morality, abftains from every parti- 
 cular expedient of which the general confe- 
 
 b quence 
 
2 SERMON I. 
 
 quence would be prejudicial, and trufts its fu- 
 ture, though perhaps diftant triumph to the 
 undoubted efficacy of truth. Craft, lefs fcru- 
 pulous in its ambition, is lefs exact alio in its 
 cafuiftry ; and, where an immediate intereft 
 may be advanced by politic falfehood, either 
 is not aware of, or does not regard, that cer- 
 tain progrefs, by which falfehood, though it 
 may profper for a time, yet terminates even- 
 tually in defeat. 
 
 Various are the queftions which this dis- 
 tinction might be employed fuccefsfully to 
 elucidate, and occasions will arife in thefe Dif- 
 courfes to examine many of its mod import- 
 ant confequences. At prefent, however, I 
 fhall content myfelf with Hating, that it will 
 be found to fupply an accurate criterion, by 
 which the truth of Chriftianity may be deter- 
 mined, without entering into any difcuffion 
 on the credibility of miracles, and without de- 
 nying the full importance of all thofe natural 
 caufes, to which alone the propagation of 
 our faith has of late been artfully afcribed. 
 Such a criterion muft be particularly adapted 
 to obviate thofe objections to our religion, 
 which the ableit of its recent advcrfaries have 
 propofed, and which contribute more power- 
 fully than any other difficulties to perplex the 
 
 doubtful 
 
SERMON I. 3 
 
 doubtful Chriilian, or confirm the wavering 
 unbeliever. 
 
 Now it is manifeft that Chriftianity exifts. 
 What we have to examine is this : Whence 
 did it arife ? How was it propagated ? If it 
 was eftablifhed by the aid of miracles, the 
 queftion of its origin muft be at reft ; it is de- 
 cided by the authority of God himfelf. Un- 
 believers, therefore, neceflarily hold, that the 
 eltablifhment of our religion may reafonably 
 be attributed to caufes limply human. They 
 aflert, that the conduct of its founders, ftimu- 
 lated by the zeal, though purified from the 
 unfocial fpirit of the Jewifh fyftem, was wife- 
 ly contrived, or fortunately adapted, to incor- 
 porate in the profeffion of a common faith the 
 Jews, to whom it was reprefented as the con- 
 fummation of the Mofaic law, and the united 
 nations of the Gentile world a . Motives are 
 
 * Gibbon, chap. xv. vol. i. p. 536*, 541. 4to. ed. 1789, 
 The intolerance, however, to which Mr. Gibbon attributes 
 fo much effect, is fomewhat inconiiftent with that fpirit 
 of incorporation, which he confiders at the fame time as 
 one of the early chara&eriftics of Chriftianity* Thofe 
 Chriftians who rejected the Jewifh ceremonies, in fome 
 inftances anathematized the Judaizers. They cannot, 
 therefore, have been zealous for union with them under 
 «>ne comprehenftve fyftem. 
 
 b 2 alleged. 
 
4 SERMON I. 
 
 alleged, by which it is fuppofed, that the craft 
 of fome, and the fanaticifm of others, may 
 have been incited to combine in the fame at- 
 tempt ; by which felfifli paffions may have 
 been urged to cooperate with fmcere piety in 
 promoting equally the intereds of the faith, 
 and the ambitious policy of Condantine. 
 
 The apparent tendency of fuch remarks is 
 to fugged the inference, that, as the edablifh- 
 ment of Chridianity may be referred to the 
 natural effect of human motives, no argument 
 for the divine interference can be collected 
 from its hidory. I hope, however, to mow, 
 that it is an altogether contrary inference 
 which judly ought to be derived from this 
 congruity between the means employed, and 
 the effect produced : I hope to prove on 
 this very ground, that our religion was not 
 ciiablifhed by man alone, but bears genuine 
 and indubitable traces of the finger of God. 
 
 Chridianity, then, originally promulgated 
 among the Jews, is profelfedly the confumma- 
 tion of the Jewifh law ; and it is certain, alfo, 
 that, freed from the temporary or local pecu- 
 liarities of the Mofaic inditution, it offers its 
 impartial promifes to all the kindreds of the 
 earth* By theft characters, its permanent ad- 
 vancement and eventual greatnefs have been 
 
 un- 
 
SERMON L 5 
 
 unqueftionably confulted. By thefe charac- 
 ters, alfo, the probability of its divine origin is 
 confirmed; for, were not the means employed 
 for the promotion of Chriftianity both wife in 
 themfelves, and calculated alfo to harmonize 
 with the ufual motives of human action, that 
 analogy would be violated, which, fo far as 
 we can perceive, has been invariably obferved 
 in the divine counfels, when there has been 
 no reafon for interrupting it. God lavifhes 
 not unneceffary miracles, but feems rather, in 
 all practicable cafes, to work by the inftru- 
 mentality of fecond caufes. It will be proved, 
 however, that the mode and circumftances, in 
 which the Chriftian religion was originally 
 propofed, wxre not fuch, exclutively of mira- 
 culous interference, as might naturally have 
 been expected to conciliate the immediate fup- 
 port either of the Heathen or of the Jew, nor 
 fuch as the authors of the religion could pofli- 
 bly have devifed with the political view of 
 furthering its progrefs. We allow, that Chrif- 
 tianity is, indeed, a religion accommodated to 
 the general ftate, and aptly fuited to the com- 
 mon hopes of mankind ; that it accomplishes 
 the covenant which was made with Abraham ; 
 and that it admits the Gentile to participate in 
 
 b 3 the 
 
6 SERMON I. 
 
 the benefits of revelation: but we contend alfo, 
 that its character is no where marked with 
 the temporary and queltionable expedients of 
 human policy. 
 
 To be able to judge in what manner Chrif- 
 tianity was accommodated to the nature of 
 mankind, it is necellary that we fhould under- 
 ifond the circumiiances of thofe perfons to 
 whom it was firft announced ; that we take 
 into confideration their numerous and necef- 
 fary prejudices, their fond but vifionary ex- 
 pectations. It will then be feen, that our 
 religion, though well calculated, when it 
 fhould once have taken root, to become, even- 
 tually, univerfal ; though wifely fuited to the 
 general condition of mankind ; yet had no 
 natural probability nor profpecl of immediate 
 eftablifhment ; that it was every way repug- 
 nant to the particular opinions of the age in 
 which it firit appeared ; that the policy by 
 which it was characterized, and the obje&s 
 which it was directed to attain, were fuch as 
 an enthufiafr, or an impoltor, could not pofli- 
 bly have comprehended or propofed. 
 
 Chrill, though we now perceive his conduct 
 to have been adapted to the character of the 
 Mciliah, who was announced by Jewifh pro- 
 phecies, 
 
SERMON I. 
 
 7 
 
 phecies, did not appear as the Meffiah whom 
 the Jews expected b . He was not received as 
 the confummator of the law, becaufe he did 
 not countenance the common prejudices which 
 exifted refpecling the mode of its confumma- 
 tion. Nor to the Gentiles of the age in which 
 Jefus and his Apoftles taught was the real dis- 
 crimination between the Chriftian and the 
 Jewilh religion fo apparent, as to acquire that 
 favour or impartiality for the one, which was 
 generally denied to the other ; or to vindicate 
 the Chriftian from that odium or contempt, 
 which was every where the portion of the 
 Jew. They who faw that Chriftianity recog- 
 nized the religion of Mofes, confidered it as a 
 feci of Judaifm, and were not likely to en- 
 quire folicitoufly into the peculiar diftinclion 
 of the feci:, where they generally defpifed the 
 religion. While Chrift, therefore, to the Gen- 
 tiles appeared a Jew, and to the Jews a blaf- 
 phemer of their law, he could derive no poli- 
 tical advantage from the opinions or circum- 
 stances of the age in which he lived. On no 
 fuppofition can it be accounted for, that he 
 fhould have purfued a conduct liable to thefe 
 objeclions, but on the fuppofition that he was 
 
 * Orobio, Arnica Coll, p. 8. ed. Goudae 4to. 
 
 S4 a mef- 
 
8 SERMON I. 
 
 a meflenger of truth. An enthufiaft or an im- 
 poftor, who pretended to the reforming cha- 
 racter, would never have expofed himfelf to 
 the queftion, which many parts even of the 
 apoitolk al writings feem intended to refolve, 
 and which is recorded to have been afked in 
 the fecond century by one of the moft emi- 
 nent adversaries of our faith : " Why do you 
 " reli the foundations of your doctrine upon 
 " the Jewiih law, and yet abandon it as you 
 *f erect the fuperftruclure c ?" 
 
 It will be the object of my difcourfes be- 
 fore this aflembly to illultrate the diftinction 
 which has been thus ftated between the real 
 conduit of Jefus Chriii, and the conduct which 
 any teacher of a falfe religion might, in the 
 lame circumftances, have naturally been ex- 
 pected to purfue. The great and extenilve 
 combinations, the fimple, pure, unaccommo- 
 dating character confpicuous in the records of 
 (hriliianity, and exemplified in the hiitory of 
 its Author, will be compared with the tempo- 
 ral compliances and artifice, not only of hea- 
 
 c II tTC0$ Ctp%€<T§S \LVJ UT70 TOOV YtfASTSpoUV UfCtiV, l&fOlOVTc$ 5= 
 Ci'jTU UTlf£u£:Ti ; «X e%0VT6$ CC\\r t V Cip^V SlTTslV TS SoyfJLGCTQC, 7) 
 
 to tyMTfpov vofxov. Celli Judceus ap. Orig. lib. ii. p. 59. 
 cJ. Spuiccri. 
 
 then 
 
SERMON I. 9 
 
 then lawgivers and pretended Chrifts, but 
 more particularly, alfo, of enthufiaftic or de- 
 signing Chriftians. The enlarged wifdom by 
 which the counfels of God are eventually feen 
 to be diftinguifhed, whenever we are compe- 
 tent to examine them, will be contrafted with 
 the inferior fkill and tranfitory objects of hu- 
 man policy. Intentions will be traced in the 
 original code and inftitution of Chriftianity, 
 which no enthufiaft or impoftor could have 
 entertained, and profpective defigns, which 
 the knowledge exifting among mankind at the 
 time of its publication was not adequate to 
 form, and which the minifters and hiftorians 
 of its firft eftablifhment did not, probably, 
 themfelves contemplate. 
 
 In examining with this view the evidence 
 of Chriftianity, as it is propofed to wave en- 
 tirely the argument from miracles, I alio for- 
 bear to adduce that direcl teftimony to the 
 truth of the religion which is afforded by 
 the books of the New Teftament. So far, 
 however, as thefe books give an account of 
 the early hiftory of our faith, I fliall not hefi- 
 tate to affume their authenticity, becaufe their 
 fidelity, in this refpecft, has feldom been de- 
 nied. It is allowed, hypothetically, by thofe 
 perfons who think that the founders of our 
 
 religion 
 
io SERMON I. 
 
 religion were enthufiafts. They who pro- 
 nounce them to have been impoftors, will be 
 involved in unneceffary difficulties, if they 
 denv the truth of any part of the New Tefta- 
 ment, except that which relates miracles, or 
 bears an exprefs testimony to the religion. 
 Thefe books, it is acknowledged, have all the 
 external proofs of authenticity, in a Still greater 
 degree than any others which have furvived 
 the ravages of time ; and all the more plau- 
 sible arguments againft the truth of their con- 
 tents have been directed, not, particularly, 
 againll the books, but generally, againft the 
 credibility of miracles, and, fometimes, againft 
 the consistency of certain doctrines with the 
 divine attributes* Such reafoning, in what- 
 ever manner it may afFecT: the truth of the 
 do&rines, or the miracles, does not implicate 
 the remainder of the history. It ftill continues 
 true, that Jefus lived in Judea ; that he taught 
 thofe doctrines which are delivered to us in 
 the writings of his difciples ; that he was cru- 
 cified ; and that, exclusively of real miracles, 
 the apoftles propagated his religion in the 
 manner which is related. The acute antago- 
 nist of Christianity, who fo long prefided as 
 the literary dictator of a neighbouring coun- 
 try, was careful not only to allow, but even 
 
 to 
 
SERMON I. ii 
 
 to enforce the neceffity of this admiffion. He 
 oppofed not the general hiftory of Chrift, but 
 the evidence of his divine authority ; and in- 
 ftrucfted his followers to occupy this ground of 
 hoftility, as being that which alone was tena- 
 ble. It is plain, indeed, that a contrary pofi- 
 tion would involve, at once, the extinction of 
 all faith in hiftory ; that it would induce us to 
 deny the death of Cefar, becaufe we difcredit 
 the prophecy of Artemidorus. 
 
 Afluming, therefore, with thefe exceptions, 
 the corredlnefs of the general hiftory of the 
 New Teftament, it will be proper to confider 
 feparately the diftindl principles of enthuliafm 
 and impofture ; to one of which caufes the 
 eftablifhment of every falfe religion muft ne- 
 ceflarily be referred ; and to manifeft the truth 
 of Chriftianity, by fhowing that the nature of 
 the wifdom which it difplays is incompatible 
 with either imputation. 
 
 Now all enthufiafm ought not to be indif- 
 criminately reprobated. Often a generous, 
 and fometimes a noble feeling, it elevates the 
 mind to that lofty fphere of great and magna- 
 nimous conception, which, in refpecl of earth- 
 ly things, is moft favourable to heroifm, and, 
 in refped of divine, to piety. And if, as we 
 contend, there have been men, in truth, fo 
 
 highly 
 
iz SERMON L 
 
 highly favoured by the Divinity, as to be ap- 
 pointed the peculiar minifters of his will, the 
 inftruments by which his gracious difpenfa- 
 tions have been revealed to the whole human 
 race, we cannot eafily fuppofe but that fuch 
 men, however cool their natural temperament, 
 mull, in a limited fenfe, have neceflarily be- 
 come enthufiafts in the mighty caufe com- 
 mitted to them. It cannot but have warmed 
 their hearts, and communicated new vigour to 
 their contemplations. 
 
 Enthufiafm, however, even in its moft fa- 
 vourable acceptation, though an admirable, a 
 glorious quality, is not that habit of mind 
 which is beft fuited to the difcovery of truth. 
 It feems always to have a tendency to diflurb 
 the balance of reafon, though a tendency ca- 
 pable of being reftrained, and, when reftrained, 
 of the moft important and active ufefulnefs. 
 The term, alfo, itfelf is ufually and moft pro- 
 perly employed where fuch reftraint is want- 
 ing: it commonly indicates a lively fancy, but 
 a confined understanding. It is the ordinary 
 characteriftic of enthufiafts to be ardent in 
 purfuits which ftrongly imprefs the imagina- 
 tion, but of which they little underftand the 
 real confequences ; to be weak in judgment, 
 though, perhaps, irreiiftible in energy. Of 
 
 thefe 
 
SERMON I. i 
 
 thefe perfons we may fafely affirm, that, though 
 they have often decided the fortunes, they 
 have never contributed to the wifdom of man- 
 kind. To the praife of eloquence in the fe- 
 nate, and of bravery in the field, they may be 
 entitled with the ftricteft juftice : but they 
 never have propofed a jufter theory of philo- 
 fophy, nor a founder principle in morals. 
 
 Among the very wildeft of fuch enthufiafts 
 muft Chrift and his apoftles, on the fuppofl- 
 tion of their having taught a falfe religion, 
 with fincere conviction of its truth, be necef- 
 farily ranked. Though we were to allow that 
 one mere man may have thought himfelf the 
 fon of God, and that a multitude of others, in 
 contradiction to the natural influence of every 
 received opinion, and every felfifli paffion, de- 
 ceived themfelves into the belief, that he gave 
 fight to the blind, and hearing to the deaf; 
 that he raifed the dead to life, and, at laft, was 
 raifed alio himfelf; yet we may ftill be fure 
 that men, who were perfuaded of errors fo ob- 
 vious and grofs, could have made no difcove- 
 ries of real truth, could have difplayed no in- 
 dications of refined wifdom, which had eluded 
 the legiflators of former times, and the philo- 
 fophers of their own. 
 
 To fix the character of an enthuflaft on the 
 
 author 
 
*4 SERMON I. 
 
 author of Chriftianity, it is neceflary therefore 
 to fhow, that his creed is pofleffed of no fupe- 
 riority over thofe which exifted at the time 
 when it was firft promulgated. A compara- 
 tive fuperiority of this religion over preceding 
 or contemporary fyftems may be compatible 
 with the charge of falfity. It were idle to 
 contend that Minos or Socrates had exhaufted 
 the wifdom of unaffifted nature; that the pro- 
 grefs of knowledge w r as flayed at once in the 
 midft of its career, and that all the acquifitions 
 of later ages can be afcribed to revelation 
 alone. Some new impoftor, it is poffible to 
 fuppofe, might have furpafled the ingenuity of 
 former times : a lawgiver might have invented 
 a more politic or a more plaufible fuperftition 
 than had before exifted; a philofopher, though 
 ftill milled by many and important prejudices, 
 might have advanced farther than his prede- 
 ceflbrs towards the pure religion of nature : 
 but an enthufiaft could have made no progrefs 
 in moral, in legislative, or in religious wifdom. 
 If then it can be proved, that the precepts of 
 Chriftianity are more pure, its doctrines more 
 found, and its fanctions more powerful, than 
 can be aflerted of any iyitem, either religious 
 or philofophical, that exitted at the period of 
 its origin ; if its character, while it furpafles 
 
 the 
 
SERMON I. 1$ 
 
 the knowledge, be conformant to the hopes of 
 nature, it has not, it cannot have originated in 
 enthufiafm. Every inftance of wifdom that 
 can be found in the religion contributes to re- 
 fute the obje&ion ; and fuch inftances might 
 immediately be alleged, fo numerous and de- 
 cilive, as to form an irrefiftible accumulation 
 of moral evidence. But as it is intended to 
 prove, that there exifts wifdom in Chriftianity 
 of fuch a nature as excludes the fuppolltion, 
 not of enthufiafm alone, but alio of impofture, 
 it would be premature to detail either the ex- 
 amples, or the arguments, by which this proof 
 is to be eftablimed, till the nature of each fup- 
 polltion has been examined. 
 
 I proceed then to ftate, that, if Chrillianity 
 be an impofture, the cafe is this. 
 
 About eighteen centuries ago, there exifted 
 in Judea an able and eminent deceiver, whofe 
 crafty and verfatile ambition excited him, as it 
 has determined others in ancient and modern 
 times, to affume the character of a prophet, 
 and promulgate a new religion. His talents 
 and intrepidity enabled him to carry on this 
 arduous impofture with more than ufual fuc- 
 cefs. He availed himfelf adroitly of the old 
 fuperftitions of his country ; and the period of 
 time, at which he lived, was well calculated to 
 
 favour 
 
16 SERMON I. 
 
 favour his pretentions. The writings of a re- 
 velation, which was believed to have been 
 made from heaven during the earlier ages of 
 the ftate, fecmed to intimate that fome great 
 prophet was now to arife. This artful adven- 
 turer declared himfelf, accordingly, to be the 
 expected prophet ; and multitudes of the vul- 
 gar, who are ever prone to fuperftitious follies, 
 fell blindly into the delufion, either duped by 
 his pretended miracles, or captivated by his 
 eloquence. His ambition was baffled, how- 
 ever, by difaltrous circumftances, and he was 
 crucified by the magistrates of his country, 
 with the confent of the Roman governor. His 
 feet, nevcrthelefs, itill fubfills, and its nume- 
 rous adherents perfift with unexampled obfti- 
 nacy in the affertion of their faith. 
 
 This, probably, is the light in which Chrif- 
 fianity was beheld by the ancient heathens; 
 and modern infidels will hardly contend, that 
 the imputation of impoiiure to the author of 
 our religion is, in this Statement, inadequately 
 
 prefied. It has been fuppofed, indeed, that 
 Jefus himfelf was the impoftor, and that he 
 was able to impole on his credulous difciples 
 by the pretence of working miracles, and 
 rifing from the dead ; while the language of 
 fome unbelievers would feem to intimate, that 
 
 they 
 
SERMON L 17 
 
 they imagined a confederacy of fraud. Yet, 
 furely, it is an eafier fuppofition that one man, 
 than that many, mould have confented, with- 
 out the ftimulus of enthufiafm, to live pain- 
 fully and die miferably for the maintenance of 
 an impofture. If, however, the contrary fup- 
 pofition mould be preferred, it may be ob- 
 ferved, that the arguments by which I attempt 
 to refute the charge of fraud, as directed againft 
 Chrilt alone, may equally be applied to refute 
 the fame charge, as directed againft any num- 
 ber of confederates. No change would be re- 
 quifite in the fecond cafe but a change of 
 terms, and the firft is here examined directly 
 rather than the fecond, only becaufe it is the 
 moft plaufible. 
 
 If Chrift was an impoftor, there can be no 
 doubt of his ability. To have invented a reli- 
 gion more probable and fpecious than any 
 other that has ever exifted; which has enume- 
 rated among its fincere profeflbrs men more 
 fober in judgment, and more cautious in their 
 inquiries into evidence, than can be found 
 among the aflertors of Pagan or of Moham- 
 medan fuperftition ; the only religion, the 
 confutation of which is apprehended by infi- 
 dels themfelves to involve the condemnation 
 
 c of 
 
18 SERMON L 
 
 of all others, was the work of no common un- 
 derftanding. 
 
 Accordingly there may be difcovered in the 
 original records, and in the early hiftory of 
 Chriftianity, the marks of a moll wife and pe- 
 netrating infight into the human heart, and 
 into the modes of conciliating a zealous and 
 permanent adherence. 
 
 The pure notions of the Deity which were 
 taught by Chrilt were highly neceflary to pro- 
 cure a favourable and latting reception for his 
 doctrine among men of cultivated minds. The 
 doctrine of a future ilate of retribution forms 
 almoll a neceflary part of every fyilem of po- 
 pular and profane theology. It was prudent, 
 but at the fame time it was extremely natural, 
 for the Author of Chriftianity to introduce it 
 into his own. His wifdom is obvious, not fo 
 much in the introduction of the doctrine, as in 
 the fimplicity with which it is reprefcnted. 
 A more ignorant or fhortfighted impoitor 
 would, it is probable, not only have borrowed 
 the opinions, but have adorned them alio with 
 the fuperllitions of mythology. He would 
 have delighted to enumerate in detail the plea 
 fures of his vifionary Elyfmm, or would have 
 aggravated the horrors of his Tartarus with 
 
 the 
 
SERMON L 19 
 
 the wheel of Ixion, or the rock of Sifyphus. 
 Chrift, however, feems to have forefeen, that 
 the grofsnefs of fuch fabulous reprefentations 
 would not long be able to retift the acutenefs 
 of fceptical criticifm ; and he judged wifely in 
 exprefsly announcing the exiftence, but in 
 leaving the particular circumftances and con- 
 dition of a future flate to continue in their na- 
 tural obfcurity d . 
 
 The mode, alio, in which he lived, the ap- 
 parent difintereftednefs of his conduct, the pu- 
 
 d Modern hiftory as well as ancient furnimes nume- 
 rous examples, which may be compared in this refpecl 
 with that of Chrift. 
 
 Dr. Cotton Mather, in his Hift. of New England, 
 (p. 203, &c.) aflerts, that he had found a Jefuit's cate- 
 chifm in the Iroquois language, which declared of heaven 
 that it is a fair foil, where they want neither meat nor 
 clothes : that they do nothing : the fields give corn, 
 beans, pumpkins, and the like, without tillage : the trees 
 are always green, full, and flouriming: the fun ever 
 fhines, the fruits are never wafted. Their notions of hell 
 are as furprifing : that it is a wretched foil : a fiery pit in 
 the centre of the earth, always dark : the devils are ill- 
 fhaped things, with vizards on, to terrify men: they have 
 nothing to drink there but melted lead : that in hell they 
 eat one another every day ; but anon God reftores the 
 man that was eaten, as a cropt plant in a little time re- 
 pullulates. Millar's Propag. of Chriftianity, vol. ii. p. 
 306. ed, 1 73 1. 
 
 c 2 rity 
 
20 SERMON I. 
 
 rity of his manners, and the Uriel though not 
 morole impartiality of his precepts, were aptly 
 fuited to the acquifition of permanent efleem. 
 The felfifli impoftor would have been detected 
 by the cool inquirer, as foon as the torrent of 
 enthuiiafm had fubfided which helped to faci- 
 litate his iuccefs. The loofe, the unfair, the 
 accommodating cafuifi would be proved, by 
 undeniable objections, a falle pretender to di- 
 vine authority. The pretence, however, of 
 interefied motives was well avoided by him, 
 who had not where to lay his head : the im- 
 putation of worldly compliances could with 
 difficulty be fixed on him, who taught one 
 morality to the rich and to the poor, and of 
 whom it was afferted, as a matter of fact, not 
 as a caufe of eulogy, that with him was no 
 refpedt of perfons. 
 
 Such are the characters of ability which are 
 diitinguifhable in the author of Chriltianity, 
 and which, undoubtedly, mult have contri- 
 buted much to confirm the progrefs of his re- 
 ligion. It is obvious, that they are all indi- 
 cative of enlarged, not of temporary policy ; 
 none conducive to its immediate eitabliihment, 
 though neccflary to its permanence. To the 
 perlbnal greatnefs or the perfonal pleafure of 
 
 its 
 
SERMON I. 21 
 
 its promulgator, they are not favourable, but 
 repugnant. The general principles, indeed, of 
 our nature extend to all places, and operate 
 throughout all ages. They exifted in Judea 
 at the time of Chrift, and we doubt not but 
 that Chriftianity was conformable to, and con- 
 genial with them even there. On the whole, 
 alfo, the efficacy of thefe general principles is 
 ftronger, becaufe it is more lafting, than that 
 of particular impulfes or motives, which are 
 limited to peculiar cafes. Still their immediate 
 efficacy is not fo great ; in the fame manner as 
 reafon, though eventually more powerful, is 
 always lefs violent than prejudice. But an 
 impoftor, as will be proved, muft chiefly con- 
 fult the immediate efficacy of the principles 
 which he employs. Chrift, however, con- 
 fulted uniformly the general refult, rather than 
 the immediate; he always reje&ed partial fuc- 
 cefs for permanent, whenever they were in- 
 confiftent with each other. This is, in brief, 
 the ellential wifdom, of which I hope to fhow, 
 that it infallibly diftinguiihes Chriftianity from 
 every example of impofture which human ex- 
 perience can fupply, and is utterly incompati- 
 ble with the charge. 
 
 To explain the arrangement, by which it is 
 intended to prove that it is at leaft equally in- 
 
 c 3 compatible 
 
22 SERMON I. 
 
 compatible with the charge of enthuflafm, I 
 muft recur to what has already been advanced. 
 It was feen, that enthuflafm, though calcu- 
 lated to ftimulate exertion, yet tends to difturb 
 the judgment, and that it admits of lefs wil- 
 dom than is admitted of by impofture. If, 
 then, it can be proved, that wifdoni fo con- 
 fummate as the wifdom of Chriftianity can- 
 not pofhbly be afcribed even to an impoftor, 
 we may be certain that it can ftill lefs be 
 afcribed to an enthufiaft. Confequently there 
 can be no refource to the unbeliever for evad- 
 ing arguments of the kind propofed, by adopt- 
 ing a different theory of unbelief. When 
 driven from the hypothefis of impofture, he 
 cannot take refuge in that of enthuflafm. 
 
 The argument, therefore, which is here pro- 
 pofed, may be applied to refute both impu- 
 tations. Should it be deemed of fufficient 
 ftrength to obviate the charge of impofture, it 
 is of ftill greater force when directed again It 
 that of enthuflafm. This being the cafe, it 
 will be perfectly correct, and it will avoid 
 much needlefs repetition, to direct the gene- 
 ral tenour of theft difcourfes againtl the 
 charge of impofture only. If it be ihown, 
 that arguments drawn from the refined excel- 
 lence of the wifdom by which Chriftianity is 
 
 diftin- 
 
SERMON I. a 3 
 
 diftinguifhed, are both fufficient to difprove the 
 charge of impofture, and alfo conclusive with 
 equal or ftill greater force againft the charge 
 of enthufiafm, the confequence is irrefiftible, 
 that the religion muft be true. Should it be 
 objected, however, that the method, by which 
 it is propofed to difprove both imputations by 
 reafoning that feems to militate dire&ly only 
 againft one, is in any degree inconfiftent with 
 the ftri&eft accuracy ; the objection may be 
 anfwered, by obferving that this arrangement 
 is adopted, not as necefTary to the argument, 
 but as the moft concife, and, upon the whole, 
 the moft perfpicuous mode of treating it. I 
 argue not, that, becaufe a given condud: fur- 
 paffes the wifdom of an impoftor, it therefore 
 muft furpafs, neceflarily, the wifdom of an en- 
 thufiaft, till it be proved to exceed not the 
 ufual wifdom of impofture only, but the high- 
 eft degree of wifdom which can poflibly be 
 attributed to man. Could we imagine cafes 
 where the enthufiaft might be fuppofed to 
 reafon more acutely, as well as to aft more 
 energetically than the impoftor, ftill the pro- 
 pofed arguments will be valid ; becaufe I af- 
 fert not of any wifdom, that it is too great or 
 too refined for an impoftor, but on the fuppo- 
 fition, from which I ihall not fwerve, that an 
 
 c 4 impoftor 
 
24 SERMON I. 
 
 impoftor is capable of attaining the higheft 
 degrees of great and refined wifdom, that any 
 man, of whatever characler, or guided by 
 whatever principle, can poffibly attain. 
 
 The principles, alfo, of impofture and of 
 enthufiafm, though undoubtedly dittinct, and 
 frequently oppoilte in themfelves, are yet often 
 fo intimately united in the fame occurrence, 
 and even in the fame perfon, that it would be 
 difficult, perhaps impoftible, to name any im- 
 portant event in which the one has ope- 
 rated without fome admixture of the other. 
 Since, then, it is propofed, not merely to itate 
 the plain argument, but alfo to puriue it in 
 connection with fuch events and illustrations 
 as may be felecled from the religious hiftory 
 of mankind, the facts, which it may feem ne- 
 ceflary hereafter to detail, will be difpofed in 
 whatever order the contiguities of place or 
 time may feem molt naturally to determine, 
 with fuch comment as the peculiarities of the 
 feveral cafes lhall fuggeit. I mall deem it un- 
 necefTaiy to make any farther Reparation be- 
 tween cafes of impofture and cafes of enthu- 
 fiafm, than is confiitent with the adoption of 
 this arrangement. Maintaining throughout, 
 and endeavouring to enforce the enlightened 
 adaptation of Chriitianity to the nature and 
 
 condition 
 
SERMON I. 25 
 
 condition of mankind, it will be my objeft to 
 exhibit its contrail to the indirect and tranfi- 
 £ory policy of defigning or miftaken men. 
 The conduct which has been purfued by the 
 teachers of religions confefledly falfe, and by 
 falfe pretenders to the character of Meffiah, 
 will, in the firft place, be considered. This 
 part of the fubjedt, however, will not be dwelt 
 upon minutely, and will be comprifed within 
 the limits of my fecond difcourie. It may 
 then be neceflary to obviate iuch objeftions as 
 can be made to the reality of that difcrimi na- 
 tion between true and falfe religions which 
 has been contended for, and to fhow that the 
 character attributed to the falfe is not appli- 
 cable to the true. The remainder of thefe lec- 
 tures will be direfted to illuftrate the diftinc- 
 tion, not between Chrift, and the founders of 
 other religions, but between the conduct of 
 Chrift, and the conduct of ambitious or enthu- 
 fiaftic Chriftians ; and, at the lame time, to 
 prove, that the abufes of the religion by fome 
 of its profeflbrs are not imputable to its au- 
 thor, and that they are alien from its real (pi- 
 rit. It will be fhown, in various examples, 
 that, where Chriftianity has been taught not 
 with apoltolic fincerity, but with hypocritical 
 craft, not for the glory of our Redeemer, but 
 
 for 
 
26 SERMON I. 
 
 for the purpofes of temporal eftablifhment, the 
 infincerity of the means has correfponded with 
 the felfifhnefs of the end. It will be fhown, 
 alfo, that, in other inftances, a compromife has 
 been allowed, by men of pure intentions, but 
 of weak and prejudiced minds, between the 
 profeffion of belief in Chrift, and the pra&ice, 
 fometimes of exceffive fuperftition, fometimes 
 even of abfolute idolatry. 
 
 Early, very early in the hillory of the Chrif- 
 tian church, we find compliances with, and 
 imitations of Pagan ceremonies: conceffions to 
 exifting error, the preient policy of which was 
 undeniable, and of which their authors did 
 not perceive the unhappy confequences in re- 
 ferve. In the early rife of the power of the 
 Roman Pontiff, a fimilar policy is to be re- 
 marked. It is ftill more remarkable in the 
 conducl of the Papal court during the period 
 of its after greatnefs. This ground, as having 
 been frequently preoccupied, will be pafl'ed 
 over with only curfory examination. The hif- 
 tory of the order of the Jefuits will, in the 
 next and lalt place, be difcufled with more 
 particularity. The tyranny of their constitu- 
 tions, the relaxed morality of their cafuills, 
 and the accommodating doctrines of their mif- 
 lionaries, will be fhown to be as remote from 
 
 the 
 
SERMON I. 27 
 
 the holy fimplicity of him whofe name they 
 have dared to affume e , as they are ufeful for 
 the purpofes of private aggrandizement. In 
 the ambition of their European policy, in 
 their toleration of idolatrous ceremonies in 
 Alia, and in the foundation of an ecclefiaftical 
 empire in the recefles of the new world, they 
 will be fhown to difclofe, uniformly, an acute 
 but partial genius, fertile in particular re- 
 fources, but not poflefled of lafting wifdom. 
 
 Thefe are the objects of which it is pro- 
 pofed to treat. And from the arguments 
 which their examination will fupply, the fol- 
 lowing conclufion will arife. 
 
 If Jefus Chrift had acled from motives of 
 human ambition, from any felfiih or inflncere 
 principle, he would have adopted a conduct 
 altogether contrary to that which he really 
 purfued. He came forward, not only dis- 
 claiming all human power, but acting alfo in 
 
 e u Le capitaine de leur compagnie." (c On a remarque 
 M quelque part, que comme les Empereurs Komains 
 " etoient appelles Africains, Germains, &c. non pas 
 " parcequ'ils etoient amis on allies de ces peuples : de 
 " meme les Jefuites font appelles du nom de Jefus, 
 " parcequ'ils font fes plus grands ennemis." Hiftoire de 
 l'admirable Dom Inigo de Guipufcoa, nmo, a la Haye, 
 j 764. vol. i. p. 164. note. 
 
 a manner 
 
28 SERMON I. 
 
 a manner the leaft likely to acquire it : he 
 counteracted all the prejudices of the world, 
 and negle&ed all its pleafures. His death, on 
 the fuppofition of his being an impoftor, was 
 the miicarriage of his fcheme ; and yet it 
 could not have been unforefeen, becaufe it 
 was the natural confequence of his policy. It 
 is a fate, perhaps, which many impoftors have 
 been content to rifk ; but Chrift, though con- 
 lummate in his wifdom, feems bv his conduct 
 to have advanced fteadily towards the crofs ; 
 and to have chofen it, not as the alternative to 
 be fubmitted to upon defeat, but as the end 
 and crown of his ambition. He, therefore, 
 was no impoftor. It is manifeft, alfo, that he 
 was no enthuliaft ; for, in that cafe, ftill lefs 
 than on the fuppofition of impofture, could he 
 have emancipated himfelf from the prejudices 
 which he rejected, or forefeen the imputations 
 again ft which he provided. The kingdom 
 then which he has eftablilhed is not of 
 this world : he was guided by no rule, fup- 
 ported by no motive, but what were derived 
 from perfect benevolence, and emanated from 
 truth itfelf. 
 
 SERMON 
 
SERMON II. 
 
 John xviii. 36. 
 My kingdom is not of this ivorld. 
 
 XT is well known, that the legislators of hea- 
 then antiquity pretended a divine fandtion to 
 the precepts which they delivered a ; an un- 
 doubted impoiition on mankind, which may 
 be partly referable to deceit, and partly to en- 
 thufiafm or error ; but full an imposition, 
 which, if we confider it without prejudice, is 
 deferving neither of hatred nor contempt. 
 The magiftrate and the prieft have feemed, 
 indeed, to fhare the indignation of unbe- 
 lievers ; and it is certain, that an enmity to 
 Chrift ought confiftently to be accompanied 
 by a fimilar hatred of Zoroafter and Numa. 
 Chriflians, alfo, themfelves have often been 
 inclined, injudicioufly, I think, and unjuftly, 
 
 a See Appendix I. 
 
 to 
 
30 SERMON II. 
 
 to deprefs the merits of the heathen lawgivers 
 and moralifts, that they might elevate the 
 comparative fuperiority of Chrilt ; a fuperi- 
 ority whieh needs not the deprelfion of other 
 characters to be decidedly felt and acknow- 
 ledged. 
 
 If, however, we are difpofed to revere the 
 memory of thofe firft authors of human im- 
 provement, who reclaimed the favage from his 
 wild and wandering exiitence to the order ot 
 fociety, and the arts of peaceful life b ; if we 
 are grateful for the eftablifhment of civil le- 
 gillation, we ought not to deny the fame iuf- 
 frage to the teachers of religious doctrines, 
 though imperfect in truth, or deformed by 
 luperftition ; iince it is by the fandions of re- 
 ligion only that the reltraints of law can be 
 effectually fecured c . 
 
 b Cic. de Inv. I. 2. 
 
 c OuS= ya.% uTcfo$ Koyo: i^ti tj (puuKov Iv irepi Aox&pyoo xxi 
 Ssfxct xoa TomToov aXXui'j a.v$puiv X=yoyo"iv, u>$ SucxccSbxto. xoa 
 Ovfupsfct ■gtA>j3tj %£i{>ouu,svot f xou [jizyot.\x; ezi$zpQvr=$ rate -croAi- 
 reiotn; xaivorojouac, tZDOViXOirpottrto tt;v clko tov Szov do^ocv avroig 
 fxe<vo»,- Tzqo; ouj sffitAUTifyvTo <TMTr,ciov ugolv. Plutarch. Numa, 
 p. 62. ed. Paris. 
 
 t( Mais a cet aveuglcmcnt pres, qu'il faut fairc voir 
 (t inexcufable, pourquoi ne loucroit-on pas les Jegiflateurs 
 <c de I'Orient, aulli bicn que les legiflateurs Grecs, de ce 
 ({ qu'ils fe font appliquez k infpirer aux pcuples ce qui 
 
 " leur 
 
SERMON II. 31 
 
 I mean not, therefore, by any obfervations 
 which may be fuggefted on the origin of ido- 
 latry, or the defecls of the heathen religions, 
 to derogate from that honour, which the gra- 
 titude of pari, or the admiration of prefent 
 times, may have bellowed either on the fages 
 or the legiflators of heathenifm. While I 
 ftudy to illuftrate the fuperior purity of the 
 Christian revelation, I refufe not to pay wil- 
 lingly that tribute of applaufe, which juflly 
 may be afligned to Gentile wifdom. 
 
 It is evident from profane hiftory, as well as 
 from the Mofaic records, that idolatry ad- 
 vanced, by gradual progrefs, from the more 
 iimple to the more complex forms d . In the 
 heathen world, while the idea of creation out 
 of nothing, or of abfolute annihilation, feems 
 
 €C leur a pam le plus vertueux, et le plus propre a les 
 u maintenir dans la paix, et dans l'innocence ? Pourquoi 
 " les blameroit-on des fables, qu'une longue fuite de (iecles 
 ie pleins d'ignorance a inventees fur leur fujet, et dont 
 * c probablement ils n'ont point ete les auteurs." Loubere, 
 Du Royaume de Siam, vol. i. p. 430. Amft. 169 1. 
 
 d i( . . . . antiquitate, quae quo propius aberat ab ortu, et 
 iS divina progenie, hoc melius ea fortafTe, quae erant vera, 
 " cernebat," Cic. Tufc. I. §. 12. See Stillingfleet on 
 the Idolatry pra&ifed in the Church of Rome, Works, 
 vol. v. p. 25. and Burnet's Arch. p. 2,6. 
 
 anciently 
 
32 SERMON IL 
 
 anciently to have been unknown e , theiftic 
 philofophers appear to have held, either that 
 the feeds of the elements, pofleffing in them- 
 felves a vivifying power, had lain dormant in 
 an original chaos, of which the materials had 
 been organized by the divinity, but not cre- 
 ated ; or that a portion of the celettial mind had 
 been infufed into brute matter, which would 
 be again refolved into deity at fome future pe- 
 riod. In confequence of this belief, a peculiar 
 veneration may have arifen for the elements, 
 as principles in themfelves eternal and incor- 
 ruptible, though called into action by the lu- 
 preme God. Hence, probably, the woriliip of 
 the elements, as of the planetary bodies, ori- 
 ginated^ and hence it w T as plaufibly defended, 
 as being offered to the divine energy, confpi- 
 cuous in the phenomena which they exhibit. 
 Such doctrines may have been figuratively ap- 
 plied, by the more learned theorifts, to the 
 hiftory of the creation of the world ; and the 
 
 e Burnet. Archxologta, p. 90. " Quidam Platonico- 
 u rum creationcm ex nihilo receperunt edo£ti a Chriftia- 
 " nis," is the title of a chapter in Mofheim's treatife, 
 " De Studio Ethnicorum Chriftianos imitandi." 
 
 f See Ainfworth on Genefis iv. 26. and Maimonides 
 Mifna, c. i. §. 1, 2, 3. ibi cit. 
 
 agency 
 
SERMON II. 
 
 33 
 
 agency of the elements in that great event 
 may have been dramatically reprefented, both 
 in ftrong language, and by impreflive actions g. 
 The univerfal principle of deity was to be 
 worfhipped, it probably was thought, with a 
 peculiar reverence, in thefe its moft glorious 
 manifestations* 1 . Yet it is certain, that, when- 
 ever the diftance or the immeniity of the fu- 
 preme exiftence may feem to the limited un- 
 derftanding of mankind too great for adora- 
 tion or for prayer 5 , whenever the media of 
 created bodies or of created minds are deemed 
 expedient to facilitate an intercourfe with the 
 Creator, whatever cafuiftical apologies may be 
 invented for fuch practices k , their real effect 
 is to induce in the adorers a dependance not 
 on the one God, whofe exiftence they profefs 
 to believe, but on the creatures which thev 
 immediately addrefs. 
 
 The moft pardonable, however, of all idola- 
 tries, is the worfliip of thofe great inftruments 
 
 e Burnet ubi fup. p. 36, 37, 38. and the authors there 
 cited. 
 
 h See Appendix II. 
 
 1 Hyde of Sabaifm, R. V. P. c. v. p. 128. ed. 1760. 
 
 k As by Celfus, Porphyry, Julian, and others, cited by 
 Stillingneet, " On the Idolatry practifed in the Church 
 " of Rome," Works, v. 33, 29. 
 
 D Of 
 
34 SERMON II. 
 
 of the Deity, fo fimple in themfelves, fo infi- 
 nitely various in their appearances, of which 
 the univerfe is compofed; and, particularly, of 
 thoie lplendid luminaries, which are created 
 to govern and adorn the viciffitudes of day 
 and night. The do&rine alio of the univerial 
 foul diffuled throughout all fpace, living and 
 acting in all creation, though, undoubtedly, 
 both dangerous and illufive I, though com- 
 pletely irreligious in its neceflary confe- 
 quences, yet operates immediately on the fan- 
 
 1 The nature and confequences of this doctrine are well 
 explained in the Appendix to Ditton on the Refurre&ion. 
 The diftinction between Chriftianity and Judaifm on one 
 hand, and the opinions of enlightened heathens on the 
 other, refpe&ing what is termed by Dr. Paley, for want, 
 poflibly, of a better word, the Perfonality of the Deity, 
 does not feem to be generally admitted in its full extent. 
 It is commonly fuppofed, that, notwithstanding the po- 
 pular errors of Paganilm, the conviction was ufually pre- 
 valent among philofophers, that there exifted fome fupe- 
 rior mind, by which the univerfe was created: but it will 
 be found, I believe, on examination, that very much (cer- 
 tainly not the whole) of the authority from which thii 
 conclufion has been inferred, is more juftly applicable to 
 the doctrine, that the world itfelf is God, or, that God 
 is harmony ; to which much fplendid declamation, both 
 of Greek and Latin writers, may be traced. " Deum 
 " nani'.jue ire per onmes," &c. £cc. Sec. See Jortin's Re- 
 marks, i. 193. ed. Edin. 1805. 
 
 cy 
 
SERMON II. 35 
 
 cy as a vail and magnificent, and even as a 
 pious conception. It is in the circumftances 
 of a popular religion, which, though falfe, is 
 thus comparatively fimple, that enlightened 
 individuals are moil likely to apprehend or 
 teach a purer notion of the divinity. The 
 accumulated monfters of claffical mythology 
 may tend to difguft a philofophical under- 
 f landing ; the fetters of fuperftition may be 
 loofened by their own weight : but the cir- 
 cumftances which offend the mind with error 
 are not calculated to promote the difcovery of 
 truth. Contempt and incredulity may often 
 be as unfavourable to the real improvement of 
 the understanding, as the contrary failings of 
 ftupid admiration and ignorant belief. 
 
 The Perfian legiflator, therefore, being lefs 
 expofed to prejudices either congenial with, or 
 adverfe to fuperftition, than fages who, if not 
 of later date, were of nations more deeply 
 funk in error, was favourably circumftanced 
 both for perfonally acquiring religious know- 
 ledge, and for deviling the moft unexception- 
 able method of purifying the fimple idolatry 
 of the country in which he lived. He, if any 
 one, might naturally have been expected in 
 the excellence and unexceptionablenefs of his 
 wifdom to rival the author of Chriftianity. 
 
 d 2 Yet, 
 
3 6 SERMON II. 
 
 Yet, though the abfurd miracles which are 
 recounted in the life of Zoroafter m , and by 
 means of which his doctrines are faid to have 
 been propagated, be confidered, as they evi- 
 dently feem, the invention of an age fubfe- 
 quent to his own, yet, even in that reforma- 
 tion of oriental religion which is attributed to 
 him by his apologiits, compliances with re- 
 ceived ufages are to be difcovered, clearly in- 
 continent with purity of worfhip. Even in 
 this reformed religion it was directed, that the 
 ceremonies mould be obferved of prottration, 
 and of administering oaths before the altar on 
 which the facred fire was kindled. It was in- 
 culcated as the moft itrici and indifpenfable of 
 duties, that this fire itfelf fliould be preferved 
 from violation. And though thefe obferv- 
 ances fliould be considered as in themfelves 
 excufable, becaufe it was taught not that fire 
 poflefTed an inherent fan&ity, but only that it 
 was to be regarded as the apt and immediate 
 fvmbol of the Deity n ; yet, in the circum- 
 ftances of Perfia, where the worfhip of fire 
 was confefiedly the idolatry to be reformed °, 
 
 m Hyde, Vet. R. P. cap. 24. 
 
 ■ Univerfal Hi (lory, vol. ii. p. 72, 73. fol, 
 
 • Hyde, cap. 5. 
 
 the 
 
SERMON II. 37 
 
 the permiffion of rites fo capable of perverfion 
 muft neceiTarily have compromifed the integrity 
 of the new inftitute P. Thefe rites themfelves 
 muft have partaken of an idolatrous accepta- 
 tion, and their inconfiftency, therefore, with 
 true religion admits not of a doubt. 
 
 A flagrant degree alfo of fuperftition, 
 which, though it amount not to idolatry, 
 may ftill be fafely pronounced incompatible 
 with a pure worfhip, is eafily to be difcovered 
 in the records of the Perfic religion. The 
 character, indeed, of fuperftition is far lefs 
 certain and precife than that of idolatry : it 
 is, in truth, fo undefined and doubtful, that 
 we fhould be prefumptuous, were we haftily to 
 rejecl whatever may appear to be fuperftitious. 
 Yet there are fome extremes of fuperftition, of 
 which, though they involve not the guilt of 
 idolatry, we may venture unequivocally to af- 
 
 p Deuteronomy iv. 19. Ezekiel viii. 16, 17. I pre- 
 tend not, however, that Zoroafter was an impoftor. The 
 Bifhop of Avranches contends, that he was the fame with 
 Mofes. Some of the fimilarities, which are enumerated 
 by that learned Prelate to confirm this opinion, are not 
 altogether productive of very fenfible conviction. " Ali- 
 " enas facultates concupilci vetat Zoroaitres ; vetat et 
 " Mofes. Studium lcgis fuae valde commendat Zoro- 
 u aftres ; itidem ut Mofes fuse," &c. Demonftratio 
 Evang. p. 76. fol. Paris,, 1679. 
 
 d 3 firm, 
 
38 SERMON II. 
 
 firm, that they cannot poffibly proceed from 
 God. The books attributed to Zoroafter in- 
 clude extremes which obvioufly are of this 
 kind. They declare, that there exift: genii or 
 angels prefiding over months and days ; that 
 it is the performance of merely politive and 
 arbitrary, not moral precepts, which enables 
 the foul to pafs with fafety over the bridge of 
 death ; that the power or activity of demons 
 is fuperior by n ; ght to that which they pofTefs 
 by day ; and that the due celebration of cer- 
 tain feftivals averts the influence of fuch ma- 
 lignant beings 9. Thefe fuperilitions, to omit 
 a longer enumeration, are manifeftly unwor- 
 thy of divine wifdom, and neceilarily deftroy 
 the credit of the religion by which they are 
 recognized. They are indulgences to error at 
 the cxpence of truth, which, though they may 
 have been dictated by an acute perception of 
 prefent utility, are inconfillent with real wif- 
 dom. 
 
 I am fufficiently aware, that the authenti- 
 city of the writings to which I have referred 
 has long been questioned, and is now almoft 
 univcrfally denied r . I murt obferve, how- 
 
 i Sadder, Porta vi. et Ixxii. 
 
 r " Tous les etudians de la literature Orientale favoient 
 " deja que les miferablcs poemes appeles Saddar et Ardi- 
 
 iraf 
 
 vi 
 
SERMON II. 39 
 
 ever, that the fpurioufnefs of the Sadder or 
 the Zeud, works which deferve only to be 
 ranked with the gofpel of James, or with the 
 acfts of Pilate, though it may change, in fome 
 refpe&s, the nature of the comparifon, yet di- 
 minishes not the ftrength of whatever infer- 
 ences may arife in favour of Chriftianity, from 
 con trading it with the religion, whether an- 
 cient, or comparatively modern, which is now 
 known to us as the Perfic. If at the invafion 
 of Perfia by the Mufulmans the genuine books 
 of Zoroafter were loft, yet the general fpirit of 
 his religion may have been retained even in 
 the forgeries fubftituted in their place". At 
 all events, a lefs imperfecl conception of his 
 original doctrines may be derived from thefe 
 
 " viraf Nama etoient ecrits en langue Perfane moderne 
 f- et feulement en caracteres anciens." Sir W. Jones. 
 (Lettre a M. Anquetil du Perron. Works, vol. iv. p. 600.) 
 See alio the fixth Anniverfary Difcourfe ; Works, vol. i. 
 p. 81, 8cc. where the hiftory of the ancient Perfic lan- 
 guage is (hortly and fatisfactorily difcufTed. 
 
 s " It became expedient for the Mubeds (after the 
 " Muflulman invafion) to fupply the loft or mutilated 
 " works of their legiflator by new compofitions, partly 
 " from their imperfect recollection, and partly from fuch 
 cc moral and religious knowledge as they gleaned moft 
 " probably among the Chrifiians with whom they had 
 " an intercourfe." Ibid. p. 8:5. 
 
 d 4 national, 
 
40 SERMON II. 
 
 national, though fecondary reprefentations, 
 than from any of the incorrect notices which 
 Grecian writers can fupply. It is probable, 
 indeed, that the influence of Chriftianity, 
 which had fo beneficial an effect upon the 
 Mohammedan, muft have operated in a fimilar 
 manner on this revival of the Perfic religion. 
 The purer fyftem mull: have corrected tacitly, 
 even where it was not exprefsly imitated. In 
 this cafe, the religion of Perfia, as it is now 
 reprefented to us, muft be lefs exceptionable 
 than it would have been found in its ancient 
 documents, had they been preferved, and the 
 fuperiority of Chrift to Zoroafter muft be in 
 reality ftill greater than it appears to be. 
 
 They who are verfed in eaftern learning, 
 without partaking of the exceffive credulity 
 which feems frequently to have attended the 
 profecution of that ftudy, may be able to trace 
 with accuracy and intereft the progrefs of ido- 
 latry, from the Ampler forms in which it flrft 
 exifted, to the worfhip of deified heroes, and 
 even to the flagrant ablurdities of Egypt *. 
 
 * " Sicut apud j^gyptios veteres a£oavo< vrjoi >j<rav, tem- 
 " pla fine idolis erant, ut docet nos Lucianus de Dea Sy- 
 i( ria, fie prifci Graeci templa fine (imulachris habuere uf- 
 " que ad Cecropem Athenieniium regem primuni." Pot- 
 ter. Arch. Groeca. p. 201. apud Gronovium. u Quam 
 
 " quidem 
 
SERMON II. 41 
 
 From Egypt to Greece, from Greece to Rome, 
 the progrefs of fuperftition rapidly advanced. 
 To enter into a particular examination of the 
 religions of claffical antiquity before the audi- 
 ence which is here ailembled, would be an 
 unneceflary and prefumptuous attempt. It is 
 only neceflary to obferve, that the ancient 
 fages always inculcated an external compli- 
 ance with the received fuperftitions of their 
 times. Though the magiftrate did not invent, 
 though the philofopher might not believe in u 
 the thirty thoufand deities of one poet x , nor 
 in the war, the dhTolutenefs and the fraud 
 which diigrace the popular theology of an- 
 other, he hefitated not to offer incenfe on the 
 altars of the gods. Some among the fages of 
 antiquity might be infidels in all religion, 
 fome might make advances towards a pure 
 
 t( quidem Theogoniam poftea Graeculi, qui Deos avSpoono- 
 (e <pvsi$ fingebant, in deorum fuorum genealogiam craflam 
 u convertere." Burnet. Arch. 38. 
 
 u For the nature of philofophical infidelity in the an- 
 cient world, fee Maclaine's Anfwer to Soame Jenyns, 
 
 P- 53* 54- 
 
 x Tpi; yap fjLuptoi sktw em ySovi ixsXv&OTEipri 
 
 Ol pec <pvXcc<r<T8<riv re fiixoc;, koci (t^stXio. zpyce, 
 Ihpa. eo"cr«|xevo*, i&oivtyj ^oirwvTsg sir oticiv. 
 
 Hefiod. Op. et Dies, 250. &c. 
 
 theifm, 
 
42 SERMON II. 
 
 theiim, more might be fceptics, and fome, 
 perhaps, Sincere idolaters. Some may have 
 expofed to their felect difciples the fallacies of 
 popular mythology, and inftrucled them in a 
 purer notion of the deity ; but they delivered 
 this instruction as a branch of philofophy 
 alone, not as the ground of novel worfhip : 
 nor did they conceive that any but the fedi- 
 tious would ever be inclined to difturb the 
 temporal repofe of ufeful fuperftitions. Reli- 
 gion, in the Gentile world, was uniformly 
 considered as a part of civil legislation, and 
 fubfervient to the ends of government. Plato, 
 though he undoubtedly disbelieved the poly- 
 theiim of Greece, though he directed that the 
 magistrates of his imaginary republic mould 
 be educated in pure and philofophical princi- 
 ples, propofed alfo the public establishment of 
 a religion, which recognized, in a great de- 
 gree, popular fuperftitions. Cicero, in his Spe- 
 culative legislation, adopted the fame policy, 
 inculcated, in this refpecT:, an unreferved fub- 
 miSlion to authority, and permitted not a li- 
 berty of worShip to the citizen even in pri- 
 vate >*. 
 
 f Plato de Rep. lib. ii. iii. de Leg. lib. viii. in init. 
 Cic. de Leg. ii. 8. and as cited in Middleton's Tracts, 
 p. 1 68, 169. See Appendix III. 
 
 Had 
 
SERMON II. 43 
 
 Had Chrift then been an impoftor, though 
 pofleffed of the acuteft penetration, and the 
 moft extenfive knowledge, he could not have 
 collected from the experience of the Gentile 
 world even the poffibility of fuccefs, in the at- 
 tempt to promulgate a religion, which pre- 
 tended to exclusive truth, while it conformed 
 not to exifting prejudices. Neither philofo- 
 phers nor legiflators had yet engaged in fo 
 arduous a tafk. There was another enterprife, 
 indeed, and of a brilliancy far more fplendid 
 and flattering, in which the hiftory of paft 
 events might have fuggefted to him the means, 
 and encouraged the anticipations of fuccefs. 
 Thofe perfons who recollect the pronenefs of 
 the Gentile converts to deify the apoftles, and 
 the readinefs with which new worfhip w r as 
 adopted, in addition to the ancient fuperfti- 
 tions, both in Italy and Greece, will poflibly 
 think, that to a deceiver fo defigning, and yet 
 fo patient, fo really artful, and yet fo appa- 
 rently ingenuous, it was far from being im- 
 poffible to acquire the reputation of an in- 
 fpired lawgiver, or to become the objecT: of di- 
 vine worfhip. The new deity who arofe in 
 Paleftine might afpire to the fame honours 
 which were rendered to the Delian Apollo, or 
 to Thracian Mars, or might aflume a llation 
 
 in 
 
44 SERMON II. 
 
 in the Roman capitol befide the temple of 
 Feretrian Jupiter. Such a career of glory 
 would, probably, have appeared fufficiently 
 fplendid to an impoftor. It was all that 
 the boldeft and the molt fortunate of men 
 had been able to obtain even in the dark 
 ignorance of former ages ; and there exifted 
 nothing in the records of hiftory, from which 
 the idea of purfuing a different fyftem could 
 poffibly be collected. The obfervance of this 
 lyftem prcfuppofes an acquiefcence in the 
 received idolatries of the Gentile world. The 
 religious toleration, which was admitted by 
 Polytheilts, and which has been fo much 
 exaggerated by unbelievers in Chriftianity, 
 exilied only becaufe it was perfectly compati- 
 ble with the polytheiftic principle, and, in- 
 deed, its natural and neceflary confequence z . 
 If Chrilt had been an impoftor defirous to 
 become the object of idolatry, he would not 
 have inculcated the impiety of idol wor- 
 fhip. 
 
 Is it fuppofed that his ambition was of a 
 higher nature, that he was of a fpirit too ex- 
 alted to be contented with the dignity of an 
 
 * The Chriftians accordingly were confidered Atheifts 
 by the Gentiles, becaufe they were not idolaters. 
 
 apotheofis, 
 
SERMON II. 45 
 
 apotheofis, and that he afpired to nothing lefs 
 than the glory of dictating to the world an 
 excluiive religion ? In the firft place, as may 
 be collected from what has been faid before, 
 this is not an object which it is likely for an 
 impoftor to have purfued. Admitting it, how- 
 ever, to have been purfued by Chrift, he did 
 not take the means which human wifdom 
 would have fuggefted for its accomplifhment. 
 The pure notions of the Deity which he 
 taught might, poffibly, have been agreeable to 
 philofophers ; but repentance, humility, and 
 remiffion of fins were to them, in the expref- 
 five language of St. Paul, fooliflinefs. It is 
 not, however, to philofophers fo much as to 
 the populace that an impoftor would have 
 addrefled himfelf. Human wifdom, founded 
 upon human experience, and directed by hu- 
 man probabilities, would have led him to pre- 
 pare the way for an univerial and exclufive re- 
 ception of his doctrines among the people, by, 
 at leaft, a temporary acquiefcence in exifting 
 eftablifhments and fuperftition. An impoftor 
 would not have hoped to fuperfede the w or- 
 fhip which was offered in Perfia to the Ma- 
 gian God, without profeffing, at firft, a fuper- 
 ftitious reverence for fire. It was by gradual 
 infinuation among a crowd of deities, that the 
 
 fabled 
 
46 SERMON II. 
 
 fabled Jupiter had been long received as father 
 of the gods in all the countries of Italy and 
 Greece. The reputation of Ifis and Ofiris, 
 during the firft introduction of Chrittianity, 
 was feniibly extending itfelf beyond the 
 bounds of Egypt, and ibon after became fo 
 prevalent at Rome, that the votaries of the 
 ancient worfhip were alarmed at the innova- 
 tion, and jealous for the injured dignity ot 
 their eltablifhed gods a . 
 
 The author, however, of our religion, being 
 born a Jew, would fcarcely have fo much con- 
 fulted the means of recommending himfelf to 
 the Gentile world, as he would have endea- 
 voured to conciliate the fupport of his own 
 nation. Could it be fuppofed (an improbable 
 fuppofition b ) that he was free from national 
 bigotry, he yet could fcarcely have overlooked 
 the manifeft advantages which might be fup- 
 plied to an ambitious fpirit by the received 
 fuperftitions of Judea c . If he had been wil- 
 
 ■ Potter's Antiquities, I. 184. and the authors there 
 cited. 
 
 b See Maltby's Uluftrations, 86, 93, &c. ad edit. 
 
 c CeHus (apud Orig. p. 66.) objects a defect of policy 
 to Chrift, in not procuring to himfelf over the minds of 
 his difciples fo powerful a dominion as it was in his power 
 to have obtained. Doubtlefs, by refuting to concur in 
 
 their 
 
SERMON II. 47 
 
 ling to profit by the difpofitions of his age and 
 people for the eftablifhment of his power, the 
 means that might promote fuccefs were all 
 abundantly within his reach. The Ifraelites, 
 indignant at the Roman yoke, were ripe for a 
 revolt, and ready in any adventurer to behold 
 the expected prince, who was to be born to 
 them as at this time in their own nation. 
 Fain would they have made Chrift a king. 
 Had his kingdom been of this w 7 orld, w r hy did 
 he refufe the offer ? Why did he, if labouring 
 for the introduction of a falfe religion, rejecl: a 
 crown, which w^ould have enabled him to 
 efiablifh that religion at once in the manner 
 which would be molt flattering to an ambi- 
 tious fpirit ; a crown, which, delivered to him 
 at this time, and in thefe circumllances, would 
 have included hierarchal as well as regal dig- 
 nity. The abilities which, in defiance of all 
 preconceived expectations, and even beyond 
 the hopes of his difciples, have fo fortified his 
 religion, that the powers of man have not yet 
 prevailed againft it, would furely have been 
 able, would have been able with an ealy tri- 
 
 tbeir national prejudices, he did not act in fuch a manner 
 as migl.t feem calculated to promote his influence, ac- 
 cording to the obvious policy of mankind ; but their ob- 
 jection is an argument of his fincerity. 
 
 umph, 
 
48 SERMON II. 
 
 umph, to reftore the throne of David. The 
 moll brilliant part that Jefus could have adled 
 was the mod fafc. Armies devoted to their 
 general, and Simulated by religious and patri- 
 otic zeal, might have fallen with fury irrefifti- 
 ble on the furrounding heathen : the religion 
 of Mofes and the prophets might have been 
 impofed triumphantly on the weftern w r orld, 
 and Jerufalem, not Mecca, might have given 
 law to the kingdoms of the eaii. 
 
 Such claims of temporal dominion, and fuch 
 means of profecuting them, have uniformly 
 been aflumed by all other pretenders to the 
 facred character of Meffiah. It was bv w r ar 
 that the robber Barchochebas attempted to 
 fuftain the appellation and office of a conquer- 
 ing Meffiah d . The reputed magician of Ama- 
 ria, who in Perfia, during the twelfth century, 
 afpired to the fame title, deluded the fanatic 
 multitude which adhered to him to erecl: the 
 flandard of rebellion . They, indeed, who 
 
 d Bafnage, VI. ix. 10. tranflated by T. Taylor, fol. 
 1708. p. 515. See feci. 12, 35, 20, 21. 
 
 e David Al-roi, a Perfian, who, it may be obferved, 
 muft have appeared at an earlier period of the twelfth 
 century than is afTigned to him by Jortin. (Jortin's Re- 
 marks, ii. 188. Kidder's Meffias, iii. 403. et fqq. 8vo. 
 1700. Benj. Tudelenfis Itinerar. p. 91. et fqq. Lugd. 
 Bat. 1633.) 
 
 have 
 
SERMON II. 
 
 49 
 
 have adopted this obvious policy of ambition, 
 are too many to be here enumerated. The 
 period of one hundred and fifty years has not 
 yet elapfed, fince the laft and moll conspicu- 
 ous of thefe imooftors began his fhort but re- 
 markable career. He found the credulous Is- 
 raelites impreffed with the immediate expecta- 
 tion of fome extraordinary deliverance. He 
 declared himfelf exprefsly to be the Chrift; 
 he announced the future grandeur of the 
 earthly monarchy which he was to eftablifh ; 
 and afferted, that the ftrong hand of the Al- 
 mighty was even now about to reaflemble the 
 fcattered tribes from every quarter of the 
 globe f . The anticipations and prophecies of 
 fuccefs, which proceeded both from himfelf 
 and his confederate, bore an exclusive refe- 
 rence to temporal dominion. It was believed 
 among the Jews, that, at the coming of the 
 Mefliah, their favoured nation would pofTefs 
 itfelf of all the riches, and of every goodly he- 
 ritage, which had for a time been indulged to 
 unbelievers. In this triumphant hope, confi- 
 dent that their day of empire was at hand, 
 they abandoned their habits of induftry, and 
 
 f On publioit meme, 8cc. Rocoles, Impofteurs In- 
 fignes, p. 503. Amft. 1683. umo. 
 
 e their 
 
50 SERMON IT. 
 
 their purfuits of commerce, and waited with 
 brcathlefs expectation for tlie hour of con- 
 queft. Even when their darling prophet was 
 imprifoned at Conftantinople by that defpotic 
 fovereign whom he had undertaken to de- 
 throne, they ftill liftened fondly to the pro- 
 mifes of a future recovery of Paleftine ; and 
 fcarcely recovered from their delufion, when 
 they faw him in whom they had trulted ab- 
 jure the character which he had aflumed, and 
 embrace the Ottoman faiths. 
 
 Such would have been the attempt of Jefus, 
 had Jefus been an impoftor ; fuch the cnthu- 
 fiafm and credulity which he might have 
 moulded to his will. The pretention like wife 
 to the dignity of Mefliah was included in that 
 moft fuccefsful inftance of religious impoiture, 
 united with, and made fubfervient to temporal 
 purpofes, w r hich is to be found in the hiftory 
 of Mahometifm h . And the contraft between 
 the fhifting artifices, joined with the confum- 
 inate addrefs, the fyltcmatic diffimulation, and 
 intereited view s of the founder of that religion 
 on one fide, and on the other tide, the fimple, 
 
 £ Rocolcs, Impoftcurs Infignes, p. 523, 5. $$$, 4. 
 Bafnage, VII. xxiii. 5, 8cc. See Appendix IV. 
 h Jortin's Remarks, ii. 186. 
 
 the 
 
SERMON II. s t 
 
 the artlefs, the unafluming character of Chrin% 
 who never reforted to the temporary expedi- 
 ents of felfiih policy, who was great, indeed j 
 in the demonstration of fpirit and of power, 
 but who was great without prefumption, and 
 never lefs powerful in reality than impofing in 
 appearance, has been already drawn with a 
 precifion which infidelity cannot controvert, 
 and an eloquence which it would be vain to 
 rival \ 
 
 This place, and the particular occalion on 
 wilich we are now aflembled > mull forcibly 
 recal to the minds of thofe who hear me the 
 celebrated difcourfes to which I allude ; and I 
 mull be anticipated in obferving, that a new 
 attempt to illustrate the fame contrail would 
 be ram rather than bold, for it would be ne- 
 ceffarily fruitlefs. Without dwelling there- 
 fore any longer on the hiftory of falfe reli- 
 gions, I fhall haften to notice fome of the 
 chief corruptions of Christianity itfelf ; and, 
 from the obfervations which may be thence 
 fuggeiled, to deduce the reality and explain the 
 nature of that distinction, which has been af* 
 ierted to exifl between enlarged and partial 
 wifdom, between thofe indirect compliances 
 
 1 In the Bampton Le&ures for 1784, 
 
 K 2 which 
 
52 SERMON II. 
 
 which folely refpect prefent iirterefts, and that 
 eonfiltent policy which is iiiitcd to attain per- 
 manent fuccefs. Yet, previoully to entering 
 on thefe details, it will be neceifary to paufe ; 
 for the purpole of guarding the argument 
 againil objections ; of defending real Chrilti- 
 anity from the charge of having ever fanc- 
 tioned that miltaken though artful policy 
 which has been reprobated. This will be the 
 object of my next difcourfe. 
 
 Before I conclude, however, for the prefent, 
 it may be proper to examine the validity of 
 two fuppoiitions refpecling the author of our 
 religion, to which, though they include the 
 charge of impofture, yet obfervations tending 
 to vindicate his character from the charge of 
 temporal ambition cannot be directly applied. 
 
 In the firft place it may be faid, that Chrilt 
 voluntarily underwent mifery and death, in 
 order to leave behind him upon earth the re- 
 putation of fanctity. He may be faid ltill to 
 have enjoyed the fecret fatisfadion of reflect- 
 ing, that, though he lived defpifed, and was 
 likely to die difgraced, yet future ages would 
 reverie the judgment of his contemporaries, 
 and that his renown would never die. 
 
 It mult be contorted, that no traces of fuch 
 a fpirit are to be found in the hiitory of Jcfus 
 
 Chrift. 
 
SERMON II. 53 
 
 Chrift. Such an hypothelis feems devifed to 
 remove a preffing difficulty, without any war- 
 rant from the circum Ranees of the cafe. So 
 far as hiftory goes, the author and firft preachers 
 of Chriilianity appear to have lived not for 
 themfelves, but for others. No earthly mo- 
 tive but the good of mankind is difcernible in 
 the character of their labours. 
 
 The love of fame, it mull be allowed, as 
 well as the deflre of riches, power, or pleafure, 
 has fometimes prompted individuals to under- 
 takings almoft more than human. Sometimes 
 too the fpirit of a leader has been communis 
 cated by a refiftlefs impulfe to his followers ; 
 has encouraged them to move with the fame 
 alacrity, and to combat equal dangers. Often 
 has the fervour of attachment fupported the 
 moft appalling terrors, and advanced with 
 daring itep towards an object which it never 
 could attain, or which, if attainable, bore but 
 a fmall proportion to the toil, the difficulty, 
 and the diitrefs, by which it was to be pur- 
 chafed. 
 
 Neverthelefs, it is not to be forgotten, that 
 pallive firmneis is a much nobler inftance of 
 heroifm than active valour. The neceffity of 
 exertion allows the mind no time for filent 
 difquietude, ox for brooding anxioufly upon 
 
 e 3 itfelf. 
 
54 SERMON II. 
 
 itfelf. Gigantic effort is far more common 
 than calm and long-continued perfeverance, 
 and the acclamations of martial glory are an 
 encouragement far more captivating than the 
 filent felf-congratulations of fuccefsful fraud. 
 
 The natural, the obvious road to pofthu- 
 mous fame is that, unquestionably, which con- 
 ducts to prefent greatnefs. We perceive, in 
 the age in which we live, that the renuncia- 
 tion of temporal interests, which was fub- 
 mitted to by Christ, is a Striking evidence of 
 his truth. In the age of Christ there had ex- 
 isted no experience from which the conclusion, 
 w r hich we are now competent to make, could 
 poifibly be inferred. The character therefore 
 which Chrift aflumed, though wifely adapted 
 to the end that he propofed, was of a wifdom 
 which an impoftor could not have poiTefled. 
 The authors of existing religions had been 
 kings and princes. To be invefted with the 
 facerdotal office was a temporal dignity of 
 high order. A poor and unalfuming prophet 
 had never yet been the introducer of a reli- 
 gion, which owed, in any degree, its ultimate 
 greatnefs to the perfonal lowlinefs of its au- 
 thor. It may fafely be afTertcd, that a general 
 knowledge of human nature could not have 
 authorized an impoltor to predict, in the in- 
 stance 
 
SERMON IL 55 
 
 ftance of Chriftianity, the refult of an unpre- 
 cedented mode of conduct. It may be af- 
 ferted, that there could be no grounds for him 
 to collect that there exifted any diftinction be- 
 tween the craft which might facilitate the im- 
 mediate eftablifhment, and the wifdom which 
 would enfure the eventual prevalence of his 
 creed. 
 
 The other fuppofition that was alluded to is, 
 that the author of Chriftianity, though con- 
 fcious of deceit, was actuated by benevolence : 
 influenced by pity for the religious ignorance 
 in which the world was unhappily deprefTed, 
 and by a difinterefted deflre to benefit man- 
 kind by the eftablifhment of fo pious and fo 
 falutary an impofture. 
 
 Yet the fame means are requisite for the 
 eftablifhment of a benevolent, as for that of 
 an interefted impofition. The object defigned 
 may be different, but the method employed 
 rauft be the fame. The arguments already ad- 
 duced, to prove that the policy of the Chrif- 
 tian fyftem is fuch as an impoftor could not 
 have underftood, are neither diminifhed nor 
 altered in their validity, however we vary our 
 fuppofitions as to the fecret motives of its au- 
 thor. However he might be incited to action, 
 he could not have defpifed the facilities which 
 
 e 4 would 
 
$6 SERMON II. 
 
 would have been offered to the accomplish- 
 ment of his purpofe, by making a politic ufe 
 of exifting fuperfiitions, and ingrafting upon 
 the new inftitution many of their captivating, 
 and what would be deemed innocent formali- 
 ties. The comparative excellence of Chrifti- 
 anity is not confined to its freedom from ido- 
 latry. Not only is the conduct of Chrift un- 
 violated by the admiffion of this grofs error, 
 but is alfo characterized throughout by the 
 ftrid: maintenance of a refined and unexam- 
 pled purity. He not only made no compro- 
 mife with falfe gods, but was the firft who 
 taught mankind a Spiritual worfhip of the 
 one Almighty Father. To have adopted as 
 eflential parts of the religion many of the 
 ritual ceremonies, as the burning of incenfe, 
 and the confecration of votive offerings, 
 which were already praclifed in the Jewifli 
 and heathen temples 5 while it avoided the 
 imputation of idolatry, might ltill, perhaps, 
 have conciliated public approbation. Except 
 in the inftance of Chriftianity, the founders of 
 all religions have considered rites and ceremo- 
 nies as operating Strongly on the minds of the 
 people ; not merely as ufeful to regulate the 
 exercifes or affift the influence of devotion, but 
 as holy and indifpenfable in themfelves. By 
 
 their 
 
SERMON II. 57 
 
 their experience only the author of a new reli- 
 gion could poffibly be guided. Their exam- 
 ple, the examples of Ofiris, of Zoroafter, of Mi- 
 nos, of Lycurgus, and of Numa ; and, in this 
 refpecl;, we may add, though without includ- 
 ing that venerable prophet in the clafs of thofe 
 who have falfely affumed a divine fanclion, 
 the example alfo of Mofes had fucceeded fo 
 well, that a man who chofe the objecl: which 
 they purfued, would have thought it prudent, 
 in this inftance, to follow, implicitly, their 
 fteps. 
 
 Since then the character of wifdom which 
 appears in Chriftianity is too refined for an 
 impoftor to have pofTefled : fince in this cafe, 
 as was feen on a former occafion, it is equally 
 or rtill more inconfiftent with the fuppolition 
 of enthufiafm ; the confequence is manifeft. 
 Chrift laid claim, undoubtedly, to a divine 
 commiffion ; and, every fuppolition of falfity 
 being excluded, he was what he claimed to 
 be, a teacher fent from God. 
 
 sermon 
 
mr 
 
 SERMON III. 
 
 John xviii. 36. 
 My kingdom is not of this ivorld. 
 
 IT may poffibly be argued, that the exiftence 
 of an unaccommodating fpirit in Chriftianity 
 has, in the preceding lectures, been fomewhat 
 too generally aflerted. It may be faid, that 
 its author and his difciples do feem in fome 
 refpe&s to have been guided by a temporary 
 policy. It may be thought, that I have en- 
 deavoured to prove too much : that the cha- 
 racters which I have held to be exclufively ap- 
 plicable to falfe religions may belong alfo to 
 Chriftianity itfelf : that, confequently, I have 
 been labouring to eftablifh a criterion, either 
 imperfect, by which falfe religions are not in 
 reality to be diftinguifhed from the true ; or 
 by which the religion that we fuppofe true 
 ought juftly to be condemned together witli 
 the falfe. Some perfons ; alfo, who may think 
 
 that 
 
60 SERMON III. 
 
 ■ 
 
 that Chriitianity is fufficiently diftinguiftied 
 from confeffedly falfe religions by the criterion 
 which I have ventured to propofe, may Hill 
 doubt whether its admiffion would not tend 
 to invalidate the truth of Judaifm. Since, 
 therefore, the truth of the Jevviih is recognized 
 by the Chriftian fyflem, it muft be neceflary 
 for me to prove of both thefe fyftems, that 
 they are not liable to the imputations, to 
 which it has been mown that falfe religions 
 are obnoxious. It is requisite, however, in 
 the firft place, to examine the nature of the 
 pofltion to be proved ; the extent to which 
 it is neceflary that Judaifm and Chriftianity 
 mould be thus vindicated. 
 
 Now it is evident, that every degree of 
 compliance with temporary interefts and ex- 
 iting inltitutions is not expofed to the objec- 
 tions which may be jultly railed againlt fuch 
 compliance, for the fake of prefent or partial 
 advantage, as is productive of eventual injury 
 to the caufe which it is intended to promote. 
 Wherever particular and general confcqucnces 
 are at variance, we may expert in the counfels 
 of the divine Being that wife adaptation to 
 circumftanccs, which may bcil tend to pro- 
 mote the general rather than the particular 
 refult. The very fame principle, however, 
 
 fhould 
 
SERMON III. 61 
 
 fliould lead us to affirm, rather than to deny, 
 that a fimilar adaptation even to particular in- 
 terefts and circumftances may analogoufly be 
 expected, whenever the particular and general 
 interefts are compatible with each other. 
 
 Religion is intended not for perfect beings, 
 but for weak and fallible men. As the work 
 of a wife God, it muft be fuited, therefore, to 
 human imperfection. The Jewifh inffitution 
 was addreiled to an age and nation probably 
 inferior in moral powers, and certainly in en- 
 lightened intellect, to thofe to which Christi- 
 anity is propofed. It bears undoubted marks 
 of a more extenfive indulgence to the paf- 
 lions ; it appeals lefs forcibly to the reafon of 
 mankind \ Its luftrations, its facrifices, and 
 its pomp were, doubtlefs, accommodations to 
 the weaknefs of human nature b . So, alfo, in 
 a lefs degree, may be the pofitive institutions 
 of Chriffianity c . Thefe accommodations to 
 
 a Hey's Lectures, vol. i. p. 336. 
 
 b Limborch. p. 316. Sed ait vir doctiffimus, &c. See 
 alfo Lettres de quelques Juifs, Portugais, Allemands, et 
 Polonois, a M. de Voltaire, vol. i. Lettre II. §. 9. Paris, 
 J776. 
 
 c On the neceffity of certain accommodations to hu-- 
 man weaknefs, and the abufe of fuch accommodations in 
 the Romifh Church, fee a note of Maclainej Molheim, 
 vol.i. p. 203. 4to. (g). 
 
 human 
 
62 SERMON III. 
 
 human weaknefs may vary with the Varying 
 circumftances of mankind, and it may be im- 
 poflible to determine with precifion the bounds 
 of their propriety, while, differing only in de- 
 gree, they are the fame in kind. Yet one dif- 
 tinction, at leaft, is obvious and indubitable. 
 The true God can never have authorized any 
 of his minifters to countenance idolatry. On 
 this ground the queftion may moft fairly be 
 brought to iflue : on this ground refts the 
 main argument, by which it is here endea- 
 voured to confirm the evidence of our reli- 
 gion. If a concurrence in idolatry can juftly 
 be imputed either to Judaifm or Chriftianity, 
 we may be grieved to relinquifli our only 
 hope of religious confolation, but we muft be 
 compelled to abandon their defence ; for un- 
 lets the legitimacy of this inference be al- 
 lowed, it muft be impoflible to determine that 
 any religion can be falfe, and, confequently, 
 that any can be true. If, on the contrary, 
 the teachers of religions confefledly falfe, or 
 of Chriliianity itfelf, either grofsly mifunder- 
 ilood, or wilfully violated, have uniformly or 
 generally admitted compliances with idolatry, 
 while the true religion of Mofes or of Chrift is 
 not implicated in the charge; if all the partial 
 interefts of man fliall appear to be coniulted 
 
 by 
 
SERMON III. 6z 
 
 ^ 
 
 by fuch compliances, while the counfels of 
 the Deity are diftinguifhed no lefs by their 
 purity than their wifdom, we contend, that 
 this diffin&ion in the cafe of thefe two reli-* 
 gions is, in proportion to the degree and cir- 
 cumstances of its existence, an important pre- 
 emption, or perhaps a certain argument of 
 their truth* 
 
 I do not mean, however, unrefervedly to 
 pronounce, that the internal evidence of a re- 
 ligion is folely to be determined by the ab- 
 fence or the admiffion of idolatry. It has 
 been obferved on a former occafion, that there 
 are fome excefles of fuperilition, of which it 
 may fafely be afTerted, that, though they be 
 not abfolutely idolatrous, they are too grofs to 
 have received the fan&ion of the divinity. 
 Such excefles, wherever they can be proved 
 to exift, mult deftroy, equally with idolatry 
 itfelf, the credit of the religion by which they 
 are avowed. If thev are to be found in Chrif- 
 tianity, Chriffianity muft be incapable of de- 
 fence. This admiffion, however, of arguments 
 from the extreme instances of fuperftition ex- 
 tends not to thofe particular accommodations 
 to particular circum fiances, the inconfiftency 
 of which with the divine attributes is merely 
 doubtful, Though we cannot conclude, that, 
 
 becaufe 
 
64 SERMON III. 
 
 becaufe the nature of fuperftition is incapable 
 of a precife definition, its exiftence can no 
 where be aflerted with certainty ; yet we ftill 
 conclude from the fame premifes, that ufages 
 may exift, of which it is impoilible to deter- 
 mine precifely, whether or no they be fuper- 
 ftitious. While it is neceftary, therefore, to 
 defend both Judaiim and Chriitianity from 
 the charge even of the ilighteft deviation into 
 idolatry, it is not eflential to the evidence of 
 their truth, that every difficulty fhould be fur- 
 mounted, with which their defence againft 
 the charge of fuperftition may poffibly be at- 
 tended. Superftition, when exceffive, is a de- 
 ciiive argument againft the truth of any reli- 
 gion by which it is fandioned ; but we are ig- 
 norant of its exacl: nature ; and not certain, 
 perhaps, that all degrees of it are profcribed 
 by God, even in thole difpenfations of which 
 he is himfelf the author. 
 
 Thefe obfervations, I truft, prove, that fome 
 compliances with particular circumftances 
 may, even in a teacher of religion, be compa- 
 tible with truth. They prove, alio, the irre- 
 levancy of thole inveclives againft fuperftition 
 in general, which are frequently, though moil 
 unphilofophically, indulged, without any pre- 
 cife conception of the objecl: againft which 
 
 they 
 
SERMON III. 65 
 
 they are directed. I now proceed to mow, 
 firft, that the Jewifh, and, fecondly, that the 
 Chriftian fyftems are not liable to the charge 
 of any idolatrous or obje&ionable compliances; 
 that they cannot be proved to have facrificed 
 the truth of natural religion for any purpofes 
 of prefent utility ; that they have not aban- 
 doned the policy of wifdom for that of craft. 
 
 By fome perfons of learning it has been 
 fuppofed, that the Jewifh religion, though of 
 divine authority, was partly founded on Egyp- 
 tian rites and ceremonies ; that Egyptian fu- 
 perititions were to a certain degree permitted 
 by Mofes to the Ifraelites, becaufe of the 
 hardnefs of their hearts ; and that, probably, 
 without this accommodation to their previous 
 habits, it might have been impoflible to fecure 
 their attachment to the new religion d . 
 
 d Burnet. Arch. pp. 46, 47. Middle ton's Letter to 
 Dr. Waterland, Trails, p. 156^ 157. Eeaufobre, Introd. 
 to the reading of the Holy Scriptures, Part I. §. 1. and 
 Spencer de Leg. Hebr. paflim. The arguments of the 
 very learned writer laft mentioned, for the propriety of 
 tolerating and adopting Egyptian fuperftitionsin the Mo- 
 faic ritual, are fome of them of a lingular nature. He 
 cites in one place the political axiom, To xaxov ev xajaevcv 
 ex. e$-i xjvrjrsov, p. 627 , 628. ed. Cant. 1685. and declares^ 
 p. 631. In eo enim eluxit fapientia divina, quod antido- 
 tum e veneno faceret, et illis ipfis caeremoniis ad populi 
 
 r fui 
 
66 SERMON III. 
 
 As it would feem, however, to be improba* 
 ble that God, in feparating to himfelf a pecu- 
 liar people, who fhould preferve the purity of 
 his worfhip amid the grofs idolatry of fur- 
 rounding Gentiles, mould adopt from the ido- 
 latry of thofe very Gentiles the pofitive inlti- 
 tutions of his own religion ; lb it has been 
 fhown, by thofe who have been molt conver- 
 fant in the hiliory of oriental ceremonies, that 
 the Jewiih ritual was in fact inftituted, not in 
 conformity with, but in direct opposition to 
 the idolatries of Egypt e . 
 
 Should it feem to us that the adoption of a 
 ceremonial for the purpofe of counteracting 
 idolatry ; that the oppofition of rite to rite, 
 and of cuftom to cuftom, w r as a policy of lefs 
 refinement than the Deity might have been 
 expected to purfue ; we may recur to what 
 has been before advanced, that the conduct, 
 which may be obferved in the divine difpen- 
 fations, is wifely adapted not only to the pu- 
 rity of God, but alfo to the infirmity of man. 
 God fpeaks to man through the medium of 
 the fenies : religion is intended to operate not 
 
 fui ulilitatem, quibus olim Diabolus ad hominum perni- 
 cicm uteretur. 
 
 c See Appendix V. 
 
 only 
 
SERMON III. 6; 
 
 only on the underftanding, but alfo on the 
 heart. No man, probably, however pure, 
 however unprejudiced his reafon, is fuperior 
 to the feeling of devotion. Thofe perfons 
 who, by the theories of fcepticifm, may think 
 themfelves fortified againft fuperftition ; and 
 thofe alfo who may have w^eaned themfelves 
 from popular grofsnefs of conception by long 
 and rational meditation on the God of truth, 
 continue always, in fome degree, fubjecl: to 
 the influence of that religious fentiment, which 
 certain impreffions on the fenfes tend mani- 
 feftly to create or ftrengthen. The powers of 
 intellect alone are infufficient for the necefli- 
 ties of man. Religion, to confole him in ad- 
 verfity, to preferve him in temptation, and to 
 correct the infolence of profperity, muft influ- 
 ence the heart through the fenfes, as well as. 
 the judgment through the underftanding. It 
 is not, therefore, the introduction of ritual ob- 
 fervances into religion that is objectionable. 
 " Why mould weak minds be deprived of a 
 " refource which is found neceflary to the 
 " ftrongefl f ?" Obfervances of this kind are 
 expedient, or, perhaps, indifpenfable, though 
 they have their bounds, which they ought not. 
 
 f Burke. 
 
 F 2 to 
 
68 SERMON ITT. 
 
 to exceed. It may be difficult to eftabliih an 
 exacft criterion by which to ettimate them, but 
 this very difficulty fhould render us cautious 
 in our reaibnings and decifions on their pro- 
 priety. 
 
 Merelv then to have revealed the doctrine 
 of the unity to the Jews, without employing 
 iubiidiary, and, it may be laid, mechanical 
 methods for preferving and ftrengthening the 
 conviction of its truth, might have expofed 
 them, in an imprudent degree, to the danger 
 of relapfing into idolatry. It is apparent from 
 their hiftory, that they were not entirely fe- 
 cured from fuch relapfe even by their own 
 multitudinous ceremonial. Rites lefs nume- 
 rous or lefs It ri king might have been exceed- 
 ingly inadequate to a purpofe, which thofe 
 that really were enacted did not always effec- 
 tually anfvver. From the imputation of ido- 
 latry, however, thefe rites were entirely re- 
 moved. A rite may, indeed, convey an ido- 
 latrous meaning, but only as connected inci- 
 dentallv with fome falfe object of adoration. 
 The Jews had incenfe, they had perfumes, 
 they had (artifices and oblations. All thefe 
 things are capable, indeed, of an idolatrous 
 application, and were applied by the heathens 
 to the adoration of falfe gods ; but while of- 
 fered 
 
SERMON III. 69 
 
 fered folely to the true God, they could not 
 interfere with ilnglenefs of worfliip. The 
 Jews had no fimilitudes of man or beaft or 
 fourfooted things ; no faints or fecondary 
 deities were interpofed between them and the 
 great Jehovah s. 
 
 Should thefe confiderations appear infuffi- 
 cient to reconcile the apparent imperfection 
 of the Jewilli ceremonial w r ith the purity of 
 its divine author, it may be refledted farther, 
 that living in an age in which the art of rea- 
 foning is better underftood, and exercifed 
 more accurately, we are not competent, from 
 refle&ion on the ftructure of our own minds, 
 to determine the propriety of any adaptation 
 to the minds and motives of a people lefs cul- 
 tivated than ourfelves. We are incompetent 
 judges, likewife, of the very meaning of the 
 ceremonies which we queftion. They were 
 
 s The Papift reprefents the putting otTthe fhoes, " be- 
 " caufe it was holy ground/' which is related of Mofes 
 and Jofhua ; the falling; down of the Jews before God's 
 footftool, and their worfhip in the holy of holies, where 
 were the cherubims, propitiatory, and ark ; the bowing 
 of Proteftants at the name of Jefus, and their kneeling at 
 the Eucharift, and before the altar, as being ceremonies 
 of the fame nature with the honorary adoration of faints, 
 which is authorized by the Church of Rome. Thefe ce- 
 remonies, however, are vindicated by Stillingfleet, " Of 
 
 f 3 " the 
 
70 SERMON III. 
 
 intended, probablv, in many cafes, in which 
 they are the leaft eafy to be explained, not fo 
 much for offices of worfhip, as for a method 
 of instruction \ Much gesticulation is always 
 to be oblerved among people who poflefs not 
 a copious language, and is neceflary, perhaps r 
 to determine the meaning of fuch words as 
 bear numerous Significations. At the period 
 of the Mofaic difpenfation, written language 
 was doubtlefs in its infancy : the language 
 which was fpoken mufr, confequently, have 
 been imperfect, as we know, indeed, to have 
 been the cafe with the more ancient dialects 
 of the Eaft i. What may be denominated the 
 language of action muft therefore have borne 
 a considerable fhare in the general converfe 
 of mankind, particularly in thofe warmer cli- 
 mates, where the manners as well as the feel- 
 ings are more impaffioned, than the}', who 
 
 "the Idolatry pra&ifed in the Church of Rome," Works, 
 vol. v. p. 40, 41. 
 
 h Lettres de quelques Juifs, P. III. 1. vi. §. t. 
 
 1 Powell's ninth Difcourfe, in the beginning. Hey's 
 Le&ures, vol. i. p. 16, 17. ' k We ihould alfo obferve 
 <c how aclions were uied in the Ealt inflead of words ; 
 il and were expreilive not only of the preient, but alfo of 
 " the future." Ibid. p. 80. See alfo Warburton, Div. 
 Leg. book iv. §. 4. Works, vol. ii. p. 405, &c. and 
 book ix. Works, vol. iii. p. 650. 
 
 have 
 
SERMON III. 71 
 
 have no intercourfe but with the inhabitants 
 of northern Europe, can eafily conceive. Even 
 at this comparatively late period in the hiilory 
 of man ; even fince the powers of language 
 have been lb far developed, that there is 
 fcarcely any meaning which the underftand- 
 ing can apprehend, but what oral expreffion 
 may communicate, or written characters de- 
 note ; even now, the language of action is 
 often ufed, and eafily underftood. To the 
 Jews there may have been an efpecial propri- 
 ety and meaning in propofing a vifible reli- 
 gion. Their habits had probably enabled them 
 to apprehend the meaning intended to be con- 
 veyed by ritual ordinances with an accuracy 
 and quicknefs which we cannot poffibly pof- 
 fefs. The eye is in itfelf a medium of know- 
 ledge not lets unexceptionable than the ear ; 
 and the types fet before the Jews, not as ob- 
 jects of adoration, but as means of knowledge, 
 may have been as little liable to mifeonltruc- 
 tion as the audible recitation of the decalogue. 
 The language of ceremonies may have had no 
 remote affinity to the language of hierogly- 
 phics. The Egyptian education of the Jews 
 may have facilitated their knowledge of its 
 import, while that import, however it was 
 
 f 4 exprefled, 
 
72 SERMON Iir. 
 
 expreflcd, might oppofe the idolatry of E- 
 gypt k . 
 
 Inftances can be produced, in which a cer- 
 tain meaning, that may eafily be enunciated 
 in words, was doubtlefs intended to be con- 
 veyed by this typical or ceremonial language. 
 The ablutions of the Mofaic law were indi- 
 cative of the command to obierve inward pu- 
 rity; and mud have communicated this mean- 
 ing to the apprehenfion of the Jews at the 
 period of its delivery, with a more lively con- 
 nection between the type and the thing figni- 
 fied, than we fhould recognize at prelent, 
 were not the fame fymbol rendered familiar 
 to us by the limilar Chriftian inftitution of 
 baptifm. The white veftments of the priefts 
 were interpreted to denote that fpotlefs fin- 
 cerity with which the worfhipper fhould ap- 
 proach the temple of his God. The burning 
 
 k Warburton, Div. Leg. b. iv. §. 6. contends with his 
 ufual acutenefs ; that " the laws in compliance" (with 
 Egyptian ceremonies of innocent tendency) " were a 
 li confequence of the laws in opposition" (to thofe of an 
 idolatrous nature), and proceeds to difcufs at length the 
 refpectivc opinions of Spencer and Witfius. Works, 
 vol. ii. p. 602. See Lettres de quelques Juifs, Part. IT. 
 Lettre ii. §. 8. p. 212. Les autrcs, &c. 
 
 of 
 
SERMON III. 73 
 
 of incenfe was to the Jews, no doubt, the im- 
 mediate fymbol of acceptable prayer K 
 
 The fprinkling of blood upon the unclean, 
 and of the water of feparation m , which we 
 now, interpreting by the event, fuppofe to 
 have had a general reference to the future 
 bloodfhedding and mediation of the Saviour, 
 might be adapted to excite a more definite ex- 
 pectation in thofe for whom they were ap- 
 pointed, than the fame dark ceremonies would 
 convey to us. In fhort, a ritual language was 
 accommodated to the Jews with a propriety 
 which may have rendered edifying and im- 
 preffive to them thofe paflages of their cere- 
 monial law, which to us feem inexplicable or 
 fuperllitious. 
 
 The reafonablenefs of reforting to fuch an 
 interpretation of the Jewifh rites may be in- 
 ferred from the fimilar adaptation of paraboli- 
 cal and vifual elucidations to the difclofure of 
 other fadts unconnected with religious wor- 
 fhip. The exaltation of Jofeph above his fa- 
 mily is intimated by his fheaf Handing up- 
 right, and the eleven fheaves of his brethren 
 
 1 Beaufobre and L'Enfant, Introd. to the Reading of 
 the Holy Scriptures. " Of the Holy Things," and " Of 
 « Perfumes." 
 
 m Numbers xix. 
 
 (landing 
 
74 SERMON III. 
 
 ftanding round and bowing to it. Thus the 
 image of the lion is employed to reprefent the 
 regal charafteriflic of the tribe of Judah, while 
 the crafty Dan is typified by the iimilitude of 
 a ferpent lurking in the road n . 
 
 The ceremonial, therefore, of the Mofaic 
 law is not juftly liable to the (lighten: imputa- 
 tion of idolatry. It may have been compara- 
 tively imperfect, yet ftill worthy of the Deity: 
 it may be partially inexplicable, yet wifely 
 adapted to the circumltances of the Jews ; in- 
 tended to refill the cuftoms or to oppofe the 
 do&rines of idolatry by language or by rites, 
 expreffive of the unity of God, and, like all 
 religion, addrefled to popular underftandings . 
 
 In the interval between the inftitution of 
 the Jewifh, and that of the Chriftian religion, 
 very confiderable changes took place in the 
 circumftances of mankind. Natural theology, 
 or the fpeculativc investigation of religious 
 truth, feems to be of comparatively recent ori- 
 gin, and not to have been known any where 
 till long after the time of Mofes. The Perfian 
 Magi, and the philofophers, as they are called, 
 
 n All thefe inftances of relation between the type and 
 the object fignified by it are taken from Dr. J. Taylor's 
 Scheme of Scripture Divinity, chap. 28. 
 
 See Appendix VI. 
 
 of 
 
SERMON III. 75 
 
 of Pherricia and Arabia, feem to have bounded 
 their inquiries to the ftudy of traditionary opi- 
 nions. Of thefe they felecled what they 
 thought the mod probable or pleafing, but 
 they did not attempt to reafon upon the Deity 
 or the creation from the frame and pheno- 
 mena of the univerfe P. The Jews, more for- 
 tunate than the other nations of the Eaft from 
 their pofTeffion of the Mofaic writings, had 
 preferved their implicit reverence for and ex- 
 clusive reliance upon authority with, perhaps, 
 ftill greater conftancv. Yet there are reafons 
 for believing, that, at the time of the origin of 
 Chriftianity, the cultivation of the reafoning 
 faculties, even in Judea itfelf, had been com- 
 menced: it is certain that in Greece and Italy it 
 had been long and vigorouily purfued. During 
 modern ages it has been revived with an unpre- 
 cedented fuccefs ; and, both in its commence- 
 ment and its progrefs, has always tended to 
 promote a pure and accurate conception of 
 the Deity. 
 
 It is, however, to all countries, and to mo- 
 dern as well as to ancient times, that Chriffi- 
 anity is addrefled. If Christians, then, in ge- 
 neral, poffefs clearer notions of God's truth 
 
 p Burnet. Arch. p. 55. 
 
 and 
 
76 SERMON III. 
 
 and purity than the Jews pofleflcd, it may 
 naturally be inferred that a greater purity of 
 worfliip is expected from them. But man, 
 even now, is far too imperfect to be able to 
 render to his Creator a worthip ltriclly pure, a 
 homage genuine and without alloy. There is 
 no doubt but that Christianity itfelf is accom- 
 modated to the manifold infirmities of our na- 
 ture. If a certain degree of imperfection was 
 permitted among the Jews, it is probable that 
 a lefs degree may be tolerated among Chrif- 
 tians ; and plauiible reaibns may be affigned 
 for the appointment of ufages, which, though 
 they do not conititute, are ufeful to promote 
 the fpirit of religion T. Not only the know- 
 ledge of the Deity, before exifiing among the 
 difciples of Mofes, was to be retained and pu- 
 rified under the Chriftian iyftem, but alio their 
 ceremonial attachments and local fan&ities 
 were to be compenfated. The mere revela- 
 tion of theoretical theology and of a future 
 ftate might have proved inadequate to the ne- 
 ceffities of mankind. The knowledge, which 
 may be fufficient to determine the judgment, 
 is not always able to influence the will ; and 
 
 * See Bifiiop Butler's Charge to the Clergy of Durham 
 in 175 1^ p. 394, 8cc« Halifax's cd. of the Analogy, 1802. 
 
 it 
 
SERMON III. 77 
 
 it is manifeft, that the object of religion is not 
 anfwered, unlefs motives to virtue be added to 
 principles of truth. 
 
 They, however, who may have been in- 
 duced to admit the purity of the Jewifh, are 
 not likely to object to the original blamelefl- 
 nefs of the Chriliian church. Yet it may not 
 be fuperfluous to indulge on this fubjecl: in 
 fome particular reflections. 
 
 Now the poiitive ordinances of our Lord, 
 though they have been corrupted in the moft 
 flagrant manner by Romifh fuperftition, exhi- 
 bit not, in themfelves, the remoteft femblance 
 of an idolatrous inftitution. To the command 
 which was enjoined to his dffciples at the fo- 
 lemn paffover which preceded the crucifixion, 
 " Take, eat ; this is my body which is given 
 " for you," it might have been fuppofed that 
 the latter part of the fame fentence, " Do this 
 " in remembrance of me," would have at- 
 tached fo definite a meaning as entirely to 
 preclude the adoration of the facramental ele- 
 ments. 
 
 Certain obfcure charges of diffirnulation 
 againft the holy founder of our religion, which 
 it has been pretended that the hiftory of the 
 canonical evangeliils will fupply, are too ab- 
 furd, and, if the queftion were lefs import- 
 ant 
 
78 SERMON III. 
 
 ant, would be too ludicrous to need refuta- 
 tion r . Of thefe I truft that I may be per- 
 mitted to omit farther mention. The tolera- 
 tion of Judaifm has furnifhed a more confider- 
 able objection againft the uniform purity of 
 the firft Chriftian teachers ; an objection cer- 
 tainly not the lefs worthy of attention, be- 
 cauie it has been borrowed by the Deift from 
 the Jew. It has been faid, that, if Chriftianity 
 were intended to fuperfede Judaifm, its author 
 was guilty of an inconfiftent conducl in com- 
 plying with the forms of a religion which he 
 came to abrogate : that it was irrational for 
 any perfon to continue an adherence to the 
 figure, who believed that the body fignified by 
 it was come : that it was either grofs hypo- 
 crify, or an impious mockery of things which 
 had been once moft facred, for thofe to prac- 
 tife the ufages of the Mofaic law, who confi- 
 dered them to be vain and ufelefs : that they 
 who confidered them to be efficacious, could 
 not really believe in Chriftianity, fince in fuch 
 belief the conviction was neceilarily included, 
 
 r One of the principal of thefe charges is the dijfimula- 
 tion of Chrift at Emmaus. " And he made as though he 
 " would have gone further." Luke xxiy. 38. Middle- 
 ton's Tracts, p. 306. 
 
 that 
 
SERMON III. 79 
 
 that the Mofaic difpenfation was accomplifhed 
 and fulfilled by Chrift 8 . 
 
 Animadverfions, alfo, on the conduct of the 
 Apoftles in this refpecl have been made by 
 Chriftians themfelves with a freedom which 
 has not always been confined within the li- 
 mits of decency and refpect t . Yet the ardent 
 expreilion of St. Paul in the firft Epiflle to the 
 Corinthians, " that he was made all things to 
 " all men, that he might by all means fave 
 " fome U /I can in no way indicate that the 
 zeal which it teiiifies tranfgrefled the bounds 
 of knowledge. The feparation of St. Peter 
 from the communion of the Gentiles, becaufe 
 he feared them which were of the circumci- 
 fion x , on which account he was withftood by 
 Paul at Antioch ; the circumeifion of Timo- 
 thy)"; and the purification according to the 
 rites of the Jewifli religion, which was ob- 
 ferved at Jerufalem by St, Paul himfelf after 
 his return from Macedonia z , feem to be the 
 
 s Orobio, Arnica Collatio, p. 6o 9 6x. and Limborch's 
 Reply, p. 203. 
 
 1 Confefiional, third ed. p. 383, 384. 
 u i Cor. ix. 22. Middleton, ubi fupra. 
 r - Gal. ii. 12. 
 y A&s xvi. 3. 
 z Acts xx i. 2,6. 
 
 grounds 
 
So SERMON III. 
 
 grounds on which this charge of indirect 
 compliances in the Apoitles has principally 
 been founded. It has, however, been fatis- 
 faclorily proved, that the mother of Timothy 
 being a Jewels, he was confidered by the Jews 
 as bound by the condition of his birth to keep 
 the law a ; and thefe united facts, as illustrated 
 by the whole tenour of the apoftolical hiltory, 
 can only warrant the conclufion, that the apo- 
 ftles permitted the Jews to continue their ad- 
 herence to the Mofaic law under the profef- 
 
 a Wetftein on Acts xyi. I — 13. " Partus fequitur ven- 
 " trem," &c. 
 
 " Non enim, ut nonnulli putant, ex eadem fimulatione 
 <( etiam Paulus apoftolus aut Timotheum circumcidit, ant 
 M ipfe quaedam ritu Judaico facramenta celebravit: fed ex 
 " ilia libertate fententiae fuse, qua praedicavit nee genti- 
 " bus prodefle circumcifionem, nee Judaeis obefle. Ideo- 
 " que etTimotheus, cum in praeputio vocatus eflet, tamen 
 " quia de Judaea matre ortus erat, et oftendere cognatis 
 " fuis debebat ad eos lucrifaciendos, non hoc fe didicifTe 
 4i in ditciplina Chriftiana, ut ilia facramenta quae legis 
 u veteris efient abominaretur, circumcifus eft ab Apoftolo: 
 " ut hoc modo demonftrarent Judaeis, non ideo gentes 
 <c non ea fufcipcre, quia mala funt, et perniciofe a patribus 
 " oblervata, fed quia jam faluti non neceifaria poft adven- 
 " turn tanti lacramenti, quod per tarn longa teinpora tota 
 " vetus ilia feriptura propheticis figurationibus praedica- 
 " vit." Auguftinus, dc Mendacio, cap. 8. Sco Grotiu9 
 on the ninth chapter of the firft Epiltle to the Corin- 
 thians, ver. 19—- 22. 
 
 fion 
 
SERMON III. 81 
 
 lion of Chriftianity, as they alfo themfelves 
 adhered to it, after the example which had 
 been fet by Chrift. They retained, no doubt, 
 in part, a national veneration for its fan6tity ; 
 and, even after they became fully enlightened 
 refpediing the principles of Chriftianity, they 
 were ftill defirous to confult, in this refpe6t, 
 the prejudices of the Jews, by a conformity, 
 not, in their own apprehenlion, in any degree 
 meritorious, but indifferent. 
 
 Now it is injudicious, as well as unnecef- 
 fary, to claim for every part of the conduft of 
 the apoftles the praife of an exact propriety. 
 It is not to be contended, that they always 
 adted under the influence of a continued in- 
 fpiration. For Chrift alone feems to have 
 been referved by the divine appointment the 
 prerogative of an unerring judgment, equally 
 as of a finlefs life. If Paul withftood Peter to 
 the face, either Peter muft have been incor- 
 rect, or Paul miftaken. The precife limits of 
 a lawful accommodation to Jewifh principles 
 and opinions it may be impoffible corre&ly to 
 define ; and where the apoftles differed, the 
 moft adventurous theologian of modern times 
 can fcarcely venture to decide. 
 
 Unqueftionably however, if Judaifm have 
 hetn fhown not to countenance either idolatry 
 
 q or 
 
82 SERMON III. 
 
 or grofs fuperftition, Chriftianity cannot juftly 
 be liable to the charge, merely becaufe it re- 
 cognizes the truth, and tolerates the ceremo- 
 nies of that religion. Nor is it a fair pre- 
 emption, that, becaufe the Chriftian was in- 
 tended to fuperfede the Jewifli fyftem, the 
 teachers of Chriftianity were bound to eradi- 
 cate every fibre of their old attachments, be- 
 fore they could admit the Jews to be fincere 
 profefTors of the faith. It may have been in- 
 tended, that not the preaching, nor even the 
 death of the Redeemer, but rather the deftruc- 
 tion of Jerufalem b , by which fo many and 
 fuch important prophecies were fulfilled, 
 fhould be the flgnal for the extinction of the 
 Mofaic difpenfation c . The rending of the 
 
 b Limborch. 203. 
 
 c It may be worthy of obfervation, that the firft fifteen 
 Chriftian bifhops of Jerufalem, refpecting whom it has 
 been noticed that they were circumcifed Jews, (Gibbon, 
 chap. xv. p. 544.) all lived before the final deftrucYion of 
 that city by Hadrian. " Ita turn primum Marcus ex 
 " gentibus, apud Hierofolymam, epifcopus fait." Sulp. 
 Sev. Sac. Hift. lib. ii. §.45. See alfo on this fubjecl: the 
 Chronicon of Eufebius on the eighth and nineteenth 
 years of Hadrian. Jofeph Scaliger, in his Animadver- 
 iions on the Chronicon, (p. 212, 216. ed. 1658.) quef- 
 tions the fact of this deftruclion of Jerufalem, and iup- 
 pofes the destruction by Titus to have been complete ; 
 but I aru not convinced by his reafoning. 
 
 veil 
 
SERMON III. 83 
 
 veil may have prefaged, the demolition of the 
 temple may have completed its final period, 
 and the fame providence, which ordained the 
 gradual progrefs of the faith, may have or- 
 dained, among the Jewifh converts, a gradual 
 emancipation from national and local preju- 
 dices d . Imperfect knowledge is not incon- 
 tinent with the poileffion of a faving faith. 
 The moving fupplication which was made to 
 Jefus, " Lord, I believe, help thou mine un- 
 " belief," may reafonably be addreifed to the 
 divine being by the imperfect faculties of 
 mankind. 
 
 Thus the Jewiili and the Chriflian religions 
 are equally removed from the imputation of 
 idolatry. It is the fuperior excellence of the 
 latter, that it may juftly boaft, not the worfhip 
 of a purer being, but a purer mode of wor- 
 
 d " Nee a Judoeis exacta fuas legis abdicatione, nee a 
 '" Gentibus fide plena et omnibus numeris abfoluta." 
 Burnet, de Fide, p. 117. " Nee Apoftoli unquam docu- 
 •* erunt, ne ipfe apoftolus Paulus, tantus libertatis Chrifti- 
 " anse patronus, illicitum efle fidelibus ex Judseis Mo- 
 " faicse legis ritus obfervare. Quinetiam ipfe Timo- 
 " theum" &c. Limborch. p. 24. See alfo Hartley's 
 Obf. on Man, II. p. 377. firft ed. The very compreben- 
 five reafoner laft referred to does not feem, however, to 
 have thoroughly coufidered the whole of this delicate 
 fubjeel:. 
 
 G 2 (hip. 
 
84 SERMON lit. 
 
 ihip. The rites of the Mofaic law had no 
 connection with falfe deities, but ftill may 
 have abforbed a considerable degree of that 
 attention and refpect, which we are taught by 
 Chriftianity to devote to God in fpirit and in 
 truth. The breach of the ceremonial was in 
 many initances more feverely punifhed among 
 the Jews than the violation of the moral law e , 
 while the pofitive inftitutions of Chriftianity 
 are univerfally fubfervient to the effential fpi- 
 rit of religion. 
 
 Eminent alio as is the character of the Jew- 
 ifh lawgiver, both for public virtue and per- 
 gonal .diiintereftednefs, the chara&er of Chrift 
 is too fuperior to require or admit comparifon. 
 The zeal of Mofes was national ; the benevo- 
 lence of Chrift is univerfal : Mofes was the de- 
 liverer of Ifrael, but Chrift the faviour of man- 
 kind. The prefumptions likewife, by which the 
 founders of both religions may be vindicated 
 from any finifter imputation, are far more nu- 
 merous and ftriking in the hiftory of Chrift, 
 than in that of Mofes. The Jewifh worfliip 
 was completely united with the civil conftitu- 
 tion of the Jews. Could Mofes and Aaron be 
 fuppofed impoftors, their condudl, the one 
 
 e Orobio, p. ii. 
 
 afluming 
 
SERMON III. 85 
 
 affuming the temporal, and the other the 
 fpiritual fupremacy in the State, might feem 
 naturally to proceed from the common princi- 
 ples of ambition f . ChriSt, to fpeak with pre- 
 cision, is no legiflator &. Real Christianity may 
 contift with any form of civil polity whatever. 
 It interferes not, nor did it interfere at its firft 
 origin, either to weaken or confirm the autho- 
 rity of existing magistracies, unlefs by the in- 
 direct operation of its moral and religious doc- 
 trines. As foon as a certain establishment be- 
 came neceSTary to its propagation, an eftablifh- 
 ment was formed for the fake of the religion : 
 it is manifeft that the religion was not de- 
 vifed with reference to the establishment h . 
 
 Thefe obfervations, I truft, cannot be fo far 
 misinterpreted, as to be fuSpected of the re- 
 
 f Lardner, Works, vol. x. p. 54.T, 542. 
 
 g " He exprefsly declined the exercife of all temporal 
 <e authority upon another occafion; c Man, who made me 
 c a judge or a divider over you ?' Luke xii. 14. But he 
 " readily availed himfelf of the application as a religious 
 " and moral inftruclor." Maltby, p. 83. note c. 
 
 h That the liberty of the Chriftian religion would never 
 have been devifed by an impoftor, may be argued from 
 the advice of Maecenas to Auguftus, that he mould allow 
 of no religious toleration : unsg yxis-x ^ovocp^ix av^pspn, 
 Dion. Caffius. Warburton, Div. Leg. Works, vol. i. 
 p. 450. 
 
 G 3 moteSt 
 
86 SERMON III. 
 
 nioteft tendency to depreciate the evidence of 
 Judaifm. It is, indeed, undoubtedly their in- 
 tent to (how, that Judaifm in its internal evi- 
 dence is far furpafled by Chriftianity; but this 
 difference between Mofes and Chritl in the 
 (trength of fome prefumptions, by which the 
 truth of their refpeclive miffions is to be de- 
 termined, may have been compenfated, in the 
 whole, or in part, by evidence of another kind. 
 The miracles of Chrift, particularly his refur- 
 re&ion, were manifefted not to all the people, 
 but to chofen witnefles ; while the law of 
 Mofes was declared in thunder from Mount 
 Sinai to the whole nation of the Jews. The 
 truth of the Mofaic inftitution was thus im- 
 preffed fenfibly on the Ifraelites ; while it was 
 expected, that the truth of the Chriftian reli- 
 gion mould be inferred from reafoning princi- 
 ples, by the great majority of thofe to whom it 
 was addreffed. By comparing the ceremonial of 
 the Jews w r ith the fimple rites of Chriftianity, 
 an analogous difference may be traced in the 
 internal evidence of the two religions, as pre- 
 fented to fubfequent inquirers ; and the ob- 
 fervation m.ay be thus confirmed, that either 
 difpcnfation was wifely adapted to the circum- 
 ftances in which it was promulged. From the 
 fuperiority, however, of Chriilianity to Ju- 
 daifm, 
 
SERMON III. 87 
 
 daifm, or from the fadt that the founders of 
 the more perfect recognized the truth, and, to 
 a certain degree, adhered to the forms of the 
 more imperfect fyftem, no conclufion can be 
 derived inconfiftent with the general principle 
 of thefe difcourfes. The principle originally 
 laid down was this : that, while it is charac- 
 terise of the authors of falfe religions to fa- 
 crifice for temporary interefts the means of 
 lafting fuccefs, the religion of Chrift is diftin- 
 guifhed by unexceptionable wifdom ; that its 
 adaptation to the nature and motives of man- 
 kind is in no inftance violated by that felfifh 
 craft, which, though ufeful for a time, is al- 
 ways ultimately prejudicial. 
 
 We now have difpofed of the obje<ftions 
 which feemed likely to be made to the adop- 
 tion of this criterion ; we have feen, that the 
 partial accommodation to circumftances, which 
 has been admitted in the religions of Mofes or 
 of Chrift, as taught by them originally, cannot 
 be proved inconfiftent with truth and real po- 
 licy ; that it is, therefore, fufficiently difcrimi- 
 nated from thofe other accommodations which 
 have been adduced from religions confefledly 
 falfe. Confequently, the original polition is 
 difturbed by no exception which either Ju- 
 daifm or Chriftianity can fupply. 
 
 g 4 SERMON 
 
SERMON IV, 
 
 John xviii. 36. 
 My kingdom is not of this world. 
 
 W E have feen that the wifdom confpicuous 
 in the eharadter of Chriftianity, and in the 
 means by which it was firft promoted, is un- 
 fullied by the admiflion of temporary artifice, 
 or infincere policy. We have feen that the 
 conduct of its author was altogether contrary 
 to fuch conduct, as a perfon not acting under 
 a divine commiffion would have been able to 
 contrive, or willing to purfue ; and that the 
 hiftory, both of heathen lawgivers, and of pre- 
 tended Meffiahs, illuftrates and confirms the 
 diftin&ion which has been contended for be- 
 tween this religion, and thofe which, confefl- 
 edly, are falfe. 
 
 It is now intended to contrail the religion 
 originally taught by Chrift with certain exam- 
 ples 
 
90 SERMON IV. 
 
 pies of that corrupted Chriftianity, which has 
 fince been lubftituted in its place. The abuies 
 which have been impofed upon mankind un- 
 der the holy name of our Redeemer have, un- 
 happily, been fcarcely lefs flagrant than thofe 
 of Paganifm itfelf. But, though it muft be 
 painful to contemplate instances in which the 
 venerated name of Jefus has been profaned by 
 a miftaken zeal, or proftituted to worldly pur- 
 pofes, yet fuch an enquiry will not be without 
 its ufe. We thus may learn to prove, that, 
 though defigning ecclefiaftics have broken all 
 laws both of moral and religious obligation, 
 and though fincere believers have contributed 
 to aggravate the corruptions of our faith, yet 
 that its true character, and the hiftory of Chrift 
 himfelf, afford not a colourable pretext to their 
 impiety. Thus we may exhibit in a ftrong 
 relief the injuitice of that common error which 
 imputes to Chriftianity the vices and failings 
 cf its minifters : we may procure an impartial 
 consideration for its evidence, and acquire, as 
 I conceive, an irrefragable prefumption of its 
 truth. 
 
 There is a known and manifeft oppofition 
 ysk the apoftolical writings to the incipient ac- 
 commodation of Chriltian doclrines to Oriental 
 
 or 
 
SERMON IV. 91 
 
 or Platonic theories; and it is certain, there- 
 fore, that, even at the early period when the 
 church was perfonally fuperin tended by the 
 firft difciples of our Lord, the purity of the 
 faith was contaminated by the feeds of fuper- 
 flition. The firft corruptions of Chriftianity 
 proceeded, in fome cafes, from the arrogant 
 but common praftice of interpreting religion 
 by philofophical fyftems, and, in others, from 
 a pious wi(h to elevate the opinion of its ex- 
 cellence. But I propofe not to trace the hif- 
 tory of error through the various gradations 
 from its origin to its maturity. The limits, 
 w^hich I am unwilling that this part of my 
 difcourfes fhould exceed, render it neceflary 
 that I mould reftrid: myfelf to the notice of a 
 few only among the more ftriking inftances of 
 that ftudied conformity to external circum- 
 ftances which, throughout the whole pro- 
 grefs of eccleflaftical corruptions, from their 
 commencement to their confummation in the 
 Papacy, has been indulged by Chriftian teach- 
 ers. 
 
 It is to be remarked, then, that the heathen 
 maxim, that deceit is juftifiable in matters of 
 religion, was adopted even by the moft efti- 
 mable of the fathers : by fome during the 
 
 third, 
 
9* SERMON IV. 
 
 third, and by many during the fourth and 
 fifth centuries 3 . The facraments of Baptifm, 
 and of the Eucharift, were taught to affurae a 
 likenefs to the myfleries of Eleufis, and the 
 
 a Origen, Ambrofe, Hilary, Auguftin, Gregory Naz. 
 Jerom, Chryfoftom, &c. N«£ psv uv <$i\ovo$o$ £7ro7rnj$ oov 
 Tu\Y}§ti$ cruyx^qsi ry X9 aa T8 4 /gy ^-^ rai * ot.va.Koyov yap eg-* <pw$ 
 mpoc aXrfisiotv, xa\ 0[XfLa ngos Syjjtxov. y av otySaXjAO; &$ xaxov uv 
 ot7ro\xv<Tcizv olttKt^b farrog, XCCl Y\ T0l$ 0$§Ct\fJ,lCO<Tl to vy.otos 
 
 <J}(pS\l[JMTSgOV TCVTr, XXI TO vJ/euSoj 0<ps\0$ ElVCLl TlSsfJLXl $r)/J,U), XOli 
 
 &\a.oepG\t th)v ukri^siotv rot; 8x i%jjoktiv evaTzvurai irqo<; ty\v tcov ov- 
 t'jov evepyeiav. Synefius, Ep. cv. p. 249. Opp. Paris, \6$\ . 
 See Moflieim de turbata per recentiores Platonicos ecclefia, 
 cap. 46, 47. and Jortin's Remarks, ii. 275. and App. No. 
 III. 
 
 To the references here made for the purpofe of efta- 
 blifhing a charge of error againft the Chriftian fathers, I 
 cannot bat fubjoin the intreaty that I may not be fuf- 
 pe&ed of any difrefpecl: for them in general. I am afraid 
 that the very ufeful and learned work of Dr. Jortin, to 
 which I have above referred, may perhaps have leffened 
 the repute of thefe writers, in an age which certainly is 
 not inclined to eftimate them more highly than it ought. 
 Their mi (lakes, no doubt, are grofs and indefenfible, as 
 is fully mown in the Remarks on Ecclefiaftical Hiftory : 
 but there is too apparent, though, I queftion not, an un- 
 defigned tendency in that valuable work to encourage a 
 contemptible opinion of men who cannot juftly be de- 
 fpifed. It is evident, however, that it is with their errors 
 only, not their excellencies, that the argument of thefe 
 ■eclures is concerned. See Hey's Lectures, i. 114. 117. 
 
 existence 
 
SERMON IV. 93 
 
 exigence was profefled of a double doclrine, 
 partly avowed, and public ; and partly con- 
 fined to the initiated few b . 
 
 Nothing could be more allowable, or proper, 
 than that the memory of departed faints and 
 martyrs mould be regarded with gratitude by 
 Chriftians, particularly when the new religion 
 had, at laft, acquired the protection of the 
 civil power, and the fecurity which was thus 
 obtained might be referred, and, in fome de- 
 gree, with juftice, to their exertions, or con- 
 stancy c . During the perfecutions of the firrr, 
 centuries, furviving friends had been accuftom- 
 ed to colled: diligently the remains of perfons 
 eminent on account of their virtues, or their 
 fufFerings, for the purpofe of a decent fepul- 
 ture. As they cherifhed their memory, fa 
 they frequented their tombs to awaken feelings 
 of pious aflbciation, to invigorate the Sincerity 
 or excite the forrows of repentance. But the 
 bounds of a juft veneration for the deceafed 
 were now tranfgretfed : their tutelary power 
 was considered as locally prefent, or fpecially 
 exerted at the repository of their relicks d : 
 their duft was inverted with an ideal fanclity, 
 
 b See Appendix VII. 
 
 c Jortin's Remarks, ii. p. 6—12. 
 
 fl Burnet on the Articles, p. 244, ed. fol. 1699. 
 
 and 
 
94 SERMON IV. 
 
 and regarded as the mod valuable of all pofTef- 
 fions. Even at the commencement of the fe- 
 cond century the bones of St. Ignatius had 
 been conveyed from Rome to Antioch, by the 
 zealous care of his difciples. e On the tempo- 
 ral eftablifhment of Chriftianity, fimilar trans- 
 portations were practifed to a moil inordinate 
 excefs. It was believed that the hidden re- 
 mains even of the earlieft martyrs were difco- 
 vered in Supernatural viiions, and that miracles 
 were performed by their inftrumentality ; while 
 churches unconfecrated by their prefence were 
 Scarcely deemed efficient to the purpofes of re* 
 ligion f . 
 
 The natural confequence of this fuperftition 
 was a transition from love to confidence, from 
 veneration to worfhip. Prayers were, in the 
 firll place, offered to God, in behalf of the de- 
 ceafed faints, according to the notion of a 
 double refurre&ion, that, on account of their 
 
 e Beaufobre, Hi ft. de Manicheifme, vol. ii. p. 642. 
 
 f " Si le deluge n'avoit pas arrete ces heureufes decou- 
 (t vertes, le monde auroit eu des reliques d'Adam et 
 u d'Abel, et au moins quelque vetement d'Enocb, comme 
 •■ on crut avoir le livre qui contenoit fes revelations et fa 
 " predication. " Ibid. pp. 647, 648. See alio pp. 646, 649, 
 and 674. Many inftances of fimilar tranftations are to be 
 found in Paganit'm. 
 
 earthly 
 
SERMON IV. 9 * 
 
 earthly merits, he would admit them to the 
 enjoyment of beatitude before the day of final 
 judgment. He was next implored, in confi- 
 deration of the fame merits, to accept their 
 intercefflon for thofe who lingered Hill in life, 
 engaged in combating adverfity, or in reiift- 
 ing the allurements of pleafure. Thefe pray- 
 ers to God were next transferred even to the 
 faints themfelves. Offerings were made, and 
 vows addreffed, under the belief of their 
 power and protection : and the monuments of 
 their death became altars testifying the belief 
 of their living interceffion and agency in hea- 
 ven 2 . 
 
 The mode, in which this corruption was in- 
 troduced into the pure religion of Chrift, bears 
 evident marks of an accommodation to parti- 
 cular circumftances. Here, as in other cafes, 
 miftaken piety may have dictated the firft com- 
 pliances 11 . Perfons, who reflected that the po- 
 pular deities of mythology had been originally 
 mere men, were indignant that the heroes of 
 Chriftianity fhould be lefs regarded for paffive 
 
 s Theodoret. cited ibid. p. 667. Montefquieu, Gran- 
 deur et Decadence de l'Empire Rom. chap. 23. 
 h Molheim, vol. i. 4to. pp. 100, 101. 
 
 fortitude, 
 
96 SERMON IV. 
 
 fortitude, than the gods or demigods of Pa- 
 ganifm for brilliant achievements, or active 
 valour. To avert fo glaring an injuftice, they 
 adopted, in honour of martyrs, the precife ce- 
 remonies with which the heathen deities were 
 worshipped*. They profefled, indeed, that 
 the veneration thus teftified was honorary, not 
 religious. Yet, furely, no honorary explica- 
 tion, though it continue ftill to be the apology 
 of the Romanift k , can juftify the adoption of 
 ceremonies, which, though they had been in- 
 nocent in themfelves, would have been ren- 
 dered profane by their prior application. 
 " That the tombs of martyrs Ihould fucceed 
 " to the place and eftimation of Pagan Ihrines 
 " and temples V' was to recognize the practices, 
 
 1 See Appendix VIII. 
 
 k The Papifts declare that they give an inferior or rela- 
 tive honour only to the facred images of Chrift, the Vir- 
 gin Mary, and the faints : " adorationem non latriam, 
 " fed honorariam." Crefly's Reply to Stillingfleet. Still. 
 Works, v. 6. 
 
 1 iC Quod memorise martyrum noftrorum templis eorum 
 " delubrifque fuccederent." Aug. de Civ. Dei, viii. 26. 
 While the Chriftian martyrs fucceeded to the honours of 
 the Pagan gods ; the Chriftian emperors feem alfo to have 
 acquired thofe of their Heathen predeceffors. " The 
 u Pope crowned him (Charlemagne) and anointed him 
 (C with holy oil, and worfhipped him on his knees after 
 
 " the 
 
SERMON IV. 97 
 
 though it avoided the name of Polytheifm. 
 Whatever meaning was intended, whatever 
 devotion was exprefled, among the heathen, 
 by the burning of candles, by the appofition 
 of wine, or by proftration at the thresholds of 
 their temples, were retained by the fame cere- 
 monies, when ufed at the tombs of faints. 
 Where Pagans confidered them as religious, 
 they would not long be regarded by Chriftians 
 as merely honorary : the creatures to whom 
 they were paid would naturally obtain the ho- 
 mage due to the Creator alone; would, through 
 the natural weaknefs of mankind, be foon in- 
 voked as the efficient caufe, where they had 
 been at firft contemplated as the means only, 
 or inftruments of fuccefs. 
 
 The fuperftition, or rather the idolatry, 
 which thus began by a partial accommoda- 
 tion, was at length completed by an entire 
 conformity to the rites of Polytheifm. Not 
 
 " the manner of adoring the old Roman emperors; as the 
 cc aforeiaid poet (Anon, publifhed by Boeclerus) thus 
 " relates : 
 
 u Poft laudes igitur di&as, et fummus eundem 
 " Praeful adoravit : ficut mos debitus olim 
 " Principibus fuit antiquis." 
 
 Sir I. Newton, Obf. on Daniel, chap. vii. 12. 
 H only 
 
98 SERMON IV. 
 
 only the miracles of Chrift m , but alfo the fa- 
 bulous prodigies of heathenifm were in num- 
 berlefs instances adopted into the legends of 
 faints n . Pictures and ftatues were introduced 
 
 m <c Erat quidam fenex Florentius Hipponenfis nofter, 
 " homo religioilis et pauper, fartoris fe arte pafcebat, ca- 
 " fulam perdiderat, et unde fibi emeret non habebat : ad 
 <e 20 martyres, quorum Memoria apud nos efl celeberri- 
 <c ma, clara voce ut veftiretur oravit. Audierunt eum 
 u adolefcentes, qui forte aderant irrifores ; eumque difce- 
 " dentem exagitantes profequebantur ; quafi a martyribus 
 " quinquagenos folles, unde veftimentum emeret petiviflet. 
 " At ille tacitus ambulans, eje&um grandem pifcem pal- 
 cc pitantem vidit in Htore, eumque illis faventibus atque 
 t( adjuvantibus apprehendit, et cuidam coquo Catofo no- 
 " mine bene Chriftiano ad coquinam conditariam, indi- 
 u cans quid geftum fit, trecentis follibus vendidit, lanam 
 " comparare inde difponens, ut uxor ejus quomodo pofTet, 
 u ei quo indueretur efficeret. Sed coquus concidens pif- 
 M cem, anulum aureum in ventriculo ejus invenit, mox- 
 " que miferatione flexus, et religione perterritus, homini 
 {C eum reddidit, dicens, Ecce quomodo 20 martyres te 
 u veftierunt." Aug. de Civ. Dei, xxii. 8. 
 
 n Jortin's Remarks, ii. 304. See alfo Stillingfleet's Vin- 
 dication of Proteftant Grounds of Faith, chap. 3. and 
 Hey's Lectures, vol. i. p. 13. and pp. 135, 136. " Had 
 " thefe peribns (the Evangelifts) invented, we may fee 
 " what they would have written by their being defirous 
 " to call down fire from heaven ; by their ambition to be 
 
 M greateft in the kingdom of Chrift It feems 
 
 " undeniable that if the Evangelifts had invented the ac- 
 
 " counts 
 
SERMON IV. 99 
 
 into the church, that the charge of atheifm 
 might be refuted which the firft Chriflians had 
 incurred by their ftricT: adherence to the fpiri- 
 tual worfhip of one God. New adaptations 
 alio were made to Paganifm, long after the 
 pretence of their being neceffary to conciliate 
 Pagans to Chriftianity had ceafed to operate, 
 whether intended to gratify the devotion of 
 the vulgar, or fport with its credulity. The 
 numerous altars, and the folemn procerlions, 
 the lamps, the garlands, the luflral water of 
 the Romifh ceremonial, its incenfe, its images, 
 and votive tablets ferve rather to illuflrate 
 the rites, than to fuperfede the belief of clafli- 
 cal mythology. The peculiar attributes of 
 heathen deities, the various departments in 
 which they prefided, are affigned to Chriftian 
 faints °. The traveller who vifits in the me- 
 tropolis of Italy that fuperb monument of its 
 ancient greatnefs, which was dedicated by 
 Agrippa to Jupiter and all the Gods, now finds 
 that the Pantheon has been re-confecrated to 
 the Virgin, and the holy martyrs. Different 
 fervices prefent themfelves to his obfervation : 
 
 <f counts of the miracles they related, thofe miracles 
 (< would have been as idle and foolifh as thofe related by 
 M the ancient fathers." Hey, ibid. 
 9 See Appendix IX, 
 
 h 2 feparate 
 
:oo SERMON IV. 
 
 feparate altars, and diftincl congregations 
 around each, devoted to their peculiar faint ; 
 and he difcovers that, in a city which now 
 claims preeminence over the Chrhlian, as it 
 once pollefled the maftery of the heathen 
 world, though the name be changed, the ef- 
 fence and meaning of religion continue ta be 
 ilill the fame P. 
 
 It has been obferved that many of thefe 
 corruptions may be referred rather to error 
 than defign, and that many, though defign- 
 ed, may have been prompted by pious mo- 
 tives. No charitable conftruclion, however, 
 can be alleged to palliate the abufes which 
 terminated in oppreffing Chriffianity not only 
 with the burden of Papal fuperitition, but 
 alfo with the yoke of Papal tyranny. Im- 
 
 p Middleton's Letter from Rome, p. 16 r. See alfo 
 Geddes's Description of a folemn Pontifical Mafs, and the 
 account of a Proceflion on Good- Friday, at Courtray, 
 (Picart, vol. ii. p. 27. Engl. Tr.) and of another at Bruf- 
 fels. (Ibid.) The Komifh ecclefiaftics themfelves feem to 
 have been fometimes confcious that their church is liable 
 to the charge of idolatry. " As the name Decalogue 
 <c implies ten commandments, the Romanics make ten ; 
 (i yet they get rid of the fecond, through fear, probably, 
 " of making a difficulty about their images, and feem to 
 " divide the tenth into two." Hey's Lectures, vol. iii. 
 
 P-75- 
 
 mediately 
 
SERMON IV. 101 
 
 mediately on the temporal eftablifhment of the 
 faith under the empire of Conftantine, as the 
 rites of heathenifm were adapted to the doc- 
 trines of Chriftianity ; fo the temporal privi- 
 leges of the heathen pontificate were affumed 
 by Chriftian bifhops 4. A more recent age be- 
 held the complete emancipation of the church 
 from its dependance on the ftate. The abufes 
 adopted in conformity to Paganifm were main- 
 tained by the Roman pontiffs as conftituting 
 the effence of Chriftianity. Gregory the fe- 
 cond commenced the aflertion of Papal inde- 
 pendence as the defender of image worfhip 
 againft the profane impiety of thofe who dared 
 to reject its ufe, or queftion its lawfulnefs r . 
 The right of eleding the Popes, without the 
 obligation of waiting for the confent of the 
 
 * " Geddes's Effay on the Roman Pontificate, p. 68. 
 See ibid. 76, 77. 
 
 r Univerfal Hiftory, vii. 705. fol. Gibbon, c. 49. vol. v. 
 4to. p. 105. Though it may be true, as Montefquieu af~ 
 ferts, (Grandeur et Decadence, chap. 22.) that the Greek 
 church was more corrupted than the Latin, yet the vici- 
 nity of the court, which probably fomented the intrigues 
 and augmented the corruptions of the ConftantiuopoJitan 
 ecclefiaftics, rauft neverthelefs have oppofed obftacles to 
 their independence, from which the bifhops of Rome 
 were in a great degree fecured by their di fiance. See 
 Villers on the Reformation, tranflated by Mills, p. 432. 
 
 h 3 em- 
 
102 SERMON IV. 
 
 emperors, was conferred on the facerdotal or-* 
 der, not as the tribute of a miftaken piety, but 
 as the reward of temporal fervices s . The fiep 
 from independence to territorial dominion was 
 marked by the depofition of emperors, and the 
 patronage of rebellion. The fictitious gift of 
 Conftantine to Sylvefter was realized by the 
 gratitude of Pepin, and of Charlemagne ; but 
 it was purchafed by the degradation of the 
 Merovingian race of princes fc . Such were the 
 unhallowed methods by which the authority 
 of the popedom was advanced amid the dif- 
 tra<ftions of the empire, and the inroads of 
 barbarous tribes, till, at length, a tyranny was 
 eftablifhed over the mind, lefs capable of being 
 removed than fervitude of the body u . Indig- 
 
 * Mofheim, Cent. 9. c. ii. §. 3. 
 
 1 Gibbon ubi fup. p. 119. 
 
 u See Barrow on the Pope's Supremacy, p. 175. ed. 
 1687. and Sir I. Newton's Obfervations on Daniel, 
 chap. 8. Any perfon who would with to fee the parti- 
 culars of thofe unjuft privileges which were affumed by 
 the clergy, and adopted into the adminiftration of juftice 
 during the more corrupted ages, may conlult the work of 
 De Grafiis, a Sicilian lawyer, De Eflfectibus Clericatus. 
 It is the doctrine of one chapter, that though, generally 
 fpeaking, a perfon who commits an injury be bound to 
 make reditution, yet that a clerk is exempted from the 
 obligation. P. 360. EfT. 48. ed. 3. Panormi, 1633. There 
 
 is 
 
SERMON IV. 103 
 
 nation may roufe the courage, or exafperate 
 the vengeance of an injured, if an enlightened 
 people. Where the principles of liberty are 
 understood, the throne of the patriot monarch 
 is the only throne which is fecure. But when 
 reafon has been fubjecled to the tyranny of 
 long prefcription, and religious bigotry, no 
 fudden exertion is competent to reftore its 
 freedom. The twilight muft flrfl: glimmer, 
 and the day dawn through ages of gradual il- 
 lumination, ere the perfect light of truth can 
 rife to difpel the terrors of darknefs. Bacon 
 ftudied, and Wickliffe taught, without any 
 immediate refult correfponding to the merit of 
 their exertions. Other ages were to elapfe be- 
 fore the practicability of deliverance could ex- 
 ift, before that flame of reformation could be 
 kindled at the pile of Latimer and Ridley, of 
 which, as they predicted, fo we confide that it 
 fliall never be extinguifhed. 
 
 With the corruptions of the Romifh church 
 it muft be unneceflary to compare, exprefsly, the 
 unviolated religion of Jefus Chrift. The con- 
 trail is too obvious to require a minute exem- 
 
 is an inftance of ftill more licentious immorality, p. 451. 
 EfF. 32. where the writer, however, has the modefty to 
 difient himfelf from an opinion which he relates to be 
 avowed by many eminent doctors. 
 
 h 4 plifica- 
 
i04 SERMON IV. 
 
 plification. No infult to the fpirit of true 
 Chriftianity can eafily be imagined, of which, 
 in the manifold abufes of the papacy, fome 
 ftriking inltance is not to be difcovered. Chrift 
 gave himfelf a ranfom for mankind. Pardons 
 have been lavimed by the Roman pontiff on 
 all who w r ould arm to glut his vengeance x ; 
 and fold to all who would contribute to fatiate 
 his rapacity y. Chrift fubmitted himfelf to 
 fhare the forrows, and participate in the infir- 
 mities of mankind ; that he might comfort 
 our weaknefs, and mow by the moft lively ex- 
 ample that he was fenfible to all our wants. 
 
 x Hift des Albigeois p. 95. 
 
 y " A notable inftance of this hath appeared lately, 
 cc when in the year 1709, the privateers of Briftol took 
 (e the galleon, in which they found five hundred bales of 
 " thefe bulls, and fixteen reams were in a bale ; fo that 
 " they reckoned the whole came to 3,840,000. Thefe 
 " bulls are impofed on the people, and fold, the lowed at 
 " three ryals, a little more than 2od. but to fome at fifty 
 " pieces of eight, about ill. of our money ; and this to 
 * f be valued, according to the ability of the purchafer, 
 " once in two years. All are obliged to buy them againft 
 " Lent. Befides the account given of this in the Cruiz- 
 u ing Voyage, I have a particular atteftation of it by Cap- 
 " tain Dampier. He was not concerned in carting up 
 " the number of them ; but he fays that there was fuch a 
 " vaft quantity of them, that they careened their fliip with 
 " them/' Burnet, iii. Introd. p. xx. cited Jortin's Life of 
 Erafmus, i. 108. 8vo. 
 
 Whea 
 
SERMON IV. 105 
 
 When the order of the inquifition was infti- 
 tuted by Innocent III. he felected fuch per- 
 fons to fill its offices as were moft remarkable 
 for the aufteriti.es of perfonal difcipline. He 
 concluded that the fanatic excefles of mortifica- 
 tion, to which they had habituated themfelves, 
 would deaden their fenfibility for others 2 : and 
 they, in truth, who inflicted on their own 
 flefh unnatural and fuperftitious penances, 
 were, probably, of all men, moft hardened 
 againft humanity ; leaft likely to be mollified 
 by tears or difturbed by pity in authorizing 
 the ufe of torture, or regulating its feverity. 
 
 Without attempting, therefore, to enlarge 
 on this uncontefted diftinftion between the 
 moral purity of genuine Chriftianity and of 
 Papal corruptions, it is to be obferved that 
 their difference in real wifdom is not lefs re- 
 
 2 Hift.de l'Inquifition, p. 119. 8vo. Col. (( Ecoutons le 
 <( Dodleur Gonzale de Illefcas, dans la premiere partie de 
 " fon Hiftoire Pontificate et Catholique, pag. 117. " Si 
 " alors (dans les premiers fiecles de PEglife) on ne bru- 
 ** loit pas les heretiques opiniatres, c'eft qu'outre qu'ils 
 " etoient fort puiflfans, le Pape n'avoit pas les forces ni 
 " l'appui des princes feculiers. Prefentement, la foi 
 " etant etablie et recue, et le fouverain pontife ayant ac- 
 w quis beaucoup de pouvoir, il eft jufte que Ton procede 
 •f contre eux par les plus cruels fupplices." La Croze, 
 Hift. du Chriftianiime d'Etbiopie, pp. 304, 305. 
 
 mark- 
 
tpi SERMON IV. 
 
 markable ; fince it is probably to this differ- 
 ence that the imperfecl progrefs of our religion 
 in the world is chiefly to be referred. 
 
 It has been fecn that the abufes which have 
 been enumerated, whether their guilt be exte- 
 nuated by fincere error, or enhanced by tem- 
 poral ambition, undoubtedly originated in a 
 principle of compliance with exifting circum- 
 ftances. Such compliance, while it was prac- 
 tifed by miftaken Chriftians from the belief 
 that it might be unobjectionable or expedient, 
 was encouraged by the ambitious from infin- 
 cere and felfifh motives. Now, if the preju- 
 dices of mankind were uniform both in kind 
 and degree, an accommodation to thofe of one 
 time might prove, at all times, equally politic 
 and fuccefsful. But though truth be always 
 the fame, error is always variable. The pre- 
 judices of different ages and different coun- 
 tries are different from and oppofite to each 
 other. To compromife, therefore, the real 
 doctrines of religion by compliance with the 
 fuperftitions of a particular age, or Angle 
 people, not only impairs the purity, but alio 
 impedes the progrefs of the religion, when de- 
 livered to a iucceeding generation, or preached 
 in another country. What, in the one cafe, 
 is compliance, mult neceifarily be oppofition 
 
 in 
 
SERMON IV. 107 
 
 in the other. Weak, alfo, and imperfect as is 
 our perception of the truth, yet reafon and 
 evidence are, on the whole, feen ultimately 
 to prevail, while oppofing errors combat each 
 other without ceafing, and triumph alternately 
 without effecT:. Where Polytheifm is the po- 
 pular fuperftition, the worfhip of images and 
 the deification of faints may be a politic 
 adaptation to immediate circumftances. But, 
 wherever the errors of Polytheifm are dimi- 
 nifhed in their prevalence, the policy of this 
 adaptation mull be proportionably leffened : 
 and wherever the unity of the divine being is 
 completely acknowledged, and idolatry abhor- 
 red, polytheiftic or idolatrous doctrines muft 
 prove a fatal bar to the reception of a religion 
 which includes them a . 
 
 Nor is the tyranny of a religion lefs adverfe 
 to its progrefs in an age which recognizes the 
 principles of liberty, than its corruptions, in 
 an age which is enlightened with the know- 
 
 a The fuperftition of the Siamefe may not always dif- 
 pofe them to believe in tranfubftantiation. " L'Eucha- 
 i( riftie apres cela ne fcandaliferoit point les Siamois, 
 " comme elle fcandalifoit autrefois les Payens d'Europe : 
 u d'autant plus que les Siamois croyent que Sommona- 
 4( Codom a pu donner fa femme et fes enfans a manger 
 j? aux Talapoins." Loubere, Siam, vol. i. p. 428. 
 
 ledge 
 
108 SERMON IV. 
 
 ledge of truth. That both the corruptions 
 and the tyranny of the Romifh church have in 
 fad: been prejudicial to its real interefts is fo 
 obvious, that I may be allowed to affume it 
 for the prefent, and to referve for my conclud- 
 ing diicourfe the few obfervations which, on 
 this fubjed:, it will be neceflary to make. I 
 mall now confine myfelf to explain the man- 
 ner in which the abufes of the papacy oppofe 
 the propagation even of pure Chriftianity. 
 
 It may be obferved, then, that the Jew, the 
 Mahometan, or the Infidel, can fcarcely be 
 expe&ed to difcriminate between the various 
 denominations of our religion, to inquire not 
 only into its general evidence, but alfo into 
 the falfity of thole claims w 7 hich are aflerted 
 by many of its profeflbrs. When they are 
 called on to embrace the Chriftian fvftem, 
 they deny that it is confident with the purity 
 of the Mofaic, or with the truths of natural 
 religion. They upbraid the Romifh errors 
 with pointed and juft animadverfion, and at- 
 tributing thofe errors, though moll: unjuftly, 
 to the true religion of the Gofpel, " This," 
 they exclaim, " is Chriftianity. It is unfriendly 
 " to the liberty of man, and incompatible 
 " with the attributes of God. Why fliould we 
 x( be taxed by you with credulity, when we 
 
 " may 
 
SERMON IV. 109 
 
 u may retort the charge upon yourfelves ? 
 " Why fhould we exchange the religion of 
 " our fathers for a religion not more excellent 
 " than theirs ?" Undoubtedly, the corrup- 
 tions by which Chriftianity is expofed to fuch 
 repulfe, though they may have tended to con- 
 ciliate the fleeting prejudices exiftent at the 
 period of their origin, yet, in their eventual 
 operation, prefent difficulties to the under- 
 Handing, not only more real, but, likewife, 
 more apparent ; not only more repugnant to 
 the reafon of the wife, but likewife more of- 
 fenflve to the prejudices of the vulgar, than 
 any which ever feem to be attached to truth. 
 
 The anfwer, indeed, may fairly be returned 
 to all objections derived from the abufes of 
 Chriftianity, that the abufes conftitute not the 
 religion ; that we profefs not to preach, that 
 we venture not to defend the corruptions of 
 our faith ; that the religion of Proteftants is 
 the religion of the Bible only ; and that, in 
 this facred volume, neither doctrines are taught, 
 nor practices fanclioned, which are inconfift- 
 ent w r ith the purity of God. 
 
 This anfwer, no doubt, is juft and reafon- 
 able. But, wherever the affe6tions of man- 
 kind are concerned in the refult of a difcuffion, 
 in queftions where demonltration is not to be 
 
 expected, 
 
ito SERMON IV. 
 
 expected, and the evidence of probability alone 
 is to be confidered, the jufteft argument, un- 
 aided by circumftances, is, always, of imper- 
 fect, and often of inconfiderable effect. Men, 
 in general, are prejudiced and haity reafoners. 
 Always difpofed to believe themfelves, their 
 party, or their feet, to be in the right, they are 
 ready to receive as true whatever feems confo- 
 nant to their belief; but will rarely condefcend 
 to doubt the accuracy of their own opinions, 
 or to examine, impartially, the arguments of 
 their adverfaries. They are ready to hold faft 
 that which is good ; but the previous labour 
 of proving all things is too fatiguing or too ir- 
 ritating for them to bear. Whatever feems 
 to be in their favour, though it may be found- 
 ed in mifreprefentation, they are unwilling to 
 relinquifh, and are apt to tax an opponent with 
 every extreme that the zealots of his fyftem 
 may have ever held ; to attribute to him doc- 
 trines which he does not profefs, and errors 
 which he is ftudious to difavow. 
 
 From this weaknefs, which is common to 
 all perfuafions, the oppofers of Christianity 
 have, certainly, not been free. Nor, poffibly, 
 can it in any one be more excufable than in 
 the fincere unbeliever, to whom the evidence 
 of our religion may be propofed, while his 
 
 mind, 
 
SERMON IV. in 
 
 tnind, and, perhaps, his fenfes are imprefled 
 with the full enormity of papal fuperftition. 
 He fees a church which has fucceeded, with- 
 out external interruption, to the earlieft focie- 
 ties of Chriftians ; the moil fumptuous in its 
 eftablifhment, and the creed of which is moft 
 extenfive in its reception. He fees it, how- 
 ever, to be idolatrous in worfhip, and tyranni- 
 cal in power ; and knows that thefe characters 
 cannot poffibly proceed from God. 
 
 Rejecting, therefore, the pretentions of the 
 Roman church, he deigns not to look for 
 truth in lefs often tatious, and apparently lefs 
 ancient, eftablifhments. Such difdain, in a 
 queftion of fuch primary importance, is a fault, 
 undoubtedly, of no trivial magnitude. It is 
 his duty to examine, and to prove. Still it is 
 fo natural an error, fo fimilar to thofe of which 
 we all partake, that we muft pity while we 
 reprove, and lament it rather than condemn. 
 A jutt perception, however, both of the error 
 and its confequences may be the means of lef- 
 fening its frequency. Seeing that the caufe of 
 Chriftianity has fufrered by the abules which 
 have been introduced into its profcflion, that 
 the policy which feeks only for prefent 
 advantage is eventually fucceeded by misfor- 
 tune ; we may be inftrudled fludioufly to dif- 
 
 tinguifh 
 
ii2 SERMON IV. 
 
 tinguifli the true religion of Chrift from the 
 corruptions by which it has been opprefled. 
 We can fcarcely hope that the exifting evil 
 can be immediately and completely cured; 
 but it may be diminished by conftant atten- 
 tion, and, poffibly, removed by gradual reno- 
 vation. Still, perhaps, for a feafon, the abufes 
 of the Papal religion will caufe the inconflder- 
 ate fceptic to reject the belief of Chrittianity. 
 Yet we may hope that, after the religious as 
 well as the civil diftra&ions with which Europe 
 has been long haraffed, the utility and excellence 
 of the Reformation will become confpicuous 
 throughout the Chriftian world. While it ex- 
 hibits a refource to doubtful Papiiis, it mode- 
 rates the doctrines, and tempers the abufes of 
 Popery itfelf ; and tends, in all the fphere of 
 its operation, extenfive or limited, profefled or 
 indirect, to illuftrate the great contrail between 
 error and truth, between craft and wifdom, 
 between the means w r hich tend folely to the 
 eftablifhment, and thofe which fecure the per- 
 manence of a religion. 
 
 SERMON 
 
SERMON V. 
 
 te On y connoit que l'objet principal des Jefuites n'eft pas pro- 
 " prement de corrompre les mcEurs des Chretiens, ni aufli de les 
 (< reformer ; mats de s'attirer tout le monde par une conduite ac- 
 " commodante." Preface to the Prov. Letters. 
 
 " Fateor equidem me cum a multis annis focietatis hujus in- 
 " crementa incredibilia, turn, quibus valet, dotes aut famam, 
 " quae longe lateque diffunditur, eruditionis nempe multiplicis, 
 " opulentiae privatum modum fupergreffse, gratis apud magnates, 
 " notitiae omnium partium et linguarum orbis confideraiTem, non 
 *' potuiffe non fortem Ecclefiae Chriftianae vel mirari fatis vel do- 
 " lere. Cogitabam enim fi hominum ingenio, fapientia, indu- 
 (t ftria, agilitate, facultatibusj et laboribus juvari potuilTet Eccle- 
 <f lia, purgari religio, difciplina et virtus vera atque infucata re- 
 '* ftitui, eruditio ad fummum faftigium erigi, errores omnes refu- 
 ** tari, prasftari id potuiffe ab hac focietate, cujus exemplum in 
 <c omnium feculorum hilloria non inveniemus, live numerum et 
 ft deleCT.um hominum ex omnibus nationibus, generibus et ordini- 
 c< bus j live commoditates totum terrarum orbem fumtu ex aliens 
 ° liberalitate aut fua folertia quaefito peragrandi, omnes artes fi- 
 u berales et mechanicas excolendi, reges et magnates accedendi et 
 " conciliandi : live partas inde opes, et tot alia quae nulli vel po- 
 " liticae vel religiofae focietati contigerunt, refpiciamus." Sechn- 
 dorf, Comm. de Luther, lib. 3. feci. 21. §. 84. fubfeft, 74, 75. 
 
 JoHX 
 
ii4 SERMON V. 
 
 John xviii. 36. 
 My kingdom is not of this world. 
 
 1 HE founders of thofe earlier focieties in the 
 Romifli church, to which the title of Regular 
 Clergy is applied, feem ufually to have been 
 influenced by a pious, though ignorant enthu- 
 fiafm. Thefe votaries of monaftic feverity 
 were of opinion that they purified the foul by 
 macerating the body, and that the fureft re- 
 commendation to the divine favour was the 
 exercife of an uninterrupted devotion, which 
 left no interval either for the pleafures or the 
 temporal cares of life. Their purfuits extended 
 not to the good of others, but were folely con- 
 fined to their own individual perfection ; and, 
 though they originally profefled a refpecl for 
 the ecclefiatlics of fecular eftablifhments, and 
 held that even the laity might be fafely, and, 
 perhaps, laudably employed in the bufinefs of 
 their refpeclive ftations, yet they believed the 
 noblefl and moft dignified occupation of the 
 human faculties to confilt in abllraclion from 
 the world, and contemplation of the divine 
 eflence. 
 
 The feveral orders of Profefled Religious, 
 
 that 
 
SERMON V. 
 
 "5 
 
 that arofe in confequence of this perfuafion, 
 interfered not at flrft with the epifcopal and 
 parochial clergy. Enthuflafts, however, foon 
 feel the love of power, as well as the fpirit of 
 profelytifm ; and men, who were confidered by 
 the fuperftitious as inverted with peculiar fanc- 
 tity of character, from being revered as faints, 
 were foon confulted as teachers. They ac- 
 quired eftablifhments and opulence as the 
 fruits of this public eftimation ; nor could they 
 fail to fhare in the power of the church, while 
 they partook of the liberality of the people. 
 It feems, alio, to be allowed, that, during the 
 period of their later hiftory, the ftriclnefs of 
 their apparent rule was ftrikingly contrafted 
 by the predominance of real luxury, and that 
 their religious zeal was principally confined to 
 the advancement of their own greatnefs, and 
 of its neceflary fupport, the prerogative of 
 the Roman Pontiff. Such was the origin and 
 progrefs of thofe different fraternities, which, 
 before the expiration of the ninth century, 
 were merged in the Benedictine order a ; and of 
 
 a Moiheim, vol. i. p. 292, 293. For an account of the 
 fuperftitions of St. Benedict himfelf fee Stillingfleet, " Of 
 " the Idolatry pra&ifed in the Church of Rome." Works, 
 vol. v. p. 100. On the fanaticifm of Romualdus, Francis, 
 and Dominic, ibid. p. 102—104, &c, 
 
 1 2 thofe 
 
1 16 SERMON V. 
 
 thofe various branches of the fame extenfive 
 order, which, under fevcral denominations, 
 have fince exifted. 
 
 After the greatnefs of the Benedictine order 
 was paffed, that of the Mendicants fucceeded. 
 A fincere but fanatical piety had, doubtlefs, a 
 confiderable fliare in their eftablifliment b , but 
 it w r as inftructed and difciplined by policy. 
 However hoflile the fecular clergy might be to 
 them, their intereft was warmly efpoufed by the 
 Papal court, which was then riling to the zenith 
 of its greatnefs, and not unjivftly celebrated, in a 
 comparifon with other cabinets, for the ability 
 and conduct w r hich it difplayed. The fupre- 
 macy over the whole Chriitian world, which 
 was claimed by the metropolitan of Rome, 
 was not only inconfillent w T ith reafon, but alio 
 repugnant to the interests of national churches. 
 The bifhops of Germany or France could have 
 few motives for being defirous to extend a 
 prerogative, which was founded in encroach- 
 ments partly on the liberties of every country 
 that had fubmitted to it, and, partly, on the 
 privileges of ecclefiaftics. The regular orders, 
 more particularly the Mendicants, were, on 
 the contrary, the abfolute unconditional fer- 
 vants of Rome. Confidered by the clergy of 
 
 b Ibid. p. 105. 
 
 all 
 
SERMON V. 117 
 
 all national eftablifliments as intruders into a 
 province which did not properly belong to 
 them, they could look to the Pope alone for 
 countenance or protection. They fpared no 
 labour, they fhrunk from no fervice, which 
 might conciliate his will, or increafe his power 
 to fupport them. Hence the zeal, by which 
 the Inquifition became, in the hands of the 
 Dominicans, more fatal to the devoted Albi- 
 genfes than the calamities even of a religious 
 war ; hence the profligate licence with which 
 the fale of indulgences was conducted, princi- 
 pally by ecclefiaftics of the fame order, till Lu- 
 ther was at length roufed, and the Protectant 
 reformation was begun. 
 
 At the commencement and during the earlv 
 progrefs of that glorious ftruggle, the eftima- 
 tion of the regular orders was funk to fo low 
 an ebb, both on account of their ignorance 
 and their immorality, as to reflecl a general 
 difcredit on the church. This difgrace was 
 felt fo fenfibly by the more liberal members 
 of the Romifh communion, that they loudly 
 declared, when the Pope's approbation was 
 folicited to the new inftitute of the Jefuits, 
 that Europe was already opprefled by the 
 multitude of Regulars, and that, inflead of add- 
 ing to their number, it was highly expedient 
 
 1 3 that 
 
n8 SERMON V. 
 
 that the ordinances of the council of Lateran 
 under Innocent the third, and of Lyons under 
 Gregory the tenth c , fhould be enforced, for 
 the purpofe of its reftriction d . The difficulty 
 thus oppofed was overcome by a vow of im- 
 plicit obedience to the fee of Rome, which 
 was entered into by Loyola, and his aflbciates, 
 and afterwards exacted of all thofe Jefuits 
 who were admitted to the higheft rank of Pro- 
 feffion ; a vow never realized, indeed, by per- 
 formance, but flattering in its appearance, and 
 too fpecious to be refilled, at a time when he- 
 refy was become more daring and fuccefsful 
 than before, and the active energy of a new 
 order feemed neceflary to Hop its progrefs. 
 
 Policy and enthufiafm have been joined in 
 every fignal impofition on mankind. Thofe 
 fchemes, probably, bid faireit for fuccefs, 
 where the cool head has devifed the plan, 
 
 c This council of Lyons was held in 1274, and that of 
 Lateran in 12 15. Concilia cited by M. de la Chalotais, 
 Compte rendu des Conftitutions des Jefuites, p. 5. ed. 
 Amft. 1762. Benard, Hiftoire des Religieux de la Com- 
 pagnie de Jefus, Utrecht, 1 741 . Liv. i. chap. 69. and 
 Mofhcim on the Mendicants, vol. i. p. 655. 
 
 d Benard ibid. Confilium DelecSlorum Cardinalium et 
 aliorum Prielatorum de emcndanda Ecclefia S. D. N. Papa 
 Paulo III. ipfo jubente confcriptum et exhibitum an. 1538. 
 Loud. 1609 p. 11. 
 
 which 
 
SERMON V. n 9 
 
 which the warm heart is impelled to execute. 
 Either may, indeed, precede the other ; but, 
 though the torrent of enthufiafm be violent, it 
 is exhaufted ufelefsly, unlefs wifdom direct its 
 courfe ; and the moil ingenious fchemes of po- 
 licy will languifh in the detail, unlefs they be 
 paflionately efpoufed e . Both thefe principles 
 of action were united in the eitabJifhment of 
 the Jefuits : enthufiafm was guided by policy, 
 and policy was aided by enthufiafm. 
 
 The aduft temperament of its founder is 
 eafily to be difcovered in the early hiiiory of 
 the order. He had been educated in military 
 habits, and had attached himfelf to the ftudies 
 of chivalry. His fancy kindled into religious 
 ardour, becaufe the heroifm of faith feemed of 
 a nature ftill more illuftrious and captivating 
 than that of arms. He devoted himfelf to the 
 fervice of the Virgin with ceremonies precifely 
 analogous to thofe which attended the inveili- 
 
 e u Les hommes en effet font rarement conduits par les 
 " efprits froids et tranquilles. La paifible raifon n'a point 
 " toute feule cette cbaleur necefifaire pour perfuader fes 
 t( opinions, et faire entrer dans fes vues ; elle fe contente 
 S€ d'inftruire ion fiecle a petit bruit et fans eclat, et d'etre 
 " enfuite fimple fpe6tatrice de l'effet bon ou mauvais que 
 " fes lemons auront produit." D'Alembert fur la Deftruc- 
 tion des Jefuites, p. 150, 151. lamo. 1765, 
 
 i 4 ture 
 
120 SERMON V. 
 
 ture of knighthood, and, having fufpended his 
 fvvord and poignard in the chapel of Montfer- 
 rat, he fallied into the world, retaining, under 
 the weeds of beggary, the fpirit of the warrior. 
 Much of his fucceeding conduct was agreeable 
 to what might naturally be expected from this 
 commencement of his fpiritual labours. Some- 
 times he afTecled a grofs vulgarity of manner, 
 fometimes an ofFenfive negligence of perfon ; 
 now opprefled by melancholy and abftinence, 
 and now frantic with ecftafy. In the latter 
 part of his life, particularly when eftablilhed at 
 Rome as the General of his order, a iimilar 
 ebullition of enthufiafm is, indeed, fcarcely to 
 be difcerned ; an example of the known pro- 
 grefs by which the zeal of fuperftition is con- 
 verted by age into the fpirit of party f ; and a 
 prefumption of the facl, which many circum- 
 fiances might be adduced to confirm, that he 
 had then fubmitted to the direction of men far 
 abler than himfelf g . 
 
 The constitutions of the Jefuits are evidently 
 feen to have been dictated by a con ium mate 
 policy, and exhibit even to carelefs obfervers 
 
 f L'enthoufiafme fe tourne aflez ordinairement en efprit 
 de faction dans un age plus avance. Chalotais, 164. 
 * See Appendix X. 
 
 a flrik- 
 
SERMON V. 121 
 
 a ftriking confonance to the real hiftory of the 
 order. Their principal charafteriftic is the 
 blind obedience on which its whole economy 
 is founded. As the limbs of a lifelefs carcafe, 
 which are informed by no will, excited by no 
 agency of their own ; as a ftaff wielded at 
 pleafure by the hands of its pofleflbr ; in fuch 
 a manner and fo paflively, according to the 
 words of their inftitute itfelf, individual Je- 
 fuits commit themfelves to the guidance of 
 their fuperiors \ 
 
 Every member of the order, after having 
 taken the firft vows, became unable to retire 
 without the permiffion of the General ; while, 
 except in comparatively few inftances, the Ge- 
 neral retained the prerogative of difmiiTal, even 
 over the Profefled themfelves *. Reftricted by 
 no law he pofleffed the right of altering the 
 conftitutions, as circumftances might feem to 
 
 h See Appendix XL 
 
 1 " lis ne peuvent jamais fortir apres leur premier vceu 
 " fans la permiffion du General : mais le General peut les 
 (( renvoyer en tout terns me me apres les dernier s vceux" 
 Chalotais, p. 121. But this laft expreffion muft be inter- 
 preted of the Profes de trois vceux, from whom the Profes 
 de quatre vaeux are in many effential refpe£bs to be diftin- 
 guifhed. See Benard, liv. ii. §. 14, and 18, and the Mo- 
 narchic des Solipfes, izmo. Amft. 1753. p. 78. note 4. 
 
 direct : 
 
122 SERMON V. 
 
 direft k : in him the whole patronage of the 
 fociety was concentrated. He was inverted ex- 
 cluflvely with the executive, and exercifed 
 alfo, in effect, the fupreme legiflative autho- 
 rity 1 . 
 
 The education of the Jefuits, and the pre- 
 cepts inculcated on them were well calculated 
 to acquire fit fubjecSs for the fervice of this 
 unparalleled defpotifm. Inftead of the barren 
 piety of conventuals, they were exhorted to 
 cultivate the talents fuited to promote the fuc- 
 cefs of active life m . The novice, on his firit 
 
 k " Quoique nous ayons des loix, et meme en plus 
 " grand nombre qu'il ne feroit neceffaire, le General ce- 
 " pendant n'y a aucun egard. — Car il n'y a pas une loi 
 " dont il n'ait le pouvoir de difpenfer qui il lui plait. — C'eft 
 u une chofe deplorable. " Mariana (Jefuite) quoted Mo- 
 narchic des Solipfes, p. 88. See alfo Chalotais p. 31. 
 note e. 
 
 1 See Appendix XII. 
 
 m Benard I. 58, 59. " Primum, quoniam nomen hoc 
 " religionis femper hactenus folitum eCt folis tribui mo- 
 u nachis ob quandam excellentiorem ration em vitae, no- 
 " lumus ut quifquam intelligat nos efle ad eundeni mo- 
 M dum religiofos : nee enim nos dignos efTe arbitramur, 
 " qui tarn fan ct urn atque perfectum vitae genus profitea- 
 M mur. Horum enim inftitutum aliud in aliis officiis ho- 
 " neftis et fanttis obeundis verfatur totum. Noftrum, 
 " cum aliis in rebus, turn maxima ex parte in ftudio et 
 
 " pro- 
 
SERMON V. 123 
 
 admiffion, was required to renounce whatever 
 intimacies he had contracted under the ties of 
 blood, or friendfhip n , to difclofe to his fupe- 
 riors the moil minute particulars, even fuch as 
 were entirely unconnected with religion, and 
 the moft flagrant enormities of his pad life ; 
 to promife that he would fubmit, at Hated in- 
 tervals, his future conducl to their animadver- 
 sion ; and to confent that no confidence re- 
 pofed by him in another, that only excepted 
 which he might entruft to the feal of confef- 
 fion, Should be deemed facred from their know- 
 ledge °. 
 
 Subordinate officers tranfmitted regularly to 
 the General monthly, yearly, and triennial re- 
 ports from every province in which the order 
 pofleffed eftablifhments. Befides the ordinary 
 details of bufinefs or of fa<ft, they notified the 
 age, the talents, and the moral habits of every 
 individual, who was fubjeci to their refpecSive 
 
 " profeffione con fi (lit earum artium, quse ad fpiritualem 
 " populi propriam utilitatem conducit. 
 
 " Nee etiam fseculares fumus eo modo, quo reliqui fa- 
 " cerdotes : vivimus enim in congregatione et focietate." 
 Declaration faicte par les Jefuites au Recteur, et 
 a rUniverfite de Paris, 1564. Merc. Jef. i. 348. 
 n See Appendix XIII. 
 • See Appendix XIV. 
 
 jurifdidions. 
 
124 SERMON V. 
 
 jurifdictions. They particularized the iiudies 
 to which he was chiefly inclined, and the em- 
 ployments which he feemed mod competent 
 to difcharge. Thus vigilantly were obferved 
 the rifing hopes of the fociety ; and from 
 among men thus accurately known, and often 
 fubjecled to fuch difcipline and trial as might 
 be belt calculated to develope their real cha- 
 racter and powers ; were felected, according to 
 their feveral capacities, the perfons moil aptly 
 qualified for the various and peculiar ufes, 
 whether of temporal or of fpiritual ambition p . 
 Rank, wealth, and worldly reputation are re- 
 counted in the inftitutes of the order as cir- 
 cumstances which ought to influence, though 
 not indifpenfably requisite to determine the 
 choice of members. It was contemplated that 
 in iome thefe external advantages might com- 
 penfate the want of talent ; while others, 
 though poor and mean, might amply atone 
 for an ignoble defcent, or for the want of for- 
 tune, by the pofleffion of perfonal ability q . 
 
 r See Appendix XV. 
 
 * " Dona externa nobilitatis, divitiarum, bonne famae, et 
 u iimilia, ut non fat is funt, fi defintalia; ita, cum alia fup- 
 11 petent, hrec non erunt neceflaria : quatenus tanien ad 
 11 ledificationem facinnt, reddunt magis idoneos ut ad- 
 " mittantur, qui line ipfis alioqui ellent idonei propter 
 
 iC dotes 
 
SERMON V. 125 
 
 The authors of that memorable fyftem, like 
 other ambitious {peculators, preferred decifion 
 and intrepidity of character, even to the high- 
 eft qualifications of the mind ; knowing that 
 to dare boldly is ufually to fucceed, or confci- 
 ous that they had wifdom to contrive, where- 
 
 ml ' 
 
 ever they might have ftrensrth to execute 1 ". 
 
 The reputation of poverty was neceflary to 
 the popularity of the Jefuits ; but the reality 
 would have proved adverfe to their power. 
 Their conftitutions, accordingly, in conform- 
 ity to the rules of the Mendicant focieties 
 which exilied at the time of their formation, 
 prohibit the acquifition of fixed revenues, but 
 permit, under an ingenious evafion, except to 
 thole who had bound themfelves bv the laft 
 vows, the inheritance of private property 8 . 
 
 ' ( dotes alias prsediclas." Conflitutiones, p. 13. ed. Rom. 
 1570. See ibid, the whole of cap. 2. De admittendis in 
 focietatem. 
 
 r Idee du Gouvernement des Jef. p. 311. fubjoined to 
 the Monarchie des Solipfes. 
 
 5 See Conft. p. 4. Benard, liv. ii. chap. 18 — 20. Hift. 
 Gen. des Jef. iii. 285. Charles Zani, fori of Count Zani of 
 Bologna, entered into the order of the Jefuits, in 1627, 
 during the life of his father and elder brother. On their 
 death, the Jefuits are faid to have perfuaded him to quit 
 the order, for the purpofe of fucceeding to the property 
 to which by that means he was become entitled. Ac- 
 cordingly 
 
126 SERMON V. 
 
 Thefe inheritances of individuals, and all tefta- 
 mentary bequelis, were implicitly confided to 
 the difpofal of the General. To his admini- 
 ftration, alio, the revenues of the colleges, for 
 the endowment of which there is an exprefs 
 provifion ', were entrufted ; with this fole re- 
 fervation, that they fhould not be alienated 
 from the ufes of the ibciety, or the application 
 to fuch purpofes as feemed conducive to the 
 glory of God ". Enormous wealth was dili- 
 
 cordingly he did fo, but firft made a vow to re fume the 
 character of Jefuit as foon as he fhould be pofiTefled of his 
 inheritance. Arnauld, Morale Pratique des Jefuites, 
 vol. i. p. 276. ed. Cologne, i2mo. j 669. Aquaviva re- 
 scinded the injunction of his predeceflbrs, that Jefuits 
 fhould not pofTefs ecclefiaftical dignities. Dom. Inigo, ii. 
 
 113—115. 
 
 r Benard, vol. i. p. 39. Merc. Jef. i. 308. " Le titre de 
 
 " pauvres n'eft que pour les feules Maifons ProfefTes, et 
 " pour ceux d'entre le petit nombre des Profes qui les ha- 
 " bitent. Or ces Maifons ne font qu'au nombre de 24. 
 " Ainfi feroient 24 Maifons pauvres contre 1011 Mai- 
 " fons riches. Cell done deja une parade de pauvrete 
 " qui fe reduit a rfen« M Hift. Gen. des Jef. vol. iv. p. 189. 
 It was enacted by a bull of Julius III. in 1550, ten years 
 only after the inftitution of the order of the Jefuits, that 
 the revenues of the colleges fhould not be applied to the 
 Maifons Profiles, Benard, i. 129. The prohibition feems 
 to indicate that fuch a mifapplication had even then, in 
 fome inftances at leaft, been made. 
 
 u " De iis vero quae focietati ita relinquuntur, ut ipfa 
 
 "pro 
 
SERMON V. 127 
 
 gently amafTed, under thefe and other pretexts, 
 the influence of which naturally gave increafed 
 vigour to the defpotifm of an unlimited prero- 
 gative. 
 
 The checks on this formidable authority 
 were apparent rather than real. It may be 
 obferved, indeed, that, though the office of Ge- 
 neral is by the conftitutions declared to be for 
 life, the fupreme power is nominally veiled in 
 the general congregation of the order, by 
 which, in certain cafes, he may be depofed \ 
 This, however, is a power which has never 
 been exerted y . The congregation has rarely 
 been aflembled, but for the fole purpofe of a 
 new election ; and the authority of the General 
 
 ec pro fuo arbitratu ea difponat, (five bona ftabilia ilia 
 
 " fint, five mobilia ) idem Generalis difpo- 
 
 i( nere poterit aut vendendo aut retinendo, aut huic vel 
 " ill i loco id quod ei videbitur applicando : prout ad ma- 
 K jorem Dei gloriam fenferit expedire." Conft. p. 227. 
 " Poflunt omnes noftri Prsepofiti ac rectores commutare 
 " ex uno ufu ad alium neceflarium legata quae relinquun- 
 " tur noftris collegiis aut domibus, dummodo id fiat fine 
 " fcandalo eorum ad quos folutio talium legatorum perti- 
 " net : haec facultas refervatur Generali." Compendium 
 Priv. Chalotais, 90. See ibid. p. 33. note (i), and for ac- 
 tual evafions of the vow of Poverty, Benard, livre viii, 
 chap. 30 — 32. 
 
 x Bouhours, p. 330. Chalotais, 119. 
 
 r Dom. Inigo, i. 182. 
 
 has 
 
i28 SERMON V. 
 
 has constantly been fo great, that a recur- 
 rence to this privilege of appeal mull always 
 have proved neceffarily unfuccefsful \ A par- 
 ticular vow, alfo, of obedience to the Pope 
 was made by thofe members of the order, 
 who were advanced to the ftate of complete 
 profeffion, and higheft dignity, by which the 
 fimilar obligation entered into by them to- 
 wards their General may appear, in fome de- 
 gree, to be fuperfeded a . But the number of 
 fuch Jefuits was very inconsiderable, in com- 
 panion of thofe, who were under obligation 
 to the General alone 5 . The vow of obedience, 
 
 * Ibid. 183. Chalotais, 29, 30. A general congrega- 
 tion was held by Aquaviva, but compofed entirely of his 
 own creatures, and aflembled by him for the purpofe of 
 counteracting thofe projects of a reform in the order 
 which Clement VIII. was willing to entertain. Hift. 
 Gen. des Jef. iv. 69, 70. This attempt to reform the 
 order was particularly directed to obtain a reftriction of 
 the power of the General. Similar attempts had been 
 Tepeatedly made by many among the Jefuits themfelves. 
 Ibid. 62. See Mariana, Difc. des defauts du Gouverne- 
 ment des Jef. a French tranflation of which is printed to- 
 gether with the original Spanifh in the fecond volume 
 of the Merc. Jefuite. See alfo the fupplications for a 
 reform of the order, ibid. pp. 395. et feqq. 
 
 a Bull of Paul III. 1540. Merc. Jef. p. 306. Examerr 
 Gen. Con (I. cap. i. j. 
 
 b Hill. Gen, des Jci\ iii. 251. . 
 
 alfo, 
 
SERMON V. 129 
 
 alio, to the General may be confidered as the 
 neceffary cement of the fociety, or the indif- 
 penfable inftrument of power. The vow of 
 obedience to the Pope was intended merely to 
 acquire his fupport. When the end was at- 
 tained, the ftipulation w T as negle&ed. His 
 power of withdrawing, or even of limiting 
 that fupport w^as queftioned : the pofleffion of 
 irrevocable privileges was affumed, and verbal 
 declarations, alleged to have been made in pri- 
 vate conferences, were confidently appealed to, 
 as of equal authority with his moft exprefs 
 and formal decrees c . 
 
 Such w r ere the constitutions of this cele- 
 brated order. Nor does the fpirit, which they 
 have been reprefented to poflefs, exift only in 
 fome doubtful maxim introduced into them 
 by accident, or to be difcovered by a malig- 
 nant ingenuity : it is the vital principle which 
 actuates and pervades the whole. The vo- 
 lume of their inftitute cannot be opened by 
 the moft unprejudiced fpeculator on their hif- 
 tory, without perceiving that it contains pro- 
 fpe&ive views of aggrandizement : that it was 
 originally intended as well as actually applied 
 to create a fpiritual foldiery, active in enter- 
 
 c See Appendix XVI. 
 
 k. priie, 
 
130 SERMON V. 
 
 prife, patient in fuffering, whofe perfonal con- 
 duel might conciliate approbation, whofe elo- 
 quence might gain profelytes, and whofe paf- 
 fions might be concentrated in zeal for the in- 
 terefts of their order d . General injunctions to 
 virtue are far from being omitted. But the 
 political ufes to which the appearance of virtue 
 may be made fubfervient feem to be contem- 
 plated with far more intereft than its reality c . 
 
 Should the juftice of thefe inferences be dif- 
 puted, we may appeal from fpeculation to fa6l. 
 The conduct of the Jefuits has been alwavs 
 
 d See the Conftitutions, cap. 2. & 3. " De admit- 
 i( tendis in focietatem," et " De iis qua? impediunt ne 
 u quis in focietatem admittatur." The military genius 
 of the fociety is animadverted on not unfkilfully in the 
 Advis de Meffire Eujiache de Bellaj Evef'que de Paris, en 
 Van 1554, contenant les raifons, four hfquelles il ejtime cette 
 Jbciete ne devoir ejire refue. " Et parceque le faicle que 
 u Ton pretend de Pereclion dudit ordre ou compagnie, eft 
 " qu'ils iront prccher les Turcset infidelles, et les amener 
 u a la cognoilfance de Dieu : faudroit, fous correction, 
 u etablir Jefdites maifons et focietez es lieux prochains 
 " defdits infidelles, ainfi qu'anciennement a etc fait des 
 <f chevaliers de Rhodes, qui out ete mis fur les frontieres 
 " de la Chretiente, non au milieu d'icclle: audi y auroit-il 
 " beaucoup de temps perdu et confomme d'aller de Paris 
 "jufqu'au Conftantinople, et autres lieux de Turquie." 
 Merc. Jei\ i. 320. 
 
 c See Appendix XVII. 
 
 fuitable 
 
SERMON V. 131 
 
 fuitable to the character of their conftitutions. 
 They have always ftudied to ingratiate them- 
 felves with the powerful and the opulent : ever 
 extensively engaged in the education of youth, 
 they rarely have difcovered among their pu- 
 pils the promife of future talent, without en- 
 deavouring to fecure it for themlelves f . The 
 inferior members yielded themfelves np to the 
 tranfcendant defpotifm which has been de- 
 fcribed, its willing Haves, and refolute mini- 
 fters. They haftened to forget all national or 
 domeftic feelings, and carried with them into 
 the offices to which they were appointed a 
 full perfuafion that they owed a fidelity to 
 their General, which fuperfeded every obliga- 
 tion by which men can be bound to a tempo- 
 ral fovereign, to the countries in which they 
 were born, or the families from which they 
 fprang. They abandoned all rights of their 
 own, even their reputations, to his difpofal : 
 
 f Monarchic des Solipfes, chap, xviii. note (2). Cate- 
 chifme des Jefuites, livre ii. chap. 4. This fpirit of proie- 
 lytifm feems to have been common to all the monaftic 
 orders. (See the Letter of Eraimus to Grunnius, App. to 
 Jortin's Life of Erafmus, No. i.) That it was preferved even 
 in the later ages of the Jefuit hiftory may be feen in the 
 Memoires de Marmontel, vol. i. p. 112. ed. Paris, i2mo. 
 1804. 
 
 k 2 and 
 
rj2 SERMON V. 
 
 and cherifhed the contemplation of bis great- 
 nefa as their ruling pride and paffion g . What 
 fo fit for the purpofes of ambition as a devoted 
 band of thefe formidable, and, to ufe an ex- 
 preffion of their own, thefe regimented eccle- 
 flaftics ? What dark confpirator is to be found 
 in hiftory enabled by long and painful machi- 
 nations to fecure to himfelf avTociates fo active 
 or fo faithful as the General of the Jefuits pof- 
 feifed h ? Yet he abandoned not himfelf with- 
 out precaution even to the Provincials or fu- 
 perfors of the order. Each member was a fpy 
 on each. The fecret malice of the informer 
 was actively exerted againft all, from which 
 no ability efcaped, and by which no ftation 
 was refpecled 1 . 
 
 8 u Des efclaves n'ont point dc patrie : ils ont oublie 
 " la maifon de leurs peres et les lieux ou ils font nes ; ils 
 <c ne voyent que la grandeur du defpote qu'ils fervent, et 
 " de l'empire qu'il s'eft forme. Leurs yeux font toujours 
 cl fur la main du maitre, et ils n'ont pas plus d'autorite 
 " qu'un inftrument inanime." Chalotais, p. 124. See 
 p. 125. 
 
 h Chalotais, 165. D'Alembert, p. 36. 
 
 1 Mariana, Difcours des defauts du gouvcrnement des 
 Jefuites, chap. 13. Fr. Tranfl. Mercure Jefuite, 2. 148. 
 <e J'ofe bien affeurer, que fi on venoit a feuilleter les ar- 
 " chives de Rome, on ne trouvera pas un feul, qui foit 
 " homme de bien, au moins d'etre nous autres, qui 
 
 (( fommes 
 
SERMON V. 123 
 
 The indirect and felfifh policy by which the 
 Jefuits were diliinguifhed is not, in any de- 
 gree, lefs remarkable, if we turn from the 
 defpotifm of their conftitutions to the viciouf- 
 nefs of their eafuiftry. They held, to the 
 molt unqualified extent, that the bafenefs of 
 the means is fanclified by the purity of the 
 end k ; that all compliances were lawful which 
 might promote their corporate greatnefs ; and, 
 in magnifying the authority of prefcription, 
 they extinguished, fo far as fophifm can extin- 
 guish reafon, the power of confcience. In- 
 duftrioufly infinuating themfelves into the of- 
 fice of confeflors, they were careful not to im- 
 pede their reception in this capacity by any 
 impolitic feverity of moral difcipline 1 . Every 
 
 " fommes efloignes, et ne fommes point conus du General. 
 Ci Car tous font marques, les uns plus, Jes autres moins." 
 Ibid. p. 150. See alfo La Monarchic dcs Solipfes, chap. 
 10. §. 9. and the Idee du Gouvernement des Jefuites fub- 
 joined, p. 324. 
 
 k " Quand nous ne pouvons pas empecher l'a&ion, 
 " nous purifions au moins l'intention ; et ainfi nous cor- 
 <{ rigeons le vice du moien par la purete de la fin." Let- 
 tres Provinciales, let.tre 7. p. 97. ed. Cologne, ismo, 
 1657. See P. Bauny cited lettre 5. p. 66. 
 
 1 " Helas, me dit le Pere, noftre principal but auroit 
 (< et6 de n'etablir point d'autres maximes que celles de 
 " l'Evangile dans toute leur feverite. Et Ton voit afiez 
 i( par le reglement de nos mceurs, que (i nous founrons 
 
 K 3 " quelque 
 
i 3 4 SERMON V. 
 
 abufe which the wilder! vifionary had patron- 
 ized, every real crime which might have been 
 countenanced in the wantonnefs of difputa- 
 tion as probably justifiable or expedient ; all 
 members of the fociety, however it might 
 wound their perfonal feelings, were command- 
 ed to tolerate m . It was the recognized doc- 
 
 Ci quelque relachement dans les autres, c'eft plutoft par 
 (e condefcendance que par deflein. Nous y fommes for- 
 " cez. Les hommes font aujourd'hui tellement corrom- 
 €t pus, que ne pouvant les faire venir a nous, il faut bien 
 <e que nous aliions a eux." Sixieme Lettre a un Provin- 
 cial, p. 83. " Les Jefuites font trop bons : ils voudroient 
 " fauver tout le monde, et ne faire de peine a perionne." 
 Lettre de Meff. des Miffions etrangeres au Pape, fur les 
 idolatries et fur les fuperftitions Chinoifes, p. 38. They 
 lengthen the creed, faid the Abbe Boileau, and fhorten 
 the decalogue. 
 
 m On the do&rine of probability fee any of the writers 
 againft the cafuiftry of the Jefuits, particularly the fifth 
 and fixth letters to a Provincial. The following decifion 
 of the Jefuit Laimon is cited, letter v. p. 70. " Un Doc- 
 " teur etant confulte, peut donner un confeil, non-feule- 
 " ment probable felon fon opinion; mais contraire a fon 
 *' opinion, s'il eft eftime probable par d'autres, lorfque 
 " cet avis contraire au lien, fe rencontre plus favorable, et 
 94 plus agreable a celui qui le confulte. Mais je dis de 
 " plus, qu'il ne fera point hors de raifon, qu'il donne a 
 if ceux qui le confultent, un avis tenu pour probable par 
 " quelque perfonne fcavante, quand meme il s'affeureroit 
 i( qu'il feroit abfolument faux." 
 
 trine 
 
SERMON V. 135 
 
 trine of the order that whoever was detected 
 in profligacy might commit murder to avoid 
 difcovery ; and, where princes refilled its am- 
 bition, it is fufpecled of having Simulated the 
 aflaffin, and convicted of the attempt to palli- 
 ate his guilt n . 
 
 Whatever theory of morals may be adopted, 
 we cannot but be fhocked at the enormity of 
 thefe fan&ions. It is an infult to the belt and 
 jufteft feelings of our nature to paufe ere we 
 condemn fuch flagrant errors ; or to fuppofe, 
 even for a moment, that either the dignity of 
 virtue can be fuftained by them, or real utility 
 promoted.. The partial interefts to which dif- 
 fimulation, perjury, and perhaps murder may 
 feem conducive, have no tendency to the fur- 
 therance of Chriftian truth. Thofe practices, 
 that feem to be the neareft road to prefent 
 great nefs, often diverge widely from the path 
 of lading fecurity ; and the general confe- 
 quences of infincerity and fraud are always 
 evil, however the prefent efTecl may feem to 
 be expedient. 
 
 We muft allow, indeed, that tenets fo im- 
 pious as thofe which have been recited could 
 not be univerfal ; nor ever willingly acknow- 
 
 n See Appendix XVIII. 
 
 k 4 ledged 
 
136 SERMON V. 
 
 ledged by the greater part of the individual 
 members of the fociety °. It is impoffible that 
 fo numerous a body, diltinguifhed for its learn- 
 ing and exemplary in moral conduct, could have 
 adopted into ordinary ufe that licentious ca- 
 fuiftry which has been often fo completely ex- 
 pofed, even in its molt avowed and favourite 
 writers. Many who may have feared to 
 queftion the authority on which it retted, muft 
 have been reluctant to admit its truth. Many 
 muft have limited their acquiefcence by modi- 
 fications not the lefs real in practical effect, be- 
 caufe inconfittent with the doctrines to which 
 they were joined, and goodnefs of the heart 
 may have counteracted perverfion of the un- 
 derftanding p . 
 
 It may feem ttrange, perhaps, that the la- 
 titude of principle and enormity of ambition, 
 by which the order was characterized, ihould 
 
 ° " The lax metaphyfics of the Jefuits were the effect 
 Ci rather of a bad dialectic, than of a corrupted heart, and 
 " generally pervaded the icholaftic fyftem of theology. " 
 Chalotais, p. 54. 138. 
 
 p Nam qui fummum bonum fie inftituit ut nihil habeat 
 cum virtute conjunclum, idque iuis commodis, non ho- 
 neftate metitur, hie, Ji jib'l ipje conjentiat et non intcrdum 
 naturae bon'itate vincatur, neque amicitiam colere point, 
 nee juftitiam nee liberalitatem. Cic. de Off. i. 1. The 
 exception operates moft extenfively. 
 
 have 
 
SERMON V. 137 
 
 have been attended with no correfponding 
 laxity in the moral conduct of individual Je- 
 fuits. But with the reproach of immoral lives 
 they are not juftly to be branded q . Attached 
 to the greatnefs of their fociety with more 
 than the ufual warmth of partizans, their am- 
 bition may partly have fecured them from 
 ordinary temptations. Their zeal for the 
 appearance may have been favourable to the 
 practice of virtue. The ages alfo, in which 
 they flourifhed, were far from being timilar to 
 thofe in which infolent eccleiiaftics could bid 
 defiance to the restraints of decency, confiding 
 in the blindnefs of the people, or fafe from its 
 indignation. The gates of knowledge w T ere 
 now at length unbarred, to be fliut, we hope, 
 no more ; mankind had learned to reafon and 
 to judge ; and, where the fruits of piety were 
 wanting, could be no longer deceived by its 
 pretence. Had not the flagitioufhefs of the 
 inftitute of the Jefuits been in fome meafure 
 redeemed by the correclnefs of their perfonal 
 behaviour, they could not have made that pro- 
 grefs which they really attained in forging 
 anew the chains of fuperftitibn : the danger 
 
 * D'AIembert, p. 46. Chalotais, p. 56, 57. Villers on 
 the Reformation. (Mill's tranflation, p. 156.) 
 
 with 
 
i 3 8 SERMON V. 
 
 with which they threatened mankind would 
 have been lefs alarming, becaufe their power 
 would have been lefs extenfive. Individuals 
 were loved, even where the order was moil 
 detelled ; a phenomenon far from being un- 
 ufual in the page of hiftory. In fome cafes, a 
 ufeful iniiitution has been abufed by wicked 
 men : in others, even good men have been de- 
 ceived and prejudiced by a corrupt inftitution. 
 The femblance of virtue is attached to the zeal 
 of party, and, where the odium of injuftice is 
 divided among a multitude, the falutary re- 
 itraint of reputation but faintly operates. The 
 character, in truth, of the order is too plainly 
 ftamped to be confounded with that of the in- 
 dividuals of whom it was compofed. Re- 
 proached during every age of its exiftence 
 with the fame crimes, involved in quarrels 
 and intrigues in all countries, it exhibited not 
 the various errors to which individuals are va- 
 rioufly inclined by the operation of different 
 motives, but the coniiitent iniquity of iyftem. 
 Its hiftory exemplifies the artifice and ambi- 
 tion of its conltitutions : its practice is the in- 
 terpretation of its cafuittry. 
 
 The iniluence of the Jefuits propagated by 
 means the molt crafty and indirect was pub- 
 licly notorious in every Chriftian court which 
 
 adhered 
 
SERMON V. 139 
 
 adhered to the Romifh perfuafion, within thirty 
 years after their firfl; inftitution. They fo- 
 mented rebellion in France, and excited confpi- 
 racy in England. In that country they fucceed- 
 ed not in procuring an eftablifhment without 
 frequent and ignominious difcomfiture; in this, 
 to our unfpeakable benefit, they were com- 
 pletely baffled. To inveltigate their artifices 
 in thefe or in the other kingdoms of Europe, 
 would lead to a feries of obfervations too ex- 
 tenfive to be comprifed in ordinary limits. Se- 
 conded by the fure bigotry of ignorance, their 
 ambition w T as attended with almoft uniform 
 fuccefs, throughout all the regions of Papal fu- 
 perftition. Yet it feems worthy to be men- 
 tioned, that Portugal, from the imbecillity for 
 which that ftate has been fo long remarkable, 
 was more completely fubjugated than any 
 other nation to their authority ; and that they 
 were in no inftance oppofed with fo firm and 
 at the fame time fo temperate a refiftance, as 
 by that enlightened and patriotic citizen of 
 Venice, whom every lover of truth and liberty 
 muft delight to venerate and applaud 1 . 
 
 Such, however, at length, and fo formidable 
 became their power, that the allegation of 
 
 * See Appendix XIX. 
 
 thofe 
 
i 4 o SERMON V. 
 
 thofe who taxed them with afpiring to univer* 
 fal monarchy may not, perhaps, be altogether 
 groundlefs. As the educators of youth, and 
 the confeilbrs of Princes, they acquired a do- 
 minion more dangerous and, perhaps, more 
 flattering than civil or military defpotifm \ 
 Implicit lervitude to the Pope was the pre- 
 tence on which they obtained their primary 
 inftitution ; and they aflerted, amid the light 
 of reviving literature, thofe arrogant preten- 
 fions of the Romifh fee which had been 
 fcarcely tolerated even in the days of dark- 
 nefs \ They aflumed an independance of all 
 
 * " L'ambition d'avoir des difciples, la plus forte peut- 
 " etre de toutes les ambitions." Siecle de L. XIV. ii. 
 256. 
 
 * " Habet (fummus Pontifex) fupremam et amplifli- 
 " mam poteftatem jurifdiclionis temporalis fuper omnes 
 iC principes : poteft deponere reges, eofque regnis fuis pri- 
 " vare^ legefque eorum infirmare : idque non folum cen- 
 Ci furis ad id cogendo, fed etiam poenis externis, ac vi et 
 " armis. Molina dejuft. etjure, cited Jefuites Criminels 
 de Leze-majefte, ismo. a la Haye, 1759. p. 4. note (5). 
 See ibid. p. 5. note (9). " Poteft (Papa) mutare regna et 
 " uni auferre atque alteri conferre." Bellarmin, cited 
 Chalotais, 64. <c Papa deponit Imperatorem propter ip- 
 '.' fius iniquitates, et dat principibus curatores quando ipfi 
 " fuerint inutilcs ad regendum fubditos. Papa fine con- 
 " cilio deponit Imperatorem, quia Papae et Chrifti unum 
 il eft tribunal." " Papa poteft deponere reges non folum 
 " propter haercfim aut fchifma^ tut aliud crimen tolerabile 
 
 ff in 
 
SERMON V. 141 
 
 national or local ordinances u , and condefcend- 
 ed not, at length, to reverence even the ana- 
 themas of Rome \ They fought to conciliate 
 popularity, as occafion might direct, either by 
 exercifes of mortification or pomp of cere- 
 mony. They allured fome by patronage, they 
 terrified others by menaces of perfecution. 
 They retained a uniform fpirit both in the 
 bafenefs of ftooping to the great, and in the 
 arrogance of trampling on the little. Confci- 
 ous of their numbers, and their ftrength, the 
 individual members feemed to fhare in the im- 
 
 " in populo, fed etiam propter in^afficientialn. ,, Propofi- 
 tiones extra&ae ex libro Santarelli, prop. 3, et 8. See Je- 
 fuites Criminels, p. 85. and, for the hiftory of the book 
 of , Santarellus., Dom. Inigo, ii. 73. et Monarchic des So- 
 lipfeS; 60. 
 
 u " Nemo ex Profeffis vel coadjutoribus, vel etiam 
 " fcholafticis focietatis, in caufis civihbus, nedum crimi- 
 " nalibus, fe examinari, fine licentia fuperioris, permittat. 
 " Superior autem earn minime dabit, niii in caufis quae ad 
 " religionem Catholicam pertinent. " Conft. cited Hift. 
 Gen. des Jef. iv. p. 76. 
 
 On an aggreflion of the Indians of Paraguay in 17 19, 
 which was headed by a Jefuit, the king of Portugal 
 makes his complaint, not to the king of Spain, but to the 
 General of the Jefuits, of whom in return it is juftly faid, 
 u qu'il traitoit de fouverain a fouverain." Hift. du Para- 
 guay fous les Jefuites par Echavarri, i. 148, 149. 
 
 * See Appendix XVI. p. 38, 29. 
 
 portance 
 
142 SERMON V. 
 
 portance of the fociety. Each of them was 
 protected by the power, and armed with the 
 united vengeance of the whole y . 
 
 Such is the complete harmony with which 
 the hiftorv and conftitutions of the Jefuits 
 correfpond. I referve it for my concluding 
 difcourfe to fliow that the indirect and crafty 
 policy, thus ftamped both on their conftitu- 
 tions and their hiftory, has 1 eventually con- 
 tributed to their deftruction, as I before pro- 
 pofed to defer in the fame manner the fimilar 
 obfervations which mav be made on the refult 
 of the Papal tyranny and corruptions. There 
 is the greater reafon, in the prefent inftance, 
 for poftponing fuch obfervations, becaufe the 
 particular examples of the conduct of the Je- 
 fuits, to the examination of which I lhall pro- 
 ceed, in the interval, cannot but reflect light 
 on their general character, and enable us there- 
 fore the more accurately to perceive the manner 
 in which that character may have operated. I 
 
 y " Hac indiflblubili charitate munita focietas terribi- 
 " lis fit ut caftrorum acies ordinata." F. Retz, General, 
 cited Echavarri, i. 333. " II n'y a point de Jefuite qui 
 u ne puifie dire, commc cet efprit malin de I'ecriture, c Je 
 " m'appelle legion." D'Alembert, Efllii fur la deftru&ion 
 des Jefuites, p. 43. See Reflexions d'un Portugais, p. 104. 
 London, 1760. 
 
 (hall 
 
SERMON V. 143 
 
 fhall conclude at prefent with fuch remarks as 
 may be neceflary to fhow that the ambition 
 and the fophiftry of thefe profeflbrs of Chrif- 
 tianity afford no argument againft Chriftianity 
 itfelf, but rather illuftrate and confirm its 
 truth. 
 
 Now though fuch abufes as thofe which 
 have been recited have often been alleged tri- 
 umphantly, by the enemies of our religion, 
 with the indignant taunt, " Behold the influ- 
 " ence, behold the chofen minifters of the 
 " Chriftian faith ;V yet inferences to the dif- 
 advantage of a religion from the vices of its 
 profeflbrs are not more juft than to decry be- 
 nevolence, becaufe its pretence may be af- 
 fumed as a cloak to malicioufnefs. If the holy 
 name by which we are called has been pro- 
 faned for the purpofes of ambition, what virtue 
 has ambition fcrupled to violate ? If the en- 
 thufiafm of religion have prepared the cords 
 and kindled the fire of perfecution, juftice alfo 
 has fometimes degenerated into cruelty, and 
 fortitude into revenge. 
 
 Could it be proved, indeed, that the def- 
 potifm of the Jefuits is countenanced, or their 
 cafuiftry authorifed by the real principles of 
 Chriftianity, we would be ready to unite with 
 our adverfaries, and to demand with them 
 
 that 
 
144 SERMON V. 
 
 that the religion be at once rejected. But we 
 abandon not our hopes without examination ; 
 we faint not at the boldnefs of the charge : 
 we demand the procefs of trial, and we chal- 
 lenge fcrutiny. The religion of Protettants is 
 the doctrine of Chrift. We refufe to acknow- 
 ledge whatever is not to be proved by the cer- 
 tain warrant of Scripture : and we willingly 
 hold ourfelves refponiible to ihow that no 
 charge of inconfiftency with divine wifdom, 
 of inflncere and indirect ambition, of really 
 unwife, though apparently politic compliance 
 with human error, can be eftabliihed again it 
 that holy Inftitute. 
 
 To thofe perfons, therefore, who, juftly ab- 
 horring the excefles of Jefuitical impiety, are 
 inclined to attribute to Chriftianity itfelf the 
 guilt of thofe excefles, we confidently oppofe, 
 not the infallibility of the Roman Pontiff, not 
 the miracles of Loyola ; but the total inap- 
 plicability of thofe objections which may be 
 reafonably entertained againft miftaken or in- 
 fincere profeflbrs of Chriftianity, to the doc- 
 trine, or the example of Chrirt. Chrift uni- 
 formly commanded his difciples to be holy 
 as their Father which is in heaven is holy. 
 He never authorifed them to compromife 
 truth : never inftru&ed them to palliate falfe- 
 
 hood . 
 
SERMON V. 145 
 
 hood. He pretended not to a feverity of de- 
 meanour. He came eating and drinking : he 
 converfed freely with publicans and finners. 
 The prefervation of a conduit perfectly pure 
 and unexceptionable muft, to a man thus mix- 
 ing in the detail of ordinary life, be far more 
 difficult than perfeverance even in the extreme 
 of afcetic mortification. But the liberty of Jefus 
 was without fpot, as his piety was beyond 
 comparifon : his wifdom was unfullied by in- 
 sincerity, and his zeal unmixed with violence. 
 Utterly remote both from the ancient fero- 
 city of the Zealots 2 , and the modern frenzy of 
 the Anabaptifts, he deviated not, on the other 
 hand, into the dogmatifm or artifices of Papal 
 or Jefuitical tyranny. There is, in truth, no 
 charge either of vice or error that can be al- 
 leged againlt corrupted Chriitians, which does 
 not appear doubly glaring, when controlled 
 with that unltained purity of Chrill himfelf, 
 which is, by the fame contrail, the more con- 
 fpicuoufly reprefented to our view. 
 
 To diltinguilh, in this manner, the conduit of 
 Chritt from the conduit of infincere or miftaken 
 teachers of religion, is fufficient for the imme- 
 diate argument which it has been here in- 
 
 a Bafnage I. vi. 11. Taylor's tranflation. 
 
 l tended 
 
i46 SERMON V. 
 
 tended to illuftrate by an examination of the 
 hiftory of the Jefuits. That we may perceive, 
 however, with what accumulated ftrength 
 and emphafis this diftinction may be infer- 
 red, it is neceflary to purfue the illustration 
 of the Saviour's character not only into its 
 freedom from error, but alfo into the peculi- 
 arity of its excellence. Let us forget, for a 
 moment, thofe numerous indications of enthu- 
 fiafm, or of impofture, which have been point- 
 ed out in the conduct of corrupted Chriftians. 
 Let us, for example, fuppofe the founder of 
 the order of the Jefuits to have merited all 
 thofe fplendid eulogies with which he has 
 been decorated by his followers, or let us ie- 
 lect from the records of hiftory whatever fa- 
 vourite character may feem to us molt worthy 
 of admiration. We mall Hill find that the 
 even and unaffected propriety of the virtues of 
 Chrift, none of them diftorted, and none un- 
 reafonably preponderant, difcriminate him not 
 only from corrupted and miltaken men, but 
 even from the wifeft, and the belt. In the 
 contemplation of human virtue, it is rather 
 the fplendid excefs than the accurate mean 
 that we applaud. The highelr. eminence of 
 courage is rarely to be found unaccompanied 
 by temerity, nor is the habit of fortitude to be 
 
 acquired 
 
SERMON V. 
 
 H7 
 
 acquired, unlefs we encourage the fpirit of dar- 
 ing. So alfo the moft prepofleffing examples 
 of generality may be tinctured with fome 
 mixture of profufion, and many of the moft 
 animated exertions of patriotifm may violate 
 the precife rules of liberal and enlarged bene- 
 volence. Aberrations of this kind are to be 
 pardoned, indeed, and perhaps praifed, as pro- 
 ductive of more good by increaling the activi- 
 ty, than of ill by tranfgreffing the limits of 
 virtue. 
 
 But we admire the virtues of Chrift with 
 the moft lively intereft, though they are none 
 of them exaggerated. As he was fuperior to 
 the imperfections of our nature, fo even in his 
 excellencies he exceeded not that ftridt and 
 even tenour, which thofe imperfedions alone 
 render it pardonable or proper for man to ex- 
 ceed. His character, though full of ftrength 
 and meaning, is in nothing extravagant, in no- 
 thing difproportioned. He was pious, but not 
 enthufiaitic ; temperate, but not aultere; meek, 
 but not abjecft ; and heroic, but not raih. In 
 the hiftory of the moft illuftrious of mankind, 
 we can in general readily trace their prominent 
 and ftriking qualities. But in the character of 
 Chrift, though a character positively great, as 
 well as unexceptionably pure, there is no one 
 
 L 2 quality 
 
148 SERMON V. 
 
 quality which predominates above the reft. 
 All the virtues are fo intimately and harmo- 
 nioufly blended, that, to ufe an appropriate, 
 though obvious metaphor, the whole of their 
 colouring difappears. They are fimply and 
 uniformly luminous. 
 
 Nor can this union of all the virtues in one 
 perfect character be coniidered as lefs lingular 
 or impreffive, becaufe the feveral virtues may be 
 thought naturally difpofed to coalefce, and the 
 fame caufes which are friendly to the produc- 
 tion of one may, in a fimilar manner, be fup- 
 pofed friendly to that of all. This fuppoiition 
 may be true in part, but it is not true univer- 
 fally. The caufes, which tend naturally to 
 improve the contemplative, are not calculated 
 to promote the a6live virtues. The caufes 
 which promote the adtive do not improve the 
 contemplative. No one thing can be more 
 different from another than the education of 
 a philofopher from that of a hero. Calmnefs 
 and regularity are the nurfes of the one : diffi- 
 culty and diftrefs the energetic preceptors of 
 the other. The different excellencies which 
 we expert from each are the natural refults of 
 fuch different preparations of the mind. We 
 require in the philofopher a cool and uniform 
 tranquillity, and a life occupied in the ferene 
 
 invefti- 
 
SERMON V. 149 
 
 inveftigation, or the undifturbed communica- 
 tion of truth. In the hero we look for a cer- 
 tain warmth of temperament, as not lefs proper 
 than it is natural. We demand, not that he 
 ihould choofe his objecT: of purfuit with fober 
 judgment and philofophical difcrimination, 
 but that he Ihould purfue whatever object he 
 may choofe with an earneftnefs and vigour 
 which a philofopher does not pofTefs ; with 
 an intrepidity undivided by doubt, and un- 
 changed by misfortune, with contempt of 
 danger and of death. 
 
 In Chrift, and in Chrift alone, are the fepa- 
 rate excellencies of thefe different characters 
 united in their full perfection. It is the exacl 
 union of the contemplative and the aclive vir- 
 tues which feems to conftitute his chief pecu- 
 liarity. And eminent, in truth, as each of 
 thefe characters is by itfelf, little as it is to be 
 expected that they Ihould be found united in 
 the fame perfon, yet we ihould at leaft have 
 wanted that full internal evidence of his truth, 
 which we now find in the character of Chrift, 
 had they not been united in him. Had he 
 been the hero only, much as we might have 
 admired his fortitude, or his zeal, yet we 
 might juftly have demanded the figns of divine 
 
 l 3 wifdom 
 
150 SERMON V. 
 
 wifdom in him who claimed to be the imme- 
 diate meflenger of heaven. 
 
 And though men of mild and ftudious dif- 
 pofitions feem often to have fuppofed that a 
 calm and difpaffionate tranquillity includes 
 every excellence of the mind, yet, I confefs, 
 that fomething more might reafonably be ex- 
 pected in a perfect example of life propofed 
 not only to the approbation of fages, but alfo 
 to the imitation of all men. I know not why 
 the hardy and the active fhould be deemed 
 lefs eflential and important than the retired 
 and contemplative virtues. They may be lefs 
 characteriffic of the philofopher, but they are 
 not lefs ufeful to mankind, nor are they lefs 
 calculated to elevate their pofleflbr above low 
 and felfiih paflions. It is certain, that they 
 are not lefs confpicuous in the holy Author of 
 Chriftianitv. However eminent for a philofo- 
 phical equanimity, he is equally to be diftin- 
 guifhed by the praife of an heroic fortitude, 
 and exertions of the moil fublime beneficence. 
 Where elfe is the fame combination to be 
 found ? Could we even fuppofe that an im- 
 poltor or an enthufiaft might have disregarded 
 the offer of a crown, or been unmoved by the 
 treachery of a difciple, can it be poflible, how- 
 ever. 
 
SERMON V. ia 
 
 ever, that poileffing this meek and tranquil 
 difpofition he fhould have perfifted in a uni- 
 form career, from the commencement to the 
 clofe of his miniftry, always firm though never 
 impetuous, never abafhed by obloquy, never 
 difconcerted by ingratitude, never forfaken by 
 the dignity which became the fon of God. 
 
 Or let us advance ftill one ftep farther. 
 Let us look upon the Saviour himfelf as hang- 
 ing on the crofs. Even there the great inten- 
 tion of both his life and death was manifested 
 amid the pangs of dillblution. In that tre- 
 mendous crifis, when all earthly ambition rauft 
 be at an end, which fo often unnerves the 
 bold, and which, where the heart is not hard- 
 ened into apathy, muft always terrify the im- 
 pofior, even then the holy Jefus with his dy- 
 ing voice fpake mercy and confolation to man- 
 kind. As he took human nature upon him 
 for man's falvation, and for man's falvation 
 fubmitted to a life of fuffering, and to be con- 
 demned and fcourged and crucified ; fo alfo, 
 that man might not want the laft folemn af- 
 furance which he could give, he himfelf de- 
 clared, as he committed his fpirit into the 
 hands of God, that the work of falvation " was 
 " finifhed V Thefe were the laft words which 
 
 l 4 he 
 
152 SERMON V. 
 
 he fpake, as this was the promife which had 
 preceded his coming into the world. This is 
 the victory which he obtained for us by his 
 death ; and which he again confirmed by his 
 afcenfion into that heavenly kingdom, where 
 he hath prepared eternal manfions for them 
 that love him. 
 
 * John xix. 30 
 
 % 
 
 SERMON 
 
SERMON VI. 
 
 John xviii. 36. 
 My kingdom is not of this world, 
 
 XT has been mown that the European efta- 
 bliihment of the Jefuits was characterized by 
 an indirect and felfifh policy altogether oppo- 
 fite to the genuine fpirit of Chriftianity. The 
 profane or injudicious conducl, by which the 
 ecclefiaftics of the fame order have been diftin- 
 guifhed, in regions where the religion of Chrift 
 is yet unrecognized by public authority, has 
 not been lefs remarkable than the intrigues of 
 its partizans, or the fophiftry of its cafuifts in 
 Europe. 
 
 The fupply of active and enterprifing mif- 
 iionaries, for the purpofe of promulgating 
 Chriftianity among infidel nations, was expli- 
 citly avowed as one of the moft important 
 
 obje&s 
 
i54 SERMON VI 
 
 objects which were originally propofed by 
 Loyola. Expectation of the fervices, which 
 might be thus rendered by the Jefuits, may 
 probably have been among the chief induce- 
 ments which conciliated the Papal approba- 
 tion to their institute ; nor have they been, 
 in reality, deficient either in zeal or induitry. 
 Private interefts, however, and views of tem- 
 poral aggrandizement have too often fuper- 
 feded the love of truth ; and, even where the 
 fimplicity of the Christian do&rines may not 
 have been compromifed from indirect motives, 
 it has ltill been violated by pious error. 
 
 Xavier, the canonized Xavier a , both led the 
 way, and has obtained the molt diltinguifhed 
 honours in the miflionay career. Though we 
 queftion not the fincerity of his religious ar- 
 dour b , yet the ufefulnefs of his religious exer- 
 tions may well be doubted. He might be 
 zealous for the converfion, but he understood 
 not the languages of thofe unlettered Indians 
 whom he attempted to inltrucl: : and, though 
 his admirers have often claimed for him the 
 
 » " Novus Indiarum Apoftolus." Bull of Canonization 
 by Urban VIII. Fabric. Lux. Ev. p. 551. ed. Hamb. 1731. 
 
 b His fincerity, probably, is not to be queftioned. Yet 
 his zeal feems upon fome occafions to have been mani- 
 fefted in a lingular manner. See App. XX. 
 
 gift 
 
SERMON VI. 1S5 
 
 gift of tongues, he feems not himfelf to have 
 authorifed that vain pretenfion c . 
 
 The remote and extenfive empire of Japan, 
 though it witnefTed not the laft labours of this 
 intrepid miffionary, was the laft confpicuous 
 fcene in which they were difplayed. Here, 
 as elfewhere, he had to lament that he was 
 ignorant of the language of the people. He 
 had no method of communicating his inftruc- 
 tions, but through the imperfect, and poffibly 
 unfaithful, medium of interpreters d . Yet the 
 
 c C( Ac fi nos linguam calleremus Japonicam, non du- 
 " bito quin plurimi fierent Chriftiani." Faxit Deus, ut 
 " earn brevi addifcamus, liquidem jamdudum guftare cae- 
 u pirn us. Quadraginta diebus tantum profecimus, ut jam 
 u decern praecepta Japonice explicemus." 
 
 Xaverii Epift. 1. iii. ep. v. p. 194. ed. Paris, apud 
 Cramoify, 1631. See alfo Benard. i. p. 54, & 99. 
 
 d Benard i. p. 122. The aflertion, though very confi- 
 dently made, that the firft Japanefe convert of Xavier, 
 who proved afterwards a moft efficient affiftant to him in 
 his miilionary labours, was a culprit who had fled from 
 his country upon the commiffion of murder, (Dom. Ini- 
 go, i. 261. Benard, i. 116.) is of fo very invidious a com- 
 plexion, that, probably, it ought not to be believed. It 
 is a circumftance more likely to be true, and much more 
 important, that he owed his firft fuccefs to the exhibi- 
 tion of a beautiful picture of the Virgin. " Le monarque 
 " idolatre, charme de cette peinture, et de la perfonne 
 " qu'elle reprefentoit, fe mit a genoux devant elle, la pre- 
 u nant pour quelque Deefle." (Benard, ibid, 119. Dom. 
 
 Inigo, 
 
i 5 6 SERMON VI. 
 
 propagation of our religion in Japan feems at 
 firft to have been attended with fignal fuccefs : 
 fuccefs too foon interrupted by a perfecution 
 unexampled, perhaps, both in feverity and ex- 
 tent. If the accounts may be credited which 
 have been tranfmitted to us by the hiftorian 
 of that country c , (a writer who is known to 
 have been accurate, where his ftatements have 
 admitted of verification f ,) it was the temporal 
 ambition of the Jefuits which there caufed the 
 fubverfion of Chriftianity. The perfect liberty 
 of preaching, which they had at firft poflefled, 
 was restricted in confequence of their pride 
 and avarice ; and the fubfequent abolition of 
 the Chriftian name in thofe diftant iflands was 
 inflicted, not by mere tyrannical caprice, but 
 as the punifliment of confpiracy g . 
 
 Inigo, 267, 268.) A fimilar conduct was purfued after- 
 wards in China by Ricci and his fuccefibrs, (Le Comte, 
 357. Engl. Tr. Lond. 1697. 8vo.) and alfo in Siam. (Hid. 
 de l'Etabliflement du Chriftianifme dans les Indes Orien- 
 tates, 2 vols. nmo. Paris, an.xi. vol. i. p. 275.) 
 
 e Ksempfer. 
 
 f Niebuhr pafiim. 
 
 s Kaempfer, book iv. chap. 7. and Niebuhr, vol. iv. 
 p. 30. & feqq. (Eng. Tr. 8vo. 1796.) 
 
 There feems to have been a general fufpicion through- 
 out India, (in fome degree, it is probable, founded upon 
 fact,) that the mifiionaries exercifed the office of European 
 
 fpies 
 
SERMON VI. 157 
 
 From Japan, our attention may eafily be 
 directed to the neighbouring continent of Chi- 
 na, and it is here that we muft look for the 
 moft notorious inftances of infincerity in Je- 
 fuit miffionaries. Here too they may be view- 
 ed advantageoufly, in that light by which the 
 argument of thefe lectures is moft properly to 
 be contemplated, as influenced not fo much 
 by indirect motives as by partial conceptions ; 
 as guided by a confined, not by a conliftent 
 and real policy. The hiftory of the compli- 
 ances of the Jefuits with certain rites of 
 the Chinefe, which are idolatrous in appear- 
 
 fpies as well as that of Chriftian teachers. (Hift. de l'Et. 
 du Chriftianifme, i. 6.) The Jefuits themfelves ; it is faid, 
 told the emperor of Japan that the king of Spain made 
 ufe of monks to convert the natives of America, and then 
 fent troops to join with the new converts. If this be 
 true, they do not feem to have obferved, very confidently, 
 the maxim, " Qu'il etoit neceflaire de n'etablir Pautorite 
 ie du Pape que peu a peu, pour ne point effaroucher les 
 " princes convertis, et pour les attirer peu a peu par cette 
 " tolerance." Vie de P. Paolo, par Courayer, p. xli. 
 " The king of Siam interrogated the French biiliops on 
 " the authority of the Pope, and they carefully informed 
 < f him of the great gifts which Conftantine and his fuc- 
 " ceflbrs had given to the Church, and to the holy See. 
 " This converfation feemed to pleafe his majefty much." 
 Hift. du Chriftianifme, ii. 185. See alfo La Croze, Chrift. 
 des Tndes, p. 270. 
 
 ance. 
 
158 SERMON VI. 
 
 ance, was once familiar, though it is now 
 nearly obfolete. The propriety of tolerating 
 thefe rites in Chriftians was warmly contro- 
 verted, at the beginning of the laft century, 
 throughout the whole of Europe ; and though 
 this queftion has been fucceeded by difcullions 
 of more immediate intereft, its records Hill 
 exift, even in a fatiguing multiplicity, from 
 which the circumftances, to be here ftated, 
 may be collected on the moil authentic evi- 
 dence, and ufually, in all effential particulars, 
 from the writings of the Jefuits themfelves. 
 
 It is not to be denied that the very consi- 
 derable progrefs of Chriftianity in China, dur- 
 ing the latter part of the fix teen tb, and the 
 whole of the feventeenth centuries, is chiefly 
 to be referred to the activity of thefe mifliona- 
 ries. Favoured by the great, and admitted 
 to the confidence of the emperor, they ac- 
 quired a perfonal importance, which long en- 
 abled them to promulgate their doctrines with 
 more than ufual advantage. Their ftudy of 
 influence, their love of fcience, their concern 
 in fecular and military bufinefs, and the in- 
 terefts of private commerce, have proved topics 
 of bitter reproach on which their adverfaries 
 have frequently enlarged. An attention, how- 
 ever.. 
 
SERMON VI. 159 
 
 ever, to fuch purfuits is fcarcely a proper fub- 
 jecl: for reprehenfion, unlefs it may feem to 
 oppofe the interests, and abufe the liberty of 
 religion. Had they only facilitated the intro- 
 duction of Eupopean arts and European libe- 
 rality by conciliating patronage and refpecl to 
 mental fuperiority, they would have rendered, 
 by this alone, an important ferviee to Chrif- 
 tianity ; for long experience will warrant the 
 obfervation, that the Chriftian dodrines have 
 been the moft fincerely profeifed, and the moil 
 confcientiouily regarded, where the mind has 
 been humanized by arts, and fortified by know- 
 ledge. 
 
 Nor, indeed, is remiffhefs to be imputed to 
 the Jefuits in the immediate buimefs of their 
 miffions. They were not filent in preaching 
 the name of Chrift, and their efforts, fometimes 
 facilitated by patronage, though fometimes re- 
 tarded by perfecution, extended the profeffion 
 of that facred name throughout every diftricl of 
 the empire. The real benefit, however, which 
 has been derived from their profelyting affi- 
 duity, cannot juftly be appreciated, till the na- 
 ture has been examined of thofe accommoda- 
 tions to the exiiting manners and prejudices of 
 China, which they were prevailed upon to 
 
 allow, 
 
160 SERMON VI. 
 
 allow, though, by their own confeffion, they 
 were defirous to abolifh h . 
 
 There is a popular idolatry in China, to 
 which the vulgar are principally attached \ 
 There is a feci which believes in and pretends 
 to practife magic, and another, which is ufually 
 ftiled the fe6l of the men of letters k . The 
 ceremonies fo much difputed ought certainly 
 not to be confounded with the popular idola- 
 try. It appears, however, that rites are prac- 
 tifed by the Chinefe expreffive of veneration 
 for the heavens; and that honours are offered to 
 the fouls of their deceafed parents and anceftors, 
 and to the memory of Confucius, in which the 
 fefts, termed the magical, and the lettered, 
 unite with the idolatrous. Thefe feem to be 
 the only ceremonies, the obfervance of which is 
 particularly enforced either by cuftom or law \ 
 
 h See the Letter of Grimaldi to the Pope, No. i. Ap- 
 pendix XXII. " Nunquam permifimus, licet non ita 
 
 <c 
 
 nricte prohibuerimus." Father Brancati, cited, Lettre 
 de M. Louis de Cice, Eveque de Sabula, aux RR. PP. Je- 
 fuites, p. 23. 
 
 ' The religion of Fo. 
 
 k Le Compte, 321—323, 337- 
 
 1 Gobien, " Hiftoire de l'Edit de PEmpereur de la Chine, 
 " en faveur de la religion Chretienne : avec un ecclair- 
 
 " riflemen* 
 
SERMON VI. 161 
 
 and may be confidered, therefore, as the moll 
 eflential part of the national religion. 
 
 It is contended by the Jefuits, though in 
 opposition to the moft credible evidence, that 
 by the adoration of the heavens, the Lord of 
 the heavens is intended to be worshipped™, and 
 that it is a remnant of that pure theifm which 
 they fuppofe to have exifted in China even 
 from the earlieft times". It is probable, indeed, 
 that in China, as in other countries of which 
 we have more particular accounts, the idola- 
 try of the vulgar was interpreted by the learn- 
 ed into a more philofophical credence. We 
 have reafon to think that they, who were 
 Shocked by grofs idolatry, explained the ho- 
 
 <c ciflement fur les honneurs que les Chinois rendent a 
 " Confucius et aux morts. Paris, 1698, p. 227. " 
 
 m See No. II. Appendix XXII. p. 54, 55. 
 
 n Le Compte, p. 312, &c. Thefe accounts, however, 
 are manifeftly unworthy of credit. (Lettres de MM. des 
 Millions Etrangeres au Pape fur les Idolatries et fur les 
 Superftitions Chinoifes, i2mo. pp. 99 — 106, no, in.) 
 Perhaps a Wronger prefumption than any which the Je- 
 fuits have produced, for the ancient purity of worfhip 
 among the Chinefe, may be derived from the application 
 of the word uSsoi to that people by Celfus ; (Burnet, Arch. 
 p. 19.) which, could Celfus be any authority refpe£ting 
 fo diftant a nation^ might be held to infer a freedom from 
 grofs idolatry. 
 
 M mage 
 
i62 SERMON VI. 
 
 mage, or the devotions in which they joined, 
 as being rendered to the natural virtue, or in- 
 herent divinity, which was manifested in the 
 heavens ; that they held doctrines not greatly 
 differing from the pantheiiiic notion of the 
 univerfal foul °, an opinion, of which it may 
 be obferved, as was intimated on a former oc- 
 cafion p , that, though it avoid the name, it 
 may be charged with the confequences of 
 atheifm. Still, however, it muft have been 
 the religion of the ignorant to worfhip the 
 vilible and material heavens q . It is no vindi- 
 cation of idolatry, that it is capable of being 
 allegorically explained. 
 
 The mode of reception, indeed, among the 
 Jefuits themfelves, of tablets r , which bore this 
 infcription, " Adore the heavens," is iympto- 
 matic of its doubtful interpretation. The uie 
 of thefe tablets they were unwilling to adopt, 
 though they feared to decline, and they ailert- 
 ed its innocence with an anxiety which feems 
 to intimate diitrult. At length, however, the\ 
 overcame their fcruples; they introduced thefe 
 
 ° Le Comte, p. 338. Lettre de MM. des Miff. Etr. 
 p. 47. 
 
 p Sermon II. p. 34. 
 
 1 Nil praeter nubes, et cceli numen adorant. 
 
 r See Appendix XXI. 
 
 tablets 
 
SERMON VI. 163 
 
 tablets by the fide of the fan&uary, and after- 
 wards on the altar itfelf s . The religious of 
 other orders acceded at firft to the fame prac- 
 tice, on the authority, and after the example 
 of the Jefuits, but with more precaution. 
 They feared that its offered defence might not 
 be altogether valid, and fufpected that it might 
 ftill conceal the fecret poifon of idolatry. 
 They explained and they protefted that they 
 might purify and correct its malignity, till at 
 length they became aftiamed of their weak- 
 nefs, and rejected it altogether with late but 
 manly refolution. \ 
 
 The ceremonies which are practifed by the 
 Chinefe, in honour of their deceafed parents 
 and anceftors, take place fome before and 
 others after interment. The firft confift chiefly 
 in offerings of flowers and perfumes, in burn- 
 ing of tapers, and in proftration of the body 
 before a table, on which is placed either, the 
 image or picture, or a tablet infcribed with 
 the name of the deceafed. After interment, 
 thefe and additional rites are repeated at ftated 
 intervals. The images or tablets before men- 
 tioned are preferved in buildings or apart- 
 
 s Lettre de MM. des Miff. Etr. p. 43.. 
 1 Ibid. 44. 
 
 m 2 ments, 
 
1 64 SERMON VI. 
 
 ments, referved in every opulent family for 
 this fingle purpofe. In families not fo consi- 
 derable as to poflefs feparate buildings or apart- 
 ments, which can be fecluded from ordinary 
 ufe, fome particular part of the houfe is ap- 
 propriated to thefe venerable memorials. The 
 produces of the Spring and Autumn are let 
 before them with the due folemnities of prof- 
 tration, and of incenfe ; and annual procef- 
 fions are instituted to the places in which the 
 bodies of the dead are buried, and w T ine, and 
 meat, and fruits are offered on their tombs u . 
 
 Such is the moft fpecious account of thefe 
 ceremonies which their principal defender in 
 Europe has been able to produce. It may 
 be added, on undoubted authority, and, fo far 
 as relates to the practice of many among the 
 unconverted Chinefe, it feems not to be de- 
 nied x ; that the tablets which have been re- 
 prefented as infcribed with the name of the 
 deceafed are intitled alfo, iC the feat of the fpi- 
 " rit" of him whofe name they bear; and that, 
 according to the formal rituals of the country, 
 the departed foul is implored, not without the 
 
 u Gobien, 223 — 5. See alfo Queftions a propofer a la 
 facree Congregation. Lettre de Mefiieurs des Miffions 
 Etrangeres, p. 81 — 85, &c. 
 
 x Gobien, 227. 
 
 facrifice 
 
SERMON VI. 165 
 
 facrifice of animals, and the libation of wine, 
 to defcend and repofe itfelf in thefe feats and 
 ilations ; is invited to accept, and to partake 
 of the offerings to its memory, and intreated 
 to gratify the particular defires, and to relieve 
 the temporal wants of thofe who pray to it y . 
 
 The ceremonies of the Chinefe in honour of 
 Confucius were of a flmilar kind. They prof- 
 trated themfelves either before his image, or a 
 tablet which bore his name. They immolated 
 victims to his honour, in temples dedicated by 
 the afperfion of the blood of animals : they 
 prepared themfelves by falling and continence 
 for the exercife of thefe folemnities. The name, 
 which was engraved on the gate of the temple 
 of Confucius, was engraved alfo on all the 
 temples of idols. The term made ufe of to 
 denote the facrifice offered to him is the fame 
 
 y Lettres de Meff. des Miffions Etr. p. 69, &c. Dom. 
 Inigo, i. 317. 
 
 " Nam et a primordio ludi bifariam cenfebantur facri et 
 " funebres, id eft Diis nationum et mortuis. Sed de ido- 
 <c lolatria nihil differt apud nos fub quo nomine et titulo, 
 " dum ad eofdem fpiritus perveniat, quibus renuntiamus, 
 " licet mortuis, licet Diis fuis faciant. Proinde mortuis 
 " fuis ut Diis faciant, una conditio partis utriufque eft, 
 f c una idololatria, una renuntiatio noftra adverfus idolola- 
 " triam." Tertullian de Spe&aculis, cap. vi. §.3. 
 
 m 3 which 
 
166 SERMON VI. 
 
 which is ufed by the Jefuits themfelves, to fig- 
 nify the auguil facrifice of Chrift : and, in the 
 more folemn feftivals, after he has been invited 
 to defcend, a minilter of the temple exclaims 
 aloud, " The fpirit of Confucius is defcend- 
 edV 
 
 Thefe ceremonies, of which to Europeans 
 at leaft it could not be denied that they bore 
 the femblance of idolatry, the Jefuits defended 
 in the Chinefe profelytes, as justifiable by the 
 known facl that the Chinefe were an ex- 
 tremely ceremonious people ; that, in the com- 
 mon intercourfe of living perfons among them, 
 proftrations were extremely common; and that 
 the meaning attached to fuch proftrations was 
 no other than is attributed by Europeans to the 
 common intercourfe of civility, and tranfgrefled 
 not the bounds of grateful remembrance, and of 
 decent refpecV. Yet to offer facrifices, to burn 
 
 z Le Compte, Lettre au Monfeign. le Due de Maine, 
 cited i ere Lettre fur les Ceremonies Chinoifes, p. 19. 
 Lettre de MM. des Miff. P^tr. p. 23, 26, 64—66. Etat 
 de la Queftion. Ibid. p. 135, 6. Gobien, Ecclairciflement 
 fur les honneurs, &c. Ilift. de l'Ed. p. 221. Cice, Lettre 
 aux Jefuites, p. 17, 21, 22. 2 f,c Lettre fur les C. C. p. 6. 
 
 a See Gobit-n, p. 219, 229. The ceremonies, however, 
 of idolatry do not feem to be the more excufable becaufe 
 offered to a living pcrfon. " The emperor of China/ ' 
 like the Roman emperors, iC is in the habit of being wor- 
 
 " (hipped 
 
SERMON VI. 167 
 
 incenfe, to bury the Ikins and the blood of 
 vi&ims that they may not be profaned b , to 
 invoke the power of the dead, and to fall prof- 
 trate before the image of Confucius, feems to 
 admit of no other poffible interpretation than 
 that of religious worfhip. It muft alfo be ob- 
 ferved, that, in fome inftances at leaft, the 
 image of Confucius was placed in the fame 
 temple with idols of acknowledged Paganifm, 
 and received from the vulgar a iimilar adora- 
 tion c . If, then, the adoration of thofe Pagan 
 idols was of a religious nature, the meaning of 
 the fame ceremonies muft have been religious 
 alfo, when offered to the images or fymbols 
 of Confucius. Could this be for a moment 
 
 iC fhipped as a god." Van Braam's EmbafTy, vol. ii. 223* 
 Engl. Tr. 8vo. 1798. Mr. Van Braam, on one occafion, 
 feems to have worfhipped him. 
 
 I (hail fubjoin, in the Appendix XXII. certain papers 
 of unqueftionable authenticity, in which the Jefuits at- 
 tempt to defend their accommodations to the Chinefe ce- 
 remonies. They will be here cited from the firft volume 
 of Salmon's Modern Hiftory, London, 1728. 8vo. 
 
 b I. Lettre fur les Ceremonies Chinoifes, p. 8. 
 
 c " Hujus Dei (Confufii fcil.) ftatuae variae quoque 
 " funt, aliae in templis prsegrandes, alias parvae, &c. 
 «*****. A dextris affiftit (by the fide of the idols 
 <e Fo and Laokien) celeberrimus ille inter numina pariter 
 " relatus Confuiius." Kircher, China illuftrata, fol. 132. 
 136. See the Print, p. 137. 
 
 M 4 doubtful, 
 
168 SERMON VI. 
 
 doubtful, the queftion has been decided by the 
 Jefuits themfelves. Had they been really con- 
 vinced that the ceremonies which they tole- 
 rated were purely civil, why did they inftrud: 
 their converts to avoid the practice of thefe 
 ceremonies whenever it was not indifpenf- 
 able d ? The averfion thus intimated implies a 
 doubt, at leaft, of their propriety. Why, if 
 they held as innocent the ceremonies of prof- 
 tration and of burning perfumes before the 
 venerated tablets of the Chinefe, why did they 
 aflert the expediency of adding to thole relics 
 either an image of Chrift, or a crofs, or a 
 tablet infcribed with the name of Jefus, whe- 
 ther to fliare the worfhip, or to fan&ify the 
 adoration e ? 
 
 It mull be obferved, alfo, that, allowing the 
 utmoli weight to the apologies of the Jefuits, 
 the ceremonies which they tolerated as inno- 
 cent were of the fame kind, and differed in 
 degree only from thofe which they reprobated 
 as idolatrous. This circumftance alone may 
 prove the invalidity of their defence ; for, 
 
 d Dilucidationes pro Soc. Jefu. Lettre de MM. des 
 Miff. Etr. p. 35. Gobien, p. 220, 309. 
 
 c Gobien, 281, 282. Lettre de M. de Cice, p. 30. See 
 Appendix XXIII. 
 
 though 
 
SERMON VI. 169 
 
 though it be granted that where there is no 
 fufpicion of idolatry, great latitude may fafely 
 be permitted in the expreffions of refpecl both 
 to the living and the dead, yet in a country 
 where it is notorious that an avowed adoration 
 is paid by avowed idolaters to the material 
 heavens, to the fouls of the dead, and to the 
 fpirit of Confucius; it is undeniable that the 
 ceremonies of proftration before images, the 
 burning of incenfe, and the apportion of wine 
 muft have partaken of the nature of idolatry. 
 
 With a diftinclion, however, which fcarcely 
 could have been expected, the Jefuits admitted 
 that thefe ceremonies and others of the fame 
 defcription were of a fuperftitious and idola- 
 trous nature, when praclifed by thofe perfons 
 who believed the popular religion of the Chi- 
 nefe. They doubted not that an idolatrous 
 meaning was attached to them by idolaters. 
 When pra&ifed, however, by the learned 
 among the Chinefe, whom they accounted 
 atheifts, or by the Chriftian converts whom 
 they confidered as untainted with idolatry, 
 they pronounced the fame ceremonies to be 
 innocent f . They inferred, probably, upon the 
 
 f II. Lettre fur les Ceremonies de la Chine, p. 17. and 
 the decree of the congregation de Propaganda, recited in 
 
 the 
 
iyo SERMON VI. 
 
 principles of their ufual caluiftry, that as the 
 intention conitituted the culpable part of ido- 
 latry, and as all ceremonies, by which a con- 
 fidence in falfe gods was not intended to be 
 exprefTed, were of a nature purely civil ; there- 
 fore all external acts which, it might be pre- 
 fumed, were adopted folely for the purpofe of 
 a compliance with exiiling laws and inftitu- 
 tions, might fafely be allowed. The fact 
 w T hich they aflume is queftionable in itfelf. 
 It is certain that neither profefled nor real un- 
 belief of any particular religion, or of religion 
 in general, is by any means a prefervative 
 from fuperftition. Many who disbelieved the 
 popular idolatry might Hill annex fome mean- 
 ing to the rites in which they joined, and it is 
 fupported by unimpeachable evidence that the 
 atheiitical philofophers of China did believe 
 that there exifted a certain virtue in the offer- 
 ings to the deceafed 2. But admitting to its 
 
 the Lettre de MM. des Millions Etrangeres, p. 162. and 
 ibid. 179. So alfo the Jefuits reafoned in India. " L'u- 
 {( fage de ces cendres eft fuperftitieux pour les Gentils, 
 u me repondit alors brufquement l'Eveque, mais non pas 
 ei pour les Chretiens qui ont une autre intention." Nor- 
 bert, Mem. Hi ft. fur Jes Millions des Jefuites, vol. ii. 
 p. 409. ed. Bcfancon, 1747, 4to. 
 
 2 Lettre de MeflT. des Miff. Etr. p. 79, 80. 
 
 utmoft 
 
SERMON VI. 171 
 
 utmoft extent the fuppofition of fuch an un- 
 meaning and merely ritual conformity, on 
 which this lingular defence is refted, yet, if 
 fuch infincerity be allowed to the profeflbrs of 
 Chriftianity, in what province of falfehood are 
 the boundaries of hypocrify to be fixed ? 
 Where can the diftinclion between idolatry 
 and the Chriftian religion, a diftin&ion always 
 neceflary to be made ftriking to thofe to whom 
 the Chriftian religion is propofed, where can 
 this diftinclion be pointed out, nay, how can 
 it exift, if ceremonies to which an idolatrous 
 meaning is annexed by idolaters, are allowed 
 to profeffing Chriftians, living in the very 
 midft of known idolatry ? It is not poffible 
 that any explanatory qualification can apolo- 
 gize in the one cafe for practices which are 
 indefenfible in the other. Why, likewife, if 
 it may be permitted to a Chinefe to comply 
 with the idolatries of the vulgar, becaufe he 
 affixes to them himfelf no meaning, and 
 ufes them only from civil and political, not 
 from religious motives, why were not the in- 
 fidel philofophers of Greece and Rome, who 
 though they did not believe in, yet facrificed 
 as citizens to the recognized deities of their 
 country, permitted by the primitive teachers 
 
 of 
 
172 SERMON VI. 
 
 of Chriffianity to continue their oblations on 
 the altars of Jupiter and Apollo b ? 
 
 To refer, however, to the practice of the 
 firft age of Chriftianity, exhibits an immediate 
 contrail to the labours of the Jefuits in China, 
 too ftrong to require a particular expofure. In 
 the early hiftory of the church we have the 
 teftimony of heathens, that the converts to our 
 religion were ready to die rather than offer 
 
 h A fimilar permiffion to retain the practice of Maho- 
 metan rites is faid to have been given by the Jefuits to 
 the Chriftian converts in the ifland of Chios. 
 
 " Le celebre P. Serry avoit avance dans la Defenfe du 
 ee Jugement rendu par le faint Siege fur les idolatries Chi- 
 " noifes, que les Jefuites de l'ifle de Chio dans l'Archi- 
 " pel y pennettoient a leurs penitentes Pexercice exterieur 
 " de la religion Mahometane, pourvu qu'elles confer- 
 " vafient dans Pinterieur la foi en Jefus Chrift : que ces 
 ,e Peres y adminiftroient en cachette les Sacremens a di- 
 {( verfes femmes qui vivoient dans cette diffimulation cri- 
 " minelle, et que cet abus impie fut decouvert in 1694. 
 te Les Jefuites s'etant inferits en faux contre cette accufa- 
 u tion, PArcheveque de Corinthe, qui etoit fur les lieux 
 " lorfque il avoit fait cette decouverte, la confirma par une 
 u declaration du 4 Juin, 17 10, ce qui fut audi attefte par 
 €( d'autres declarations." 
 
 " Voyez cette declaration en entier dans une brochure 
 " intitulee, Le Mahometifme tolere par les Jefuites dans 
 "Tide de Chio, et qui parut en 17 11." Hift. Gen. des 
 Jef. 3. 48. 
 
 fuch 
 
SERMON VI. 173 
 
 fuch honours to the ftatues of the Pagan deities, 
 or of the Roman emperors, as were permitted 
 by the Jefuits to be paid in China to the me- 
 mory of Confucius, and the fymbols of the 
 dead. We have the witnefs of enemies that, 
 in the firft preaching of the Gofpel, the fcandal 
 of the crofs was never concealed through the 
 apprehenfion of offending either Jew or Gen- 
 tile ; while the Jefuits who preached the glory, 
 and declared the triumph, were often iilent on 
 the crucifixion of our Lord '. 
 
 There is one part, indeed, of the hiftory of 
 the Apoftles, which feems to exhibit a peculiar 
 contrail to the conducl adopted by the Jefuits 
 towards the literary feci: of the Chinefe. Once, 
 at leaft, in the courfe of his miniftry, St. Paul 
 addrefled himfelf to a learned, to an Athenian 
 tribunal. He wifely adapted to local circum- 
 
 1 Stillingfleet on the Divifions of the Romifh Clergy. 
 Works, v. 169. Lettres Provinciales, p. 61. In Fleming's 
 Chriftology (vol. ii. p. 18 — 21. cited Millar, ii. 291 — 
 293.) is a long detail of the military pomp, the regal and 
 archangelic magnificence with which the Jefuits of China 
 aflerted the coming of Chrift to have been attended. 
 The ftable at Nazareth is entirely forgotten, and it is faid 
 that when at length our Saviour " took his leave of Peter 
 ie and his bifhops, he went to heaven with his army in 
 " the fame glorious and triumphant manner in which he 
 u came." 
 
 ftances 
 
i74 SERMON VI. 
 
 fiances the mode in which he declared the ex- 
 igence of the Supreme. He alluded to a re- 
 ceived theology : he quoted a philofophical 
 poet. Had he proceeded to expatiate on the 
 harmony which constituted the eflence of the 
 divinity, or the indolent fecurity in which it 
 repofed, the Academic and the Epicurean might 
 have approved the ingenuity of his harangue. 
 But the incredulous was difmayed and the 
 lceptic revolted, when the preacher urged the 
 important but unpopular doctrines of repent- 
 ance, refurrection, and judgment. " Some 
 " mocked, and others faid, We will hear thee 
 " again of this matter." The apparent re- 
 pulfe, however, was attended with a real pro- 
 grefs, which fpeculations of a nature more 
 conciliating to the prejudices of his hearers 
 might not have obtained. " The apoftle de- 
 " parted from among them. Howbeit certain 
 " men clave unto him, and believed." 
 
 Every thing that can be granted to the ex- 
 planations and apologies of the Jefuits, reflect- 
 ing their accommodations to the rites and pre- 
 judices of the Chinefe, is this only, that their 
 rcafoning may have a partial weight before a 
 Popifh tribunal, which with Proteftants it does 
 not pofTefs. It cannot be denied that the 
 ceremonies offered by the Chinefe to the 
 
 memory 
 
SERMON VI. 175 
 
 memory of Confucius, and to the fouls of the 
 defuncT:, have a parallel in the invocations of 
 the Romilh faints k . The only difference 
 which can be urged is, that the honours, 
 which in the one cafe are rendered to Hea- 
 thens, are in the other rendered to Chriftians : 
 a difference in the object, but not in the na- 
 ture or guilt of the idolatry ; certainly not in 
 its abfurdity, for it would be a vain attempt 
 to degrade the great philofopher of China, 
 though a Heathen, to a level with moft of 
 thofe names which fill the Roman martyro- 
 
 The propriety, however, of allowing Chrif- 
 tians to praclife the Chinefe ceremonies, when 
 firft it was referred to Rome, was nega- 
 tived without referve m . During the* rage of 
 
 k " Nous n'avons pas plus de raifon d'accufer d'idola- 
 " trie les ceremonies Chinoifes envers Confucius et les 
 " morts, qu'en auroient les Chinois de condamner d'ido- 
 " latrie nos profternemens devant les images des faints. *' 
 Le Comte, cited i ere Lettre fur les Ceremonies Chinoifes, 
 p. 11. It may be obferved alfo in Letter 2. p. 20. to 
 what difficulties the Roman Catholic adverfaries of the 
 Jefuits are reduced by the Popim worfhip of images. 
 
 1 Was this the opinion of the Jefuits when they de- 
 clared Confucius to have died en odeur de fainteti P 
 
 m See the decree of the congregation de Propaganda, 
 confirmed by Innocent X. in 1645. It 1S recited in the 
 
 " Etat 
 
176 SERMON VI. 
 
 the fucceeding controverfy, the Popes, as they 
 were friendly or adverfe to the interests of the 
 Jefuits, either openly condemned or indirect ly 
 protected the compliances which have been 
 recited. At length, however, a juil fenfe of 
 their enormity feems confidently to have per- 
 vaded the Papal councils ; and legates were 
 repeatedly fent from Rome to China, partly to 
 endeavour to gain the emperor's confent to 
 the toleration of pure Chriftianity, partly to 
 declare that Chriftians were never to be per- 
 mitted to join in the difputed ceremonies n . 
 
 r 
 
 « 
 
 a Etat de la Queftion," fubjoined to the Lettre de MeflT. 
 des Miff. Etr. p. 162. The Pope declared upon this oc- 
 cafion that the fufpected ceremonies ought not to be per- 
 mitted, even though the refufal fhould be attended with 
 the entire extinction of Chriftianity in China. (Lettre de 
 MM. des M. E. p. 11.) For an account of the addrefs 
 with which the Jefuits obtained a partial opinion in their 
 favour from Alexander VII. in 1656, fee ibid. p. 13. The 
 fucceeding Popes poftponed the determination of the 
 queftion from time to time, but their decifions at laft 
 fcem to have been uniformly oppofed to the compliances 
 of the Jefuits. See the decree of Clement XI. in 1710 : 
 the bull Ex ilia die, publifhed in 17 15, and the reiterated 
 edicts of Benedict XIV. Norbert, vol. iii. p. 655, 658, 
 661, &c. and Hift. du Chriftianifme, i. 248. 
 
 n For an account of the embafiies from Rome to China 
 of the Cardinal de Tournon in 1705, and of Mezzabarba 
 in 1720, fee the notes to De Mailla., Hift. Gen. de la 
 
 Chine, 
 
SERMON VI. 177 
 
 The Jefuits, though this order proceeded 
 from an authority to which they had promifed 
 an implicit obedience, in fome inftances elud- 
 ed, in others fecretly counteracted it °. They 
 neglected or defpifed the fecular ecclefiaftics, 
 by whom the decrees of the Pope were tranf- 
 mitted p . His embaffies they exerted all their 
 influence to fruftrate, they thwarted and they 
 
 Chine, vol. xi. p. 309. & 337. and Norbert, part i. liv. 
 x, xi. 
 
 " The procurators of the fociety being affembled at 
 " Rome in 17 11, it was refolved, that, to ftop the mouths 
 " of thofe who calumniated the fociety, a declaration as 
 u explicit upon this queftion as poffible mould be pre- 
 e{ fented to the Pope. The General accordingly (Tam- 
 " burini) prefented fuch a declaration, figned by himfelf, 
 <i by his four affiftants, and by twenty- three Procurators, 
 " and it muft be confefTed that no fuller or more formal 
 " proteftations could be made of a refolution to fubmit to 
 <c the decrees of Clement XI. refpecting the Chinefe ce- 
 " remonies, without any contradiction, tergiveriation, or 
 (i delay. Not with Handing this, the General wrote at the 
 i( fame time to Father Grimaldi, the vifitor of the Jefuits 
 ** in China, and one of the mod violent perfecutors of 
 " Cardinal de Tournon, exhorting him to animate him- 
 " felf in his old age with new courage in defence of the 
 " rites of the Chinefe, and aflerting that the new decree 
 " of the Pope was in their favour.'' Hift. Gen. des Jef. 
 iii. 46. 
 
 p Letter of the Bifhop of Nankin, quoted, Reflexions 
 d'un Portugais, p. 46. 
 
 n perfecu ted 
 
178 SERMON VI. 
 
 perfecuted his legates : they even openly re- 
 fufed obedience to his expreis commands, af- 
 ierting, that, had he been better informed, he 
 would have adopted different opinions q . It is 
 faid that at one time they procured, by their 
 influence with the emperor, the baniihment of 
 thofe miffionaries, who refufed to concur with 
 them in tolerating the ceremonies r ; that on 
 another occafion they entered into a confpi- 
 racy to change the fucceflion of the crown, 
 and that on the difcovery of thefe intrigues 
 a general perlecution of Chriftianity enfued s . 
 
 Had the immediate refult of this fyilem of 
 accommodation to the ceremonies of China 
 been as fuccefsful as the Jeiuits could have 
 wiihed, its eventual confequence would itill, 
 probably, have been far from beneficial. But 
 the revocation of all the privileges, which 
 were accorded to the Chrirtians in confequence 
 
 1 Hilt. Gen. de la Chine, ubi fupra. "Jamais Rome," 
 fays Pere le Comte, " ne decidera rien fur ces millions qui 
 H nous oblige : puifque nous pourrons toujours protefter 
 " aufli bien qu'eux, qu'elle n'a pas ct6 fidcllcment infor- 
 " mee de la verite des faits." Le Comte, cited, r. Lettre 
 fur lcs Ceremonies Chinoifes, p. 63. 
 
 r Hift. Gen. des Jeluites, iii. 95, 96. 
 
 5 Preface to Jeluites Criminels, p. xvii, xix, xx. See 
 alfo the avowals of P. Morao, and his fentence of death, 
 ibid, and Norbert, ii. p. 79. note. 
 
 of 
 
SERMON VI. i 79 
 
 of thefe dangerous conceflions, by the fame 
 emperor who had firft granted them ; and the 
 almoft total overthrow of the religion during 
 the reign of his fucceiibr', is a linking hiftori- 
 cal exemplification of the almoft uniform fate 
 of policy unregulated by truth. Of the Je- 
 fuits a few perfons, recommended by their 
 knowledge or their fervices, were retained in 
 the capital of China ; but all their attempts to 
 reftore the general toleration of Chriftianity 
 have proved abortive u . They have incurred 
 the difgrace, without having obtained the ends, 
 of falfehood. They have impeded by their dif- 
 graceful failure the future propagation of 
 Chriftianity, while they have fo far corrupted 
 its truth and evidence, that they have left no 
 feeds behind, which might take root for future 
 harveft. They trulted for the promotion of 
 the faith to their own political ingenuity, and 
 to the patronage of the court. Thus they 
 fought by a religion of which they had mingled 
 the truth with fuperftition to fupplant a reli- 
 gion altogether fuperftitious. Now that they 
 have been fruftrated in their attempt, all re- 
 
 * Hift Gen. de la Chine, vol. xi. note (i) p. ^Zl* an( l 
 
 PP-37 8 ? 379-3 8 3-39° J 39 I - 
 a See Appendix XXIV. 
 
 n 2 fere nee 
 
180 SERMON VI. 
 
 ference to its hiftory mutt, in China, be at- 
 tended with a contemplation of the fuperfti- 
 tion united with the truth. The attention 
 which is neceflary to feparate the one from 
 the other is feldom to be expected from the 
 careleflhefs of an ordinary inquirer. He is 
 repulied by the firft appearance of fuperftition, 
 and hefitates not to reject the religion with 
 which it is connected. On the other hand, 
 had truth alone been preached, though even 
 truth might have been, for a time, rejected, 
 yet it might have been committed with full 
 fecurity to the filent progrefs of reafon. Even 
 now, perhaps, whillt we are lamenting its 
 temporary difappointment, we might have tri- 
 umphed in its fuccefs. We might have re- 
 joiced that the moft populous kingdom of the 
 world had already received in fincerity thole 
 confoling doctrines, which, we know by the 
 lure word of God, will eventually be extended 
 even to the uttermoft ends of the earth. 
 
 The miffionaries, it is true, did not perceive 
 the narrownefs of their policy. Though they 
 cannot be vindicated from the imputation of 
 having countenanced fuperltitions of which 
 they faw the error, yet they were not fo un- 
 principled as willingly to facrifice for partial ad- 
 vantage the general propagation of Christianity. 
 
 Thev 
 
SERMON VI. 181 
 
 They thought, doubtlefs, that the indirect 
 compliances which were intended to facilitate 
 its immediate reception, would be conducive 
 to its future univerfality ; an error not fur- 
 prifing in men w r ho were educated in the 
 ftricteft habits of corporate and religious fer- 
 vitude, and who by the prejudices of their 
 education were incapacitated from perceiving 
 juftly the difference between thofe means 
 which promote the prefent interefts of party, 
 and thofe which conduce to the ultimate fe- 
 curity and fuccefs of truth. 
 
 Such was the error of the Jefuit miffiona- 
 ries. It has been already atked, and I may 
 be permitted to repeat the queftion ; If Chrifi 
 was not endued with more than human know- 
 ledge, whence could he derive the fuperior pe- 
 netration w^hich he evinced ? Was it the part 
 of an enthufiaft to make off for the firfl: time 
 the trammels of popular fuperflition ? to fore- 
 fee, as feems to have been forefeen clearly by 
 the author of Christianity, that fpeculators on 
 religion would aflume in future a novel charac- 
 ter, and exacl: a congruity to the attributes of 
 God, in thofe institutions where little had been 
 before considered but their adaptation to the 
 prejudices of mankind ? Or, if the fuppofi- 
 tion of enthuliafm cannot be defended, is it to 
 
 n 3 be 
 
182 SERMON VI. 
 
 be imagined that the conduct of an impoftor 
 would exhibit the distinction between wifdom 
 and cunning, between real policy and diffimu- 
 lation ? If thefe hidden truths were in any 
 way, on any fuppofition whatever, difcoverable 
 by a mere man, why were they not difcovered 
 by the Romifli miffionaries ? What advantage 
 in point of knowledge could the uneducated 
 fon of Mary poflefs over the moil learned 
 order of all the ecclefiaftical focieties ; which 
 the hiftory of fifteen centuries elapfed fince 
 the origin of Christianity had inttructed not 
 only in political, but fiill more in religious in- 
 formation ? What inducement to diffimula- 
 tion could have been wanting to Chrift, which 
 occurred to the miffionaries ? the one defpifed 
 as a Jew throughout the Gentile world, and 
 Itigmatized in Judea as a Nazarene : the others 
 protected by the authority, as they acted under 
 the fanction of the Roman Pontiff; reverenced 
 for intellectual ability, and vain of Spiritual 
 power. 
 
 The more particularly this queftion is dif- 
 cuffed, the more abundant will be the aifur- 
 ance with which the Christian will be enabled 
 to conclude, that the author of our religion 
 mult neceflarily have been a meflenger from 
 pn high. The difficulties are infuperable which 
 
 are 
 
SERMON VI. 183 
 
 are involved by every other fuppofition. And, 
 indeed, the certain, though, perhaps, unper- 
 ceived operation of thefe difficulties extorts 
 even from the adverfaries of Chriftianity a fl- 
 lent evidence of its truth, in that they ufually 
 abftain from all detailed examination of the 
 conduct or character of Chrift. That they 
 venture not on fuch an examination becaufe 
 they fear its eonfequences, I certainly prefume 
 not to fuppofe. We do not deny that the 
 unbeliever may be a fincere inquirer after 
 truth. It is the juftnefs of his opinions that 
 we controvert, not the fincerity with which 
 he holds them. There is a natural bias, even 
 where no fallacy is intended, to oppofe the 
 procefTes of correct and rational analyfis by 
 obfervations of a loofe and general kind, by 
 rhetorical amplifications, or by ridicule. 
 
 This bias, however, is rarely felt but by the 
 advocate of error : the advocate of truth re- 
 forts, naturally, to the methods of ftridl and 
 particular difcuffion ; and they both, per- 
 haps, adopt, refpectively, thefe different modes 
 of argumentation, unconfcious of the caufes 
 by which they are influenced in adopting 
 them. Thofe caufes are founded rather in 
 the nature of truth, and in that of error, than 
 in the art of reafoning ; but the differences 
 
 n 4 which 
 
1 84 SERMON VI. 
 
 which they create are for that very reafon of 
 the more effential and decifive importance. 
 Though it juftifies not the charge of infince- 
 rity, it argues, then, fome defect, at leaft, in 
 the conduct of the understanding, to decline 
 the clofeft and moil accurate inveftigation of a 
 character, which muft be allowed even by the 
 unbeliever himfelf to poffefs fo many claims 
 to our attention as that of Chrift. A clofe 
 and accurate inveftigation of that character is 
 what the defenders of the truth of Chriftian- 
 ity both defire and demand. A prefumption, 
 therefore, arifes in our favour even from the 
 method of argumentation which we employ. 
 And in profecuting this method, we are led 
 irrefiftibly to acknowledge, that the whole 
 conduct of Chrift is, in all refpects, fo tho- 
 roughly removed from every imputation of 
 falfehood, that, the more rigid the teft to 
 which it is fubjected, the more fincere and 
 perfect it is found. It derives every way new 
 excellence and luftre from thofe ftrict and cer- 
 tain criteria, by which divine revelation is to 
 be diftinguifhed from enthufiaftic error, and 
 truth may be known accurately from impof- 
 ture. 
 
 SERMOM 
 
SERMON VII. 
 
 John xviii. 36. 
 My kingdom is not of this world. 
 
 X HE gofpel of Chrift inculcates no prefe- 
 rence, admits of no exclufion, is open both to 
 Jew and Gentile, offers the fame falvation to 
 bond and free. No corruption is more repug- 
 nant to its fpirit than to affume or recognize 
 a difference between man and man, in the fa- 
 vour of their impartial God. Such is the cor- 
 ruption, which the miffionaries of the Jefuits 
 have fan&ioned in the Eaft, by accommodat- 
 ing the Chriftianity which they preached to 
 the cafts of Brahminical fuperflition. 
 
 The natives of Hindoltan, it is well known, 
 have been long divided into orders widely dif- 
 criminated from each other. Intermarriage 
 and domeftic intercourfe are forbidden be- 
 tween 
 
i86 SERMON VII. 
 
 tween them all \ The fifth and loweft of 
 thefe orders is funk in a ftate of degradation 
 unparalleled among mankind. Its very pre- 
 fence is ofFenfive, and its touch pollutes b . Eu- 
 ropeans, by mixing with the wretched out- 
 calls, of whom this laft tribe is compofed, as 
 with beings of a common nature c , feem long 
 to have fhared in the fame contempt with 
 which they were treated. This contempt was 
 a difficulty fcarcely to be furmounted by the 
 teachers of Chriftianity in exercifing the mif- 
 
 a Raynal, i. 55. 4to. Geneve, 1780. See the Laws of 
 Menu, tranflated by Sir W. Jones. 
 
 b Ray. 53. It is not, perhaps, altogether accurate to fpeak 
 of the Farias as a fifth cajl, or tribe. It is faid that, pro- 
 perly, they are to be confidered as excluded from all cajL 
 As this, however, is a mere queftion of words, and, parti- 
 cularly, as the precife meaning and varieties of cajl may be 
 ftill but imperfectly known, it feems beft to adhere to the 
 language of preceding writers. See the Introduction to 
 Orme's Hiftory of the War in India. " . . . . dcs Par- 
 (i reas ; ne voulant pas favorifer la faufTe idee des Indiens 
 " a l'egard de cette carte." Norbert, i. p. 12. note. See 
 note (f ) to this Sermon. " Harri Cart." Dow's DifT. 
 prefixed to the firft volume of the tranflation of Ferifhta, 
 p. xxxii. " Outre ces tribus, il y en a une cinquiume 
 M qui eft le rebut de toutes les autres." Raynal, 53. 
 " Les hommes de toutes les cades honnctes." Ibid. 56. 
 << La diftin6lion des quatres premieres caftes. ,, Ibid. 38. 
 
 c Ibid. 55. 
 
 fionarv 
 
SERMON VII. 187 
 
 iionary office. A nation bigotted to its idola- 
 tries, and vain of an hereditary priefthood, to 
 which it attributed a divine origin, was little 
 difpofed to hear with impartiality, or to regard 
 with reverence, the religious do&rines of men 
 who converfed freely with perfons whom it 
 both hated and defpifed. 
 
 The Capuchins, accordingly, who eftablilh- 
 ed the firft millions to India, lament uniformly 
 the iyftem of calls among the Hindus, as being 
 the great obftacle to their conversion. It is 
 faid never to have been in any degree counte- 
 nanced by that religious order. The Jefuits, 
 on the other hand, too unrefervedly anxious 
 to conciliate the prejudices of Hindolian, con- 
 fented, though not without fome feelings of 
 compunction, to acquiefce in thefe diftinc- 
 tions d . To ingratiate themfelves with the fu 
 perior cafts, they prohibited the unhappy Pa- 
 rias from aflembling in the fame place of wor- 
 lhip e , and, confequently, from communicating 
 at the fame table. The baptifmal font, at 
 which the children of the nobler orders were 
 
 d Norbert, i. 9, 10. ii. 228. 295. Monarchic des Solip- 
 fes, p. 212, &c. IVl ickle's Lufiad. p. 473. 4to. ed. 1778. 
 
 c Norbert, i. 10, 11. This was the cafe even at Pondi- 
 cheri. Ibid. ii. 414, 416, 417. 
 
 admitted 
 
188 SERMON VII. 
 
 admitted into the Chriftian church, was never 
 to be profaned by the fprinkling of the fame 
 water on the progeny of that detefted tribe. 
 The Jefuit miffionaries profefled the fame ab- 
 horrence of the defilement communicated by 
 the touch of the Paria, as was teftified by the 
 priefts of Brahma. They refufed to enter his 
 roof even when he lay at the point of death, 
 either as the mellengers of religious confola- 
 tion, or to adminifter the Romilh facraments. 
 They refufed to fee him when fick, unlefs he 
 was brought to the threfhold of his door, and 
 even then made ufe of inftruments to apply 
 the confecrated oil, that their own perfons 
 might incur no pollution f . 
 
 Corrupted as is the church of Rome from 
 the purity of the Chriftian faith, an abufe fo 
 glaring as this which has been defcribed could 
 not fail, at leaft in the eighteenth century, to 
 incur its reprobation. The cardinal Lamber- 
 tini had long oppofed the accommodating po- 
 
 f Ibid, and ii. 143. iii. 603. It feems that, in fome in- 
 flances, they refufed to hold any communication with the 
 Parias but with fpeaking trumpets. i( Et que voulant 
 " pafler pour brammes, vos miflionaires ne peuvent plus 
 u communiquer avec les autres caftcs, qu'avec des trom- 
 " pettes parlantes." Lettre du gouverneur de Pondicheri 
 au P. Tachard, Jcfuitc, ibid. i. 214. 
 
 licy 
 
SERMON VII. 189 
 
 Iicy of the Jefuits s , and, when elevated to the 
 Papal dignity by the title of Benedict the 
 fourteenth, he condemned their practices for- 
 mally and without referve. This crafty order, 
 however, always fertile in expedients, con- 
 trived to evade the fentence fulminated againfi: 
 them by a compromife, to which it is furprif- 
 ing that the court of Rome mould have at all 
 fubmitted ; to which it is fiill more furprifing 
 that it mould appear willingly to have con- 
 fented. After explicitly condemning the con- 
 duel which had been before purfued, the bull 
 ifTued by Benedict thus proceeds. " It has 
 " fortunately happened that the miffionaries 
 " of the fociety of Jefus have promifed that, 
 " with our confent, they will depute a certain 
 " number of miffionaries, whole principal care 
 " mall be directed to convert and to inftru6t 
 <c the Parias. As thefe means appear to us 
 " fufBcient for the end propofed, the conver- 
 " fion and falvation of thefe perfons, we ac- 
 " cept them w r ith all the teftimonies of a pa- 
 " ternal joy, we approve them, and recom- 
 (( mend their practice ^ Who fees not that 
 
 s Norbert, ii. 14, &c. 
 
 h Bull Omnium Sollicitudinum, 1744. Norbert, iii. 
 611. 
 
 by 
 
190 SERMON VII. 
 
 by this permiflion the grand abufe, which had 
 before exifted, is tolerated and confirmed ? 
 Chrilt is ftill divided. The principal care, 
 which certain millionaries are appointed to 
 bellow on the unhappy Parias, muft necefla- 
 rily, in the circumftances of the cafe, be ex- 
 clufive, and the prejudices of the fuperior cafts 
 are fanclioned by acquiefcence. It is extraor- 
 dinary that fo grofs an inconiiftency fhould 
 have been admitted into a decree of which the 
 general tenour is highly liberal and enlight- 
 ened, and which proceeds to repeat, in exprefs 
 terms, the undeniable docirine of the Apoltle, 
 that there is no diftinclion between bond and 
 free among them which are the children of 
 God by faith which is in Chrift Jefus \ It 
 places, however, in a ftrong light the iniinu- 
 ating policy of the Jefuits, and their invincible 
 attachment to a fyftem of teaching Chriftianity 
 which was regulated by views of particular 
 expediency. 
 
 The four firii calls of the Hindus lay claim 
 to a divine orioin as the defcendants of Brah- 
 ma, and the prietts are allowed a high preemi- 
 nence of dignity \ The Jefuits, that they 
 
 J Gal. iii. 26, 28. 
 
 k Raynal, i- 38- Norbert, i. 42. Laws of Menu, tranf- 
 lated by Sir \V, Jones, i. §. 31. 
 
 might 
 
SERMON VII. i 9 i 
 
 might procure for thcmfelves the fame refpect, 
 profefled themfelves to be defcendants of the 
 fame deity, and aflumed the habit of the In- 
 dian priefthood. They afferted the title and 
 attributes of European Brahmens, and pre- 
 tended to exhibit written documents of their 
 eftablifhment in the Weft, from a period more 
 remote than that which their Afiatic brethren 
 claimed as the date of their inftitution in the 
 fabulous antiquity of Hindoftan. One of the 
 moft eminent of the miffionaries, on whom 
 the title of apoftle feems commonly to have 
 been bellowed, declared by oath to the dif- 
 truftful Indians, that he himfelf was defcended 
 from their own paternal deity. He embraced 
 the ftrideft feci: of their religion, and exacted 
 a perfonal homage which fcarcely differed from 
 adoration '. 
 
 The Hindus were authorifed by the Jefuits 
 
 1 This Jefuit was Nobili. Mofheim, ii. 289. Millar's 
 Prop, of Chriftianity, ii. 239. Norbert, i. 14. ii. 143. 
 note (a). The Jefuits in India habited themfelves as Sa- 
 lvias : they abftained from the flefti of the cow, which, for 
 known reafons, is held facred by the Hindus : (Norbert, 
 ii. 415. iii. 69.) and it is faid, that, jealous of the rival 
 order of the Capuchins, they vilified them as being Eu- 
 ropeans of the lowed caft, and refufed to eat with them. 
 Ibid. i. 11. note (b) } ii. 420. 
 
 to 
 
i 9 2 SERMON VIL 
 
 to continue in their profeffion of Chriftianity 
 the ufage of allies made from a fubftance par- 
 ticularly connected with the idolatries of their 
 country, and rubbed on the body with fuper- 
 iiitious ceremonies" 1 . They were even per- 
 mitted to repeat the cuftomary invocations of 
 heathen gods n . It was ufual to frequent the 
 bath only at certain times, and with peculiar 
 ceremonies and prayers. The compliance with 
 thefe practices was allowed by the Jefuits to 
 their Indian converts, with the refervation, on 
 principles well known in Europe, that they 
 were to direcl: their intention folely to the 
 phyfical ufes of ablution . In the rites of 
 marriage, and of burial, much was tolerated 
 that was decidedly fuperftitious, more that 
 was of queftionable propriety 15 In fome in- 
 stances, alfo, idolatries were adopted from 
 choice, without even a pretention of neceflity. 
 The worfhip of the Virgin was introduced in 
 India, and was taught to aflume a peculiar 
 likenefs to that of Pagan idols. A ftudied re- 
 ference to Pagan ceremonies was maintained, 
 the mufical initruments ufed in the proceffion 
 
 m Millar's Prop, of Chriftianity, ii. 276. 
 n Norbcrt, ii. 241 — 243. 
 Ibid. i. 46, 47. 
 p Ibid. ii. 417. 
 
 were 
 
SERMON VII. 193 
 
 were borrowed from Pagan temples, and the 
 image itfelf was attired with Pagan orna- 
 ments q . 
 
 It is not doubtful that, by fuch compliances 
 with the prejudices of an ignorant people, a 
 very considerable number of converts to a no- 
 minal Chriftianity might eafily be gained". It 
 would readily be believed to be a variety of 
 Paganifm. Novelty is always prepoffeffing, 
 when it does not involve a contradiction to 
 received opinions and cuftoms ; and the grati- 
 fication w r hich the Hindus would naturally 
 feel, in feeing the rites of their old religion 
 adopted by Europeans, was not likely to be 
 much impaired by any repugnance to novel 
 explications of their creed, or the concurrent 
 admiffion of a new worfhip s . 
 
 1 Norbert, i. 62. ii. 429. 
 
 r Father Royer of Tonquin announces in a letter of 
 Dec. 15, 1707, (Lettres Edifiantes, x. 433.) that he had 
 baptized in the courfe of that year 1077 adults, and 955 
 children. Norbert, iii. 86. For an account of the rapid 
 progrefs of the Jefuits in Celebes, fee Benard, ii. 60, 61. 
 
 s The vulgar, fo long as their practices are not inter- 
 fered with, are ufually very ready to fubfcribe to the be- 
 lief of abftracl: and fpeculative doctrines, however obfcure. 
 {D'Alembert fur la Deftrudtion des Jefuites, p. 48, 49.) 
 The abfurdity of an opinion may prevent it from retain- 
 ing a permanent influence in their minds, but feems to be 
 
 o no 
 
194 SERMON VII. 
 
 Conversions, however, fuch as thefe were 
 little to be defired. Though they might mul- 
 tiply the congregations of the Jetuits, they 
 could not increafe the joy of judicious Chris- 
 tians \ If fuch be the profeffion of our faith 
 eftabliihed among the natives of the Eaft, it 
 might be better that they had never known the 
 ways of righteoufnefs. Our God is a jealous 
 God, and will be adored alone \ They, who 
 would fo lightly take upon themfelves the 
 name of Jems, would abandon it with the 
 fame facility. It w T as, indeed, often proved 
 that they accelerated not the real progrefs of 
 Chriftianity, however their numbers might 
 confer an apparent fplendour on the reputa- 
 tion of their inftrudtors. As they had never 
 felt the conviction of truth, fo they pollefled 
 not the fervour of enthufiafm. The inhabit- 
 ants of Hindoftan, in a preceding age, had 
 perfevered, with almoll unexampled conltancy, 
 
 no bar to its immediate reception. The fury of the Bac- 
 chanals (Liv. 1. xxxix. c. 8. et feqq.) or the Anabaptifts 
 probably increafed rather than diminifhed the number ot 
 their profelytes. " The ordinary Chinefe," fays Le Compte, 
 " do not boggle at the myfteries." 
 
 1 Norbert, i. 54. 
 
 u Exodus xxxiv. 14. Norbert, ii. 509, 510. See alfo 
 2 Cor. vi. 14 — 16. and Div. Leg. vol. iv. p. 176. ed. 
 
 in 
 
SERMON VII. 195 
 
 in their adherence to the worfhip of Brahma, 
 and, while they patiently fubmitted to the 
 fvvord of Tamerlane, refufed to acknowledge 
 the creed of Mahomet. The converts of the 
 Jefuits among the fame people fhrank, with 
 fcarcely an exception, from the teft of perfe- 
 cution x , a difference in conduct between na- 
 tives of the fame country, for which no indi- 
 vidual diftinclion of character can be alleged, 
 and which would not have exifted, had the 
 teachers of Chriftianity inculcated the Chrif- 
 tian truth, had they ftudied to promote, not 
 the mere profelTion of their faith, but the af- 
 fent of the underftanding, and the religion of 
 the heart. 
 
 In the millions which were principally con- 
 dueled by French ecclefiaftics, it might be ex- 
 peeled, and it will be found, that an honefter 
 iyftem was obferved, than that which was 
 followed by the natives of other countries 
 more deeply funk in Papal fuperftitions. The 
 privileges of the Gallican church contributed 
 to maintain among its members an inde- 
 pendance of fpirit, and a liberty of judgment, 
 which was exceeded in Proteftant communi- 
 ties alone. Thefe privileges, though poflefled, 
 
 K Benard, Difc. Prelim, p. 34. Norbert, i. 73, 189. 
 
 o 2 eon ft it u- 
 
196 SERMON VII. 
 
 conftitutionally, only by the fecular clergy, 
 yet contributed to form, generally, a manlier 
 tone of religious fentiment, by which the re- 
 gulars themfelves, from whom the miffionaries 
 were ufually fupplied, were naturally influ- 
 enced. 
 
 Even thefe miffionaries, however, ufed me- 
 thods of propagating Chriltianity lefs objec- 
 tionable, indeed, than thofe which have been 
 related, but iiill too certainly liable to fevere 
 and juft animadverfion. In failing, and aufte- 
 rities of the ftricfteft kind, they avowedly con- 
 tended for preeminence with the priefts of 
 idols y . They abftained from meat purpofely 
 to conciliate the approbation of thofe who 
 were induced, by the peculiar tenets of their 
 fuperftition, to obferve a limilar abtlinence. In 
 adopting this conducl they pretended to acT: 
 on the authority of St. Paul % forgetful that 
 what, with them, w^as a compliance with ido- 
 latrous opinions, was, with him, precifely the 
 reverfe. In the cafe of the Corinthians, the 
 eating of meat facrificed to idols, not ablii- 
 nence from it, was the queftionable conduct. 
 
 y Hift. de 1'EtablifT. du Chrift. i. 173, ct fcqq. ii. 190. 
 z 1 Cor. viii. Benard, i. 70. Hift. de 1'Et. du Chrift. i. 
 
 l 75- 
 
 The 
 
SERMON VII. 197 
 
 The abftinence of the miflionaries was dic- 
 tated not by the fear of offending the weaker 
 brethren, but by the hope of conciliating the 
 prejudices of idolaters. 
 
 When Chriitianity has been preached among 
 heathen nations, it has been ufual for its teach- 
 ers to meet with the requifition, "Work mira- 
 " cles, and we will believe." This demand 
 has given rife to frequent miraculous preten- 
 tions, and Xavier, in particular, is laid to have 
 been endued with the full prerogative of an 
 apoftle ; to have poffefled the gift of tongues ; 
 to have call out devils ; to have appeafed tem- 
 pells, and to have raifed the dead \ 
 
 The pretentions of the French miflionaries 
 to Siam were lefs alfuming. On certain occa- 
 sions, however, where miracles have been de- 
 manded, and promifes held out of embracing 
 Chriitianity, on the exhibition of this fenlible 
 evidence of its truth, they profefs to have 
 offered fuccefsful prayers for the interference 
 of divine agency, or to have recited portions 
 of the Scripture, as the means by which divine 
 affiftance might be expected 5 . 
 
 a Turfellini vit. Xav. lib. ii. 7. iv. 3. vi. 1 — 4. Millar's 
 Prop, of Chrift. ii. 237. Hift. de PEt. du Chrift. i. p. 1. 
 
 b Ibid. p. 234, 239. This work, indeed, is full of mi- 
 raculous interpofitions. See alfo Le Compte, p. 363. It 
 
 o 3 would 
 
198 SERMON VII. 
 
 Proteftants, we cannot doubt, would have 
 refilled the demand, would have anfwered, 
 that miracles, though necefiarily vouchfafed 
 for the eftablilhment of Chriftianity, had wifely 
 been withdrawn in later ages ; that, where 
 God has already given fufficient evidence of 
 the truth, man has no right to demand addi- 
 tional alTurance either in kind, or in degree. 
 
 A reply of this nature was not, perhaps, to 
 be expected from the members of a church 
 which is ftill unwilling to abandon its claim to 
 the continued power of miracles. Yet, though 
 this were a real inftead of a pretended power, 
 how different are the manner and circum- 
 ftances in which it was here exercifed, from 
 thofe which characterize the miracles of the 
 Gofpel ! Thefe were never performed at the 
 requisition of unbelievers. Chrift, though he 
 appealed to the evidence of his miraculous 
 works, refuted to fubmit their exercife to hu- 
 man prefcription. Though he arofe from the 
 dead, that he might fatisfy reafonable doubt, 
 he defcended not from the crofs either to 
 
 would be endlefs to enumerate the various pretentions to 
 miraculous power which have been made by the more 
 bigoti'.-d Jefuits. One of the moft ridiculous liories of 
 this kind is related of Anchieta in Brazil. Jouvenci, lib. 
 xxiii. p. 766. cited Bcnard, liv. iii. §. 43. 
 
 humble 
 
SERMON VII. 199 
 
 humble the pride, or filence the taunts of in- 
 credulity. The miracles of Chrift and his 
 apoftles were given freely, not conditionally : 
 and though bellowed with a merciful conde- 
 fcenfion to human infirmity of belief, are to 
 be confidered not as the price of converfion, 
 but as the reward of faith. This diftinciion 
 between the manner and circumftances in 
 which the Gofpel miracles are laid to have 
 been performed, and the manner and circum- 
 ftances attendant on the more recent preten- 
 tions of the fame kind, may indicate a dif- 
 ference in truth. It is a refinement, to which, 
 though highly congruous to the dignity of the 
 Supreme, it is not probable that enthufiaits, 
 men ufually of confined intellect, ftiould uni- 
 formly have adhered. Impoftors would have 
 defired no circumftances but fuch as might 
 conduce to the fuccefsful management of their 
 fraud, and, where this was practicable, would 
 have gloried in accepting the challenge of an 
 adverfary c . 
 
 Of this nature was the policy of the Romifh 
 emiflaries as it refpecled the Pagan natives of 
 the Eaft. It is now to be confidered in its 
 application to very different objecls. Among 
 
 c See Picart, Engl. Tr. vol. ii. p. 34. note. 
 
 o 4 the 
 
200 SERMON VII. 
 
 the petty kingdoms which compoied the ibuth- 
 ern part of the peninfula of India, there had 
 exifted, certainly, from the beginning of the 
 fixth, and, probably, from that of the fourth 
 century, a Chriftian church considerable for its 
 numbers, and profeffing to hold the Patriarch 
 of Babylon for its fpiritual head d . Its mem- 
 bers, an induftrious, acute, and polithed people, 
 poilefled an allowed fuperiority over the other 
 natives of the country, who were deeply funk 
 in fuperftition e . Their honefty in commerce 
 and their fobriety of morals were free from all 
 reproach f . Their religious creed appears in 
 
 d The ftory of St. Thomas having vilited India feems 
 to be completely fabulous. It has been faid that Chrif- 
 tianity was taught in Malabar by a difciple of Manes. 
 (La Croze, 41, 42.) At the council of Nice, held in the 
 year 325, was prefent a bifhop r^g sv YIsc<nh iracr, xai rr, 
 pzyctXri hfou : and Suidas cites an ancient author, who 
 fpeaks of the inhabitants of the interior of India being 
 baptized In the reign of Conftantine the Great. (Ibid. 44.) 
 Cofmas Indicopleuftcs, who teftifies unequivocally the ex- 
 igence of Chriftians in Malabar, wrote about the year 547. 
 (Ibid. 38 ) See La Croze, Chriftianifme des Indes, and 
 Geddes's account of the Synod of Diamper. The archbi- 
 lhop of Malabar is faid to have had fuffragans in the 
 ifland of Socotora, and in China. Thefaurus Epiftolicus 
 La-crozianus, vol. ii. p. 15, 16, 20, 21. 
 
 c La Croze, 88, 89. 
 
 f Ibid. 94. 
 
 fome 
 
SERMON VII. 201 
 
 fome refpecls to have been perplexed with 
 verbal diftinclions, and to have degenerated 
 from apoftolic purity of docftrine ; but it is to 
 deemed comparatively pure, when contrafted 
 with the Papal fuperftitions. They denied 
 not only the fupremacy of the Roman Pontiff, 
 but alfo the excluiive principles on which it is 
 founded. The celibacy of the prieithood they 
 did not recognize, the fables of purgatory and 
 tranfubftantiation they rejected, they con- 
 demned the ufe of images, and abhorred the 
 tyranny of confeffion g . 
 
 Ignorant of the evils which ecclefiaftical 
 ufurpation had caufed among the weflern na- 
 tions, they gladly hailed the European profef- 
 fors of a common faith, to whom the progrefs 
 of maritime difcovery had opened the way to 
 India. We may, indeed, conceive the exulta- 
 tion with which a fecluded colony of Chris- 
 tians, who, though they pofleffed a legal efta- 
 
 s See La Croze, and the account of the Church of Ma- 
 labar prefixed to Geddes's Hiftory of the Synod of Diam- 
 per. The Malabrians had no ecclefiaftical eftablifhment, 
 and the priefthood did not exclude from fecular employ. 
 La Croze, 178. & 181. " Exclufive of the taint of Nef- 
 " torianifm, there was no church previous to the Reforma- 
 " tion that had fo few errors in doctrine." Geddes, Pre- 
 face. 
 
 blifhment 
 
202 SERMON VII. 
 
 bliihment of their religion ' , yet lived under 
 heathen princes, muft view the worfhippers ot 
 the true God, arriving on their coalts from a 
 country fcarcely known to them by name, 
 through vail, perilous, and untried oceans. 
 We may imagine alfo in the hearts of thefe 
 intrepid ftrangers a generous expanfion and 
 pious joy at difcovering the Chriftian name 
 and worihip in thefe long fought and diftant 
 regions '. 
 
 Such natural feelings, if they exitted, were 
 foon extinguilhed. The miffionaries, to whofe 
 care, on the eitablifhment of the Portuguefe 
 power, the propagation of the Papal faith in 
 India was committed, beheld the native Chrif- 
 tians, unacquainted as they were with the 
 claims, or unwilling to recognize the authority 
 of the biihop of Rome, not in the light of bre- 
 thren, but of heretics. They fpared neither craft 
 nor violence to conciliate or enforce obedience 
 to that ufurping pontiff. They feized, and 
 lent prifoners to Europe, bifhops who traced 
 the line of their confecration to the ancient 
 
 h Ln Croze, 95, 96. 
 
 1 The Chrillians of Malabar claimed the afMance of 
 Vafco dc Gama in 1502 : and they are (aid, but I doubt 
 the fact, to have offered themfelves as fubjects to the king 
 of Portugal. Geddes, p. 3. La Croze, 49, 50. 
 
 and 
 
SERMON VII. 203 
 
 and independent metropolitans of Seleucia\ 
 They began their preaching with affertions of 
 the exclufive catholicifm of Rome ; they ex- 
 communicated the eftablifhed priefts, and 
 ftudied to overcome the popular indignation 
 confequent on thefe enormities by the affifl- 
 ance of Heathen princes \ 
 
 The crafty prelate, who bore the principal 
 ihare in the temporary reduction of the Ma- 
 labrian to a conformity with the Romifli 
 
 k Geddes, p. 12. La Croze, 58, 60, 62. A Jefuit was 
 made bifhop of the Serra. Geddes, 44. La Croze, 77. 
 The native priefts were permitted to continue the exercife 
 of their functions, folely on condition of putting away 
 their wives, and many were, accordingly, actually de- 
 prived of them. Menezes excommunicated two ecclefi- 
 aftics who refufed to comply with this injunction. Geddes, 
 308. La Croze, 285, 292, 295, 311. 
 
 1 Geddes, 93. " Son hiftorien (Giufeppe di S. Maria) 
 " avoue qu'il emploia utilement le pouvoir des rois Gen- 
 li tils ; en forte que par des prilbns, des fequeftrations de 
 u biens, et par d'autres pareilles induftries, il gagna 
 " beaucoup d'ames, et remit des pais entiers dans le droit 
 " chemin. Ce font les paroles de cet auteur." La Croze, 
 392, 323. {( Ce fut done une neceflite d'avoir recours 
 Ci aux armes pour la defenfe de la verite opprimee. Elle 
 * c triompha enfin couverte d'une pourpre teinte du fang de 
 " fes devots." The fame author cited, ibid. p. 403. The 
 Jefuits fomented divinons alfo among the Chriftians 
 themfelves. Geddes, 20. Juft obfervations on their con- 
 dud by a Mahometan chief. Ibid. 25. fee alfo p. 28. 
 
 church, 
 
2o 4 SERMON VII. 
 
 church, reiblved to itrengthen his caufe b) the 
 
 approbation of a diocefan lynod. This fynod 
 lie convoked on the pretended authority of 
 Clement the eighth, who then poflefled the 
 Papal dignity ; and he fecured a decifion fa- 
 vourable to his views by conferring orders, a 
 lhort time previous to the allembly, on a great 
 majority of the priefts by whom it was com- 
 peted m . This act was a violation not only of 
 natural equity, but alio of pofitive engage- 
 ments ; and the perfons thus ordained had 
 previoufly contented to an abjuration of their 
 old religion, and had fubferibed the Popilli 
 creed. With this commanding influence over 
 fome, and with, the power of intimidating 
 others ", Menezes prevailed upon the mem- 
 bers of the fynod to decree that the ancient 
 books of their religion lhould be deftroved ; 
 none being retained but fuch as lhould be cor- 
 rected by the Jefuits . He appointed an alter- 
 
 m Geddes, p. 107. La Croze, 133, 172. A conduct 
 precifely fimilar had been propofed by Laines while Vicar 
 General of the Jefuits, during the interregnum which 
 lucceeded the death of Loyola. Benard, i. 199. 
 
 n La Croze, 279. 
 
 Synod of Diamper, by Geddes, p. 134. La Croze, 
 221. There is an Index Kxpurgatorius for the ufe of the 
 Malabar Christians in the fourteenth decree of the third 
 iefliou. Geddes, p. 154. 
 
 ation 
 
SERMON VII. 205 
 
 ation of the Syriac Scriptures to a conformity 
 with the Vulgate Latin, and committed to the 
 flames whatever monuments of heterodoxy 
 he could collecl: from the archives of various 
 churches, with a zeal which, if more enlight- 
 ened, was certainlv far lefs to be excufed than 
 that Mohammedan fuperiiition which deftroy- 
 ed the Alexandrian library p . He impofed on 
 thefe unhappy regions the whole mafs of 
 Popiili idolatry and fuperftition, and implant- 
 ed among them the inquisitorial tribunal in all 
 its horrors q . 
 
 p La Croze, 295, 309, 310. 
 
 * La Croze, 247, 280, 359. Menezes in the beginning 
 of his career feems to have maintained a correfpondence 
 with the Inquifitor General at Lifbon. Ibid. 72. Geddes, 
 39, 40. The holy office became afterwards more de- 
 fpotic and opprernve at Goa, than any where in Europe. 
 Giufeppe di S. Maria, on burning the palanquin of the 
 heretical archdeacon of Malabar, feems to have lamented 
 that he could not, at the fame time, burn his body. La 
 Croze, 409. 
 
 The oftentation of the Romifh prelates in India was no 
 lefs remarkable than their tyranny. In a triumphal pro- 
 ceffion at Angamale Menezes feems to have attempted 
 an imitation of our Saviour's entry into Jerufalem. Ibid. 
 294. u Le Jefuite Gouvea fait ici une reflexion en ap- 
 " prouvant fort ces emportemens de Menezes. II dit que 
 " parmi ces infidelles dans des affaires d'importance l'hu- 
 " milite et la modeftie ne fervent de rien, parceque ces 
 
 u vertup 
 
2o6 SERMON VII. 
 
 It is certain that by fuch conduct the 
 eventual interefts even of the Romifh com- 
 munion were very far from being confulted. 
 Though its tyranny was awhile fupported by 
 the fame means by which it was introduced, 
 by artifice in conciliating adherents, and by 
 inflicting on its oppofers confifcation, impri- 
 fonment, and death, it continued only half a 
 century, and the attempts which were made 
 for its reeftablilhment were interrupted by the 
 downfal of Portuguefe authority on the coafts 
 of Malabar r . 
 
 u vertus leur font i neon n lies, et qu'ils n'eftiment que 
 6C l'orgueil et la hauteur." La Croze, 1^4. " Cette often- 
 " tation, qui a ete maintenue par tous les prelats des 
 U Indes, eft d'elle-meme necelfaire parmi une nation bar- 
 <c bare, qui ne fauroit fe former aucune idee de Dieu, fi 
 u elle ne voit des pompes et des grandeurs. " Giufeppe di 
 St. Maria. La Croze, 399. 
 
 1 Natives of Malabar, though of the nobleft. families, 
 who had been ordained at Rome, were rejected by their 
 countrymen from the difcharge of the clerical office. 
 Geddes, 64. La Croze, 55. See alio p. 80. Inferences 
 of the eventual benefit which the Portuguefe might have 
 derived from a lefs violent policy may be collected from 
 La Croze, 351, 366, 367, 411. 
 
 They endeavoured on their expulfion to fow the feeds 
 of ecclefiaftical difTenfion in the diocefe which they left. 
 Ibid. 415. But though the Roman Catholic forms are 
 ftill retained by a majority of the Malabar churches, yet 
 
 all 
 
SERMON VII. 207 
 
 Had the pretentions of the Roman church 
 been lefs excluflve ; had its pontiff been will- 
 ing to admit the patriarch of Moful, whofe 
 jurifdiclion had been fo long acknowledged by 
 thefe Indian Chriftians, to a participation only 
 of his authority, it is probable that he might 
 have obtained the recognition of his own fu- 
 premacy. Had the different orders to which 
 the work of conversion was intrufted remained 
 faithful to the common caufe, inftead of quar- 
 relling on individual interefis s , their concen- 
 trated efforts might have ftill remained victo- 
 rious. Had the doctrine, which was efpoufed 
 by miflionary zeal, been truth, not fable, the 
 genuine oracles of Chriftianity, inftead of the 
 
 all perfecution feems to have ceafed ever fince the expul- 
 fion of the Portuguefe. See Appendix XXV. 
 
 s Chriftianifme des Indes, Pref. p. xx. Norbert, i. 284, 
 294, The Jefuits carried the Janfenift controverfy even 
 into China. Lettre de M. de Cice, p. 45. A heathen of 
 eminence, it is faid, applied to a Capuchin miffionary, 
 and profefled a defire of being baptized, provided that, 
 after baptifm, he fhould belong to the communion of the 
 Capuchins, and not to that of the Jefuits. It feems that 
 this requeft could not be granted without the confent of 
 the bifhop of the diocefe. It confequently was referred 
 to him, and by him to his fraternity, by whom it was 
 negatived, Norbert, ii. 140. See ibid. 106, 108. 
 
 forged 
 
2oS SERMON VII. 
 
 forged and lying gofpels and lives of the Apo- 
 iHes \ which tended to the eiiabliihment not 
 of Chriftian, but of Papal faith : nay, had it 
 been Popery itfelf, diverted of its moft glaring 
 and offenfive errors, its teachers might have 
 permanently enjoyed the afcendancy of Euro- 
 pean genius. Thefe realms of India might 
 have continued to be theirs, might have af- 
 forded to them not only a titular epifcopacy, 
 but alfo real power ; and the Roman pontiff 
 might have ftill confoled himfelf for the dimi- 
 nution of his authoritv in ancient Chriften- 
 dom, by reflecting on the new empire which 
 had fubmitted to acknowledge his prerogative 
 in Eaftern regions u . But the fhortfighted 
 emiffaries of the papacy looked not beyond 
 the actual conjuncture, and fought only for 
 particular refources. Their blindnefs alfo to 
 the future difqualified them in many inftances 
 from determining juftly even for the prefent ; 
 and they, confequently, experienced, like other 
 difingenuous politicians, that to linger, at cri- 
 tical periods, in the miferable detail of tempo- 
 
 1 See Appendix XXVI. 
 
 tt Paolo Sarpi, Hiftoire du Concile de Trent, livre vi. 
 chap. 58. ed. Courayer. 
 
 rary 
 
SERMON VII. 209 
 
 rary expedients, ferves only to accelerate im- 
 pending ruin \ 
 
 Though the obftacles thus arifing from the 
 infincere and partial methods which have been 
 adopted to promulgate the creed of Rome, 
 both in Pagan and in Chriftian India, have, 
 hitherto, prevented its farther progrefs, it is 
 pleafing, however, to reflect that the church 
 of Malabar is iiill exiftent, ignorant, perhaps, 
 in comparifon of European Chriftians, but un- 
 questionably fincere in its profeffions, and un- 
 fettered in its independence. And though 
 the extenfive plains of Hindoftan are divided 
 between the difciplcs of Mahomet and of 
 Brahma, the time, affu redly, will come, when 
 a brighter day fhall rife on thofe diftant re- 
 gions, and when the purity with which the 
 gofpel of our Redeemer will be preached upon 
 the banks of Ganges, or in the ftreets of Delhi, 
 fhall atone for the corruptions with which 
 it has been long oppreffed. I would that 
 the immediate probability of fuccefs were 
 equal to that zealous fervour, with which, al- 
 ready, it is faid, the Proteftant miffionaries of 
 
 * See Appendix XXVII. 
 
 An account of the propagation of Chriftianity in Abyf- 
 fmia by the Jefuits may be found in Appendix XXVIII. 
 
 p Denmark 
 
aio SERMON VII. 
 
 Denmark and of Britain have begun to fcatter 
 throughout India the genuine feeds of faith y . 
 
 On the fpecific duties of thofe perfons by 
 whom the governments of India are now ad- 
 miniftered, or of thofe to whom the propaga- 
 tion of our religion throughout that vail and 
 populous continent may be hereafter confided, 
 it enters not into the defign of thefe difcourfes 
 to enlarge. That future miflionaries will pur- 
 fue a conduct lefs exceptionable than that of 
 their predeceffors we certainly have juft reafon 
 to expect. It is poffible alfo that they may 
 have equal zeal. Still, however, the difficul- 
 ties which they muft neceflarily meet with 
 are of fo formidable a nature as to preclude 
 thofe fanguine anticipations of fuccefs, which 
 we would wilh to entertain, and may perhaps 
 incline us to fufpect that the eftablifhment of 
 Christianity in the Eaft is ftill, by the pro- 
 vidence of God, retarded to a diitant age 7 . 
 
 y For accounts of the origin of the Proteftant millions 
 to "India, fee Niecampii Hilloria Million is Evangelical in 
 India Orientali, 4to. Halae, 1747. La Croze, Chriftianifme 
 des Indes, p. 534, See. Millar's Prop, of Chriftianity, ii. 
 322. 
 
 z Thefe difficulties are fucfa as to have led Dr. Jortin to 
 a notion, which it is rather extraordinary that fo judi- 
 cious a writer fhould have entertained^ that " the conver- 
 " fion and the reftoration of the Jews, and the calling of 
 
 " th* 
 
SERMON VII. 211 
 
 Men who commonly do not leave Europe till 
 their memory and the organs of fpeech be- 
 come in fome degree intractable by age or 
 habit, cannot in general attain that familiarity 
 with the ufages and diale&s of foreign coun- 
 tries and climates, which is indifpenfable to a 
 religious inftru&or. In the prefent circum- 
 ftances alfo of India, all teachers of Chriftian- 
 ity muft be regarded with a peculiar jealoufy, 
 and thus neither be able to guard their doc- 
 trines from miftake, nor their motives from 
 fufpicion. It may be fuppofed, indeed, that 
 this obftacle may be removed, either in the 
 whole or in part, by educating natives of Hin- 
 doftan for the purpofes of the ChrifHan mini- 
 ftry. And it is certain, that it is on natives 
 rather than on Europeans that the eventual 
 progrefs of our religion in that country muft 
 depend. 
 
 The capital difficulty, however, feems to be 
 of a more important and formidable kind. 
 There is nothing which demands not only 
 fo much delicacy and addrefs, but alfo fo juft 
 
 <( the Gentiles, if ever it be accomplifhed, muft in all pro- 
 " bability be performed by the vifible manifeftation of 
 " God's power and fpirit, and not by ordinary and hu- 
 t( man means." Remarks, ii. 240. See Hey's Lectures, i. 
 
 337- 
 
 p 2 and 
 
212 SERMON VII. 
 
 and liberal a knowledge of human nature, as 
 interference in matters of religion. It is mani- 
 fest, however, from part hiftory, and I know 
 not that the experience of prefent times tends 
 in any degree to invalidate the obfervation, 
 that thofe perfons who devote thcmfelvcs to 
 the miffionary office, though often men of the 
 moil heroic difintereftednefs, and fometimes 
 of an acute and active genius, yet are rarely 
 poflefled of an enlarged and comprehensive 
 intellect. In the immediate object which they 
 are delirous of attaining, an object, indeed, 
 of the higheft worth and greatnefs, they ap- 
 pear fomewhat too exclusively to concentrate 
 all the faculties of their minds ; and, from 
 want of an extended contemplation of hu- 
 man nature, to miftake the means by which 
 that very object may be bell attained. Eager 
 to multiply conversions, they feem naturally 
 to fall into thofe imprudences which attend 
 an unenlightened fpirit of profelytifm. In 
 fome cafes, as we have feen, they accom- 
 modate Christianity to the idolatries of thofe 
 to whom they preach. In others they for- 
 get that the fame caufes, which make reli- 
 gion neceflary to mankind, attach men to the 
 religion in which they have been bred, and 
 that every rude attack ferves only to bind 
 
 them 
 
SERMON VII. 213 
 
 them to it more clofely. Thefe errors feem 
 not to imply any particular imputation of 
 blame to individual mifiionaries, but naturally 
 to refult from the conftitutional imperfection 
 of mankind. Throughout India, and other 
 unconverted countries, they probably will ex- 
 tend to all teachers of Chrirlianity, whether 
 of native or European extraction. We rarely 
 can find accuracy of judgment united with 
 that warmth of character which is neceffary 
 to induce men to undertake the difficult and 
 dangerous office of promulgating Chriftianity 
 to idolaters ; however ufeful they may efteem 
 that office to be, however fublime. Thofe 
 varied ftudies which difcipline and correal the 
 mind leflen the intenfity of its application to 
 any one purfuit. To improve reafon has a 
 tendency to diminifh zeal. I fpeak only of 
 what ufually is the tendency of fuch improve- 
 ment, without examining whether it is capable 
 of being, or ought to be, counteracted. 
 
 Should thefe obfervations be admitted, they, 
 probably, may lead us to infer that it is not fo 
 much to the exertions of miffionaries that we 
 muft look for the future propagation of Chrif- 
 tianity, as to the general diifemination of 
 knowledge. The indifcretions which it can 
 fcarcely, perhaps, be hoped that miffionaries 
 
 p 3 will 
 
214 SERMON VII. 
 
 will be able to avoid, impede the end which 
 they propofe : but when thole perfons to 
 whom our religion is offered thai I be enabled 
 to determine for themfelves, concerning its re- 
 cords and evidences, they will learn to admit 
 its truth on rational principles. When they 
 lhall add to the polfeffion of our Scriptures 
 the fagacity to underftand their meaning, and 
 the judgment to appreciate their value, they 
 will believe the doctrines w T hich are taught in 
 them. This belief, we may expect, will natu- 
 rally defcend from the more intelligent to the 
 comparatively ignorant. Sound learning and 
 juft argument will triumph over fanaticifm or 
 error ; will firft convince the reafon of the 
 wife, and, by this means, will, in due time, 
 overcome the prejudices of the vulgar ; and 
 thus Chriftianity will eventually be eltablifhed 
 by a progrefs contrary, indeed, to that which 
 it experienced at its origin, but probably not 
 lefs aptly fuited to the altered circumrtances of 
 mankind. 
 
 If this, in truth, be likely to be the cafe, fo 
 extraordinary a revolution in the manner of 
 propagating our religion deferves a ierious 
 confideration. It is an hiiiorical fad:, entirely 
 independent of the miraculous means by which 
 it is laid to have been effected, that Chriltianity 
 
 was 
 
SERMON VII. 215 
 
 was introduced into the world by low and un- 
 educated men, and that men of rank and learn- 
 ing were afterwards, by degrees, converted to 
 it. This facl: appears, manifeftly, to be an in- 
 verfion in the ordinary progrefs of opinions, 
 which are ufually communicated from the 
 wife to the ignorant, inftead of being adopted 
 from the ignorant by the wife. It accordingly 
 has been considered by Chriftians as an im- 
 portant argument for the belief of a divine in- 
 terference in the original eftablifhment of the 
 church. And if it appears that things have 
 now reverted to their natural order, even in 
 the advancement of that very religion, in the 
 foundation of which this order was interrupt- 
 ed ; if it is to abilities and learning that we 
 muft now look for the extension and fupport 
 of a religion which was flrft propagated by a 
 few unlettered fifliermen of Galilee ; we have 
 the ftronger reafon to admire the peculiarity 
 of its origin ; and to conclude that none but 
 God could ever have enabled " the foolifh 
 " things of the world to confound the wife, 
 " and the weak things of the world to con- 
 " found the things which are mighty." 
 
 p 4 SERMON 
 
SERMON VIII. 
 
 John xviii. 36. 
 My kingdom is not of this world. 
 
 XT has been often juftly remarked, thatChrift 
 not only forbore to aflume any temporal great- 
 nefs, but that he made no pretentions to tem- 
 poral authority. He exprefsly taught his dis- 
 ciples that his kingdom was not of this world, 
 and declared both by his words and actions 
 that he recognized the jurifdi&ion of exifting 
 rulers. The apoftles alfo were diligent to in- 
 ftrudt their converts that the profeffion of the 
 true faith, and the adoption from the bondage 
 of fin, or of the Jewifh law into the glorious 
 liberty of the Gofpel, neither changed nor re- 
 laxed the duties of civil obligation. The fu- 
 ture univerfality of the new religion was wifely 
 confulted by this provident caution. The le- 
 
 giflator 
 
218 SERMON VIII. 
 
 giflator may have been thus difpofed to regard 
 it without jealoufy, and the philofopher to 
 judge it with candour. It may now, I pre- 
 fume, be fafely aflerted, with the illuftrious 
 champions of Proteftant independence, that 
 ecclefialtics, in attempting to fet up a temporal 
 prerogative independent of the ttate, and much 
 more, an influence, or an eftablifliment incon- 
 fillent with its fecurity, exceed the bounds of 
 their commiffion. 
 
 But though numerous instances have been 
 alleged in thefe lectures, of churchmen who 
 have made their facred calling a cloak to their 
 ambition, or wtio have conducted the fancied 
 interefts of their faith by the rules of worldly 
 policy ; though the contrail between their 
 conduct and the conduct of Jefus, between 
 their principles and the genuine principles of 
 Chriftianity has, I truft, been carefully and ac- 
 curately diiiinguifhed, it has not at any time 
 been denied that temporal offices may, with- 
 out any violation of true religion, be confided 
 to the adminiltration of ecclefialtics \ It is 
 the artful progrefs from the administration of 
 fpiritual offices to the prerogative of worldly 
 power, in which real Chriftianity abhors to 
 
 fl Fleury, q. Jortin's Remarks, iii. 273. 
 
 join; 
 
SERMON VIII. 219 
 
 join ; the unhallowed ends, to which the moll 
 holy pretentions have been too frequently di- 
 rected. It has not been aflerted, that the 
 priefthood ought juftly to be fecluded either 
 from the exercife of private bufinefs, or the 
 difcharge of civil functions; but that true reli- 
 gion walks not in thofe paths of questionable 
 and indirect policy, into which bulinefs and 
 ambition are too generally tempted to divert. 
 It may have been inconvenient, it cannot juftly 
 be faid to have been profane, that the fceptre 
 of temporal dominion mould have been wield- 
 ed by the Roman pontiff: the profanenefs of 
 Papal ufurpation confifted not in the mere ex- 
 ercife of territorial fovereignty, but in the 
 mode by which this fovereignty was acquired, 
 and the principles by which it was fupported ; 
 in the perverfion of ecclefiaftical authority to 
 purpofes inconiiftent with the legitimate ob- 
 jects of ecclefiaftical eftablifhments ; in apply- 
 ing the name of Chriftianity to abufes irrecon- 
 cileable with its truth, and in reality hoftile to 
 its progrefs ; which were not confined to the 
 limits of the Papal territory, but extended 
 throughout the Chriftian world. 
 
 I am willing, indeed, unrefervedly to admit 
 that temporal power, even when committed 
 
 to 
 
220 SERMON VIII. 
 
 to the hands of ecclefiaftics, may not always 
 have been mifplaced. And were a ftate to be 
 again exhibited to mankind administered folely 
 by the facerdotal order, though the eligibility 
 of fuch a constitution might be doubted, yet, 
 unlefs truth feemed violated by more than 
 common error, or liberty opprefled by unufual 
 tyranny, it might be contemplated without 
 abhorrence. 
 
 The erection, therefore, of the Jesuitical 
 empire in Paraguay, the laft and mod fplendid 
 example of miflionary zeal, which it is the 
 object of thefe difcourfes to examine, is not 
 hastily to be reprobated, without an inquiry 
 into the principles on which it was founded. 
 Though it is feen, on its very first appearance, 
 to be inconfistent with the rules of the Insti- 
 tute of the Jefuits, by which the acquisition 
 of permanent establishments, and the exercife 
 of fecular offices, are exprefsly prohibited b ; 
 yet this irregularity might have been over- 
 looked, in consideration of fome not more lin- 
 gular than pleasing circumstances which are 
 included in the hiftory of their government, 
 
 b Echavarri, Hift. du Paraguay fous les Jefuites, vol. i. 
 part i. chap. ii. p. J3. and Epit. Soc. Jefu, there cited. 
 
 were 
 
SERMON VIII. 221 
 
 were not the attention forcibly recalled to a 
 wary and diftruftful watchfulnefs by nume- 
 rous examples of defpotic and artful policy. 
 
 The fimple manners which the Paraguayan 
 neophytes are related to have poflefled, their 
 peaceful fubmiffion to the commands, their 
 implicit veneration for the perfons of the mif- 
 fionaries, feem at firft fight to difclofe the moll 
 beautiful picture of a mild and docile people 
 rewarding with filial gratitude the paternal 
 care of their initru&ors. In no Utopia (could 
 the abfence of liberty be forgiven) has a jufter 
 or more equable tranquillity ever prefented it- 
 felf to the dreams of a philofophical imagina- 
 tion. No want, no fuperfluity : all laboured 
 with cheerfulnefs in common, and the pro- 
 duce of their labours became the property of 
 the whole. By wife fuperintendants it was 
 again diftributed with provident impartiality. 
 All were fupplied alike from public ftorehoufes 
 with clothing adapted to the climate. The 
 fick, the aged, and the infirm received always 
 the moil attentive fuccour. The reformation 
 alfo from a ferocious barbariim c , to the em- 
 ployments and arts of civilization ; from the 
 
 c Charlevoix, Hiftoire du Paraguay, vol. i. p. n, 12. 
 ii. 11. ed. Paris, 1757. i2mo. 
 
 diftreiTes 
 
233 SERMON VIII. 
 
 diftrefles of the hunting ftate, to the fecurity 
 of the agricultural ; an adminiiiration of juftice 
 the moft lenient and the mod wife, and above 
 all the general dirFufion of a moft fcrupulous 
 reverence for religion, muft be attributed in 
 the millions of Paraguay to the zealous afli- 
 duity of the Jefuits d . 
 
 The religion, indeed, which they taught 
 was violated by Papal fuperitition : but as this 
 general error of the Romiih miffionaries has 
 in other inftances been already noticed, I fhall 
 decline, for the prefent, any farther animadver- 
 fions on it, and confider defpotifm as the only 
 vice, with which, in thefe regions of their 
 greateft fuccefs, the Jefuits are juftly to be 
 charged. That defpotifm alio itlelf was exer- 
 cifed fo tenderly, that here, if ever, the flatter- 
 ing character may have been realized, which 
 
 d Muratori, Relation of the Millions of Paraguay, Engl. 
 Tr. i2mo. 1759. chapp. vii. & xvi. Davie's Letters from 
 Paraguay, (8vo. 1805.) p. 221, &c. I cannot refer to 
 this laft mentioned publication without intimating my 
 doubts (doubts, indeed, which no evidence in its favour 
 could remove) refpecling its authenticity. I queftion not, 
 however, but that the information which it affords, on 
 thofe points for which it is here cited, was procured 
 either from Spanifli documents to which I have had no 
 accefs, or from a perfon who had actually relidcd in the 
 country where it is pretended to have been written. 
 
 was, 
 
SERMON VIII. 223 
 
 was, of old, applied fo undefervedly to the 
 mother of Tiberius : " The power of injuftice 
 " was poffefled without the will to injure V 
 Thefe miflionaries, in truth, feem to have re- 
 garded thole over whom they exercifed an 
 unlimited authority as being their fubje&s, not 
 their flaves ; to have coveted dominion, that 
 they might confer benefit. Even now it is 
 ftill to be obferved that, where their inftitu- 
 tions are in part continued, the native Indians, 
 unlike that miferable race opprefTed in the 
 adjoining provinces by the yoke of Spain, 
 preferve a manly and erecl: deportment, and 
 w^ear countenances of animation and con- 
 tent f . 
 
 Is delpotifm then, the mild defpotifm which 
 was exercifed in the millions of Paraguay by 
 the Jefuits, a fufficient caufe to deny them the 
 praife of having taught there the genuine doc- 
 trines of Chriliianity ? It is at leaft fufficient 
 to difcriminate moft widely the hiliory of their 
 conduct, and the evidence of their motives, 
 from thofe by which Chrift is to be diftin- 
 guifhed : nor, in truth, are the evils even of 
 
 e u Nee noculfTe ulli, et fortunam habuifle nocendi." 
 Albino v. ad Liviam. 
 
 f Davie's Letters, p. 215, &c. 
 
 the 
 
224 SERMON VIII. 
 
 the mildefl defpotifm inconfiderable, either in 
 themfelves, or in their effect upon religion. 
 
 Each of the miffionary fettlements in Para- 
 guay, during the continuance of the Jefuit au- 
 thority, was fuperintended by two fathers of 
 that order, the one principal, the other affift- 
 ant s . In thefe perfons was vefted the whole 
 of the civil as well as of the fpiritual power. 
 Native officers were, indeed, elected by the 
 Indians themfelves, to whom were affigned 
 the titles, and in fome degree the employ- 
 ments, of the inferior magiitrates of Spain : 
 but thefe elections were entirely under the 
 control of the Jefuits, nor could any meafures 
 of importance be adopted, nor any punifhment 
 inflicted, without their concurrence 11 . Even 
 the military forces of the refpe&ive millions 
 were regulated by their pleafure, and com- 
 manded by officers of their appointment '. 
 
 * Muratori, chap. xi. p. 99. 
 
 h Ulloa, vol. i. p. 544. ed. 4to. Amft. 1752. Muratori, 
 p. 126. Charlevoix, ii. 45. 
 
 1 Benard, Difc. Prelim, p. 92, 93, 95. See Charlevoix, 
 ii. 35. The Jefuits have defended their folicitude to put 
 the military eftablifhments of the millions on a refpec~U 
 able footing, not only on the grounds of necefiity and 
 policy, but alfo on that of its being a religious duty. 
 w C'cft de plus une trcs-grande faute de faire fi peu de 
 u cas de cc que Dieu lui-meme approuve, puifqu'il 
 
 <f s'appeJle 
 
SERMON VIII. 225 
 
 Thus uniting all the titles both of civil and 
 religious veneration, adding to the fervour of 
 their zeal a correfponding purity of manners, 
 and claiming, as they might juftly claim, the 
 recompence of gratitude in return for the moil 
 folicitous affection, and the moft pious care, 
 they exercifed an abfolute dominion over their 
 profelytes. No power that is founded merely 
 upon force can equal the authority of a reli- 
 gious as well as civil fuperior, whofe fubjects 
 with voluntary humility are earneft to confefs 
 their fecret crimes, who intreat to expiate 
 them by penance, and who proftrate them- 
 felves to kifs the garments of the miffionaries, 
 and the hand which has inflicted chaftife- 
 ment k . 
 
 A defpotifm acquired by fo many benefits, 
 and exercifed with fo much gentlenefs, it 
 might feem the part of a determined objector 
 to reprobate, were not the means, which were 
 employed for its attainment or prefervation, 
 fuch as muft necefTarily have been productive 
 of the moft ferious evils. Of thefe the moft 
 considerable were the entire abolition of pro- 
 
 <c s'appelle dans l'Ecriture fainte ( Dominus Deus Exerci- 
 " tuum." Echavarri, i. p. 128. 
 
 k Benard, ubi fup. 90. Muratori, p. 70, 71. 
 
 q perty 
 
226 SERMON VIII. 
 
 perty among the people, and the mental igno- 
 rance from which, by the moft ftudious policy, 
 their emancipation was utterly precluded. 
 
 The hufbandman in Paraguay, it has already 
 been obferved, laboured not for himfelf: the 
 produce of the harveft was depofi ted in public 
 granaries under the direction of the Jefuits, 
 w r hence every individual was fupplied with 
 neceflary food at monthly intervals, or on par- 
 ticular emergencies m . The workmanfhip alfo 
 of the manufacturer, and even the wages of 
 his labour n , were laid up in the general repo- 
 sitory °. The difpofal of the fuperfluous pro- 
 duce was entrufted to the Jefuits alone, and 
 by them the natives were, in return, fupplied 
 with all the foreign products, whether of ne- 
 ceflity or comfort, which they enjoyed. The 
 indolent and improvident character and the 
 bounded intellect of the Indians p rendered 
 thefe arrangements, according to the Jefuits, a 
 matter of neceffity, rather than of choice. If 
 left to themfelves, it was ailerted that, while 
 
 1 See Appendix XXIX. 
 
 m Benard, Diic. Prelim, p. 91. Muratori, p. 144. and 
 extract from Father Florentine's voyage, ibid. 292. 
 n Davie's Letters, 248. 
 Muratori, 145. 
 p Charlevoix, ii.47. Muratori, 101, 141, 145, 196. 
 
 they 
 
SERMON VIII. 227 
 
 they rioted in prefent plenty, they would not 
 fpare the refources of the future year q . But, 
 as no accounts are to be credited by which 
 any portion of mankind is condemned to a 
 helplefs incapacity, fo it is confirmed by par- 
 ticular obfervation that no deficiency of un- 
 derstanding could juftly be attributed to the 
 natives of Paraguay". In mechanical dexte- 
 rity, in mufic, and in painting, they feem to 
 have vied with European artifts s , while an 
 enlarged or compreheniive understanding can 
 fcarcely be expected to refult, even where na- 
 ture has been mofl liberal in her gifts, from a 
 narrow and prejudiced education. In truth, 
 this characler of incapacity was a device of 
 the Jefuits alone, and intended by them as an 
 apology for having aflumed the entire admi- 
 nistration of affairs, and direction of labour 
 among the Indians. It has been fufpefled 
 that the commercial attractions of a lucrative 
 monopoly were the real motive of thefe af- 
 fumptions'; but it is probable that power ra- 
 
 1 Muratori, ibid. 
 
 r Ibid. 133, 135. 
 
 9 Charlevoix, ii. 48. Muratori, 87. 
 
 x Eohavarri, i. 115, 126. 
 
 q 2 ther 
 
228 SERMON VIII. 
 
 ther than riches was the object which they 
 were intended to fecure. 
 
 The extinction of property appears fome- 
 times to have been regarded with approbation 
 by theorills of former ages, as tending to the 
 maintenance of equal liberty in their vifionary 
 republics. The experiment has never been fo 
 completely realized as in the millions to Para- 
 guay ; but the Jefuits, by whom it was there 
 inftituted, feem to have forefeen its real opera- 
 tion with greater fagacity than the philofo- 
 phers of old : they perceived that it would 
 terminate, not in liberty, but in defpotifm. 
 Property, indeed, of all the inilitutions by 
 which the ends of focial union are to be pro- 
 moted, is by far the moil efficient. Honours 
 can never be bellowed on the mafs of the po- 
 pulation in a flate. Their worth is founded 
 upon diitin£tion, and, as they become com- 
 mon, vanifhes away. Property, on the con- 
 trary, is of real value in itfelf ; it is capable of 
 the moll minute and varied ftibdi virions, and 
 may be rendered, under a wife and liberal le- 
 giflation, the firmeil bond of order and the 
 moll powerful motive to induftry. Men, 
 where there is no property, will either not 
 labour beyond the abfolute neceffity of futle- 
 
 nance. 
 
SERMON VIII. 229 
 
 nance, or labour with indolence and con- 
 ftraint. It is the infecurity of property which 
 perpetuates, in the faireft portion of Alia, the 
 oppreflions of the Ottoman empire. It is the 
 virtual negation of property that, in weftern 
 India, has given rife to the talkmafter and the 
 fcourge. Wherever, in iliort, the legiflator 
 abandons this falutary inftitution, he abandons 
 his moft efficient and natural ally. Rejecting 
 the cement of fociety, he finds it neceflary, 
 perhaps, for the prefervation of the edifice, to 
 draw tight the cords of fervitude. Sometimes 
 the preflure of circumftances, or defecl of fkill, 
 may compel him to adopt this uncertain fup- 
 port of difunited and tottering materials ; but 
 the Jefuits, it is to be feared, eftablifhed not 
 the defpotifm of Paraguay as neceflary to fup- 
 ply the abfence of property, but excluded the 
 acquifition of property, that they might enfure 
 defpotifm u , 
 
 u The extent of the defpotifm exercifed by the Jefuits 
 in Paraguay was fo great, that they coniidered the fol- 
 lowing as bad terms, on which they procured admiffion 
 into the country of the Chiquito Indians. " The firft, 
 " that who did not chufe to become Chriftian mould not 
 Ci be obliged to leave the country : the fecond, that chil- 
 " dren, though their parents were Chriftians, muft not 
 " ferve at the altars. The miffionary accepted thefe 
 
 a 3 " terms, 
 
230 SERMON VIII. 
 
 The evils which have been thus enumerated 
 as reflating from the exclusion of property, if 
 they may feem chiefly of a political nature, 
 yet are not without their moral import. Poli- 
 tical and moral evil are rarely unconnected 
 with each other. Whatever degrades the in- 
 dependance of the character debafes the pu- 
 rity of virtue. To the exclufion of property, 
 alfo, evils the molt indifputably moral may be 
 directly traced. Necellity and the defire of 
 improvement are the fources of many virtues, 
 of thole efpecially, in which the principle of 
 felf-intereft predominates as the rule of acftion. 
 Where excellence can neither alleviate misfor- 
 tune, nor procure good, excellence will rarely 
 be attained. The Indian, to whom, in com- 
 mon with his countrvmen, the neceilaries of 
 exiftence are diftributed from the public flock ; 
 who, when the labour which is due to the 
 community is difcharged, poflefles not the 
 right of labouring for himfelf, has little oppor- 
 tunity of emulation, and no incentive to in- 
 dufhy. Nor is the unnatural extinction of 
 property lefs injurious to the fympathetic and 
 focial virtues. How can he be charitable who 
 
 " terms, though he forefaw they might have bad confe- 
 " qucnces." Muratori, p. 10S, 109, 
 
 has 
 
SERMON VIII. 231 
 
 has nothing to give ? How weak the tie of the 
 domeiiic union, unlefs ftrengthened by parti- 
 cular neceffitudes, and peculiar interefts ! How 
 impoflible to exercife either filial or parental 
 piety, where the fon can have no dependence 
 on the parent, nor the parent receive fuccour 
 from the fon x ! 
 
 The ignorance, in which the natives of Pa- 
 raguay were ftudiouily kept, may feem capa- 
 ble of a more plaufible apology than their be- 
 ing precluded from the acquifition of pro- 
 perty. An intercourfe with the Spanifh co- 
 lonies, it was pretended, would only ferve to 
 lead the Indians into a contempt of the reli- 
 gion which they would there fee openly pro- 
 faned, or an imitation of the licentioufnefs, 
 which was there generally pracYifed y . Nor is 
 it to be difTembled that European colonifts, 
 by their injuftice, their cruelty, and duTolute- 
 nefs, have often raifed moll formidable impe- 
 
 x Raynal, liv. viii. ch. 17. vol. ii. p. 288. 
 
 y " II faut couper court a tout cela, parceque fi les 
 " Indiens acquierent trop de lumieres fur de pareilles 
 (< chofes, les Peres ne pourront plus s'afllirer de leur facon 
 " de penfer, ni les tenir dans la dependance. Vos reve- 
 " rences doivent etre perfuadees, qu'a mefure que ces 
 " Indiens feroient des progres dans les connoiflances, ce 
 " feroit plutot pour le mal que pour le bien." Ordon- 
 nanceset Lettres cited, Echavarri, i. p. 227. 
 
 q 4 diments 
 
232 SERMON VIII. 
 
 diments to the progrefs of that holy religion 
 which they have profefled to teach z . The 
 Indians, however, prohibited from the ftudy 
 of the language", and ufually from intercourfe 
 with the natives of Spain b , were prevented 
 from attaining any knowledge but fuch as they 
 might derive from their miffionaries. By thefe 
 inftruclors they were taught to believe " that 
 ■ c all fecular Europeans were men without 
 " law, and without religion, who adored no 
 " God but gold, and, being polfefled by the 
 " Devil, were enemies not only to the Indians, 
 i( but alfo to the holy images which they re- 
 " vered ; who, if they entered the territory of 
 " the millions, would deftroy the altars, and 
 
 * Muratori, p. 198. 
 
 * Charlevoix, ii. p. 45, 46". See alfo Relation abregee 
 concernant la republique que les religieux (nommes) Je- 
 fuites des provinces de Portugal et d'Efpagne ont etabli 
 dans les pais et domaines d'outre-mer de ces deux mo- 
 narchies, &c. publifhed with the fanction of the courts of 
 Spain and Portugal, p. 51. in the Recueil des Decrets 
 Apoftoliques, et des Ordonnances du Roi de Portugal, 
 concernant la conduite des Jefuites dans le Paraguai, Sec. 
 3 tomes, Amft. 1761. tome i. 
 
 b The partial intercourfe, which was permitted with 
 the Spanifh fettlements, was fo adjufted as to confirm ra- 
 ther than (hake the exclusive reverence for and confidence 
 in the Jefuits, which was entertained by the Indians. 
 See Appendix XXX. 
 
 " put 
 
SERMON VIII. 233 
 
 " put the women and children to the fword ?." 
 For themfelves, on the contrary, the Jefuits 
 claimed, not only the confidence which man 
 may, perhaps, jultly expedl from man as the 
 return for benefits conferred, or as due to a 
 fuperiority of knowledge ; but alfo a venera- 
 tion, which can with decency be offered to 
 none but God, a blind obedience, utterly un- 
 fuitable to the condition of humanity, though 
 here inculcated as the moft efTential principle 
 of religion d . But religion, however favour- 
 able the prejudices thus inftilled into the In- 
 dians may have been to its apparent progrefs, 
 can never be, in reality, promoted by the arti- 
 fices of defpotifm. True Chriftianity, though 
 it interferes not, by any direct method, with 
 
 c Relation abregee, p. 52, 53. I know not whence a 
 better idea can be derived of the abhorrence for the 
 Spaniards which was inculcated among the Indians, than 
 from the following extract faid to be taken from an ordi- 
 nance of Tamburini, General of the Jefuits, to the Pro- 
 vincial of Paraguay. The eighth article of the ordinance, 
 after reciting the punifhment to be inni&ed on forcerers, 
 thus proceeds. " On finira par les chaffer honteufement 
 " en les envoyant chez les Efpagnols, pour avoir Pair de 
 iC fevir plus rigoureufement contre eux, et pour les couvrir 
 " d'une plus grande ignominie." Ordonnances et Lettres. 
 Echavarri, i. p. 97, 98. 
 
 d Relation abregee, p. 51, 52, $3. 
 
 civil 
 
234 SERMON VIII. 
 
 civil ordinances and fubjection, is, in its in- 
 fluence, favourable to liberty. And realbn, 
 likewife, hefitates not to refufe that partial 
 good, which is purchafed by the facrifice of 
 all generosity of fentiment, of all the inde- 
 pendent and noble faculties of the mind. 
 
 If the conduct of the Jefuits in Paraguay 
 towards the Indians was thus exceptionable 
 both in the means employed, and in the end 
 propofed, it exhibited indications not lefs re- 
 markable of an ambitious policy, as it refpecl- 
 ed the civil and ecclefiaftical government of 
 Spain. The earlier accounts of their eftablilh- 
 ment difclofe almoft uninterrupted fcenes of 
 contention with that government, which were 
 often terminated by arms \ Such conteft, 
 perhaps, even without entering into a de- 
 tail of the attendant circumstances, might, in 
 itfelf be a prefumption, particularly as it is il- 
 lustrated by the hiftory of their proceedings in 
 Europe, that here alfo they entertained views 
 of aggrandizement, which were dangerous to 
 the fafety of the iiate. They had promifed an 
 unfeigned fubmiflion to the bifhops of thole 
 
 e Recueil des Dec. Apoft. Sic. tome i. AvertilT. pref. 
 p. 14. Charlevoix, in initio in various places, and vol. iv. 
 p. 17. 
 
 diftrids 
 
SERMON VIII. 235 
 
 diftricls in which their millions were fituated ; 
 but the promife feems to have been equally 
 infincere with that memorable vow of obe- 
 dience to the Pope, originally made by Loyola 
 at the primary inititution of the order f . Here, 
 as elfewhere, they regarded their own fupe- 
 riors with an exclufive fubmiffion, nor would 
 they tolerate the exercife of any alien fupre- 
 macy, even whilft they admitted its nominal 
 existence g . 
 
 Nor were they more fcrupulous in their re- 
 verence for the temporal jurifdidtion of Spain. 
 The prohibition throughout the millions of 
 the Spanifh language, which they had under- 
 taken to teach ; the fufpicious abhorrence of 
 Europeans, which they ftudioufly promoted, 
 proceeded, beyond doubt, in part, from the 
 delire of fupporting their own exclufive de- 
 fpotifm. On their own authority they ad- 
 ministered both civil and criminal juftice, and 
 regulated their political relations with adjoin- 
 
 f Sermon V. pp. 118, 129. 
 
 g Voyage Hiftorique de l'Amerique Meridionale, par 
 Don G. Juan, et Don Antoine Ulloa, vol. i. p. 548. 4to. 
 Amft. 1752. This work is quoted by Charlevoix with 
 approbation. Benard^ Difc, Prel. p. 93. Echavarri, i. 
 308. 
 
 ing 
 
236 SERMON VIII. 
 
 ing Hates. They referred not to the will, 
 they confidered not the interefts of Spain \ 
 
 But the preemptions of a factious conduct 
 need not be long infilled on, where there are 
 fo many overt acts of rebellion. When the 
 Indians of Paraguay, too confident in their 
 numbers or their zeal, dared raihly to oppofe 
 in arms the regular and combined armies of 
 Spain and Portugal, the Jefuits directed the 
 revolt. They exafperated their enthufiaftic 
 fubjecfts by language the molt furious and the 
 molt inflammatory \ and, if they did not per- 
 fonally lead the ranks of battle, they organized 
 
 h Echavarri, vol i. p. 81, &c. 92, 101, 102. " En effet, 
 " fi les Indiens ne font pas bien exerces a manier les 
 " armes, ces doctrines ne pourront pas fe defendre contre 
 u les infideles, les Efpagnols, et les Portugais." Lettre 
 circulaire du P. Provincial Ignacio de Arteaga, 1727. 
 Ibid. p. 128. The mod numerous and by far the mod 
 active part of the Jefuits of Paraguay is faid to have been 
 compofed of Europeans of mean birth. Natives of Spain, 
 who, from national partiality, might be fuppofed unwill- 
 ing to fupport, unrefervedly, the Jefuit intereft againft 
 the Spanifh, were rarely fent into thefe provinces. Echa- 
 varri, vol. i. p. 164, 175, 176. Hofpinian, Hilt. Jef. p. 94. 
 Tig. 1670. 
 
 1 Copie des Inftru&ions que les Jefuites qui gouvernent 
 les Indiens leur donnerent, &c. No. i. at the end of the 
 Relation Abregee, p. 84, &c. 
 
 the 
 
SERMON VIII. 237 
 
 the councils, and guided the operations of the 
 
 war\ 
 
 Slight, in truth, was the impreffion that 
 could be made on regular armies by the un- 
 tried militia of theie Indian miffions. Hofti- 
 lities were indeed protracted to a third year, 
 and a fecond campaign, but by manoeuvres 
 rather of the cabinet, than of the field. Even 
 then, though vanquished beyond the hope of 
 any future recovery by arms, the Jefuits yield- 
 ed not to defpair. What force had failed to 
 effect, intrigue feems fuccefsfully to have ac- 
 complished. The hoftile conqueft, though 
 decifive and complete, was not purfued to any 
 efficient purpofe. The original object of the 
 Spanifh government, which had given occa- 
 fion to the war, was abandoned, and the Je- 
 fuits of Paraguay continued for a time to exer- 
 cife the fame undiminished defpotifm which 
 they had long poflefled ; for a time, indeed, 
 of no long duration, but, till after the Euro- 
 pean downfal of the order had preceded and 
 prefaged their fate l . 
 
 The moral demerit of the Jefuits in thus 
 
 k Echavarri, vol. ii. p. 205, &c. 
 
 1 An account of the war of the miffions of Paraguay, 
 and the final expulfion of the Jefuits from that country, 
 may be found in Appendix XXXI. 
 
 abetting 
 
238 SERMON VIII. 
 
 abetting a refiftance to the tyranny of Spain, 
 I am far from having the remoter!: intention 
 to exaggerate. Though their conduct was 
 undoubtedly inconflftent with the inftitute of 
 their order, though it undoubtedly exceeded 
 the legitimate province of ecclefiaftics, it is 
 capable of many palliations. Had the bold- 
 nefs of their enterprife been rewarded with 
 fuccefs, had a hero ftarted from beneath the 
 cowl to vindicate the liberties of mankind, I 
 know not that we could have paufed to con- 
 demn the irregularity of the prieft, while we 
 applauded the deliverer of his people. Still, 
 however, though every thing be allowed which 
 the mofl fanguine advocate can demand, 
 though the conduct of the Jefuits in the war 
 of Paraguay be admitted not only to be juftifi- 
 able, but even to be difintereited ; ftill the 
 queftion is to be afked, where is the evidence 
 of their difintereflednefs ? Innumerable are 
 the facts in hiftory, innumerable are the theo- 
 logical pofitions, of which, though the truth be 
 not denied, the evidence may juttly be con- 
 tended. The narrative of an hiftorian is not 
 falfe, becaufe it is doubtful. A patriot is not 
 diihonelt, becaufe his conducl may feem re- 
 ferable to ambition. A teacher of religion is 
 not ncceflarily corrupt, becaufe his efforts to 
 
 extend 
 
SERMON VIII. 239 
 
 extend the faith may plaulibly be derived from 
 interested motives. If, however, thefe feveral 
 characters be taxed by an obje<5tor with ava- 
 rice, with ambition, and with falfehood, how 
 is the objection to be refuted ? The probabili- 
 ties by which it may be weakened are in 
 themfelves fo doubtful, fo liable to be exag- 
 gerated by attachment or difregarded by jea- 
 loufy, as rarely to produce a full conviction in 
 the mind of the moft unprejudiced inquirer. 
 
 Chriltianity is not builded up on fuch un- 
 liable foundations. Not only may it poflibly 
 or probably be true, but the hiftory of its pro- 
 pagation is not to be explained on any hypo- 
 thefis of falfehood. Not only may the con- 
 duct of Chrift be fairly defended from the 
 charges of intereft or ambition, but is utterly 
 incompatible with either fuppolition. 
 
 To illulirate the truth of thefe remarks from 
 the hiftory of the millions to Paraguay, it 
 mull be obferved that in comparing the evi- 
 dence of the religion which was there pro- 
 mulgated with the evidence of the religion 
 taught by Chriil, no arguments are to be con- 
 lidered but fuch as may be collected, in the 
 one cafe, from the perfonal conduct and policy 
 of Chrilt, in the other, from the perfonal con- 
 duit and policy of the Jefuits. In the one in- 
 stance 
 
a 4 o SERMON VIII. 
 
 ftance we confine ourfelves to the hiftory of 
 Chrift without noticing his miracles ; we muft 
 confine ourfelves in the other to the hiftorv of 
 the Jefuits, as if they had been the original 
 authors of the religion which they taught, 
 without any reference to the written docu- 
 ments of its truth. 
 
 For the prefent I wave all objections to the 
 purity of the doclxines of the Jefuits, and the 
 rectitude of their intentions. Let their real be 
 fuppofed uniformly to have been the fame 
 with their declared object ; the eftablifhment 
 of Chriftianity : let it be granted that they af- 
 fumed and exercifed a defpotic power, folely 
 to facilitate the progrefs of the faith, and 
 promote the happinefs and fecurity of their 
 people. The power thus aflumed muft be 
 fuppofed alfo independent of external fupport, 
 and of external danger. It is to be examined 
 on its inherent ftrength or weaknefs, as the 
 probable caufes of its permanence or its fall. 
 The original affiftance, and the fubfequent 
 hoftility of Spain is, for the moment, to be 
 forgotten. 
 
 At firft, then, it may naturally be fuppofed 
 that the greatnefs of the benefit received would 
 operate among the reclaimed barbarians who 
 were inftru&ed in religion, and difciplined to 
 
 order, 
 
SERMON VIII. 241 
 
 order, to the excluflon of all other feelings but 
 thofe of implicit gratitude and confidence. 
 Such, in truth, feems to have been the facl:, as 
 fuch had been the difpoiltion with which their 
 Peruvian neighbours had before received, in 
 circumftances perhaps apparently fimilar, the 
 fabled children of the Sun. At length, how- 
 ever, when gratitude, that tranfitory affection, 
 (hould fubfide, and confidence become mingled 
 with diftruft, when the fecurity, which had 
 been fo long unknown, mould awaken at 
 length the {enfe of rights which they did not 
 yet poflefs, they who might queftion the au- 
 thority of the defpot would lfcarcely fail to doubt 
 the fincerity of the prieft. Obferving that their 
 religious doctrines had proceeded from the au- 
 thors of their civil flavery, they would imagine 
 them, however falutary* to have been framed 
 and cemented by the fame defigning policy. 
 The probability of this conftruclion is general, 
 not particular ; extends to all institutions of 
 religion, not to the peculiar forms of Chrif- 
 tianity alone. So alfo> had it been allotted by 
 Providence to the kingdom of the Incas, to 
 reach the period of natural decay, the oppofers 
 of their civil dominion would have denied 
 their pretentions as envoys of the divinity to 
 mankind : or fo at lealt the incredulous Eu- 
 
 r ropcan 
 
242 SERMON VIII. 
 
 ropean would probably decide, taught by too 
 uniform an experience to regard with jealoufy 
 every pretention which is capable of being re- 
 ferred to interested motives. 
 
 How different are the preemptions which 
 may be collected from the original eftablifh- 
 ment of Chriftianity ! How unimpeachable 
 the difintereftednefs of its author ! He con- 
 nected not, he fought not to connect any tem- 
 poral eftablifhment with the doctrines which 
 he taught. The pure garments with which 
 he clothed his difciples muft be foully trained, 
 ere they can hide the injuftice either of eccle- 
 liaftical or civil defpotifm. 
 
 Whence, however, and to what purpofe 
 was this peculiarity of Chrift ? Why came he 
 not, as the Jews expected him to come, ar- 
 rayed in the pomp of triumph, and trampling 
 on the necks of his enemies ? Was it to ex- 
 tort from the unwilling fceptic the praife of 
 rigid difintereftednefs ? Was it to preclude the 
 poffible imputation of felfifli and temporal am- 
 bition ? Thofe perfons who reject the evi- 
 dence of Chriftianity mutt undoubtedly an- 
 fwer in the affirmative. The meflenger of 
 truth may often carry with him the prefump- 
 tive evidences of veracity, without being con- 
 fcious of their nature or importance: they 
 
 never 
 
SERMON VIII. 
 
 243 
 
 never can be exhibited by the meffenger of 
 falfehood but with defign. 
 
 And here recurs, as I conceive, with irre- 
 fragable force, the argument of thefe dif- 
 courfes. No wifdom but the divine could 
 have enabled the author of Chriftianity to 
 forefee the imputations againft which he ap- 
 pears thus clearly to have guarded the evi- 
 dence of his religion. They could not have 
 been colle&ed from the experience of the pafL 
 Or, if human wifdom alone be fuppofed equal 
 to the difcovery, why has this difcovery been 
 made by Chrift alone ? Why, for example, 
 was it not made by thofe penetrating eccle- 
 fiaftics of Paraguay, who underiiood, probably, 
 the methods of conciliating belief and confi- 
 dence more thoroughly than any other politi- 
 cians whom hiftory can enable us to name : 
 who thought, no doubt, that, by elevating the 
 prerogative of their order, they mould increafe, 
 together with their own authority, the pro- 
 fperity of religion, but who did not perceive 
 that defpotifm, both civil and religious, carries 
 with it in itfelf the latent germ of its deftruc- 
 tion ? 
 
 r 2 SERMON 
 
SERMON IX. 
 
 John xviii. 36, 
 My kingdom is not of this ivorld. 
 
 IN whatever refpects the preceding difcourfes 
 may have been chargeable with defect, or 
 error, I am willing to hope that the expofition 
 of the general argument may have been deem- 
 ed fufnciently accurate and perfpicuous. By 
 that argument the truth of Chriftianity has 
 been inferred from the diftinclion between 
 crafty and wife policy, between particular and 
 general expediency. I apprehend, indeed, that 
 all difficulties both of moral and political ca- 
 fuiftry are to be folved only by a proper ad- 
 jultment of the balance, in which thefe differ- 
 ing, and frequently oppoling, principles are to 
 be weighed. It is the part of wifdom and in- 
 tegrity to be guided by extenfive profpecls. 
 
 r 3 Craft 
 
246 SERMON IX. 
 
 Craft and felfifhnefs are directed by partial 
 views. 
 
 It, accordingly, was fhown that the genuine 
 religion of Chrift is of an enlarged and liberal 
 character, wifely fuited not to the narrow 
 interefts of ambitious individuals, but to the 
 nature and condition of mankind. It was af- 
 ferted, and, I truft, proved, that the means, 
 which were originally employed for its propa- 
 gation, are characterized by the fame fpirit, 
 and fuch as an enthuiiaft or impoftor not only 
 would not have chofen, but could not have 
 devifed. This argument and pofition were il- 
 lustrated by an inquiry into the circumftances 
 of the age in which Chriftianity was firil 
 promulged ; into the prejudices of both the 
 Jewifli and the Gentile world, and into the 
 religious hiftory of mankind. It was mown 
 that other teachers of religion, and other pre- 
 tenders to the name and office of Meffiah. 
 have propofed to themfelves objects, and avail- 
 ed themielves of means, which Chrift refuted 
 to recognife or to adopt ; but which it is pre- 
 fumable that he would have grafped with 
 eagernefs, if he had not been enlightened by 
 knowledge more than human. It was fhown 
 alio, that, if any part of the policy of Chrif- 
 tianity fcemed to have only a temporary re- 
 ference 
 
SERMON IX. 247 
 
 ference to the period of its eftablilhment, yet 
 it did not militate againft the general principle 
 which was advanced ; but rather, from its 
 modified conformity to that principle, was 
 calculated to confirm its truth. 
 
 The argument being thus completed and 
 explained, I proceeded to compare the hiftory 
 of the origin of Christianity with the hiftory 
 of thofe early compliances with fuperftition^ 
 which were afterwards introduced into the 
 church. I attempted to purfue the progrefs 
 of thefe flrft corruptions of our religion, to 
 their confummation in the idolatries of Papal 
 Rome, and then to examine the rife of the 
 Papal tyranny, and to lliow the nature and 
 magnitude of the evils which thofe idolatries 
 and that tyranny have produced. It was 
 my next endeavour faithfully to delineate the 
 more important features by which the fociety 
 of the Jefuits was diftinguifhed, to trace the 
 eftabliihment of its power, to expofe the pro- 
 fligacy of its moral difcipline, and to exhibit 
 the bright contraft which is apparent in the 
 character of Chrift. 
 
 But that part of the hiftory of the Jefuit 
 order, which connected itfelf moft naturally 
 with the argument before unfolded, feemed to 
 
 r 4 confift 
 
24S SERMON IX. 
 
 confift in the methods which were reforted to 
 by its miflionaries for the propagation of Chrii- 
 tianity in foreign countries. The policy was 
 examined bv which their eftabliih merits in 
 Japan, in China, in Hindotian, and in the 
 ibuthern continent of America, were diftin- 
 guifhed. They were fliown, in fome cafes, to 
 have permitted accommodations to exilting 
 iuperftition and idolatry, which, however con- 
 ducive to prefent, were inimical to permanent 
 fuccefs. In other intlances, the conduct of 
 thefe zealous ecclelialtics was feen either to 
 warrant the fuppolition, or to admit the pro- 
 bable imputation of having been dictated by 
 intereft or ambition : while the conduct of 
 Chriil, on the contrary, both in relpect of its 
 wifdom, and its diflntereltednefs, was every 
 way and evidently unexceptionable. 
 
 The ufual purpofe, for which the notice of 
 the philofoplier or the divine has been attract- 
 ed to the corruptions of Chriilianity, has been 
 to argue the fallity of thole pretentions, by 
 which ecclefialtics, whole doctrines, or whofe 
 motives appeared to be altogether different 
 from thole of Chrift, yet claimed the fanction 
 of his authority. It is the converfe of that 
 argument which has been here maintained ; 
 
 a pro- 
 
SERMON IX. 249 
 
 a proposition lefs directly confequent on the 
 premifes, but ftill not feebly fupported by 
 them, and certainly not lefs important in it- 
 felf : that both the nature of the wifdom, and 
 the evidence of the motives, by which Chriit 
 was guided, are fo manifertlv Jhtinguifhed 
 from human policy and paffions, as to afford a 
 fair and unanfwerable prefumption that he 
 was himfelf enlightened from above. Why, 
 if he was a mere man, uncommiffioned by the 
 divinity, why did he not purfue the fame con- 
 duel which others have purfued in Similar cir- 
 cumftances ? Where did he find that unexcep- 
 tionable wifdom which others could not find 
 either in the nature of things, or in an expe- 
 rience more extenfive than his own ? 
 
 It may be afked, however, whether I intend 
 to aflert, without exception, that the nature of 
 the wifdom, by which any difpenfation is cha- 
 racterized, affords a fure criterion of its autho- 
 rity : that, while the policy of God is uni- 
 formly framed on general principles, the po- 
 licy of man is always limited and partial. 
 Were I to anfwer in the affirmative, the pali 
 experience of mankind would juftify the afler- 
 tion, would warrant me to declare that the 
 counfels of God are thofe only in which un- 
 
 impeach- 
 
250 SERMON IX. 
 
 impeachable wifdom can be recognized \ In 
 him alone can we find or expect perfection. 
 But if we fpeak of that comparative wifdom 
 which man is capable of attaining, the argu- 
 ment of thefe difcourfes does not oblige us 
 either unrefervedly to condemn the paft, or to 
 augur unfavourably of the future. We may 
 admit that the gifts which have been confided 
 to human administration have not always been 
 ufed unworthily. Some profeflbrs of religion 
 have taught the way of God in truth, and 
 have imitated the example of the Redeemer 
 with laudable though imperfect fidelity. And 
 they have been rewarded with an abundant 
 harveft. They have fown the good feed, 
 which has taken root in a fertile foil, and 
 fprung up, and bloflbmed, and brought forth 
 fruit, fome thirty, fome fixty, and fome a 
 hundred fold. The profperous ifllie of their 
 labours confirms that natural analogy by which 
 the original fuccefs of Chrillianity has been 
 referred to the purity of thofe means which 
 were originally employed in its propagation. 
 
 * Tcav 8a gf enrtxvwbs Aio$ Soao$, «Se ric e$py } 
 
 OuS' ofo$, OTTWYl (MY) XElVOi$ 0eO£ Yiy=[XOVSV£i. 
 
 Hefiod. Theog. 386. 
 And 
 
SERMON IX. a 5 i 
 
 And even could we hope that mankind, taught 
 at length by the uniform mifcarriage which 
 has every where attended fraudulent and tem- 
 porary expedients, may at length embrace, 
 more generally than heretofore, the maxims 
 of coniiftent and real policy, the argument 
 which is here derived from the nature of the 
 wifdom difplayed by Chrift would in no re- 
 fpecl: be diminiihed in importance. The wif- 
 dom of Chrift has been proved to be free from 
 thofe errors into which the belt and wifeft of 
 mankind have fallen, into which he himfelf 
 would, alfo, neceflarily have fallen, had he 
 been but a mere man. If it was more than 
 human, it muft have been divine, and to what- 
 ever extent we may fuppofe that human wif- 
 dom may poffibly be hereafter improved, yet, 
 w T hen the circumftances attendant on the ori- 
 gin of Chriftianity, the opinions of the age in 
 which it appeared, and the example of pre- 
 ceding lawgivers are taken into consideration, 
 the accumulated prefumptions in its favour 
 will continue to be ftill the fame. They can- 
 not be lefs illuftrious becaufe the conduct, from 
 which they are feen to arife, may be imitated 
 hereafter. Their contraft with falfehood can- 
 not be rendered lefs ftriking by any future 
 prevalence of truth. Nor, indeed, is it likely 
 
 to 
 
* 5 a SERMON IX. 
 
 to be held, even by the moil fanguine advo- 
 cate for the progreffive amelioration of the 
 human race, that man will ever equal that 
 complete excellence of unexceptionable wif- 
 dom, which we contend to have been poflefled 
 by Chriit. 
 
 In many of the examples of indirect and 
 miftaken policy which have been adduced, its 
 final mifcarriage has been exprefsly noticed : 
 but in the obfervations which were made on 
 the hiftory of the Papacy, and that of the Je- 
 fuits, it will be recollected, that I attempted 
 rather to explain the nature and operation of 
 the principles exemplified in their aggrandize- 
 ment, than to {how the ultimate difappoint- 
 ment produced by thofe principles, as mani- 
 fefted in the hiftory of their decline. It was 
 the chief object of the detail into which I 
 thought it neceffary to enter, not fo much to 
 ftate the confequences of an infincere and 
 crafty policy, as to expofe its nature, and its 
 conduit. The fact of its difappointment may 
 be fimply and briefly exprefled ; while the 
 nature of the means by which it is charac- 
 terized feemed to demand a more particular il- 
 lustration. I have referved it, therefore, for 
 this conclufion of my difcourfes, to ihovv the 
 different remits of craft, and of wifdom, by 
 
 comparing 
 
SERMON IX. 253 
 
 comparing the decline of the Papal and Jefuiti- 
 cal power with the continued fecurity and 
 real progrefs of Chriftianity. That policy is 
 crafty and erroneous, which is induced by 
 prefent emergency to facrifice the neceffary 
 refources of the future : that policy is analo- 
 gous to the divine, by which, while the indi- 
 rect and narrow artifices are abjured, which 
 are too commonly praftifed among men, that 
 eventual fuccefs is obtained, which corre- 
 fponds with the wifdom of God, and muft al- 
 ways follow from his will. 
 
 The memorable blow, which deprived the 
 Papal jurifdiclion of the greateft portion of its 
 influence, was ftruck at the era of the Reform- 
 ation. It had been preparing long before. 
 Comparatively dark as thofe ages may juftly 
 be entitled, which intervened between the 
 reign of Theodofius, and the revival of letters 
 in Europe, we Ihould yet form very exag- 
 gerated notions of the religious fanaticifm by 
 which they were diftinguifhed, were we to 
 fuppofe that they acquiefced, univerfally, and 
 without refinance, in the tyranny of the 
 church. In the mod gloomy night of igno- 
 rance, temporal princes feem naturally to have 
 oppofed themfelves with fufficient zeal, though 
 not, in general, with much confiftency or pru- 
 dence, 
 
254 SERMON IX. 
 
 dence, to reprefs the ambition of ecclefiaftics. 
 So foon did the unjuft pretentions and afpiring 
 policy of the Popes give occafion to that juft 
 refiftance which gradually increafed till it de- 
 itroyed the vitals of their power. So rapid 
 are the fteps by which craft advances to its 
 deftruction. 
 
 In the ages fubfequent to the reformation, a 
 real diminution has enfued in the authority of 
 the Romifh fee, not lefs important than the 
 apparent reduction of its power which was 
 accomplished at that glorious period. Happily 
 for mankind, the countries which continue 
 their adherence to popery have ihared in the 
 general increafe of civilization and fcience. 
 They have approximated, in a greater or a lefs 
 degree, to that intellectual vigour, which to 
 every nation is fo much more valuable than 
 the forms even of the happieft constitution. 
 Wherever there is an enlightened public, the 
 practical evils of civil defpotifm are little to be 
 feared : much more is the bitternefs of eccle- 
 fiaftical tyranny fubdued, even though it may 
 preferve its nominal prerogative. According- 
 ly, the bigotry of the church of Rome has 
 been eflentially diminifhed ; its perfecutions, 
 perhaps, have ceafed ; and its influence, dur- 
 ing the laft three centuries, on the various 
 
 govern- 
 
SERMON IX. 255 
 
 governments of Europe, has, in general, been 
 far inferior to that which thofe governments 
 have pofleffed in the councils of Rome itfelf. 
 We, indeed, in our times, may be faid to have 
 witnefled rather the deftruftion than the dimi- 
 nution of the Papal empire, who have feen 
 the remnant of its authority infulted, and its 
 chief reduced to a ftate of utter dependance by 
 that powerful conqueror, who rules the con- 
 tinent of Europe without a rival b . 
 
 The deftruclion of the Jefuits was prepared, 
 alfo, by that progrefs of knowledge which has 
 had fo important an effecl: on the tyranny of 
 the Popes. Had the governors of the order 
 poflefled the fame ipirit of moderation, for 
 
 b The actual attacks and infults, which the late and 
 prefent Popes have experienced, are far from being unex- 
 ampled in the hiftory of the Papal power. But though 
 that power has, on many occafions, recovered its great- 
 nefs, after mocks not lefs rude than thofe which it has 
 recently undergone, it is to be recollected that the princes 
 who, in former ages, waged war againlt, or offered any 
 other violence to the holy See, profefled, at the fame 
 time, the moft unbounded veneration for it. They at- 
 tempted not to fubvert the foundations of its prerogative, 
 which were deeply laid in opinion. At prefent, how- 
 ever, we can hardly fuppofe that there exift any refources 
 in opinion, from which a reftoration of the vigour of the 
 Papal authority can ever be again expected. 
 
 which 
 
i$6 SERMON IX. 
 
 which the Papal cabinet has been of late re- 
 markable, its overthrow might have been lefs 
 rude, or referved, perhaps, to amplify the long 
 feries of revolutions, by which the ecclefiafti- 
 cal, as well as civil hiftory of Europe has re- 
 cently been diftinguifhed. But, in the confi- 
 dence which was infpired by the memory of 
 their paft triumphs, they feem at once to have 
 forgotten that accommodating policy by which 
 they had arrived at greatnefs ; blind to the 
 changes in opinion, which liberty or philofo- 
 phy had introduced, and the incongruity of 
 ecclefiailical arrogance with the prevailing &n- 
 timents of the age c . 
 
 c An ecclefiaftic of this order declared at Lifbon from 
 the pulpit, in the middle of the eighteenth century, that 
 (< whoever entered into the Grand Para Company mould 
 (< never enter into that of Chrift." Recueil des Decrets 
 Apoftoliques, &cc. i. 128. Soon after the Jefuits attacked 
 a rival eftablifhment in Portugal, which had engaged in 
 the culture of vines in the province of Haut Douro ; and 
 aflerted, cc Que les vins qui feroient vendus par la com- 
 " pagnie ne vaudroient rien pour la celebration du S. Sa- 
 " crifice de la Meffe." Ibid. 132. " It feems," fays 
 D'Alembert, " that, at the period of their deftruction, 
 " the Jefuits and their friends were feized with a fort of 
 " vertigo, and precipitated their own ruin ; and that 
 " then, for the firfl: time, they (liowed an inflexibility, 
 " where it was moft their intereft to concede." Sur la 
 Deft, des Jef. p. 157. 
 
 Portugal, 
 
SERMON IX. 257 
 
 Portugal, once the fcene of their moft abfo- 
 lute dominion, was the Hate which fet the 
 firft ^example of the expuliion of the Jefuits 
 from its territory. It fpared not, alfo, with 
 the ufual inveteracy of feeble-minded revenge, 
 to mix calumny with juft accufation. The 
 Jefuits, in their obfervations on this unmanly 
 policy, are equally reprehenfible ; and if, 
 in fome inftances, they may be deemed to 
 have repelled the charges of their enemies, 
 they attempt, in others, either the indireA or 
 open justification of the moft dangerous prin- 
 ciples, and the moft fanatic zealots of their 
 left d . 
 
 Their conduct in France was diftinguifhed 
 by a&s of ftill more extraordinary temerity. 
 Proud of their vi(ftory over the Janfenifts, a vic- 
 tory the more flattering, becaufe it had fo long 
 been doubtful, they determined to complete 
 the difcomfiture of that expiring feci by re- 
 filling the laft offices of the church to its ad- 
 herents 6 . But the vi&irn, which they were 
 
 d See Appendix XXXII. 
 
 e The moft important controverfies in which the Je- 
 fuits were engaged in France were, firft, their conteft 
 with Arnauld and the Port Royal, and, afterwards, that 
 with the Janfenifts. A good account of the firft is given 
 in the Hiftoire de Port Royal, which is attributed to 
 
 s Racine, 
 
258 SERMON IX. 
 
 defirous to crufh, retained a firength, which 
 they were far from having fufpecled, and 
 prefled them vigoroufly in return. Then, in- 
 deed, the Jefuits feem to have recollected the 
 policy of their better days ; and as they had 
 before efcaped from the perplexity to which 
 the queftion of the Chinefe ceremonies had re- 
 duced them, by reviving the obfcurer contro- 
 versies of a former age ; fo now they attempted 
 to elude the reviving energy of their ancient 
 adverfaries, by an attack on the partizans of 
 infidelity f . They may have remembered, alfo, 
 that on a former occasion, though refuted in 
 difputation, condemned by the Pope, and ftig- 
 matized by almoft all the univerfities of Eu- 
 rope, they had fo conducted themfelves as to 
 derive even from defeat the very rewards of 
 
 Racine, and of both in Marmontel's Regence du Due 
 d'Orleans, vol. ii. p. 175, &c. ed. Lond. 1805. The dif- 
 putes refpe&ing the bull Unigenitus were purpofely railed 
 by the Jefuits, in order to withdraw the public attention 
 from the queftion of the Chinefe ceremonies, on which 
 they felt themfelves reduced to great difficulties. This 
 fcheme fucceeded for a time, but the violence with which 
 it was profecuted feems, at length, to have contributed 
 to the deftrucYion of the order. Marmontel, Ibid. p. 217, 
 ziS. D'Alembert, EfTai fur la Deftru&ion des Jet. p. Si, 
 &c. 87, 97, &c. 
 f D'Alembert, 106. 
 
 viclory. 
 
SERMON IX. 250 
 
 victory. With an artifice which has invited 
 imitation, inftead of conferring themfelves to 
 be baffled, they aflumed the port of conquer- 
 ors. They proclaimed a triumph by public 
 rejoicings, illuminations, and theatrical enter- 
 tainments, while thofe who fmiled at their ar- 
 rogance were dazzled and confounded by its 
 fuccefs g . 
 
 The circumftances, however, of the times 
 were varied. That tide of opinion was rapidly 
 retiring, of which the flow had led them to 
 greatnefs ; and though daring confidence, 
 when poflefled of an afcendancy over the ima- 
 gination, will often, of itfelf, create fuccefs, 
 yet, when diverted of that powerful fupport, 
 it only accelerates misfortune. The Jefuits 
 now added to their enemies a party formidable 
 by its extenfive influence, while, far from be- 
 ing doubly cautious to preferve their remain- 
 ing popularity, they ventured to dare the pub- 
 lic indignation by new imprudences h . They 
 had embarked in lucrative and extenfive com- 
 merce, but refufed to acquit the debts to 
 which their agent, himfelf a Jefuit, was en- 
 
 s Monarchic des Solipfes, p. 277. 
 k D'Alembert, no, Sec. 
 
 S 2 g a g e d 
 
*6o SERMON IX. 
 
 gaged on their behalf 1 . They contested, at a 
 public trial, the legality of the obligation by 
 which they were bound, and attempted to 
 evade an equitable fen tence, by proving that 
 all Jefuits were prohibited by the articles of 
 their conftitutions from engaging in commer- 
 cial affairs. This vain and injudicious, and, I 
 may add, this infolent defence was the imme- 
 diate occafion of their downfal. The volume 
 of their inftitute, to which they appealed, at- 
 tracted, for the flrft time, the judicial obferva- 
 tion of the magiftrate. The principles of that 
 fyftem have, on a former occafion, been ex- 
 plained, and it fcarcely can be necelTary to add, 
 that no magiftrate, to whofe cognizance they 
 might be fubmitted, could content to tolerate 
 them. The Jefuits were iuppreiled in France 
 foon after they had been expelled from Portu- 
 gal, and it was not long before the example of 
 France was followed by the connected govern- 
 ment of Spain. 
 
 I am as far from defiring to jultify the feve- 
 rities with which the fuppreffion of the Jefuits 
 was attended, as from wifhing to include in 
 
 1 An account of this tranfacYion is inferted in Appen- 
 dix XXXIII. 
 
 the 
 
SERMON IX. 261 
 
 the guilt which I have imputed to the order 
 all the individuals of whom it w r as compofed. 
 But the jealous enmity of magiftrates and 
 ftates would fcarcely have been fo generally 
 directed againft them, if it had not, in part at 
 leaft, been provoked by real vice or error. It 
 confirms, therefore, inftead of weakening the 
 conclufion that their policy had prepared their 
 fall. 
 
 In that fall, when it at length arrived, their 
 moft unrelenting enemy might have fatiated 
 the defire of vengeance. If, as has been fup- 
 pofed, it be the property of hatred to extend 
 itfelf from the offender himfelf to all with 
 whom he may be connected, hatred might 
 have been fully gratified by feeing the inno- 
 cent confounded with the guilty, the young 
 and the old, the healthy and the infirm involv- 
 ed in a promifcuous ruin. The majority, no 
 doubt, of individual Jefuits had contributed ra- 
 ther to augment the numbers than to fliare in 
 the councils of the focietv. But they were all 
 driven from their homes to fufFer alike the 
 common mifery of outcafts, wandering on the 
 feas without protection, repulfed from almofi: 
 every port, and obtaining even from Rome it- 
 felf mere vain commiferation, and ineffectual 
 relief. They were not the leaft unfortunate 
 
 s3 who 
 
26a SERMON IX. 
 
 who were exiled from the civilized ftates of 
 fouthern Europe among the barbarous king- 
 doms of the North. Others, if lets miferable, 
 were more degraded, to whom that infidel fo- 
 vereign, fo unjuftly dignified with the title of 
 the philofophic monarch, gave permiffion to 
 continue in his ftates. He never would have 
 compaffionated their misfortunes, had he not 
 defpifed their power k . 
 
 Such has been the ultimate mifcarriage of 
 thofe corrupted 1} items, which, though they 
 have borne the name, have violated the fpirit 
 of Chriftianity. It is evident, alfo, that the 
 fame caufes w^hich, ultimately, prove fatal to 
 the corrupted fyftems of our religion, mult 
 contribute in a proportionate degree to check 
 the progrefs of the religion itfelf. The expofure, 
 therefore, of thofe corruptions accounts in the 
 moll fatisfaclory manner for the limited re- 
 
 k t€ Ce n'eft qu'en favour de rinftrucYion de la jetinefTe, 
 
 " que je les ai conferves. Le pape leur a coupe la queue; 
 " lis ne peuvent plus fervir, comme les renards de Sam- 
 * c ion, pour embrafer les moiflbns des Philiftins." Lettre 
 du Roi de PruflTc a M. de Voltaire, Dec. 10, 1773. See 
 alfo the letters of the fame monarch to M. D'Alembcrt, 
 dated Jan. 7, March 11, May 15, and July 28, J774. 
 
 Some farther details relpefting the fupprefiion of the 
 Jefuits may be found in Appendix XXXIW 
 
 ception 
 
SERMON IX, 263 
 
 eeption which Chriftianity has yet obtained : 
 while its not having been overwhelmed by 
 means of the profane abufes with which it has 
 been loaded may be considered as an argument 
 of its truth. If, however, infiead of being 
 overwhelmed, its progrefs has advanced, and is 
 now advancing : if, as in the genuine records 
 of our faith we can difcover that wife adapta- 
 tion to the circumftances of mankind, which 
 appears likely to promote its eventual preva- 
 lence ; fo, in the hiftory of its propagation, 
 we find, in facT:, that its fuccefs has already 
 anfwered, in part, and promifes, in future, to 
 realize ftill more completely fuch natural ex- 
 pectations : the argument of thefe difcourfes, 
 which from the wifdom of our religion would 
 infer its truth, receives every way the moil 
 powerful confirmation. 
 
 The greateil and moft extraordinary pro- 
 grefs of Chriftianity is viiible in its flrfl: efta- 
 blilhment, when it was oppofed by all the 
 powers, and contradicted by all the prejudices 
 of the world. In defiance of thefe obliacles, 
 it was extended, during the age of the Apo- 
 ftles, from Paleftine to Rome, throughout 
 countries enlightened by all the learning of a 
 philofophical age, and under the infpection of 
 a more prompt and decifive government than 
 
 s 4 had 
 
264 SERMON IX. 
 
 had before exifted. In later times the real 
 knowledge, as well as the nominal profeflion 
 of our faith has been often ftationary, and, 
 perhaps, fometimes retrograde : but as the 
 cauies of thefe interruptions to its progrefs 
 may eafily be collected from the hiftory of ec- 
 clelialtical abufes, fo the nature even of that 
 reftri&ed fuccefs which it has obtained is not 
 without its lingular and characteristic qualities. 
 
 All human inftitutions have ufually been 
 fuppofed liable to the neceflary vicilTitudes of 
 birth, maturity, and decay ; a confummation 
 not fo much refulting from the order of na- 
 ture, as from the lamentable fadt, that human 
 wifdom has been almoft always limited by in- 
 correct and partial conceptions. Chriftianity, 
 however, not having been propagated by the 
 help of temporary expedients, contains not in 
 itielf the principle of deftrudtion. The fplen- 
 dour of its ancient triumphs may be again re- 
 newed, when thofe abufes Ihall difappear by 
 which its natural influence has been fo long 
 and fo powerfully oppofed. 
 
 And in one refpedt, at leaft, in that of 
 which we are belt able to appreciate the reality 
 and value, the recent progrefs of Chriftianity 
 has been fvvift and certain. For, whatever 
 may be the extent to which it is now pro- 
 felled . 
 
SERMON IX. 26$ 
 
 fefled, we cannot hefitate to afTert, that, at no 
 preceding period, has the critical knowledge 
 of its import been £0 widely or £0 accurately 
 diffufed, as in the preient age. The found- 
 nefs of biblical interpretation, and of the ar- 
 guments propofed in defence of our religion, 
 has gradually increafed from the era of the 
 revival of letters to the prefent time. Among 
 many even of the moft eminent theologians of 
 former periods a wild and fanciful method of 
 argumentation feems frequently to have prer 
 vailed, which now has no place, unlefs in the 
 fanaticifm of the vulgar. Dodtrines were 
 then promulgated, and evidence adduced, of 
 which men, whom we defervedly efteem bi- 
 gotted and ignorant, would now juffly be 
 alhamed. The iimplicity of the Chriftian doc- 
 trines has been vindicated from fuperftition : 
 the zealots of prejudice are diminifhed in 
 number ; and if freedom of difcuffion may be 
 fuppofed, on one hand, to have multiplied the 
 ranks of infidelity ; on the other hand, we 
 may aflert a far greater increafe of thofe who 
 believe upon rational and fincere corivi6lion. 
 
 If fuch be the circumftances of our reli- 
 gion, we ought, undoubtedly, to confider it 
 as attended with the moft flgnal fuccefs; 
 with fuch fuccefs, as always muft be the prin-* 
 
 cipal 
 
266 SERMON IX. % 
 
 cipal object of a wife contriver, looking rather 
 to general than to particular confequences. 
 The hopes of delufion are uniformly relied 
 on popular ignorance and fuperftition. The 
 deluflon ceafes when it is expofed to the ani- 
 madversion and effecT: of cool and critical in- 
 quiry. It is then diffipated by either an im- 
 mediate or gradual deftruction. Such is the 
 policy, and fuch the end of craft. It is the 
 policy of wifdom, on the other hand, firft to 
 fecure a real and a fure foundation ; to avert 
 not only the dangers which may impend from 
 without, but alio thofe caufes of unfeen decay, 
 which may deftroy more fatally from within. 
 This is the example fet before us by the au- 
 thor of Chriftianity, who, in the firft eftablifh- 
 ment of his church, built it upon a rock. No 
 imputation of falfehood, and none of error, is 
 confiftent with the circumftances of its origin. 
 And in this origin we alfo fee the promife and 
 the means of its future greatnefs. We fee 
 that holy church, unfhakcn by the erection or 
 the fall of thofe frail and tottering ftrucliures 
 which alien hands have attempted to rear be- 
 fide it, advance in increaling magnitude under 
 the effect of the fame wifdom by which it was 
 eftablilhcd at the beginning. We fee that as 
 the corner-Hone was laid in truth, {o in truth 
 
 alone 
 
SERMON IX. 267 
 
 alone will its walls and towers be elevated. 
 The fuperftruclure will be firm, becaufe the 
 foundations are folid. 
 
 Such are the profpects which feem natu- 
 rally to arife on profecuting the argument of 
 thefe difcourfes. And with pointing out fuch 
 gratifying profpefts, the contemplation of 
 which it is fo reafonable, as well as fo conge- 
 nial to the beft and mofi benignant fympathies 
 of the heart for us to indulge, thefe difcourfes 
 might be concluded. But let me once again 
 recur to the argument itfelf, an argument 
 founded not in the hopes of the future, and 
 the expectation of things which " though un- 
 " feen, we yet believe," but in pafl and posi- 
 tive experience. 
 
 Unbelievers object to the evidence of mira- 
 cles. They fuppofe that Chrillianity was efta- 
 blifhed by human means. I have argued with 
 them on their own ground. I have aflumed 
 no principles, I have appealed to no facts, 
 which, to my knowledge, they deny. I have 
 endeavoured, however, to prove that thofe 
 very means, to which they themfelves muft 
 attribute the fuccefs of our religion, were of a 
 nature fo unexceptionable ; that the wifdom 
 which was difplayed by its author, and which 
 even they who dilbelieve his miracles cannot 
 
 but 
 
268 SERMON IX. 
 
 but admit that he pofleffed, was fo perfect in 
 the whole, and fo complete in all its parts ; as 
 to conftitute a decifive evidence of his divine 
 illumination. But divine truth is infeparable 
 from divine wifdom. Since Chrift, then, was 
 enlightened from on high, the religion which 
 he taught is true. 
 
 That I have endeavoured to draw this con- 
 clusion without appealing to the evidence of 
 miracles, will be deemed, I hope, a ufeful ef- 
 fort. No one, I truft, can fufpect, from my 
 having been filent on that evidence, that I 
 mean, in any degree, to queftion its admiffibi- 
 lity, or to depreciate its preeminent import- 
 ance. On the contrary, I am perfuaded that 
 the truth of our religion may be more natu- 
 rally and direclly proved from miracles, than 
 in any other manner, and that the objections 
 of a late celebrated writer to their credibility 
 may jutily be considered as unworthy of thofe 
 great talents, and that philofophical fpirit of 
 inveftigation, which he poflefled. 
 
 To thofe perfons, however, who attribute to 
 the objections here alluded to a greater weight 
 than we poffibly can admit them to potlefs, 
 an argument to which they are totally inca- 
 pable of being applied may, probably, be of- 
 fered with advantage. Should theft perfons 
 
 be 
 
SERMON IX. 069 
 
 be convinced by fuch an argument, it necefla- 
 rily muft remove their fcruples concerning the 
 immediate proofs of miracles. 
 
 To the Chriftian, alfo, himfelf it is eflential 
 that the feparate arguments for the truth of 
 our religion mould be feparately examined. 
 We have a mafs of various evidence, the parts 
 of which unite with and flrengthen one an- 
 other. We have different principles concur- 
 ring in the fame refult. The mode, however, 
 by which the proper action and harmonious 
 cooperation of thefe principles may be difco- 
 vered, is by treating of them by themfelves 
 refpeclively ; by diftinguilhing the external 
 proofs from the internal, the proof of the 
 miracles from that of the wifdom of Chrift. 
 Otherwife, we muft at leaft reafon without 
 precifion, or are led, perhaps, into that moft 
 mortifying of all errors, the error of arguing 
 in a circle. And though one kind of proof 
 may be more obvious or more eflential than 
 the reft, yet, when the truth of Chriftianity is 
 the queftion at iflue, there exifts a momentous 
 intereft in all. All, likewife, confpire toge- 
 ther. The greateft confers ftrength upon the 
 leaft, the leaft reflects luftre on the greateft. 
 It is but a part of the evidence of Chriftianity 
 which has been here examined : but no part 
 
 of 
 
s7o SERMON IX. 
 
 of that evidence can be inconsiderable, or 
 unworthy of exprefs difcuffion ; for on the 
 ftrength of the evidence depends the value of 
 the religion, a religion which propofes the 
 happinefs of mankind for its object, and claims 
 God himfelf for its author. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
! ^e 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 i. 
 
 llPOSnOIHOHNAI $b avlio rov 'Ep^yw hfunvui raja? 
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 <r£o-3-at ^aXagovlay. Diod. Sic. i. p. 84. ed. Rho- 
 domann. 
 
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 B poeides 
 
1 APPENDIX II. 
 
 fAOfifos xoli QiXontAtpov. Efi <T otb kxi <po£x; Tivxs a.rr<zyyi\~ 
 \uv 7ra^a rz Qtz, xsu QoHrpxlu Sxipovav aAAoxoTa, xa» ^covaj 
 ax i\j[XEveiCj idzXx y.xi Ta7r«v»iv £7roi« t»ii/ c^avoiav aJfwv utfo 
 
 JettrifxifAQvius, Plutarchi Numa p. 255. ed. Reifke. 
 See alfo Ibid. Lycurg. p. 167. 227. Middleton's 
 Traces, 166, 167. Warburton, Div. Leg. Works, 
 vol. i. p. 141. 
 
 II. 
 
 rt For all the parts of their publick worfhip were 
 performed before thefe publick facred fires, as all 
 their private devotions were before private fires in 
 their own houfes ; not that they worshipped the fire, 
 (for this they always difowned,) but God in the fire. 
 For Zoroaftres, among other his impoftures, having 
 feigned, that he was taken up into heaven, there to 
 be inftructed in thofe doctrines which he was to de- 
 liver unto men, he pretended not (as Mahomet after 
 did) there to have feen God, but only to have heard 
 him fpeaking to him out of the midft of a great and 
 moft bright flame of. fire ; and therefore taught his 
 followers, that fire was the trueft Shecinah of the di- 
 vine preience : that the fun being the perfecteft fire, 
 God had there the throne of his glory, and the refi- 
 dence of his divine preience, in a more excellent 
 manner than any where elfe, and next that, in the 
 elementary fire with us : and for this reaibn he or- 
 dered them frill to direct all their worfhip to God, 
 firfl towards the fun, (which they called Mithra,) and 
 next towards their facred fires, as being the things in 
 which God chiefly dwelt ; and their ordinary way of 
 worfhip was to do fo toward both." Prideaux's Con- 
 nection, vol. i. p. 170, 171. ed. fait 1717. 
 
 (Zcratufht) 
 
APPENDIX III. 3 
 
 (Zeratufht) " Who reformed the old religion by 
 the addition of genii, or angels, preliding over months 
 and days, of new ceremonies in the veneration fhown 
 to fire, of a new work which he pretended to have 
 received from heaven, and, above all, by eftablifhing 
 the actual adoration of one Supreme Being. 
 
 The reformed religion of Perfia continued in force, 
 till that country was fubdued by the MufTelmans ; and 
 without fludying the Zend, we have ample informa- 
 tion concerning it in the modern Perfian writings of 
 feveral who profelTed it. Bahman a always named 
 Zeratufht with reverence : but he was in truth a pure 
 Theift, and ftrongly difclaimed any adoration of the 
 fire, or other elements : he denied that the doctrine 
 of two coeval principles, fupremely good and fu- 
 premely bad, formed any part of his faith : and he 
 often repeated with emphalis the verfes of Firdaufi 
 on the proftration of Cyrus and his paternal grand- 
 father before the blazing altar : " Think not that 
 they were adorers of fire : for that element was only 
 an exalted object, on the luftre of which they fixed 
 their eyes : they humbled themfelves a whole week 
 before God : and if thy understanding be ever fo 
 little exerted, thou muft acknowledge thy dependance 
 on the being fupremely pure." Sir W. Jones's 6th 
 Anniverfary Difc. Works, I. p. 89, 90. 
 
 III. 
 
 The opinions of Cicero on this fubject were proba- 
 bly derived from Plato. The foundation of Plato's 
 reafoning confifts in the expediency of deceit in cer- 
 
 ■ Perfian reader to Sir William Jones, 
 
 b 2 tain 
 
4 APPENDIX III. 
 
 tain cafes, for the purpofes of government. Iup/i/w tw 
 
 2£Gvraj far' wpsAeia. twv ccpy^oy.zvwv. De Kep. lib. V. 
 
 p. 459. ed. Serrani. See alfo lib. ii. p. 382. iii. 413. 
 De Leg. ii. 663. and Mofheim de turbata per re- 
 centiorcs Platonicos ecclefia, cap. 43. The fame 
 maxim, in common with the reft of the political phi- 
 lofophy of Plato, is adopted in the Stromata of Cle- 
 mens Alexandrinus, i. ^. 24. p. 417. ed. Potter. 
 
 For additional obfervations on the fact that reli- 
 gion was confidered by the heathen lawgivers, and 
 philofophers, as a civil ordinance, fee Gibbon, chap, 
 xvi. p. 621. 625, 626. 4to ed. and Warburton, 
 Div. Leg. book ii. §. 6. Works, vol. i. p. 435. 439. 
 
 and note II. ©taj -n^tav, xat 'Hpooca; iy^uorss iv xoivy, 
 irtQfASvug vofAQig tfxrpion;, idiot xara ^'jva ( uiv <rvv tv<py[j.iot., xat 
 a?ra fX ai ? xocptuv, y.oa nrzXuvois tntleiQK;. Draconis lex, 
 
 citante Porphyrio. Ibid. Works, i. 146. " Quae 
 omnia fapiens fervabit, tamquam legibus juffa, non 
 
 tamquam diis grata Omnem iftam ignobilem 
 
 Deorum turbam, quam longo aevo longa fuperftitio 
 congeflit, fie adorabimus, ut meminerimus cultum 
 ejus magis ad morem quam ad rem pertinere." Se- 
 neca ap. Auguflinum De Civ. Dei, vi. 10. 
 
 If, as perhaps is the cafe, Chriftianity be the only 
 religion, between the eftablifhed teachers of which 
 numerous and inveterate diffenfions have exifted, this 
 fact is a ftrong prefumption for the lincerity of their 
 belief. The harmony which fubfifted between the 
 priefts of heathenifm may fuggeit a very different 
 conclufion. 
 
 IV. 
 
APPENDIX IV. 
 
 IV. 
 
 A hiftory of Sabatai Sevi extracted from Kid- 
 der's Meffias, and apparently the fame with that re- 
 lated in the Impofteurs Infignes, is detailed by Jor- 
 tin, Remarks, vol. ii. p. 190. &c. ed. Edin. 1805. 
 Voltaire alfo, in fome part of his writings, has in- 
 lerted a long account of him, to which I am unable 
 at prefent to refer. Sabatai was of a ftudious cha- 
 racter, and rigoroufly obierved the law of Mofes. 
 He elected an apoftle for each tribe, and his coadju- 
 tor Nathan Benjamin pretended to be Elias. (Im- 
 port. Inf. 504, 506, 510.) Even after he was thrown 
 into prifon, he met with a brother impoflor, who 
 contended that there ought to be two Meffiahs, the 
 one fuffering, the other triumphant. This man 
 claimed the fuffering department for himfelf. But 
 even fo they could not agree. (Ibid. 531.) Sabatai, 
 after having apoftatized, u preached at Conflantino- 
 ple, and drew over many Jews to profefs Moham- 
 medifm. At laft he was committed to prifon for the 
 reft of his days, and died A. D. 1679. La Croix 
 faw him, and heard him preach." (Jortin, 199, 200.) 
 The Eaftern Jews, even thirty-fix or thirty-feven 
 years after his death, flill continued to believe that 
 he was alive, and that he would fhortly appear tri- 
 umphant. Thefe vifionary expectations were kept 
 up by another impoflor of the name of Daniel Ifrael. 
 See the conclufion to Bafnage, book vii. chap. 34. 
 p. 757. being an extract from a letter written from 
 Smyrna by a Mr. Cuper in 1707. 
 
 a 3 
 
 V. 
 
6 APPENDIX V. 
 
 V. 
 
 Ea omnia ex ingenti ifta ftatutorum multitudinc, 
 quorum ratio nobis eft occulta, nullum alium in fi- 
 nem data funt, quam ut nos ab idololatria elongarent. 
 Particularia quasdam quod attinet, quorum caufae 
 nobis funt abfconditae, et mihi utilitas illorum ignota, 
 id inde provenit, quod res auditae non ita fe habeant, 
 
 iicuti res oculis vifae et perceptae Quod li 
 
 vero circumftantialiter omnia et fingula ipforum 
 opera fciremus et audiremus, line dubio melius quo- 
 que nobis conftarent rationes et modi fapientias in 
 particularibus aclibus oblationum, pollutionum, et 
 
 aliorum, quorum rationem jam ignoro 
 
 Ideoque maxima pars praeceptorum (ficuti declaravi- 
 mus) non alio refpiciunt, quam ut pravas iftas opi- 
 niones tollant, maximumque ilium laborem, molef- 
 tiam et defatigationem, quam homines illi in Deorum 
 iuorum cultibus habebant, mitigaret : omnia item 
 prascepta tarn negativa, quam affirmativa, quorum 
 ratio nobis eft occulta, nihil aliud funt, quam reme- 
 dia et medicinae morborum quorundam illius tempo- 
 ris, quae ad noftram fcientiam (Deo lit laus) non per- 
 venemnt. Maimonides, More Nevochim, pars iii. p. 
 507. 508. Buxtorfh. Bafileac. 4to. 1629. 
 
 I cannot refufe to fubjoin the following extracl: 
 from Dr. Woodward's Difcourfe, on the Wifdom of 
 the ancient Egyptians, inferted in the fourth volume 
 of the Archccologia. 
 
 " Whatever might be the bent and difpolitions of 
 the Ifraelites, it was Mofes's proper bufinefs to rec- 
 tify them. lie was not to indulge them in their 
 fancies, but inform them of their duties, and direct 
 
 them 
 
APPENDIX V. 7 
 
 them to what was fit, reafonable, and confiftent with 
 good morals and piety ; though that happened to be 
 never fo much againft their gufts and inclinations, 
 which accordingly he every where did : and there 
 are numerous inftances of it through all his govern- 
 ment of them. His doing otherwife might, indeed, 
 have fhown a great deal of policy, but not near fo 
 much probity and goodnefs,as are difcoverable through 
 his whole conduct of this great people. I can very 
 ealily allow Dr. Spencer that this was the method that 
 Mahomet, Apollonius Tyanaeus, and fome politicians 
 have taken ; nor will I enter into any conteft with 
 him, whether the Devil makes ufe of the fame in 
 order to feduce mankind from the worfhip of God : 
 all which he gives, I think, furely with a little too 
 much loofenefs, as parallel inftances in confirmation of 
 his notion : but this I am mighty fure, Mofes was 
 on all occafions very far from it." pp. 281, 282. 
 
 M. Saurin alfo, (Difc. Hiftoriques,) if we may 
 judge from the extracts in Le Clerc, (Biblioth. A. et 
 M. p. 290, &c.) feems to have reviewed the fyflem 
 of Spencer with great judgment So far, indeed, as 
 the religion of Mofes can be traced to any pre-exift- 
 ing fyftem, it may plaufibly be referred to thofe tra- 
 ditions of the patriarchal age, which the Jews proba- 
 bly retained more accurately than any other nation, 
 even throughout the whole continuance of their 
 Egyptian bondage. It would be highly unfair, in 
 reviewing the inftitutions of Mofes, to confine our at- 
 tention to the multiplicity of the rites which he 
 enacted, omitting to contemplate the purity of his 
 theological doctrines. 
 
 Af%/]ai TOIVUV (0 MUG%S) GC7T0 0I» XUTCC T<* TTOCT^X T%Q 
 
 B 4 TWV 
 
8 APPENDIX VI. 
 
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 313, 314, ed. Valefii. 
 
 VI. 
 
 It is obvious that the validity of the argument in- 
 tended to be drawn from thefe obfervations is not at 
 all affected by the fubfequent corruptions of Judaifm. 
 The pontifical artifices and ambition of the Levites 
 after the reftoration might be adduced, indeed, in 
 confirmation of the argument of thefe lectures, and 
 to illuftrate the different policy which is confpicuous 
 in genuine and in corrupted fyftems of religion. See 
 Cunasus de Rep. Hebr. lib. i. c. 16, &c. 
 
 I had intended to have added in this part of the 
 difcourfe fome obfervations on the Hiftory of Na- 
 aman. I hope that I may be excufed by the ac- 
 knowledged difficulty of the fubjecl. Yet I cannot 
 but exprefs my conviction, that when the brevity 
 is confidered with which the converlation between 
 Naaman and Elifha is recounted, together with all 
 
 the 
 
APPENDIX VII. 9 
 
 the circumftances of the relation, a candid inquirer 
 cannot refufe to concur in the opinion of Weren- 
 fels : that, " omnes qui incurvationem Naamanis 
 viderunt ex omnibus circumftantiis facile dijudicare 
 potuerint, omnia non in honorem idoli fieri, fed ad 
 debitum Regi fervitium praefrandum." DhT. de Na- 
 amane Syro, cap. 21. Opufc. vol. i. Lugd. 1772. 
 See alfo cap. 22. and Lettres de quelques Juifs a Vol- 
 taire, vol. i. part. ii. Lettre VII. §. 2. p. 304. The 
 opinion, however, of Bochart, which feems to be ap- 
 proved in note (1) p. 307, is fcarcely defenfible. 
 
 Concerning the brazen ferpent which in early 
 times was objected to as fuperftitious, fee the Preface 
 to Peters on Job, p. 62, <kc. 8vo. For obfervations 
 alfo on this fubjecl:, and others of a limilar kind, fee 
 Lettres de quelques Juifs, a 81. i. part. ii. Lettre IV. 
 §. 7. and Lettre V. §. 2. &c. 
 
 VII. 
 
 " Multa nomina antiquas fuperititionis, multi ritus 
 et cseremonise retentas, fed pia adhibita interpretatione 
 omnia in melius verfa, planeque, ut alicubi ait Beda, 
 jyertinaci paganifmo mutatione Jubve?itum eft, quum rei 
 in votum jublatio potius irritajfet? I. Cafaubon. in 
 Baronium Exercitat. 16. cap. 43. p. 545. ed. Lond. 
 1 6 14. fol. " Hinc igitur eft quod facramenta Patres 
 
 appellarunt myfteria, pj>iaret£, tsXs\xc 9 nXeicarea;, tvoTrletas 
 live eito^/etots, TfXffri^ia, item rsX^iyax. ailt nXetulma, [tvcr,- 
 eta, TfXfiWTixaj 3 , £cocr5i?, tfeae^txaj T£Ai1ac, interdum VCl'O 
 
 orgia fed rarius. Id. p. 550. Dionyfius (Areop.) 
 cap. 5, univerfam rat tsXstuv tav Uo-spy^v diftinguit iri 
 tres actiones quae et ritibus et temporibus erant di- 
 
 vif®. 
 
io APPENDIX VIII. 
 
 vifae. Prima ell xaS-^o-K, altera ^uno-K, tertia tiXhuw, 
 quam et txo^w faepe nominat." Ibid. p. 551. 
 
 The Pagan myfteries were nocturnal. So, very 
 frequently, was the celebration of the Chriftian rites ; 
 but this probably may have been a confequence of 
 perfecution. " Formulae illi in myiteriis peragendis 
 ufurpatae, ' Procul efte profani,' refpondet in Litur- 
 gia haec per diaconos pronuntiari folita, oaoi Kxrvyji^ivu 
 
 ffOOiXSiil, Vel S£CO TTZOiTTxl^i 0<TOl IVl lyztJUVOl , 0<TOi X(AVY\70i. 
 
 P* 555- " Ita univerfam doclrinam Chrifliani vete- 
 res diftinguebant in rx ix.$ogx et rx x-n-op^x. Balilius 
 de Sp. S. cap. 27. doctrinae Chriftianae duas partes 
 
 facit, rx xr.ovypxlx x.xi rx doypxlx* rx Joyixxjxy inquit, 
 <riwxz\jc.k' rx n xvpvyfAxlx ^r,[xo<ni-Ji\cn.^ I. Caf. ubl fupra, 
 5 5 Si 55^- U Mn(Je zxtpGgx ron; e'£u rx ttoXXx ruv Yiptrtpiov 
 
 fAvrr.giwv r.vxi" Greg. Naz. cit. ibid. 6i «<nv xxi ttk£ 
 
 tuiv xxr £7tixpv^iv Xoyoi tjvej* zk xpvncrofAXi. Idem. ibid, 
 p. 559. " \cx<7\v ol jt/,£^un/xsvoj." Chryfoflom. ibid. 
 $56. " Quod fi quaedam non paffim omnibus com- 
 municentur, non magis eo nomine reprehendi jure 
 Chriftianos polfe a paganis, quam fuos ipli philofo- 
 phos reprehendant difciplinam fuam dividere folitos 
 in e%uts£ixx v.xi fo-wTf^ixa." Origen. ibid. 559. See 
 alfo Tertullian de Corona Militis, cap. 3. and Confef- 
 fional, 2d ed. p. 334. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 See Eufebius on the Worfhip of Martyrs, quoted 
 in Jortin's Remarks, ii. 9. and Jortin, ibid. 11, 12. 
 
 The following extracts alfo, from writers cited by 
 Beaufobre, Hift. de Manicheifme, vol. ii. book ix. 
 cap. 3, and 4. will (how the early and ftudied fimila- 
 
 rity 
 
APPENDIX VIII. 11 
 
 rity which exifted between Pagan idolatry and the ce- 
 remonies obferved in honour of Chriftian faints. 
 " Sachficia vero eorum vertiftis in Agapas, idola in 
 martyres, quos votis limilibus colitis : defunclorum 
 umbras vino placatis et dapibus : folennes gentium 
 dies cum ipfis^ eel ebratis, lit calendas, et folftitia : de 
 vita certe mutaftis nihil. -Ellis fane fchifma a ma- 
 trice fua diverfum nihil habens nifi conventum." 
 Fauflus apud Auguftinum cited p. 632. 
 
 " Ev3-c6, (at the burial place of Polycarp) w? <WJov, 
 
 ' y t 
 
 ny.iv trvvccyoixsvoi?, iv ocyxXXiocfrei xai p^apa ftxozfcH o xvpios 
 
 ITClTShHV TtJW TZ [AXPTVPUS P/Jlz Y)[Jt.SPU.V ySVS&hlQV* EUICDIUS, 
 
 ibid. 642. 
 
 * c Ipfa et Senatus lumina 
 Quondam Luperci et Flamines 
 Apoftolorum et Martyrum 
 Exofculantnr limina." Prudentius. 
 
 See alfo Fortunatus, Jerom, and Paulinus, cited to 
 the fame purport, pp. 660, 661, 662. The iimilar 
 practices of Heathenifm are obvious. 
 
 Sulpicius Severus feems to have been the flrft 
 Chriftian who introduced the ufe of images into the 
 weftern empire. He caufed them to be let in a 
 confecrated place adjoining to the church, where 
 they were exhibited not to receive honour, but for 
 the purpofe of encouraging imitation. We are in- 
 formed by Gregory of Nyfla, that in his time pic- 
 tures exprefling the labours of martyrs were fufpended 
 in churches. Such pictures only as related to fcrip- 
 tural fubjecls had been before admitted into them. 
 Ibid. p. 637. 
 
 The following paffage is cited by Mofheim, vol. i. 
 p. 100. from the life of Gregory Thaumaturgus. 
 
 " Cum 
 
12 APPENDIX VIII. 
 
 Cf Cum animadvertiifet quod ob corporeas delecta- 
 tiones et voluptates fimplex et imperitum vulgus in 
 fimulacrorum cultus errore permaneret, permifit eis, 
 ut in memoriam et recordationem fanctorum marty- 
 rum fefe oblectarent, et in laetitiam effunderentur, 
 quod fucceflu temporis aliquando futurum efTet, ut 
 fua fponte ad honeftiorem et accuratiorem vitae ra- 
 tionem tranfirent." See alfo Tertullian de Oratione, 
 cap. 12. and De Idololatria, 15. u Tat yv.% oix*a? 
 
 gnep*$ ccvlurzi^i to»j v^eteoois 3"foic, xcci rat piv ppaJaj atfS- 
 <pccv£ 7 Txicig d£ rcc txeivuv ocvuvetfAt ytpot. JLlieodoret. ap. 
 
 Beaufobre, p. 673. And the fame writer, fpeaking 
 
 Of Socrates, declares, " AM op«S th? twv Macjy^wv T»jur,j 
 a mvyjiY.iv, Oujf yap (tyikov tx&wa an E$ei[xccvro } a]g rsfxsvog 
 ctvspiEp(i)<rav 9 x\e Ht&vnyvteii; a.7rEY.KY\Pco<rct.v a rccv ixwd Koyuv 
 (METeiXTiaolis. Ibid. 
 
 A multitude of other authorities render the judg- 
 ment of Beaufobre unimpeachable. " Nous ne ha- 
 zarderons rien,. quand nous dirons que prefque toutes 
 les ceremonies, qui compofoient r adoration Payenne, 
 commencerent des le terns de St. Auguftin de fe pra- 
 tiquer dans le culte des faints." Ibid p. 658. 
 
 " If the Chriftians abolifhed the colleges of the 
 augurs, and the method of inquiring into futurity by 
 the flight of birds, and the entrails of victims, they 
 yet invented the art of judicial aftrology in its place." 
 
 Montefquieu, De la Grandeur des Romains, et de 
 leur Decadence, chap. 21. See Mofheim i. 191. 206. 
 and Gibbon, chap. 49. vol. v. p. 89, &c. 4to. 
 
 The ceremonies attending the feaft of the Purifi- 
 cation on the fecond day of February were borrowed 
 alfo from thofe heathen rites which were practifed in 
 Rome at the fame period of the year. (Mofheim i. 
 
 466.) 
 
APPENDIX VIII. 13 
 
 466.) It has been afTerted, and is particularly curi- 
 ous, if it be true, that the mode in which this feaft 
 is celebrated (namely, with a great prorufion of burn- 
 ing tapers, whence arifes its name of Candlemas) is 
 derived from a heathen feftival on the fame day, in 
 honour of Proferpine, whom the Roman matrons, in 
 alluiion to the known fable, pretended to feek by 
 torch-light. The teftimony of Romifh writers upon 
 the fubjecl: is exprefs. 
 
 " Quid eft autem quod in hoc fefto caereos porta- 
 mus accenfos ? -Gentiles enim Februarium men- 
 fern inferis dedicaverunt, eo quod, ficut putabant, fed 
 errabant, in principio ejus menfis Proferpina rapta 
 fuerat a PI u tone : quam quia mater ejus Ceres faci- 
 bus acceniis in iEthna tota nocte per Siciliam quae- 
 fiffe credebatur, et ipfi ad commemorationem ipfius 
 facibus acceniis in principio menfis urbem de nocfe 
 luftrabant. Unde feftum iftud appellabatur Ambur- 
 bale. Cum autem fancfi patres confuetudinem iftam 
 non pofTent penitus extirpare, conftituerunt, ut in 
 honore beatae Virginis Mariae caereos portarent accen- 
 fos. Et lie quod prius fiebat ad honorem Cereris, 
 modo fit ad honorem virginis. Et quod prius fiebat 
 ad honorem Proferpina?, modo fit ad laudem Ma- 
 riae." D. Innocentii III. Papae in fefto Purif. Ma- 
 riae, Sermo I. p. 109. Opp. Coloniae, 1575. 
 
 " Romani olim in hoc menfe tria fefta luminaria 
 celebrabant. Primum in honorem Proferpinae. Se- 
 cundum in honorem Februoe. Tertium in hono- 
 rem totius curiae infernalis. Siquidem fecundum eo- 
 rum fabulas Proferpinam fpeciofam puellam flores 
 colligentem Pluto Deus infernalis concupifcens ra- 
 puit, et accipiens in fponfam, Deam fecit. Mulieres 
 
 ergo 
 
i 4 APPENDIX IX. 
 
 ergo Romance a tota nocle earn cum luminaribus quae- 
 rentes, refponfum acceperunt, quod Pluto earn ra- 
 puit, et in fponfam accepit. Singulis igitur annis mu- 
 lieres Romanae in kalendis Febr. lumina deferebant 
 tota nocle in memoriam Proferpinae raptae, et in Deam 
 tranflatae. Secundo, in honorem fecerunt Februse, 
 &c." Jacobus de Voragine De Purif. B. Mariae Vir- 
 ginis, Sermo V. ed. 4to. Moguntiae 1616. p. 105. 
 
 Both the authors here cited were of the thirteenth 
 century, and, it may be prefumed, would not have 
 conferTed the fact which they relate, had they been 
 prepared to deny it. I wifh, however, that, though 
 the one was a Pope, and the other an Archbifhop, 
 they had condefcended to fay on what grounds they 
 aflert this celebration of a feaft of Prolerpine in an- 
 cient Rome, during the month of February. Hof- 
 pinian, Prieftley, and the author of the Hiftory of 
 Religious Ceremonies, who mention the fame ftory, 
 have not fupplied any additional authority from writ- 
 ers " melioris aevi.V (Hofp. de Origine Feftorum 
 Chriftianorum. f. 33. p. 2. Tig. 1593. Corruptions 
 of Chriflianity, i. 377, 378. Birm. 1782. Picart. i. 
 p. 376. Engl. Tr.) The rites pra<5tifed during the 
 month of February at Rome were, in general, of an 
 expiatory character. Does this circumftance fup- 
 port the above relation ? 
 
 IX. 
 
 See Erafmus Coll. Naufragium, and Peregrinatio 
 Religionis ergo. I have fomewhere feen the following 
 quotation from Ladlantius, (1. ii. cap. 17.) but on re- 
 
 * An error of transcribers, as I fuppofe, or of the prefs. 
 
 ferring 
 
APPENDIX IX. 15 
 
 ferring to the place cited am unable to find it. 
 " Mali angeli fumferunt olim nomen Jovis, Junonis, 
 Apollinis, &c. quos Gentiles deos effe credebant, 
 nunc S. Sebaftiani, Barbarae, &c. nomen habent, et 
 aliorum." 
 
 " Pour mefme occafion, il me femble que lors au 
 lieu des Pervigilia, et leftifternia Payens, les Chreftiens 
 fe resjouyrent aux veilles et anniverfaires de leurs 
 martirs. Et pour monftrer qu'ils avoient foin des 
 biens et de l'abondance publique, au lieu de Februa, 
 Vinalia^ Ambarvalia, Robigalia, aufli prieres de Pay- 
 ens, feftoyer la purification, et les brandons, et en 
 affliction de pefte, famine, ou guerre, faire nos pro- 
 ceifions, rogations et litanies (c'eft a dire fupplica- 
 tions) efquelles, et aux Nudipedalla (c'eftoient pro- 
 ceffions et voyages faits pieds nuds) on appelloit no- 
 ftre Seigneur Jefus Chrift, au lieu de Jupiter, et au- 
 tres faux dieux Payens : ce qui n'eftoit Paiannifer, 
 mais fagement contreminer le Paianifme, et comme 
 un contrefort pour parer aux reproches que les Payens 
 faifoient aux Chreftiens, diians, que depuis leur venue 
 ct mefpris de la religion ancienne, tout malheur eftoit 
 arrive au monde, tant de guerre que de pefte et fa- 
 mine, etans les faifons defaifonnes, pour la publique 
 impiete." Fauchet, Eftat de la Religion en Gaule du 
 temps de Clovis, p. 124. Antiquitez et Hiftoires 
 Gauloifes et Franqoifes, 410. 161 1. Geneve. The 
 date of the Epiftle Dedicatory is 1599. 
 
 " What, I pray you, be fuch faints with us, to 
 whom we attribute the defence of certain countreyes, 
 fpoyling God of his due honour herein, but Dii tute- 
 lares of the Gentiles idolaters ? Such as were Belus to 
 the Babylonians and AfTyrians, Ofiris and Ills to the 
 
 Egyptians, 
 
i6 APPENDIX IX. 
 
 Egyptians, Vulcane to the Lemnians, and to fuch 
 other. What bee fuch faints to whom the fafeguard 
 of certaine cities are appoynted, but Dii praefides, 
 with the Gentiles idolaters ? Such as were at Del- 
 phos, Apollo ; at Athens, Minerva ; at Carthage, Juno ; 
 at Rome, Quirinus, &c. What be fuch faints, to 
 whom, contrary to the ufe of the primitive Church, 
 temples and churches be builded, and altars erected, 
 but Dii patroni, of the Gentiles idolaters ? Such as 
 were in the Capitoll, Jupiter; in Paphus Temple, Ve- 
 nus ; in Ephefus Temple, Diana; and fuch like. 
 Alas, wee feem, in thus thinking and doing, to have 
 learned our religion not out of God's word, but out 
 of the Pagan poets, who fay, 
 
 ExceiTere omnes, adytis, arifque relictis, 
 Dii quibus imperium hoc fteterat, &c. 
 
 That is to fay, all the Gods, by whofe defence this 
 empire flood, are gone out of the temples, and have 
 forfaken their altars. And where one faint hath 
 images in divers places, the fame faint hath divers 
 names thereof, moft like to the Gentiles. When 
 you hear of our Lady of Walfingham, our Lady of 
 Ipfwich, our Lady of Wilfdon, and fuch other : 
 what is it but an imitation of the Gentiles idolaters ? 
 Diana Agrotera, Diana Coriphea, Diana Ephefia, &c. 
 Venus Cypria, Venus Paphia, Venus Gnidia. — And 
 they have not only fpoyled the true living God of 
 his due honour, in temples, cities, countreyes, and 
 lands, by fuch devices and inventions as the Gentiles 
 idolaters have done before them : but the fea and 
 waters have as well fpecial faints with them, as they 
 had gods with the Gentiles, Neptune, Triton, Ne- 
 reus, Caftor and Pollux, Venus, and fuch other. In 
 
 whofe 
 
APPENDIX X. i? 
 
 whofe places be come Saint Chriflophe, Saint Cle- 
 ment, and divers others, and fpecially our Lady, to 
 whom fhipmen ling, Ave maris flella. Neither hath 
 fire fcaped the idolatrous inventions. For, inftead of 
 Vulcan and Vefla, the Gentiles gods of the fire, our 
 men have placed Saint Agatha, and make letters on 
 her day for to quench fire with. Every artificer and 
 profeflion hath his fpecial faint as a peculiar god. 
 As for example, fchollers have St. Nicholas and St. 
 Gregory, painters St. Luke, neither lacke fouldiers 
 their Mars, nor lovers their Venus, amongft Chrifti- 
 ans !" The 3d part of the Sermon againfl Perill of 
 Idolatry, 2d tome of Homilies, London, 1633. 
 
 See Middleton's Letter from Rome, 131, 133 j 
 137, 143, &c. &c. Warburton's well known opi- 
 nion, " that the very fame fpirit of fuperflition, ope- 
 rating in equal circumftances, made both Papifts and 
 Pagans truly originals," will hardly be contended for 
 as true, though every paradox of that great prelate 
 well deferves to be fludied for its ingenuity. See 
 Div. Leg. book iv. §. 6. the two laft pages, with the 
 note againfl Middleton, and Middleton's Poftfcript to 
 the Letter from Rome : and Gibbon, at the clofe of 
 chap. 28. 
 
 "V" 
 
 For an account of the enthufiafm, the villous, and 
 the ecftafies of Loyola, fee Bouhours, Vie de St. Ig- 
 nace, p. 49 — 52. ed. Parif. 1680. Benard, i. p. 8. 
 Stillingfleet's Works, v. 118, 119. Pafquier, Cat. 
 des Jefuites, chap. 17. He pretended to have re- 
 ceived a divine fan&ion to the conftitutions of the 
 order, and prophetic revelations of its future great- 
 
 c nefs. 
 
18 APPENDIX X. 
 
 nefs. (Hiftoire de l'admirable Dom Inigo de Gui- 
 pufcoa, a la Haye, 1764. vol. i. p. 177, 178. Di- 
 rectorium in Exercitia Spiritualia, cited Hiftoire Ge- 
 nerate des Jefuites, 4 vol. Amft. 1761. vol. i. p. 7.) 
 His followers have been very far from doubting the 
 reality of thefe magnificent gifts of the Holy Spirit. 
 " Scripfit ilia quidem (exercitia fpiritualia) Ignatius, 
 fed diclante Maria." Imago primi Sacculi, cited Hift. 
 Gen. des Jef. i. 18. " Noviflime autem diebus if- 
 tis locutus eft nobis (Deus) in filio fuo Ignatio, quern 
 conjtituit haeredem univerforum." Auct. Jef. cited 
 ibid. iii. 233. To this language correfponds the 
 print prefixed to Tanner's " Societas Apoftolorum 
 imitatrix," where St. Ignatius is reprefented u dans 
 une nuage, d'ou, comme un autre Meffie, il repand fur 
 toute la terre fon efprit fous des formes de langues de 
 feu." Benard, D. P. p. 69. I cannot, however, but 
 fuppofe, that thefe pretenfions of the founder of the 
 order of the Jefuits may be referred with more pro- 
 priety to enthufiafm, than to any ftudied imitation 
 of the intercourie which Lycurgus is faid to have 
 held with Apollo, or Numa with the nymph Egeria. 
 See Chalotais, p. 45, 46. Yet fome prefumptions 
 of impofture may be alleged againft Loyola himfelf. 
 When Salmonet and Brouet, two of the original 
 members of the Jefuit Society, were appointed Papal 
 nuncios to Scotland, he directed them to purfue that 
 fyftem of accommodation, for which the order has 
 been fince fo particularly diftinguifhed. Benard, i. 
 56. Towards the end of his career, the fpirit of in- 
 fincerity is ftill more apparent. Dom Inigo, ii. 116, 
 1 1 7 a . His progrefs indeed may, I think, eafily be 
 
 a The whole progrefs, alfo, of the Society is faid to have been 
 
 attended 
 
APPENDIX X. 19 
 
 traced from the moft frantic enthufiafm to a cool and 
 fyftematic policy. (See Bouhours, p. 314.) He re- 
 peatedly fubmitted the Exercitia Spiritualia, and the 
 Conftitutions of the order to the correction of his 
 aflbciates (Bouhours, 426. Benard, i. 105. Geddes's 
 View of the Orders of the Monks and Friars of the 
 Romifh Church, p. 106. Tra6ts, vol. hi.), which he 
 can fcarcely be fuppofed to have done, till the im- 
 preffion was fenfibly weakened, that he had written 
 under the influence of the Holy Ghoft. That the 
 Conftitutions did in facl undergo important altera- 
 tions, by other hands than thofe of their firft author* 
 is evident not only from teftimony, but alfo from the 
 great judgment, (great, at leaft, conlidering the time 
 of their formation,) which is confpicuous in the plan 
 of literary education, which they prefcribe for the 
 colleges of the order : a plan which its founder, who 
 was confeffedly ignorant, could not poffibly have de- 
 vifed. Even though the excellence of this fyftem 
 were not to be inferred from the uncontefted fupe- 
 riority of learning, which was potYerTed by the Jefuits 
 
 attended and confecrated by all the lying wonders of the Romifh 
 legends. A multitude of Loyola's miracles are recorded by Bou- 
 hours, Ribadeneira, and other Jefuits. Ribadeneira is faid in the 
 firft editions of the Life of Ignatius to have conferTed, that this 
 faint did not polfefs the gift of miracles. He inferted, however, 
 a great number of miracles in an after edition, publifhed in 161 2. 
 Dom Inigo, ii. pp. 172, 173. 
 
 Inrlances of the energetic fpirit of fanaticifm, by which many 
 of the early Jefuits were diftinguilhed, are to be found in all their 
 hiftorians. (See Benard, i. pp. 95,96. ii. 164.) It would feem 
 from the language of Aquaviva, as reported by M. de la Chalo- 
 tais, p. 127. that this celebrated general, though no enthufiaft 
 himfelf, was yet certainly defirous to excite enthuiiafm in others. 
 
 c z over 
 
to APPENDIX XL 
 
 over all the other ecclefiaftical focieties, it will be 
 fufficiently obvious to any perfon who will examine 
 particularly that part of the conftitutions which re- 
 lates to it. 
 
 XI. 
 
 e< Interrogetur, an habuerit, vel habeat conceptuS 
 aliquos vel opiniones ab iis differentes, quae commu- 
 nius ab ecclelia, et docloribus ab eadem approbatis 
 tenentur ; et fi quando hujufmodi opiniones animum 
 fubierint, num paratus lit ad judicium fuum fubmit- 
 tendum, fentiendumque ut fuerit conftitutum in fo- 
 cietate de hujufmodi rebus fentire oportere. 
 
 " Interrogetur, an quibufvis in fcrupulis, vel diffi- 
 cultatibus fpiritualibus, vel aliis quibufcunque, quas 
 patiatur, vel aliquando pati contigerit, fe dijudican- 
 dum relinquet, et acquiefcet aliorum de Societate, 
 qui doctrina et probitate funt praediti, fententiis." 
 Conftitutiones et Declarationes examinis generalis 
 Soc. Jefu, 8vo. Romae 1570. pp. 15, 16, 17. 
 
 " Et exactiffime omnes nervos virium noftrarum 
 ad hanc virtutem obediential, in primis fummo Pon- 
 tifki, deinde fuperioribus focietatis exhibendam in- 
 tendamus : ita ut omnibus in rebus, ad quas poteft 
 cum charitate fe obedientia extendere, ad ejus vocem 
 perinde ac li a Chriflo Domino egrederetur (quando- 
 quidem ipHus loco ac pro iplius amore ac reverentia 
 obedientiam praeflamus) quam promptiflimi limus, 
 re quavis atque adeo litera a nobis inchoata necdum 
 perfc&a ftudio celeriter obediendi relicla, ad eum 
 fcopum vires omnes ac intentionem in Domino con- 
 vertendo, ut fancla obedientia turn in executione 
 turn in voluntate, turn in intclledtu lit in nobis fem- 
 
 per 
 
APPENDIX XII. 21 
 
 per in omni parte perfe&a : cum magna celeritate, 
 fpirituali gaudio, et perfeverantia quicquid nobis in- 
 junctum fuerit obeundo, omnia jufta efTe nobis per- 
 fuadendo : omnem fententiam et judicium noftrum 
 contrarium cceca quadam obedientia abnegando, et id 
 quidem in omnibus quae a fuperiore difponuntur, ubi 
 definiri non poffit (quemadmodum dictum eft) ali- 
 quod peccati genus intercedere. Et iibi quifque per- 
 fuadeat, quod qui fub obedientia vivunt fe ferri ac 
 regi a divina Providentia per fuperiores fuos finere 
 debent, perinde ac fi cadaver efTent : quod quoquo- 
 verfus ferri, et quacunque ratione tractari fe finit: vel 
 fimiliter atque fenis baculus qui ubicunque et qua- 
 cunque in re velit eo uti, qui earn manu tenet, ei in- 
 fervit." Ibid. part. vi. §. i. p. 140, 141. 
 
 Thefe principles were afterwards confiftently re- 
 duced to practice. In the year 1605, tne provincial 
 of Chili and Paraguay declared to the Jefuits of his 
 province, " qtfe l'intention du General de la com- 
 pagnie etoit que ceux qui demeureroient dans fon 
 diocefe fuflent entre fes mains comme des ouvriers, 
 dont il pouvoit difpofer abfolument." Charlevoix, 
 Hift. du Paraguay, vol. ii. p. 10. i2mo. 
 
 XII. 
 
 See Chalotais, pp. 30, 31 — 34. note (n). The 
 General could originate all meafures without efficient 
 controul. (Arret du Parlement de Bretagne, note, 
 " Conlilium vero," &c. ibid. 194.) He is fuppofed, 
 indeed, by the Formula Societatis Jefu, which is 
 recited in the bull for the formation of the order, to 
 convene on important occalions a confiderable num- 
 ber of its members : but this direction feems to be 
 
 c 3 given 
 
2% APPENDIX XIII. 
 
 given with a view folely to the benefit of their ad- 
 vice, not the concurrence of their authority ; for the 
 Formula proceeds , " Jubendi autem jus totum pe- 
 nes Praepofttum erit." See the Bull cited in the Mer- 
 cure Jefuite, i. p. 306. " Nam licet Generalis ha- 
 beat fuos confiliarios, tamen non tenetur flare ipfo- 
 rum confilio, fed eft Dominus Dominantium, et facit 
 quod vult, nullis legibus adftri6t.us, unde mortifkat, 
 et vivifkat, deprimit et exaltat quern vult, ac ft efTet 
 Deus qui liber efTet ab omni animi perturbatione, et 
 non poflet errare." Memorial prefented to Clement 
 VIII. ibid. ii. 200. See Mariana, Difcours des de- 
 fauts du gouvernement des Jef. ibid. vol. ii. chap. 10. 
 
 " Vifum eft nobis in Domino . . . nullas conftitu- 
 tiones, declarationes, vel ordinem ullum vivendi pof- 
 fe obligationem ad peccatum mortale vel veniale in- 
 ducere . . . nil! fuperior ea . . . in virtute obedientiae 
 juberet." Conft. cited Chalotais, p. 34. note (m). 
 
 " Expedit in primis ad profectum, et valde necef- 
 farium eft ut omnes perfedlas obedientiae fe dedant, 
 fuperiorem (quicunque ille fit) loco Chrifti Domini 
 noftri agnofcentes," &c. Conft. p. 55. 
 
 ' XIII. 
 
 " Cum autem communicatio, quas cum amicis et 
 fanguine jundlis verbo aut fcripto fit, potius ad quie- 
 tis perturbationem, quam ad eorum qui fpiritui va- 
 .cant profeclum, pracfertim in initiis facere foleat : 
 interrogentur, num contenti fint cum hujufmodi non 
 communicare, nee literas accipere, nee fcribere ; nil! 
 aliqua occalione Superiori aliter videtur ; et quamdiu 
 domi fuerint, num contenti fint ut videantur literae 
 omnes, et quae ipfis fcribentur, et quae ipii aliis fcri- 
 
 bent; 
 
APPENDIX XIII. 33 
 
 bent ; ei, cui hujufmodi munns commiflum eft, cu- 
 ra relicla, ut eas det, vel non det, quemadmodum in 
 
 Domino noftro magis expedire judicabit Et 
 
 ita curandum ei eft, ut omnem carnis affectum erga 
 fanguine junctos exuat, ac ilium in fpiritualem con- 
 vertat ; eofque diligat co folum amore, quern ordi- 
 nata charitas exigit, ut qui mundo ac proprio amori 
 mortuus Chrifto Domino noftro foli vivit, eumque 
 loco parentum, fratrum, et rerum omnium habet." 
 Exam. Gen. Conft. cap. 4. " Pauperibus difpen- 
 fare debent, ut conlilium evangelicum, quod non di- 
 cit, Da confanguineis, fed pauperibus, perfectius fe- 
 quantur ; et ut melius exemplum omnibus exhibeant 
 inordinatum erga parentes affectum exuendi, et in- 
 commoda inordinatae diftributionis, quae a diclo a- 
 more procedit, declinandi ; atque ut ad parentes et 
 confanguineos recurrendi et ad inutilem ipforum me- 
 moriam aditu praeclufo, flrmius et ftabilius in fua vo- 
 catione perfeverent." Ibid. 
 
 There is a letter of Gofwin Nickel, General of the 
 Society, f€ De Nationali, Provincialique perniciofo 
 Spiritu in Societate vitando," (Corpus Inft. Soc. Je- 
 fu, 2 vol. a Meurfio, Antwerp. 1702. vol. ii. p. 
 860.) from which the following fentence is extracted. 
 " Iftum ego ventum (Matt. vii. 27.) RR. PP. non 
 alium in praefentia dixerim quam hunc de quo agere 
 conftitui, peregrinum Spiritum, frigidum, maleficum, 
 plane horribilem et peftilentem ventum : quippe, qui, 
 non faftigiorum folum pinnulas tegulafque tedtorum, 
 damno utique reparabili, decutere contentus, totum 
 ipfum molis quamlibet folidae corpus, a quatuor, ut de 
 Jobi domo fcribitur, complexus angulis robufteque 
 fuccutiens, univerfas limul aedificii compages laxar, 
 
 c 4 et 
 
H APPENDIX XIV. 
 
 et vifendam ingentis operis fabricam in ruderum in- 
 formium acervos momento commutat." p. 86 1. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 " Seducitur a ftudiorum Praefedlo adolefcens, Jc- 
 fuitarum difciplinse qui traditur, et cubiculo includi- 
 tur, ubi Jefuita quidam magnum volumen, cujufmodi 
 funt menfariorum tabulae live acceptorum expenfo- 
 rumque codices, proferre folet, in eumque omnia 
 quae roganti refponderit, magna cum fide praefcri- 
 bere : Quod ipfi nomen fit ? quae aetas ? quas prius 
 fcholas adiiiTet ? qui eiTent parentes ? quae illorum 
 setas ? quis cenfus ? haberentne praedia et fundos ? et 
 ubi ? quas cognationes, confanguinitates, affinitates, 
 et utrum ex iis adhuc haereditatum aliquarum accef- 
 fionem fperarent ? turn utrum effent forores, eaeque 
 innuptae et nubiles, an jam nuptae et quibus ? Facile 
 conjicere eft cui ufui Jefuitae fibi refervent arcanos 
 iftos codices, et quid iftis examinibus velint. ,, De 
 caufis publici erga Jefuitas odii Differtatio, p. 337, 
 8. Merc. Jefuit. vol. ii. " Ideo quicunque hanc fo- 
 cietatem in Domino fequi volet, et in eadem ad ma- 
 jorem Dei gloriam manere, priufquam ad primam 
 probationem accedat, vel, poftquam ingreflus fuerit, 
 antequam generaliter examinetur, vel, poft examen, 
 intra aliquot menfes, (ni Superiori differendum vide- 
 retur) fub figillo confefiionis vel fecreti, vel quacun- 
 que ratione ei placuerit, et ad majorem ipfius confola- 
 tionem fuerit, debeat coni'cientiam fuam magna cum 
 humilitate, puritate, et charitate manifeilare, re nulla 
 qua dominum univerforum offenderit, celata, et to- 
 tius anteacftx vitse rationem integram, vel ccrte re- 
 rum majoris moment!, Superiori, qui turn fuerit, fo- 
 
 cietatis, 
 
APPENDIX XV. as 
 
 cietatis, vel cui ex praepofitis, vel aliis ex inferioribus 
 ille injungeret, prout magis convenire videretur, red- 
 dat." Conft. et decl. cap. iv. p. 32. 
 
 Poftquam primo aliquis eorum integram vitae ra- 
 tionem Superiori domus reddidit, ab eodem incho- 
 ando, prioribus quae eidem dixit non repetitis, iterum 
 poft femeftre proximum plus minus ei, vel cui a Su- 
 periore fuerit conftitutum, vitas rationem reddet. 
 Deinde a fecunda hac ratione incipiendo eodem or- 
 dine procedetur : et fexto quoque menfe rationem 
 hanc fui quifque reddet. Ultima vero circiter tri- 
 ginta dies antequam profefli futuri fuam profeffio- 
 nem et coadjutores fua vota emittant, reddetur." Ibid. 
 
 P- 33- 
 
 '* Ad majorem in fpiritu profeclum, et praecipue 
 
 ad majorem fubmiflionem et humilitatem propriam 
 
 interrogetur, an contentus lit futurus ut omnes erro- 
 
 res et defectus ipfius et res quaecunque quae notatae 
 
 in eo et obfervatae fuerint, Superioribus per quemvis 
 
 qui extra confeffionem ea acceperit, manifeftentur. 1 * 
 
 Ibid. See Benard, i. 6$. 
 
 XV. 
 
 f * Conferet ut Superiores aliquando occafionem 
 praebeant iis qui probantur, exercendi obedientiae et 
 paupertatis virtutem, eofdem tentando ad majorem 
 ipforum utilitatem fpiritualem, eo modo, quo Domi- 
 nus Abraham tentavit : ut et fpecirnen virtutis fuae 
 praebeant, et in eadem crefcant. In eo tamen quoad 
 ejus fieri poflit, menfura et proportio juxta unius cu - 
 jufque vires ut difcretio diclabit, obfervetur. v De- 
 clar. Conft. c. 4. See alfo Benard, i. 60. Bouhours, 
 Vie de St. Ignace, 324, Sec. Chalotais, 37, 160, 161. 
 
 In 
 
a6 APPENDIX XV. 
 
 In the Catechifme des Jefuites is given a copy of one 
 of the blank fchedules which were filled up by the 
 rectors of the Jefuit feminaries, with a particular ac- 
 count of thofe perfons whofe education they fuperin- 
 tended. There are feparate columns for obfervations 
 on Ingenium, Judicium, Prudentia, Experienlia, Pro- 
 feclus in Uteris, Naturalis complexio, Ad qu<e focietatis 
 minijleria talentum hah eat, p. 279. See p. 280. livre 
 |L chap. 4. ed. Delft. 171 7. 
 
 It may be obferved alfo, that only the profes des 
 quatre vceux were under the neceflary obligation of 
 wearing the peculiar habit of the fociety. (Hift. Gen. 
 des Jefuites. iii. 250, 251.) Laymen were admitted 
 into the order, for the purpofe of extending its in- 
 fluence as far as poflible. Jefuit architects and ma- 
 fons were to be found in Paraguay. (Second Letter 
 of F. Cajetan Cattaneo : Muratori on Paraguay, 
 Engl. Tranfl. p. 249.) Turks and Armenians, and 
 even Lutherans, were adopted into it in India. Nor- 
 bert, iii. 90. 
 
 " M. de Valory (a Pruflian refldent at Canton) 
 prefTed a rich merchant of Hamburgh his friend, a 
 Lutheran, and married, to become a member of the 
 Free Mafon Society, to which he himfelf belonged. 
 The merchant was delirous, in the firft inftance, to 
 know the nature of the fraternity, into which he was 
 invited. M. de Valory allured him, that there was 
 no circumftance attending it, at which he need be 
 alarmed, though, indeed, its members promifed upon 
 oath to preferve an inviolable fecrecy as to what 
 palled among them. On the mention of fecrecy the 
 merchant replied, that there was one perfon, and one 
 only, in whom he nccefiarily placed implicit confi- 
 dence, 
 
APPENDIX XVI. 27 
 
 dence, and from whom he could have no fecrets. 
 On being ftrongly preffed to declare who this perfon 
 could be, fince, as he faid, it was not his wife, and, as 
 he was a Lutheran, it could not be his confeffor ; he 
 was at length obliged to avow himfelf to be a Jefuit, 
 to declare that he had taken the vow of obedience, 
 and was bound to keep nothing fecret from the Su- 
 perior of the order at Canton. His friend, aftonifhed 
 at this difclofure, enquired how the character of Je- 
 fuit could be coniiftent with his profeffion of Lu- 
 theranifm, and his being married ? The merchant re- 
 plied, that thefe circumftances created no difficulty. 
 — But what can poffibly have induced you to be- 
 come a Jefuit ? — I am by this means fupplied with 
 correfpondents in all parts of the world, who are of 
 great fervice to me in commerce." Hift. Gen. des 
 Jef. vol. iii. 261, 262. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 ci Je veux," fays the author of the Reflexions dun 
 Portugais, " que St. Ignace de Loyola nait point 
 entendu finefTe, quand il s'eft aftreint avec fes compag- 
 nons a obeir aveuglement au Pape, mais fon fucceiieur 
 le fameux Laines et les autres Superieurs, donnant a la 
 politique ce qui n'etoit que du reflbrt de la religion, 
 previrent que ce voeu, bien loin de les afllijettir da- 
 vantage, feroit la bafe de leur grandeur future." Re- 
 flexions d'un Portugais, London, i2mo. 1760. Pref. 
 p. vii. 
 
 See Chalotais, pp. 21, 22, ad fin. 23, fub init. 39. 
 and Hift. Gen. des Jef. iv. 103. The following de- 
 claration is in a bull of Pius V. " Decernentes pras- 
 fentes literas nullo unquam tempore per nos aut fe- 
 
 dem 
 
28 APPENDIX XVI. 
 
 dem praedi&am revocari, aut limitari, aut illis dero- 
 gari pofTe ; et quoties revocari, alterari, limitari, vel 
 derogari contingat, toties in priftinum et eum in quo 
 ante praemiffa erant, ftatum reftitutas, et de novo, 
 etiam fab pofteriori data per pro tempore exiftentem 
 . . . Praepoiitum generalem .... conceffas effe et fo- 
 re." Chalotais, p. 95. 
 
 " Quae poilquam mutatae, alteratae, feu de novo 
 conditae fuerint, eo ipfo Apoftolica audloritate con- 
 firmatae cenfeantur." Bull of 1543. Hift. Gen. des 
 Jefuites, i. 104. se Quoties dubium fuerit in intel- 
 lectu privilegiorum noftrae focietatis, femper per ju- 
 rifperitos et alios judices in favorem focietatis fiat in- 
 terpretation Priv. Jef. cit. Plaidoyer pour le Syndic 
 des creanciers des Sieurs Lioncy freres et GoufFre, 
 &c. Paris, 1761. p. 142, 143. 
 
 The Jefuits, in truth, whenever the court of Rome 
 feemed indifpofed to their interefts, did not hefitate 
 to afTume and to promulgate doctrines entirely incon- 
 fiftent with the very foundations of the Papal power. 
 (Monarchic des Solipfes, p. 263, 264.) The author 
 of the Imago primi Sacculi aflerted, that the deci- 
 sions of the Pope were then only infallible, when the 
 order of the Jefuits had been confulted. (Ibid. p. 3 1.) 
 Innocent XL in 1668. condemned Sixty-five propo- 
 sitions felected from the Jefuit cafuiSts, which, how- 
 ever, the order continued to defend. (Hiftoire de 
 Port Royal par J. Racine, p. 157. Oeuvres, vol. i.) 
 The missionaries of the Jefuits have, in many in- 
 stances, particularly in India, entirely abandoned their 
 obedience to the holy See under various pretences ; 
 fuch as a want of proper documents or powers in the 
 apoftolical legates, an alleged informality in the apo- 
 stolical 
 
APPENDIX XVII. 29 
 
 ftolical decrees, or deficient evidence of their au- 
 thenticity. In fome cafes they pretended that the 
 Pope had decided without fufficient knowledge, and 
 appealed to his deliberate judgment, when he fhould 
 be better informed upon the queftion at iffue : in 
 others, prefuming, probably, on their diftance or 
 their power, more than on the juflice of their caufe, 
 they fcrupled not an open refiftance to his authority. 
 Their conduct in this refpect was fo glaring, that a 
 decree paiTed the congregation De Propaganda in 
 1684, prohibiting the admiffion of novices into the 
 fociety, till its obedience fhould be completely efta- 
 blifhed. (Norbert, Memoires Hiftoriques, Apologe- 
 tiques, &c. vol. iii. p. 435. a. Londres, 1751.) Even 
 while the deftruction of the order was preparing, in 
 the middle of the eighteenth century, a fimilar re- 
 fiftance feems to have been dreaded by Benedict 
 XIV. whofe brief for the reformation of the Portu- 
 guefe Jefuits is faid to have been difpatched from 
 Rome, " infcia Societate, infciis Cardinalibus." Re- 
 cueil des Decrets Apoftoliques, et des Ordonnances 
 du Roi de Portugal, Amft. 1761. AverthTement pre- 
 fix, p. 42. Laines had fet the example of difobe- 
 dience to the Pope at a very early period. (Benard. 
 livre iv. §. 43, &c. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 The authors of this extraordinary code, confcious 
 of the juft clamour which would be excited by its 
 public notoriety, obliged all members of the order to 
 maintain a profound fecrecy refpecting it b . The 
 
 k Regulae Communes, §• 38. cited Monarchic des Solipfes, p. 
 
 120. 
 
3 o APPENDIX XVII, 
 
 whole of their myfterious polity was never difcovered 
 to the ordinary, nor even to all the profeffed Jefuits. 
 " To the novices are communicated only the Apo- 
 ftolical Letters of Julius III. the abridgment of the 
 Conftitutions, and the common rules. Nor have the 
 other Jefuits accefs to any additional information 
 concerning the nature of their Inftitutes, but fuch as 
 relates to the charge with which they are immedi- 
 ately intrufted c ." No Jefuit, therefore, who might 
 be expelled from the Society, could poffibly reveal 
 its fee rets in any complete and fatisfactory manner d . 
 In a letter from one of the affiftants of the order at 
 Rome, written towards the middle of the eighteenth 
 century, there are expreffions of the following im- 
 port. " It is only iince my arrival here, that I un- 
 derftand any thing of the nature of our Society. Its 
 
 1 20. or fee the Secreta Monita Socletatis Jefu, (3d ed. London, 
 Lat. and Engliih, 1759.) Pref. p. xvi. " Cavendum omnino ne in 
 manus externorum haec monita deveniant, quia finiitre ea inter- 
 pretarentur deftinationi noftrae invidentes : quod fi hoc accidat 
 (quod abfit) negentur haec eflfe fenfa focietatis, idque per illos 
 confirmando e noftris, de quibus certo conftet, quod ea ignorent : 
 opponanturque his monita noftra generalia, et ordinationes feu 
 regulae imprelTae vel fcriptae.'' But I fufpec\ this work to be a 
 forgery. This itudious fecrecy may be compared with the folici- 
 tude of the primitive Chriitians to fubmit their laws to the ob- 
 fervation and cognizance of the Emperors. 
 
 • Monarchic des Solipfes, p. 7S. Decl. in exam. C3p. i. cit. 
 Hid. Gen. des Jef. iii. 239. 
 
 d Hiftoire du Paraguay fous les Jefuites, par Bernardo Iba- 
 ncs de Echavarri, 3 vol. 8vo. Amft, et Leipfic 1780. vol. i. p 
 
 187. 
 
 govern- 
 
APPENDIX XVII. 31 
 
 government is a feparate fcience^of which the Pro- 
 vincials themfelves underftand nomine. It is necef- 
 fary to be in the poll which I occupy to begin to 
 comprehend it e ." The flill farther precaution was 
 adopted by the General, of ufing cyphers in his cor* 
 refpondence ; and it was directed, that immediately 
 on the death of any perfon, who had in his pofTeffion 
 letters from the General, the Affiftants, or the Pro- 
 vincial of the order, fuch letters mould inftantly be 
 burned without being read f . 
 
 Of the edicts which pofTefTed the force of laws 
 among the Jefuits, there are many, it is believed, 
 which they have never printed I ; and even the Con- 
 Jlitutions, properly fo called, they have feldom com- 
 mitted to the prefs, but in the colleges of the order. 
 Whenever they ventured to print this work elfe- 
 where, they always took precautions to fecure the 
 whole impreflion h . It was, however, clearly impof- 
 fible, that thefe precautions could be univerfally fuc- 
 cefsful. The order has at all times had too many 
 enemies to be able, for any long period, to retain the 
 exclufive pofTeffion of a volume, numerous copies of 
 which were printed, though not publifhed, and which 
 all the activity of malice was exerted to procure. 
 
 e Ibid. 194. See Monarchic des Solipfes, p. 55. note (2). and 
 Erreurs impies et feditieufes que les Jefuites ont enfeignees, &c, 
 Kecueil des Decrets Apoftoliques, &c. vol. i. p. 308. 
 
 f Chalotais, 160, 161. Echavarri, Hiftoire du Paraguay, i. I95, 
 196. iC On ne prend ces precautions qu'avec les ennemis. Le re- 
 gime des Jefuites eft-il en etat de guerre avec tous les empires ? H 
 Chalotais, ubi fup. 
 
 s Chalotais, p. 20. 
 
 h Ibid. p. 27. 
 
 Hof- 
 
32 APPENDIX XVII. 
 
 Hofpinian, in the Hiftoria Jefuitica, publifhed in 
 1619, gives a complete abftract of the Conftitutions. 
 They are quoted, with accurate knowledge, in the 
 Catechifme des Jefuites of Pafquier, who died in 
 1 615 K M. Benard, the author of the Hiftoire de la 
 Compagnie de Jefus, printed at Utrecht in 1741, re- 
 fers to the edition of Lyons in 1 607 ; and if I miftake 
 not, I have fomewhere feen mention of an edition in 
 1599. The extracts from the conftitutions of the 
 Jefuits, which are to be found in the Mercure Je- 
 fuite, are taken from an edition printed at Rome in 
 1583. The citations in thefe notes are extracted, 
 wherever the conftitutions are immediately referred 
 to, from a fmall volume in the Britifh Mufeum, 
 Romae, 1570. It is faid in the Monarchie des So- 
 lipfes, .p. 116, 117, that a copy efcaped from the 
 prefs of J. Rouflin at Lyons, in 1607, which ferved 
 as a prototype to feveral editions in Germany, This 
 lift might, I believe, eafily be increafed, without 
 adding to it editions of later date. The confti- 
 tutions, as originally drawn up, are of fmall bulk, 
 and being calculated for a common manual, have, 
 it is probable, been very frequently reprinted. But 
 I have already been more particular in thefe no- 
 tices than would be neceflary, were it not proper to 
 obferve, that the very eminent author of the Hiftory 
 of Charles V. has exprefted himfelf rather inaccu- 
 rately on the fubject to which they relate. 
 
 " It was a favourite maxim," he fays, cc with the 
 Jefuits, from their firft inftitution, not to publifh the 
 rules of their order. Thefe they kept concealed as 
 
 * See Cat, des Jef. livre ii. chap. i. 10. &"c. 
 
 an 
 
APPENDIX XVII. S3 
 
 an impenetrable myftery. They never communi- 
 cated them to ftrangers, nor even to the greater part 
 of their own members. They refufed to produce 
 them when required by courts of juftice ; and, by a 
 ft range folecifm in policy, the civil power in different 
 countries authorized or connived at the eftablifhment 
 of an order of men, whofe conftitution and laws were 
 concealed with a folicitude, which alone was a good 
 reafon for having excluded them. During the pro- 
 fecutions lately carried on againft them in Portugal 
 and France, the Jefuits have been fo inconfiderate as 
 to produce the myfterious volumes of their inftitute. 
 By the aid of thefe authentick records, the principles 
 of their government may be delineated, and the 
 fources of their power inveftigated, with a degree of 
 certainty and precision, which previous to that event 
 it was impoffible to attain." Charles V. vol. ii. p. 
 460. ift ed. 
 
 Now it can fcarcely be faid, that the conftitutions 
 of the Jefuits were kept concealed as an impenetrable 
 myftery, at a time when they had been repeatedly 
 publiihed in the reformed as well as the catholic 
 ftates of Europe ; particularly, as no intimation is 
 given, though the work of Hofpinian is flightly men- 
 tioned in a note, that the attempt to conceal them had 
 on the whole been unfuccefsful. Dr. Robertfon was 
 poffibly milled by the following pafiage in M. D'A- 
 lembert's EfTai fur la deftruclion des Jefuites. " Cette 
 queftion fournit au parlement une occafion toute na- 
 turelle de demander a. voir ces conftitutions fameufes, 
 qui jamais n'avaient ete ni examinees, ni approuvees 
 avec les formes requifes. L'examen de ces conftitu- 
 
 d tion? 
 
34 APPENDIX XVII. 
 
 tions, et cnfuite celui de leurs livres, a fourni des 
 moyens juridiques plus que fuffifans pour declarer 
 leur inftitut contraire aux loix du royaume, a Tobeil- 
 fance due au fouverain, a la furete de fa perfonne, et 
 a la tranquillite de l'etat." p. 112, 113. ed. 1765. 
 It is evident, that the notoriety and the authorized 
 promulgation of a work are entirely different. 
 
 But it may ftill be fuppofed, that, though the 
 Constitutions, in their ancient form, had frequently 
 been made public, they had at different periods ex- 
 perienced important changes, which continued to be 
 kept fecret. In this cafe, the obfervations of Dr. 
 Robertfon might be applicable to the Constitutions, 
 as altered by the later Generals. They alfo may 
 feem applicable to any other concealed edicts, by 
 whatever title diftinguifhed, which polfefied the force 
 of laws among the Jefuits. It is clear, however, to 
 me, that though numerous additions have incontefta- 
 bly been made to the original Constitutions, fome, 
 perhaps, fuch as partially to fuperfede them, yet no 
 alteration in the letter of the ftatute has taken place. 
 I have collated feveral pages, and the moil effential 
 paflages, of the edition printed at Rome in 1570, 
 and that of Antwerp in 1 702, which have both of 
 them the fanction of the Society. So far as I have 
 compared them, they are precifely fimilar. The chap- 
 ters and fections are apparently the fame in each. The 
 firft of thefe publications is a very fmali octavo : the 
 fecond confifts of two clofely-printed quartos, the 
 greater part of which is occupied by various pieces, 
 of which the date and purport are expreffed by their 
 refpective titles : fuch as 
 
 Regulae 
 
APPENDIX XVII. 35 
 
 Regulae Societatis Jefu, autoritate feptimoe Congre- 
 
 gationis generalis auclae. 
 Formulas Congregationum in quarta generali Con- 
 
 gregatione confectae et approbate, in fexta et fep- 
 
 tima recognitae et auctae. 
 
 The edition of Prague, in 2 vol. fol. 1757, which 
 was communicated to M. de la Chalotais, included 
 more of thefe pieces, probably, than any which pre- 
 ceded it ; but the Constitutions, finally fpeaking, 
 occupied but 91 pages in this edition. There feems 
 to be ibme confufion on the Subject, occafioned, per- 
 haps, by an indefinite ufe of the terms Inftitute and 
 Constitutions k : but, whatever infidelities may have 
 been committed in other instances, there is, I think, 
 no reafon to apprehend, that the text of the Confti- 
 tutiones et Declarationes examinis Generalis Soc. Je- 
 fu, Romas, 1570, has at any time been violated. 
 This alfo, I believe, was a re-impreffion from a pre- 
 ceding edition in 1550. 
 
 The parts taken respectively by Loyola, and by 
 his original afibciates, in drawing up the Constitu- 
 tions, it mull ever, probably, be impoffible to de- 
 termine. The part taken by Laines will not, per- 
 haps, very eafily be exaggerated. Aquaviva, how- 
 ever, the fifth General of the order, who fucceeded 
 to that dignity in 1581, could not have had fo im- 
 portant a Share in forming the fpirit and policy of 
 the Society, as is ufually attributed to him. Its 
 fpirit had been completely formed before the pe- 
 riod of his acceffion, as the extracts from the early 
 edition of the Constitutions, which I have cited in 
 
 k See Chalotais, 49, 50. Mariana, cap. 15. 
 
 B a the 
 
36 APPENDIX XVIII. 
 
 the notes to thefe Lectures, may be of themfelves 
 fufficient to evince. Even M. de la Chalotais feems 
 inclined to the common opinion ; but had he been 
 confined to the life of the ancient Conftitutions alone, 
 that complete expofure of the dangerous organization 
 and policy of the Jefuits, which is effected by his 
 able treatife, would not in any fenfible degree have 
 been lefs ftriking than it is. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 Gluttony was determined by Efcobar not to be 
 finful, u nifi quis fe ufque ad vomitum ingurgitet." 
 Lettres Provinciales, p. 145. Father Bauny feems to 
 be of opinion, that excefs in eating and drinking is 
 not properly to be confidered as a violation of fall- 
 ing, becaufe excefs is not lefs unfriendly than absti- 
 nence to that bodily vigour, which it is the intention 
 of failing to enfeeble. (Portrait au naturel des Je- 
 fuites, a la fin du Parallele de la doctrine des Payens 
 avec celle des Jefuites, Amft. 1 73 1 . p. 20.) 
 
 For other fpecimens of the accommodating mo- 
 rality of the Jefuits, fee ibid. p. 10, &c. " Qui dam- 
 num nullum dedit, rem aliquam accipiens, quia ea 
 dominus non utebatur, non tenetur reftituere, fi nulli 
 ufui eft domino futura." Emanuel Sa, verbo furtum, 
 cap. vi. p. 292. cited ibid. p. 14. For their fyftem 
 of mental refervations, fee Lettres Provinciales, p. 145, 
 146. Promifes, they fay, do not oblige, where there 
 has been no intention to perform. (Ibid. p. 146, 147.) 
 
 " It is evident, therefore," fays Lami, " that thefe 
 ecclefiaftics may lawfully vindicate their reputation, fo 
 long as they do not exceed the bounds of a moderate 
 and juft defence, c laquelle pout aller jufqu a tuer les 
 
 per- 
 
APPENDIX XVIII. 37 
 
 perfonnes qui les difFament.' They are indeed, in fome 
 cafes, obliged by the law of charity to defend their 
 honour in this manner : in thofe cafes, namely, where 
 the lofs of their individual reputation would tend to 
 the difgrace of the order." Tome v. Difp. 36. no. 
 118. ed. Anvers. cited Erreurs Impies et Seditieufes, 
 &c. Recueil des Decrets Apoftoliques, &c. i. 286. 
 See alfo Bufembaum, cited p. 288. " Thefe means," 
 he fays, namely homicide or murder, " are permit- 
 ted to eccleliaftics, according to the doctrine of pro- 
 bability, for the recovery of their temporal goods." 
 " In certain cafes," fays Viva, " an innocent perfon 
 ought to fupport fome degree of defamation, rather 
 than avail himfelf of this mode of defence." Ibid. 
 291. u S'il fe rencontre une honnete raifon de ca- 
 cher la verite ; comme s'il vous etoit expedient de la 
 deguifer pour la confervation de votre fante, de votre 
 honneur, et de votre bien, de votre perfonne, et de 
 ceux qui vous appartiennent ; et meme s'il vous 
 etoit utile de nier une verite fur laquelle on vous in- 
 terroge injuftement, vous pouvez deguifer et nier la 
 verite fans commettre aucune faute. II vous feroit 
 meme permis de faire un ferment equivoque pour 
 les memes raifons " Caftropalao, cited ibid. p. 297. 
 See alfo for many ftriking extracts of the fame kind, 
 illuftrating the moral cafuiftry of the order, Dorn- 
 ford's Translation of Putter's Hiftorical Develope- 
 ment of the prefent political conftitution of the 
 Germanic empire," vol. ii. p. 6. &c. 8vo. 1790. 
 The Jefuits, in truth, according to this fyfrem, had 
 good reafon to declare, that " les Peres (anciens de 
 l'Eglife) etoient bons pour la morale de leur temps, 
 
 d 3 mais 
 
38 APPENDIX XVIII. 
 
 mais ils font trop efloignez pour celle de notre." Pro- 
 vinciates, p. 72. 
 
 For fpeculations on the lawfulnefs of tyrannicide, 
 fee Anti-Cotton, chap. i. (ed. printed at the Hague 
 in i2mo. 1764. and annexed to the Hiftoire de 
 Dom Inigo. de Guipufcoa,) and M de la Chalo- 
 tais, p. 62. &c. " In hac caufa," fays Suarez, 
 " unum fumus." Chalotais, 149. The iententious 
 dignity atTumed by Molina, in relating the allaiTi- 
 nation of Henry III. of France by James Clement, 
 is fuch as to appear worthy of infertion. " Suo fan- 
 guine patriae communis et gentis libertatem redemp- 
 tam inter ictus et vulnera impenfe lastabatur ; cae- 
 fo Rege ingens fibi nomen fecit. Casde caedes ex- 
 piata, ac manibus Ducis perfide pereuntis * regio fan- 
 guine parentatum. Monimentum nobile, infigne ad 
 memoriam, atque mirabile . . . quo principes docean- 
 
 tur impios aulus haud impune cedere Prasclare 
 
 cum rebus humanis ageretur, H multi homines forti 
 peclore invenirentur pro libertate patriae, vitac con- 
 temptores et falutis, fed plerofque incolumitatis cupi- 
 ditas retinet magnis faepe conatibus adverfa. Itaque 
 ex tanto numero tyrannorum, quaies antiquis tempo- 
 ribus extiterunt, paucos quofdam numerare licet ferro 
 fuorum periifie." Molina, cited Chalotais 71, 72. 
 
 It cannot be expected, that I ihould here enter 
 into any inquiry refpecting the actual interference of 
 the Jefuits in the various confpiracies, both in Eng- 
 land and France, which they are accufed of having 
 promoted. They have, however, always been fo 
 
 1 Duke of Guife. 
 
 ready 
 
APPENDIX XVIII. 39 
 
 ready to juftify the conduct of thofe wretched fana- 
 tics who were concerned in them, that they muft at 
 leaft be considered in the light of acceffories after the 
 facl:. See Anti-Cotton, p. 86, 87. The principles, 
 by which the confpiracy of September 1758, againft 
 the King of Portugal, is faid to have been excited, 
 are perfectly characteriftic of the Society. " L'on 
 ne ceflbit d'y pofer en principe, qu'il feroit fort utile 
 que fa Majefte cefsat de vivre," &c. &c. Sentence 
 pronounced Jan. 12, 1759, on the Duke d'Aveiro, 
 the Marchionefs de Tavora, and others. Recueil des 
 Decrets Apoftoliques, &c. vol. i. 220 m . 
 
 The verfatile fyftem of religion adopted by the Je- 
 
 m The following: extract fhows the rnanner in which the Je- 
 fuits of France (men undoubtedly lefs bigotted than the reft of 
 the order) attempted to evade a queftion from the Parliament of 
 Paris in 1626, as to their opinions refpecling the royal preroga- 
 tive. 
 
 " Le Parlcmcnt. Quant au temporel ! parlez-nous franche- 
 ment, et nous dites fi vous croyez que le Pape puilTe excommu- 
 nier le Roi, affranchir fes fujets du ferment de fidelite, et mettre 
 fon royaume en proye ? 
 
 Les Jefuites. O Meffieurs, d'excommunier le Roi : lui qui eft le 
 fiis aine de fEglife, fe donnera bien de garde de rien faire qui ob- 
 lige le Pape a cela. 
 
 Le Parlem. Mais voftre General, qui a approuve ce livre, tient 
 pour infaillible ce que defius : Eftes vous de difterente croyance ? 
 
 Les JeJ. Meffieurs, lui qui eft a Rome ne peut faire autrement 
 que d'approuver ce que la cour de Rome approuve. 
 
 Le Parlem. Et voftre croyance ? 
 
 Les Jef. Elle eft toute contraire. 
 
 Le Parlem. Et, ft vous etiez a Rome, que feriez vous ? 
 
 Les JeJ. Nous ferions comme ceux qui y font." 
 
 Articles des Demandes de Meffieurs du Parlement, 
 Merc. Jef. i. 889. 
 
 d 4 fuits. 
 
40 APPENDIX XVHI. 
 
 luits, ( i; pia et religiofa calliditas," Im. primi Saeculi 
 9. Provinciates, p. 154 ) is not lefs remarkable than 
 the loofenefs of their morals. " L'on peut depofer 
 le perfonnage de Chretien, difent ouvertement les Je- 
 fuites." Reflexions fimples et naturelles fur ce qui fe 
 pafle aujourd'hui dans l'Eglife, par TAuteur du Pa- 
 rallel, Amft. 1 73 1. p. 23. " Contrition," they fay, 
 " is fo little neceflary to a communicant, that on the 
 contrary it is prejudicial, fince, effacing all fins by it- 
 felf, ' elle ne laifferoit rien a faire au facrement." Let- 
 tres Prov. p. 168. Efcobar, Sirmond, and others, 
 difcuffed particularly the queftion, when and how 
 often it is neceflary to feel the love of God, and re- 
 folved it " de facon que (voyez la bontc de Dieu) it 
 ne nous eft pas tant commande de l'aimer, que de ne 
 le point hair." " Vous y verrez done, que cette dii- 
 penfe de l'obligation facheiife d'aimer Dieu eft le pri- 
 vilege de la loi Evangelique par deffus la Judaique." 
 Ibid. 169. j 7 1. 
 
 The whole cafuiftry of the order is fufrlciently, and 
 ic is needlefs to fay how pointedly, unfolded in the in- 
 imitable Letters of a Provincial. Voltaire, indeed, after 
 juftly praiiing the ability with which thefe letters are 
 written, proceeds to fay : " It is true, that the whole 
 work refts on a falfe foundation, the extravagant opi- 
 nions of certain Spanifh and Flemifh Jefuits being 
 adroitly attributed in it to the whole Society." Siecle 
 de L. XIV. vol. ii. p 232. It would have been 
 more correct to have Hated, that a great number of 
 individual Jefuits, and particularly the natives of 
 France, did not believe nor teach thofe profligate doc- 
 trines which are expofed by Pafcal. To the Society, 
 as a body, they moft undoubtedly belong, as Pafcal 
 
 him- 
 
APPENDIX XIX. 41 
 
 himfelf has proved. See alfo the Hiftoire de Port 
 Royal, par J. Racine, p. 154. Oeuvres, vol. i. and 
 the Seconde Requete de i'Univerfite de Paris, pre- 
 ient.ee au Parlement en 1 644, cited in the Preface to 
 Les Jefuites criminels de Leze Majefle, a la Haye, 
 1759. Pref. p. ix, &c. Voltaire is very generally in- 
 clined to reprefent all controverfies between Chrifti- 
 ans as frivolous. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 For a brief account of the rife and progrefs of 
 the Jefuits, fee Thuanus, xxxvii. 8. The order 
 was inftituted in 1540. Loyola had then nine af- 
 fociates. The college at Coimbra in Portugal was 
 founded in 1 541 : in the following year that of Goa, 
 and an eftablifhment at Lifbon n . Laines had the 
 honour, about the fame time, of negotiating a mar- 
 riage between the Princefs Mary of Portugal, and 
 Philip II. of Spain. Salmeron and Brouet were ap- 
 pointed Papal nuncios to Scotland and Ireland in 
 1 541. Le Jay, Le Fevre, and Bobadilla were fent 
 to Ratifbon, as the theologians of the Pope, in 
 1542 °. 
 
 In 1545, Salmeron and Laines were deputed to 
 the Council of Trent p, where they are faid to have 
 
 n Benard, i. 78. Dom Inigo, book iv. 
 
 Benard, i. p. 55, 56, 77. 
 
 ? As Papal theologians. Benard, i. p. 81, 82. Hift. Gen. des 
 Jef. iv. 90. Laines, however, does not feem to have been lb im- 
 mediately in the iervice of the Pope, as of the Cardinal de Fer- 
 rara ; (P. PhoIo, Hilloire du Concile de Trent, par Courayer, ii, 
 10S, 9.) nor dees his name occur in the Hittary of. the Council, 
 till the Colloquy of PoilTy in 1561. The name of Salmeron does 
 not occur fo foon. See the Index. Ibid. 
 
 con- 
 
42 APPENDIX XIX. 
 
 conduced themfelves with an arrogance, which ill 
 became the recent origin of their Society. In 1546, 
 the Jefuit Rodriguez was chofen preceptor to one of 
 the fons of the King of Portugal (Benard, i. 89.) ; 
 and Miron, a few years afterwards, was feverely re- 
 proved by Loyola for declining the poft of confeflbr 
 to that monarch. On this occafion, the founder of 
 the order inftrudled its inferior members to insinuate 
 themfelves into all courts, and into the confidence of 
 all fovereigns. (Bouhours, Vie de St. Ignace, p. 460. 
 et fuiv. Benard, i. 136, 137.) On the death of Loy- 
 ola in 1556, the number of the religious of this per- 
 fuafion amounted to upwards of 1000. (Benard, 
 ibid. 197.) Their number in 1608. was eftimated at 
 10,581 : in 1710, at 19,998. (Dom Inigo, ii. 148.) 
 In England, not to mention the numerous confpira- 
 cies againft the Proteftant intereft, in which the Jefuits 
 are fufpected of having been involved, they eagerly 
 availed themfelves of the fhort triumph of Roman 
 Catholicifm, under the bigotted Mary, to endeavour 
 to procure an efhiblilhment. They never forgave the 
 injury, which they considered themfelves as having 
 received from that Princefs, in being refufed inftitu- 
 tion to the monafteries, which had been fupprefled 
 by Henry VIII. and which Mary wifhed, but dared 
 not venture, to reftore to the Church. (Benard, i. 
 183.) As it ufually happens, that an ill-regulated 
 zeal is injurious to the caufe in which it is em- 
 ployed, fo nothing, perhaps, has contributed more 
 immediately to the declenfion of the Popifh party in 
 England, than jealoufy of thefe ecclefiaflics ; who ever 
 fince the Revolution have been confeifedly unpopu- 
 lar in this country, even among the Roman Catho- 
 lics. 
 
APPENDIX XIX. 43 
 
 lies. Symptoms of fuch unpopularity began to ap- 
 pear at an earlier period. (Hift. Gen. des Jef. i. i6$. 
 p. 3. Amft. 1 76 1.) 
 
 An account of the alternate difafters and triumphs 
 of the Jefuits in France would of itfelf be furficient 
 to fill a volume The early and continued opposi- 
 tion of the Sorbonne to their admiffion both into the 
 kingdom in general, and into the Univerfity of Paris 
 in particular, does honour to the penetration of that 
 body of divines ; an honour, which, as the Sorbonne 
 is fo rarely named honoris cauja, it would in the pre fen t 
 inftance be fcarcely equitable to withhold. See the 
 Conclulions de la Faculte de Theologie de Paris, de 
 Tan 1554. Merc, Jef. i. 320. " Denique in magnum 
 populi gravamen, religionis monafiicae honeftatem 
 violare videtur (haec focietas), ftudiofum pium et 
 pernecefTarium virtutum abftinentiarum caeremonia- 
 rum et aufteritatis enervat exercitium, imo occalio- 
 nem dat libere apoftatandi ab aliis religionibus, debi- 
 tarn ordinariis obedientiam et fubjecl:ionem fubtrahir, 
 Dominos tarn temporales quam ecclefiafticos fuis ju- 
 ribus injufte privat, perturbationem in utraque poli- 
 tia, multas in populo querelas, multas lites, difTidia, 
 contentiones, aemulationes, variaque fchifmata indu- 
 cit. Itaque, his omnibus atque aliis diligenter exa- 
 minatis, et perpenlis, haec focietas videtur in negotio 
 fidei periculofa, pacis Ecclefiae perturbativa, monafti- 
 cae religionis everfiva, et magis in deftruclionem quam 
 in aedifkationem." Ibid, ad finem. 
 
 Notwithftanding all obflacles, the Jefuits at length 
 iniinuated themfelves into all the provinces of the 
 kingdom, and foon became fo powerful, that, though 
 they had been the zealots of the league, though they 
 
 were 
 
44 APPENDIX XIX. 
 
 were known to be enemies to the monarch's perfon, 
 and were fufpected of having defigns upon his life, 
 they extorted from Henry IV. a recognition of their 
 order. The reafons are well known, which were 
 given by that prince to his minifter, for having made 
 fo imprudent a conceffion *. 
 
 By civil war they introduced themfelves into Po- 
 land, a country which continued for a long time to 
 be harafTed by their intrigues r . Their character 
 here was fo notorious, that a Mofcovite ufurper did 
 not hefitate to apply to them for affiftance, which 
 was granted s . 
 
 In Portugal they not only attempted to engrofs to 
 themfelves the whole adminiftration of the govern- 
 ment, but are faid alfo to have foliated the King, 
 that it might be enacted, u Que nul a l'avenir ne peufh 
 eftre Roy de Portugal, s'il n'etoit Jefuite, et efleu par 
 leur ordre, tout ainfi que dans Rome le Pape par le 
 College des Cardinaux." Pafquier, Cat. des Jef. livre 
 iii. chap. 1 6. The avowal is contained in a ftate pa- 
 per of the court of Portugal, dated Feb. to, 1758, 
 " que, pendant bien des annees, on na ofe executer 
 aucun ordre royal, qui fut. capable de caufer le moin- 
 dre deplaifir a ces Peres." Inftruclion a Franqois de 
 Almada de Mendonza, Recueil des Decrets, &c. i. 
 p. 133. Though the court of Portugal, from the 
 time that it refolved on the deftruction of the Je- 
 fuits, is certainly not more free than any of their pri- 
 
 iift. Gen. des Jef. i. 173.310. Benard, i. 169. ii. 266. 
 Bouhours, 420. Les Jefuites Criminels, pref. p.viii. Sully's Me- 
 moirs, vol. ii. p. 279. Engl. Tr. by Mrs. Lennox, 4to. 
 
 r Hift. Gen. des Jef. i. 150, iji. ii. 79, &c. 
 
 s Ibid. i. 248, 9. . 
 
 vare 
 
APPENDIX XIX. 45 
 
 vate enemies from the imputation of having calum-* 
 niated them, it would yet fcarcely have made fo hu- 
 miliating a confeffion, if it had not been founded in 
 truth. 
 
 The conduct of the Jefuits towards the fmaller but 
 independent ftates and corporations of Europe was 
 altogether guided by the fame principles. Their con- 
 troverfy with the Univerfity of Louvain may be con- 
 fidered in fome refpects as an epitome of their gene- 
 ral hiftory. Many reftricldons were impofed on them 
 when at length permitted to eftablifh a college, in 
 1560. " II falut, dit leur hiftorien, que leur amis 
 les priaffent d' accepter cet etabliffement, alleguant 
 qu'ils feroient maitres par la fuite d'obferver ou d'en* 
 freindre ces conditions." Benard, ii. 9. 
 
 At Venice they feem at firil to have met with but 
 little oppofition. Their intriguing fpirit, however, 
 was not likely to harmonize for any long period with 
 the jealoufy of a fufpicious government. In the year 
 1560, the Venetian fenators deliberated on their ex- 
 pulfion. This blow was for the time fufpended ; but 
 the wives of fenators, by fome of whom it was fuf- 
 pected that fecrets of ftate had been revealed, were 
 forbidden for the future to apply to Jefuit confefTors. 
 Benard,, ii. 4. In 1 606, on the difpute between the Ve- 
 netians and Paul V. (a queftion between the rights of 
 fovereigns and the privileges of ecclefiaftics, in which 
 the caule of the republic was defended by the illuftrious 
 Father Paul,) the interefts of the Pope were naturally 
 efpoufed by the Jefuits. In confequence of their con- 
 duel on this occafion, they were banifhed from the 
 ftates of Venice. (Thuani Hift. lib. 137.) Their 
 banifhment continued for the fpace of fifty years, 
 
 and 
 
46 APPENDIX XIX. 
 
 and the manner in which they obtained a revocation 
 of the fentence deferves to be related. The follow- 
 ing account of it is given by the Abbe Racine in the 
 Abrcge de l'Hiftoire Ecclcfiaftique. 
 
 " Alexander VII. at the commencement of the 
 year 1657, gave a fignal proof of his attachment to 
 the Jefuits. Thele fathers had been banimed for 
 ever from the Hate of Venice, and the King of 
 France had folicited fruitlefsly on their behalf. The 
 Pope charged his nuncio to intercede with the Senate 
 for their re-eftablifhment, and to acl on this occafion 
 in concert with the French ambafTador, who was ur- 
 gently to demand the fame favour in the name of his 
 moft Chriftian Majefty. The votes of the Senate 
 were equally divided when the queftion was brought 
 under difcuffion. The one party was for adhering 
 to the folemn decree, by which the Jefuits had been 
 expelled ; the other thought it politic to relax that 
 fevere injunction, in a cafe where the important end 
 might be anfwered of obliging the Pope and the 
 King of France. 
 
 " But for the particular circumftances, however, in 
 which Venice was then fituated, the Jefuits, notwith- 
 ftanding their great credit in moil of the courts of 
 Europe, would never have obtained reftoration. Hap- 
 pily for them, the republic was engaged in the war 
 of Candia. It had need of the Popes pecuniary af- 
 fiftance, and of his permiilion to impofe certain taxes 
 on the Clergy. The Chigis (the Pope's nephews) 
 were ftill more in want of money, to build their pa- 
 laces, and eftablifli their fortunes. In thefe recipro- 
 cal neceffities, the Jefuits made an offer to his Holi- 
 nefs of a considerable fum of money. They fug- 
 
 gefted 
 
APPENDIX XX. 47 
 
 gefled to him, that it would be extremely acceptable 
 either to his own family, or to the Venetians ; that 
 their fociety demanded nothing from him in return, 
 but that he mould endeavour to prevail on the re- 
 public to refcind the decree of banifhment, which it 
 had pronounced againfl them, and to receive them 
 again into its bofom ; that, in common with the 
 other religious orders, they might there offer up 
 prayers to God for the profperity of the Hate, and a 
 fuccefsful clofe to that difaflrous war with which it 
 was afflicted. 
 
 " The Pope could not refill: a requeft fo adroitly 
 exprefTed, and fo powerfully fupported. The Vene- 
 tians, feeing that he demanded with fo much urgen- 
 cy the recal of the Jefuits, and that all the affi fiance 
 to be expedled from him depended on this condition, 
 at length confented to it ; and each party obtained its 
 objecSl : Venice, the affiflance of which it was in 
 need ; the Jefuits, their reftoration to the territory of 
 the republic ; and the Pope, a fum which would ap- 
 pear incredible, if we did not know, that thofe from 
 whom it proceeded had the means of making fuch a 
 donation, even without much inconvenience." Hift. 
 Gen. des Jefuites, i. 307. 
 
 On this re-eflablifhment, the Jefuits were fub- 
 jecled to humiliating conditions ; which, probably, 
 were very inaccurately obferved, but which marked 
 the general diflruft entertained of them by the Ve- 
 netians. 
 
 XX. 
 
 Xavier, on his arrival at Goa, found it a very ge- 
 neral practice among the Portuguefe, to indulge in 
 
 con- 
 
4* APPENDIX XX. 
 
 concubinage with Afiatic women. His biographer 
 expatiates with much approbation on the delicacy of 
 his fineiie in contriving to put a ftop to this irregu- 
 larity. 
 
 " Ergo Xaverius tanto huic malo obviam eundum 
 ratus, iu mm ope expedire illorum animos ccepit. 
 Primum igitur eos omni obfequio demereri. Inde, 
 ut quiique obvius erat, hilari vultu eum rogare, ut 
 facerdotem cibi egentem convivio acciperet familiari. 
 Annuente illo, mcnfae pariter accumbebat. Super 
 ccenam \ T el a ccena orabat hofpitem, fuos ut liberos 
 accerii juberet. Mox patris juflu prodibant parvi 
 filii, quos Francifcus manibus fublatos collo fuo ad- 
 movebat, grates Deo agens, qui tales ei pueros fpem 
 ftirpis dedifTet : et fimul honeftam eis fan6tamque 
 vitam expofcebat precibus. Subinde (temeritas in 
 alio foret, quod illius fanctitas facile fuftinebat) pue- 
 rorum matrem acciri deiiderabat ; accitam benigne 
 alloqui, hofpiti ejus commendare formam, nuptiis 
 viam muniens. Earn utique egregia effe indole ac 
 fpecie, ut Lufitana poflet videri : liberos ex ea geni- 
 tos haud dubie Luiitano homine dignos. Quae res 
 igitur connubium moraretur ? Quam conjugem ex- 
 peteret ilia mehorem ? Proinde ne cun&aretur hlio- 
 rum famne, talis fceminae pudori confulere. Nee fa- 
 lubria didta in irritum cadebant. Francifci vox et 
 aucloritas haud aegre eos impellebat ad pellices fibi 
 matrimonio jungendas, ipfomet infpeclante-. Quod ii 
 quern nadlus eflet, qui ex Inda muliere ac deformi fi- 
 lios matti iimiles haberet, indignabundus exclamabat: 
 Deus bone, quid hoc eft monitri ? Diabolum domi 
 alis ? cum ifto portento confuetudinem habes ? hinc 
 fufcipere liberos potes ? me audi — iftud monitrum ac 
 
 pro- 
 
APPENDIX XXI. 49 
 
 prodigium extemplo teclis ejice ; et te dignam conju- 
 gem quaere : ita ille, amandata pellice, ducebat uxo- 
 rem. Nee linebat Francifcus, quantum in ipfo erat, 
 nigras ancillas a Lufitanis in matrimonium duci, fed 
 albas, minimeque deformes ; ut fcilicet adulteriis ab- 
 ftinerent, fua quifque uxore contend." Turf. vit. 
 Xav. ii. 3. 
 
 Other enterprizes of this illuftrious miffionary were 
 directed not lefs immediately to promote the tempo- 
 ral power of Portugal, than the ecclefiaftical fove- 
 reignty of Rome. See Benard, i. 89. 112. and the Hif- 
 tory of the Rife and Fall of the Portugueze Empire 
 in the Eaft, prefixed to Mickle's tranflation of the 
 Lufiad, p. cxix. 4to. 1778. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 I have been fomewhat at a lofs in what manner to 
 tranflate the terms cartouches, cartons, tableaux, and 
 tablettes, which, for want of a particular defcription, 
 I have rendered by the very indefinite word tablet. 
 Since they probably refembled in form the ornaments 
 which fometimes have been fubftituted in their place, 
 a notion of them may, perhaps, be derived from the 
 following paffage in the Suite des Lettres Edifiantes, 
 which defcribes the latter. " Chaque famille tient 
 affiche, dans le lieu le plus apparent de la falie ou 
 elle reqoit les hotes, une grande feuille de papier co- 
 lore, fur laquelle eft ecrit en gros caracteres : ' Efprit, 
 vrai maitre, Createur du ciel, de la terre, des hommes, 
 et de toutes chofes.' Cette tablette eft dans la pro- 
 vince le figne confacre de la religion Chretienne. 
 Aux cotes de la tablette, et aux murailles collaterales 
 de la falle, on voit fur de longues feuilles de papier 
 
 e colore 
 
50 APPENDIX XXII. 
 
 colore des fentences correfpondantes de la religion, 
 on voit aufli fouvent la croix tracee fur les portes 
 memes. Ceci tient lieu d'un ornement ufite dans le 
 pays, qui, chez les paiens, eft prefque tout idolatre 
 et fuperftitieux." Letter of M. DufrefTe, from China, 
 dated in 1793. 
 
 The decidedly religious nature of thefe ceremonies 
 may be collected, alfo, from a letter of the fame mif- 
 fionary, p. 242. " Quelques paiens s'autorifant de 
 Tedit, et fe prevalant de la foibleiTe d'une famille, 011 
 il n'y avoit que deux femmes et de petits enfans, 
 avoient arrache la tablette Chretienne, et affiche la 
 pa'ienne." p. 208. In Tonquin, a country, the man- 
 ners of which feem to have been very fimilar to thofe 
 of China, the natives were perfectly aware of the dif- 
 ference between adoring the heaven and the Lord of 
 heaven. " (Les Chretiens) doivent fe corriger, re- 
 prit ie fecretaire (payen), du culte qu'ils rendent au 
 feigneur du ciel, et fuivre la coutume de Tonquin en 
 adorant le ciel meme." Hiftoire de rEtabliflement 
 du Chriftianifme dans les Indes Orientales, 2 vol. 
 iimo. Paris. 1803. vol. ii, p. 76. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 I. Letter to the Pope. 
 
 " Moft Holy Father, 
 
 u Your Holinefs is not ignorant how the Jefuits 
 have laboured to obtain free entrance for preaching 
 of the Goipel in the empire of China, where all the 
 gates were fhut againft foreigners, and how that, after 
 one hundred years fpent in pains and trouble, they at 
 length obtained permifiion, by the Emperor's edict, 
 
 pub- 
 
APPENDIX XXII. 51 
 
 publicly to preach the law of God through the ex- 
 tent of that vaft empire. The more this work, which 
 has coft us fo much care and fatigue, is for the glory 
 of God, the more are we pierced with grief and for- 
 row that we are in danger of feeing utterly loft what 
 has fo many years been eftablifhing. 
 
 " For it is evident, that if the Chinefe Chriftians are 
 forbid the ufe of the ceremonies, which are practifed 
 in reference to Confucius and their deceafed parents, 
 the Chriftian religion runs the hazard, upon the rlrft 
 accufation, of being banifhed out of the empire of 
 China. Whatever goodnefs the Emperor fhows us, 
 we cannot expect that he mould expofe himfelf, for 
 our fakes, to thofe inconveniencies and all thofe 
 troubles, which would infallibly happen upon the 
 leaft innovations upon the cuftoms of the empire ; 
 more efpecially, being himfelf a foreigner, and only 
 maintained in his poffeffion by the Tartars. 
 
 " Considering, therefore, that thefe ceremonies may 
 be looked upon differently by thofe that examine 
 them, and that, according to the fenfe and meaning 
 wherein they are taken by fome, we are accufed of 
 openly tolerating idolatry, becaufe we permit what 
 our predecefTors thought it became them to tolerate 
 as ceremonies merely political, after they had pared, 
 off what fome idolaters had intermixed of fuperfti- 
 tions : feeing alfo that every body quoted, in favour 
 of his own opinion, feveral texts taken out of the 
 Chinefe books, we deemed it our beft way to confuk 
 the Emperor, as being well verfed in the Chinefe lan- 
 guage, chief of the feci: of the learned, the only 
 judge of the fenfe of the laws, ceremonies, and cuf- 
 toms, as legiflator of the empire. 
 
 s i " To 
 
5j» APPENDIX XXII. 
 
 " To which purpofe, by the favour of two manda- 
 rins, we prefented to his imperial Majefty our expla- 
 nation of the Chinefe ceremonies, which we fent to 
 your Holinefs : which after the Emperor had read, 
 he found very juft, and declared, that it contained 
 the true fentiments of the empire, and his own : 
 which he confirmed by a decree, which is hereto an- 
 nexed. 
 
 " We take the liberty, moft holy Father, to prefent 
 to you this decree, and, proflrate at your Holinefs's 
 feet, implore you gracioufly to receive it. It is a 
 clear declaration upon the matter in queftion, and 
 the authentic teftimony of a great prince, who has 
 been all along affectionately kind to all the mifliona- 
 ries. We fhall alfo fend to your Holinefs feveral other 
 teftimonies, upon the fame fubjecl:, of the greateft 
 lords of the court and the empire ; in hopes your 
 Holinefs will give more credit to thefe teftimonies, 
 than to theirs who are of an opinion contrary to 
 ours : perfons without credit, without capacity, and 
 who have afferted feveral things upon bare conjec- 
 tures. And your Holinefs may fee by this decree of 
 the Emperor, that what they have faid touching the 
 fentiments of this great prince is no way conforma- 
 ble to truth. 
 
 " So that if cuftoms fo ancient and fo authorized 
 in the empire, the prefervation of which the Chinefe 
 look upon as one of the moft important blefllngs of 
 the government, and as one of the principal fupports 
 of the monarchy, fhould be overturned, we may pre- 
 fume to tell your Holinefs, that the courfe of the 
 Gofpel would be in great danger of being flopped, 
 and that the Church of China would in as little time 
 
 be 
 
APPENDIX XXII. S3 
 
 be utterly overturned. We could wifh it were in our 
 power to abolifh all the cuftoms and ceremonies of 
 the Gentiles, where there is the leaft appearance of 
 evil or fuperftition : but being afraid of fhutting the 
 gates againfl the Gofpel, and excluding out of hea- 
 ven a great number of fouls by an over-rigorous fe- 
 verity, we rather chofe to imitate the conducl of the 
 holy Fathers in the primitive ages of the Church, 
 and to tolerate fuch ceremonies, as are purely politi- 
 cal and civil. 
 
 " And now, as we have taken the liberty to reprefent 
 thefe things to your Holinefs, we befeech you to be 
 fully convinced of our filial obedience and fubmiffion 
 to him on whom we look as the vilible head and 
 common Father of the univerfal Church, &c. 
 
 Your Holinefs's moll humble and moft obedient 
 fervants and fons in Jefus Chrift, 
 (Signed) Philip Grimaldi, 
 
 Rector of the College, and Subflitute of the Vice- Provincial, 
 
 Anthony Thomas, 
 
 Superior of the Oriental Houfes." 
 
 II. Explanation of the Chinefe ceremonies, mentioned 
 in the preceding letter, and prefented to the Emperor 
 Kamhi, Nov. 30, 1 700. 
 
 < c When the Chinefe honour Confucius, they do it 
 to fhow their refpecl: to him, by reafon of the doc- 
 trine which he has left among them. Having em- 
 braced this doclrine from him, how can they better 
 pay thofe honours that are due to him, than by fall- 
 
 • e 3 ing 
 
54 APPENDIX XXIL 
 
 ing upon their knees, and touching the ground with 
 their heads ? This is the true reafon of thofe ho- 
 nours, becaufe the whole empire of China looks upon 
 and reveres Confucius as their matter. 
 
 " As for what concerns the libations and other ce- 
 remonies paid to their deceafed parents, they praclife 
 them as a mark of their love and refpect to them, 
 and out of that acknowledgement which is due to 
 them, as being the heads of their race and family : 
 nor did they propofe any other end in fettling thofe 
 ceremonies, than to fhow the full extent of their af- 
 fection for their kindred and relations. 
 
 " As for the little pictures which they fet up in 
 honour of their anceftors and kindred, we fay that the 
 Chinefe do it, not that they believe the foul of the 
 dead refides there, or that they come there to de- 
 mand any kindnefs ; but they fet meat and prefents 
 before the faid little pictures, to the end that by 
 fhowing their love and refpect to them, as if they 
 were alive and prefent, they may make appear their 
 conftant and continued forrow for the lofs of the 
 heads of their families. 
 
 " As for the facrifices which the ancient kino;s and 
 emperors were wont to offer to heaven, they are fuch 
 as the Chinefe philofophers call Kiao Che, the facri- 
 fices which are made to heaven and earth, by which 
 they fay that Cham Ti, or the fovereign lord, is ho- 
 noured. And for this reafon it is, that the little pic- 
 tures before which they offer thofe facrifices bear this 
 infcription ; To the Cham Ti, that is to fay, to the 
 Sovereign Lord. 
 
 " From whence it is evident, that they do not offer 
 facrifices to the vifible and material heaven, but only 
 
 to 
 
APPENDIX XXIII. 55 
 
 to the Lord and Creator of heaven and earth. And 
 becaufe that out of fear and refpecl for him they 
 dare not call him by his proper name, they invoke 
 him under the appellations of the Supreme Heaven, 
 the Bountiful Heaven, the Univerfal Heaven." 
 
 III. The Emperor s approbation. 
 
 " That which is contained in this writing is very 
 right, and very conformable to the grand doctrine : 
 to pay our devoirs to heaven, to our lords, to our 
 parents, to our mafters, and our anceftors, is a law 
 common over all the world. The things that are 
 contained in this writing are very true, and there is 
 nothing to amend." 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 See the voyage of F. Alexander de Rhodes, quoted 
 IV. Lettre fur les ceremonies de la Chine, p. 4. An- 
 other Jefuit is cited to the fame purport, p. 6. Lon- 
 gobardi, Provincial of the Jefuits in China, aflembled 
 a council in 1628, in which the ufe of the ceremonies 
 was explicitly condemned. His fuccefTor, Hurtado, 
 held that they were permiffible, and, u pour faire 
 ceiTer entierement les fcrupules," committed to the 
 flames the book which had been written on this quef- 
 tion by Longobardi. ° J'avoue," obferves Father Cice, 
 " quil ne fait pas cefTer les miens." Dom Inigo, i. 
 321, 322. Cice, Lettre aux Jefuites, p. 27. 29. "I 
 am convinced," fays Father du Paz, (a Dominican 
 writer in the intereft of the Jefuits, quoted by Go- 
 bien, p. 270.) " that thefe Pagans do not believe in 
 the divine power of their deceafed anceftors, or of 
 Confucius ; or, at leaft, that it is not their common 
 opinion." It was then, confefledly, the opinion of 
 
 e 4 fome., 
 
5 6 APPENDIX XXIII. 
 
 fomc, and therefore ought not to have been tolerated. 
 We know alfo, that the fuperftitions of China, and 
 of the adjoining countries, both are, and long have 
 been, fimilar. (Nouvelles des Millions Orient. Lond. 
 J 797- P- J 9^-) * n tne kingdom of Tonquin, the 
 vvorfhip of Confucius is prevalent at this day : (ibid. 
 p. 79.) and the recent miflionaries to that country 
 feem to have no doubt, but that the honours and 
 facrifices offered by the natives to him, and alfo to 
 their dead anceftors, are altogether idolatrous. Ibid. 
 
 55- 84. 
 
 The following extract, which, I believe, gives a 
 
 faithful account of the Chinefe religion, is taken from 
 the notes to the Hiftoire Generale de la Chine, &c. 
 traduite par le feu Pere Jof. A. M. de M. de Mailla, 
 Jefuite. Reviie par M. le Roux des Hauterayes, Pa- 
 ris, 4to. 1780. 
 
 " In fhort, it appears to me, that the Chinefe, un- 
 lefs their ancient religion was different from their 
 prefent, have never recognized any fubftance diftinct 
 from matter: and confequently, that the names of 
 Tien and Chang Ti 9 with thole of Li and Tai-kie, 
 whatever attributes may be annexed to them, are ef- 
 fentially different from that of the true God. The 
 worfhip which is rendered by the Chinefe to Confu- 
 cius, and their anceftors, though it may have been 
 purely civil in its commencement, is yet no more ex- 
 empt from the imputation of idolatry, than the wor- 
 fhip anciently paid to the Roman emperors. That 
 multitude, alfo, of fubaltern fpirits, to which the 
 Chinefe facrifice, and which they fuppofe to prefide 
 over the air, the earth, forefts, mountains, rivers, &c. 
 has its counterpart in the iimilar crowd of local dei- 
 ties, 
 
APPENDIX XXIV. 57 
 
 ties, with which the Greeks and Romans had peopled 
 all creation. It is remarkable, that the pontificate 
 daring life, and the honours of an apotheofis after 
 death, were common to the Emperors of China with 
 the Cefars." Note, p. 303. vol. xi. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 The reigning Emperor of China has fanctioned the 
 enactments of his predeceffor for the prohibition of 
 Chriftianity. (Hift. Gen. de la Chine, vol. xi. p. 
 524, &c.) The religion, nevertheless, is far from be- 
 ing extirpated in that empire. It feems from an 
 edict mentioned ibid. p. 527. that fome of the Chi- 
 nefe Chriftians have perfifted with great refolution in 
 the profeflion of their faith. See pp. 530 — 536. Ever 
 fince the perfecution under Yong-tching, compliance 
 with the fufpected ceremonies has been forbidden to 
 converts ; and it is faid, that their fuperior conftancy 
 has made ample amends for their diminished number. 
 p. 537. The perfonal merit and difintereftednefs of 
 the Jefuits, and other miilionaries now in China, is 
 not to be contefted ; (Staunton s Embaffy, vol. ii. p. 
 338. 8vo.) and it is evident, that they have fhared in 
 that tacit reformation, which has taken place even in 
 the Roman Catholic religion. (Compare the Nou- 
 velles des Millions Etrangeres, publifhed at London 
 in 1797, as a Supplement to the Lettres Edifiantes^ 
 with the earlier volumes of that feries.) 
 
 XXV. 
 
 There are at prefent three different feels of Chrif- 
 tians in Malabar. 
 
 I. The 
 
5 8 APPENDIX XXV. 
 
 I. The St. Thome or Jacobite Chriftians, who 
 preferve entirely the ancient difcipline, and faith. 
 
 II. The Syrian Roman Catholics, whofe Liturgy 
 is the fame with the Roman, except that it is tranf- 
 lated into the language of the country. 
 
 III. The Latin Roman Catholics, who, as their 
 name imports, adopt the Romifh fyftem in language, 
 as well as in rites and doctrines. 
 
 The interefting anecdote is related by Mr. Kerr, 
 that " in fome of the churches divine fervice is per- 
 formed in the Syro-Chaldaic and Latin ritual alter- 
 nately, by the Papal clergy, and by the priefts of the 
 Chriftians of St. Thome. When the firfl have cele- 
 brated mafs, they carry away the images from the 
 church before the others enter.' ' Report to Lord W. 
 Bentinck. I fubjoin fome extracts from an Account 
 of the St. Thome Chriftians, by F. Wrede, Efq. 
 (Aiiatic Refearches, vol. iii. art. 13. p. 364. 4to. 
 Calcutta ed.) 
 
 " They (the St. Thome Chriftians) at firft made 
 fome profelytes amongft the Bramins and Nairs, and 
 were on that account much refpedted by the native 
 princes ; fo that even at prefent they confider them- 
 felves equal in rank to either of the above two cafts. 
 They are, in fact, in much greater eftimation amongft 
 the Hindoos, than the new Chriftians converted by 
 the Portugueze, and moftly picked up from the low- 
 ed caft. I have been afTured by Padre Pavorey, a 
 well informed Ex-Jefuit now at Palghautcherry, who 
 was a long time as miflionary among the St. Thome 
 Chriftians, that many of them preferve till now the 
 manners and mode of life of the Bramins, as to 
 
 clean- 
 
APPENDIX XXV. 59 
 
 cleanlinefs and abftaining from animal food ; and that 
 even he himfelf had been obliged to adopt the fame 
 regimen, in order to gain credit among them." pp. 
 368,369. 
 
 " This reunion of the St. Thome Chriftians to the 
 See of Rome (by Menezes) was, however, neither 
 general, nor fincere and lafting ; for a fhort time 
 after, fome Maronites, or Neftorian priefts, found 
 their way to the mountains of Travancore, where 
 they revived the old doctrines and rites, and ever 
 lince kept up their communication with the Jaco- 
 bites, Maronites, and Neftorians of Syria. At pre- 
 fent there are thirty-two churches % of this defcription 
 remaining, which are called Schifmatic Syrians by 
 the Portugueze and Roman clergy. They have a 
 Bifhop, or Mar Thome, who refides at Naruatte, 
 about ten miles in land from Porca, and was confe- 
 crated by fome Jacobite Bifhops, fent from Antio- 
 chia for that purpofe in the year 1752. He adheres 
 more to the doctrine of Eutyches than of Neftorius. 
 About eighty-four of the old St. Thome Churches 
 remain united to the Roman Catholic religion, and 
 are governed by the Archbifhop of Cranganore, or, as 
 he ufed to ftile himfelf, the Archbifhop of the Ma- 
 labar Chriftians of the mountains Thefe united 
 
 St. Thome Chriftians retain only the peculiarity of 
 the Chaldean language being ftill ufed in their 
 churches, for which they are furnifhed with the ne- 
 
 * The number of churches is ftated by Mr. Kerr at fifty-five. 
 The population, as returned to the refident, is eftimated at twen- 
 ty-three thoufand, but fuppofed in reality to be feventy or eighty 
 thoufand. 
 
 cefTary 
 
6o APPENDIX XXVI. 
 
 cefTary books from the Congregatio de Propaganda 
 Fide." pp.375, 376 u . 
 
 " Almoft all temples belonging to the St. Thome 
 Chriftians in the Southern Malabar, of which I had 
 occafion to obferve more than forty, were built in 
 the fame ftyle, and nearly upon the fame plan. The 
 faqade with little columns, (evidently in imitation of 
 the ftyle of architecture prevalent in Alia Minor and 
 Syria ; from whence the Chriftian religion, and with 
 it the model of their temples, appears to have been 
 tranfplanted into Malabar,) being every where the 
 fame ; only that thofe belonging to the Old Nefto- 
 rians, or Schifmatics, have preferved their ancient 
 Simplicity, and that the fronts of fuch as adopted af- 
 terwards the Latin rite, and acknowledged the fu- 
 premacy of the Roman See, are decorated with faints 
 in niches or bafTo relievos, and that fome of the moft 
 confpicuous had an arched choir." pp. 379, 380. 
 
 An account of the Malabar Chriftians may be 
 found alfo in Pennant's Hindoftan, i. 163, &c. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 Among thefe forgeries, that of Jerom Xavier feems 
 to be the moft remarkable. It has been publifhed 
 with a Latin tranilation and notes by De Dieu, under 
 the following title : " Hiftoria Chrifti Peril ce con- 
 fcripta, limulque multis modis contaminata, a P. Hie- 
 ronymo Xavier, Soc. Jefu. Latine reddita et anim- 
 
 u The congregations of the Syrian Roman Catholics arc re- 
 ported by Mr. Kerr to confift of ninety thoufand perlbns. One 
 only of the three diocefes of Latin Roman Catholics (that of Ve- 
 rapoli) is faid to contain thirty-five thoufand communicants. 
 
 adverfionibus 
 
APPENDIX XXVI. 61 
 
 adverflonibus notata a Ludovico de Dieu. Lugd. Bat, 
 1639. 4to." 
 
 The author had been prefect of the Portugueze 
 Jefuit College at Goa, and profefTes to have com- 
 pofed this work in 1602 x , at the command of Aca- 
 bar, Emperor of the Moguls at Agra. It feems to 
 have been originally written in Portugueze, and 
 tranllated into Periian by Xavier's inftructor in that 
 language y. 
 
 This hiftory begins with ftating, that Abgarus, 
 King of EdefTa, being very defirous of feeing our Sa- 
 viour, fent to him an invitation into Macedonia. 
 The mefTenger who carried the invitation was di- 
 rected, if Chrift fhould be unable to undertake the 
 journey, at leaft to bring back his picture. This at- 
 tempt to take the portrait of Chrift is accompanied, as 
 might be expected, with miracle, (pp. 5, 6.) but not 
 with the fame that is faid to have given rife to the 
 ftory of St. Veronica. We are told in page 9, that 
 Xavier's reafon for beginning his hiftory in this man- 
 ner is to comply with the requeft of the Mogul Em- 
 peror, " ut quicquid de diclis et factis iftius Domini 
 in libris noftris haberemus, in linguam Perficam 
 transferremus." 
 
 The account of the parentage of the Virgin Mary 
 feems to have been extracted from the Roman Bre- 
 viary z . Her hiftory then follows at length, and in 
 fome refpects may apparently be traced to the Apo- 
 cryphal Gofpels. In page 2,1. is given an account 
 of the decrees of Innocent IV. and Celeftine IV. re- 
 
 x P. ij. 
 
 y De Dieu, Preface. 
 
 * Idem, Animadv. p. 537, 
 
 fpecting 
 
6z APPENDIX XXVI. 
 
 fpecling the honours with which fhe ought to be 
 worshipped. " Quod fequitur," fays De Dieu, " ve- 
 riilimum eft. Salutavit Virgo Elizabetham tanta 
 cum verborum efricacia, ut et Elizabetha obftupefce- 
 ret, et foetus in utero fubfiliret. Sed audi quid Ma- 
 riae vmfaxos inde colligat. Pag. 49. Hinc liquet, in- 
 quit, quam potens lit benedicla Virgo in beneflciis 
 praeftandis, et quantam gratiam Deus iis refervet, 
 quos ilia invilit, quibufque bene precatur, et quos in 
 protectionem fuam per interceffionem capit : hinc 
 tantam Chriftiani fpem in interceffione ejus habent, 
 fummoque ftudio id agunt ut devotis intenfifque pre- 
 cibus earn proteclricem fuam habeant." De Dieu, 
 Animadv. pp. 561, 562. 
 
 Other reafoning of the fame defcription is animad- 
 verted on p. 624. 
 
 In the account of the nativity, the hiftory given 
 by the canonical evangelifts is ufually adhered to. 
 Then follow fome very particular illuftrations and 
 details of the immaculate conception, p. 69. et fq. 
 
 A relation is given, p. 73, of an interview between 
 Auguftus and a Sibyl on the day of the nativity. 
 The Sibyl fees and points out to the Emperor a 
 golden circle round the fun. and in the midft of it 
 a beautiful virgin with an infant in her arms a . 
 
 We have the following details refpedling the wife 
 men of the Eaft. " Nomina eorum haec funt : Mel- 
 chior, Cafpar, et Balthafar. Poftquam autem Ma- 
 jeftas Jefu Domini noftri in coelos alcendiffet, et apo- 
 ftoli ejus in omnia latera mundi veniifent, ex duode- 
 
 a For the probable origin of this fable, fee De Dieu's Animad- 
 versions. 
 
 cim 
 
APPENDIX XXVI. 6 3 
 
 cim apoftolis Thomas in terram ipforum venit, et 
 Evangelium Chrifti praedicavit, omnefque illos tres 
 baptizavit, id eft aqua fancta abluit, quemadmodum 
 in Evangelio praeceptum eft. Quumque multi in ea 
 regione ad fidem Dom. Jefu veniffent et Chriftiani 
 facti efTent, omnes hos tres epifcopos fecit, id eft, 
 principes in negotio religionis : ipli enim regnis fuis 
 renunciantes, in paupertatem venerunt, ut in ftatu 
 paupertatis melius fervirent Regi regum quern in tan- 
 ta paupertate viderant, quam propter homines et in- 
 ftitutionem eorum elegerat. Poft mortem corpora 
 eorum Conftantinopolim deportata fuerunt, inde in 
 urbem Mediolanum, inde in urbem Coloniam, et ad 
 hoc ufque tempus ibi funt, hominefque fepulchris 
 ipforum honorem cuftodias faciunt." pp. 89, 90. 
 
 Melchior, Cafpar, et Balthafar ! ! 1 " Baronius ac 
 Barradius, quibus alias fabulas fatis faepe allubefcunt, 
 hafce nugas ne recenfere quidem funt dignati." De 
 Dieu, 581. 
 
 The Hiftoria Petri, edited in the fame year, and at 
 the fame place, and ufually fubjoined to the Hiftoria 
 Chrifti, is undoubtedly by the lame author. Anim- 
 adv. in Hift. Petri, p. 108. 
 
 The following extract is from De Dieu's Commo- 
 nefactio ad Lectores, p. 2. (i Quod monui de Hifto- 
 ria Chrifti idem nunc moneo de hac hiftoria S. Petri: 
 nempe authori ejus non fufFecifTe ex Actis SS. Apo- 
 ftolorum adferre quod de S. Petro ibi fcriptum fuit, 
 fed varia allegafle, quae veritati non confentiunt, et ex 
 fcriptoribus indignis fide defumpta fuerunt. Scopus 
 ejus fuit oftendere S. Petro fupra omnes Apoftolos 
 principatum obtigifle, et in urbe Roma vicarium 
 Chrifti egifTe." Some notices on this fubjecl: may 
 
 be 
 
64 APPENDIX XXVII. 
 
 be found in Fabricius, Lux Evangelii, p. 564, 565. 
 ed. Hamburgi 173 1. et Cod. Apoc. Novi Tefta- 
 menti, p. 828. ed. Hamburg. 1703. 
 
 " Agreeable to which I have heard other of their 
 Catholikes deliver, that it hath beene heretofore very 
 ferioufly confulted among them, to have cenfured by 
 fome meanes and reformed the writings of St. Paul.'* 
 Sir Ed. Sandys's Europae Speculum, p. 116. London, 
 1635. See the context, and Law's Considerations on 
 the Theory of Religion, p. 263. note * : but it feems 
 doubtful whether the learned bifhop be altogether 
 warranted in fuppofing the Jefuits to be alluded to in 
 this declaration, though their name is mentioned in a 
 preceding fentence. 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 It is obfervable, that as, on the one hand, the 
 Romifh miffionaries to India have compromifed, 
 from motives of indirect policy, the mofh effential 
 doctrines of Chriftianity ; fo, on the other, they have 
 often expofed its progrefs to unneceflary difficulties, 
 by adhering ftrictly to the indifferent or fuperftitious 
 practices of their church. (Norbert, i. 1 18.) Some- 
 times they have facriflced truth to policy, and fome- 
 times policy itfelf to error. During the many perfe- 
 ctions which Chriftianity underwent in Tonquin, a 
 diligent fearch was often inftituted for books or fym- 
 bols of the religion, and their pofleflion was feverely 
 punifhed. Much labour and ingenuity was therefore 
 necefTary to conceal them, and it might, confequent- 
 ly, have been expected, that the miflionaries would 
 have ftudied to render their ceremonial as little cum- 
 bersome as poflible. They fecm, on the contrary, to 
 
 have 
 
APPENDIX XXVIL 6$ 
 
 have thought it indifpenfable to preferve, not the 
 books only of their religion, but alfo the altars, and 
 the peculiar veffels.ufed for miniftering at the al- 
 tar, the pictures, crucifixes, and other ornaments, 
 which were connected with the Romifh ritual. (Hif* 
 toire de TEtabliflement du Chriftianifme des Indes, 
 
 1 2 53> 2 57? 2 5^. "• 3°? & c - & c -) This, perhaps, 
 was a venial miftake. The doctrine of the eter- 
 nal damnation of all perfons who are not Chriftians 
 muft have been productive of more ferious mif- 
 chief. The filial reverence, which is characteriftic 
 of the natives of the Eaft, muft, as Loubere has 
 well obferved, oppofe powerfully their belief of any 
 religion, which teaches that their parents are in- 
 cluded in fo dreadful an anathema. (Siam, i. 428.) It 
 is to be remarked, alfo, that the Indian convert has 
 ufually been regarded with contempt by the miffion- 
 aries, in the fame manner as the Moorifh profelyte by 
 the old Chriftians of Spain ; and that immediately 
 on converfion he became fubject to the power of the 
 Inquifition. In fuch circumftances, it cannot be ex- 
 pected that many perfons mould relinquim the faith 
 of their anceftors for a religion, in which the facri- 
 flce of all their natural connections and private com- 
 fort was not in any degree repaid, even with that con- 
 jfideration and refpect among their new brethren, 
 which might equitably have been hoped for. (See 
 La Croze, pp. 524, 525.) 
 
 We muft allow, that, of late years, both the zeal 
 of the Roman Catholic miffionaries in India has been 
 entirely diflnterefted, and their conduct compara- 
 tively unexceptionable. It appears from the Nou- 
 velles des Millions Orientales, that they have been 
 
 f long 
 
66 APPENDIX XXVIII. 
 
 long attempting to form a national clergy in Ton- 
 quin. (p. 132.) They now put the Scriptures into the 
 hands of their converts, (ibid. p. 11.) which was not 
 formerly the cafe (Millar, ii. 263.) ; and it is certain, 
 that they are guilty of no compliance with the Chi- 
 nefe idolatries of the heaven, and of Confucius. (See 
 Appendix XXIV.) Their judgment, however, is ftill 
 very far from being correct. Many inftances of their 
 credulity are to be found in the work above cited, 
 (pp. 150 — 152. 224. &c.) They profefs to have af- 
 forded an afylum to women, whole religious zeal had 
 induced them to quit their hufbands or relations (p. 
 96.) : and boaft of having expelled the priefts of 
 idolatry by force, and of having burned or deftroyed 
 their temples, (p. 15.) 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 The efforts made by the Portugueze to eftablifh 
 the fupremacy of Rome among the Chriftians of 
 Abyflinia, may be compared with their proceedings 
 in Malabar. Were fuch a comparifon to be purfued 
 minutely, it might be applied to illuftrate in a link- 
 ing manner that modified fimilarity of refults, which 
 is produced by the fame principles in different coun- 
 tries and varied circumftances. The Abyffinian as 
 well as the Malabrian Chriftians pofteffed a creed far 
 lefs exceptionable than that of Papal Rome. They 
 rejected tranfubftantiation, and adoration of the confe- 
 crated bread ; they permitted their priefts to marry ; 
 and held the Scriptures to be the perfect rule of 
 faith b . 
 
 k Ludolf. Hift. JEth. I. iii. cap. 7. fol. Francof. 1681. Millar, 
 Prop, of Chriftianity, ii. 189. Gcddes, Ch. Hilt, of Ethiopia, p. 31. 
 
 Ber- 
 
APPENDIX XXVIII. 67 
 
 Bermudez, a Spanifh Ecclefiaftic, went into Abyf- 
 finia in the year 1520. He was in 1525 appointed 
 patriarch of that country by the Emperor Onandin- 
 guel, whom fome writers name David, and who, it is 
 probable, was willing to admit the ecclefiaftical fu- 
 premacy of Rome, becaufe it was the means of pro- 
 curing military aid from Portugal . Bermudez, on 
 his promotion, undertook a journey to Rome, that 
 he might perform homage to the Pope ; and, return- 
 ing by way of Lifbon and Goa, conducted an intre- 
 pid body of Portugueze adventurers into Abyffinia d . 
 The Emperor, however, was dead, and his fon and 
 fucceflbr unwilling to acknowledge either the Pope 
 or a Popifh patriarch. The zeal of the Papift is> 
 indeed, much more remarkable than that of the 
 Chriftian, in the whole policy of Bermudez. " A 
 great nation," fays he to the Portugueze, " cannot be 
 cleanfed of all the cockle and tares which the devill 
 foweth in it : even as a field cannot be weeded of all 
 the weeds and thornes that grow in it : for if we 
 feeke to weed them cleane, we fhall alfo pull up the 
 wheate among the weeds, as Chrift faith in the Gof- 
 pell. It is enough to do now the principall, which 
 
 c The Emperors of Japan, though, probably, not at all defirous 
 of being vifited by the armies of Europe, were not more difinter- 
 efted in their encouragement of Chriftianity. " Comme ces nou- 
 Veaux apotres ne marchoient plus qua la fuite de quelque flotte 
 Portuo-aife, les rois de ce pais voulant faire fleurir le commerce 
 dans leurs etats, et y attirer les Europeens, fe faifoient batifcr a 
 l'envie les uns des autres," &c. Benard, ii. p. 61. 
 
 d Bermudez, chap. i. Engl. Tr. Purchas, Pilgrimes, 2d part, 
 cd. Lond. 1625. Book VII. chap. vii. p. 1149, &:c. Le Grand, 
 BhTertations, Diff. ix. p. 315. Engl. Tr. 8vo. 1735. 
 
 F 2 IS 
 
63 APPENDIX XXVIII. 
 
 is the obedience and uniting of the holy mother 
 church : this is the fountaine of all the reft, from 
 hence depend all the other circumftances." Purchas, 
 chap. iii. pp. 1 1 57, 1 158. 
 
 - "I faid unto h\fi\ againe," relates our author, at 
 the clofe of an ineffectual conference with the young 
 monarch, " that he lyed, for as much as I was no 
 Arrian, neither had foure gods : but feeing he would 
 not obey the holy father, that I held him for excom- 
 municate and accurfed, and that I would fray no 
 longer, nor fpeake with him ; and with this I rofe to 
 goe away : and hee anfwered me, that I was the ex- 
 communicate, and not hee. 
 
 " From thence, without any more fpeaking to 
 him, I went to the Portugals, which flood without 
 the tent, and told them what paffed, and how the 
 king would not obey the Romane Church, but that 
 hee was an hereticke, like Neftorius and Diofcorus : 
 therefore I commanded them, in vertue of obedience, 
 and under paine of excommunication of my part, 
 and in behalfe of the King of Portugall, (whofe au- 
 thorise I had for it,) under paine of capitall crime, 
 in no wife they mould obey that king, nor follow 
 him, nor doe any thing in his favour. Alphonfus 
 Caldeyra and all the reft faid, that their fathers and 
 grandfathers were never rebels to the Church of 
 Rome nor to their king, neither would they be : 
 therefore that I had no need to lay an excommunica- 
 tion upon them, but that I fhould fufpend it ; for 
 they without it would do all that I fhould command, 
 as obedient children." Ibid. 1 1 58. 
 
 A fimilar occurrence is related in chap. iv. t( There 
 is nothing to be done in thefe millions," fays the Je- 
 
 fuit 
 
APPENDIX XXVIII. 69 
 
 fuit Tellez, " without the aid of the military e ;" and, 
 in truth, it is apparent that the foldiers and the mif- 
 lionaries of Portugal advanced in their refpeclive 
 progreffes throughout Abyffinia with nearly equal 
 fteps, and reciprocal affiftance. Bermudez, addrefT- 
 ing Sebaftian, King of Portugal, declares, " For your 
 highneffe may believe, that the matters of that em- 
 pire were in fuch eftate, that if that fmall number of 
 Portugal s had been maintained with fupplies of men, 
 it might have gotten fuch a pofTeffion and authoritie, 
 that King Gradeus, either with his will or without it, 
 would have obeyed the holy mother church f ." 
 
 After thirty years of laborious exertion, Bermudez 
 returned to Portugal ; but not till a million to Abyf- 
 finia had been undertaken under the aufpices of the 
 Jefuits. Nugnez Baretto had been confecrated Pa- 
 triarch of Ethiopia by Pope Julius III. and com- 
 menced his voyage to that country, carrying with 
 him, together with his credentials from the Holy 
 See, a letter from Ignatius Loyola to the Emperor 
 Claudius, or Gradeus s. He arrived profperoufly at 
 
 e Cited, La Croze, Chriftianifme d'Ethiopie, 8vo. 1739. p. 282. 
 Xavier had made a fimilar declaration in India. Chriftianifme des 
 Indes, p. 529. 
 
 f Purchas, ibid. 1172. So alfo Father Couplet, (cited, La Croze, 
 Chriftianifme des Indes, p. 530. note b.) " Quanta etiam Roma- 
 nae Ecclefiae ac fanctae Congregationi de Propaganda Fide, ufque 
 ad extremum terras accedet gloria, prae aliis omnibus Afiae mif- 
 fionibus, fi aliquando, uti certe fperandum eft, adeo brevi dilate- 
 tur per plurimos indigenas facerdotes religio Chriftiana, ut ipfis 
 etiam imperatoribus Sinicis et principibus Ethnicts formidabiJis 
 fit futura credentium multitudo." 
 
 g La Croze, Ethiopie, p. 271. The letter is given at length 
 by Bouhours, in the Vie de St. Ignace, p. 504. 
 
 f 3 Goa, 
 
70 APPENDIX XXVIU. 
 
 Goa, from which place, that the apoftolical dignity 
 with which he was invefted might not be expofed to 
 any unbecoming reception, he fent three mifiionaries 
 before him into Abyffinia, to obferve the fituation of 
 affairs h . The zeal of thefe fanguine Jefuits was very 
 indifcreet, and the chief import of their conferences 
 with the Abyflinians was the affertion of the Pope's 
 fupremacy. u Diverfa colloquia habita fuerunt, quo- 
 rum fumma ex parte Gonc^ali plerumque eo recide- 
 bant. Pontificem Romanum in terra Chrifti vica- 
 rium, omnium Chriftianorum caput efle : fi Habefli- 
 ni falutem aflequi vellent, iterum cum fuo legitimo 
 capite conjungerent, ipfum enim Chriftum voce fua 
 afleruifTe unum tantum in Ecclefia efle ovile, et u- 
 num tantum paftorem '*" 
 
 This doctrine does not feem to have been very pa- 
 latable, and Baretto died at Goa in 1562, before it 
 was thought prudent that he fhould embark for Afri- 
 
 h Benard, i. 187, 188. 
 
 1 Ludolf. 1. iii. c. 9. The memorable difcourfe of Valverde to 
 Arabalipa feems to have affumed a flill greater degree of arrogance. 
 This Spaniard declared, that Jefus, after his crucifixion, " monta 
 au ciel, laitTant St. Pierre a fa place pour etre fon Vicaire, et aprts 
 lui fes fucceifeurs qui demeurent a Rome, et que les Chretiens 
 appellent Papes. II ajouta que e'etoient ces fucceifeurs de St. 
 Pierre qui avoient partage tous les pais du monde aux rois et aux 
 princes Chretiens, donnans a chacun la charge d'en conquerir 
 quelque portion : que ce pais du Perou etoient echeu a fa Ma- 
 jefte Impcriale le Roi Dom Carlos, et que ce grand Monarque 
 avoit envoye en fa place le Gouverneur jDom Francois Pizarre, 
 pour lui faire fav r oir de la part de Dieu et de la fienne tout ce 
 qu'il venoit de lui dire." Zarate, Hiftoire de la Decouverte et de 
 la Conquete du Perou, Trad. Fr. Amft. 1700. vol. i. pp. 93, 94. 
 See Robeilfons Hill, of America, Vol. I. note xxiii. 4to. and 
 Herrera, I. vii. 14. cited there, and Vol. II. note xxiv. 
 
 ca. 
 
APPENDIX XXVIII. 71 
 
 ca. Oviedo, his coadjuteur, who had already arrived 
 in Abyflinia, was now appointed patriarch, and re- 
 torted to the moft vigorous meafures for the pur- 
 pofe of restoring the Romifh interefi, which he 
 had found reduced to a very low ftate. He hTued 
 a fentence of general excommunication k , and ca- 
 balled with a native prince againft the Emperor's au- 
 thority l . But all thefe efforts proved unavailing ; 
 and Oviedo, unable, or, poffibly, unwilling to leave 
 a country, in which he frill may have feen many 
 opportunities for intrigue, died at length in great 
 mifery. His death was foon fucceeded by that of 
 the other Jefuits who had accompanied him, and 
 thus, in the year 1597, tne miff 1011 t0 Abyflinia be- 
 came extinct m . 
 
 In the beginning of the 17 th century, the Jefuits 
 renewed their intercourfe with this country, and re- 
 vived, with temporary fuccefs, the arrogant pretentions 
 of the Romifh priefthood. The Sultan Socinios in 
 1626 took an oath of obedience to the Pope, and the 
 victory thus obtained over the patriarchate of Alexan- 
 dria was celebrated by the fuccefsful party with procla- 
 mations of triumph, and maffacres of its opponents n . 
 But its triumph was of fhort duration. Socinios 
 himfelf was compelled to iffue an edict allowing li- 
 berty of belief, and the Romifh party began gradu- 
 ally to decline, till at length it was finally extin- 
 guifhed °. The very idea of fubmiffion to the Pope 
 
 k La Croze, Eth. 276. 
 
 1 Ibid. 279. 
 
 m Ibid. 285. 
 
 n Ibid. 300 — 303. Bruce, vol. ii. p. 3$l—3$$- 4-to. 
 
 * La Croze, 315, 320. Bruce, 396. 
 
 F4 is 
 
72 APPENDIX XXIX. 
 
 is now rejected by the AbyfTinians p, and even the 
 name of Bermudez, vvhofe appointment as the fuc- 
 ceiior of Abuna Marcos, though apparently regular^, 
 feems to be confidered as vitiated by his conformity 
 to Rome, is paffed over without notice in their lift of 
 patriarchs. 
 
 " In Diptycho iEthiopico fequentes recenfentur 
 Patriarchae. 
 
 Abbuna Abba Matthaeus. 
 
 nulla ratione habita Johannis Bermudis, quern Papa 
 Romanus Patriarcham Alexandriae et iEthiopiae fi- 
 mul creatum in Habeffiniam miferat r . 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 A flight exception is recorded in the Hiftoire dti 
 Paraguay fous les Jefuites, with this reafon affigned 
 for it by the Provincial of the order ; " parceque ce 
 font des chofes fur lefquelles on ne gene pas meme les 
 eiclaves." Ordonnances et Lettres des PP. Generaux 
 et Provinciaux, cited vol. i. pp. 113, 114. I have 
 in vain endeavoured to difcover what work it is, and 
 of what authority, which under this title is very com- 
 monly referred to by Echavarri, with paginal refe- 
 rences to diftincl: volumes. Some of the paflages 
 cited from it have the internal marks of authenticity, 
 but others are of a very doubtful appearance ; the 
 following for example. " Dans une affemblee tenue 
 
 p Bruce, book v. chap. 12. 1 Bermudez, chap. i. 
 
 r Ludolf. iii. 7. 
 
 a cet 
 
APPENDIX XXX. 73 
 
 k cet effet, il a ete ordonne, quant aux troupes 
 chargees d'enlever les beftiaux des Vacheries Efpag- 
 noles fur la cote de Rio de la Plata, qu'il y foit enr 
 voye au moins fix cens hommes avec un nombre de 
 chevaux convenable ; que tous foient armes et qu'ils 
 aient a leur tete un Pere intelligent et fage qui les 
 commande ; et il fera a propos qu'ils aient avec eux 
 quelques Guanoas Chretiens qui parlent aux infideles 
 de leur nation, et leur difent que les Efpagnols et les 
 Portugais font dans le defiein de detruire toutes les 
 Vacheries ; et que, ces Vacheries une fois detruites, ils 
 n'auront plus de viande de bceuf a manger a l'avenir; 
 que c'eft la une verite conftante, et qu'ils fe donnent 
 bien de garde de fe ranger du cote des Efpagnols et 
 des Portugais, ou de leur preter l'oreille, attendu que 
 ceux-ci ne cherchent qu'a les tromper par leurs pre- 
 fcns d' armes, d'epees, d'habits, et de rubans." Echa- 
 varri, pp. 131, 132. See alfo p. 308. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 " Cependant les Indiens vont avec leurs barques k 
 Buenos Ayres : ils tranfportent les marchandifes dans 
 les magazins : ils fe logent dans l'hofpice : ils vont a 
 l'Eglife : font un tour dans la ville : obfervent les ha- 
 billemens, les ufages, et les modes qui leur repug- 
 nent, parcequ'ils n'y voient point de conformite avec 
 les leurs : ils reviennent a leurs Peuplades : les autres 
 Indiens accourent a eux, les environnent, et on leur 
 entend dire : les Efpagnols ne chantent pas le Cate- 
 chifme, les hommes ne font point fepares des femmes 
 dans l'Eglife, et il n'y a point d'huifliers de Choeur. 
 Ils ne baifent point la main du Pere ; ce n'eft point 
 lui qui leur donne leur ration ni leur tache : ils n'ont 
 
 point 
 
74 APPENDIX XXXI. 
 
 point de vetemens de coton, et on ne leur donne 
 point les vingt-cinq coups de fouet ; chacun va et 
 vient a fon gre, fans une permifiion par ecrit du 
 Pere ; ils fe couvrent la tete en fa prefencc, et ils 
 n'ont point peur de lui. Ce rapport fcandalife tous 
 ceux qui Tentendent : ils en concluent que tout ce 
 que les Peres leur ont dit des Efpagnols eft vrai, et ils 
 conqoivent pour eux la me me haine que Ton a en 
 Efpagne pour les Maures." Echavarri, i. p. 258, 9. 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 A treaty was concluded between the kings of Spain 
 and Portugal in 1750, in order to put an amicable 
 end to the difputes which had long exifted refpect- 
 ing the limits of their American colonies, and to 
 eftablifh for the future a natural boundary which 
 fhould not be liable to be miftaken s . It was agreed, 
 
 s It is well known, that, by the decifion of Pope Alexander VI. 
 in 1493, all the undiicovered countries both of the New and the 
 Old World were partitioned between the Spaniards and Portu- 
 gueze. An imaginary line was drawn round the globe from 
 pole to pole, at the diftance of a hundred leagues weft of the A- 
 zore Iflands and Cape Verde, places which ieem to have been 
 confidcred as in the fame longitude. All countries yet uncolo- 
 nized, which were fituatc on the weftern fide of this meridian, 
 were afTigned to the Spaniards, all on the eaftern to the Fortu- 
 gueze : an alignment, which has probably given occasion to more 
 diflenfions than it has prevented. The hiftorians, who have re- 
 lated this memorable inftance of Romifh prefumption, have not 
 always been careful to remark, that the limit defined by Alexan- 
 der was extended to a farther diftance of two hundred and feventy 
 leagues, at the congrefs of Tordefillas in the following year, by 
 a private agreement between the courts of Portugal and Caftile. 
 (Herrera, i. 10.) Without this change in the line of demarca- 
 tion, it could fcareely have been ever imagined, even according 
 
 to 
 
APPENDIX XXXI. 75 
 
 that Portugal mould cede to Spain the colony of St. 
 Sacrament, and the entire navigation of the Rio de 
 la Plata ; and that Spain, on the other hand, fhould 
 cede to Portugal the diftricl: of territory, which was 
 bounded by the river Uraguay to the weft, and by 
 the Ibicuy to the fouth. Between thefe rivers were 
 fituate feven of the miffionary fettlements of the Je- 
 fuits, among the Guaranis Indians l , which were to 
 be tranfplanted from the left to the right bank of the 
 
 to the imperfect geography of former centuries, that the meri- 
 dional limit agreed upon interfered the territory furrounding the 
 Rio de la Plata. Such an error, however, exifted, and the Portu- 
 gueze, confequently, claimed to mare in the navigation of that 
 river, and founded the town of St. Sacrament on its northern 
 {hore, not far below the Spanifh fettlement of Buenos Ayres on 
 the fouthern. Numerous diflenfions enfued between the colon ifts 
 of the two nations, in confequence, partly, of the contraband trade 
 carried on from St. Sacrament with the Spanifh provinces, nomi- 
 nally by the Portugueze, but really by the Englifh ; partly, of 
 that difputable boundary which muft ever exift, when it is to be 
 determined by the artificial lines which may be delineated upon a 
 map, inftead of the vifible and permanent divifions which are ele- 
 vated or impreiTed by the hand of nature on the globe itfelf. 
 Echavarri, ii. 6, &c. 
 
 t The number of the miffionary fettlements among the Gua- 
 ranis was thirty-two, containing a population of an hundred 
 thoufand fouls. Echavarri, i. 36. There is fome variety in the 
 accounts ; fee Muratori, p. 66. Frezier ftates the whole number 
 of thefe fettlements at forty-two, and, with other writers whom I 
 have feen, eftimates them to contain three hundred thoufand fa- 
 milies, and to be able to bring into the field within eight days an 
 army of fixty thoufand men. (Frezier, cited Benard, Difc. Prelim, 
 pp. 93, 94.) This calculation I cannot but fuppofe greatly ex- 
 aggerated, though for families we read j>crjom y as probably was 
 intended. 
 
 Ura- 
 
76 APPENDIX XXXI. 
 
 Uraguay ; the Indians being permitted to carry with 
 them their tranfportable property, and the expences 
 of their removal being defrayed u . 
 
 In relating this arrangement, I am far from vvifh- 
 ing to defend in any degree the attempt of the go- 
 vernment of Spain to expel, for reafons of ftate, the 
 peaceful inhabitants of the millions from pofTeffions, 
 which they had long cultivated with their own hands; 
 from a country endeared to them by the memory of 
 their anceftors, by the habits of affection, and the 
 prejudices of fuperftition and ignorance. 
 
 It is natural to fuppofe, that the Jefuits mult have 
 viewed with juft repugnance fo tyrannical a mea- 
 fure. Interefted with a paternal zeal for the wel- 
 fare of their Indian profelytes, they could not wil- 
 lingly fee them driven from their habitations, to 
 fubdue the wildnefs of unreclaimed deferts, and en- 
 counter all the hardfhips which new colonifts, though 
 under the moft favourable circumftances, mufl al- 
 ways neceflarily fuffer. They confidered alfo, per- 
 haps jufTly, that this invalion of their " holy repub- 
 lic" would only be the prelude to other inroads of 
 Spanifh domination, which would terminate in a re- 
 duction of the Indians to the moft oppreffive flave- 
 ry, and in the entire extinction of their own autho- 
 rity x . Accordingly, on the firft notice of the treaty 
 
 u Echavarri, part. ii. livre i. chap. i. Bougainville, Voyage 
 autour du Monde, 8vo. vol. i. chap. 7. 
 
 * Echavarri, ii. p. 276. It feems in reality, that orders were 
 given in 1756, fimilar to thofe ilTued eleven years afterward:?, by 
 which the Jefuits were to be expelled from the millions, and fecu- 
 lar clergy and regulars of other orders eflabliihed in their place. 
 
 Of 
 
APPENDIX XXXI. 77 
 
 of limits, they tried every expedient of negotiation or 
 delay to avert the impending blow. Their efforts, 
 however, were in vain. The orders of Spain were 
 peremptory >'. 
 
 The commiffaries who were fent from Europe to 
 carry into effect the provifions of the treaty, bore let- 
 ters from the General of the Jefuits, commanding the 
 eccleiiafrics of that order to pay implicit obedience to 
 the authority of Spain, and, by their influence in the 
 mifTions, to facilitate as much as poffible the execu- 
 tion of the mealures which had been determined on. 
 It is however fufpected, that fecret inftrudlions were 
 fent from the General, of a nature totally different 
 from his public difpatches z ; and it is not at all im- 
 probable, that, though fearful openly to encourage 
 any refiftance in Paraguay, he may have fecretly de- 
 fired its independance a . 
 
 Without entering into a particular detail of events, 
 it may be obferved, that, a pacific execution of the 
 treaty being found impracticable, war was declared 
 againfl the Guaranis Indians in the month of May, 
 1753, and that in 1754 the Spanifh and Portugueze 
 
 y Echavarri, chapp. 2, 3. 
 
 z Ibid. pp. 56. 67. 79. 
 
 * It is clear, that the arrival of the orders from Spain to 
 withdraw the feven mitfionary fettlements within the line of de- 
 marcation, produced a divifion among the Jefuits. Some were 
 fincerely defirous to promote, others to oppofe their execution. 
 This divifion is plaufibly accounted for by Echavarri, on the fup- 
 pofition, that the one party had received fecret intimations of the 
 General's wilh, and the other only his public letters. It is known 
 that the inferior Jefuits were not ufually intrufted with the myf- 
 terious policy of the order. 
 
 armies 
 
78 APPENDIX XXXI. 
 
 armies commenced hoftilities againft the miflions b . 
 Bougainville, who had the opportunity of procuring 
 information on the fpot, relates, that none of the Jefuits 
 appeared at the head of the Indians during the revolt. 
 It is faid, he adds, that thofe fathers were retained in 
 the villages by force, to exercife the facerdotal func- 
 tions c . It probably is true, that they appeared not in 
 the field of battle, but there is fufficient evidence that 
 they fhared, at leaft, in directing the operations of 
 the Indian armies. It is, indeed, fcarcely credible, 
 that a timid people, for whom the Jefuits were ha- 
 bituated to think and acl: in the moft minute parti- 
 culars, fhould on a fudden take up arms without 
 their concurrence, though in defence of their inter- 
 efts. The moft politive evidence may likewife be 
 alleged from the Ephemerides of Father Thadeo En- 
 nis, a Jefuit, who was himfelf concerned in no incon- 
 iiderable degree in the conduct of the Paraguayan 
 war d -. This work feems to be authentic, and was 
 originally compofed in Latin, with the intention, it 
 is laid, of being fent to the General of the Jefuits. 
 It comprifes a journal of the events of the war, from 
 its commencement in 1754, to the month of May, 
 17:56, when the papers of Father Thadeo were feized 
 at the capture of the poft of St. Lorenzo. A French 
 tranflation is fubjoined to the work of Echavarri. 
 
 After noticing the report, that a Portugueze force 
 had appeared on the frontier of the millions, Father 
 Thadeo proceeds thus, almoft at the commencement 
 
 b Echavarri, part. ii. livre iii. chap. 2. 
 c Voyage autour du Monde, ubi fup. 
 jj Relation Abregee, p. 65. 
 
 of 
 
APPENDIX XXXL 79 
 
 of the Journal. " Comme je fus appelle de ce cote- 
 la, je partis pour y porter du fecours avec les gar- 
 deurs de troupeaux des terres voifines ; mon intention 
 etoit auffi que Farmee qui etoit fortie des peuplades 
 pour aller au-devant des Efpagnols, fe trouvat a terns 
 fur ce lieu, pour que nous puffions, par ce moyen, 
 attaquer l'ennemi de tous les cotes a la fois e ." See 
 alfo p. 369 of the fame Journal. " Tandis que tous 
 les preparatifs de notre parti ne confiftoient que dans 
 des confeils, et que tous les cures etoient dans le plus 
 grand engourdiffement, des avis, qu'on recevoit jour- 
 nellement de differens cotes, nous confirmerent la 
 marche de l'ennemi. Enfin un feul Cure (le pere 
 Thadee Ennis lui-meme) fortit de cette lethargie, et 
 entreprit d'infpirer de la vigueur aux Indiens. II leur 
 reprefenta que ce n'etoit pas le moment d'agir molle- 
 ment ; il leur confeilla de raffembler les troupes, et 
 de les faire marcher vers la frontiere, de peur que 
 l'ennemi ne fe portat dans les campagnes les plus re* 
 culees, et par confequent les plus eloignees de tout 
 fecours, et ne les ravageat impunement fans qu'on 
 f&t en etat de Tarreter. ( Ne fera-t-il pas trop tard/ 
 leur difoit-il, c d'aller a. la diilance de cent lieues a la 
 rencontre de l'ennemi, quand il eft deja entre dans 
 votre pays ? L'ennemi peut penetrer partout : les 
 Portugais porteront leur camp au milieu de vos habi- 
 tations, qu'ils ravageront l'une apres l'autre ; ils vous 
 couperont les vivres, dont nous reil'entons deja une 
 difette ; en un mot, il vaut toujours mieux prevenir 
 l'ennemi que d'en etre prevenu.' Ces raifons deter- 
 minerent enfin les Indiens a envoyer de nouveaux 
 
 e Ephemerides,, p. aiS. 
 
 couriers 
 
Bo APPENDIX XXXI. 
 
 couriers partout pour exciter tous les confederes a fe 
 mettre en mouvement. ,, 
 
 Numerous other quotations might be made of pre- 
 cifely limilar import. Could any records be pro- 
 cured of the tranfaclions of the Jefuit council, which 
 appears to have held permanent fittings at Candela- 
 ria f , they might be lefs interefting to the ftateiman, 
 but would not, probably, be lefs worthy the attention 
 of a philolbpher, than thofe of European cabinets. 
 
 The campaign of 1754 proved altogether indeci- 
 live ; which was owing rather to the indolence of the 
 Spanifh and Portugueze commanders, than to the re- 
 finance oppofed to them. The year 1755 was not 
 lignalized by any military operations 6. In 1756, 
 the combined armies again took the field againft the 
 Indians, whom they defeated with great flaughter h . 
 The lofs of the vanquifhed in killed alone is efti- 
 mated in the Relation Abregee, publifhed by order 
 of the court of Portugal, at twelve hundred men. 
 Bougainville ftates it at upwards of two thoufand. 
 Father Thadeo diminifhes the number to fix hun- 
 dred '. The fubfequent operations of the campaign 
 feem fully to have completed the conqueft, and the 
 millions were reduced to accede to whatever terms, 
 or rather fubmit to whatever regulations, the con- 
 querors might be willing to impole k . 
 
 f Ephemerides, pp. 339. 372. Echavarri, vol. ii. p. 208. 
 
 8 Echavarri, part. ii. livre iii. chap. 3. Ephemerides, an. 1755* 
 
 h Echavarri, ibid. pp. 235 — 241. 
 
 ' Relation Abregce, p. 60. Bougainville, ubi fup. Ephemeri- 
 des, p. ^88. 
 
 k Echavarri, ubi fup. et livre iv. chap. i. p. 262. Bougainville, 
 ubi fupra. 
 
 No 
 
APPENDIX XXXI. 81 
 
 No farther impediment to the execution of the 
 treaty of limits appeared likely to arife, when the ex- 
 change of territory propofed as its objedl was fud- 
 denly abandoned, in confequence of difagreements 
 between Spain and Portugal, which there feemt to be 
 fufricient ground for attributing to the machinations 
 of the Jefuits K On the rupture of the treaty, the 
 millions of Paraguay recurred in all refpecls to their 
 preceding ftate, and the Jefuits, of courfe, recovered 
 their former authority. 
 
 In the year 1767, however, the court of Spain, de- 
 termined on the expulfion of the Jefuits, as well 
 from its American as its European dominions, dif- 
 patched orders to the Governor of Buenos Ayres, to 
 arreft and fend prifoners to Europe the Jefuits of Pa- 
 raguay. Bougainville, then in the Rio de la Plata 
 on his voyage of difcovery, was witnefs to the execu- 
 tion of thefe orders, and his relation of the circum- 
 ftances with which it was attended is worthy of be- 
 ing confulted. The Jefuits every where furrendered 
 themfelves without refinance. The preceding war 
 mull have inftructed them in the ufelelTnefs of oppo- 
 lition, even though the difaltrous fortune, which their 
 order was experiencing in Europe, had not taught 
 them that the empire of Loyola was no more. 
 
 The formal adminiltration of the millions has un- 
 dergone but few alterations lince the expullion of the 
 Jefuits. The eccleliaftical offices have been com- 
 mitted to religious of the orders of la Merci, of St. 
 Dominic, and St. Francis, who purfue in molt re- 
 fpects the fyftem, but do not poflefs the temporal 
 
 1 Echavarri, part. ii. liv. 4. Bougainville, ubi fup. 
 
 q autho- 
 
%2 APPENDIX XXXI. 
 
 authority, of their predeceffors m . " Inftead of the 
 officers and fuperintendants being felected by the 
 rector only, they are now made fubordinate to the 
 military, who are appointed by the governor of the 
 province :• and, inftead of being commanded by In- 
 dian chiefs, they are fubjected to a Spanifh com- 
 mandant and fifcal, to whom even the rector is an- 
 fwerable for the conduct of his flock n ." Is it to be 
 hoped, that thefe changes will not be a prelude to 
 the reduction of the inhabitants of thefe millions to 
 that ftate of bitter f la very, which is experienced by 
 the other Indians of the Spanifh colonies ? 
 
 Bougainville, on the authority of Viana himfelf, 
 the Governor of Monte- Video, relates, that when 
 that officer, who had borne the chief fhare in con- 
 ducting the operations of the Paraguayan war, re- 
 ceived orders to quit the millions, a great number of 
 the Indians, difcontented with their mode of life, 
 were defirous to follow him °. Bougainville was fur-' 
 prifed at their difcontent. Surely, however, the de- 
 fpotic policy of the Jefuits is fufficient to account for 
 it, without fuppofing even a fingle inftance of parti- 
 cular injury to have occurred. The fupply of bodily 
 neceflities, and the ab fence of bodily oppreffion, hap- 
 pily for the welfare of fociety, is not a ftate in which 
 mankind will for any long period contentedly acqui- 
 cfce. The mind naturally looks for fomething by 
 which it may be interefted and engaged ; nor is it 
 for ever fatisfied with the pompous ceremonies and 
 protracted artifices of a religious ceremonial. The 
 
 ■ Raynal, iii. 187. n Davie's Letters, p. 223. 
 
 M Bougainville, p. 182. 
 
 ex- 
 
APPENDIX XXXII. S3 
 
 exiftence among the Indians of a deiire to have fome 
 real employment of their faculties, is manifested in a 
 decree of the Provincial of Paraguay, of which the 
 date is not mentioned by the author in whofe work I 
 find it cited, but which muft neceflarily have been 
 prior to the expedition of Viana: " Parceque les In- 
 diens ont donne a connoitre dans quelques peuplades 
 l'envie qu'ils avoient de s'introduire dans le gou- 
 vernement politique contre l'autorite des Peres p." 
 It may be collected, alfo, from the duration of the 
 period being fhortened, for which the Indians, who 
 were employed in the fubordinate offices of the mil- 
 lions, were permitted to retain their stations % The 
 mind, probably, is then moll feniible to mental and 
 political degradation, where the actual feverities of 
 oppreffion are little to be dreaded, or rarely in- 
 flicted ; as in political infurrections among people 
 fubjected to the galling yoke of bodily flavery, it has 
 ufually been more the object: to change the tyrant, 
 than to remove the tyranny* 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 The evidence, which was adduced on the profecu- 
 tions of the Duke of Aveiro, and others, in 1758, 
 for confpiracy againft the life of the King of Portu- 
 gal, does not feem to implicate the Jefuits ; though, 
 indeed, the vindication of their fociety, compiled on 
 this occafion by the Jefuits of Rome, is not lefs un- 
 fatisfactory, than the accufation, which it profefles to 
 refute, is unfupported. (See the Recueii des Decrets 
 Apoft. &c. 2de part. p. 94, &c.) The authors of 
 
 v Echavarri, i. p. 264. * Ibid, i. p. 270. 
 
 g % this 
 
84 APPENDIX XXXIII. 
 
 this performance feem to have been unwilling to re- 
 nounce explicitly the juftifiableneis of tyrannicide, 
 (p. 117.) or to relinquifh the claim of that wretched 
 fanatic, Malagrida, to fanclity and infpiration r . (p. 
 121, &c.) This was a continuation of the ancient 
 fyftem. Campion, Briant, Oldcorne, and Garnet, 
 who had declared of himfelf, that it was expedient 
 for one man to die for the people, are among the 
 Englifh faints, who are to be found in all the mar- 
 tyrologies of the Jefuits. Clement and Chattel 'had 
 been ftrenuoully juftified by them in France, and the 
 exploit of the former of thefe affaffins had been 
 compared to thofe of Judith and Eleazar. Anti- Cot- 
 ton, pp. 80—90. 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 Father de la Valette was fent to Martinique in 
 j 743, in the capacity of Cure of the fmall parifh of 
 Carbet, about a mile diftant from St. Pierre. In 
 1747, or 1748, he was nominated Superior or Rector 
 of the Maifon de la Martinique, and foon after Pro- 
 
 r Malagrida had declared,, that the Virgin Mary commanded 
 him to write the life of Antichrift, alluring him, that he iliould 
 be a fecond John, but much more explicit than the Evangelitt. 
 He alTerted, that there would be three Antiehrifls, the lait of 
 whom would be born at Milan in 1920, and marry the infernal 
 Proferpine. (Proces Verbal dc Condamnation de G. Malagrida, 
 Arnft. i2mo. p. 12. 1762.) He pretended to have worked mi- 
 racles, (ibid. pp. iS, 19.) and to have had many conventions 
 with dead faints, St. Ignatius, St. F. Borgia, St. Bonaventure, St. 
 Philip cf Neri, St. Charles Borromce, &:c. (ibid. 20.) and that 
 God himlelf had menaced him with rejection from the kingdom 
 of heaven, if he did not write the life of St, Anne, and the treatife 
 concerning Antichrift. (p. 23.) 
 
 cureur 
 
APPENDIX XXXIII. S$ 
 
 cureur- General of the Jefuit millions in the Wind- 
 ward Iflands. 
 
 It is known, that the current value of European 
 fpecie is confiderably greater in the Weft Indies than 
 in Europe. The coin of France-, for example, at the 
 period above mentioned, loft one third of its value 
 on being tranfported from Martinique to the mother 
 country ; the crown of fix livres Tournois being cur- 
 rent in the colony for nine livres. Little fpecie, con- 
 fequently, was fent to France, but remittances were 
 almoft always converted into the produce of the co- 
 lony. Even this produce, however, ftill fold in 
 France for a lefs fum than it had originally coft, in 
 currency, at Martinique. It is obvious, that, in 
 thefe circumftances, the eftablifhment of a regular 
 exchange on more moderate terms between the two 
 countries would prove of great convenience to fuch 
 perfons in Martinique, as were defirous of remitting 
 money to France, but were now compelled firft to 
 convert it into colonial produce, and then wait the 
 chances of a voyage, and of a fecond fale. Father la 
 Valette feems here to have feen a grand opportunity 
 for fpeculation. 
 
 Having made his calculations, he undertook to 
 give bills on France, at long dates of twenty-four, 
 thirty, and thirty-fix months, for the whole amount 
 of fums that were paid to him in currency at Marti- 
 nique. This money, as foon as received, he laid out 
 in produce, which he exported to France, and re- 
 ceived its value in the coin of Portugal, which had 
 fome relative advantage in point of Weft India cur- 
 rency over the French. 
 
 For example. La Valette received at Martinique 
 
 g 3 6000 
 
$6 APPENDIX XXXIII. 
 
 6000 livres currency; which in France would amount 
 to only 4000. He converted them into fugar and 
 coffee, which would not, indeed, fell in France for 
 the fame nominal fum which they coft, but on 
 which, however, no greater lofs than about 20 per 
 cent, would be fuftained. Thefe 6000 livres, there- 
 fore, would produce 4800 livres in France, which were 
 next converted into the gold coin of Portugal, name- 
 ly, the Johannes, each current in France for about 
 41 livres, and in Martinique for 66. This fpecie 
 exported to Martinique would amount to 7725 
 livres currency, and afford a profit upon the whole 
 {peculation of 1725 livres. The whole of this pro- 
 cefs occupied about four months : but fuppofing the 
 returns to be made only twice a year, the bills drawn 
 in the firft inftance by La Valette being at the long 
 dates of two or three years, he would make a profit, 
 before the money originally advanced to him became 
 payable, of 116 per cent, in the one inftance, and 
 160 in the other s . 
 
 I do not mention thefe circumftances with the 
 fame purpofe, for which they feem to have been 
 fometimes alleged; that of taxing Father la Valette 
 with making an inordinate and ufurious profit. Per- 
 haps the advantage of his fyftem may have confifted 
 rather in his being able to carry it on without any 
 capital of his own, than in any unufual profit upon 
 
 s This calculation is not exactly accurate; but the errors are k> 
 trifling, that I have not thought it worth while to alter the flate- 
 ment of the Memoire ii confulter et consultation pour Jean Lion- 
 cy, &c. in which it is found, (ed. i2mo. Paris, 1761. pp. 5, 6.) 
 It fhould be obferved, however, that the profit upon the increafed 
 capital is not taken into confideration. 
 
 the 
 
APPENDIX XXXIII. 87 
 
 the inveftments : for it is manifeft, though it does 
 not feem to have been noticed by either party in the 
 legal procefTes which were inftituted in France upon 
 this queftion, that La Valette took upon himfelf all 
 rifks, both from the common accidents of fhipwreck, 
 and the enemy, and from the perifhable nature of the 
 commodities which he exported. It will be feen, in- 
 deed, that he calculated fomewhat too fanguinely on 
 the fafety of his equipments. 
 
 The commencement of this fpeculation was very 
 fuccefsful. The chief correfpondents of La Valette 
 in Europe feem to have been the Sieurs Lioncy and 
 GoufFre at Marfeille ; and this houfe became at 
 length fo habituated to his punctuality, that it fcru- 
 pled not accepting his drafts, even before the arrival 
 of the conlignments by which they were to be dif- 
 charged : and this, in fome inflances, to the amount 
 of three millions and a half of livres. The flourifh- 
 ing ft ate of his bufinefs enabled La Valette to fet on 
 foot extenfive and lucrative effcablifhments both in 
 Martinique, and in the neighbouring ifland of Domi- 
 nica. He furmounted with much addrefs feveral 
 difficulties which threatened the moft fatal confe- 
 quences, and at length acquired by his fuccefs fo 
 much credit with his order, as to be appointed Vi- 
 fitor General, and Apoftolical Prefect of the Socie- 
 ty's millions in the Windward Iflands. But the re- 
 gularity of his intercourfe with Europe was about to 
 be interrupted by a blow, which in its confequences 
 proved fatal to the exiftence of the Jefuits in France. 
 
 La Valette had drawn bills on the SS. Lioncy for 
 fums amounting to more than a million and half of 
 livres, and consigned to them, at the fame time, ef- 
 
 g 4 fedls 
 
88 APPENDIX XXXIII. 
 
 fe&s more than fufficient to cover the fums for which 
 he had drawn. Thefe bills had been accepted, but 
 the fhips on which the effects had been embarked 
 were taken by the Englifh ; the war having begun, 
 which was terminated by the peace of Paris in 1763. 
 On the news of this capture arriving in France, the 
 credit of the houfe of Lioncy funk immediately. 
 Thefe merchants applied, however, to Father de Sa- 
 cy, Procureur General at Paris of the millions to 
 South America, and even to the General of the Je- 
 fuits himfelf, for affiftance to fupport their credit. 
 Father de Sacy fent in return whatever fums he 
 could raife on the emergency, but thefe were very 
 infuflicient. Still it was fo completely felt, that the 
 credit of the fociety was involved in the fupport 
 of the Lioncys, as connected with that of La Va- 
 lette, that, had not the death of Vifconti, General of 
 the Jefuits, intervened, and fix months elapfed be- 
 fore the appointment of his fucceffor, Centurione, . 
 there can be no doubt, but that all the refources of 
 the order would have been employed for that pur- 
 pofe. De Sacy, indeed, in the month of February 
 1756, received from the new General a commiffion 
 to borrow, in the name of the fociety, to the amount 
 of half a million of livres, apparently for the exprefs 
 purpofe of affifting the houfe of Lioncy. This was 
 immediately communicated to the corrcfpondcnt of 
 that houfe at Paris, who difpatched an exprefs with 
 the intelligence to Marfeille. The courier, however, 
 arrived too late. He reached Marfeille on the twen- 
 ty- fecond of February, and the Lioncys had become 
 bankrupts on the nineteenth. 
 
 Could the Jefuits by any efforts have prevented 
 
 this 
 
APPENDIX XXXIII. 89 
 
 this explofion, it probably would not have occurred ; 
 but they feem, immediately on its arrival, to have 
 abandoned MM. Lioncy to their fate. They had 
 the infolence to recommend them to God, and to 
 offer up mafTes for their relief, and then applied 
 themfelves to find out new channels, through which 
 the commerce of Martinique might be tranfacted. 
 
 Thefe fa<fts, which are taken from the Memoire a 
 confulter et confultation pour Jean Lioncy, &c. 
 printed at Paris in 1761, are either not denied by the 
 Jefuits, or fo clearly eltablifhed, as not to be ihaken 
 by their denial. It is manifeft, alfo, that the General 
 and Procureur General of the order concerned them- 
 felves officially in the commerce carried on by Father 
 de la Valette. They affirmed the power of transfer- 
 ring his agencies, and money due to him on account 
 from one perfon to another: a power, which the 
 merchants, to whom thefe orders were iiTued, did not 
 think themfelves at liberty to queftion. They had 
 the frill farther imprudence to defend the action, 
 which was brought againfl them by the creditors of 
 the SS. Lioncy, to recover the debt which had been 
 incurred by La Valette. This fuit was decided by 
 the Parliament of Paris, on the eighth of May, 1761, 
 in favour of the plaintiffs, to whom the mm of 
 1,502,276 livres was awarded, the full amount of 
 their demand; and 50,000 livres coils were adjudged 
 to Meffieurs Lioncy, by way of indemnification for a 
 bankruptcy, of which the conduct of the Jefuits had 
 been the caufe. (Plaid oyer contre les Jefuites, and 
 Ann. Reg. 1761. Chronicle Paris, May 9.) 
 
 The circumftances which have been here related 
 are fo curious in themfelves, and fo immediately con,- 
 
 nected 
 
9 o APPENDIX XXXIII. 
 
 nested with the fuppreftion of the Jefuits in France, 
 that I have been unwilling to omit the mention of 
 them. In general, however, it may be obferved, that 
 I have declined all animadverfion on the commerce 
 of thefe ecclefiaftics. I have abftained from this por- 
 tion of their hiftory, partly becaufe it would lead into 
 a very wide feries of details, and partly becaufe there 
 is, perhaps, no other point on which they have been 
 fo much calumniated, and where the calumny is fo 
 difficult to detect. 
 
 An account of their commerce in India, and many 
 interefting particulars connected with this fubjecl, 
 may be found in Du Quefne's Voyage to the Eaft 
 Indies, vol. hi. p. 114, &c. ed. Rouen, 1721. cit. 
 Norbert, iii. 89. La Croze fays, that the revenues 
 derived by the Jefuits from the Portugueze eftablifh- 
 ments in India were greater than thofe derived by 
 the King of Portugal from the fame fource. (Chrif- 
 tianifme des Indes, p. 337.) For notices on their 
 commerce in Paraguay, fee Echavarri, vol. i. part. 
 i. liv. 2. Recueil des Decrets Apoftoliques, &c. i. 
 108, &c. and 180. Muratori, 185. and a Memoire 
 Apologetique, inferted in the ninth volume of the 
 Lettres Edifiantes, p. 187. ed. 1781. Venegas, in 
 the Hiftory of California, (London, 2 vol. 8vo. 
 1 759. vol. ii. 375.) owns, that the whole commerce 
 of that peninfula is in the hands of the Jefuits ; but 
 adds, that it is neceflary it fhould be fo, fince no 
 other Europeans are fettled there. 
 
 It was rumoured, on the fuppreffion of the order, 
 that the value of its eftates and erTeclis in Mexico 
 amounted to three hundred and eighty-five millions 
 of livres, and that die Jefuits of Peru and the fouth- 
 
 crn 
 
APPENDIX XXXIV. 9 i 
 
 cm provinces of the Spanifli Weft Indies were richer 
 than thofe of Mexico. (Ann. Reg. 1767. p. 33.) 
 A letter from Don Emanuel d'Amas, viceroy of Peru, 
 to the King of Spain, bearing date the fixth of Sep- 
 tember, 1766, fays, " that the Jefuit priefts have a 
 warehoufe in the city of Lima, where moft of the 
 agents of South x\merica refide, and whither all forts 
 of merchandize are fent for iale in that country ; and 
 that they have like warehoufes in the other cities, in 
 order to carry on a univerfal, and, indeed, an ex- 
 clufive commerce : for paying no contribution, and 
 being at very little expence, they find a quick fale 
 for their goods, and take ready money ; leaving only 
 for the lay merchants the debts and failures of thofe 
 who purchafe on credit." (Ann. Reg. vol. x. p. 
 137.) In the Jefuits' College at Barcelona are faid 
 to have been found riches to the amount of twelve 
 millions of crowns. (Ibid. 142.) 
 
 But thefe accounts of the wealth of the Jefuits are 
 manifeftly exaggerated, and it now feems to be ad- 
 mitted, that the treafures actually found in the col- 
 leges of the order, upon its fuppreffion, by no means 
 correfponded with that opinion of its immenfe opu- 
 lence, which had generally prevailed. We may fup- 
 pofe, indeed, the pecuniary refources of the fociety to 
 have been at that time drained, for the vain purpofe 
 of averting its deftruction. Some treafure, alfo, was 
 doubtlefs fecreted ; and, from thefe caufes, its coffers 
 were then, probably, unufually empty. 
 
 XXXIV. 
 
 The Jefuits had been fufpended from preaching 
 and confefling in the patriarchate of Lifbon, by an 
 
 ordi- 
 
92 APPENDIX XXXIV. 
 
 ordinance of the Cardinal d'Atalaya, dated June 7, 
 1758 : but it was the attempt on the life of his moft 
 faithful Majefty, which was made on the third of 
 September in the fame year, that proved the imme- 
 diate caule of their ex pul lion from Portugal. (i2me 
 Piece du Recueil des Decrets Apoftoliques, &c. vol. i. 
 p. 185.) Their property in that country was fe- 
 queftered, their papers feized, and their perfons com- 
 mitted to military cuftody, by an edi<5t of the 19th 
 Jan. 1759. (2ome Piece ibid. p. 266.) Another edict 
 was publifhed on the third of September, the anni- 
 verfary of the attack upon the King, by which they 
 were " deprived of the rights of fubjecls, profcribed, 
 and exterminated from the kingdom." 34me Piece, 
 2de part. ibid. p. 180. The unmixed fe verity of this 
 decree refpecled, indeed, the profefled Jefuits alone. 
 Natives of Portugal, who had only taken upon them- 
 felves the fimple vows, might apply to be releafed 
 from their obligation, and to be difmifl'ed from the 
 order. On fuch difmifTal, they were permitted to 
 continue in the country as private perfons, (Ibid. pp. 
 185,186.) 
 
 The execution of this decree was attended with 
 circumfxances of extreme hardfhip. One hundred 
 and feventeen of the profefled members of the order 
 are faid to have been embarked at Lifbon, on the 
 night of the 15th of September, to pafs the remain- 
 der of their lives in the fortrefs of Magazan, or the 
 forts of the ifland of Tercera l . (Ann. Reg. 1759. 
 Odl. 31.) One hundred and thirty-three perfons of 
 
 1 I fufpect, however, this account to be erroneous, and to ori- 
 ginate in a miftake as to the deftination of thofe Jefuits, who in 
 reality were fent to Italy. 
 
 the 
 
APPENDIX XXXIV. 93 
 
 the fame defcription were deported to the Papal terri- 
 tories, and difembarked at Civita Vecchia on the 
 24th of October. Two Ragufian veffels arrived at 
 Marfeille on the 26th of the fame month, with one 
 hundred and twenty-one Jefuits on board, of whom 
 ten were permitted to land, but obliged to re-embark 
 the fame evening, in confequence of fome indifcre- 
 tion committed by them. Thefe veffels, a few hours 
 afterwards, were ordered to quit the road, though the 
 weather was unfavourable to navigation. They next 
 arrived at Genoa, where they met with a itill more 
 inhofpitable reception. At Leghorn, alfo, notwith- 
 standing the moll preffing folicitations, and vivid re- 
 prefentations of the miferable condition to which the 
 perfons embarked in them were reduced, the Go- 
 vernor refufed permiflion to land. Exprefs orders 
 had been given by the Grand Duke of Tufcany, and 
 the Emprefs Queen, that none of the Jefuits who 
 were expelled from Portugal fhould be admitted into 
 their Hates. Other veffels, which followed the fame 
 route, experienced the fame fate ; and fimilar prohi- 
 bitions were iffued by the republic of Venice, and 
 the kings of Naples, Spain, and Sardinia. At length, 
 however, thefe unhappy ecclefiaftics found a refuge 
 in the territories of the Pope. (Avertiffement prefixe 
 au Recueil des Decrets Apofloliques, &c. chap. 24. 
 Hiftoire Generate des Jefuites, vol. iii. p. 51.) The 
 Jefuits of the Portugueze dominions in India were re- 
 called, and fent to Italy in the year 1761. (Ann. 
 Reg. 1 76 1. Chronicle, June 25.) u 
 
 u It is curious to obferve, that, on the fuppreffion of the Je- 
 fuits in Portugal, their fyftem of education was equally prohi- 
 bited with the reft of their inftitute. An edift was paffed by the 
 
 King 
 
94 APPENDIX XXXIV. 
 
 The parliaments of Paris, of Bretagne, and Tou- 
 loufe, conftituted the chief theatre, in which the af- 
 
 King of Portugal on the 28th of June, 1759, by which " the 
 fchools of humanity belonging to the Jefuits are abolifhed, their 
 method of teaching is forbidden to be ufed, and a new method 
 prefcribed." (33me Piece du Recueil des Decrets Apolt. &c. part. ii. 
 p. 140.) " From the publication of the prefent decree, all claffes 
 and fchools which had been confided to them for the instruction 
 of my faithful fubjects, but which have produced the mod perni- 
 cious and fatal confequences, are to be confidered as diifolved, 
 and are in effect diifolved accordingly ; the very memory of them 
 being abolifhed, as if they had never exifted in thefe kingdoms, 
 where they have caufed the mod horrible and enormous crimes." 
 Ibid. p. 144. A new fyftem of humanity learning is then or- 
 dained throughout all Portugal, and the whole method of the Je- 
 fuits, their grammars, and commentaries are profcribed, and thofe 
 of their adverfaries recommended. Next follow " Inftructions for 
 the ProfefTors of the Latin grammar, of the Greek and Hebrew 
 languages, and of Rhetoric, made and publifhed by order of our 
 Lord the King, for the ufe of the fchools newly founded in thefe 
 kingdoms, and their dependancies." Ibid. p. 155. It is not a 
 little amufing, to fee rules for the compofition of themes included 
 in a royal edict, with grave recommendations of the Port-Royal 
 Grammar, and Sanctius's Minerva j the dictionaries of Gefner 
 and Facciolati ; the lexica of Schrevelius, Scapula, and Stephens. 
 Thefe literary obligations of the Portugueze to their confiderate 
 fovereign may be compared with the fimilar injunctions of the 
 Papal legate to France, in 1215, which direct the courfe of itu- 
 dies to be purfued in the Univerlity of Paris. (Launoy de varia 
 Ariftotelis fortuna, p. 87. ed. Svo. Parif. 1662.) I know not 
 whether either the Jefuits or the King of Portugal would have 
 been flattered by a comparifon between the profcription of the 
 writings of that fociety, in the middle of the eighteenth century, at 
 Lifbon, and the perfecution of Ariftotle's Metaphyfics by the Coun- 
 cil of Sens, or Paris in the year 1209. " qui quoniam non folum 
 haerefi (Almarici) fententiis fubtilibus occafionem prsebebant, hn- 
 mo et aliis 7iondum inventis prabere fotcrant , juifi funt omnes com- 
 buri j ct fub poena excommunicationis cautum eft in eodem Con- 
 
 filio, 
 
APPENDIX XXXIV. 95 
 
 fairs of the Jefuits, during the courfe of the fame 
 year, (1761,) were agitated in France. On the 6th 
 
 filio, ne quis eos de caetero fcribere, et legere praefumeret, vel quo- 
 cunque modo habere." Rigordus cited, Launoy. ibid. pp. 6, 7. 
 It does not feem, however, that this interdiction was intended to 
 continue longer, than till the dangerous writings to which it re- 
 lates fhould be fatisfactorily corrected. But the limitation did 
 not procure implicit obedience to the command which it accom- 
 panied, even when that command afterwards received the fanction 
 of the Pope himfelf. Thomas Aquinas and Albertus Magnus 
 ftill dared to read and comment, which reduces Launoy to great 
 difficulties, in endeavouring to defend the illuftrious St. Thomas 
 from the imputation of Ariflotelizing. Launoy, ubi fup. pp. 83. 8jJ» 
 The bigotry in the two cafes feems nearly alike j though, indeed, 
 it muft be allowed, that the fyftem of education adopted by the 
 Jefuits was directed, as much as poffible, to confirm their own af- 
 cendancy, and promote the reception of their own doctrines. It 
 was enacted in the conftitutions themfelves, " that, in the ftudy 
 of the facred languages, not only the underftanding of Scripture 
 be kept in view, but alfo the defence of the authorized verfion." 
 Bouhours, Vie de St. Ignace, p. 315. <f That it be lefs kept in 
 view," is the reading in Dom Inigo, i. p. 193. It is to be pre- 
 fumed, that the Jefuits would be at leaft equally folicitous to pro- 
 pagate their own maxims, as to defend the vulgate tranflation. 
 This juftice, however, is due to them, and ought not to be with- 
 held, that they were, as a body, far more ftudious to promote the 
 interefts of learning, than any other of the ecclefiaftical focieties. 
 See W. Whitaker cited, R. Simon, Hift. Critique du Vieux Tefta- 
 ment, liv. iii. chap. 19. That we may fairly eftimate their me- 
 rits in this refpedt, it is juft to recollect, that at the period of the 
 Reformation, " the faculty of Theology at Paris declared before 
 the Parliament affembled, ' That religion was undone, if the ftu- 
 dy of Greek and Hebrew was permitted.* The mendicant monks 
 held another language. Obferve the expreffions of one of thofe 
 common foldiers of Hochflraten's army. Conrad of Herefbach, 
 a very grave and refpectable author of that period, thus relates 
 the monk's own words. ' They have invented a new language, 
 which they call Greek : you mull be carefully on your guard 
 
 againlr 
 
96 APPENDIX XXXIV. 
 
 of Auguft, 1762, their conftitutions were condemned 
 unanimoufly by the parliament of Paris ; the order 
 was declared to be diflblved ; and its property con- 
 flfcated. Moft of the other parliaments of the king- 
 dom adopted fimilar meafures. At the clofe of the 
 year, it was enacted by the parliament of Paris, that 
 all Jefuits, whether profefTed, or not, who chofe to 
 continue in the kingdom, fhould, within eight days, 
 take an oath of renunciation to their inilitute. It 
 may be thought, that the members of a fociety fo 
 notorious for its indirect cafuiftry might, on fo 
 tempting an occasion, have been difpofed to avail 
 themfelves of their ancient doctrine of mental re- 
 fervation : but it is recorded to their honour, that 
 et thefe men, who were thought difpofed to fport 
 with the moft folemn obligations of religion, and 
 had been often reprefented as fo difpofed, refufed 
 almoft all of them to take the oath required ; in 
 confequence of which they received orders, which 
 were rigoroufly executed, to quit the kingdom. In 
 vain did many of them reprefent their age, their in- 
 firmities, and their fervices : fcarcely any one of their 
 requefts was admitted. The punifhment fo juftly in- 
 flicted on the fociety was carried, with refpect to in- 
 dividuals, to an extreme, though, perhaps, necefTary 
 feverity." D'Alembert, pp. 137, 138. and Ann. Re- 
 gifter, 1762. Chronicle, Dec. 13. 
 
 againft it : it is the mother of all herefy. I obferve in the hands 
 of many perfons a book written in that language, and which 
 they call the New Teftament. It is a book full of daggers and 
 poilbn. As to the Hebrew, my dear brethren, it is certain, that 
 all thofe who read it become inftantaneoully Jews." Villers on the 
 Reformation, Engl. Tranllation by Mills, pp. 93, 94. note. 
 
 The 
 
 < 
 
APPENDIX XXXIV. 97 
 
 The arrets of the Parliament were confirmed by a 
 royal edict of November 1764, " whereby his Ma- 
 jefty diflblves the fociety of Jefuits for ever ; but 
 permits them, nevertheless, to refide in his kingdom 
 as individuals, under fubjection to the fpiritual fupe- 
 riors of the places where they reiide, and on con- 
 forming themfelves to the laws, and behaving in all 
 refpects as becomes good fubjecls." Ann. Reg. 
 1764. art. dated Paris, Dec. 7. Chronicle, Dec. 31. 
 On the 7th of Jan. 1765, Clement XIII. hTued a 
 bull, by which the order was confirmed and approved. 
 This bull was fupprefled by the Parliament of Paris a ; 
 and even the liberty before allowed was taken away 
 by an arret of May 1767, by which all Jefuits were 
 ordered to quit France in fifteen days, under pain of 
 a criminal profecution, and forbid ever to return 
 under any pretence whatever. Ibid. 1765. Chronicle, 
 Feb. 19. and Oct. 31. and 1767. Hift. of Europe, 
 chap. v. Chalotais, Compte rendu. D'Alembert, pp. 
 112, 129, 133, 142, &c. L'Art de verifier les dates, 
 iii. tomes, fol. Paris, 1787. vol. i. p. 721 — 723* 
 
 The Jefuits of Spain were fent to Civita Vecchia 
 in 1 767, as the members of the fame order in Portu- 
 gal had been fent there in 1 759, (fee Ann. Reg. 1767. 
 Hift. of Europe, chap. v. and a translation of the" king 
 of Spain's ordinance on thefubject. Ibid. p. 185.) but 
 the Pope and Cardinals after confultation on the Sub- 
 ject refufed them permifiion to land. " The con- 
 voy, after lying fome time in the harbour, received 
 
 a It was fupprefled alfo in Portugal by letters patent under the 
 fign manual of the king. 
 
 « h orders 
 
98 APPENDIX XXXIV. 
 
 orders to proceed to Baftia ; and the French court 
 made ufe of its influence with the republic of Genoa 
 to receive the Jefuits in the towns that remained in 
 its hands in the ifland of Corfica. At length the 
 embarkation from Civita Vecchia arrived at Baftia : 
 here they were as unfortunate as before : matters 
 were not yet brought to a conclufion between the 
 French and the Genoefe, and they were obliged to 
 remain on board in the harbour. Three other em- 
 barkations took at different times the fame route as 
 the firft to Civita Vecchia ; where meeting with the 
 fame fate, they afterwards proceeded to Coriica, 
 where they lay in the harbours of Baftia and San Fio- 
 renzo, but were not permitted to land. The condi- 
 tions being at length fettled with the republic, the 
 different embarkations received orders to fail to Calvi, 
 Algaiola, and Ajaccio ; at which ports the tranfports 
 were disburdened of their unhappy freight, and the 
 furviving Jefuits, to the number, it is faid, of 2300, 
 were landed." Ibid. The Jefuits of Mexico were 
 arrefted in the month of July in the fame year, and 
 together with the members of the order who had 
 been reftdent in Paraguay, and the other foreign do- 
 minions of Spain, were tranfported to Europe, and 
 became partakers of the fame fate. See De Pages, 
 vol. i. p. 155, &c. ed Paris, 1782. 
 
 They found not, however, a permanent afylum 
 even among the barren rocks of Coriica : they were 
 expelled by the French in 1768, and landed at Ge- 
 noa in great miferv, whence they were driven rather 
 than conducted into the Papal territories. Ann. Reg. 
 1768. Hift. of Europe, chap. viii. 
 
 For 
 
APPENDIX XXXIV. 99 
 
 For the fimilar conduct of Ferdinand IV. king of 
 Sicily and Naples, fee L'Art de verifier les dates, 
 vol. iii. p. 863. and the Annual Regifter for 1767. 
 Hift. of Europe, chap. v. See alfo an account of the 
 expulfion of the Jefuits from fome of the other Italian 
 Hates, ibid. 1768. Hift. of Europe, ubi fup. 
 
 The Papal cabinet feems to have been divided on 
 the meafures to be purfued refpecting them. The 
 repulfe from Civita Vecchia, in 1767, of thofe who 
 had been expelled from Spain, was dictated rather by 
 circumftances conlidered to be imperious than by in- 
 clination. " After a ftrong conteft it was determined 
 in a congregation of cardinals held at Rome in 1768, 
 that the expiring fociety of the Jefuits fhould be fup- 
 ported as much as poflible." Ann. Reg. 1768. Hift. 
 of Europe, chap. viii. The conduct of Ganganelli 
 in 1769 is ftamped with that equitable character 
 which might have been expected from fo enlightened 
 and amiable a man. (Ibid. 1769. Hift. of Europe, 
 chap, v.) It was however by a bull of this pontiff, 
 dated July 21, 1773, that the fociety was finally fup- 
 preffed. (Ibid. 1773. Hift. of Europe, chap. 5.) " In 
 confequence of this bull, ten bifhops went at night, at- 
 tended by a detachment of Corfican foldiers, to all the 
 colleges and houfes belonging to the Jefuits in Rome, 
 of which they took pofTeffion, and having placed the 
 necefTary guards, the communities were affembled, 
 and after the proper notices and forms were gone 
 through, thofe fathers delivered up their keys, and 
 the locks of their archives being fealed, and effects of 
 all forts being fecured, even to pro virions, they were 
 allowed eight days to find new dwellings and to quit 
 
 h 2 the 
 
ioo APPENDIX XXXIV. 
 
 the habit of the order. They at the fame time gave 
 up their fchools, and refigned all the functions of 
 their miniftry of whatever fort or nature. The bull 
 extended to all countries whatever in which they 
 were placed, and fentence of excommunication was 
 denounced againft thofe, who fhould harbour or con- 
 ceal any of their effects. 
 
 " Their General, father Ricci, is to be appointed 
 to a bifhopric, and fuch of the Jefuits as were al- 
 ready in holy orders were allowed either to become 
 fecular clergymen, or to enter into other orders hav- 
 ing flrft ferved the accuftomed noviciate of that into 
 which they are to enter : penfions are to be allowed 
 out of their former pofTeffions, to thofe who become 
 fecular clerks, and the bifhops, under whofe jurifdic- 
 tion they are totally to remain, have a difcretionary 
 power to admit fuch of them as are remarkable for 
 learning and purity of doctrine, to preach and to 
 confefs, from which they are totally reftrained, with- 
 out a written licence for that purpofe. Thofe who 
 had gone through the laft vows, or who through age 
 and infirmities were unfit to enter into the world, 
 were to be collected and placed in one or more of 
 their ancient houfes or colleges, where they are for 
 ever reftrained from preaching, confeffion, and all 
 the functions of their miniftry, and are only allowed 
 to exift upon a fubfiftence for life : the bilhops be- 
 ing particularly charged, as they will anfwer it at the 
 Jaft day, to look to the ftrict obfervance of thefe pro- 
 hibitions. Such as are difpofed to dedicate their 
 time to the inftruction of youth, are totally debarred 
 from all fhare in the government of thofe colleges 
 
 and 
 
APPENDIX XXXIV. ioi 
 
 and fchools in which they ferve, and the Uriel: eft 
 caution is prefcribed, that none are admitted to that 
 fervice, who do not fhow themfelves averfe to all 
 fpirit of difpute, and who are not untainted with any 
 doctrines which may occafion or ftir up frivolous and 
 dangerous controverfies. The fcholars and novices 
 were returned to their refpective homes, and thofe 
 who had only taken the firfi: vows were difcharged 
 from them : and all the ftatutes, rules, cufloms, de- 
 crees and conftitutions of the order, even though 
 confirmed by oath, were totally annulled and abro- 
 gated." Ibid. The unfortunate Ricci, however, was 
 detained a prifoner for life in the caftle of St. An- 
 gelo b . 
 
 Auftria, Pruffia, and, at a later period, Rufiia, were 
 the only confiderable Hates that interefted themfelves 
 to alleviate the misfortunes of the Jefuits c . The 
 court of Vienna, though emancipated from the do- 
 minion of the order, made fome reprefentations in its 
 favour to the Pope. (Hift. Generate des Jefuites, 
 vol. hi. p. $$.) 
 
 b Ganganelli, it is known, was in a manner compelled by 
 France to lign the bull for the deftruction of the Jefuits. 
 
 The following anecdote is curious. 
 
 " Ganganelli avoit dedie une thefe au Pere Ricci, general 
 des Jefuites, qu'il a retenu prifonnier enfuite jufqu'a. fa mort 
 dans le chateau S. Ange, et cependant le cardinal Spinelli l'avoit 
 fait nommer cardinal parce qu'on avoit appenju dans fa bib- 
 liotheque une armoire fecrette remplie de livres contre les Je- 
 fuites." La Lande, Voyage en italic, vol. iv. p. 44S. 
 
 c <e Prince Charles of Lorraine, and feveral corporations in the 
 Auflrian Netherlands, have given fuch as thought proper to take 
 fhelter among them a favourable reception." (Ann, Reg. 1762. 
 Chronicle, Dec. 13.) 
 
 - Frederic 
 
io2 APPENDIX XXXIV. 
 
 Frederic II. was defirous to attract to the ftates of 
 Pruffia a fociety which would have contributed at 
 leaft to people, and probably to enrich them, and 
 which was generally considered as rich, commercial, 
 and induftrious. He thought probably that by af- 
 fording to it an afylum in Sileiia, or in weftern 
 Pruffia, he might gain to his ftates whatever pro- 
 perty it might be able to fecrete from the violent re- 
 quisitions to which it was expofed in the reft of Eu- 
 rope. This point, however, at the inftance of other 
 courts he was obliged to abandon, and to content 
 himfelf with protecting thofe Jefuits who had been 
 already fettled in his dominions. Even in Pruflia 
 the order was abolifhed in 1776 ; but its individual 
 members were permitted to continue the exercife of 
 whatever functions they had before difcharged. (Mi- 
 rabeau, de la Monarchic Pruffienne, vol. i. livre ii. 
 p. 356, 358. 8vo. a Londres, 1788. Ann. Reg. 1776. 
 Chronicle, March 14.) 
 
 Ruffia feems to have afforded eftablifhment as well 
 as protection to the remnant of an order once fo 
 powerful. (Tooke's Life of Catharine, vol. iii. p. 5, 
 7.) "At Polozk in White Ruffia permiffion was 
 given by Pope Pius VI. Aug. 15, 1778, with the 
 fanction of the emprefs of Ruffia, and by the archbi- 
 fhop of Mohilow, June 28, 1779, to open a houfe 
 for the reception of novices. The Jefuits of White 
 Ruffia held a general meeting, July 4, 1782, at Po- 
 lozk, and eledted their Vice Provincial (Staniflaus 
 Czerniewcz) Vicar General, with the full power of a 
 General of the Jefuits, October 17, 1782. After 
 his death, which happened July 28, 1785, Gabriel 
 
 Lem- 
 
APPENDIX XXXIV. 103 
 
 Lemkiewitcz the Rector, and firft afliftant, fucceeded 
 to his office. This account is taken from the Berlin 
 Journal, called the Monatfcrift, of November, 1785, 
 p. 418, and the newfpapers of Warfaw. It occurs 
 likewife in the " full account of Jefuitifm, as it exifts 
 at prefent, the principles of the Roficrucians, the 
 rage to make profelytes, promote a union of re- 
 ligions, &c." Dornford's Tranilation of Putter's 
 Hiftorical Developement of the prefent Political Con- 
 ftitution of the Germanic Empire, vol. iii. p. 195, 
 196. 
 
 The Jefuits have alfo been re-eftablifhed in the 
 two Sicilies, and, I believe, in fome of the minor 
 ftates of Italy, where they devote themfelves either 
 folely or principally to the bulinefs of education. It 
 cannot, however, be doubted, but that their power 
 is completely and for ever annihilated d . 
 
 In contemplating this hiftory, it is impoffible not 
 to be ftruck with the very furpriling coincidence be- 
 tween the real event, and certain predictions, which 
 were made during the infancy of the order refpecting 
 its future character and fate. Borgia the third Ge- 
 neral profeffed himfelf apprehenfive, left " the time 
 fhould come, when the fociety would be mucri oc- 
 
 d I could have wifhed to have given a more complete and fa- 
 tisfaelory account of the fupprefnon of the Jefuits than thefe 
 pages afford. The reader may be allured that it is not the want 
 of induftry which has prevented me from obtaining on this point 
 any but very meagre documents. Such is the prefent (late of the 
 intercourfe between England and the continent, that I have been 
 repeatedly fruftrated in my attempts to procure better and more 
 ample authorities than thofe which I have porTe^cd. 
 
 cupied 
 
i04 APPENDIX XXXIV. 
 
 cupied with the ftudy of letters, but without any 
 affection for virtue : when pride and ambition would 
 bear rule : and there would be no one to arreft their 
 progrefs. Be warned," he adds, " by the firfl coun- 
 fel which I give you, left you fhould learn from ex- 
 perience what reafon gives too much caufe to appre- 
 hend." (Benard, vol. ii. p. 336.) 
 
 But the moft lingular anticipation of this kind 
 that I have ever feen is in a paflage cited by Mac- 
 hine, (Notes to Mofheim's Ecclefiaftical Hiftory, 
 vol. ii. p. 96.) from a fermon preached by Dr. 
 George Brown, archbifhop of Dublin, in the year 
 1 5 5 1 , only eleven years after the foundation of the 
 order. " But there are a new fraternity of late 
 fprung up, who call themfelves Jefuits, which will 
 deceive many, who are much after the Scribes and 
 Pharifees manner. Amongft the Jews they fhall 
 ftrive to abolilli the truth, and mail come very near 
 to do it. For thefe forts will turn themfelves into 
 divers forms; with the Heathens a Heathenift, with 
 the Atheifts an Atheift, with the Jews a Jew, with 
 the Reformers a Reformade, purpofely to know your 
 intentions, your minds, your hearts, and your incli- 
 nations, and thereby bring you, at laft, to be like the 
 fool that faid, in his heart, there was no God. Thefe 
 fhall fpread over the whole world, mall be admitted 
 into the councils of princes, and they never the wifer: 
 charming of them, yea, making your princes reveal 
 their hearts and the fecrets therein, and yet they not 
 perceive it : which will happen from falling from 
 the law of God, by neglect of fulfilling the law of 
 God, and by winking at their fins ; yet in the end, 
 
 God. 
 
APPENDIX XXXIV. *05 
 
 God, to juftify his law, fhall fuddenly cut off this 
 fociety, even by the hands of thofe who have moft 
 fuccoured them, and made ufe of them ; fo that at 
 the end, they fhall become odious to all nations. 
 They fhall be worfe than the Jews, having no reft- 
 ing place upon earth, and then fhall a Jew have more 
 favour than a Jefuit." 
 
 
ERRATA. 
 P. 156. Notes (f) and (g). for Niebuhr, read Thunberg. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 P. 9, 1. 22, for votum read iotum 
 
 p. 18, 1. 25, for Salmonet read Salmeron 
 
 p. 48 , 1.6, read fumma 
 
 p. 70, note (\), ). 9, etoient read ctoit 
 
Pnnceton Theokxj.cal Sffffn^ff Library 
 
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