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REVELATION AND THE BIBLE
By fhe same Atithor.
INSPIRATION AND THE BIBLE:
AN INQUIRY.
Jifth and Cheaper Edition, cloth, 3s. 6d,
"The work displays much earnest thought, and a
sincere belief in, and love of the Bible." — Morning
Post.
" It will be found to be a good summary, written in
no iconoclastic spirit, but with perfect candour and fair-
ness, of some of the more important results of recent
Biblical criticism." — Scotsjiiatt.
London : T. FISHER UNWIN.
REVELATION
THE BIBLE
AN ATTEMPT AT RECONSTRUCTION
ROBERT F. HORTON, M.A
FORMERLY FELLOW OF NEW COLLEGE, OXFOKD
Author of" Inspiration and the Bible "
gonhon
T. FISHER UNWIN
PATERNOSTER SQUARE
MDCCCXCII
PREFACE
This book is the fidfilmetit of a promise made in the
preface to the second edition of Inspiration and the
Bible : tJiat ivork ivas an Inquiry^ and seemed to many
readers destructive ratJier tJian positive. As the tra-
ditional vieiv of the Bible gradually fades in the
clear light of knowledge a?id truth, those luho re-
hictantly surrender the antiqiie dogma naturally ask
for a definite faith to take its place ; they zuant to
k?iow at once how they ca?i admit the truth and yet
retain their Bible, how they can grant the Jmman handi-
work and yet grasp the Divine substance of the Book.
The following pages are a series of suggestions
towards this most hopeful work of reconstruction. The
spirit in ivhicJi they are ivritten may be best illustrated
by the folloiving transcript from life : — When that
distingtiished critic, M. Scherer, 2uas a theological
PREFACE.
student at Strasburg he prepared for Professor Reuss
Class a very able essay, in zvhicJi he maintained his
faith in the plenary and literal inspiration of the
Sacred Canon. Against all arguments lie defended
the position, zvJiich was in his opinion vital, and zuith
indomitable energy repelled zvhat he considered the
dangerous 7iegations of his fellozv- students. At the
conclusion of the debate, Professor Reuss addressed
these zvords to the eager champion : — '* My dear
friend, the arguments of science do not affect you
because the subject in question is in your eyes a
matter of faith. Well, allozv me to say to you in
the name of the faith you propose to defend, that the
ground on zvhicJi you have taken your stand is an
extremely dangerous one. To identify faith in Christ
zvith the historical belief that is botuid tip zvith
Biblical documents is to enter on a path zvhich may
lead you very far. The least zveakening of your
theory of the Canon zvill shake the zvhole super-
structure of your Christianity, and the reaction may
be as subtle as it zvill be radical. Consider zvhether
it zvoidd not be prudent to establish your faith on
a more sure foundation, and remember that our
Reformers initiated the Theology zvhich you call
PREFACE.
new" The professor was a prophet, as M. Scherer^s
subsequent intellectiial career proved. That vieiv wJiicJi
the studerit advocated must always lead to unbelief
if at any time a ray of scientific, historic, or critical
truth sJiould effect aii entrance into the mind wJiicJi
e7tte7'taijis it. That many entertain it, and yet 7'etain
their faith by vigor ottsly excluding all the truths
ivhich might threaten it, is a fact zvhich to truth-
loving men is quite irrelevant.
It ivill be observed that in dealing with the Old
Testament I have followed the lines which Professor
Driver has laid doivn in his Introduction to the
Literature of the Old Testament. As an old
pupil of his, though not i7i the 'present department of
study, I knoiv his mingled candour and caution. I
feel, therefore, much confidence in accepting his verdict
in the many cases zvhere I am myself not competent
to give an opinion. I ought also to gratefully acknow-
ledge the invaluable service which he has rendered 7ne
by revising the proofs, pointing out mistakes, and
making immmerable suggestions zvJiicJi have for the
7nost part been incorporated in the text.
In dealing ivith the New Testament literature^
for the special purpose of this book, I have for the
viii PREFACE.
most part started from the critical conclusions which
are given in the latest edition of the Encyclopaedia
Britannica, because that is a work accessible to all.
My whole position^ zvhich is that of a settled faith
in the Revelation of the Bible^ makes it a matter
of secondary importance what the conclusio7is of the
so-called Higher Criticism may be. To have accepted
the unproved assumptions of the orthodox tradition
would have been farther from the truth and less
fruitfid than to presuppose, in general, that the best
investigations of the best scholars have given us at
any rate an approximate account of the dates, author-
ship, and scope of the several books. But the method
of inquiry and argument which is here advocated
remains unaffected by the particular conclusions at
which Criticism may arrive.
Again let me say that this book pretends to be
nothing more than a series of tentative suggestions.
But any one who, making use of the Index, puts
together the definite statemettts about revelatiofi may
gather with some distinctness how the matter shapes
itself in my own mind.
R. F. HORTON,
HampsteAd, May, 1892.
CONTENTS.
CHAP. PAGE
I. INTRODUCTION ..... I
II. THE TOLEDOTH OR GENESIS . . 26
III. THE TORAH OR THE LAW . . . 60
IV. THE JUDGES AND THE KINGS . . 9 1
V. THE ECCLESIASTICAL CHRONICLE OF JERUSALEM II 9
VI. THE PROPHETS . . . . I45
VII. THE KETHUBIM . . . . . 181
VIII. THE SUMMIT OF REVELATION . . 214
IX. THE MEMOIRS OF JESUS . . . 230
X. THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH . . 260
XI. THE PAULINE LETTERS .... 288
XII. ALEXANDRINE CHRISTIANITY . . 315
XIII. JAMES, PETER, JUDE .... 342
XIV. THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS . . . 369
XV. SUMMARY ..... 403
REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
CHAPTER I.
I N T R O D U C T I O N.
It is perhaps a proof of the revelation contained in
the Bible that large numbers of Christian men cannot
divest themselves of the idea that everything con-
tained in the Bible is revelation. But this hasty
inference, drawn no doubt with reverence and the
best intention, is not in the end serviceable either to
truth or to faith ; for let it be once roundly asserted
that every statement of the Holy Scripture must be
accepted as a fact or a precept or an idea proceeding
from the lips of the Unseen God, recorded for men
as an infallible authority which is to override all other
sources of knowledge, and the enemies of faith will
immediately select from the miscellaneous writings
in the Bible passages which are obviously incon-
sistent with the dogma, and will proceed to pin
2 KRVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
US down to the consequences of that bold assertion.
" You maintain," they will say, " that the Bible is
throughout a revelation from God ; here are certain
parts of it which certainly do not come from Him ;
therefore, as you declare it all to be homogeneous,
none of it comes from Him." This is indeed the
main contention of Unbelief at the present time.
The dogma of Orthodoxy is pushed to its logical
conclusion. To the claim that the whole Bible is
Revelation is opposed the demonstration that parts
of the Bible are not, and the dogmatist has found no
better method of maintaining his ground than that of
shutting his eyes to fact and bitterly denouncing those
who are unable to do the same. But the time seems
to have arrived when this method appears unsatisfac-
tory to believers as it has long appeared contemptible
to unbelievers ; and earnest men are everywhere
asking themselves how it comes to pass that they are
perfectly clear in their conviction about the revelation
in the Bible, and yet other people are equally clear in
pointing out elements in the Bible which are not
revelation. We are all beginning to recognise that
we must distinguish and define. The truth has failed
to emerge because, from mistaken notions of rever-
ence, we have been content to leave the whole ques-
tion in confusion, and we have not perceived that
error itself is in such a case more favourable to truth ;
INTRODUCTION.
we have dreaded error ; at last we begin to dread
confusion almost as much. We are asking for dis-
tinct ideas. When we speak of Revelation, what are
we to understand by it ? When we say that the
Bible is a revelation, what exactly do we mean ?
When things are pointed out in the Bible which are
certainly not correct, not true, are we required by
Faith stoutly to declare that they are correct, that
they are true, and to maintain faith by believing a lie ?
Or is it possible to frankly and even joyfully admit
these new and demonstrated facts without surrender-
ing one scrap of our real faith in Revelation ? Such
questions as these, urged as they are with more and
more insistence by thoughtful minds, are most hope-
ful signs of the times. Here, as in many other
departments of inquiry, to put the questions correctly
is practically the main point. The answer glides
into the mind at the moment that the question issues
from it, or if no answer comes at once, we are at
least able to stand firm on the foothold which the
question has afforded us ; we do not maintain the
perilous position of " one foot on sea, one foot on
shore," which resulted from the old confusion of
ideas.
We may proceed at once to answer in a provisional
way the questions which have just been stated.
What is meant by Revelation ? The answer may be
REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
very simple. By Revelation is meant a truth or
truths received from God into the minds of men,
not by the ordinary methods of inquiry, such as
observation and reasoning, but by a direct operation
of the Holy Spirit All truth that is reached by the
ordinary methods of inquiry comes in the last resort
from God, but there are things which eye hath not
seen, nor ear heard, and which the reason of man is
not adequate to grasp ; these things, if they are to be
known at all, can be shown to us only by methods
which are out of the ordinary ; they must be revealed.
Now we must distinguish two uses of the word " reve-
lation." The process by which the truths just men-
tioned are delivered to men, whether it be a historical
evolution, an elaborate typology, the immediate com-
munication of the Spirit of God with the spirit of
man, or a Person containing in Himself the whole
circle of Truth, may be conveniently covered by the
term revelation^ but when we wish to use the word
with strict accuracy it is better to give it the- narrower
meaning of the truths which are ultimately revealed
by the process. In the loose sense of the word the
whole Bible is a Revelation, because it is the process
worked out through many centuries of human ex-
perience ; but in the exact sense of the word the
whole Bible is not, and cannot be, a Revelation, for
it contains, and must contain, historical and other
INTR on UC TION.
materials which are obtained in the ordinary way ; it
employs scientific and philosophic conceptions which
were necessarily transient ; it includes, and must
include, the many guesses, glimpses, and foreshadow-
ings of truths not yet revealed, the broken lights
which were to merge into the clear day, the frag-
mentary arcs which would eventually be " a perfect
round."
The distinction which has just been drawn pre-
pares us at once for another. There is no mistake
commoner than that of mixing up the idea of revela-
tion with a very different matter, viz., historical or
scientific truth. On the one hand, the assailants of
the Bible think that they have discredited it if they
have pointed out a blunder in date or name or event,
or if they have shown that " Modern Science " has
exploded its scientific conceptions. And on the
other hand, the defenders of the Bible feel that they
are committed to show that no historical error occurs
in its pages, and that its scientific teaching squares
with the discoveries of Modern Science, or if not, is to
override the conclusions of Science. But all this is
mere confusion of thought. Historical facts are not
a subject of Revelation, for they are ascertainable by
the ordinary methods of human inquiry. The course
of events which history attempts to describe may, it
is true, be a revelation, and if the historical data
RE VELA 77 ON AND THE BIBLE.
should be so vitiated that the general results of those
events were lost, then the revelation might be lost,
but the ordinary infirmities of historical composition,
the uncertainty about points of detail, the occasional
confusion of names, or even the admission of certain
legendary or traditional elements, will not prevent us
from apprehending the facts and perceiving the reve-
lation which is conveyed by them. It does not prove
that a history in the Bible is inspired because it is
confirmed by an Assyrian inscription or an Egyptian
papyrus, nor does it prove that the history is un-
inspired because fresh historical discoveries enable us
to check, or even to correct, it. General credibility,
such as we demand in all historical writings, is all
that is necessary in the records of events which were
themselves a revelation of God to men. But further,
where the events themselves are not a revelation,
and where all confirmation of the events is necessarily
wanting, the stories which have come down through
tradition, and even the tales which form the folk-
lore of a people may in the hands of an inspired
writer become a vehicle of religious teaching ; the
element of revelation may be totally disconnected
from the accuracy or even the actuality of the story ;
of this we shall have illustrations in the next chapter.
It is better at once to get this position quite clear :
Historical Truth and Revealed Truth are essentially
INTR on UC TION. 7
distinct. Historical Truth is not ipso facto revelation.
Revelation is not necessarily historical truth. A
parable may convey more revelation than the most
exact chronological table ; and a myth in the hands
of an inspired writer may teach more about God
than Darwin's Descent of Man.
And this leads us to observe that Scientific Fact is
not a subject of Revelation. The methods of science
are adequate to the needs of science. If the records
of Creation were written in the rocks, and if it was
possible by the patient investigations of successive
ages to correctly read the records, it would be at
variance with our first idea of Revelation that these
results should be forestalled by a supernatural lesson
in natural science ages ago. Scientific truth is of
inestimable value, and it is a legitimate subject of
speculation why Lyell and Darwin did not emerge
in the Mosaic^riod ; but it is no prejudice to Reve-
lation to admit that they did not, and therefore that
any religious truth which had to be revealed to men
would necessarily come by the vehicle of such
scientific conceptions as existed then. Certainly we
entirely misconceive the scope of Revelation if we
think to discredit it by scientific discoveries of a later
date which are at variance with it, or if on the
ground of the Revelation we decline to accept these
discoveries when they are supported by adequate
REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
proofs. Here again it is well to get the position
clear at once. Scientific Truth and Revealed Truth
are essentially different. There is no indication that
God ever intended to reveal a scientific fact. There
is no indication that He rejected as instruments of
revelation men who were scientifically ignorant.
Just as to-day He has used men who probably know
nothing of science to civilise and to spiritualise and
to Christianise those inhabitants of Terra del Fuego
whom the greatest scientific man of his time pro-
nounced to be no better than the beasts, so in the
course of His self-revelation to men He used that
Semitic race which seemed, scientifically speaking,
the most backward, and made them the vehicle of
religious truth, while He made the Greeks the
pioneers of science and art, and the Romans the
leaders in political organisation. If Joshua and
Isaiah were ignorant of the solar system, and there-
fore referred certain phenomena to the wrong causes,
this does not in the least affect Joshua's historical
work as the conqueror of Canaan, or Isaiah's his-
torical work as the spiritual leader of his own gene-
ration, and the prophetic seer of a generation still to
come. If Peter, or the author of TJie Second Epistle
of Peter, held the ancient belief that the heavens
were a solid and tangible firmament overspanning
the earth, which could be rolled up and removed in
INTRODUCTION.
the great day of judgment, this scientific misconcep-
tion need not in the least affect the wisdom and force
of his moral appeals and his spiritual teaching. Na\%
if Biblical writers from first to last know nothing of
the Origin of Man as it is understood in the modern
sense, and are strangers to comparative biology, or to
comparative physiology, that is a totally irrelevant
argument in discussing the subject of Revelation, for
no one supposes that the laws of biology or physi-
ology would be given by Revelation, or that God
would wait for the arrival of modern biologists and
physiologists in order to convey through them the
truths which only Revelation could impart.
But without prolonging the discussion any further
in this direction, the distinctions which have been
drawn will enable us to grasp more firmly the defini-
tion of Revelation already given. Revelation, in
the strictest use of the term, is that body of truth
which is made known to man in a special way,
because the ordinary methods of discovering truth
would not suffice. Broadly speaking, then, the Reve-
lation in the Bible is precisely that which apart from
the Bible not only would not, but could not, have
been known. Thus they are not far wrong who say
that the only thing revealed in the Bible is God.
Much else is told in the Bible, much that is true,
and beautiful, and precious, but that mi^ht have been
RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
told elsewhere or in other ways. But God, Creator,
Orderer, Sovereign, Saviour, Judge, of the world, is
revealed in the Bible — i.e., apart from the Bible we
could not know Him. They, too, are not far wrong
who speak of the Bible as the Book of God, though
of course it is a term foreign to the Bible itself The
Bible is the Book of God because it contains the
progressive Revelation of God. If the Bible were
obliterated and its truths forgotten, we might have
aspirations after God, surmises, glimpses, intuitions,
imaginations, but God would be unrevealed to us.
Here we have a clue, yet we must be careful how we
use it. Because this is the Book of God we have no
reason to say that everything said about God in the
Book is true. The historical and progressive charac-
ter of the Book gives no foothold for such unintelli-
gent and slumberous dogmatism. In the earlier
phases of the Revelation, for example, God is fre-
quently identified with one land ; it is assumed that
other lands have their gods as Israel has Yahv^h.
David speaks as if being driven from the borders of
the sacred land meant being banished from God
Himself.i This is evidently a phase in revelation, not
the completed truth. Or, look at another fact : some
' I Sam. xxvi. 19, 20. Cf. Deut.iv. 19, where Yahveh is spoken of
as allotting the various objects of false worship unto all nations under
the whole heaven, but retaining Israel for Himself.
INTRODUCTION.
of the most beautiful things said about God occur in
the speeches of Job's three friends, yet the Ahnighty
describes these very speeches as " darkening counsel.
Or again, the knowledge of God under the law is
denounced by the prophets, and still more by our
Lord, as little better than elaborate ignorance of
Him. Clearly in this case if we lose the historic
perspective, if we neglect to interpret the earlier by
the later, if we fail to see that it is the complete
Revelation, and that only, which gives us the com-
plete idea of God, our use of the Book may become
dangerous and misleading. God is revealed in the
Bible, not by selected texts, but in broad progressive
lines, by ideas which germinate and grow, by a light
which struggles from a brilliant dawn through
shadows to a perfect day.
But it may be said, Surely the Bible reveals much
else besides God. Does it not reveal, for example, the
future life, heaven with its rewards, and hell with its
punishments? This question can only be answered
very cautiously as wx proceed. In a certain sense
the revelation of God Himself involves many sub-
sidiary truths such as the doctrine of rewards and
punishments, but we have to distinguish carefully
between conceptions of a future world, which might
be current in any given age of revelation, and might
therefore be employed by the teacher as the clothing
12 RE VELA riON AND THE BIBLE.
of a truth which he wished to convey, and definite
revelations of the future world given expressly by the
specific methods of revelation. Even our Lord uses
the language of His own day when He speaks about
the Valley of Hinnom ^ with its ever-burning fires ;
and it is necessary to penetrate behind the veil of
language, and behind the mere tessercE of familiar
images before we can get at a truth, and say, " This
is a new revelation given us by God Himself"
On the whole it is perhaps safest to cling, at least
provisionally, to the idea that all Revelation is really
the revealing of God. What is human can be learnt
by human means ; what is Divine can be learnt only
by the Divine Spirit. And a great clearness comes
into our conception of the Bible directly we recognise
that its real gist is to show us God, whom otherwise
we could not know. With this clue in our hands we
can answer the second question which was mooted at
the beginning : When we say that the Bible is a
revelation, what exactly do we mean } We mean,
not that it is a general encyclopaedia of information,
a text-book of biology, a primer of physiology, a
synopsis of history, a prophetic forecast of the future,
but that it is a compilation of writings through which
God is revealed to us, not in a moment of time, but
in a historical evolution, not in a few proof texts, but
^ Mark ix. 43.
INTRODUCTION.
in the whole connected mass of the two hteratures of
which the book consists. It is true, human life and
human destiny are incidentally revealed in this light
of a revealed God, but only incidentally. As a
treatise on ethics, or a Vade Mecum of practical
conduct, the book does not profess to serve. It pro-
fesses to reveal God and show us the way to Him. If
it does not do that for us, it does, in effect, nothing.
Since the consummate revelation of God is in the
person of Christ, the whole aim of the Scripture may
be said to be to bring men to Christ. If we search
the Scriptures without reaching that end, our search
is in vain. As a recent German writer has put it, the
Bible is " a collection of books which are written in
God's Spirit and in a Divine faith-power, out of life
for life, out of history for history: their unique
centre, the touchstone and end of the whole and of
its several parts is and remains the living historical
person of Jesus Christ." ^
If now we have a provisional answer to the ques-
tions, What is Revelation, and in what sense is the
Bible a Revelation ? the other questions which were
raised will easily answer themselves. When the pro-
gress of knowledge casts some doubt on statements
contained in the Bible, Faith, so far from command-
^ Bitterc IVahrhciteu, p. 77- Trof. Bornemann's most interesting
reply to Von Egidy's Ermte Gcdanken.
14 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
ing us to reject these new facts as an assault, com-
mands us to investigate them, and if they are proved,
to receive them as a new light, on Revelation. Our
conception of Revelation is so situated and con-
structed that it is flatly impossible for any truth
which the human mind can discover to shake it.
Revelation is that truth which the human mind can-
not discover. The Bible itself, as every step in our
investigation must prove, is the consistent record of
later truths superseding earlier truths, and of primi-
tive notions becoming antiquated in the light of
broadening knowledge. The Book of the Law is
made up of frequent revisions of the Law as the
primordial community of Israel developed into the
Jewish Church. The prophets utter forecasts that
the whole system of the Law with its sacrifices and
ordinances was soon to pass away. The New Testa-
ment is the abolition, because the fulfilment, of the
Law. Nothing could be more instructive than our
Lord's own words upon this subject. He protests
that no jot or tittle of the Law shall pass before it is
fulfilled, but He sets His own ordinances over against
what " was said to them of old time," and as a matter
of historical fact that Law has passed away ; even
the Jews neglect all the elaborate ritual of the altar,
and the priesthood has ceased from Israel. What
does it mean ? Is it not clear that the old truth is
INTRODUCTION. 15
confirmed and fulfilled by merging into a new truth ?
And if our Lord treated the venerable ancient Scrip-
tures in this way, we who claim to have the mind of
Christ must apply the same method. We shall not
give to Scripture a finality which He refused to give ;
we shall not think we serve Truth by saying that no
jot or tittle shall pass away when He, the Truth,
Himself abolished the whole system of the Ancient
Law. We shall carefully avoid the tendency to crys-
tallise and stereotype those books which derived all
their value from being stages in a growth and imper-
fect preparations for a larger truth to come.
But if we are to apply the Spirit of Christ to the
interpretation of Scripture we must not hesitate to
apply it even to those New Testament writings which
speak most expressly of Him, and we must be pre-
pared for those direct manifestations of the Spirit to
the Christian consciousness which He Himself pro-
mised to His disciples. There were many things, He
said, which He could not tell them then, but when
He, the Spirit of truth, should come. He would lead
them into all truth. That power of the Spirit was to
effect greater things than even He Himself had done.
It is customary to limit these further revealings of
the Spirit to the Apostolic writings of the New Tes-
tament, but the Apostolic writings ^\\^ no counten-
ance to that limitation. Rather it is the tendency of
REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
those writings, and especially of the latest, the most
matured of them, to turn our attention to the direct
influence of the Holy Spirit, and that sovereign way
of being taught and led. The idea, therefore, of a
Revelation confined to the Sacred Writings cannot
be said to be the idea of those Sacred Writings them-
selves. The textual and mechanical methods which
result from that idea are as foreign to the Spirit of
Christ as the Rabbinical methods of dealing with the
Old Testament were repugnant to Him when He
was in the flesh. Just in proportion as we see in
Him the bright flower and fruit of the Scriptures
shall we hesitate to exalt the Scriptures, root and
branch, deciduous leaves, and cast off membranes, to
an equality with Him.
And now, before bringing this introductory chapter
to a close, it may be well to sketch out the path
which will be followed in the present investigation.
We have already in broad lines defined the substance
of Revelation ; it remains for us to patiently deal
with the various parts of which the Bible consists,
and to each part to apply varying tests with a view
of determining what elements of Revelation it con-
tains. With each successive book in our hands we
should like to accurately discriminate how much of
this, and in what sense, and with what limitations,
should be literally regarded as Revelation, and what
INTR OD UC TION. 1 7
parts of the writing or what modes of its setting must
be regarded as merely human ?
In pursuing this investigation, if we are to keep it
within reasonable bounds, it will be desirable to mass
the writings together in groups which are in some
sense homogeneous, for to take each of the books and
deal with it separately would, in a brief w^ork like this,
lead us too far afield. It will be necessary to deal with
the Book of Genesis by itself, because of the many
remarkable features, and the abiding interest, of that
book. But the rest of the Pentateuch may for our pur-
poses be handled together under the title of the Torah,
or the Law. We must then take in hand the Historical
Books of the Old Testament, breaking them into two
series : the first, which flows in a connected narrative
from Genesis up to the end of the Books of Kings,
and the second, which covers the same ground,
though with a different handling and a different
spirit, and then resumes the story after the Captivity
up to the time of Nehemiah ; this second series
includes the Paraleipomena, as they are called in the
Greek version, or the Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah,
and the Book of Esther. We shall then consider the
all-important work of the Prophets which had so
much to do with the development of Israel's religious
life. And, to conclude the review of the Old Testa-
ment, we shall try to handle briefly the Hagiographa,
3
1 8 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
or KetJmbim, which form the third division of the
Jewish Canon. When we pass to the New Testa-
ment we shall find that for our purposes the literature
can be best divided into the Memoirs of our Lord,
the Pauline Letters, the Early Pages of the Christian
History, the Minor Letters, and the Johannine
Writings.
As has just been said, varying tests will have to be
applied to these very different groups, and we must
not expect anything like an uniform method of treat-
ment. But one or two principles must guide our
study throughout, and with a statement of these
principles this Introduction may close. First, we
must constantly try to get the writing under discus-
sion in its right historical relations ; this cannot
always be done in a way to command an universal
assent, for about the question of dates and author-
ship in the case of many Old Testament, and some
New Testament, books sub jiidice lis est, but it may
be at once premised that, except in one or two
instances which may easily be distinguished, the
method need not be affected by these disputes of
the " higher criticism." Should the ultimate verdict
be other than that which is assumed in our treatment
of the book or books, a corresponding change in the
estimate will easily be made by one who has followed
the method of reasoning. It must be our constant
INTRODUCTION. 19
object to illustrate and to prove that the actual con-
tents of Revelation, as it has been defined in this
chapter, cannot possibly be affected by the disputed
authorship, or, in most cases even, by the difficulty in
fixing the period, of the composition. From this first
will naturally follow a second principle of inquiry. In
estimating the degree or quantity of revelation in a
given book it will be wise to compare it, not so much
with the finished results of revelation which are before
us in the New Testament, as with the notions, beliefs,
and practices which existed so far as we know among
contemporary, and especially contiguous, peoples, for
it is evident that a truth may have been a startling
revelation twenty centuries ago which has become to
us almost a commonplace ; it is a very common
observation that an original genius is often less
appreciated by posterity than might be expected, just
because he has been so successful in inoculating sub-
sequent generations with his ideas ; still more in the
course of revelation we are apt to forget that imper-
fect truths, given as men were able to bear them,
were once almost meteoric in their brilliancy by com-
parison with the surrounding darkness ; we now
remember only that they are imperfect, we forget
that they were truths, and such truths as could not
have been discovered unless God had lifted at least a
corner of the veil.
20 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
Once again, another principle must rule all our
study, a principle which seems at first sight almost
exactly contradictory to the one which has just
been stated. While we throw ourselves back into
the past and endeavour to judge it with the eyes of a
contemporary, it is necessary to carry with us the
motto, Respice Finem ; we must never for a moment
forget that all ended in a great consummation, Jesus
Christ. If the crown of God's self-revelation was
that perfect and unique personality, and if all pre-
vious revelation was a preparation for Him, we shall
be keen to recognise every filament and fibre of truth
which eventually works its way from dark subsoils of
history or of thought into that finished Flower. And
if we keep this principle always in view, at the same
time trying to avoid all extravagance and unreason-
ableness in its application, we shall be constantly
reminded of a fact which is among the most wonder-
ful in the many wonderful features of the Bible. The
broad historic development of Israel very obviously
leads up to Christ, and all the institutions of the Law
and of the Congregation point to that marvellous
spiritual completion ; the modes of thought, the
expectations, the aspirations of Israel's thinkers and
prophets no less clearly prognosticate the great
Person that was to be ; these historical and spiritual
elements of revelation even a careless reader will find
INTR 01) UC TION.
it difficult to miss if he studies the Old Testament in
the light of the New. But there is something more
curious still : how comes it that one story after
another in the narrative parts of the Old Testament
lends itself to a typological treatment, so that the
events are, as St. Paul would say, aKK'r]<^opovy.eva,^
allegories of things which were only realised centuries
later ? How comes it that a narrative like that of
Abraham and Isaac presents a startling illustration
of the great Sacrifice which was to be offered on, or
near, Mount Moriah, in a distant and unseen future ?
How comes it that in reading the story of Joseph, as
natural and simple a tale as was ever penned, the
Christian constantly receives the impression that even
in little details it is a veiled presentation of Jesus and
His saving work? How comes it that the first Joshua
is in name and function the counterpart, or rather the
foreshadowing, of that second Joshua, whom we call
by the Greek equivalent of the name, Jesus ? And
when this typical significance of events and names
and persons is carried on through century after cen-
tury of a national literature, in ways which no human
foresight or wisdom could possibly have devised, so
that a Christian taking up the Old Testament with
Christ as the key finds in his hands a series of pic-
tures, as it were, all representing with outline more or
' Gal. iv. 24.
:REVELATI0N AND THE BIBLE.
less distinct, and with colours more or less har-
monised, the Lord whom he has learnt to know, is it
not plain that we are here face to face with a mys-
terious element of Revelation which we must con-
stantly bear in mind and honestly seek to explain ?
The mere scholar is naturally impatient of this
typological element in the Bible ; he resents the
extravagances and absurdities to which, from Bar-
nabas to Swedenborg, the recognition of this element
seems to have predisposed interpreters ; he insists in
the cold dry light of reason on treating the literature
of the Bible merely as literature, and the history
merely as history ; on the other hand, an uncritical
pietist is outraged by the scholarly method, and in
the vindication of what he clearly sees to be the facts
of this typology he is apt to denounce the scholar and
to run into all lengths of absurdity in carrying out
the one method which is plain to him. But the
scholar and the pietist must meet on the common
ground of seeking to understand Revelation ; if either
is absent the investigation will halt ; two keys simul-
taneously applied are needed to unlock this ancient
casket. No researches of criticism have explained
away the mysterious typology of the Scripture. No
indignant protests of simple unlearned Bible students
have delayed the inevitable work of criticism. But
the time seems to have come when scholarship should
INTRODUCTION. 23
seek to explain the features of the Bible which it is
powerless to explain away, and when pietism should
discern in scholarship its best friend, although its
sternest judge.
It is, so we may surmise, the outstanding charge
against the scholars of the " higher criticism " that
they are blind to the religious interests involved in
their discussions ; in analysing the warp and the
woof of the tapestry they fail to observe or to
appreciate the design and the colour ; they appear,
for the most part, more anxious to deal a blow at
error than to build the fabric of truth ; they insist
on dealing with the Bible merely as literature when
the world is demanding it as religious food, and pious
people are sure that in it they have found the bread
on which the soul can live. It must be confessed
that the students who have been hitherto drawn
into the pioneer work of Biblical Criticism are not,
for the most part, rich religious natures ; compared
with the full-blooded and impassioned eloquence of
an unreasoning dogmatism, they may appear jejune
and halting. But that is no matter for surprise. The
question is, not. Are these critics trustworthy religious
teachers ? but rather, Are the truths which they have
brought to light consistent with the strong and vital
faith in God and Revelation which is essential to the
power and efficiency of the Church ?
24 RE VELA riON AND THE BIBLE.
The answer to this question appears to the present
writer by no means doubtful. If the simple recogni-
tion of established facts were to shatter our religious
faith, rob us of our God, and draw a line of erasure
right through our Bible, it would be a plain duty to
accept the established facts. Unless Truth seems to
us more valuable than our God, our God will certainly
not be the real God, for He is Truth. Unless we
feel the solemn responsibility of accepting proved
facts, whatever havoc they may make with our
beliefs, our beliefs never can be true, for if the beliefs
themselves are true we shall yet hold them untruly.
" Blind unbelief is sure to err," and so is blind Belief.
We take a step in the direction of Death whenever
we deliberately resolve to deny or ignore a Fact.
But the results of Criticism, and the admission of
scientific facts, do not and cannot rob us of our God
— and if they alter our way of regarding the Bible,
they take it from us only to give it to us again.
What they shatter is that hoary coating of prejudice
and superstition which always forms upon the Truth
during ages of sleepy dogmatism and intellectual
apathy. This book will have entirely failed in its
purpose if it leaves the reader in any doubt that the
Revelation of God is confirmed rather than shaken,
illumined rather than obscured, by the new methods
of dealing with the Scriptures which fresh study and
INTRODUCTION. 2$
accumulating knowledge have rendered necessary.
It is strange that we, who have regarded with
equanimity the fierce assaults of Deism, Atheism,
and Secularism upon the Sacred Book, should show
a timorous anxiety when Christian scholars them-
selves are dealing in no iconoclastic spirit with the
facts which gave a handle to those embittered
assailants.! It is not an edifying spectacle to see
the children of the Reformation seeking to silence
inquiry by abuse and misrepresentation. They who
think to protect the Bible by a Dogma must in
the end discredit it, for they imply that their Dogma
is really the foundation on which the Bible rests. As
a matter of fact, the Bible stood before that crude
dogma of infallible inspiration was invented, and the
Bible will stand when that dogma has passed away.
That it rests not upon dogma, but upon the solid
foundations of demonstrable fact, the following pages
seek to show.
' As Professor Cheyne has recently said, "Among those who have
thoroughly studied the Old Testament from a modern point of view the
period of negation and destruction is past, and the work of gentle and
gradual reconstruction has begun." {J ids to the Devout Study of
Criticism, p. 72.)
CHAPTER II.
THE TOLEDOTH OR GENESIS.
The first book in the Bible was always called among
the Jews by the word with which it begins, n^^^^K"!?-
Our English name for it is simply an exact trans-
literation of the Greek title in the Septuagint, Teveai^.
But if we would adopt a name which would be
descriptive of the contents, it might be well to utilise
the Hebrew word which is translated by Generations
(nn^in). To this Hebrew word perhaps the nearest
English equivalent is Oidgins.
This is the book of the Origins. Looking back to
its beginning, from its closing chapter it is clear that
the main purpose has been to describe the Origin of
the people called Israel ; but this people is seen
emerging out of the other peoples of the earth, and
accordingly the origins of these other peoples are
sketched in outline. The inquiry is pushed up to
the origin of the human race, and in the last resort
to that of the earth itself and even the heavens.
26
THE " TO LE DOTH'' OK GENESIS. 27
When the main purpose of the book is thus con-
ceived we shall necessarily arrange the materials in
a perspective which is slightly different from that
which is commonly presented. Standing, as it were,
in the midst of Israel in Egypt on the eve of what
may be called Israel's national Genesis, we look back
to the beginnings, which lie behind like a land of far
distances where everything is not equally distinct,
and bounded by an horizon which is luminous with
golden mists rather than with sharply defined facts ;
such images as have the appearance of solid realities
are symbolical pictures in the cloud, not valueless,
rather infinitely valuable, but their value lies in their
symbolism, and not in their actualit.v.
Taking up the Book of Genesis, then, on the
principles defined in the Introductory chapter, with
the view of answering the question. Wherein does the
revelation of the book consist? we are obliged to
give in the first instance a broad answer, and to
avoid details which may have the same confusing
effect upon the mind as if in trying to comprehend
a picture worked in tapestry we were to occupy our-
selves with a minute investigation of the stitches.
There are two salient and striking elements of reve-
lation in the book : first, a God dealing plastically
with the world, with man, with history ; second, a
nation drawn out of remote and obscure beginnings
28 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
by the will of the God, and shaped by an unceasing
discipline for a far-off destiny. These are the two
foci of the ellipse, and in the orbit of the ellipse all
the events move in simple orderliness. The nature
of the God is not fully explained — His attributes are
quite imperfectly presented. As might be expected
in dealing with very primitive traditions and pre-
historical events, the book gives us gleams of a
Divine Being and echoes of a Divine voice, as they
might be perceived in the childhood of the world,
rather than any adequate portraiture of the Eternal
God. The origin of the nation, too, is given only in
sketches ; the book struggles with the manifold diffi-
culties of a remote antiquity, a varying tradition,
historical sources which do not always agree. As
we experience elsewhere in the origins of a nation,
so here we find the historical elements seem often to
be reached by stripping old stories of their mythical
elements, or by grasping the kernel of fact in developed
legends. But about one point there remains no
shadow of doubt : both the God and the providential
development of the nation appear as a distinct revela-
tion ; for the God is definitely the Being who is
manifested in the subsequent development of revela-
tion, growing clearer and clearer until the full-orbed
light is reached ; and the nation advances from these
shadowy origins to a historical completeness, and in
THE " TO LE DOTH'' OR GENESIS. 29
its changing experiences of suffering and achievement
finally realises the promise contained in its germ.
The more steadily this broad revelation in the book
of the Origins is contemplated, and the more com-
pletely the light of subsequent facts is brought to
illustrate and illuminate it, the mind grows more and
more convinced of the essential fact, and more and
more indifferent to the secondary details. It becomes
impatient alike of the attacks made upon the details,
and of the defence of them offered by apologists,
when both attack and defence are essentially irrele-
vant, diverting attention from the bold contours and
the broad issues of the book.
But if we are prepared to hold firmly to the great
truths which are revealed in the book as a whole, we
may with safety and profit descend to test the degree
or the kind of revelation contained in the several
parts. Let us review in succession the five primeval
Toledoth : (i) The generations, or origins, of the
heaven and of the earth. ^ (2) The generations, or
origins, of Adam.^ (3) The generations, or origins,
of Noah.3 (4) The generations, or origins, of Noah's
sons.4 (5) The generations, or origins, of Shem.5
Then we can proceed to glance much more cursorily
at the five Patriarchal Toledoth of Terah, of Ishmael,
' Gen. ii. 4. - Gen. v. i. 3 Gen. vi. 9.
"• Gen, X. I. 5 Gen. xi. 10.
30 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
of Isaac, of Esau, of Jacob, with which the rest of the
book is concerned.
First of all, the Origins of the Heaven and the
Earth. The existence of two narratives lying side
by side in the first and second chapters of Genesis is
very interesting and full of suggestion so soon as the
bearing of the fact is understood. It would take us
too far away from the present purpose to give even a
brief sketch of the literary analysis to which scholar-
ship has subjected the Pentateuchal literature, but it
may be said at once and in a word that one half of
the acknowledged difficulties of the Pentateuch dis-
appear when these established literary facts are dis-
tinctly recognised. The series of books from Genesis
to Joshua is, in the form that is familiar to us, the
work of the scribes who reverently compiled and
edited the Law after the return from Exile. The
earliest materials in the Hexateuch are as old as
Moses ; the latest come from the period when his
institutions had achieved their utmost development
and assumed their final form. The literary strata in
the Work can be determined with some degree of
certainty by literary and historical tests which it is
impossible to recapitulate here. Suffice it to say that
the sublime passage with which the Bible opens
belongs to that latest stratum of the literature
which represents the completest form of the Mosaic
THE " TOLEDOTH'' OR GENESIS. 31
Law.i The second account of the origins of the earth
and of man (Gen. ii. 4<^-iii. 24) is taken from the pro-
phetic writer of the Southern Kingdom, who is called
the Yahvist, because of his preference for the sacred
name nn» (Yahveh or Jehovah) in his writings.
When the author or editor of Genesis puts two
different accounts of the Creation side by side without
any attempt to harmonise them, or to remove the
discrepancies which are visible from the different
standpoints, we seem warned at once that we are
not to seek the Revelation in the details of either
narrative, but rather in the spiritual conceptions or
the ethical lessons which both the narratives pre-
suppose. And this first impression is confirmed by
every step of subsequent inquiry. The attempt to
square either of these accounts with the results ot
Modern Science is labour thrown away. If they
were scientifically correct it would not prove that
they were revealed ; if they are scientifically crude
and inexact it does not show that there is no revela-
tion contained in them. A far more remunerative
field of investigation lies in the direction of Com-
parative Mythology. If we can place these Origins
' This Priestly Code, as it is now usually called, is designated P by
our latest English scholars, but Wellhausen uses the letter Q, and
Dillmann the letter A as its distinctive mark. All, however, are agreed
that the Priest's Code is the framework of the Hexateuch, into which
the other materials from the Yahvist J, the second Elohist E, and the
Deuteronomist D are fitted in. (Driver's Introduction, p. 9.)
32 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
of the world and of man side by side with the
Cosmogonies of the Ancients, noticing where agree-
ment betrays the existence of common human tradi-
tions, and where disagreement suggests that a Divine
element has entered in, we shall find ourselves on
the track of determining what revelation is contained
in these narratives. And strange to say, the researches
of our own day have put the materials of comparison
into our hands. The clay tablets found by George
Smith in the library of Assurbanipal, on the site of
Nineveh, have revealed the conceptions of the Creation
which prevailed in Babylon, not only at the time of
the Exile, but at the time of Moses, and probably
centuries before. Two passages translated by Prof.
Sayce from this Babylonian account of the Creation
will enable the reader to see at any rate the principle
of the comparison suggested. The first of these
passages is taken from the Fourth Tablet, which
describes the battle between Bel and Tiamat : —
At that time the heaven above had not yet announced,
or the earth beneath recorded, a name ;
the unopened deep was their generator,
Mummu Tiamat ^ was the mother (bearer) of them all.
Their waters were embosomed as one, and
the cornfield was unharvested, the pasture was ungrown.
^ The connection between Mummu Tiamat (the chaos of the sea) and
the Dfnn. of Gen. i. 2 will strike every reader of the Hebrew Bible.
It is obvious, too, to connect the \x\2, of Gen. i. 2 with the woman
Baau, who, in our version of the Phoenician Cosmogony, appears as
Night.
THE " TOLEDOTH'' OR GENESIS.
At that time the £jocls had not appeared, any one of them,
by no name were they recorded, no destiny (had they fixed).
Then the (great) gods were created,
Lakhmu and Lakhamu issued forth (the first),
until they grew up (when)
Ansar and Ki-sar were created.
Long were the days, extended (was the time, and)
the gods Anu. (Bel and Ea were born).
Ansar and Ki-sar (gave them birth).
The Other passage is taken from the Fifth Tablet,
which describes the creation of the heavenly bodies: —
He (Anu) illuminated the Moon-god that he might watch over the
night,
and ordained for him the ending of the night that the day may be
known,
(saying) Month by month without break keep watch (?) in thy disk;
at the beginning of the month kindle the night,
announcing thy horns that the heaven may know.
On the seventh day, (filling thy) disk,
thou shalt open indeed its narrow contraction.^
The impression of similarity to the first chapter o{
Genesis is enhanced by noticing that the creative
work is recorded on seven tablets, and that the
Babylonians divided their days into sevens, and called
the seventh " sa-bat-tu," treating it as a day of repose.
But while the resemblances between the Chaldean
and the Hebraic cosmogony are striking and interest-
ing, the differences are far more significant. The
account just quoted from the Fourth Tablet is clearly
a myth ; the origin of the world is materialistic, for
that Tiamat which precedes the creation of the gods
' Sayce's IlUd'crt Latiirc, p. 3S4, 6v:c.
4
34 RE VELA riON AND THE BIBLE.
is simply Chaos personified. It may be observed,
too, that other passages of the account, if we may
trust Berosus, represented this primeval Chaos as
swarming- with monstrous living creatures. In a
word, according to this mythology, the gods did not
create the world, but rather the world created them.
The distinctive note of Gen. i., on the other hand, is
that " in the beginning " there was God, and He
created the whole universe. Again, the Sabbath of
the Babylonian records does not appear as a Divine
institution, while in Gen. i. it seems only to be men-
tioned in order to enforce by the example of the
Creator the observance among men of the seventh
day of rest.
If it were possible to extend our survey and to
institute a comparison with the cosmogonies of other
religions, the impression made by reference to this
Babylonian document would be deepened. On the
one hand, it is clear that there are some elements in
Genesis, chap, i., which occur in the common tradition
of kindred peoples, not to say in the traditions of
other branches of the human family. Thus the
general scheme of Creation in seven periods,
the notion of a primeval chaos, the introduction of
a God speaking, the eulogy on the several stages of
creation, the mention of the heavenly bodies as
placed to determine the year, are features of this
THE " TO LE DOTH'' OR GENESIS.
35
Chaldean Cosmogony which has accidentally been
brought to light in our own day. We can
hardly maintain that these details are a revelation
in the Book of Genesis without admitting that they
are a revelation in the clay tablets of Assurbanipal,
which go back to an older date, as well. And
according to the principle of our inquiry we shall
rather conclude that in these and similar details
the Biblical writer simply uses the notions which
came to his hand, the primitive conception of the
world's origin which prevailed in the plain of
Mesopotamia at the time when he wrote. But,
on the other hand, the further the comparison with
other religious systems is carried, the more con-
vincing is the conclusion that the whole tenor of this
first chapter of Genesis is unique. God is at the
beginning. He has no equal, no rival. The spiritual
beings with whom He consults, " Let us make man,"
are not other gods, but merely " ministers of his that
do his pleasure." The whole Creation proceeds from
His will and the word of His mouth. Further, the
stages of the Creation are distinctly marked, and if
the writer is ignorant of the scientific connection
between the several orders of beings, he is at least
aware of the position which man holds in the scale
as the crown and summit of created things ; he is
able to say, *' God created man in his own image, male
36 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
and female created he them." This clear and firm
conception of God as the Creator, and of man as the
image of his Creator, is in itself sufficiently wonderful,
and can leave no doubt on the mind of the student
of Comparative Mythology that in this point lies
the essential revelation of this chapter. If the
chapter had been composed for the first time to-day
— in the schools of Darwin or Haeckel, for example —
it would be a revelation ; it would be, not a scientific
statement, but the assertion of two consummate
truths which science is not able to discover.
Positivism cannot say, " In the beginning God
created the heaven and the earth," or, " God created
man in his own image." If these truths are not
revealed they cannot be known, and yet when they
are revealed they become the key to all the science
of God, or Theology, and to all the science of Man,
or Anthropology. But if this chapter would be a
revelation, coming for the first time into the world
to-day, how much more was it a revelation, issuing
from the little company of those who preserved the
Law in the midst of the corruptions and defilements
and idolatries of Babylon ! When the position is
correctly stated and cleared from false issues, it is
questionable whether even the Positivist will not
come to perceive that here is, indeed, not perhaps a
scientific truth, but yet a truth, a truth of Revelation:
THE " TOLEDOTH'' OR GENESIS. 37
And if we are right in regarding this chapter as a
product of the Captivity, how profoundly significant
is the absence of all mythological elements from the
stately record ! ^ Those sad-eyed exiles, surrounded
by the most prolific mythologies, and breathing the
air, speaking even the language, of a people that
were .steeped in the myths of their religious litera-
ture, yet, under the guidance of the Spirit, could
thus conceive and describe the Supreme God at
work in the making of the world and in the
generation of His son, Man.
Second, the Origins of Adam. The other version
of the Creation, contained in chap. ii. 4, ct seq., is
frorh the literary point of view older than chap. i.
It is more picturesque, but less sublime. The order
of the Creation is very different. Man is made
before the vegetation, then come the beasts of the
field, and finally woman. No reference is made to
the heavenly bodies. There is a beautiful local
colour in the narrative, and while every detail
reminds us that we are here dealing not with history,
but with allegory, we are conscious that the con-
' The trace of the myth of the world-egg in the nSflTp of
Gen. i. 2, and the reference to the Sun-god ruHng the day in
Di*n n?E^'Ppp of verse 16, as also the Dinri and -iriB, alluded to in a
previous note, are simply linguistic, and are no more to be treated as
marks of a mythological belief than our names for the days of the
week imply a belief in Wodin or Thoror Freyda. (Delitzsch, Genesis,
vol. i. p. 63. T. and T. Clark.)
38 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
ceptions come from a time when the ideas of God
were far more primitive, and more anthropomorphic
than those implied in chap. i. It might be thought
that the very expressions " tree of Hfe " and " tree of
the knowledge of good and evil " would immediately
show to an intelligent mind that the story is sym-
bolical. The four rivers, again, issuing from one
source, especially when two of them are identified as
the Tigris and the Euphrates, and the other two are
most probably the Indus and the Nile, seem to warn
us of themselves against looking for any literal accu-
racy in the narrative. The Garden of Eden would
have to be ^s large as a continent to contain the
widely-parted sources of these historic streams. The
origin of woman, too, from the rib of a man is
evidently a symbolical conception, which is paral-
leled in other mythologies, ^ Further, a serpent
that speaks proclaims itself to be in the region of
fable. In the Babylonian mythology the serpent was
connected with the god of wisdom, " more subtil
than any beast of the field " which had been created
in the land of Edina.^ And so in the Persian
mythology the serpent Dahaka is the creature by
whose means Ahriman destroys the first-created land
^ One of the magical texts of the Assyrian tablets says of the seven
evil spirits, "The woman from the loins of the man they bring forth."
(Sayce, Hibbert Lecture, p. 395.)
^ Sayce, Hibbert Lectuj-e, p. 2S2.
THE " TOLEDOTH'' OK GENESIS. 39
of Ormuzd, and Ahriman himself is represented as
appearing in a serpent form. These are but a few of
the more obvious indications that this second version
of the Creation is not even meant to be historical.
Does it therefore cease to be a revelation }
Because it differs entirely from the magnificent
presentation of chap, i., does it contain no truths
which may be described as revealed } That is the
question which confronts us, and the answer is over-
whelming and conclusive. Once take the view that
we are here dealing with a pictorial representation of
the Origin of Man and of Woman, and the Origin of
human sin, once lay aside the childish misinterpreta-
tion that would treat the story as literal fact, and
immediately the whole passage begins to glow with
religious significance, and the note of inspiration
strikes upon the ear. Man is appointed as the lord
of the earth : he is placed in a garden of joy to be
tried : woman is made as his companion, and mono-
gamy is recognised as a divine thought : the origin
of sin is found in a temptation from without, a
suggestion of a malignant power, not a natural
inclination of man's own heart, so that man in his
very sin is still redeemable : the temptation lies in
the direction of leaving the path of obedience to
God, and entering on a life of independent moral
development ; the punishment lies in the expulsion
40 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
from the garden of simple and untried felicity ; the
redemption is promised in a distant victory which
shall be attained by the " seed of the woman." ^ These
are the religious truths conveyed through the story.
They are truths which are confirmed by all sub-
sequent knowledge. No thinker, no scientist, has
given a better account of man's origin, of woman's
relation to man, of the origin of evil and the promise
of victory over it, than this which, in a half-poetical,
half-allegorical form, is furnished by Gen. ii. Here
is the Man, the creature of the ground, ^"J^ ; here is
^\^, the " life-mother " ; here is their essential relation
to God and to one another ; here is the trial, the fall,
the hope of humanity, told in a tale of simplicity
which the sage cannot fathom, yet the child can
understand. How came these truths into a Hebrew
myth } Granted that as a myth it hides rather than
displays the physical origin of man, how comes it
that on the veil of the myth are delineated these
moral and spiritual lessons which it behoves us all as
men to know and to ponder 1 There can be but one
answer : this is revelation ; the Yahvist, or whatever
else you may call this author, spoke and wrote under
the instruction of a Holy Spirit of truth, and told
' See Dr. Lyman Abbott's Evolution of Christianity, p. 225, for a
fine description of the way in which the Story of Eden is repeated in
the life of every human being.
THE " TO LE DOTH'' OR GENESIS. \\
the world what the world, but for such teaching,
might not recognise even now.
In the account of the immediate descendants of
the Man (Dns) we have first the narrative given by
the Yahvist, chap, iv., and then the same ground
covered by an extract from the author of chap. i.
or P. A careful comparison of these two chapters,
iv. and v., is very instructive in showing us the
difference between the two sources. The Yahvist
preserves one of the most ancient pieces of song in
the world (iv. 23, 24). P gives a dry genealogical
list, broken only by a clause of sublime beauty
(v. 24). But there is no need to dwell upon these
chapters in our present study, and we must hasten
on to the third of our primitive Toledoth.
Third, the Origins of Noah. It will be self-evident
to any student of comparative religions that it is
vain to seek for any revelation in the mere recorded
fact of a Deluge. Every primeval religion in Asia,
Africa, and America, contains in one form or another
the same fact. One of the most interesting primitive
traditions of that disastrous event is that which
Assyriologists have deciphered in the clay tablets
from Nineveh. This story, we are assured, dates
from Accadian times, two thousand years before
our era. In many respects it corresponds v/ith the
version of Berosus, which has been familiar to the
42 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
Church for centuries through the Chronicon of
Eusebius. But the eleventh tablet of the Isdubar
Epic, containing the Chaldean account of the Flood,
comes to us not through the questionable channels
of a Church historian ; it starts into life from the
ruins of a forgotten city. It was in 1872 that
George Smith gave to the world this remarkable
fragment in which Hasisadra relates to Isdubar
how he escaped the flood by building a vessel, and
bringing into it what living creatures he could get.
The flood rose for six days and seven nights, then
it began to abate. When his vessel stranded on the
mountain in the land of Nizir he let out the dove,
which, finding no foothold, returned ; then the
swallow, which also returned ; but the raven, though
wading in the water, refused to come back. When
he issued from the ship, Hasisadra erected an altar
on the summit of the mountain and offered a sacri-
fice, and " the gods sucked in the scent, the gods
sucked in the well-smelling scent ; the gods gathered
like flies over the sacrificer." Bel was angry because
any one had escaped the flood ; but the other gods
soothed him, saying that it was unjust to punish the
innocent with the guilty, so that he went into the
vessel, blessed Hasisadra and his wife, and declared
that they should be forthwith raised to the gods.^
' Schrader, Die Keilinschriften icnd das Alte Testament, 1883.
THE " TOLEDOTH'' Ok GENESIS. 43
This close and interesting resemblance between
the narrative in the Book of Genesis and the far
more ancient narrative from the Assyrian tablets,
shows us that it cannot be in the record of the event
that we must seek for the element of revelation. It
may be said that the clay tablets confirm the
historical reality of the Flood : that is quite pos-
sible, but as they bring the event into the region
of historical tradition, they demonstrate that as a
narrative of fact it is no longer to be regarded as
a revelation. That there was a great Deluge in the
Mesopotamian valley, from which only a handful
of human beings escaped, may be regarded as a
fact ; but the narrative of that fact occurring in the
Book of Genesis would not of itself constitute a
revelation, while — paradoxical as it may sound —
the narrative in Gen. vi.-ix. would constitute a
revelation, whether such a flood had happened or
not : for it is in the handling of the tradition and
the religious interpretation of the catastrophe that
the Biblical narrative appears to differ entirely from
the records of similar deluges in other religious
sources. It is the same One God, in whose presence
the crow^ding figures of the Babylonian Pantheon
disappear ; it is the same prevailing motive of
righteousness, the same relation between sinful man
and his Creator, the same Divine purpose of re-
44 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
demption, that we have already seen in the opening
chapters of Genesis. When the story lies side by side
with the Isdubar Epic, and one comes to carefully
compare the two, then the decisive sense in which
this is a revelation begins to appear. But this does
not mean that we are at liberty to press the details
of the story, or to claim that revelation has been
invoked in order to tell us the dimensions of the
ark, the numbers of the animals, the duration of the
flood, or the other features which had come down
in the tradition. The careful analysis of the literary
sources has saved us from this truly grotesque mis-
take by showing us that these four chapters are
made up of a very skilful combination of two
distinct narratives — one, the version of that Priestly
Code which is by scholars designated P ; the other,
the version of the Yahvist (J). When these two
narratives are distinguished, as they easily may be
by a little careful study,^ it is found that, according
to P, two animals of each kind, a male and a female,
were saved, while J says, that of the clean beasts
^ Let the reader underline in his Bible (R.V.)the following passages,
which are from J: — chap. vi. i-8 ; vii. 1-5, 7-10 (with the exception
of the clause contained in ver. 9), 12, 16 (from " and the Lord," &c.),
17, 22, 23; viii. 2 (beginning "and the rain," &c.), 3 (to "con-
tinually"), 6-12, 13 ("and Noah . . . ground was dried"), 20-22;
ix. 18-27. And then let him read the parts which are not underlined
from P, and he will quickly see the cogency of the statement made in
the text.
THE " TO LE DOTH'' OK GENESIS. 45
seven of each kind were taken Into the ark. Again,
according to P, the duration of the flood, or at any
rate the residence in the ark, was a whole • year,
(vii. II and viii. 14), while J speaks definitely of the
flood lasting forty days, and of two periods of seven
days during which the waters abated and the ground
became dry. There is something quite sad in re-
membering how much ingenuity has been spent on
trying to make the Holy Spirit responsible for the
details of a narrative like this, when a careful study
of the Hebrew original could so easily show that
the writer himself had two versions of the story
before him ; and also when the real elements of
Revelation — the direct and actual work of the Spirit
— are so evident and so independent of the mere
traditional materials which w^ere employed.
Four, the Origins of the Sons of NoaJi, In the
most interesting table of the nations, which consti-
tutes chap. X., there is certainly no theological or
religious end to be served by asserting that the
names are given by a direct revelation from God,
and not by the ordinary methods of historical
tradition. Nothing but the unnatural methods of an
erroneous theory of inspiration could have led men
into the abj^urdity of maintaining that here we have
an exhaustive account of the various families of the
human race. Such a contention gives at once a
46 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
point of attack for the philologist and the ethnolo-
gist, invites their criticism, and provokes their con-
demnation. If we approach this chapter, however,
with no presupposition, and no theory to maintain,
we find, along with many students of our own day,
that this fragmentary account of the various races
included in a circle, the centre of which is placed
at the junction of the Tigris and Euphrates, and
the circumference of which sweeps round Persia,
Asia Minor, Ionia, and the more distant parts of the
Mediterranean, Egypt, and Arabia, is among the
most valuable sources of the kind that ethnologists
have at their disposal. It is, we have every reason
to believe, thoroughly trustworthy. It has been
pronounced by Dillmann " an unquestionable his-
torical, geographical monument," though it covers
only the Caucasian race in Blumenbach's divi-
sion of the human family into the Caucasian,
Mongolian, Malayan, American, and Ethiopian, and
omits even those original stocks in Palestine, the
Amalekites, Rephaim, Emim, and Zuzim, which
would have been, we might have thought, within
the purview of the writer. To claim for this list the
authority of revelation is to obscure and to destroy
its unquestioned authority as a fragment of ethno-
graphical and historical information.
Passing on to the account of Babel in the opening
THE ''TOLEDOTH" OK GENESIS. 47
verses of chap, xi., we may content ourselves with
quoting an illustrative passage from an Assyrian
tablet concerning — so Professor Sayce believes — the
Tower of Babel. It is speaking of a leader of
rebellion who, when "the thought of his heart was
hostile, . . . had wronged the father of all the gods."
He hurried to seize Babylon, and his host were
" mi7igling the mound when the divine king of the
illustrious mound, Anu, lifted up ... in front, and
prayed to his father, the lord of the firmament."
" In his wrath he overthrows their secret counsel ; in
his fury he set his face to mingle their designs, he
gave command, he made strange their plan." ^ The
word '' mingle," italicised in this quotation, is the
very word in Assyrian which is rendered " confound "
in Gen. xi. 9. Once again the Babylonian version of
a story stands side by side with the Biblical to
remind us how far the two agree, where they differ,
and to enable us to perceive in what sense we are to
regard the Biblical narrative as a revelation.
Five, the Origins of SJieni. In following the brief
genealogical tree up to Terah, there are two observa-
tions to be made which may help us to conceive
more clearly the limits which must be put to finding
revelation in every detail of the record. The LXX.
insert another name in the list at ver. 12. "Arphach-
* Sayce, Hihhert Lecture, p. 406.
48 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
sad lived five and thirty years, and begat Kainan :
and Arphachsad lived after he begat Kainan four
hundred years, and begat sons and daughters, and
died. And Kainan lived one hundred and thirty
years, and begat Shelah," &c. St. Luke in his
genealogy (iii. 36) follovvs the LXX. We are obliged
to face the question : Is the Septuagint version which
St. Luke adopted the correct one, or is our Hebrew
text to be accepted ? It is not, of course, material to
decide, but it is very important to note that we have
no authority to insist on the accuracy of these details,
and the attempt to do so, especially if our view of
Revelation is practically bound up with this notion
of unerring accuracy, must necessarily shake the faith
in revelation itself The other observation is of a
kindred nature. The chronological calculations
based on such numbers as occur here are of the
most precarious character. The LXX. make the
period between the birth of Arphachsad and the
migration of Abram 1245 years ; our text makes
it 365 years. And yet we know that the New
Testament, as a whole, follows the LXX. chrono-
logy rather than that of the Hebrew text. The
difficulties connected with the agelong lives of these
primitive men have led even so conservative an
expositor as Delitzsch to conjecture that the whole
sum of years between the Flood and Abram is
THE '' rOLEDOTH'' OR GENESIS. 49
divided among the individual patriarchs as repre-
sentatives of successive epochs in this period. If
such a conjecture is probable, we must certainly
abstain from laying stress upon what the great com-
mentator calls this " motley jumble of numbers,"
and we must discard from the contents of revelation
those schemes of chronology which were based on
the assumed infallibility of these dates. The proofs
which Geology has furnished of the remote antiquity
of man on the globe do not really come into collision
with Revelation, for most assuredly these figures are
not revealed^ they are simply the result of the
defective methods of reckoning time which charac-
terise ail early histories, and which we have no reason
to suppose that God would remedy by supernatural
means.
The remaining part of the Book of Origins must
necessarily be dealt with in a more cursory manner.
The chosen race is henceforth disentangled from the
collateral branches. The father of the faithful
emerges into a clear light, and a detailed history of
his life is given, though the same principle of briefly
mentioning and then leaving on one side the col-
lateral lines is still followed for a time ; the Toledoth
of Ishmael arc hastily dismissed in order to follow
Isaac's generation more particularly ; and again, the
Toledoth of Esau are passed rapidly over, that all
5
50 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
attention may be fixed upon Jacob. When the
writer reaches the generations of the Twelve Tribes
the purpose of the book is attained.
Is it possible for us to particularise the revelation
which is contained in these incomparable narratives ?
Granting that the main gist of the revelation of God
lies in the historical selection and preparation of
Israel as a people, can we lay our hands with any
certainty upon the elements of revelation contained
in the several parts of the story ? Can we do this
without sliding into the easy but fallacious assump-
tion, that because the revelation is in these chapters
so broad and beautiful a light, therefore all the details
or all the facts are guaranteed to us on an infallible
authority ? This is the problem before earnest Bible
students of the present day. Only an outline of the
answer can be attempted here.
It may be at once asserted 'that the work of
archaeologists in the past thirty years has all tended
to show the historical accuracy of the pictures con-
tained in these chapters. In the most impressive
way the forgotten inscriptions of Assyria and the
undeciphered papyri of Egypt came to light like a
witness stepping out of the tomb to reaffirm the
truthfulness of our records, just when a pitiless
Biblical Criticism was disposed to resolve the names
into solar myths, and the facts into idle legend. For
THE " TOLEDOTW OR GENESIS. 51
example, scholars have hesitated to press the his-
torical reality of chap. xiv. In the absence of con-
firmatory evidence, the invasion of the West by these
Mesopotamian kings seemed highly doubtful, and
the mysterious appearance of Melchizedek, king of
Salem, suggested an explanation other than the
historical one. But the annals of Sargon of Accad,
in the clay tablets of the British Museum, show that
Babylonian kings made expeditions to the Mediter-
ranean 3800 years before Christ. The name of Eri-
Aku, king of Larsa, occurs on one of the bricks,
and he describes himself as the son of Kudur-Mabug
of Elam. This first name seems to remind us of
Arioch of Ellasar, and the Kudur, meaning "servant,"
of the god Mabug, illustrates Chedor-laomer, or
servant of the god Laomer. Still more direct is the
witness of the cuneiform tablets found at Tel-el-
Amarna, in Egypt, to the historical reality of Mel-
chizedek. From them we learn that Ebed-Tob was
a priest-king in Jerusalem at that early period,
inheriting his dignity not from father or mother, but
by the oracle of Salem, the god of peace, whose
temple stood where afterwards the Temple of
Jehovah was built. ^ This is certainly a highly inte-
resting reminder that underneath this chapter of
^ See a paper in The Expository Times of December, 1S91, by Prof.
Sayce.
52 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
Genesis lie historical traditions which must have
come down from very ancient times.
Again, the decipherment of the Egyptian hiero-
glyphics has revealed in a most remarkable way the
truthful colouring of the whole story of Joseph in
Egypt. Almost every detail receives illustration
from the monuments. The narrative contains
Egyptian words which have only become intelligible
by the recovery of this forgotten language. For
instance, Mr. Le Page Renouf has suggested that
Joseph's Egyptian name, Zaphnath-paaneah, would
signify " Storehouse of the house of life." ^ It has
become quite plain that the two authors, the Yahvist
and the Elohist, whose narratives are combined in
these chapters, certainly had at their disposal
authentic materials of the period about which they
were writing. Such verisimilitude, such correctness
of local colour, such embodiment of Egyptian words,
which could not be in use — perhaps would not be
intelligible — among the contemporaries of the writers,
can only be explained by the existence of these
authentic sources, which furnished the matter of the
narratives.
There is an evidence, too, of quite another kind to
^ A convenient and accessible summary of the confirmation given by
Egyptology to the Biblical narratives is given in Mr. Budge's Dtvellers
on the Nile. (R.T.S., Bye-Paths of Bible Ivnowledge.)
■ THE " TOLEDOTH" OR GENESIS. 53
the truthfulness of these narratives. It may be called
a ps)xhological evidence. The late Charles Reade
once wrote some papers on Bible Characters, and
showed, from the standpoint of a novelist, what
miraculous truth there is in these Scriptural delinea-
tions. The supposition that Abraham, for instance,
is a solar myth breaks down in face of the fact that
he is a most perfectly drawn human character. Shak-
spere could not be more consistent than are these
two writers (J and E) in the language and actions
ascribed to the patriarch. Jacob is equally distinct
and recognisable. Judah, the frail and sinning, but
just and generous man, is a perfect portrait. His
speech before Joseph in chap. xliv. is either literally
true, or the work of a consummate dramatic artist.
Still more remarkable is the whole presentation of
Joseph. Homer has left us no such flawless picture.
It is here that the recognition of separate sources,
which Orthodoxy once resented as a dishonour, has
become a confirmation and an evidence to Scripture.
When it is quite easy to detect a double narrative
coming from two quite distinct authors, who differed
considerably in the details of their story, the perfectly
consistent human character resulting from a com-
bination of the two, is a clear proof that they both
were speaking about a real person. One may say,
on this psychological ground, if ever there was a
54 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
genuine biography in the world, this biography of
Joseph is genuine.
Another most interesting evidence of genuineness
occurs in the prophecy of Jacob concerning the
Twelve Sons, which occurs in chap, xlix. Look at
the words spoken concerning Levi and Simeon.
Jacob pronounces a curse upon them, and speaks of
their being scattered in Israel as a penalty of their
sins. Then look at the very ancient " blessing of the
tribes " in Deut. xxxiii. There Simeon is not men-
tioned, but Levi is recognised as the teacher of all
Israel. How inconceivable it is that this prophecy of
Jacob could have been composed after Levi had thus
become the priestly tribe ! Equally striking is the
oracle about Zebulun (ver. 13), for it was a prophecy
which received no fulfilment. Zebulun, as we learn
from Josh. xix. 10-16 (P), did not reach the coast of
the sea.i And thus the very failure of the prophecy
is a proof of its antiquity and genuineness.
These converging proofs of the antiquity and cor-
rectness of the records on which the narratives are
based give a strong historical credibility to the book.
We may say, with a confidence which a few years
ago would have seemed to be temerity, that we are
here dealing with a trustworthy history. Now, it has
^ Cf. Deut. xxxiii. 19, where the prophecy also points to a seaboard
for Zebukin,
THE '' TOLEDOTIV OR GENESIS. 55
been already pointed out that historical trustworthi-
ness and revelation are by no means to be confused
together. In a sense they are the opposite of one
another; for what is historically known and confirmed
by sufficient historical proofs is so far not revealed.
We shall not, therefore, seek the revelation of these
chapters in their historical trustworthiness. There
would be a good deal of recognisable revelation in
them if they were merely tales that emanated from
the religious consciousness of Israel. But in propor-
tion as we are entitled to treat the story as a correct
presentation of the main facts, the facts, as facts,
show themselves as a true revelation. The writings
are a revelation because they come from the pens
of men imbued with true and vital religious ideas,
but the events which lie behind the records are in
themselves a revelation, and would be a revelation
though it were recorded by a heathen.
For what is the gist of the facts recorded }
Abram, an inhabitant of a city devoted to the
worship of the Sun-god on the lower reaches of
the Euphrates, is led out by the voice of God to
be the father of a very peculiar and significant race.
By methods which are not without their parallel
in later times God reveals Himself to the man. No
one supposes that this primitive revelation of God
to the patriarch was, or could be, in any sense
56 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
complete ; we must expect limitations and imper-
fections both in the revelation itself and in the
apprehension of it. Biit no one who is not com-
mitted to the unproved dogma that God cannot
reveal Himself to men, need doubt, or indeed can
doubt, that the distinctive note of Abram's life
was precisely a revelation of God to him. Follow-
ing the commandments of that inner voice, Abram
went out and entered a strange land, convinced that
he would some day possess it, and that his remote
progeny should be a divine blessing to all families
of mankind. This germ of revelation and this
susceptibility to Divine guidance pass on to Isaac,
and from Isaac to Jacob, and from Jacob to Joseph.
Nowhere is it possible to touch these narratives
without eliciting a spark of revelation. God is
with the men. It is the first authentic account
of a walk maintained with God, or of men from
generation to generation becoming the subjects of
the Unseen Providence, and the instruments of the
Unseen Will. While this guiding truth presides
over our reading of the narratives all is instructive
and full of spiritual significance ; we only lose the
clue when we turn aside to say that because the
facts recorded are so wonderful, the record is itself
infallible. Nor is this all. These lives so divinely
ordered, so consciously lived in relation with God,
THE " TOLEDOrir' OR GENESIS. 57
become in a quite startling way t\'pe.s and symbols
of abiding spiritual things. How far they were
capable of serving this purpose at the time we
have no means of judging ; but with the subsequent
development of the kingdom of God before us we
cannot fail to see the mysterious foreshadowings of
the end even in the beginning. The offering of
Isaac, for example, on Mount Moriah seems like a
tale told to children to teach the Eternal Sacrifice
of the Son of God. The experience of Jacob at
Bethel and Penuel reads so much like an allegory
of the Christian life, that it requires an effort to
realise that the narratives date from a period which,
on any supposition, is ages before the Christian era.
Or, again, the story of Joseph, which is, as we have
seen, a model of realism, is yet a curious prefigura-
tion of Christ ; so much so that few ways of pre-
senting the great salvation are more effectual than
that of veiling it in the matchless tale of that great
saviour of his ungrateful brethren. This unmis-
takable symbolism of the Old Testament narratives
seems to admit of but one explanation. There is
a Providence that shapes our ends. The events of
history do not happen at random. Where men
hear the voice of God, and obey, they are led by a
way which they know not, towards an end which
they can only surmise, and their words and deeds
58 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
under this divine leading become, as it were, pro-
phetic ; the story of their lives is a revelation of
God.
Now, to bring this chapter to an end, the Book
of the Toledoth or Origins, written as it was in
the late period of Hebrew history, but based on
far older works, which in their turn were compiled
from narratives of great antiquity, derived in many
cases from contemporary records, is a revelation,
because in the first place it sets the origin of the
Universe and of the Human Race in the burning
light of Monotheism, and knows, whatever else it
is ignorant of, that God made all things, and man
in His own image. But, in the next place, it is a
revelation because it presents us with the origins
and early developments of Israel, a people which
had this distinctive mark, that it was chosen by
God for a great service to the world, and knew
it : thus it is in a remarkable degree the story of
men who, one after another, were called and directed
by God, and moved through life, not at haphazard,
but following a guidance from Him who knows the
end from the beginning. The story of these men
is a story of revelation, and the deeds of these
men have a revealing power of their own, for
they point forward to the ultimate development of
God's redeeming purpose for the world.
THE " TO LE DOTH'' OK GENESIS. 59
If this revelation does not seem sufficient for us,
but we feel called upon to invent an unfounded
dogma that the book is, as it were, written by God,
or at least guaranteed against all errors, scientific,
chronological, historical, or literary, we must re-
member the responsibility which we incur : the
attacks on revelation which are made on the
ground of that fictitious theory are attacks of our
own creation. If, on the other hand, we will allow
this Book of Genesis to be precisely what it is,
without claiming for it anything more than it evi-
dently claims for itself, we shall find that the
quibbles of Infidelity will fall silent, and while
historians and even scientists stand amazed before
this ancient treasure, seekers after God will hail
the manifest, though elementary, manifestation of
Him that the book contains, with reverence and
gratitude.
CHAPTER III.
THE TORAH OR THE LAW.
"What bard . .
At the height of his vision, can deem
Of God, of the world, of the soul,
With a plainness as near,
As flashing as Moses felt,
When he lay in the night by his flock
On the starlit Arabian waste ?
Can arise and obey
The beck of the Spirit like him ? "
Matthew Arnold, The Future.
It has been too readily assumed that the work of
the Higher Criticism in the Book of Moses is an-
tagonistic to the Revelation contained in it. Or-
thodox believers have regarded the critics as rash
and daring iconoclasts who were laying violent
hands upon the Ark of the Covenant. But there
is quite another way of regarding their work, and
every year of calm investigation and prayerful
thought brings more adherents to this other view.
The conclusions of the Higher Criticism, so far as
they have been reached on purely literary lines, and
THE TO RAH OR THE LA IF. 6i
not biassed by preconceived objections to a Super-
natural Revelation, have tended rather to clear up
the difficulties of the Pentateuch than to disturb
the revealed truths contained in it. How serious
those difficulties are is not perceived by those who
deem it an impiety to recognise or examine any
defects in the Sacred Writings ; but students have
long been constrained to face them, and the ad-
versaries of the Faith have not been slow to seize
them with relentless pertinacity. Now it may be
still a surprise to some Christian people to learn
that the Higher Criticism, so much dreaded by
pious souls, is furnishing a conclusive answer to
the untiring opponents of Revelation.
The object of the present chapter is, therefore,
to show two things : in the first place, how the
acknowledged difficulties of the Pentateuch may be
met by the frank acceptance of the proved con-
clusions at which Criticism has arrived, and, in the
second place, how the body of Revelation in T/ic
Law is not vitally or even seriously affected by
this complete change in our way of conceiving the
literary vehicle through which it has come down
to us. For scholars, pure and simple, such an
argument is superfluous : they are not concerned
with vindicating the revelation in the books, they
seek only such light as they can find upon their
62 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
structure, their origin, and their date ; but very few
of us are scholars, while all of us are men who need
a foundation on which our religious life can rest ;
and the unconcern of scholarship about the questions
which are so vital to the spirit, is among the reasons
for that unaccountable suspicion with which the
religious mind regards the scholar. For the Church
as a whole, therefore, the investigation on which we
are entering is far from being superfluous.
Now, to begin with, the difficulties which any
student of the Pentateuch who reads with open
eyes must inevitably confront are these : There is
the most unexampled repetition of the same things,
and there is the most inexplicable variation in the
repetitions. The same laws are constantly reiterated,
sometimes word for word, sometimes in different
language. How, the student is forced to ask, could
any author, compiling a connected code of legisla-
tion, fall into the habit of saying the same thing
again and again, each time as if it had just come
fresh from his authority ? And yet this is a slight
matter compared with the other. How could dif-
ferent regulations about the same things emanate
from one legislator, who was, in the course of his
forty years' work, establishing a religious community
on the basis of a written law ? If it be granted that
in the course of those forty years he saw reason to
THE TOR AH OR THE LA IV. 6],
make alterations, a teacher like Moses would have
corrected the previous ordinances, or in any case
he would not have left them side by side in his
code without any indication as to which was the final
and authoritative edict.
It may seem an ungrateful task to point out in
detail difficulties of this kind, and if there were no
solution of them at hand the present writer would
not be concerned to do so. But let any Bible
reader take Exodus xx., and place it side by side
with Exodus xxxiv. 14-28. In each of these
passages there is a version of the Ten Command-
ments which were engraven on the Stone Tables.
The familiar words in chap. xx. appear in chap.
xxxiv., but in a very different form. Several of
the commandments are identical in their main gist,
but several of them are quite different, and it does
not require a very acute observer to see that the
version in chap. xx. is, spiritually and morally
speaking, very far in advance of the version in
chap, xxxiv. Bible readers for the most part only
recognise this spiritualised version ; and it is easy
to imagine the consternation with which a Christian
congregation would be seized if a clergyman read
out from the communion table the Ten Command-
ments as they are given in the later chapter, in-
cluding, *' Thou shalt not offer the blood of my
64 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
sacrifice with leavened bread," and, " Thou shalt
not seethe a kid in its mother's milk." And yet
it is evident from xxxiv. 27, 28, that " these words,
the words of the covenant, the ten commandments,"
were to be written upon the new tables, and from
verse i it appears that they were the same words
which were written on the first tables. Now, it is
quite unnecessary to repeat the explanations and
reconciliations which have been offered for these
two versions of the Ten Commandments. But it
must be evident that the explanation offered by the
Higher Criticism is far more honouring to God and
to the idea of revelation than any defence which
assumes that Moses wrote both these passages and
incorporated them, unreconciled, in his book. The
Higher Criticism, working on lines which will be
more fully explained presently, unhesitatingly declares
that in these two chapters we have extracts from
two different literary sources, just as in Deut. v. 6-21
we have the Ten Commandments from a third
authority. Let any candid mind consider : here are
the fundamental laws of a great religious system
represented as coming down from God and being-
engraved upon tables of stone ; beyond all question
there are two very different versions of these laws,
and a third which verbally varies considerably from
either, occurring in tlie one Law Book ; which is the
THE TO RAH OK 7HE LA IV. 65
more probable, the more reverent, the more religious
explanation, to say that Moses wrote them all three,
or to say that they were recorded by three different
autliors at different periods and in different places,
and afterwards combined in the Corpus Legiiin of
the Nation ? This is but an example. Take another
instance of a different kind from the Book of Exodus.
Chaps, xxv.-xxxi., containing a series of injunctions,
are repeated almost word for word in chaps, xxxv.-
xl., which describe the execution of the orders. The
condition of these latter chapters in the LXX.
suggests that when the Greek Version was made
the Hebrew text was not in the form that we at
present possess. And this in itself points to the
conclusion that the elaborate repetition of all the
details was the work of a much later hand. And
can any one doubt that this is a much more probable
explanation than the theory that Moses repeated
himself in this unnecessary way ? And is not this
argument from repetition greatly strengthened by
the fact that " The Law of Moses " was so simple
and brief a code that it could be written upon the
stones of an unhewn altar ] ^
When we pass into the third section of the
Pentateuch, which the Jews call, from its opening
word, ^7i?-^-, but we, from its contents, Leviticus, it
* Joshua viii. 32.
6
66 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
is almost unnecessary to go into detail. Any careful
reader will observe how distinct chaps, xvii.-xxvi.
are from the rest of the book, and how constantly
repetitions occur. For example, look at Lev. xi.
43-45, and compare it with Lev. xx. 25. Such
examples can be indefinitely multiplied. If we
insist on regarding Moses as the author of the
book, we put it into the hands of any opponent
to declare that he was a most confused and diffuse
writer ; but the Higher Criticism has taught us to
recognise that we have many different documents
combined in the so-called " Books of Moses," and
in showing us the composite character of the work
it has vindicated the intelligence of Moses.
The fourth book of the Pentateuch teems with
difficulties on the Orthodox supposition of its origin.
A few examples may be given of the solution which
criticism has offered of these difficulties. In chap,
vii. we are, without any explanation, carried back a
month earlier than the date which is specified in chap. i.
The book opens with " the first day of the second
month" (i. i), but the day on which Moses set up
the tabernacle was, eiccording to Exod. xl. 57, the
"first of the first month" (vii. i). It maybe said
of course that the erection of the tabernacle had
occupied the month ; but that is not a solution of the
difficulty, for the question is, if Moses wrote the Book
THE rORAU OR THE LA IV. 67
of Numbers, as a Journal — and this is the contention
of those critics who resist the later origin of the
Pentateuch — would he not have made the dates clear?
If this trifling error were the only one of the kind
little need be said, but how are we to explain the leap
which is made, without a word of notice, from the
third year of the Exodus to the fortieth in chap. xx.
22 ? I The only real solution is that which meets
both the slight and the grave inaccuracies of date, —
the Book of Numbers is a compilation of sources
which are not always harmonised completely into a
successfully simple narrative. We need not lay the
blame on a single writer like Moses ; it is the inevitable
infirmity of any composition written long -after the
events, when minute accuracy of detail is unattainable.
A more obvious instance of the need which the
student feels for an explanation such as really
explains, may be found by a comparison of Num. iv.
3) 23, 30, where the period of service for the Levites
is fixed between the age of tJiirty and that of fifty,
with Num. viii. 24, where the age is fixed differently,
the inferior limit being tic cnty- jive. We are told in
I Chron. xxiii. 17, and again in 2 Chron. xxxi. 17,
Ezek. iii. 8, that this limit was subsequently reduced
to twenty, and the change is by the Chronicler referred
to David. The difference between Num. iv. 3, &c.,
' See Inspiration and the Bible ^ p. 186 {2nd edition).
68 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
and viii. 24, is certainly most explicable on the supposi-
tion that we have a later usage, which marked a stage
in a gradual change, inserted in the Pentateuch.
It would perhaps take us too far afield to examine
in detail the evidence of a double narrative in the
account of the spies ; but a careful reader will
observe that the narrative itself displays its composite
character by the fact that sometimes it includes
Joshua with Caleb as the bearer of a good report
from the land, while sometimes it seems to imply
that Caleb was alone. And a glance at Josh. xiv. 7,
where Caleb is addressing Joshua, shows that accord-
ing to the narrative there Caleb was certainly not
thinking of Joshua as his fellow spy. The Higher
Criticism here comes to our aid and clearly dis-
entangles the account, showing that an older narrative
stated that the spies started from Kadesh (xiii. 26^),
and went as far as Hebron (ver. 22), and Caleb
alone brought an encouraging report (ver. 30), while
another and much later narrative said that the spies
started from the wilderness of Paran (xiii. 3) and went
through the whole land as far as Hamath (ver. 21),
and Joshua united with Caleb in the report which he
gave concerning the land (xiv. 6, &c.).i Immediately
we recognise that we are dealing with a composite
narrative all difficulties disappear, but on the supposi-
' Driver's Introduction, p. 58.
THE TOR AH OR THE LA W. 69
tion that Moses wrote it, we can only close our eyes
to the difficulties, we cannot solve them.
A similar difficulty and a similar solution will be
found in the story of the rebellion in chap. xvi. No
ingenuity could explain the confusions of this story
until Criticism showed that an older narrative,
describing the rebellion of two Reubenites, Dathan
and Abiram, and their punishment by the opening of
the earth to devour them, had been combined with a
later narrative of a Levite, Korah, who, according to
one account, protested against the exclusive claims
made by the Levites, and according to another
reviled the Aaronic family for excluding the Levites
as a whole from the Priesthood, and was punished by
fire coming forth from the Lord and devouring him
and his abettors (xvi. 35).^
But this example of the composite character of the
Pentateuch very fitly leads us to more substantial
difficulties which it is the great merit of the Higher
Criticism to explain. No student of the whole
Pentateuch can help seeing that in many salient
features of the Torah there are several different strata
of laws, which indicate different periods and develop-
ments in the institutions of Israel. For example,
Exod. XX. 22-xxiii. 33 forms a little code by itself
^ Observe that in Deut. xi. 6 only Dathan and Abiram are mentioned,
which indicates that the story of Korah was woven into Num. xvi. at a
date subsequent to that at which Deuteronomy was written.
70 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
It is a very simple and compact set of regulations,
and it is referred to in xxiv. 7 as " The Book of the
Covenant." According to this primitive system " an
altar of earth " might be raised in any place where
the Lord should cause His name to be remembered,
just as was done in patriarchal times, and just as was
done in the early days of the Kings ; it would seem
that any Israelite might offer a sacrifice (xx. 24-26),
and this is the practice actually found in the Book of
Judges ; nothing is said about the priests or the
Levites ; and finally, three feasts were appointed to
be observed, feasts which connect themselves with the
three points of the agricultural year : the Feast of the
Unleavened Bread,^ the Feast of the Harvest, and
the Feast of the Ingathering (xxiii. 14-17).
Fixing our attention only on these regulations of
the Book of the Covenant, we may observe what a
different condition of things is assumed in the Book
of Deuteronomy. In Deut. xii.-xxvi. we have another
Code which is complete in itself The essential feature
of this Code is that there is to be One A //ar only,
and to this shall every sacrifice be brought. This
second Code constantly refers to " the Priests the
Levites " as a special order of officiating ministers
at the Central Altar to which all Israel is to come.
But still the three Annual Feasts retain something
' The Feast of Mazzoth was at the beginning of Barley Harvest.
THE TOR AH OR THE LAW. 71
of their simplicity (Deut. xvi.), though the Feast of
Ingathering is now called the Feast of Booths. Few-
people, setting the two Codes we have just referred to
side by side, can fail to remark the striking difference ;
it is a difference as striking as that which is to be
found, in Roman Law, between the Law of the Twelve
Tables and the Code of C. Julius Caesar.
But still more amazing is the difference between
the Law in Deuteronomy and that body of regulations
which occupies the main bulk of Exodus, Leviticus,
and Numbers. With the regulations of the Book of the
Covenant concerning the Feasts fresh in the memory,
let us turn to Lev. xxiii. and see how elaborate
the institution has become ; and then turn to Num.
xxviii.-xxix., where the whole matter is dealt with
again in even fuller detail. That wc arc here reading
about a later usage is clear not only from this high
elaboration, but also from the incidental feature of
the eighth day added to the seven of the Feast of
Booths. In Solomon's time there were still only seven
days (i Kings viii. 66) ; nor was it till after the Exile
that this eighth day was observed (Nehem. viii. 18 ;
2 Chron. vii. 9).
These are but examples of facts which present
themselves at every turn in the Book of the Law.
Directly attention was drawn to them they demanded
explanation. Virtually there were but two lines on
72 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
which an explanation could be sought. One of these
lines was that of the general tradition that Moses was
the author of the Pentateuch, and on this supposition
many attempts have been made to defend the curious
phenomenon which the book presents. But it never
was possible, and never can be, to really explain the
facts on this supposition without arriving at con-
clusions which would seriously shake the belief in
Inspiration. If we are to maintain that in the course
of one man's life-time all these miscellaneous and
ill-arranged regulations were given by the mouth of
Jehovah, with constant variations and constant repeti-
tions so that totally different practices would be
commended at one and the same time, we must not
only bring a charge against Moses of confused
arrangement and absolute inability to state clearly
and simply what was really required, but we must
suppose that God Himself proceeded in this irregular
and perplexing way ; and gradually but surely the
idea of Revelation must be lowered to suit this
contention of Orthodoxy. The other line of explana-
tion is that which the style of criticism, inaugurated
by Jean Astruc, and developed with ever-increasing
certainty of results by Vatke, George, Ewald, Graf,
Wellhausen, Kuenen, Driver, has put into our hands.
This explanation — such is the present contention —
not only meets the difficulties which a study of the
THE TO RAH OR THE LA IV. JZ
books suggests, but by clearing and strengthening
our conception of Revelation, enables us to speak
with greater confidence of the Inspiration of the
books. In the light of this explanation the very
facts which before were difficulties become the most
valuable witnesses to the methods and course of
God's Revelation in the Law. What is the explana-
tion offered by the Higher Criticism ?
Disregarding minor points oi difference which will
be settled, we may be sure, by further study, we may
summarise the theory which is to be our help and
guide in this way : — The six first books of our Bible —
for Joshua is in a literary sense continuously joined
to the rest, presenting just the same leading features
as the other five — form, in the shape in which we
possess them, a work which was the starting-point,
not of Ancient Israel, but of the Judaism which came
into existence after the return from Captivity. This
work, containing the Origins of the nation and of its
religious institutions, the law of its ritual and practice,
and the records of the conquest and possession of the
promised land, was not the product of a single age,
but the slow growth of time. It contains things which
were hoary with antiquity in the time of Moses, and
much which was not written until a thousand years
after his death. The work was very suitably called
after Moses, because with him began the Law which
74 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
forms its kernel, and so reverently was the Law
associated with its founder that by a practice which
was more intelligible to antiquity than it is to us,
every development or change in the evolving system
which he started was scrupulously referred to him.
An illustration, though a very imperfect one, may be
found in the Early English habit of referring the body
of Laws which was constantly increasing to an Alfred
or an Edward the Confessor. In a word, these six
books present us with the Law of Moses ///// grozvn,
the completed Thought which had its origin in the
inspired leader who led his people out of Egypt and
made them a nation, but reached its maturity only
after many vicissitudes of religious experience, of
political shocks, and of Divine discipline.
The primitive TovaJi, or Tordth (nnin), were
probably quite simple ; they were judgments given
under the circumstances described in Exod. xviii. 20;
they would include no doubt some clear conceptions
of God and of His will, but they would consist for the
most part of very practical regulations about life and
property, slaves, cattle, crops, money-lending, and so
on, such as are contained in the Book of the Covenant
(Exod. xx. 22-xxiii. 33). That the body of Mosaic
Law at the time of the entrance into Canaan was
still comparatively small, is shown, as we saw just
now, by the fact that Joshua could have it all written
THE TOR AH OR THE LA W. 75
on an altar of unhewn stones. In the ages after
Moses, as each addition to the law or the usage of the
people was made, it took its place in what we should
call the Statute-book ; and the interest of the work
which criticism has done is that it enables us to mark
with some distinctness the stages of growth in the
developm.ent of the primitive Mosaic legislation.
There are several very distinct strata, representing
different periods in the national life, welded together
in the Book as we possess it. The most convenient
way to appreciate this fact is to put ourselves, let us
say, in the position of Ezra and his fellow-workers,
and to imagine in what way these inspired men dealt
with the Law Book of their nation. The institutions
of the Temple, the Priesthood, and the Kingship had
all been suspended for nearly a century. But the
spiritual leaders of the people had not been idle ;
Ezekiel in particular had seen visions, and had in
fancy restored the Temple and its services ; amongst
other things he had been directed to separate between
the Levites and the priests. If we turn to Ezek.
xliv. 6-16 we see the exact point and occasion of
this remarkable step. It would follow that a leader
like Ezra had the task, by then made familiar to the
priestly leaders of the people, of incorporating into
the Law Book the last results of Revelation on the
question of the Law. This final recasting of the
76 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
Mosaic System appears in those passages which form
the Ground-Work of the Pentateuch. Scholars have
given to this work the name of TJie Priestly Code (P).
To it belongs Gen i.-ii. 3, and the stratum thus desig-
nated runs, now thicker, now thinner, all through to
the end of Joshua, where Josh. xxi. 1-42 forms the last
considerable piece of the document. The later part
of Exodus, all Leviticus, and the legislative parts of
Numbers, consist mainly of P with insertions from
other sources. Here at once we get the explanation
of the sharp distinction between Priests and Levites,
of the important and significant Day of Atonement
added to the primitive festivals, of the Jubilee Year,
the Levitical cities, the Sin-offering, the special
sacrifices prescribed for particular days. AH these
are the latest developments of the Mosaic Law,
which had been gradually delivered to the people by
prophet, priest, and king during the long period of
national disaster, punishment, and purging. Here we
get the clue to the otherwise perplexing fact that
these institutions were not apparently known in the
times of the monarchy, and are ignored in other
parts of the Law Book.
But now steadily recognising that our Book, as we
have it, is the work of the Post-Exile period, we may
proceed to trace out the other constituent elements.
There is a section of Leviticus (chaps, xvii.-xxvi.)
THE rORAH OR THE LAW. 77
which stands by itself and bears a close resemblance
to the phraseology and general spirit of Ezekiel. We
may safely place this as the earliest stratum of the
Priestly Code itself But pushing back a little
farther, we come upon a document which is curiously
distinctive. In style and substance it constitutes a
work by itself Scholars have designated this source,
from the fact that its author is responsible for the
fifth book of the Pentateuch almost in its entirety,
D, which stands for Deuteronomist. The same style
occurs in many parts of Joshua {e.g., chaps, i., xii.,
xxiii.) ; these parts emanate from a writer who had
breathed the spirit of the Deuteronomist. Now this
most beautiful and flowing section of the Pentateuch
is probably the version of the Law which some in-
spired man was commissioned to produce in the days
of Josiah, half a century before the Exile, as the
medium of that king's great reformation. The
supposition is that by earnest study of the Ancient
Law, and by seeking the direct guidance of God, this
unknown Prophet — for surely he must have been
a prophet — composed this wonderful homily, putting
it into the mouth of the great Lawgiver, Moses.
On this supposition the very striking differences
between P and D receive a clear explanation : D is
the Mosaic Code in the stage of development which it
had reached after the work of the great prophets in
the middle of the Seventh Century B.C.
78 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
But in Deuteronomy itself there are some passages
which the writer derived from an older source, notably
the long section (xxxi. 14-xxxiii.i) which gives the
Song and the Blessing of Moses. These magnificent
compositions were preserved in a national history, of
which large sections are incorporated into the Penta-
teuch. This history is a cord twined of a double
thread. Many indications point to the fact that a
version of the events was kept in Ephraim, or the
Northern Kingdom, and another version was pre-
served in Judah, the Southern Kingdom. The history
as we have it in these six books is sometimes from
one, sometimes from the other, and often a careful
compilation of the two. From the prevailing habit
of the first of these documents, which generally
designates God as Elohim, it has been distinguished
by scholars as the Elohist ; from the prevailing habit
of the other, which generally employs the Divine
name translated in our Bibles as Jehovah, it has
been distinguished as the JeJiovist, or more correctly
the Yahvist ; or briefly the one is called E and the
other J, and the combination of the two is called JE.
This complex narrative comes from the early days of
the monarchy, though it does not seem possible to
give it a more exact date. It was compiled some-
w^here between 900 and 750 B.C. It is almost un-
^ Or more strictly, xxxi. 14-22 ; xxxii. 1-44 ; xxxiii.
THE rOKAH OR THE LA W. 79
necessary to say that the sources used by this
Narrative are much older than the Narrative itself ;
and it is in this considerable stratum of the Book
that we must look for those actual writings of the
great Lawgiver, which doubtless formed the kernel
of the Law. The Book of the Covenant (Exod. xx.
22-xxiii. 33) occurs in J, but it is quite possible that
it was originally the composition of Moses. There is
excellent reason for believing that whatever Moses
actually wrote was preserved, and found its way into
the earliest national compositions which are repre-
sented to us by J and E.
That this critical analysis of the Hexateuch is the
final explanation of its complex phenomena no one
would be rash enough to maintain. All that is here
contended is that it is an explanation which tends
rather to vindicate than to discredit the book. But
several very earnest objections to the view just re-
capitulated deserve a brief notice. Two difficulties
at least ought to be met by those who are making
so serious a change in the traditional view of the
Law. In the first place it is said that such methods
of composition as have just been referred to are not
distinguishable from forgery, and fix on the writers
the charge of deliberate dishonesty. And in the
second place it is said that if our historical sources
are thus far removed from the events which they
So RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
describe, and not the work of contemporaries, they
cannot be accepted as authoritative testimonies to
the facts. These objections are not to be Hghtly
dismissed, though perhaps the only sound way of
meeting them is to set over against them the much
more serious objections which the traditional view
suggests, the confusion and the contradictions which
on that view must be charged to the inspired writer,
Moses. But it should be borne in mind that
a chronicle of Institutions is not to be judged quite in
the way that we should judge an ordinary historical
composition. The Mosaic Law zvas expanding and
developing from age to age, and those who were
engaged in administering it would frequently not
know in the insensible changes of usage how much
was due to modification or addition. When, for
example, the law of the One Altar had become
admitted, and the local high places were regarded
as idolatrous in the truly religious circles, the
preacher of righteousness would in all good faith
attribute the institution of the Central Altar to
Moses ; or when the great penitential idea of the
Day of Atonement and the Sin-Offerings had
entered deep into the heart and the practice of
earnest men, a reviser of the Code would enter the
practice of the Temple into the Law Book, and would
naturally ascribe it to the same origin as the rest of
THE t6rAH or the LA IV. 8]
the Laws. This charge of forgery betrays a complete
want of the historic sense, and, it may be added,
a singularly artificial view of revelation ; it assumes
.that God could not have revealed things to the
historic community in the quiet development of
ages, but could only give a real revelation by telling
every detail to Moses at the beginning. At any rate
those who call the writers of the Pentateuch forgers
must bear the odium of the charge they make ;
certainly the scholars who have described the pro-
bable origin of the work would never think of
bringing the charge ; they are too familiar with the
usages of Antiquity to thus misjudge the well-known
tendency to ascribe all the developments of a growing
institution to its founder.
The other objection may be frankly admitted, but
we should remember that if it presents a difficulty it
also to the modern mind brings a great relief There
are many narratives in the Pentateuch which are
distinctly deficient in probability, and many really
religious minds have rejected the book as a religious
authority on this account. Take, for instance, the
story in Num. xxxi. : here we are told that 12,000
Israelites slew all the males and married women of
Midian, took captive 32,000 virgins, and drove off
800,000 head of cattle. Now there is, no doubt, a
type of orthodoxy which believes that our Christian
7
82 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
faith and hope are bound up with the accuracy of this
appalling act of barbarity. If this was not com-
manded by the Lord, some people would argue, there
is no word of God given to men. But there are
many more, and an ever increasing number, who, so
far from feeling it necessary to prove the truth of
such a narrative as this, long for some way of re-
garding it which will save them from believing its
truth, and yet enable them to retain what is true in
the book in which it occurs. Such a help is given
by the very fact which is urged as an objection.
Num. xxxi. is not a contemporary narrative, it
occurs in a work (P) which is at the least a thousand
years later than the events, and though it shows that
the Priestly writer in the fierce times which followed
on the Exile could conceive that such a narrative was
true, it shows nothing else except the very wise and
fair regulation which existed in the armies of Judaism
for the distribution of spoil.
It must constantly be remembered that the crux of
the religious problem at the present day is not how to
substantiate the Divine Origin of all that is recorded
in the Bible, but how to vindicate the Holy and
Lovely name, the God who is revealed to us in Jesus,
from things which have been, in cruder religious
periods, attributed to Him. The results of the
Higher Criticism have put within our hands the
THE t6rAH or the LAW. S3
means of such a vindication. The analysis of the
documents, the right historical perspective, allowance
for the colouring of the imagination and the oblitera-
tion of forgetfulness operating on the records of distant
events, the inevitable tendency of every writer, not
excluding orthodox writers of the present day, to
read the religious notions of his own time into the
period of which he treats, break in upon the student
as a light and a relief, a genuine vindication of God's
ways to men.
But it is quite time to turn from these merely
critical questions to that which is the main purpose
of the present chapter. We must try to apprehend
that, if we take the right point of view, tJie actual
body of permanent revelation ivJiich is given in the
Hexateiich, or let tis say in the Torah, remains entirely
nnaffected by the different viezus of the Jnstoi'ical origin
and the historical composition of the Book. This truth
would surely have been perceived long ago but for
the shock and the panic which naturally come from
the proposal to change a long-cherished idea. We
look at this Book as the Law Book of Judaism : no
Christian supposes that its ordinances are obligatory
upon us : the wildest advocate of literalism does not
propose to enforce the rite of Circumcision, or the
distinction between clean and unclean foods ; no
believer in revelation known to the author refuses to
RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
84
eat hare because it is divinely prohibited in the Law.
This is, then, admittedly an archaic Book, the record
and chronicle of a system which has, or ought to
have, passed away. It is valuable to us not as
a direct guide to faith and conduct, but for very
different reasons, which may be thus stated : — It is
the narrative of God's dealings with a peculiar people
which was called to fulfil a notable function in the
history of religion ; it is the manual of a religious
practice imposed upon this people as the " shadow
of good things to come " ; it contains certain great
religious truths revealed to Moses and to his suc-
cessors as the foundation of an ultimate revelation
which still lay in the future. Now whatever practical
value may attach to these contents of the book is, in
every vital sense, unaffected by the changed view that
has been here presented. How great and rich the
contents of the book are, the vast homiletical literature
of the Christian Centuries even more than the
reverent study of the Rabbis sufficiently demon-
strates. A very brief exposition will furnish a guide
to those who wish to carry the investigation on these
lines further. The origin of the Jewish People is,
whatever imperfection may exist in the historical
record of it, a revelation^ a miracle, a direct act of
God. That the people sojourned in Egypt, and came
out of that ancient land "with a high hand and
THE TOKAH OR THE LAW. 85
a stretched-out arm," is as historically certain as
anything in the distant past can be. The new
science of Egyptology is a running commentary on
all the story of Jacob, Joseph, and Moses in Egypt.
Every detail of the narrative receives independent
confirmation, and the history not obscurely indicates
where and under what circumstances the Exodus
occurred.^
The very plagues which are recorded in the Book
of Exodus receive a curious confirmation from a more
intimate knowledge of that mysterious Land, its
river, and its climate. The catastrophe at the Red
Sea, preserved in the ringing songs of Israel for all
after ages, is in the opinion of some Egyptologists
marked by the significant silence of the Egyptian
records. The details of the story which describe
the wanderings in the desert and the occupation
of the promised land, are given, we must remember,
in the transfiguring light of fervent faith and
glowing confidence in God. The facts themselves
were a revelation of the Divine Will and Power, the
record of it is an inspiration of the Divine Spirit,
not that the details are in any sense vouched for by
God, but that they are told, or rather chanted, in the
enthusiasm of religious belief, and thus contain, and
always must contain, the specific elements of religious
^ This is shown in a simple and popular way by Mr. Budge in The
Divclkrs on the Nile (Bye-paths o{ Bible Knowledge Series).
S6 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE,
inspiration. When we lay stress and insistence upon
the accuracy of the story we are very apt to miss the
point ; the point is not its accuracy, but the solid fact
which lies at the foundation of it all, and the religious
interpretation of which it is susceptible.
Still clearer is our view of the Revelation in the
Law. We cannot, it is true, regard the Law, in the
complete form in which we possess it, as given en bloc
from Sinai ; but the Law as we possess it, the growth
of many ages, is an unquestionable revelation. Try it
by its main religious ideas, or by its specific regula-
tions for life and conduct, and it justifies the delighted
question of the Deuteronomist, " What great nation
is there that hath statutes and judgments so righteous
as all this law?" (Deut. iv. 8.) The Book of the
Covenant is a monument of humane legislation com-
pared with any Code known to us of the same period.
The regulations for the health of the community, if
carried out to-day, would transform the unsanitary
condition of our towns. The moral precepts growing
purer as the ages roll, and separated by degrees
from their ceremonial and unethical elements, reach
in the Ten Commandments (Exod. xx.) the
standard of a guide to conduct which Christians
of to-day require to study and to practise.^ . And
further, the more specific regulations of the Worship
' Cf. the Golden Rule in Lev. xix. 1 8 and 34.
THE TOR AH OR THE LAW. 8;
are full of revelation in that peculiar sense referred to
in chap. i. as the Typical.
The organisation of the Temple worship, as it was
finally fixed, in the interval between the Exile and
the Advent of our Lord, had become a complete and
instructive Symbol. When a teacher like the writer
of the Epistle to the Hebrews wished to present the
person and the work of Christ, it was possible for him
to describe it all in terms of the ancient ritual. The
lamb offered morning and evening, the priest who
offered it, the High Priest who might enter into the
Holy of Holies, the Mercy Seat or propitiatory within
the veil, were all types, and in combination they stood
for Christ. If they were removed at the coming of
Christ it was only because their work was accom-
plished ; the finger-post could be taken down when
mankind had found the real Temple of God. Now,
when we come to reflect, it is this typical quality of
the Mosaic Institutions which both in theory and
in practice is most serviceable even to-day as
a vehicle of revelation : and, as every consideration
which has been urged tends to show, this typical
element remains unaffected by the view that is now
taken of the Law and its growth. It is the Law
Book as we possess it which forms such a speaking
prophecy of Christ, and the fact that this Law Book
only attained its present development four, instead of
88 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
fifteen, centuries before Christ, cannot possibly affect
the value of this pecuHar kind of revelation contained
in it. The essence of the matter is not that the reve-
lation as a whole was given to Moses, but that the
revelation zvas given. The aeonian process of its
delivery may enhance, but it certainly cannot lessen,
the wonder, the interest, and the helpfulness of it.
But now we must guard against an inference which
the mere scholar is too apt to suggest, if he does not
actually draw it himself Because the revelation in
the Law was not all given to Moses, it is by no
means necessary to conclude that no revelation was
given to him. Quite the contrary; few things may be
accepted as more certain in religious history than
that the man whom tradition regarded as the founder
of this peculiar people was himself the recipient of a
remarkable communication from God. We may go
further and say that, in germ, the whole Mosaic Law
was given to Moses. That Law springs from a deep
conviction that the Eternal and Self-existent God
had revealed Himself to Israel, elected Israel for a
unique religious purpose, and charged Israel with a
specific function. Moses spake with God face to face.
The history of Israel may be said to demonstrate
this from its first page to its last. Whether we read
the version of this prophetic call and Divine Revela-
tion which is given in the mingled narrative of JE,
THE TO RAH OK THE LAW. S9
Exod. iii.-vi. i, or study the same event in the much
later verson of P, Exod. vi. 2-vii. 13 ; whether with J
we beheve that the signs were wrought to convince
Israel that the Lord had appeared to Moses (Exod.
iv. i), and that they immediately recognised the truth
(iv. 31), or take the view of P that the signs were to
convince Pharaoh (vii. 8-13), and the people would
not hearken at first to their appointed deliverer (vi.
9), there is no reason to question the fact that the
peculiar distinction of Moses among the children of
men is that God revealed Himself to the man's mind
and conscience as nin^ (Yahveh) — "I am that I am"
(iii. 14 and vi. 3). Equally clear is it that this reve-
lation was accompanied by a spiritual power which
enabled Moses to lead out his people from Egypt,
and in the antique sacred Mountain of Semitic worship
to formulate the foundation laws and precepts of his
new community. Men who, themselves incredulous
of direct dealings between God and man, attribute all
the belief in such dealings to illusion, will doubtless
deny the revelation given to Moses ; but they who
by a living spiritual experience commune with God
and submit to the guidance of His Spirit, will not
only firmly believe that God appeared to Moses, but
will be grateful for that critical and historical method
of dealing with the records which brings the expe-
rience of Moses more into line with their own. They
90 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
will take up these ancient writings with the feeling
that it is no part of their religious life to accept in
detail all the versions of the events which the fond
memories, the fervent songs, the picturesque fancies
of later generations have gradually woven, but that
it is an essential part of their religious faith to feel
their way through the golden mists of antiquity to
that marvellous origin of a people, and that glorious
revelation to a man. Time and space would fail
to trace all that was involved in the revelation of
Yahveh to Moses. The Hexateuch, as a whole, grew
out of that pregnant germ ; the prophetic writings
were its flower ; the New Testament was its fruit.
The subsequent history is the best proof how imper-
fect was the revelation given to Moses ; it contained
no hint of eternal life for the individual ; it did not
even establish the much later truth which goes by
the name of Monotheism ; it left a dangerous source
of error in the imperfect distinction made between
ritual and righteousness ; and though some of these
defects were remedied in the course of ages and have
been more or less obliterated from the Law Book
as it has come down to us, the whole work of the
Prophets and of the Messiah is the best proof that
the Law was essentially imperfect, a tutor to lead
the childhood of religion to school, a tutor which
could be dismissed into honourable retirement when
the School of Christ was reached.
CHAPTER IV.
THE JUDGES AND THE KINGS.
" I have found David my servant ; with my holy oil have I anointed
him." — Ps. Ixxxix. 20.
No one is concerned to deny that the labours of
Criticism on the Historical Books of the Old Testa-
ment have materially modified the traditional view
of them ; but in the present investigation it cannot
be too frequently repeated that Criticism has solved
far more difficulties than it has suggested, and gives
us back the books which it has handled, not only
intact in themselves, but accompanied by a genuine
explanation of their apparent flaws and imperfections.
No reader whose mind has not been soothed into the
lethargy of credulity could read the Book of Judges,
for example, without many disturbing thoughts. How,
he must have asked himself, is this ancient tale of
blood and force and fraud and treachery to be re-
garded as inspired by God ? Granted that the crimes
recorded in the book are not entirely approved, yet
92 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
how comes it that they are not more emphatically
condemned, if the writing in any sense comes from
God ? Or if we are to treat the events themselves
rather than the narration of them as the revelation
from God, what genuine light from heaven can be
said to shine through the ruthless massacres, the
unspiritual biographies of men professedly inspired
of God, the hideous record of crime and confusion
contained in the last three chapters of the book ?
Did we not even as children wonder how Gideon,
who had received a direct revelation from God, could
encourage the idolatry of the ephod ? or how Samson,
whose strength came from the Spirit of God, should
practise immoralities ? Did we not wonder whether
the lie and the treachery of Jael could be as pleasing
to God as it seemed to be to Deborah ? And are
there not innumerable unbelievers who date their
repudiation of a religious faith from the uprising of
these unanswered questions in their minds ? Or
again, are there many readers of Samuel and Kings
who have not been confronted with difficulties which,
on the received view of the books, admitted of no
solution ? Why does the narrative of Saul's anoint-
ing as king appear to waver between two different
views of the monarchy, now treating the demand for
a king as a rebellion against the theocracy, now
implying that it was the Lord's purpose to appoint
THE JUDGES AND THE KINGS. 93
a king from the first, as the rule of the kingdom is
contemplated in the Book of Deuteronomy? (Deut.
xvii. 14-20). How is it that in the story of Saul
and David we find David, in i Sam. xvi. 18, intro-
duced to Saul as " a mighty man of valour and a
man of war," and yet, at the end of chap, xvii., Saul
inquires of Abner whose son David was, as if he had
never seen him before, speaks of him as " a youth "
and " a stripling," and can get no information from
Abner about him ? And is it possible that any one
has read the Book of Kings without an occasional
sense of confusion ? The dates do not admit of being
accurately set down ; we are suddenly startled by
such a passage as i Kings xiv. 9, where the familiar
formula for describing the wickedness of a king,
" Thou hast done evil above all that were before
thee," is addressed to Jeroboam, who was the first
of his line, and indeed the first king of the separated
Israel ; or we are perplexed by the curious judgment
passed on the several kings : all the kings of Israel
are declared to have done evil, a few kings of Judah
did well, but nevertheless the high places were not
removed : why, we continually ask, did not these
good kings who were set on the ways of the Lord
remove the high places, and so rise to the
standard of religious excellence which seemed to be
demanded ?
94 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
Now it is no part of the author to point out or
to suggest the difficulties which these books present,
though every one who has looked into the literature
of popular Secularism will know how these difficulties
are the material with which the Secularist or the
Infidel is constantly working, deriving untold support
in his attack by the persistent attitude of many
believers who cut the knot by stoutly maintaining
that the difficulties do not exist ; but the contention
here made is that the work of Criticism sympa-
thetically and frankly accepted, while it admittedly
alters our way of regarding the literature, cuts at one
stroke the ground from underneath those who assail
the Bible from this convenient foothold. A brief
exposition will probably make this clear, even to
those who are not very careful students. Criticism
has, in one word, revealed the nature of these
historical compositions, showing approximately the
materials which go to their making, and the period
of their compilation ; it has traced the several strata
of religious sentiment which are represented in them,
and by demonstrable facts it has warned us against
placing too much reliance on such things as the
exactness of Chronology, or the strict sequence of
events, or the minute accuracy of particular state-
ments.
Thus, in the matter of Chronology, if you add
THE fUDGES AND THE KINGS. 95
together the dates given in the Book of Judges, it
would seem that the book covers 410 years, but in
I Kings vi. i the whole period from the Exodus to
the fourth year of Solomon is given as 4S0 years,
which would leave for the Book of Judges not
410, but 349 years. One of these calculations may
be right, but one must be wrong : and if one, then
both may be wrong, and the conclusion of Criticism,
after examining all the attempts at reconciliation, is
that, in spite of the apparently definite chronological
details, " an exact chronology of the period is un-
attainable." I
But it is not only in chronology that it is necessary-
to set limits to the accuracy of our book. The most
careless reader will be struck in passing from the end
of the Book of Joshua into the ty-st chapter of Judges
by the different point of view which is implied. At
the end oi JosJiiia the conquest of the land is regarded
as virtually accomplished ; at the beginning of Judges
the main part of the conquest is yet to do. Now
here Criticism comes to our help, and gives us a ready
solution. The writer of Judges evidently utilised
some account of the part which each Tribe took in
the conquest of the land : this Tribal history care-
fully described how far the work was carried on, and
how far the old inhabitants of the land were unsub-
* Driver, Introduction, p. 152.
96 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
dued. Now the author of the parts In the Book of
Joshua which foreshorten the conquest of the land,
Hving many generations after the events, not un-
naturally treated it in general terms, very much as
ordinary English Histories have been accustomed to
deal with the Saxon Conquest of England ; but the
Record from which Judges i. is taken is a narrative
written much nearer to the time, and presents the
story very much as Mr. Green's Conquest of England
presents the similar period in English History. The
wavering fortunes of the conflict are described, a
contemporary light shines on the events, and it is
found that the Conquest which appears foreshortened
in the tract of time as a swift and decisive action
was really a protracted and, at times, even a doubtful
struggle. And it is interesting to note that even the
Book of Joshua itself betrays frequently the exist-
ence of this other source, though the scattered notices
derived from it are more or less merged in the pre-
vailing character of the book.^
The stories of the Judges proper (chap. ii. 6-xvi.)
are old Tribal traditions which owe their present form,
^ The reader would do well to carefully look up the following passages
in Joshua, and compare them with the similar passages in Judges, noting
how together they contrast with the prevailing tone of the first book :
Josh. XV. 63 (in Judges i. 21 it is Benjamin, and not Judah, that
failed), xvi. 10, xvii. 12, 13. See also xvii. 14-18 and xix. 47, which
represent the general point of view of Judg. i. Compare also Josh. xv.
14-19 with Judg. i. 10-15, which are virtually the same passage.
THE JUDGES AND THE KINGS. 97
to an editor who may be described as Deuteronoviic,
because he betrays always the same point of view as
the Book of Deuteronomy, the same point of view,
too, as the author of those later and more optimist
passages in the Book of Joshua. Now, when once
this literary fact is realised, a perceptible relief is
given to our way of conceiving the narratives. The
condition of Israel in the period that followed the
conquest of Canaan was that of a barbarous and
unorganised people. As we saw in the last chapter,
the Law was in a very primitive stage. The influence
of Moses and the revelation given to him was felt, and
w^as operative, but we must be careful to distinguish
between that solitary ray of religious light, accom-
panied by the very elementary Toroth which the
great leader had left, and that highly developed and
intrinsically noble Mosaic Law which was the growth
of ages. If the Pentateuch had been known in Israel
at the time of the Judges, the condition of things
described in the book would have been impossible.
The conduct of even the very best of the Judges
stands condemned in the light of the completed
Mosaic Law. But though Israel was as yet bar-
barous and ungoverned, though every man as )-ct
did what was right in his own eyes, and there was
no king, and, as the book shows, no properly organised
priesthood, God was yet at work among His people,
8
RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
and the Deuteronomic writer, reading the history
centuries after, very properly endeavours to show
how this Divine Hand was really using such savages
as the Judges, such untrained and unspiritual warriors
as Gideon or Samson, to accomplish the great end of
moulding the people into a self-conscious and religious
community.
The two narratives contained in chaps, xvii.-xxi.
seem inserted in order to draw in the deepest and
darkest lines the state of the people in the days
before the settled monarchy and the settled priest-
hood. At the beginning of chap. xvii. the story
seems to imply that the worship of Jehovah was as
yet an idolatrous worship, readily admitting a silver
image, an ephod, teraphim, and the other symbols of
Semitic worship. In those days the term Levite was
not apparently the name of a Tribe, but rather that
of an office, for the Levite (ver. 7) is declared to be
a man of Judah, and that, too, though in xviii. 30 he
seems to be described as the son of Gershom and the
grandson of Moses. Again, it appears, notwithstanding
the statement in Josh. xix. 47, that the tribe of Dan
had not yet obtained its inheritance (Judg. xviii. i).
This archaic narrative, throwing so much light on the
state of Israel after Moses, and the enormous period
which had to be traversed before the advanced prin-
ciples of the Pentateuch could be arrived at, is all the
THE JUDGES AND THE KINGS. 99
more significant because, as is evident from xviii. 30,
it was edited and inserted in the book after 722 B.C.,
" the day of the captivity [lit, exile] of the land."
Chap. xix. gives a still more terrible picture of the
morals and habits which prevailed in Israel at that
early period. We may well hope, as ver. 30 says,
that this sickening atrocity stood alone in the annals
of the people, and even in the history of the world.
This narrative bears all the marks of antiquity, as
also does its conclusion in chap, xxi., relating the
curious rape of the maidens of Shiloh to supply wives
for the Benjamites, but chap. xx. is unmistakably
a very late story, and it is only by realising that the
writer is speaking of events in a distant past that we
can understand the highly improbable figures. The
40,000 warriors of Deborah's day (Judg. v. 8) here
appear as 400,000, and the Benjamites, 25,700 strong,
slay in two days 40,000 of them. But in the third
day's fight 25,100 Benjamites were slain, or, accord-
ing to another version — for it will be noted that vers.
36/^-46 are a duplicate of vers. 29-36^', and not a con-
tinuation as they appear to be in our book — 18,000
men of valour fell. According to this chapter, too
(ver. 47), the war of extermination was carried on to the
bitter end, and all but the remnant of 600, for whom,
in chap, xxi., wives had to be provided, were ruthlessly
slain. All this free handling of figures is a sign of
REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
the remoteness of the narrative from the events which
are described. It reminds us afresh that we have in
these historical books ancient traditions, coming down,
perhaps, in a written form, perhaps orally, handled by
religious writers of a far later date.
On the whole the simplest way of conceiving
the element of Revelation in the Book of Judges
is to regard the narrative as a tolerably correct
picture of the Israel which God had called out
of Egypt, the son whom He had to shape for His
uses ; it shows us unflinchingly the rock whence
the holy people were hewn, the hole of the pit
whence they were digged (Isa. li. i). That God
should choose such a people, that He should bear
with their corruptions, their cruelties, their lusts,
their follies, that He should hold out His light to
such darkened eyes and wait for the seeing ones to
see, may be indirectly a revelation of His character
and His methods of dealing with men ; but we have
to carefully guard against the very common delusion,
that the conceptions of God indicated in such a book
as this are in any sense an authoritative delineation,
or even a veritable glimpse, of Him. And when
the simple truth of the matter is perceived, the idea
that the Book of Judges is inspired in that sense
will be maintained, not as now by the friends, but
only by the enemies, of Divine Revelation.
THE JUDGES AND THE KINGS.
Turning now to the book which records the
foundation of the Monarchy and the real beginning
of Law and Order in Israel, the book which, divided
into two parts, takes its name from Samuel, the
remarkable man to whom, humanly speaking, the
kingship was due, we shall again find that the
accurate determination of literary form and the
discrimination of differing sources are no inconsider-
able help in the right appreciation of what is meant
by the revelation of the book. It becomes obvious
to every careful reader that the book combines in-
\ formation from various sources, and most of the
narratives consist of two or more versions of the
events welded together. There is no very elaborate
attempt to harmonise these versions when they dis-
agree ; and it is a constant clue to be carried in
the hand during the study of the book that the
writer always had to compose his narrative out of
traditions which betrayed considerable variations
one from another. This fact steadily borne in mind,
and proved afresh by every careful perusal of the
book, will save us from the too common mistake of
seeking the revelation of the book in the accuracy
of the historical facts recorded. The difficulties
which the compiler had to contend with may be
judged from one or two examples. In one place
he found that the Philistines were subdued at
REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
Ebenezer, and came no more within the borders
of Israel during Samuel's lifetime (i Sam. vii. 13);
while in another place, which described the appoint-
ment of Saul, the Philistines had garrisons within
the land (x. 5) ; in chap, xiii., still in the lifetime
of Samuel, the Philistines effect a very formidable
invasion, and at the end of that chapter it appears
that Israel was practically in a state of complete
bondage to them. Our author, with such a difficulty
before him, sets down both the contradictory state-
ments, and makes no attempt to reconcile them.
Still more perplexing was the difficulty that two
views of the Monarchy were current in Israel. The
primitive view was that the king was a gift of God,
a more permanent and effectual Judge, able to unite
all Israel in one. This simple view is developed in
chaps, ix., X. 1-16, xi., xiii., xiv. There is no Divine
censure in the appointment, and the first shadow
falls on the new institution with the disobedience
of Saul. But long after, a different view of the
matter prevailed ; the rejection of Saul cast its
shadow backward, and the whole movement to
elect a king was regarded as a rebellion against
God. This thought is developed in chap. vii. 2-17,
viii., x. 17-27, xii. According to this narrative
Samuel was a judge of the old Divine type — see
the curious connection of his name with those of the
THE JUDGES AND THE KINGS. 103
older judges in a speech put into his own lips,
xii. II — and the demand for a king seemed the
repudiation of the truth that " the Lord your God
was your king " (xii. 1 2). This later view seems to
point to a time when the monarchy had become
corrupt, and tended constantly to lead Israel away
from his God. But the compiler of our book, con-
fronted with these two different views, combines
them in one narrative, and leaves them to reconcile
themselves, which they seem to have done so effectu-
ally that many readers do not observe that the
narrative is duplex.
In the history of David, on the other hand, and
especially that part of it contained in 2 Sam. ix.-xx ,
we have a narrative which, by its unity and its singu-
larly beautiful literary form, seems to show that it
is practically a composition of the period just follow-
ing the events which it narrates. Thus in precisely
the part of the story which it is most important for
us to understand, the stream of narrative flows most
clearly and evenly.
On the whole this book of the origin of the
kingdom may be conceived thus : — It was written
in its present form not later than 700 U.C, and
contains some passages — e.g., Hannah's song,i the
' That the song is a later composition put by the historian into the
mouth of Hannah is sufficiently evident from its concluding distich.
104 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
more recent narrative of Saul's appointment already
referred to, chap, xv., and 2 Sam. vii. — which origi-
nated in the period that has been described as
Deuteronomic ; but the materials preserved in the
book are, for the most part, more ancient, and in
many cases almost contemporaneous with the events
described.
Making allowances for the inevitable uncertainties
of history, especially where the habits of exact
chronology and accurate chronicling have not been
cultivated, we may regard the events as sufficiently
authenticated. It is not, however, in any exceptional
correctness of the record, but in the nature of the
events themselves that we are to look for the revela-
tion in such a book as this. Israel's kingship had a
Divine origin ; the rejection of Saul and the election
of David are alike laden with religious significance,
and the traditions of these early kings contain that
singular adaptation to a typical handling which has
made the story of David read like a prophecy of
Christ, and that of Saul seem like a symbol of the
human will which has to be supplanted by Christ.
If Hannah had sung " He shall give strength unto his king " in
those days before the monarchy was thought of, her son would hardly
have felt the serious difficulty in appointing a king which our nar-
rative records. It is probable that the thought in ver. 5 was what
made this poem appear suitable in the mouth of the triumphant
mo ther.
THE JUDGES AND THE KINGS. 105
In the line, therefore, where the Revelation of the
book is to be sought — and this is the point on which
stress is here laid — the conclusions of Criticism have
made, and can make, no difference at all, while they
have furnished a sufficient explanation of those con-
fusions and discrepancies which, according to former
views of the composition, presented insurmountable
difficulties.
If we leave aside the last four chapters of Samuel,
which are of the nature of an appendix, we shall
observe that the Book of Kings is a continuation of
the former historical work, carrying on the narrative
of the Monarchy to the time of its collapse. To this
Book of Kings we now turn our attention. It is
the almost unanimous opinion of scholars that the
book was practically completed before the Exile —
let us say about 600 iiC, and such notices as that
with which the book closes, bringing the date down
to the middle of the Exile, must be regarded as
additions made by a subsequent editor. Here, then,
in this very small compendium we have the history
of Israel for four hundred years, written towards the
close of the period. But for the rash claim that
the work is something more than history, no compe-
tent critic would have been tempted to prove that
it is something less. It is history, nothing more nor
less. The writer has done his best to discover and
io6 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
to state the facts ; if he has failed, the history as a
whole is no more invalidated than any other history
is invalidated by the infirmities incident to every
human composition. No sensible person will attach
undue weight to these infirmities ; and it is only when
the essentially irreverent statement is made that God
wrote this history and not man, that religion is en-
dangered by the frank recognition of certain errors,
confusions, and inconsistencies. As we recede from
events they inevitably assume a different aspect ;
the broad features of the story become more apparent,
but the details become more uncertain. A shadowy
splendour gathers round the antique names, and the
facts which seemed sufficiently commonplace to
contemporaries are swathed in golden mists for later
generations. Just as the rude simplicity of King
Arthur and his court has grown, through Sir Thomas
Malory, to the gorgeous pageantry and the magic
numbers of TJie Idyls of tJie King, so the state of
Solomon grows upon the imagination as it falls back
into a distant past, and as political decay and
national misfortunes encourage a contrast with what
seems by comparison a Golden Age. But this play of
the imagination does not destroy or even essentially
obscure the history of a people ; nay, in a certain
sense it brings out the ideal elements which were too
little apprehended in the mean surroundings of the
THE JUDGES AND THE KINGS. 107
men who wrought, and of the things they did. There
is a sense, for instance, in which Shakspere's plays are
truer history than the Worcester or the Malmesbury
Chronicles. The details which occupy a large place
in the eyes of contemporaries are often immaterial,
while the broad issues only appear later on. The
Book of Kings is history, and should be dealt with
honestly and seriously as we deal with the early
chronicles of any ancient people. The writer in
I Kings iv. 24, who, by his description of Palestine
as " the region beyond the river," shows that he is
writing in the Exile, is of course removed by five
hundred years from the reign of Solomon, and, not
unnaturally, he takes a gloomier view of Solomon's
idolatries than would be taken by contemporaries,
who had not yet received the lessons of Elijah,
Micah, Isaiah, and Jeremiah. .And this severer
judgment sometimes appears in a somewhat per-
plexing way, as in i Kings iii., where the writer
severely condemns " the high places " in vers. 2, 3,
and yet the narrative proceeds from ver. 4 to tell
how Solomon at " the great high place " received
the most wonderful revelation of God. The simple
fact seems to be that in what we may call the pre-
Deuteronomic period the scattered sanctuaries or
high places were regarded as legitimate, and this
view is reflected in the main narrative of Solomon's
io8 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
reign. After the reformation of Josiah all the sanc-
tuaries except the one at Jerusalem were regarded
as idolatrous, and this view runs through all the
later passages of the book. It is this later view
which colours the harsh judgment on the Kings of
the Northern Kingdom, who ipso facto were dissi-
dents from the One Altar and the One Sanctuary ;
and it must be borne in mind as the explanation of
many comments made in the course of the narrative.
This tendency to judge earlier events in the light of
later convictions, this unmistakable intrusion of ideas
which sprang from the great reformation of the
Seventh Century B.C. into the simple records of the
primitive monarchy, must be allowed for if we would
read the book aright ; but, when allowed for, it cannot
be said to invalidate the historical value of the record.
The religious ideas of 600 B.C. were the goal to
which all the events were moving, and if the events
are read in that newer light we ought to say that
they are interpreted rather than obscured.
But granting that our book is History, we must
now observe that it is history written in a special
way, by a special style of chroniclers, and with a
special object in view. Every Bible reader is familiar
with the constant references made throughout the
Book of Kings to the Chronicles of the Kings of
Judah and of Israel. In fact, we may say that for
THE JUDGES AND THE KINGS. 109
all detailed information about most of the reigns we
arc referred to those now-lost records. In a word,
the writer of our book is evidently not writing a
political history, for he directs his readers to these
chronicles of the Royal Recorder for all purely
political facts. Pic is rather, we may say, writing
a Religious History, which touches on the kings and
their doings only from the religious standpoint. It
is, in a word, a history written in the Schools of the
Prophets, and the compiler is, as we have seen, a
m-an imbued with the prophetic ideas which formed
the burden of Jeremiah's ministry, and gave the
impulse to the reformation under King Josiah. It
is in accordance with this prophetic origin of the
history that the tradition of the prophet Elijah forms
so large a part of the first half, and the tradition of
the prophet Elisha occupies so large a place in the
second half, of the book. These familiar and striking
narratives preserve for us the first emergence of the
Ncbiini, or Seers, in the Israel of the Ninth Century
B.C. In every line we perceive the pulsing faith and
passionate reverence of those schools of religious
teachers who, in the Northern Kingdom, tried to
preserve and carry on the work of their great
founders. This does not of course imply that all which
is recorded of Elijah and Elisha is guaranteed to us
as authentic by the finger of God. It would rather
RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
show the reverse of this. As Wellhausen strikingly
observes of Elijah, " In solitary grandeur did this
prophet tower conspicuously over his time ; legend
and not history could alone preserve the memory of
his figure." ^ When the writers of the Sixth Century
wished to include in their history the lives of
Elijah and Elisha, those commanding names of three
centuries before, they were in the same position as
a writer of the Seventeenth Century attempting to
record the lives of St. Francis of Assisi and St.
Catherine of Siena. Around the unquestionable
facts of their history, and around the truly miracu-
lous personalities, loving and wondering stories of
their Divine Power and their supernatural deeds
would necessarily have gathered. We may well be
thankful that those writers of the Sixth Century
recorded the story just as they got it from the Ninth,
and did not attempt the hopeless task of rationalising,
or discriminating, or explaining away. We who
read the narrative in the light of the Christian
faith are in a better position than even the writers
of the Sixth Century B.C. to exercise a moral and
spiritual discrimination without touching the integrity
of the story as a whole. The fierce spirit of the
Prophetic Schools which gloated over the story in
2 Kings i. is no longer ours ; and we are not required
^ History of Israel^ p. 462.
THE lUDGES AND THE KINGS.
to believe, nay, we are even required to deny, on the
authority of Jesus our Saviour,^ that this savage
vindictiveness of the great prophet was in harmony
with the Spirit of God, the "spirit we are of." We
are not called on to accept, we are even called on to
gravel}^ question,^ the notion that the raid of the
bears on the children was God's way of gratifying
the vindictiveness of Elisha (2 Kings ii. 24). We
have to constantly bear in mind that this is the
story of two men of God, as it struck the minds of
their contemporaries, who were as yet ignorant of the
Evangelic Ethics, and had not even learnt the great
moral principles of the Prophets.
But when all allowance has been made for the
medium through which the legends of Elijah and
Elisha have come down to us, no safer ground could
be occupied by those who are seeking to vindicate
the Revelation in this history, than the ground of
these two prophetic lives. Facing as fairly as we can
the history of the monarchy which is before us in the
Book of Kings, we see the little kingdom, of David
and Solomon fall into two separate states, which, now
in friendly rivalry, and now in deadly opposition,
always present a weakened and wavering front to
their neighbours and to their more distant enemies.
The kingdom which has its throne at Samaria is far
' See Luke ix. 54, seq. ^ See Luke xiii. i.
RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
more considerable than that which is centred at
Jerusalem ; indeed, when an able monarch like Ahab
or Jeroboam II. appeared, it became a real factor in
the political life of Western Asia. Ahab, for instance,
as the cuneiform inscriptions inform us, entered into
alliance with Syria and fought at Karkar against
the Assyrians with a force of 2,000 chariots and
10,000 infantry. But the sacred tradition of the
Mosaic Law and of Jehovah who revealed Him-
self to Moses was in this Northern Kingdom very
imperfectly kept. No inconsistency was perceived in
worshipping the national god and the nature-gods of
Phoenicia, at one and the same time, and with rites
identically the same. When Ahab, for instance,
brought to his harem the Pha:;nician princess, Jezebel,
from Zidon, he did not hesitate to give her a chapel
in the palace for the worship of her national god.
And then suddenly from the wild country of Gilead
appeared the man who was known by the name, " My
God is Yah " (Elijah), a name which in itself was a
prophetic message. In this deep and passionate
heart was working the same spirit that worked in
Moses : Yahveh — " I am that I am " — was to him no
less than to Moses the Mighty One above all the
nature forces personified in Baal or Ashtoreth, the
Holy One who could not share His glory with
another. Strong in this burning conviction, he
THE JUDGES AND THE KINGS.
regarded the toleration of Baal worship as a fateful
compromise, and spent his days in an unwearied
protest which was to have far-reaching consequences.
Passing in some mysterious and impressive way
from the sight of man, his mantle fell on Elisha and
then on those other prophets who are the great
distinctive mark of Israel's life as a people. The
long line of inspired men worked, by different
methods, but alwa\'s with one aim, to vindicate the
sole claim of Yahveh, the Mighty One, the Holy One,
the God of Israel, but the God also of the whole
world, and the Lord of the unnumbered hosts
(Sabaoth). For that Northern Kingdom the heathen
forces, as our book shows, proved too strong, and in
spite of the great seers who appeared among them,
political strength went hand in hand with religious
feebleness, and the kingdom was plunged into the
irretrievable ruin of the Assyrian Conquest in the
year 722 ij.c. Heathens, indeed, were brought to
occupy the land which had always, in spite of the
religious forces at work, been essentially heathenish.
Meanwhile a curiously different fate befel the much
smaller and more insignificant kingdom at Jerusalem.
The national chroniclers naturally give a certain glory
and importance to this little state ; but, politically
speaking, it is evident that it was too insignificant to
be a factor in the great movements, the rise of the
9
114 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
Assyrian power and the sweeping campaigns of con-
quest, which filled the horizon of the Seventh and
Sixth Centuries. But what was wanting in political
importance was more than supplied by the religious
development which took place at Jerusalem. As we
have before observed, the progress of events is a little
obscured at first by the tendency of the historian to
read the thought of his own time into the earlier
periods which he is describing, but the general trend
of the history is unmistakable. The message of such
prophets as Elijah found an echo in many hearts
at Jerusalem. The reigning dynasty at Jerusalem
during the two centuries from Elijah to the captivity
of Samaria, if we except the reign of Athaliah,
844-838 B.C., was in the main desirous of receiving
the word of the Lord, and gave a patient hearing
to the prophets who appeared from time to time.
Jehoshaphat and Joash, Amaziah and Uzziah, Ahaz
and Hezekiah "did that which was right in the
eyes of the Lord." The idea of a centralised worship
was not yet accepted, and therefore the " high places "
were not taken away ; but in spite of many human
infirmities and faults of judgment, these sovereigns
were under the prophetic guidance. Then came a
dark period in the history of Judah. The Northern
Kingdom was no more, and the Southern Kingdom
seemed to court the same terrible doom. For half a
THE JUDGES AND THE KINGS. 115
century Manassehled his people into sin and rebellion
against God, and so stamped the mark of his infamy
upon Judah that the fate of Captivity was irrevocably
decreed for the nation, and it became the duty of one
prophet after another to announce it. But if the
punishment was the same, there was a great difference ;
and that difference was determined by the event
which occupies so prominent a place in our history.
God had not forgotten Judah ; He was prepared to
set another David upon the ancient throne. The
grandson of Manasseh coming to the throne at the
age of eight was evidently a chosen instrument in
God's hand. With a sensitive zeal Josiah set about
the restoration of religion. The prophet-priest Jere-
miah was his contemporary, and some inspired writer
whose name has perished had produced that mighty
homily on the Ancient Law which we call Deutero-
nomy. In this great document it was urged that
the people should " not do after all the things that
we do here this day, every man whatsoever is right
in his own eyes " (Deut. xii. 8), but the central House
of the Lord at Jerusalem should become the one
shrine of worship, and the scattered sanctuaries with
their questionable pillars and symbols and priests
should be abolished. With Divine eloquence it was
contended that the Law of Moses, applied to the new
time, should be revived and kept.
1 16 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
How strange and significant it is that this Refor-
mation, thus powerfully advocated, and carried into
effect by the royal authority, was not to avert the
threatened Captivity, but was only to form a point of
departure from which the Exiles might work towards
a really renovated religious State. It was the tragic
fate of Jeremiah, whose spirit must have breathed in
all that reformation movement, still steadily to fore-
tell the captivity of Jerusalem, and to dissuade her
feeble kings who succeeded Josiah from seeking to
avert the Divine doom.
It is in this strange and unexampled course of
events from the time of the occupation of Canaan by
the fugitive children of Israel to the day of their
expulsion from the land in the successive captivities
of Assyria and Babylon, that we must seek that which
we call Revelation. It is a stirring and pathetic story
stretching over six hundred years ; it is the making
of a nation which had to play a unique part in the
religious training of the world. It was indeed a poor
and misleading notion which turned men's attention
from this revelation in history to a minute and petti-
fogging defence of the literary channel through which
the main facts have been preserved. There is some-
thing which might almost raise a smile in the sight
of earnest religious men seeking to vindicate the
inerrant accuracy of contradictory statements and
THE JUDGES AND THE KINGS. 117
the infallible certainty of events which, if not impos-
sible, are certainly in a high degree improbable and
often far from honouring to God, because it was
thought that the great things of history could not be
substantiated unless the writers of history were super-
naturally secured against error. Such a misguided
idea has never been allowed to intrude into any other
department of historical inquiry, and there is some-
thing quite paradoxical in the fact that a zeal for
religion should be the means of discrediting the
history of religion. We can learn the history of
Greece without asking that Herodotus and Thucydides
should be infallible. The stories of Herodotus are
often surprisingly confirmed by new discoveries, but
we did not wait for this confirmation, or regard its
absence as important, in using the historical materials
which he presented. Thucydides is often obscure —
he suffers the views of his time and his country to
shape his judgment of events — he freely invents
speeches for his heroes, captains, and statesmen, but
his history is history, true and trustworthy in spite of
these incidental drawbacks. It is the same with the
history in Judges, Samuel, and Kings ; the infalli-
bility of its authors was not needed to guarantee its
truth. It stands, we may say, in its own truth, and
when Criticism has done its best to sift the materials
and to shape the events and the course of them as
ii8 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
nearly as possible in accordance with what actually
happened, it is the Great Fact itself, this story of
God's dealings with His nation, this changing record
of encouragement, of reproof, of blessing, of chastise-
ment, this moulding of a monarchy, this rejection of
it, this sending unto the people prophets, men pre-
pared with a Divine message, to guide and to correct
their rulers, this steady growth of religious ideas, as
the Being of God and His mighty attributes become
clearer, this shaping of all incidents and accidents to
one far-off Divine event, which forms the Revelation
of the History Book.
CHAPTER V.
THE ECCLESIASTICAL CHRONICLE OF JERUSALEM.
The title at the head of this chapter is the designa-
tion which Reuss has happily given to the historical
work which now comes under review. In the English
Bible its parts are called, the first and second Books
of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah, but these are only
four divisions of one volume. The unity is entirely
unbroken by the divisions ; one thought runs through
the whole, one purpose is manifest on every page ;
and though the writer has availed himself, as we shall
see, of several historical sources, and has embodied in
his book extensive quotations from other authors, his
own style is quite unmistakable from the beginning
to the end. The Hebraist has no difficulty in identi-
fying the writer, who, though unknown by name, is
known by his work ; and even an English reader
paying close attention to the rendering in the
Revised Version will soon begin to perceive that
certain recurring phrases, certain well-defined modes
REVELA710N AND THE BIBLE.
of regarding the events, certain general marks of
style, make the Chronicler, if we may so call him,
almost as distinct a personality as the Author of
the Epistolcc Obscurorinn Vironnn, or that famous
Junius whom all the world can recognise after the
perusal of a few pages, but whom no one has
succeeded in identifying.
Now if we wish to appreciate the degree and nature
of Revelation conveyed through this work, we must
take particular pains to mark its characteristics, to
set it in its right historical connection, and to accu-
rately define its relation to the other Old Testament
literature. We are approaching a very difficult but
a very interesting task. In no part of the Bible are
we so smitten with amazement at the unobservant
and unintelligent treatment of Scripture which alone
has rendered the old theory of Inspiration and Reve-
lation possible for thinking men.
To begin with, the period covered by these eighty
pages in the Oxford Bible is enormous. Its gene-
alogies rapidly traverse the space from Adam to
David. With David the dry lists of names pass into
a narrative, more or less full, of the Davidic monarchy.
When that monarchy dolefully terminates in the
exile, the seventy years of suspended national life are
passed over in a clause (2 Chron. xxxvi. 21b), and
immediately the story of the return from Babylon
ECCLESIASTICAL CHRONICLE OF JERUSALEM. 121
begins. The first return under Zerubbabel (B.C. 536)
is described ; then we rapidly go to the mission of
Ezra seventy-eigiit years later (B.C. 458), and the two
visits of Nehemiah (B.C. 444 and 432). But this is
by no means the latest date mentioned in the book.
The High Priest Jaddua (Neh. xii. 11) brings us
down to the date B.C. 351-331 ; and the genealogy of
Zerubbabel's family followed out for six generations
in I Chron. iii. 17-24 may imply a later date still. ^
Here we have, then, a historical work, composed in
the Fourth Century B.C., about the time when Philip
of Macedon and his greater son Alexander were the
leading powers in the world, and sketching a special
line of historical development from the earliest time
to 432 B.C. In the time of the writer the tennimis
a quo was far back in antiquity, and even the ter-
ininiLS ad qiicvi was already a century old. We
have to do with an author who is reviewing the
history of the people to whom he belonged in the
time of the Restoration, when the Jewish Church was
already an accomplished fact, a completed institution.
Bearing this point in mind, we begin to understand
the scope of the work. Writing in Jerusalem, under
the shadow of the new Temple, surrounded by all
the practices and the ideas of that fully-developed
Torah, which in the chapter on the Torah was called
' Driver's Introduction, p. 486.
REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
The Priestly Code, the author, not unnaturally, regards
all the events of the past as leading up by inevitable
steps to the condition of things which he sees around
him. He writes no longer the history of Israel, such
as we have seen in the older history {)ook, but the
history oi Judaism. Here for the first time the Jew,
as distinct from the Hebrew or the Israelite, emerges
on the field of history. For this writer, accordingly,
that Northern Kingdom, the Israel of the Book of
Kings, the Ephraim of the Prophets, the " House of
Omri " of the Assyrian Inscriptions, the powerful
secular state, has no existence : in his view of
history it is quietly ignored. Everything centres
in Jerusalem and in the house of David. And not
only so, but, in the history of Judah itself, the all-
important matter is the Temple and its ordinances.
Compare, for example, the description of the king's
palace in i Kings vii. 1-12 with the brief and
incidental allusion to it in 2 Chron. ii. i : " Now
Solomon purposed to build an house for the name
of the Lord, and an house for his kingdom.'' For the
Chronicler the kingship itself has disappeared, and
the theocracy of a developed priesthood has taken
its place. In the eyes of the Chronicler this priest-
hood, though a comparatively late development in
the form in which he knew it, has already acquired
the appearance of an unbroken and an unchanged
ECCLESIASTICAL CHRONICLE OF JERUSALEM. 123
continuity from Aaron downwards. In i Chron. vi.
1-15 he gives the pedigree of the high priests from
Aaron, as it was kept in the priestly circles at Jeru-
salem. The pedigree includes several names which do
not occur in the older history, and, on the other hand,
that famous line which held the priesthood in the
days of the early monarchy, Eli, Phinehas, Ahitub,
Ahimelech, Abiathar, is passed over.
Now this standpoint of the writer, and his prevail-
ing thought in writing, should be firmly emphasised
and patiently realised, in order to vindicate his good
faith. We have to recos^nise considerable deviations
from the facts narrated in the older books ; but let it
be distinctly understood that the writer is not guilty
of fraud, or deliberate perversion, in making these
changes ; the older books were before him, and would
be before his readers ; he writes in accordance with
his convictions ; reading the thought of his own time
into the past, using materials which were in his hands,
side by side with those Books of Samuel and Kings
which have come down to us, he states what he
believed to be true : where he took a view different
from the contemporary historian, he only dealt with
history as Mr. Gardiner might do when, from a
comparison of his materials, he deviates from the
narrative of Clarendon. The only difference in this
comparison is, that in the absence of the Historic
[24 KEVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
Sense, which is a modern growth, the Chronicler
must be regarded as less historical than the earlier
writer. Where a collision occurs we must go by the
older and not by the later authority. We have
sufficient evidence of the circumstances and temper
of mind in which the Chronicler wrote to know that
he would almost inevitably give his own subjective
colouring to the facts with which he was dealing.
When, for example, in the account of Solomon's
relations with Hiram (i Kings ix. 12), the older
historian says that Solomon gave to Hiram twenty
cities in the land of Galilee, and the Chronicler
(2 Chron. viii. 2) speaks of " the cities which Hiram
had given to Solomon," we are to conclude that the
later author, dazzled with the glory of the great king,
could not credit the story that Solomon had handed
over cities in his own land to a stranger, and assumed
that the transaction had been precisely the other way.
We may be sure that the Chronicler wrote in perfect
good faith ; he stated what he believed to be in
accordance with historical credibility ; he may even
have had some document on which he based his
reversal of the older story ; but we may be equally
sure that the Chronicler was misled by his view of the
situation. Writing seven hundred years after the
events, and when that land of Galilee was no longer
part of Jewish territory, and all trace of the cities
ECCLESIASTICAL CHRONICLE OE JERUSALEM. 125
had disappeared, he was less capable of arriving
at the truth in such a matter than the author of
Kings, who was three centuries nearer to the events.
But before going into the differences between the
Chronicler and the older work, we may try to conceive
the historical materials with which he had to deal.
First of all he would have before him the Political
Chronicles of Israel and of Judah, which we have
seen were used by the authors of the older history.
Then he would have the older history itself Every
careful reader is aware that large passages are
excerpted from the Books of Samuel and Kings, and
inserted unchanged into the Chronicles. Further,
there is a work which he refers to as '' The Book of the
Kings of Israel and Judah," which was not identical
with our Book of Kings, but probably was a work of
the same kind composed with the help of the Political
Chronicles. I Other authorities actually referred to
are " The Acts of the Kings of Israel " (2 Chron.
xxxiii. 18), "The Midrash of the Book of Kings"
(xxiv. 27), and the "words" of certain prophets, Samuel,
Nathan, Gad, i\hijah, Iddo, Shemaiah, Jehu, Isaiah,
Hozai (i Chron. xxix. 29; 2 Chron. ix. 29, xii. 15,
xiii. 22, XX. 34, xxvi. 22, xxxii. 32, xxxiii. 19).
When the author comes to the Return from the
Exile he has a good number of contemporary docu-
' 2 Chron. xvi. 11, xxv. 26, xxvii. 7, xxviii. 26, xxxii. 32, xx.xv. 27,
xxxvi. 8 ; cf. xx. 34, xxxiii. 18.
126 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
ments, some in Hebrew, some in Aramaic ; there are
copies of the edicts issued by the Persian Kings, and
genealogies of the people who returned and settled in
the land ; but his most serviceable materials were
certain memoirs written by Ezra himself, which our
author employs and largely quotes in Ezra vii -ix.,
and Nell. vii. 74<^-x.,i and the very similar memoirs of
Nehemiah which appear in Neh. i.-vii. 73^, xii. 27-43,
xiii. 1-31.
Now where the Chronicler is traversing the same
ground as our own Canonical Books of Samuel and
Kings it is clearly our duty to institute a close com-
parison between the two narratives. No one can
speak with any authority on the precise nature of
accuracy in historical details through the Old Testa-
ment histories who has not been at the pains to
make this comparison complete. But for our pur-
poses a few illustrations selected from many will
suffice, and perhaps they may induce readers of this
book to carry out the method for themselves.
The Chronicler had found in his authorities that
King David made provision for the building of the
Temple before he died. The older book does not
mention this. But by the time of the Chronicler
tradition had swelled this provision to enormous pro-
^ At least probably; Ewald and other writers consider that this pas-
sage is Ezra's.
ECCLESIASTICAL CHRONICLE OF JERUSALEM. 127
portions, and David is made to say, " I have prepared
100,000 talents of gold and 1,000,000 talents of silver "
(i Chron. xxii. 14). The dream has certainly grown
in the shadows of gathering time. In i Kings x. 14 w^e
find it mentioned with some admiration that Solo-
mon's revenue w^as 666 talents of gold. So that,
according to the Chronicler. David had accumulated
in gold alone as much as 150 years' revenue of his
far wealthier son. This is an example of a difference
which appears all through the Chronicles ; the num-
bers and sizes are considerably larger than those in
the corresponding places of Samuel and Kings, and
the exaggerations are easily understood when we
remember the writer's point of view.
Let us turn now to an equally significant instance
of another kind. First read the account of David
bringing up the ark from Kirjath-jearim in 2 Sam.
vi. It is a tolerably full account. The procession
was a very simple affair : Uzzah perished because he
put out his hand to steady the ark. This was the
traditional explanation of the familiar name Perez-
Uzzah in the Eighth Century B.C. But now look at
the narrative in the Chronicle of the Fourth Century
B.C., I Chron. xv.-xvi. There is a most elaborate
train of Levites and Singers. It is expressly ordained
that the Levites shall bear the ark, and the " breach,"
or Perez-Uzzah, is explained in this way : " Because
128 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
ye, the Levites, bare it not at the first, the Lord our
God made a breach upon us, for that we sought him
not according to the ordinance." David has on an
ephod of fine Hnen, and the Psalms (cv., cvi., xcvi.),
which had in the Chronicler's time but recently been
composed, are put into David's mouth. It is evident
that the Chronicler, full of the Temple arrangements
familiar in his own day, made no question that they
had existed in David's day too, and accordingly he
draws an imaginary picture of this Davidic proces-
sion in the terms and colours of the Temple usage as
he knew it. Thus in these two chapters he employs
three words which were the product of his own time,
used to express the new institutions of the Temple
service.! When " the chosen men of Israel " of
2 Sam. vi. i become in i Chron. xiii. 2 " our brethren
with whom the priests and Levites are," we may say
that the change is an illustration of the truth main-
tained in our chapter on the Pentateuch. In David's
day the priests and Levites were not yet distinguished,
and they occupied a position of simplicity and insig-
nificance which was entirely incredible to one who,
like the Chronicler, was living in the time of a com-
pleted Priestly System, and under a regime in which
' These terms are— (i) Qn-|b'P,for "singers" (xv. i6) ; {2) CD^Fl^VP,
for " cymbals " (xv. 16) ; compare with D vVpVj used for " cymbals " in
2 Sam. vi. 5, and (3) !lD''"iyti', for "gate-keepers" of the Tabernacle
or Temple (xvi. 38), none of which occurs in any book before the Exile.
ECCLESIASTICAL CHRONICLE OF JERUSALEM. 129
the Priests were not only the highest, but indeed the
only, national rulers.
A comparison between 2 Sam. xxiv. 1-25 and
I Chron. xxi.-xxii. 2 not only illustrates afresh the
Chronicler's habit of raising the figures, but also
shows (xxi. 29, 30) how he feels the necessity of
explaining the king's action in raising what would
have been in the Chronicler's time an unauthorised
altar — an action which, when 2 Sam, xxiv. was written,
required no explanation, because the Deuteronomic
Law was not yet in existence.
It will perhaps enable the reader to form a truer
conception of the variations which occur in the two
narratives if we set down two parallel passages in
columns side by side, selecting a case where there are
no very serious or noticeable divergences :
I Kingsv.2-9, ii,vii. 13, 14, runs : 2 Chron. ii. 3-16 runs :
And Solomon sent to Hiram, And Solomon sent to Huram
saying, Thou knowest how that the king of Tyre, saying, As thou
David my father could not build didst deal with David my father,
an house for the name of the Lord and didst send him cedars to build
his God for the wars which were him an house to dwell therein,
al)OUt him on every side, until the even so deal with me. Behold, I
Lord put them under the soles of build an house for the name of the
his feet. But now the Lord my Lord my God, to dedicate it to
God hath given me rest on every him, and to burn before him
side ; there is neither adversary, incense of sweet spices, and for
nor evil occurrent. And, behold, the continual shewbread, and for
I purpose to build an house for the burnt offerings morning and
the name of the Lord my God, as evening, on the sabbaths, and on
the Lord spake unto David my the new moons, and on the set
father, saying, Thy son, whom I feasts of the Lord our God. This
10
130
J^E VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
will set upon thy throne in thy
room, he shall build the house
for my name.
Now therefore command thou
that they hew me cedar trees out
of Lebanon ; and my servants shall
be with thy servants ; and I will
give thee hire for thy servants ac-
cording to all that thou shalt say :
for thou knowest that there is not
among us any that can skill to hew
timber like unto the Zidonians.
And Solomon gave Hiram
twenty thousand measures of
wheat for food to his household,
and twenty measures of pure oil :
thus gave Solomon to Hiram year
by year (ver. ii).
And it came to pass, when
Hiram heard the words of Solo-
mon, that he rejoiced greatly, and
said, Blessed be the Lord this day,
which hath given unto David a
wise son over this great people.
And Hiram sent to Solomon,
saying, I have heard the message
is an ordinance for ever to Israel.
And the house which I build is
great : for great is our God above
all gods. But who is able to
build him an house, seeing the
heaven and the heaven of heavens
cannot contain him ? who am I
then, that I should build him an
house, save only to burn incense
before him ? Now therefore send
me a man cunning to work in gold,
and in silver, and in brass, and
in iron, and in purple, and crimson,
and blue, and that can skill to
grave all manner of gravings, to
be with the cunning men that are
with me in Judah and in Jerusalem,
whom David my father did pro-
vide. Send me also cedar trees,
lir trees, and algum trees, out of
Lebanon : for I know that thy
servants can skill to cut timber in
Lebanon ; and, behold, my servants
shall be with thy servants, even to
prepare me timber in abundance :
for the house which I am about to
build shall be wonderful great.
And, behold, I will give to thy
servants, the hewers that cut
timber, twenty thousand measures
of beaten wheat, and twenty
thousand measures of barley, and
twenty thousand baths of wine,
and twenty thousand baths of oil.
Then Huram the king of Tyre
answered in writing, which he
sent to Solomon, Because the
Lord loveth his people, he hath
made thee king over them. Huram
said moreover. Blessed be the
Lord, the God of Israel, that
made heaven and earth, who hath
ECCLESIASTICAL CHRONICLE OF JERUSALEM.
which thou hast sent unto me : I
will do all thy desire concerning
timber of cedar, and concerning
timber of fir. IVIy servants shall
bring them down from Lebanon
unto the sea : and I will make
them into rafts to go by sea unto
the place that thou shalt appoint
me, and will cause them to be
broken up there, and thou shalt
receive them : and thou shalt
accomplish my desire, in giving
food for my household.
And king Solomon sent and
fetched Hiram out of Tyre. He
was the son of a widow woman of
the tribe of Naphtali, and his
father was a man of Tyre, a
worker in brass (vii. 13, 14).
given to David the king a wise
son, endued with discretion and
understanding, that should build
an house for the Lord, and an
house for his kingdom. And
now I have sent a cunning man,
endued with understanding, of
Huram my father's (marg., even
Huram my father), the son of a
woman of the daughters of Dan,
and his father was a man of Tyre,
skilful to worlc in gold, and in sil-
ver, in brass, in iron, in stone, and
in timber, in purple, in blue, and
in fine linen, and in crimson ; also
to grave any manner of graving,
and to devise any device : that
there may be a place appointed
unto him with thy cunning men,
and with the cunning men of my
lord David thy father. Now
therefore the wheat and the barley,
the oil and the wine, which my
lord hath spoken of, let him send
unto his servants : and we will cut
wood out of Lebanon, as much as
thou shalt need : and we will bring
it to thee in floats by sea to Joppa ;
and thou shalt carry it up to
Jerusalem.
To this comparison, which tells its own tale, we
may add that in i Kings v. 13 Solomon sends a levy
of 30,000 men out of Israel to do the work, while the
Chronicler (2 Chron. ii. 17) insists on it that these
hewers of wood, &c., were strangers, and he gives
their number exactly the same as the passage in
Kings, which suggests that he purposely corrects the
132 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
impression that native-born Israelites would be
employed on such corvee-work.
The student who takes the pains to set the two
narratives in parallel columns throughout will quickly
find light breaking in upon the problem. As he
finds a quotation from the post-exilic Psalm (cxxxii.
8, 9) put into the mouth of Solomon (2 Chron. vi.
41, 42), and notes the statement of which the narra-
tive in Kings says nothing, that " fire came down from
heaven and consumed the burnt offering " (2 Chron.
vii. i) ; as he finds the king of Judah, Abijam, whom
the elder historian briefly condemned with the words,
*' He walked in all the sins of his father which he had
done before him" (i Kings xv. 3), raised by the
Chronicler into a religious hero, using the most pious
language, and gaining a great victory over Israel
(2 Chron. xiii.) ; as he finds the Carites and the guards
of 2 Kings xi. 4 replaced by the Levites with the
injunction, " Let none come into the house of the Lord
save the priests and they that minister of the Levites "
(2 Chron. xxiii. 6) ; as he finds the much greater
prominence given to the prophets ^ and to their
personal relations with the Kings ; and as furthermore
^ For this action of the prophets compare the following passages with
their parallels in Kings : 2 Chron. xii. 5-8, xv. 1-15, xvi, 7-10, xix,
1-3, XX. 14-17, 37«, xxi. 12-15, >^xiv. 20, XXV. 7-9, 15 f., xxvi. 5,
xxviii. 9-15- And see for a fuller explanation Driver's Lnti'oduction,
P- 494-
ECCLESIASTICAL CHRONICLE OF JERUSALEM. 133
he observes that all the additions to the older narra-
tive betray, by their style and language, that they
belong to the latest period of Jewish literature, he
gradually reaches a conclusion which it is now our
duty to formulate.
The author of this book is not attempting to write
history in the sense in which we now understand that
term. His work is rather what he would perhaps
have called a MidrasJi.^ That is to say, historical
facts are freely handled with the purpose of pointing
certain religious lessons. The value of the book
must be sought not in the facts — they are given with
a greater approach to accuracy in Samuel and Kings
— but in the teaching which is conveyed through
the facts. When we make the claim that all the
details given by the Chronicler are authenticated by
the Spirit of God, and are therefore to be treated as
revelation, to use the inexact term, of things that
had happened centuries before, but had been over-
looked by previous historians, we are certainly doing
our best to confuse the idea of revelation and to
discredit the historical books of the Bible. Such
a claim could only be advanced by some careless
pietist who has never been at the trouble to carefully
collate our two parallel history books. We miss the
whole position if we fail to notice how the Chronicler
' 2 Chron. xiii. 22, xxiv. 27. Translated in R.V., " Commentary."
134 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
— in perfect good faith, but without any historic
justification— reads into the story of the ancient
monarchy the ideas and practices of his own time,
or if we lay stress on the correctness of his description
of the Passover in Hezekiah's time, which is not
mentioned in the Book of Kings, or on that of
Josiah's time, which in Kings is only briefly referred
to. It is essential for our understanding of the book
to admit that these full ceremonials arc what the
author saw in his own day, and not what had been
in Jerusalem before the Captivity. The glowing
colours and magnificent exaggerations of the wealth
and military power of the early monarchy must be
recognised as the fond imagination of a writer who,
very naturally, conceives the great days of Israel's
past in the light of what he knew of the vast empires,
Babylon, Persia, or Macedonia, which were before his
own eyes. The perfect good faith of the writer, on
which we cannot lay too much stress, is established
among other things by this, that when he comes to
events which were, comparatively speaking, within
his immediate purview — the return from the Captivity
and the reorganisation of the Temple and its services
— events not much more than a century old when he
wrote ; when he uses historical materials fresh and
trustworthy, like the memoirs of Ezra or Nehemiah, he
tells his story in a plain unvarnished way. It is idle
ECCLESIASTICAL CHRONICLE OE JERUSALEM. 135
and foolish, therefore, to bring charges of dishonesty
against a writer because, in the manner of all authors
in antiquity, he felt at liberty to dress the story of
bygone and ancient days in the garb and the
colouring of his own surroundings and his own
preconceptions.
But it may be objected, and by people whose
judgment is numbed by the acceptance of an un-
intelligent dogma concerning Scripture frequently is
objected : If we are not able to accept this Chronicle
as historically correct, if the author cannot be trusted
to tell us facts, how can we regard it as revelation,
how can we pay any deference to anything that he
says? Unhappily for many honest minds the ques-
tion of revelation is entirely identified with that
of historical accuracy supernaturally guaranteed
against errors of fact. The disastrous result of
holding such a position is that when the historical
accuracy of a scriptural book is, as we have seen in
this chapter, disproved by the Bible itself, the scared
and illogical mind immediately throws away the
belief in all revelation. Let it, therefore, be firmly
and confidently stated that the Revelation contained
in Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah,— the revelation,
that is, in the sense that we have defined it in our
present investigation, — is not affected in the least by
the admissions which candour has compelled us to
136 KEVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
make. In a word, the MidrasJi of the Chronicler
derives its value from the fact that it presents the
religious faith and conceptions of the Jews after the
Exile, in that period of history when, according to
the old notions about the Bible, our records are silent.
Here we may learn what Judaism was, and what Jews
believed about their own history, and how Jews were
shaping their religious institutions a century after
the days of Malachi. The Chronicle, as its position
at the end of the Hebrew Bible indicates, is the
connecting link between the Old Testament and the
New. If the Chronicler had simply repeated the
Books of Samuel and Kings, his work would have
been useless ; if his revised versions of the history
are to be accepted as themselves history, we are
confronted by a hopeless riddle of contradictions ; but
directly we perceive that his additions and emenda-
tions and his whole method of handling the ancient
story throw a flood of light on the religion of the
Restored Temple and the complete institutions of
Judaism, we are in a position to rightly value the
work.
And when our materials are thus handled in the
right critical spirit, need it be said that the revelation
which emerges before our eyes is of a singularly
striking and wonderful character ? What may be
called by a Germanism the Moses-revelation, and
ECCLESIASTICAL CHRONICLE OF JERUSALEM. 137
what Professor Duff^ calls the David-revelation, and
what may be broadly designated the Prophetic
revelation, were all consummated in that Jewish
Church of the Restoration, which remained as the
egg out of which was to come in due time the
kingdom of God, includincr the Church of Christ.
Judaism, as distinct from Ancient Israel and its
inchoate institutions and evolving history, Judaism
was a Revelation from God, the highest Revelation
that had been given before Christ came ; and our
Chronicle is the most complete and authentic docu-
ment concerning Judaism which has come down to
us. The passion of the Temple, the rushing enthu-
siasm of its services, the glory of its " priests clothed
with salvation, and the saints rejoicing in goodness," the
mighty ritual of Sacrifices and of Feasts, the solemn
sense of God manifested in these visible ordinances,
the worship, the prayer, the confession, which
gathered round the sacred hill, the religion which
Ezekiel was called on to preach, and which the
Psalmists have clothed in glowing hymns — all this
was, and still is, revelation. And it is surprising how
any one who has read the Chronicle which was
written in the atmosphere of that noble institution
can fail to perceive the revelation contained in it.
It is not too much to say that the religion of the
* OH Testa7)icni Theology, i. p. 64.
1 38 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
Chronicler is distinctly in advance of that which is
entertained in the greater part of Christendom to-day.
The Temple, the Priesthood, the sacrifices in which
he gloried are nearer to the mind of God than the
similar institutions which appear in the grosser forms
of Christianity ; and it only requires the application
of that key which Christ holds in His hand to see the
secret of that great religion unveiled, and to read
the ideas of the Chronicler as a beautiful symbolical
presentation of the faith which was to be. They
who still believe that the writer is discredited because
he wrote a Midrash of history instead of history pure
and simple, they who deem it part of their religious
faith to square the Chronicles with Samuel and
Kings, will probably still labour in their hopeless
and uninspiring task, but they will not gain so noble
and lofty an idea of the Revelation of this book as
that which dawns on the student, in his faithful
acceptance of the manifest critical and historical facts.
But now, in closing the brief review which has been
attempted in this and the. previous chapter of the Old
Testament Histories, it is desirable for us to definitely
raise a most interesting question. What is it that
gives a distinctive note to these records of Israel ?
Comparing them, for example, with the story of
other ancient nations, with the narratives of Herodotus,
Thucydides, and Xenophon, or with those of Poly-
ECCLESIASTICAL CHRONICLE OF JERUSALEM. 139
bius, Livy, and Tacitus, what is this difference which
is so seldom defined and yet is so perfectly plain?
The Hellenic writer is not less patriotic, and he is even
less ready to narrate the shady parts of his people's
history ; the Roman writer is not less enthusiastic in
tracing the origins of his Eternal City, nor is he less
faithful in lashing the vices of the Empire and de-
nouncing the ruin which they portend ; but Greek
History and Roman History stand in very striking
contrast with these writings which form the history
of the Old Testament. Does the difference lie in the
fact that this is religious and those are secular ?
But all these ancient authors are religious. Their
narratives all teem with theophanies, oracles, signs,
sacrifices, and manifold intercourse, in the earlier
periods, between men and their gods. Does the
difference, then, lie in the superior moral tone of
the Israelitish history ? We cannot honestly say
that it does. No grosser stories are told in Hero-
dotus than those which are narrated in Judges and
Samuel. The Brasidas and Nicias of Thuc}'didcs
arc not less, but more, moral than David. The
noblest portraits in Roman History, the Horatii, the
Curii, the Fabricii, the Fabii, the Scipios, fall no whit
behind the best and greatest men described in these
Old Testament Books.
It is only when we press this comparison closely
I40 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
and force ourselves to give an answer that we begin
to see distinctly in what a very decisive sense the
History of Israel is a Revelation, while the histories
of other ancient peoples, which are equally true, and
equally valuable in their way, neither are nor can
claim to be anything of the kind ; we begin to see
how in the one case men are shown, in the other God
is revealed. Now the full truth of this observation
can only be perceived when we have studied the
prophets and fitted their work into the frame of the
history, and when we have caught the inspiration of
the Psalms and the other Hagiographa of Israel ;
nay, the truth of the observation in its entirety can
only be appreciated when we have considered the
Christian revelation which had its root in the Jewish.
But even from our present standpoint we are able to
see how truly it may be said, in speaking of the
history of Israel, " The Lord hath not dealt so with
any nation " (Ps. cxlvii. 20). What works through-
out the story like an energetic spirit, and manifests
itself in spite of all the imperfections and confusions
of the records, is the vivid sense that God is dealing
with this people all along, and has always a definite
purpose in His dealing. However incomplete the
history may be, as a piece of literature, the history,
as a gradual and connected development, is as com-
plete and as finished and as striking as a Greek
ECCLESIASTICAL CHRONICLE OF JERUSALEM 141
Statue of the golden age. Nor does this ideal
completeness and its religious significance ever come
out so clearly as when the critical views advocated in
the present discussion arc frankly accepted. Let us
glance over that period of 1200 years from the
Exodus and the occupation of Canaan to the definite
formation of the Jewish Church ; what is, in broad
outline, the gist of the story ?
An oppressed people is led out of Egypt by a
leader who has come into a remarkable relation with
God, and has learnt to apprehend the nature and
being of the Invisible One as Yahveh. At the holy
Mount this people acquires a sense of revelation, and
under the leadership of Moses approaches the posses-
sion of their ancestral land as men who are obeying
the voice of God. The process of conquering the
land is slow, and the unity of the desert march is
lost in the fractional interests and detailed struggles
of the various clans. It is a dark period in the
memory of after days. For four centuries the great
truth which Moses grasped made no advance, and
even seemed in danger of perishing among the
confused idolatries which haunted the Phoenician
seaboard. The only form of Yahveh's manifestation
amongst the people was in the persons of rough and
vigorous warriors, who, with little ethical principle
and no spiritual life, yet conceived their feats of
142 KE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
prowess as a service to the God of Moses. But God
had not forgotten this feeble people which He found
in the wilderness, and in the last of the Judges He
sent them the first of the Prophets. Samuel comes
with the kind of direct inspiration from Yahveh which
made Moses so commanding a figure, and succeeds
under the guidance of his God in establishing a
genuine kingship, which unites in one the scattered
clans of Israel. A series of striking historical events,
resulting in the rejection of Saul and the choice of
David, shows what manner of man Yahveh would
have to rule over his people. The man is morally
far from an ideal character, but he has the root of
the matter in him, and he carries the revelation of
God a step further than Moses had done five
centuries before ; he believes that Yahveh is the
supreme Lord over all other gods, kings, and
peoples. The Ideal Unity of the Nation and the
absolute Sovereignty of Yahveh are asserted and
established as two related truths.
The son of David is called upon to provide for the
religious cultus of his people. But unfortunately
wealth and luxury unfit him for his task. Another
period more distressful than that of the Judges
supervenes. The nation falls asunder ; the greater
part of it, sinking deeper and deeper into the ways
of other nations around it, trembles towards decay.
ECCLESIASTICAL CHRONICLE OF JERUSALEM. 143
Great teachers — Elijah, EUsha, Amos — are sent to it
in vain. In vain are the oracles of Hosea and Isaiah
rung out in its ears. Four hundred years after David
it has entirely disappeared.
Meanwhile a similar, and yet a widely different,
fate is worked out for the tiny kingdom which has its
centre in Jerusalem. Under the guidance of the great
teachers, of whom Isaiah and Jeremiah are the best
known to history, a new religious organisation is
developed ; a central place of worship at Jerusalem
is secured, and an order of ministers, called Levites, is
appointed ; but, as was only too natural, the elabo-
rated ceremonial and the Temple worship were easier
of accomplishment than purity of heart and righteous-
ness of conduct, and the great prophets perceived,
each one with greater clearness than his predecessor,
that Yahveh was above all Holy, and His demand was
not for outward worship, but for actual goodness.
The refusal of monarch and people to accept this
" word of Yahveh " brings upon them the great catas-
trophe of the Captivity. The monarchy is finally
suppressed ; the Temple and its ordinances are
destroyed ; the leaders of the people are carried
away into Babylonia. Here, according to all human
probability, would be an end of this insignificant
people. How are we to account for the fact that
the Captivity, instead of destroying, created the
144 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
people of God ? How are we to explain the obvious
fact that Babylon perished and Judaism survived ?
I'hose great men, Jeremiah and Ezekiel — perhaps we
should add Second Isaiah and the author of Job —
were the instruments through which the God of Israel
realised His unexpected purpose. The men of the
Captivity came back, purged of their ancient ideas,
and bringing with them the plans of a New Jerusalem
and a New Temple. Under the leadership of men
like Ezra and Nehemiah and the Chronicler, the Old
Law was rewritten and completed ; the Old History
was recast and thrown into an ideal light ; the new
Church, as it has been justly called, was organised
and established.
The Church of the Restoration, produced and
shaped by this remarkable series of events, carried in
its very framework the forecast of another and a
wider church which was to come, and carried in its
very heart the expectation of an Anointed One who
should sit on the throne of David and found a new
and greater and everlasting Kingdom.
Looking steadily at the Judaism of the Third
Century B.C., considering its character, its implica-
tions, its faiths, its hopes, its destiny, we can hardly
fail to see the Revelation of God in the chequered
course of events which led up to its establishment.
CHAPTER VI.
THE PROPHETS.
" No prophecy of Scripture is of private interpretation. For no pro-
phecy ever came by the will of man ; but men spake from God, being
moved by the Holy Ghost." — 2 Pet. i. 20, 21.
The closing paragraphs of the last chapter have
shown how necessary it is for us now to take in hand
the work and the writings of the prophets. The
history, as we have seen, must have been largely
shaped by their activity ; the completed Law Book is
as much their production as the writings which go by
their name ; the historical books which we have just
been considering not only came from the pens of
prophets, but record the ministry of prophets, and
show by what human agency God spoke to His
people and moulded their development ; now we
turn to the books, which in some cases are autograph
works, and in all cases bear the immediate personal
stamp of the most influential of the prophets.
II
146 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
In no part of the Bible has the labour of modern
scholarship been more fruitful than in the prophetic
writings. Until the steady light of the historical
spirit was turned upon the subject, and the necessity
of properly placing the several utterances in their
appropriate historical situations was convincingly felt,
these invaluable documents were handed over to the
caprice of " private interpretation," and the grand
and unique ministration of the prophets was reduced
to a book of riddles, allegories, and obscure oracles
worthy of the tripod at Delphi or the oaks of Do-
dona. The editing of these documents, if we may
use a very modern term, is for the most part very
unsatisfactory. Whatever authority we must charge
with the arrangement and distribution of the writ-
ings, whether the author himself or a later editor, the
result seriously hinders the prophets from being under-
stood. So hopeless and confusing was the method
in which the Scribes preserved and interpreted their
treasure of Divine words, that there is good evidence
for supposing that in the days of our Lord and His
Apostles it would have required a superhuman effort
to understand the prophets aright. Disposed in
cumbersome " rolls," with inaccurate titles, without
any attempt at chronological arrangement, uneluci-
dated by historical notes or trustworthy dates, these
words of ancient prophecy were in much the same
THE PROPHETS. 147
condition as the vaticinations which the Sibyl of
Cumae wrote upon leaves, to be the sport of every
wind. It \\\\\ be remembered how the Evangelist
attributes to Jeremiah a saying which occurs in our
Book of Zechariah,! which may quite possibly mean
that in the Roll which he had been accustomed to
read the prophecy, Zech. ix.-xi., xiii. 7-9, a passage
certainly not Zechariah's, was included among the
works of Jeremiah. It will be remembered, else-
where also, how the Evangelists, especially Matthew,
make quotations from the Prophets which show that
they had little or no acquaintance with the context
or the original significance of the prophetic books.
The reader of the English Bible is at this advantage
as compared with the Evangelists, that he has the
writings in a compact form and furnished with
abundant references ; but the English reader is still
at a great disadvantage as compared with even a
moderate scholar who has learnt the elementary
facts of the imperfect way in which the ancient
writings were edited by the men who are in the
Talmud called The Great Synagogue. The intricate
confusion of the Prophetic Books, which criticism has
had to disentangle, must now be briefly described
before we try to read the revelation of these inspired
Seers.
' Matt, xxvii. 9; Zech. xi. 12, 13.
148 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
To begin with, there is hardly any attempt to
arrange the books in a right chronological order. In
the Hebrew Canon, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel
seem to be placed first as the greater prophets,
because the books which bear their names are the
longest : Daniel is not reckoned among the Prophets
at all, but among the Kethtibim, or miscellaneous
writings, possibly because of its later date ; and all
the other prophetical writings are treated as one
work, massed together without much concern for
order or connection. But the very first condition of
understanding the work of the prophets is to properly
date them and see them in their appropriate his-
torical circumstances, and the second condition is to
put them in their right order so that the progress
of the Divine Word in their ministrations may be
appreciated.
Yet in stating this broad fact of ill-arrangement we
have only touched the border of the faulty editing.
There was evidently no criterion for determining the
authorship of individual prophecies, and in cases
where a prophecy did not contain the name of the
prophet it was sometimes attached to the Roll of
some other prophet without any indication that a
break occurred. The most familiar instance of this
is in the Book of Isaiah, where to the work of a great
Eighth Century Prophet is added a wonderful anony-
THE PROPHETS. 149
mous Prophecy which dates from the middle of tlie
Sixth Century. Another, though less recognised,
example of the same confusion occurs in Zechariah,
where to the eight chapters of the prophet's own are
added six other chapters which bear the marks both
of an earlier and of a later period, but certainly do
not belong to Zechariah.
Nor when we have detected this confusion have we
by any means reached the end. . Except in a few
cases where the prophet seems to have edited his own
book, the writings which come from one author are
frequently arranged in the most provoking order.
The Book of Jeremiah is the most flagrant example
of this, chronological inexactness. The writing of the
book is fixed in the fifth year of Jehoiakim (604 B.C.).
But chap. X. 1-16 presents the situation of the exiles
in Babylon some years later, and must, therefore, if it
is Jeremiah's at all, be inserted from a subsequent
collection of prophecies. Again, chap. xxi. i-io
suddenly passes to the year 587 B.C. Chap. xxv.
reverts to 604 B.C. Chap. xxvi. carries us back to
608 B.C. Chaps, xxvii.-xxix. pass forward to the
year of the Captivity, 597 B.C. Chap. xlv. refers to a
date (604 B.C.) long before chap. xliv. Then chaps.
1. and li. are evidently a later composition, written
just before the return from the Exile (538 B.C.), and
added to the Book of Jeremiah because of its con-
150 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
nection with Jeremiah's message to the exiles ^ (h.
.59-64)-
Evidently it was necessary, before any correct
appreciation of the prophetic work could be possible,
to attempt some careful editing ; and this the scholars
of our own day have been doing, with the result that
the prophets live before our eyes. The utterances
which seemed to be obscure become plain when their
historical setting i^ recovered. A new and wonderful
conception of the men and their work has been
obtained ; and if it is necessary to relinquish the old
semi-pagan idea of their inspiration, it has been found
still more necessary to recognise in them an inspira-
tion which is quite unique. There is nothing in any
nation or any age parallel to this prophetic ministry
among the chosen people. As we distinctly define
what that ministry was, as we carefully trace the
moral and spiritual forces that worked in it, and the
religious truths which were manifested through it,
and as we set this amazing phenomenon in contrast
with more or less similar phenomena in other
religions, we cannot remain in much doubt that here
indeed was Revelation ; nor will it be very difficult to
define the character, the quality, and the limitations
of the Revelation which is admitted.
^ Driver, Introduction, p. 252, who expressly attributes the passage
to a disciple of Jeremiah's, and vindicates its character as a genuine
prophecy.
THE PROPHETS. 151
Before we approach this task, however, we may
remind ourselves that here in the writings of the
prophets, if anywhere, we may expect to come across
the true nature of Inspiration. There is a kind of
autograph authenticity about the books which was
quite wanting in the Law and the Histories. The
prophets show us their own inner hfe, and allow us to
see in what way the Spirit of the Lord came upon
them ; they describe to us visions which they actually
saw ; they do not hesitate to display the tumult of
feeling and the burning of thought which must result
from a conscious contact with God. The word of the
Lord comes to them ; and often with reluctance and
agonising protest they are compelled to utter it. No
men that ever lived are more human than these
prophets, but no men ever spoke such superhuman
things. While the books were in obscurity, and for
English readers not intelligible, the humanity and
the Divine Inspiration of the men were alike missed ;
but such works as Professor Robertson Smith's
Prophets of Israel, Professor Driver's Isaiah, and
Professor Duff's enthusiastic book on Old Testament
Theology have put within the reach of ordinary readers
the best results of an earnest and conscientious
scholarship, and it is our own fault if w^e do not see
the Prophets very much as they were seen by their
contemporaries, and if we do not rightly interpret
152 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
their utterances in the light of the facts which were
around them, and in the further Hght of the great
events which came after them.
We may now proceed to group the prophetic
writings, not according to the unintelHgent order of
our Canon, but on a principle of chronological and
historical arrangement ; and as we form the groups
we may estimate the substance and the nature of the
Revelation which these great men were enabled to
give to their fellows. Broadly speaking, the prophetic
writings fall into three groups: — i. There are the
utterances before the Exile of the Northern Kingdom,
and those which followed on that disaster, but pre-
ceded the similar punishment of Judah. 2. There
are the utterances which denounced and interpreted
the Babylonian Captivity of Judah, and then prepared
the exiles for their restoration to Jerusalem. 3. There
are the utterances of the men who directed the re-
storation, and the scattered voices of spiritual teachers
in those centuries of waiting when the disappointment
of the restored community gradually shaped the
expectation of the Messiah. To these groups we
may attach three general definitions of time. Group
I. falls between 760 and 700 B.C. Group II. falls
between 660 and 540 B.C. Group III. falls within the
century 520-420 B.C. ; though if we are to include
Daniel among the prophets, and to take note of some
THE PROPHETS. 153
indications in the latter part of Zechariah, we may
say that the scattered voices of this last period occur
at intervals down to 167 B.C. We first have a period
of Sixty Years, during which the noblest of Hebrew
prophets laboured and spoke. Then we have a
period of One Hundred and Twenty Years, during
which the highest spiritual truths were gained by
men in themselves not quite so interesting. Finally
we have a period in which prophecy has become
prosaic, and the spiritual enlargement seems arrested ;
but, as in the dark hour before the dawn, the expecta-
tion of the great Day is cherished and defined. The
first period is predominantly poHtical, the second is
predominantly ecclesiastical, the third is marked by
an indistinct conviction that hope lies not along
political or ecclesiastical lines, but in the advent of a
new Spiritual Power.
Let us approach these groups in succession. First
Period, 760-700 B.C. Professor Duff has admirably
depicted the interest of this period in the history of
the world. It was the time when the Greeks began
to chronicle their national life by Olympiads, and
when the mythical builders of Rome were laying the
foundations of the Eternal City. In the kingdom
which had its throne in Samaria, Jeroboam II. had
carried his people to a culminating point of material
prosperity, while in the poor and insignificant moun-
154 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
tain princedom of Judah the reign of Uzziah had
brought some sense of peace and security. Amos
and his younger contemporary, Hosea, were charged
with a message to Israel ; Isaiah, the man of the city
and the court, and Micah, the man of the countryside,
were entrusted with a ministry to Judah. The mes-
sage of Amos, the herdsman of Tekoah (760-746 B.C.),
may be summed up in a sentence — God is righteous,
therefore man must be righteous. The true Israel, he
preached, were the good. The salvation he promised
was the destruction of the bad, and the restoration of
the good. The revelation of Amos lies in the identi-
fication of God with goodness, which is a truth only
to be derived h'om God Himself; and familiar as it
has become to us, we must remember that to the
other acknowledged religions of antiquity it remained
always unknown or unrecognised. Hosea, vyhose
prophetic activity follows on the death of Jeroboam
II. (746 B.C.), reiterated the denunciation of judgment
on Sinful Samaria, but notwithstanding the disjointed
character of the book, which is more like a collection
of prophetic texts than a report of connected dis-
courses, it is very clear that the God revealed in this
prophet is one whom men may love. " I am God,
and not man, I will not return to destroy," is the new
beautiful message. We are brought face to face with
a Divine Being who pleads with His people as an
THE PROPHETS. 155
injured husband might plead with an offending wife
whom he loves. Such a moving appeal to sinners,
such a call to repentance, such a passion of yearning
and love, such a promise of resurrection, as occur in
the closing chapters of the book, remain for ever as
a picture of God which it is difficult to surpass. If
Amos said, God is righteousness, Hosea said. He is
grace.
While we thought that the Pentateuch had been
written by Moses, we could never understand the
startling revelation contained in these two Prophets,
a revelation which indeed contributed to the making
of the Pentateuch. The Torah to Amos ^ and to
Hosea 2 was a simple moral law, and not an elaborate
ceremonial or a developed Theology. Amos had
coniie to see that Yahveh was the God of other
nations besides Israel, but he probably had no theory
of monotheism ; and Hosea, so far from understanding
the view of idolatry which prevails in the completed
Law, regarded it as a terrible punishment to be with-
out the pillars and the teraphim, the symbols of
religious worship which in the next century became
the object of severe condemnation. 3 The recovered
understanding of the Hebrew literature has enabled
us to appreciate the real revelation in these prophets
without stumbling at those blind spots in their vision
' V. 21-24. - iv. 6, vi. 6, viii. i, 12. 5 Hosea iii. 4.
1 56 RE VELA TtON AND THE BIBLE.
that prevented them from seeing things which yet
remained un revealed.
Meanwhile two prophets were beginning their work
in Judah whose names are imperishable as their utter-
ances, the poet-preacher, Isaiah I (740-701 B.C.), and the
earnest moralist, Micah (730-697 B.C.), in whose book
occurs one of the loftiest passages in the whole range
of inspiration, chaps, vi. and vii.^ Isaiah's ministry
was an earnest wrestle with the political problems of
his time. The vision of God came to him as a boy ;
and in the strength of that great revelation he was
required to shape the counsels of the weak prince
Ahaz, and of his nobler successor, Hezekiah. It was a
critical period. Threatened first by a combination of
Israel and Syria, and afterwards by the invasion of
the Assyrian Kings who swept the Northern King-
dom into captivity, the petty mountain-state of Judah
had to be encouraged to hope in God and to prepare
^ In what follows the position is frankly accepted that the actual
utterances of Isaiah can only be found in chaps, i.-xii., xiv. 24-xxiii.,
xxviii.-xxxiii., xxxvii. 22-32, of the book called by his name. The
revelation of the prophet Isaiah is distinguished from the revelation
of the Book of Isaiah. But it must be distinctly understood that in
the opinion of the present writer these critical conclusions arrived at on
historical or literary grounds, so far from lessening the Revelation of the
book, have brought it into a clearer light by restoring the perspective
and adding the appropriate colouring.
^ Ewald attributed chaps, vi. and vii. to another author writing in
Manasseh's reign ; but later scholars have very justly pointed out that
Micah may easily have lived to write this magnificent passage, even
assuming the latest date to which it can fairly be attributed.
THE PROPHETS, 157
to fulfil her great destiny. The Holy One of Israel
was manifested to the prophet in the Sanctuary at
Jerusalem, and it became his function to declare that
Zion should not only escape the threatened invasion,
but, conscious of a present God, Immanuel, should be
the centre and pledge of a purified religious life. No
poet has ever sung in more beautiful language the
promise of a better time to be than this prophet of
Jerusalem in those days of peril and foreboding. If
we to-day wish to conceive a new heaven and a new
earth we turn instinctively to those thrilling descrip-
tions of a true religion, and a righteous ruler, and the
whole pacified world gathering around one sacred
place.i If this firm conviction of the prophet's was
not an inspiration given by that God who was to him
so near a presence and so dear a friend, we shall seek
for inspiration in vain ; and if the reader of Isaiah's
writings does not become aware how the revelation of
God involves the revelation of moral duty for man, no
words can make it plain to him. The Being who is
revealed in the prophecies of Isaiah is essentially the
Being whom Christians worship with one limitation
only, that He is intimately associated with the Sanc-
tuary and the Solemnities on Mount Zion, and is not
yet recognised in the width of His spiritual manifes-
tations.
' See Isa. ii. 2-4, iv. 2-6, ix. 1-7, xi. i-io, xvi. 4/;, 5, xxix. 18, xxx.
21-26, xxxii. 1-8, 15-1S, xxxiii. 5, 20. (Driver, Introduction, p. 216.)
1 58 RE VELA riON AND THE BIBLE.
We should indeed be captious and ungrateful if
with this real and lovely revelation in our hands we
complained that Isaiah was not endowed with an in-
fallible knowledge of the future, that in some respects
his forecasts were falsified by the events, and that
even in the great matter of Zion's inviolability it
became the duty of subsequent prophets to reverse
the hope which his rapturous eulogies had inspired.
He did not know the extraordinary vitality of the
city of Damascus when he uttered the oracle in chap,
xvii. I. He appears to have underestimated the
usefulness of Egypt.^ And that noble thought of an
Egypt united with Assyria in worship, and forming,
with Israel as the third, a great people of God (xix.
23, 24), was not destined to be fulfilled in a literal
sense ; for Assyria long ago perished from the earth
without entering into the heritage.
The prophet Micah affords a very favourable illus-
tration both of the nature and of the limits of the
prophetic revelations. His general line of thought
is essentially the same as Isaiah's ; he utters from the
standpoint of the people what Isaiah expresses from
the standpoint of the statesman. Micah, like Amos
and Hosea, in the early days of his ministry (730 B.C.),
foretold the downfall of Samaria, which he seems to
have regarded as a schismatic sanctuary (Micah i. 5),
' Duff, Old Testament Theology, p. 223.
THE PROPHETS.
159
but he also saw the punishment impending over his
own country (ver. 9), and so far diverged from Isaiah
as to regard the sanctuary at Jerusalem as an offence
against God, corrupt like Samaria. ^ But he, like
Isaiah, quotes the prophecy which foretold the ultimate
restoration of Zion (Micah iv. 1-3 ; cf. Isa. ii. 2-4), and
announced a Divine Ruler who should be a defence
against the Assyrian (vers. 2-5). Under this new David
he believed the golden age of his country and his
faith would dawn. With a passion which moves even
us, who read his words only in an English garb, he
denounces the moral evils of the existing nobles, the
rulers of Israel (chap, iii.), and he seems to complete
the teaching of the two prophets of the Northern
Kingdom who identified religion with moral integrity,
and taught the world to regard God as the righteous
One demanding righteousness.
Now it is this intensity, this insight, of Micah's
faith, which causes the astonishment of the modern
reader in finding that this prophet had not yet risen
to the conception which we call Monotheism. It
seems that to Micah God was only revealed as the
supreme sovereign of the gods, the Holy One of
Israel, whom an Israelite was bound to treat as the
God of the nations and of the earth, but not to
* Micah i. 5. It would seem that the LXX. read nXtSn for HlD^l ".
" What is the sin of Judah ? is it not Jerusalem ?'
i6o REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
the exclusion of other deities. Micah closes one of
his loftiest utterances with the forecast —
*' All the peoples will walk, every one in the name of his god,
And we will walk in the name of the Lord our God for ever and
ever" (iv. 5).
We could scarcely have a more instructive reminder
of the gradual progress of Revelation. The greatest
minds of the Eighth Century B.C. had not yet per-
ceived what is familiar to every child "in the kingdom
of heaven," even to those lapsed children of the king-
dom, the followers of Mohammed, that there is but
One God, and that Yahveh of Israel is indeed the
Supreme and Only One. It is not even quite clear
that Micah entertained that dislike of the images and
the pillars and the Asherim which is manifest in the
completed Torah ; the tone of chap. v. 10-15,^ and
the way in which the cities and strongholds are
coupled with the symbols of worship, would suggest
that Micah regarded the destruction of them rather
as a punishment to be endured than as a purification
to be welcomed.
But perhaps the clearest idea of the limitation of
the prophetic revelation, as compared with the com-
plete revelation of the Gospel, may be obtained by a
comparison of the magnificent passage in Micah vi.
1-8, with the answer which St. Paul would give to the
' Cf. Hosea iii. 4,
THE PROPHETS. i6i
question, What does God require of us? Micah was
able to see that the sacrifice of animals and libations
of oil could not propitiate God, and he could reject
the barbarous Semitic notion that the offering of the
firstborn child would purchase the pardon of the
parents' sin : he could grasp the noble conception that
only moral goodness, justice, mercy, and a humble
piety, could really be acceptable to God. But as yet
it had not dawned upon even the most inspired of
prophets that God not only demanded these virtues,
but would in His grace create them in the hearts of
His people through a living faith in His Son, Christ
Jesus. Isaiah and Micah are so truly great, and the
revelation which they brought to their own day was
so wonderful and startling, that we are apt to over-
look the comparatively low place which they occupy
in the progress of God's revelation : they stand but
half way up the golden stair which scales the heights
of the Kingdom of Heaven. The refusal to recognise
their mistakes and their limitations is one of the main
hindrances to understanding the work of Him, who
fulfilled the Law and the Prophets by realising and
completing their imperfect conceptions.
Second Period, 660-540 B.C. The writings which
form the Second Group of the prophets are, in the
order of date, Nahum (664-607 B.C.), whose grand
conception of God ruling over and punishing Nineveh
1 62 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
is quite Isaian in its tone, and forms a convenient
transition from the prophets, whose horizon was
occupied by the conquering Assyria, to those who
had to deal with Babylon and the Babylonian cap-
tivity of Jerusalem; Jeremiah (626-586 BC), the
greatest personality of this period, and Obadiah, his
contemporary; Zephaniah (before 621 B.C.); Habakkuk
(608-598 B.C.) ; Ezekiel (592-570 B.C.) ; and last, but
in some senses most inspired of all, that great utter-
ance which forms the second part of our l^ook of
Isaiah (chaps, xl.-lxvi.), which we may date approxi-
mately 549-538 B.C.,together with chaps, xxxiv.-xxxv.,
which will at any rate not be earlier than the begin-
ning of the Captivity, and chaps, xiii.-xiv. 23, which
belong to the close of the Exile, say about 549 B.C.^
The work of these prophets covers, and contributes
to, the most crucial period of Hebrew history : the
period of the great reformation under Josiah, with the
promulgation of the Deuteronomic law (621 B.C.) ; the
period of the doom which, notwithstanding the refor-
mation, was fulfilled in the capture of Jerusalem by
Nebuchadnezzar (604-586 B.C.) ; the period of the
formation of the Jewish Church in the Exile and the
promise of return and restoration. The first condition
of understanding the revelation which was conveyed
through these inspired men is to distinctly realise the
^ Isa. xxiv.-xxvii. must be assigned to the Third Group.
THE PROPHETS. 163
immediate object and effect of their ministr)'. It was
their solemn task to accept the centralised Sanctuary
and the purified worship of Zion which Isaiah had
proclaimed, but only in order to denounce a punish-
ment which superficial hearers of the former prophet
might have hoped to see averted. Their hard lot was
to appear as the enemies of their own nation; patriots
who loved their countr)' and their city with a pathetic
fervour, they yet had to side with her enemies, to
dissuade her kings from seeking deliverance, to make
their people submit patiently to the overthrow of
Jerusalem and the transportation to Babylon ; and
only when this doom was fulfilled were they allowed
to speak comfortably to Zion, to place the term of the
exile, to promise the rebuilding of the Temple, and to
prepare the highw^ay in the desert for the return. No
severer burden was ever laid on His servants by the
Holy One of Israel ; but in the faithful fulfilment of
their historic task and the brave utterance of the word
which was given them to speak, they became the
means of realising the highest revelation of God
which could come before Christ, and they were en-
abled to foreshadow and announce Him with a ful-
ness and a clearness to which there is no parallel in
the earlier period.
The spirit of the time breathes in the brief oracles
of Habakkuk : the Chaldean is swooping down upon
1 64 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
the country ; yes, but the Chaldean is only in God's
hand ; the just shall be preserved ; in times of judg-
ment and trial this prophet has a vision of God which
fills him with joy — a vision which has proved a light
and revelation not to the men of that .day only, but
to earnest and troubled souls ever since.
Jeremiah's ministry cannot be easily summarised in
a few words, but when his utterances are arranged in
their right chronological order, and when the work,
which was mainly of contemporary interest — the
pleading with kings and people to amend their ways in
order to avert the doom of Jerusalem, the denuncia-
tion of the exile, and the promise of return after seventy
years — when this transitory element is subtracted, we
become aware that in this prophet, who breathes the
same atmosphere as the writer of Deuteronomy, this
patriot-priest whose life was a continual martyrdom
to duty and to God, we reach the highest stage of
Old Testament religion. He, like Isaiah and his
school, predicts the advent of a New David, and
sees Israel becoming the real Servant of the Lord
(xxx. lo); but in language of thrilling spiritual
insight he passes beyond all material conceptions
of an' earthly kingdom, and striking a louder and a
clearer note from the same chord which Hosea first
set vibrating, he foretells a New Covenant, a law
written in the heart, a spiritual principle working
THE PROPHEIS. 165
from within and bringing the life into holy obedience
to God. The whole passage (xxx.-xxxiii.) is a
sublime and beautiful revelation, and by virtue of
its profound moral passion and its far-reaching
spiritual aspiration, it forms a specific prophecy, a fore-
cast of that consummate religion which the Servant,
the Branch, Jesus Christ, would one day introduce.
Ezekiel, notwithstanding the far greater coherence
and orderliness of his book, which he seems to have
arranged and edited himself, is not so immediately
intelligible as Jeremiah. One of the captives carried
away in the first reduction of Jerusalem (597 B.C.),
from the banks of the Chebar he had to announce
the certain and complete destruction of his beloved
city. When this prophecy was fulfilled in 586 B.C. he
won the ear of his fellow exiles, and was able to
preach in the land of the Captivity the restoration of
his people, while Jeremiah was still alive to predict
the same event in Jerusalem or among the fugitives
at Tahpanhes in Egypt. He has the same glorious
gospel of cleansing as came to Jeremiah ; he is even
more specific than Jeremiah in promising the restora-
tion of Ephraim as well as Judah (xxxvii. 15-28).
But while he proclaims this bright future for his
people with unswerving confidence, that the world
may know that Yahveh is what His prophets have
represented Him to be, he puzzles the modern reader
1 66 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
by what seems to be a certain retrogression from the
high spiritual conception of the older prophet. His
closing chapters are occupied with an elaborate
description of the restored Temple and its ordi-
nances. This little treatise has many points of
connection with that " Law of Holiness," as it has
been called, contained in Lev. xvii.-xxvi. Now,
according to the traditional view of the Pentateuch
and of the Israelitic religion, this phenomenon in one
of the late prophets is certainly very embarrassing.
But if we accept the view which is throughout as-
sumed in these pages, the difficulty immediately
disappears. The restored Community would not be
able to enter upon that Spiritual heritage which
Jeremiah proclaimed, until the times were fulfilled and
Christ should come. It was necessary that some
provision should be made for the half-millennium
which must elapse before the great event. The
Deuteronomic Law, though, spiritually speaking, the
highest development of the Mosaic Torah, was not
the law of a priestl}' community, but rather that of
a theocratic monarchy, with a central Sanctuary at
Jerusalem. It was necessary, therefore, that the
Mosaic Law should be developed afresh in the
direction of a complete Temple Ritual, to be carried
out by an order of priests distinguished from the
general body of Levites. Ezekiel was the inspired
THE PROPHETS. 167
instrument through whom this requisite development
was accomplished. A priest himself, and well ac-
quainted with the priestly practice before the Exile,
he was called upon to define and elaborate that
practice a little further ; he was inspired to proclaim
to the exiles : " My tabernacle shall be with them,
and I will be their God, and they shall be my people.
And the nations shall know that I am the Lord that
sanctify Israel, when my sanctuary shall be in the
midst of them for evermore" (xxxvii. 27, 28). That
new sacred place at Jerusalem was to be inviolable
in a w^ay that Solomon's temple had never been
(xliii. 7-9). The visions of Ezekiel on this subject,
while they seem to presuppose the " Law of Holi-
ness " in Leviticus, formed the starting-point for
the fully developed system of the Temple and
the Priesthood which appears in the latest stratum
of the Pentateuch. It is at this point, then, of
the prophetic writings, in these chapters which
formerly appeared so perplexing, that we get the
clearest view of the way in which the prophetic-
priestly work gradually developed the original Law
of Moses. And though we may justly say that no
development of Judaism is so advanced as that
Kingdom of God which Jeremiah, and even Isaiah,
foresaw, yet we may with equal justice say that the
careful definition of the Jewish Church given through
[68 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
Ezekiel was an Indispensable step in fulfilling that
more glorious future. Judaism was necessary, and
Ezekiel was its prophet.
The third great voice of the Period now under review
is that which may be described as the Voice crying
in the Wilderness. First of all there is the beautiful
passage (Isa. xxxiv.-xxxv.) which contrasts the fate
of Edom, who gloried in the fall of Zion (586 B.C.),
with the splendid future of Zion herself when the
ransomed of the Lord shall return to her with sing-
ing. Then, there is the great prophecy of the ap-
proaching fall of Babylon, which must have been
uttered just on the eve of the return from exile
(xiii. 2-xiv. 23). And then comes that great
connected prophecy (xl.-lxvi.) which has enchained
the imagination and moved the heart of God's
people for twenty-five centuries. No one can well
mistake the revelation in this mighty utterance.
Th^ restoration of Israel from Babylon to Zion
is to come along a highway of holiness. With
the true notes of inspiration the prophet describes
at first this restored Israel as the Servant of Yahveh ;
but as he dips into the future he sees that the Servant
is not the mixed multitude of the people, the righteous
and the sinners alike ; one Figure separates in the
shadowy vista of the days from the people to whom
He belongs; there is a Servant now who is faithful and
THE PKOrHETS. 169
obedient, but He bears the marks of suffering, and it
appears that the sins of His people are upon Him.
He passes through unspeakable travail of soul, but
His work brings forgiveness and righteousness ; He
not only bears the sins of His people, but He bears
them away. What a wonderful utterance it is! The
king of whom all previous prophets had spoken
is no longer named ; in his place there is this
righteous, suffering, Servant of Yahveh. God is with
us, then, — Immanuel — not as Isaiah supposed, in a
successful monarch breaking the power of Israel's
enemies, but in a son of man, marred and chastised,
bearing away Israel's sins ! The Infinite God, in-
habiting eternity, and taking up the earth as a little
thing, whose wonder and power are chanted in these
chapters, in language which seems to have fallen from
Heaven and to be the manner of the song before the
throne, is revealed as approaching the humble and the
contrite, as a Saviour that stoops to enter the heart, to
bear iniquity, to revive the bruised and broken spirit.
That Jesus Christ fulfilled in His own person the
more rudimentary conceptions of the earlier prophets,
as the scion of the House of David, and the King of
the Jews, and at the same time fulfilled this profounder
and more marvellous conception of the Lord's Servant
pouring out His soul unto death and numbered with
the transgressors, is one of those miracles which no
170 REVELA7I0N AND THE BIBLE.
criticism has been able to explain away. And,
indeed, it is only when criticism has thoroughly
done its work in showing the real conditions of the
problem, that we adequately realise what a miracle it
is. If that anonymous speaker of the Exile spoke
his own words, if he was not the mouthpiece of God
Himself, who alone knows the end from the begin-
ning, and has marked out the lines of His working
amongst men, how, we may well ask, and on what
conceivable theory, can the quite obvious facts of
these chapters (Isa. xl.-lxvi.) be explained ?
lliird Period, 520-420 B.C. The writings which
fall into this group may be briefly cited and described
thus: First of all come Haggai and Zechariah, whose
prophetic work consisted in the encouragement of the
returning exiles to undertake the task of rebuilding
the Temple (520-518 B.C.). The former of these two
is severely practical, and introduces no imaginative
light into his work ; but Zechariah evidently sees in
the civil ruler Zerubbabel and in the priest Joshua a
mysterious foreshadowing of that ideal King whom
the prophets at the beginning of the Exile had led the
people to expect (vi. 12, 13), and in the ordinances of
the restored Temple he recognises a spiritual mean-
ing, for even the fasts are to be feasts of truth and
peace (viii. 19). Next in chronological order comes
the great prophecy (Isa. xxiv.-xxvii.), which may be
THE PROPHETS. 171
safely ascribed to these early days of the restoration
(500 B.C.). With all the varied imagery and passionate
lyric beauty of an Isaiah this prophet sings the faith
and hope of the restored Community in a way which
Haggai and Zechariah could never have done. One
might say to those who would know what inspiration
is, Read these four chapters ; and to those who imagine
that the Higher Criticism is injurious to the idea of
revelation the question may fairly be put : Does not
this clear and earnest utterance gain in power and
significance when it is placed in its right connection
and understood as the Spirit of God animating and
directing His nascent Church in the moment of its
troubled and doubtful attempts to reform its life after
the depression of the Babylonian captivity? It is an
instructive exercise in the understanding of revelation
to compare these writings of the years 520-500 B.C.
in Israel with the teaching of the great Chinese sage,
Confucius, who was approximately a contemporary
(558-478 B.C.). The contrast between the severe
morality, accompanied by a complete religious
Agnosticism, which formed the most vital force in
the vast Eastern Empire, and the intense belief in a
living God as the spring of all moral conduct (cf. Isa.
xxvi. i-io), which burned in the heart of this hand-
ful of " feeble Jews " in the rebuilt Jerusalem, suffi-
ciently illustrates the difference between natural and
172 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
revealed religion. From Confucius has sprung China
as we know it to-day ; from Haggai, Zechariah, and
the unknown author of Isa. xxiv.-xxvii., has sprung
Christendom, with its inner principles of progress, its
trust in God, its belief in the Resurrection (cf. Isa.
xxvi. 16-19).
After 500 B.C. prophetic voices are silent for half a
century or more, and then come several brief writings,
which are hardly understood by us because of the
imperfect editing to which they have been subjected.
Grouping them around the year 430 B.C., which may
be regarded, curious to say, as the middle point of
Buddha's ministry in the East (480-400 B.C.), we may
arrange them thus : " Three Burdens of the word of
the Lord," which appear in our Bible as (i) Zech.
ix.-xi., xiii. 7-9; (2) Zech. xii.-xiii. 6, xiv. ; (3)
Malachi. The first of these " burdens " is very difficult
to rightly place ; its general character seems to point
to the circumstances of the Eighth Century, while
Ephraim and Judah were still in a sense a brother-
hood (xi. 14). On the other hand, the mention of
Greece (ix. 13) suggests a much later period than
430 B.C. But this burden contains the forecast of
the lowly King who was one day to come to Zion,
and the denunciation of the false shepherds, the
corrupt rulers who were to precede the coming of the
rightful King (xiii. 7-9). Whenever it was written,
THE PROPHETS. 173
or by whom, matters comparatively little. It is full
of Divine foresight and beauty. The Second Burden
is a somewhat obscure forecast of the coming supre-
macy of Jerusalem, against which the nations, in-
cluding Judah, rage in vain. A great spiritual revival
was to come, accompanied b}' a mourning for the
Pierced One (xii. 10, &c.) ; prophecy was to vanish
along with idolatry (xiii. 2-6) ; waters of cleansing
were to issue from Jerusalem (xiii. 8, xiv. 8), and
holiness of worship was to become universal (xiv.
16-21). If we are right, with Professor Driver, in
regarding this as an utterance from the later period
of the restored community, we can hardly fail to see
that the approach of the Lord Jesus Christ was
already casting a light before it. The Third Burden,
attributed to Malachi {i.e., "My messenger," iii. i),
gives a sad picture of the religious laxity and in-
difference which prevailed in those days of expecta-
tion. This prophet also was expecting the "coming
of Yahveh to his temple ; " it appeared to him as a
great and terrible day, a season of purification and
vengeance. But the singular feature of the prophecy
is its insistence on the ritual of the Temple. It
reveals to us the very striking fact that even the
latest and fullest revelation of God before Christ
Jesus came had not disentangled the idea of God as
a Spirit from the symbolic manifestations of God in
[74 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
the forms of sacrifice and worship. The work of
these " last utterances " of ancient prophecy is so
remarkable that we may freely admit the limitations
which only the Son of God Himself would be able
to remove.
But, to complete our review of the writings which
belong to this period, we are perhaps justified in re-
garding Joel as a prophet whose function it was to
repeat the message of the older prophets to the men
of his own day (after 430 B.C.), when the land was
threatened and ravaged by an unusual swarm of
locusts, which was to him the symbol of the judgment
on his people. His was a time when the worship of the
Temple was regularly performed, and the priests were
held in deserved estimation ; but it was given to
him to foretell a day when the Outpouring of the
Holy Spirit would be manifested in Jerusalem, when
the hostility of the nations should be overcome, and
the healing waters of which Zech. xiv. speaks should
flow out from Jerusalem. In common with all these
lat^r prophets he creates a sense of expectation ; a
time of spiritual refreshing is yet to come.
To this later period of Jewish Prophecy we must
assign two books which differ from the autograph
writings of Prophets in being historical tractates, in-
cluding perhaps the utterances of the men whose
doings form their subject, Jonah and Daniel. The
THE PROPHETS. 175
dates of these books are approximately fixed b}' the
language ; the Aramaisms of Jonah determine its post-
exilic origin ; while a number of converging proofs,
historical and linguistic, go to show that the Book
of Daniel was written in the Greek period of Jewish
history, and probably as late as the time of Antiochus
Epiphanes, 167 B.C. It is the recognition of the dates
at which these books were produced that at once
enables us to appreciate their value in the history
of revelation. The author of the first of these books
takes a traditional story about Jonah, the prophet
who lived at the beginning of the Eighth Century B.C.,
in order to convey through it a theological lesson of
the utmost value, viz., the concern and the love of
God for His children who were outside the borders of
His chosen people. The Divine pity for Nineveh, and
the reluctance of an Israelitish prophet to recognise
and welcome such saving compassion, form a theme
which is a stepping-stone from the Old Testament to
the New. While we have no reason for regardino-
the historical part of the book as a narration of
facts, we have every reason for treating the theology
of the book as a revelation of God.
The author of Daniel has treated the stories which
were current in the Jewish community concerning the
famous child of the Captivity in a similar way. His im-
mediate object in writing the book was to bring hope
176 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
and encouragement to his distressed people in the
cruel times of persecution under Antiochus. We
need not be disturbed that the historical details in
the book are inexact, and that the strenuous efforts
to elucidate them have failed. It is not as history
that the book is valuable,^ but as a picture of the
Theological beliefs which had become the precious
possession of the Jewish Church ; it shows us that
the coming of the Messiah, the expectation of a
judgment on the world, the faith in a resurrection of
the righteous, had been revealed to the men of the
Second Temple ; and in this way the Book of Daniel
serves an invaluable purpose in the Canon of the Old
Testament Scriptures.
After thus briefly reviewing the three groups of
prophetic writings, we may attempt to characterise in
general terms the revelation which they convey. If
we accept the later date for the Book of Daniel, these
writings extend over a period of six hundred years
(760-160 B.C.) ; and what do they contain ? First of
all they contain the record of a Divine dealing with
the people of Israel to which there is no parallel in
the history of any other nation. For the guidance
and instruction, the moulding and development, of
^ Prof. Sayce, in Expository Times, Dec, 1891, shows how the
" historical " chapters of Daniel are merely examples of Jewish
Haggadah.
THE PROPJIETS. 177
this people a series of men appear who can use the
authoritative lanjruage, " Thus saith the Lord " ; men
who do not derive their message or their power from
poh'tical or ecclesiastical sources, but from a direct
communication with God, maintained sometimes by
vision and trance and dream, sometimes by the more
ordinary channels of the understanding, the judg-
ment, or the imagination. Now listened to with
respect, now rejected with scorn, these spiritual
leaders of their people maintain through the centuries
the fixed belief that Jehovah is the God of Israel, and
has in store for His nation a great and wonderful
destiny. When at last the prophetic voices grow silent,
Israel is left in an attitude of expectation, waiting for
what was called " The Hope of Israel," the person so
constantly sketched in the language of the prophets,
and described by the Targu mists as the Anointed
One, or Messias.
But in the next place this progressive revelation/;w;/
God implied a progressive revelation of God. With a
firm hand these prophets, from the first to the last,
trace the lineaments of the Unseen Being that *' in-
habits eternity " ; with ever-increasing clearness they
identify Him with Righteousness, declare His purpose
of punishing sin, and as time goes on. His wonderful
intention of saving the sinner. We can never say,
even in the highest thought of the Prophets, that God
13
178 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
is revealed as He was afterwards revealed in the In-
carnation of the Son, but there are frequent adum-
brations of that supreme revelation which are startling
in their beauty and power ; and all through, the God
of the Prophets is a Being removed by an immeasur-
able distance from the noblest conceptions of their
greatest contemporaries, Confucius, Buddha, or Plato.
And once more, with this progressive revelation
of God is naturally combined a clearer and keener
ethical judgment. The laws of human conduct are
stated with remarkable authority. In some depart-
ments of life, especially in social and political
ideals, the prophets reach a level which even
Christian nations have not yet attained. If the law
of the Inward Life could not be fully understood
until the New Covenant was made, and the writing
of the law on the heart could only be effected by the
Spirit, the law of the communal life, including the
conditions of a happy and prosperous state, is laid
down in a way which can hardly be explained except
by admitting the direct inspiration of God.
Finally, with the fuller definition of the Divine
Nature, and of human conduct, comes the gradual
apprehension of a future state, a resurrection from
the dead, and the final glory of the righteous. How
far this is to be included in the idea of revelation is
open to some question ; for no Old Testament
THE PROPHETS. 179
writer is so explicit about the Rewards and Punish-
ments in the next world as Plato, for example, is, in
the Gorgias and the Republic. But in the brief and
simple expressions concerning the resurrection, which
we find in Isa. xxvi. 19, or in Dan. xii. 3, we cer-
tainly get an impression of a revelation rising like a
star above the horizon, which affords a striking con-
trast with the elaborate mythology in which Plato
clothes the same kind of doctrine. And the very
reticence of the Prophets on the subject— for they
confine themselves almost entirely to forecasts of an
earthly paradise and a state of blessedness to be
realised in a human society with its centre in Jeru-
salem — lends a peculiar emphasis to this tiny dew-
drop of distinct belief which distils from the body of
their utterances.
On the whole it may be said that the new way of
treating the Scriptures which has resulted from the
Hig-her Criticism has enhanced rather than lessened
the significance, the wonder, the revelation, of the
Prophets. One almost pities our fathers for the com-
paratively feeble light which was derived from these
wonderful writings by those who only found in them
a few crude verbal references to details in the life of
our Lord, and — in the Book of Daniel at any rate — a
very confusing attempt to forecast the future events
of history. If the prophets had been what our
i8o REVELATION AND THE BIBLR.
fathers supposed them to be, they would not have
been nearly so remarkable as they are. Astrologists
and modern almanack-makers have often been singu-
larly successful in foreshadowing or even foredating
events in a distant future. But no other religion and
no other literature exhibits the Divine marks which
we have traced in the writings of the Prophets. As
the leaders of a unique and chosen people, as the
revealers of the One and Holy God, as the Spiritual
Seers of eternal truths, as the teachers of the highest
laws of human conduct, they stand on an elevation
from which, we may safely say, nothing is able to re-
move them, nothing, that is, except it be the blind
and unintelligent dogmatism of religious partisans
and opinionated apologists. We may well say, in
the words which the Chronicler places in the mouth
of Jehoshaphat, " Believe in the Lord your God, so
shall }'e be established ; believe his propJieis, so shall
ye prosper" (2 Chron. xx. 20).
CHAPTER VII,
THE " KETHUBIM.
The uncouth title at the head of this chapter is the
Hebrew word for Writings, and is the term employed
in the Jewish Canon to cover the third division of the
Old Testament books, of which the Law and the
Prophets are the two first. We have already made an
inroad into the KetJiiibiin, or Hagiographa, as they
were called in Greek, by classing the Chronicles and
Daniel among the histories and the prophets. It is
significant of the estimate which the Jewish Scribes
formed of those two works that they were included
in the third, and the avowedly less authoritative,
section of the Scriptures. We are now to review
the contents and try to estimate the revelational
quality of the remaining works which are included
in this Third Volume, as we may term it, of the Old
Testament. We have eight different writings to deal
with, and they are so various in their character and
^8^
1 82 REVELATION' AND THE BIBLE.
their quality that it is difficult even to group them.
If we arrange them according to their literary form,
we may say five of them, Psalms, Proverbs, Job, the
Song of Solomon, and Lamentations, are poetry ; two,
Ruth and Esther, are idyllic passages of history ; and
one, Ecclesiastes, is a species of didactic prose, which
at times passes into poetry. But a more convenient
division for the practical purpose which we have in
view will be this :— first, the Psalms, or the National
Hymn Book of Judaism ; second, the Wisdom Litera-
ture, Proverbs, Job, and Ecclesiastes, which may
represent the Philosophical writings, as they would
have been called in Greece, of Judaism ; third, the
four remaining works, which can only be classified by
a very general name, the Miscellanea of the Old Tes-
tament, The Song, Ruth, Lamentations, and Esther.^
The general place of inferiority which the Jews
assigned to these writings is not countenanced by the
Christian judgment. If among them are included
some of the least valuable, it is quite clear that they
embrace some of the most priceless utterances, of the
Old Testament, And it may serve as a warning to
'^ In the Jewish Church these four and Ecclesiastes were simply entitled
the Five Rolls (Megilloth), because they were publicly read at the follow-
ing festivals : — The Song of Solomon, at the Passover, in March (Nisan) ;
Ruth, at Pentecost, in May (Sivan) ; Lamentations, at the Commemora-
tion of the Destruction of Jerusalem, in July (Ab) ; Ecclesiastes, at
the Feast of Booths, in September (Tisri) ; Esther, at the Feast of
Purim, in February (Adar).
THE '' kethubim:' 183
lis never to be guided by the Jewish estimate of these
ancient writings if we remember that in Jewish opinion
the Prophets were of inferior authority to the Law,
and the Hagiographa quite subordinate to both ; or if
any exception was to be made, it was the Book of
Esther, which claimed a position of pre-eminence, and
might rank even before the Prophets.^ The way in
which the Jews regarded the Scriptures was, as our
Lord told them, misleading and perverted. The fact
that they esteemed books highly may generally be
regarded as an argument /^r contra. Without hesita-
tion Christianity has reversed their decisions, and
probably we should all be agreed in placing the
Psalms in the forefront of Old Testament Revelation,
while the Prophets and the Law would close up the
ranks immediately behind. Let us turn, then, to the
Book of Psalms.
Now it is one of the strangest illustrations of the
way in which the Church allows herself to be led by
the Synagogue that she has in times past constantly
confused the question of the Revelation in the
Psalms with the very secondary matter of their
authorship. The Scribes and Pharisees, working with-
out any critical acumen, and with the pedantic spirit,
the arbitrary dogmatism, and the irrational exegesis,
which are sufficiently characterised and castigated in
Driver, Introduction, p. 452.
1 84 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
the New Testament,had ascribed a large number of the
Psahns to the great national hero, David. They were
not content with idly asserting his authorship ; they
even in some cases wrote in the titles the circum-
stances in which the poems had been composed. By
the curious and unintelligent confusions of tradition
these titles and worthless critical scholia of the
Jewish literati became identified with the text ; and to
many a worthy Christian even to-day it appears as
if the repudiation of these glosses was a denial of the
Psalms, and a refusal to admit their inspiration. It
is important, therefore, for us to broadly state that
the nature of the revelation contained in the Psalms
is of such a character that it cannot possibly be
affected by the doubt concerning their authorship.
Many of the most beautiful Psalms are confessedly
anonymous, others are attributed to authors whose
names are known to us mainly because of this attribu-
tion ; and the Psalms which an uncritical speculation
ascribed to David remain precisely what they were if
we see reason to dispute his authorship. The ques-
tion, then, Who wrote the Psalms, and when were they
written ? may be dismissed at once as entirely irrele-
vant to our present inquiry.
The nature of the Revelation contained in these
unique compositions may be defined by an illustra-
tion. In a reflector-telescope the heavenly bodies are
THE '' kethubim:' 185
thrown upon a mirror at the bottom of the great
tube, and the astronomer studies them by gazing not
at the stars themselves, but at the image which lies
before him in his instrument. In much the same way
the personality of the psalmist receives into itself the
reflection of the Heavenlies, and especially of God
Himself, and we, like the astronomer, are permitted
to study the Divine images presented in these human
minds. Or in order further to illustrate the process,
let us suppose that we are endeavouring to form some
conception of the Heavens by looking into lakes
and streams among the hills ; there will be many
varieties of correctness and completeness ; now the
troubled wave will show the trembling image of a
planet, broken and variable ; now the still mountain
tarn will reveal in its bosom the perfect orb like a
moveless lamp ; sometimes the crisping wind which
sweeps the surface of the water will blot out, as with
a tumult of passion, the whole of the reflected sky ;
sometimes, again, the gentle waves will show no
image, but only the broad sheen of the sunlight or
the moonlight. Now borrowing from the idea of the
telescope the conception that the psalmists are not
ordinary persons, not even ordinary poets, but singu-
lar and gifted personalities that mirror God more
distinctly than the common human sight can see
Him ; and borrowing from the simile of waters the
1 86 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
truth that the moods, the changes, the defects, of these
personaHties constantly modify the image of Divine
things which is reflected in them, we may form a not
wholly inadequate notion of the religious qualities in
the Psalms. There are many memorable passages
where the still, receptive soul of the poet throws back
the well-nigh faultless image of God, and we can con-
template with wonder and gratitude the face which no
man has seen. There are many other passages where
the poet submits himself to the Heavenly Light, and
reveals to us a human being filled with God, exultant
in the sense of union, of dependence, of peace, and
of rapture. There are other Psalms in which the
poet takes into his heart his whole nation, sets him-
self to speak of its history, its triumphs, its punish-
ment, its healing, or sings of the King and the
Throne, the Temple and its services, the Law and its
precepts ; and here the God-filled soul presents in the
Divine Light the deep significance of these things.
The suffering nation, as in Second Isaiah, becomes,
mysteriously and unconsciously, a forecast of the
Saviour ; the records of national history become
a type of God's dealings with the Church ; the
songs of the King chant the Ideal King, such a
king as never was until Jesus came ; and " the songs
of degrees," sung by the worshippers in the Second
Temple, express the praise not only of Christians
THE ' ' KE THUBIMr 1 87
assembling on earth, but of the multitude whom no
man can number before the throne. In a word, these
lyric minds, when clean and polished, reflect the very
Being of God, and His thought for His people and
the world, with a richness and a beauty to which
there is hardly a parallel even in the writings of the
Prophets. The Revelation of the Psalms is only
difficult to define because it is so manifest and vast ;
like the light, it dazzles the eyes which attempt to
contemplate it.
But our illustration enables us to understand the
inequalities in the Psalms. There are some passages
in which the subjective medium disturbs the clearness
of the Divine image, passages where human passion
struggles with Divine Revelation, passages which
rather present the desire for God than the realisation
of Him. Not infrequently the cry of distress turns
the psalm into a dirge, though sometimes the progress
of the poem displays the gradual recovery of peace
and trust in God. In some psalms the fierce impre-
catory vengeance of a persecuted man, or nation,
breaks out in a way which is the exact opposite of
what our Lord requires in His followers, so that
Christians who attempt to sing these psalms as the
expression of their own religious life justify afresh the
complaint of our Saviour, " Ye search the Scriptures,
, . . but ye will not come unto me." If there are
1 88 REVELATION AND 7 HE BIBLE.
phases of spiritual life and visions of Divine Truth
in the Psalms which make us feel that even the New
Testament can carry us no farther, there are also
represented in this Hymn Book passions, moods,
doubts, fears, which it is the object of the Gospel to
correct rather than to encourage. If now and again
in the light of God a psalmist rises to the great con-
ception of an immortality beyond the grave, in other
places the dark vail which overhangs the tomb is
unpierced, and the poet still believes that death
means the silence and the bloodless inactivity of
the Shades, according to the general conception of
Antiquity. It is, then, in this book, where revelation
is most unmistakable, that the mechanical notion of
revelation is m.ost inadmissible. Without a criterion,
without a spirit of discrimination, we not only lose
the real religious teaching of the book, but we hope-
lessly confuse what we do not lose. By putting upon
precisely the same level the lyric utterances of men
who are full of the Spirit and those of men who are
only imperfectly subjected to that Divine Influence,
and by calling the poems of both kinds the Word
of God, we make it almost impossible for the simple
mind to understand what the Word of God is.
Nothing could be farther from the truth than to
describe Psalm Ixxxiii., for example, as the Word
of God ; it is by its very form the word of men, of
TIIE " KETHUBIM:' 189
men, too, who have not entered very deeply into the
counsels of God ; it is in all probability a stirring cry
from the time of the Maccabees,^ when the Jewish
Communit}' was seeking to re-establish the ancient
spirit of national independence ; it breathes all the
strength, all the nobility, all the high religious con-
viction of that important era ; it is inspired by a
passionate faith in Yahveh, and by a genuine desire to
drive all nations into the confession and worship of
the supreme name ; but to confuse this impassioned
national sentiment, this fierce hatred of the nation's
enemies, this wild imprecation,
O my God, make them like the whirHng dust,
As stubble before the wind,
with the thought or the heart of the Eternal, is not
reverence to God, though it has sometimes been
regarded as respect to the Bible. And if the ques-
tion is asked. How, then, are w^e to know which parts
of the Psalms are revelation and which are not, or by
what test can we measure the degree of revelation
and the admixture of merely human feeling in any
particular composition ? the answer may be very
confidently given : The Word of God authenticates
itself ; it does not rest upon the authority of the
Scriptures, as some people strangely seem to think,
' Prof. Cheyne, in his BaniptoH Lectures, may be said to have proved
the Maccabean date of this Psalm.
I90 KEVELAriON AND THE BIBLE.
but the Scriptures derive all their authority from the
Word of God which speaks in them. The difficulty
is not so great as the defenders of a rigid orthodoxy
would represent. Light is manifest of itself, and is
not the less manifest because of the shadows which are
made when it falls upon the various objects in its
path ; the Light of God is similarly manifest, and to a
candid mind that Light streams through the Psalter,
and is not really liable to any confusion or obscura-
tion because of the human elements which stand as
objects in its way. And for the Christian, for one,
that is, who has found in Christ the interpretative
Word of God, the Psalms deliver their message with-
out any serious stammering on account of the human
tongues which speak them. We use Psalm li. for our
confession, Psalm xxxii. for the joy of our pardon,
Psalm ciii. for the utterance of our sanctification.
Psalm xxiii. for the expression of our joyful rest in
our Redeemer, and so on, without any temptation to
take upon our lips the words of gloom or doubt, the
cries of anger and revenge, or the imperfect views of
God which occur in other parts of the book. It can-
not be too often repeated that the difficulties in
grasping the Revelation contained in Scripture are
not created by the Scriptures themselves, which are
singularly self-evidential and self-discriminative, but
by the Theory of Revelation which was borrowed
THE '' KETHUBIMr 191
from Judaism and incautiously adopted by the
Christian Church. ^
But, secondly, \vc are to look at the Wisdom
Literature, three specimens of which appear amongst
the Hagiographa. We say specimens only, because
there are outside the Canon two books at least,
belonging to the same class, which are excluded
for reasons which it would be hard to formulate.
But the Book of Wisdom is not only of great
intrinsic value ; it affords a most interesting link
in one phase of revelation, viz., the connection
between the personified Wisdom of Proverbs viii.
and the Wisdom of God, Christ Jesus.^ And
Ecclesiasticus is, as a treatise on ethics, superior
to the book which bears a similar name in our
English Bible. We are not, however, engaged in
estimating the Revelation of books outside our
Canon, and we may therefore confine our attention
to the three works in the Bible which may be classed
among the Wisdom Literature.
Now it may be at once observed that the very
' Professor Driver's terse description of the religious qualities of the
Psalter, in his Introduction (p. 346), though it says nothing about the
criterion by which the reader is to distinguish the religious truths from
the religious half-truths, or errors, in the Psalms, sufficiently shows how
entirely the spiritual value of this most precious part of the Old Testa-
ment remains unaffected by the frankest treatment to which Criticism
has subjected it.
^ It is from this book that the striking expression in Heb. 1. 3 is
borrowed.
192 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
nature of Wisdom as it is understood in Hebrew
writings is in distinct antithesis to Revelation in the
more specific sense of the word. Wisdom, or
Philosophy, is the result of exercising the thoroughly-
human faculties of observation and reasoning upon
the world, man, and human life. Of course every
Theist admits that in the last resort all truth may be
traced up to God. But truth derived through the
medium of the ordinary perceptions and judgments
is not what we usually intend by Revelation. If we
were to give this loose and inaccurate connotation
to the word we should be obliged to include Plato,
Aristotle, Cicero, Confucius, among inspired writers.
In the Wisdom Literature, as such, we have those
observations of moral truth, and those interpreta-
tions of life, which may be reached by any earnest
and reflecting mind ; and wherein the course of these
books we encounter truths or ideas which may be
regarded more specifically as revelation it is safe to
say that they appear as part of the common stock
of beliefs which the writers held as members of a
specific religious community rather than as particular
revelations delivered to them. The Philosophy of
Judaism was necessarily tinged with the great truths
which are contained in the Prophets, the Psalms, and
the Law, but as Philosophy, or human speculation,
it must be very sharply distinguished from Divine
The '^kethubim:' m
Revelation. It is the more necessary to insist on
this because there are some statements and opinions
contained in these three books which can only be
ascribed to God at the cost of lowering our whole
conception of Him. Great indeed is the responsi-
bility of teachers who have led ignorant people to
suppose that all the prudential maxims of the
Proverbs, all the frenetic arguments of Job, and all
the pessimistic enda^monism of Ecclesiastes are to be
considered, as a matter of faith, the specific words of
God.
It may, however, be said : If these Wisdom Books
are merely human philosophy, what place have they
in a book of Divine Revelation ? The answer will
perhaps appear plainer after we have briefly glanced
at the contents of the books ; but it must be very
distinctly affirmed that the notion of all the writings
which are included in our Hebrew Canon, being a
Revelation, or even of a revelational character, is
quite arbitrary and unsupported by any satisfactory
authority. If there are writings in the Old Testa-
ment which are not revelation, they are not made
revelation by being bound up in the volume. It is a
matter of specific inquiry, which must not be pre-
judiced by any foregone conclusion, to determine
whether these writings are or are not revelation.
Now, looking at the Book of Proverbs, we observe
14
194 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
at once that its several parts differ considerably from
one another in religious quality. There are large
tracts of the book {e.g., chaps, xxv.-xxix., chap. xxx.
10-33, chap. xxxi. 1-9) which contain only a remote
or an occasional reference to ideas of a specifically
religious character. On the other hand, the main
body of the book, x.-xxiv., is full of religious
references, and of sound moral teaching ; it is like
the splendid revelations of the Prophets broken up
into current coin for daily circulation ; while the
Introduction, chaps, i.-ix., is among the most wonder-
ful passages of the Old, Testament. It is almost
impossible, while we follow the grave and stately
eloquence of the writer, to resist the conviction that
his moral earnestness is becoming a vehicle of
revelation, and his eyes are lifted up to see under
the form of Wisdom, — a personal agent, the first-
born child of the Creator, standing beside Him and
directing Him in the work of Creation, afterwards in
history inspiring kings and princes with their best
thoughts, delighting in the sons of men, and promis-
ing abundant reward to those who will commit
themselves to her guidance, — that Word of God who
was one day to become flesh and save the men whom
He loved.
The Higher Criticism, in teaching us to distinguish
not only between different aphorisms in the collection.
THE -'KETHUBIMr I95
but also between the body of the book and this
magnificent Introduction, has enabled us more firmly
to grasp the revelation of such a passage as this
without committing ourselves to a judgment on all
the scattered precepts which form the collections of
proverbs. We are able to hear the voice of God
speaking to us in such places as x. 27, 29, xv. 33-xvi.
9, XXV. 21, 22, XXX. 5, 6, without perplexing tender
consciences by telling them that xxvii. 22 is a word
of God, that xxx. 15, 16 is an inspired utterance, or
that xxxi. 6, 7 is a precept emanating from the lips
that spoke the Sermon on the Mount. It is on the
ground of the Revelation in the book, a revelation
plainly perceptible to the religious reader, that we
may vindicate its place among the Old Testament
writings, but we are not entitled to say that its place
there gives to all its contents the quality of revelation.
The Proverbial Philosophy of the Hebrews bears
innumerable traces of the comparatively high spiritual
ideals in the midst of which it grew up, and the book
containing it happened to be edited by an inspired
writer who was able to wTite the immortal Introduc-
tion ; but if we would appreciate the revelation in it
we must read with a discriminating spirit.
The second book of the Wisdom Literature, Job, is
one of the most fascinating works in religious, or,
indeed, in any literature, and we must exercise a
[g6 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
severe restraint in not enlarg-ing our study of it out
of proportion to our present inquiry. Here is
philosophy robed in the many-coloured mantle of
Poetry. Here is one of the gravest problems of
human life discussed in a half-dramatic form, and
with a wealth of language, a splendour of imagery,
and a fine tumult of thought, to which no other
composition in the world affords an exact parallel.
But how far is this Philosophy a Divine Philosophy }
How far does the inspiration overstep the limits of a
poetical afflatus and become the voice of God speak-
ing through human lips } What are the solid grains
of imperishable truth given as revelation, not to be
given in any other way, through this immortal poem?
These are the questions before us. First of all, it is
necessary to remind ourselves of the date and the
character of the book ; for through overlooking these
most important considerations the whole scope of
the revelation in it has been misapprehended.
Scholars are practically agreed to-day that both on
linguistic and theological grounds the date must be
sought in the Exile ; and a new beauty and meaning
are discovered in the book when one realises that
Job is in the author's mind a personification of the
suffering Israel, and a companion picture to the
similar representation in the contemporary prophet,
ii. Isaiah. The old and crude notion that, because
THE " kethubim:' 197
the condition of society depicted in the book is
patriarchal, the author lived in or near the patriarchal
times, is no more conclusive than if one were to argue
from Paradise Lost that the author lived in Paradise
or shortly after the expulsion from the Garden.
For this leads us to observe that the Book of Job
is a Poem of the same literary type as Milton's
Epic. All except chaps, i., ii., the introduction,
chap, xxxii. 1-5, and the closing paragraph, chap,
xlii. 7-17, is in the metrical form of Hebrew Poetry.
An attentive reader with any literary sense would
no more dream of committing the author to the
assertion that the things which he described really
happened than ot charging Milton with unveracity
for describing the Battle in Heaven or the con-
versation between Raphael and Adam. Literary
men and scholars of all kinds have understood this
ever since the dawn of modern Biblical Scholar-
'ship, but the difficulty is to get ordinary reli-
gious people to see that this perfectly obvious fact
may be admitted without destroying our belief in
revelation. It is of course quite possible, and even
likely, that the story is founded on tradition. The
man of Uz was no doubt a type of patient endurance;
but the great unknown poet who wrote the book used
the tradition just as Tennyson has used the legend of
Arthur in the Idyls of the King. The very form of
198 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
the narrative shows that he does not even wish to
make his story seem a hard and Hteral record of fact.
The numerical statement of Job's possessions, the
methodical account of his bereavements, and the
exact duplication of the property in the day when
" the Lord turned the captivity of Job," show that the
details are simply the product of poetic composition.
The poet conceives his own conditions, and presents
the scenery and properties in his own way, for his
object is not historical or biographical, but didactic
and ethical. To gravely argue, therefore, that the
Prologue of this Poem is to be accepted as a revela-
tion of what takes place in Heaven, a revelation that
the sons of God and Satan meet there before the
Lord, is not only a most misleading religious dogma,
but also a childish and grotesque literary misconcep-
tion. This unimaginative literalism is of a piece with
Babbage's suggestion that the Poet Laureate should
correct the famous verse which occurs in the Vision
of Sin, and, in the interests of mathematical accuracy,
read : —
For every moment dies a man,
And one and a sixteenth is born.
When the literary facts are fully understood, the
kind of arguments which have been reared on the
poetical properties of the Book of Job will seem
hardly less amazing than this.
THE '' KETHUBJMr 199
But now, fully realising that we are studying a
great and noble poem written in the Captivity by an
Israelite who was seeking to understand the mystery
of sorrow, and the explanation of the calamity which
had befallen the chosen people, we may proceed to
state in a few words the gist of his thought. He
labours, in the dialogue between Job and the friends,
to demonstrate that suffering is not necessarily the
penalty of sin ; it may be the test and the trial of
righteousness. God is not merely a Judge who
awards punishment to sinners. He is also a Father
who would make His sons perfect through suffering,
and will bring them through temptation to a more
prosperous and happy issue than could be reached by
any less painful way. The poet does not hesitate to
put into Job's mouth the wild and almost desperate
conflict of thought through whicii the severe con-
clusion is at least reached. We are permitted to hear
the sufferer charging God with injustice, vehemently
declaring his own innocence, and almost sinking
under the intolerable weight of the current theory
that suffering is always penal, until deliverance comes
in an escape from this narrow and incomplete view of
God and His dealings with men. As this passionate
argument proceeds, one great truth after another is
struck out like sparks from the impact of steel on
flint. Sometimes in the mouth of Job, sometimes in
20O REVELATJON AND THE BIBLE.
the mouths of the friends who '* darken counsel," come
brilh'ant flashes which deserve, if ever anything uttered
by human h'ps deserved, the name of Revelation. It
is not Job, or Eliphaz, or Zophar, or Bildad, that
speaks ; it is always this great unknown poet who
has searched into the very heart of things ; nay, it is
not he, but God, the God who has been revealed to
him in his earnest and passionate search. Thus here
for the first time in Scripture is portrayed the action
of Conscience (xv. 20 ff ) in language which finds an
echo in Juvenal, the greatest ethical poet of Rome.^
And if, on the principle of definition we have adopted,
we hesitate to describe as revelation a truth which is
so necessarily perceived in " the conscious breast " of
man when he comes to reflect, we can hardly refuse
to give the term revelation to that magnificent
assurance of a future life and a Divine Vindicator
which is borne in upon the sufferer when human
friends fail to understand him (xix. 23-27). It is
true that Plato taught a similar doctrine, and a belief
in a future life plays a greater part in ancient literature
generally than in the Old Testament writings, but the
point to observe is the nature and ground of the
conviction which leads to the faith. Job is represented
Evasisse putes quos diri conscia facti
Mens habet attonitos el surdo verbere credit,
Obscurum quatiente animo tortore flagellum ?
THE " KETHUBIMr
as literally battling his way through doubt and mis-
giving to a belief in a beneficent God (x. 8-12), and
thence to an idea of reconciliation with God (xiv.
13-15), finally to win through to the conviction
that God will clear him and manifest his innocence
(xvi. 18), and he himself shall see God in the glad
after life (xix. 25-27). The revelation seems to lie
not so much in the hope of immortality as in the
method by which that hope grows to a certainty in
the poet's heart. But looking at Revelation in the most
specific sense we are bound to confess that God is
revealed in this book with a fulness which marks in
some respects an advance beyond the highest teaching
in other parts of the Old Testament. Nowhere else
in any literature has the Revelation of God in Nature
been presented with such impressive magnificence
or such a musical diapason of imagery and rhythm.
Even the grandeur of ii. Isaiah and the lyric inspira-
tion of Psalms civ. and cxxxix. fall below the highest
notes of the Book of Job. And the peculiar and
striking conception o^ the God revealed in Nature as
identical with the Father of mankind who orders all
human events for glorious moral ends, is one of those
precious truths which once gained can never be lost.
The writing which first withdrew the veil and enabled
human eyes to see it is indeed in the strictest sense
of the term a revelation. The ethical teaching of the
REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
book which aims at producing holy conduct as the
best substitute men can find for that wisdom which in
its fulness belongs only to God, is secondary to the
teaching about God Himself; but merely as a vivid
light on human life, as a guide to conduct, as a
powerful inspiration to justice, purity, truth, and
mercy, the Book of Job must rank among the words
of God which are a lamp to our path.
The questions, therefore, which were raised by this
particular book receive no doubtful answer when the
study of the book is completed : the Philosophy of
the- book is human, but it is the struggle, and the
successful struggle, of human thought to reach the
Divine thought, and if the struggle is human the
issue is Divine. And because of this Divine action
which plays throughout the poem in the thought of
the writer we have to candidly admit that this is no
mere poetical inspiration. Here is poetry of a high
order, but there is more than poetry here ; this poet
is speaking from experience when he says : —
Now a thing was secretly brought to me,
And mine ear received a whisper thereof,
In thoughts from the visions of the night
When deep sleep falleth on man.
* * *
Then a spirit passed before my face.
A form was before mine eyes,
Silence — and I heard a voice,
Shall mortal man be more just than God ? (v. 12-17).
THE " KETHUBIMr 203
And because of this immediate trafficking of the
poet's spirit with the Spirit of his God truths are
manifested, truths which come only from God ; the
Eternal Being, the Maker of Heaven and Earth,
passes before us, and we too see Him with our eyes,
as well as hear Him with our ears ; and in the
light of His self-manifestation, our life on earth, with
its inexplicable sorrows, receives a new interpreta-
tion. Not only is the captivity of Israel turned, but
the captivity of the Human Race is as it were
visited, and to it is given the promise of a Redemption.
The third book of the Wisdom Literature, which is
known in Hebrew as QoJieleth, a feminine or neuter
noun signifying " that which preaches," and in the
Greek Version, and thence transferred to our Bible,
as Ecclesiastes^ is a work of the latest times before
the coming of Christ. We may safely say that it
owes its place in the Canon to the fact that the
writer wrote under the name of Israel's early king,
Solomon, and also to the orthodox touches which
were put to it later, as has been supposed, by
one who wished to save its reputation. ^ Otherwise
this most irreligious of religious books would never
have been regarded as revelation. To speak of it
' Cheyne, yi?/-" and Solomon, p. 204, who points out that xii. \a^ and
xii. 13, 14, are additions quite out of harmony with the general spirit of
the book, and hence argues that they are probably additions.
204 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
as the Word of God is an impiety. The author's
radically false theory is " that there is nothing better
for a man than that he should eat and drink and
enjoy life" as well as he can under the miserable
circumstances (ii. 24-26, iii. 16-22, viii. 10-15,
ix. 7-10, xi. 9). In his opinion " all is vanity and
the pursuit of wind." His sweeping condemnation
of women (vii. 28), his idea that man is on a level
with the beasts (iii. 16-22), his craven counsel to
submit to a despot even after his frank recognition
that the despot is bad (x. 20), are illustrations of the
writer's human and uninspired point of view. And
yet if we are prepared to fully recognise that this
piece of Wisdom is not revelation at all, we may
rejoice that it is included in our Bible, for it expresses
the hopelessness and emptiness of human life without
revelation ; and considering that it sprang from a
nation which had the Law and the Prophets, we may
infer how much man needed One who was greater
than they.
Our treatment of Ecclesiastes has already taken us
over into the third group of the Hagiographa, and we
may pass at once to that beautiful composition which
like Ecclesiastes bears the name of Solomon, the Song
of Songs. The Jews interpreted the little poem as an
allegory, and in the Targum it is supposed to cover
the history of Israel from Moses to the Messiah. The
rilE '^ K'ETIIUBlMy 205
early Christian Fathers read the allegory in a new
way, and saw in the Love Song a description of the
passages between Christ and His Church. The
sobriety of modern taste shrinks from applying these
rather voluptuous expressions to that high spiritual
relation, and except in a few beautiful and familiar
quotations the little book has almost dropped out
of present-day Biblical Teaching. But here again
Criticism has been rendering true service to religion,
and has restored the book to us, reading afresh its
beautiful lesson while frankly admitting that there is
no revelation in it at all. This conclusion of Criticism
must not be misunderstood. When Origen determines
to use these exquisite cadences as the language
between Christ and the soul there may be a true
spiritual insight, a veritable inspiration, in such an
application. A great Shakspere student might turn
Romeo and Juliet to a similar account ; but we must
clearly distinguish between the original character or
intent of the composition and the use which a sub-
sequent religious teacher m^y make of it. Now
viewed in itself, the Song of Songs is one of the most
exquisite poems in any language ; it probably dates
from an early period in the Northern Kingdom, when
literature flourished at the royal court of Samaria. If
we may accept Ewald's interpretation of its somewhat
obscure movements — obscure, because the speaker is
2o6 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
in no case distinctly marked, but left to be inferred as
in Browning's dramatic lyrics — a Shulamite shepherd
girl has won the admiration of King Solomon, who
has seen her on a royal progress ; but the girl clings to
her rustic lover at home, and when she is brought to
the king's seraglio her thoughts turn to the past, and
she yearns for the wooer who had won her heart
before. The interpretation is by no means beyond
question, but it yields a beautiful result ; it makes the
plot turn on the fidelity of the maiden who will not
be seduced by the splendour and authority of a king
to forget her humble and faithful swain, and the poem
ends with the restoration of the sunburnt shepherdess
to her country home and her country love. Here is
foundation for a very pretty allegorising, if we are to
follow the Targum and Origen ; we may read into the
song the faithfulness of the soul which has chosen
Christ rather than the world, and will not give Him
up, though it is wooed by all the pomp and attrac-
tions which the world can offer. But probably most
thoughtful minds to-day will feel some irreverence in
this crude kind of allegorising, and will prefer to
accept the lovely little poem with its delicacy, its
passion, its breath of flowers, and its triumph of loyal
hearts, simply on its own merits, nor concern them-
selves with the questionable task of showing that it is
a Divine Revelation.
THE '' KETHUBIM:' 207
A similar method of dealing with the little book
oi Riith will suggest itself. Revelation in the strict
sense the book does not contain ; it simply gives an
idyllic picture of a link in the chain of David's
ancestry, showing how a Moabitess found a home in
Israel's religion, and a place in the royal line. It does
not attempt to tell us anything fresh about God or
about Divine things. But it is so beautiful in its
delineation of simple human virtues, it breathes so
touchingly the spirit of religious dutifulness in daily
life, and in addition to this it has such an indefinable
charm of its own, that we are in no mood to quarrel
with it for being no more than it professes to be ;
nor can any laboured claim for a more recondite
interpretation of it commend it more to our attention
or secure it more surely in our affections.
The Book of Lamentations comes in a different
category. Though the authorship of Jeremiah is a
tradition which rests only on the LXX. and the
Targum, there is no reason to question that the five
poems which form the book spring from the age of
Jeremiah ; they are dirges which give expression to
the mingled sorrow and hope of the exiles who were
carried into captivity on the fall of Jerusalem (597-
586 B.C.). The central poem of the five, chap, iii.,
throbs with the truth which was revealed to the
sufferers in that dark hour of trouble, and it remains
2o8 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
for ever as an interpretation of the mystery of pain
which could come only from God Himself
There remains only the Book of Esther. It was
hinted at the beginning of this chapter that the Jewish
estimation of the book was higher than ours would
be. As a record of national triumph over a dangerous
foe it would naturally be dear to patriotic readers, and
it would be kept in perpetual memory by the recitation
of it at the Feast of Purim year by year, for which no
doubt it was composed. But no ingenuity of those
who are bent on maintaining that every word of
Scripture is given by inspiration of God has been
able to show in what sense the Book of Esther is a
revelation, or even contains a revelation. There is no
evidence to show that the details are historically
correct, and though the general character of Xerxes
(Ahasuerus) in our other authorities is not unlike that
which is delineated here, it is singular that no other
authority mentions Esther as his queen. But if the
details are correct, this only goes to enhance the
moral difficulties of the book. The fierce Jewish
vindictiveness, which slaughters thousands of innocent
people in so-called self-defence, breaks out in an
aftermath of unnecessary carnage. Happily the name
of God is not only never invoked, it is never even
mentioned in the book. The only religious exercise
referred to is that of fasting. Thus we can cherish
THE '' KETHUBIM:' 209
the hope that nothing quite so dreadful ever happened
and the certainty that if it did, God had no other part
in it than that general forbearance with the violence
and savagery of His people which often evokes our
wonder, and sometimes drives us to the appeal ot
prayer. And if the theology of the book is im-
perceptible, its moral tendency bad, and its historical
truth questionable, we may well ask, What is revealed
in it ? The heroism of the Jewish maiden. But there
is a similar heroism in the Book of Judith. The
frustration of schemes formed against the enemies
of God ? Yes, but the book does not attribute
the frustration to God, nor is the Feast of Purim
recognisable as a religious occasion. On this subject
the book, whatever it may incidentally show, reveals
nothing.
We have had to pass the Kethubim in review
seriatim because there is more difficulty in estimating
the revelation of miscellaneous writings than in grasp-
ing the broad effects of such works as the Law or the
Prophets. We have seen that here the greatest
varieties occur. In the Psalms, Job, and Proverbs
we find the high-water mark of Old Testament
Revelation ; in Ecclesiastes and Esther we find
books which cannot be described as Revelation at
all.
But now placing the division of the Old Testament
15
RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
that we have just been examining along with the two
other divisions which occupied us in previous chapters,
let us try to gather together the main lines of Revela-
tion which result from the Old Testament books as
a whole, and let us distinctly conceive the position of
Revelation in that solemn pause which occurs between
the Old Testament and the New. First of all there is
Judaism. The net result of fifteen centuries of the
Divine manifestations and exceptional dealings, which
constitute the history of Israel, was to produce a
unique religious State, with its centre in the restored
Temple at Jerusalem. The ritual of the worship, the
books of the Law, the splendid forecasts of prophets,
the memory of great kings and wide dominions, all
conspired to give to this little community of Jews a
conviction that it was made and preserved for an
end which was as yet unrealised ; everything about it
seemed to be an anticipation and a prophecy ; it was
a shadow of good things to come, and its chosen
spirits were constantly expecting a Messias who
should give the touch of completeness to that which
was felt to be great, but incomplete.
This preparation of a symbolic people nourishing
a sublime hope was in itself sufficient to vindicate
the term " revelation " as applied to the history and
records of the people ; but it was not all. Two
other revelations had been fjrowine from a dim
THE ' ' KE THUBIM." 2 1 1
twilight towards a dawn through all the long period
of the national development One was the Nature of
God, the other was a true conception of ethics in its
relation to religion. The gradual growth of these
revelations has been obscured until Criticism has
taught us to put the Old Testament Literature in
its right perspective ; but the gross result of these
revelations is perfectly plain, and always has been,
in the book as it stands. It had been clearly revealed
by the time of which we are speaking, that God is
One, Invisible, Almighty, Holy, Righteous, and that
as the Father of Israel He was bent on bringing
all nations into His obedience and fear. The God
revealed in the Old Testament is parted by an im-
measurable distance from any other conception of
God which man had then formed ; and if He is more
fully revealed in the New Testament, that does not in
the least discredit the grandeur and truth of the reve-
lation in the Old. It had been clearly revealed, too,
in a hundred marvellous utterances of prophets, priests,
philosophers, and poets, that the righteous God
required righteousness — yes, inward righteousness ;
that no outward ritual could take the place of heart-
cleanness ; and that the righteousness which God
required was not only a right relation to Him, but a
right relation between man and man ; indeed the
Social Ethics of true reliq-ion is stated with such
212 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
fulness in the Old Testament that it requires no
addition and little repetition in the New. Finally, it
had been revealed, rather in the elaborate symbolism
of the Temple Sacrifices than by any very distinct
spiritual teaching, that, if sinful men were to be
righteous as the righteous God required them to be,
there was need of an Atonement, 2^ work, a fact, larger
than anything which could be expressed by Temple,
Altar, Priest, and victims all together : and many
obscure utterances of the Prophets had hinted at the
nature of this Atonement, which would have to be
a Person, a Servant, a Branch, a King, a Victim, a
Sufferer, a Conqueror. In a word, the Problem of
Atonement had been revealed, but not its solution,
and the Jewish Church was left, consciously or
unconsciously expecting its solution. The latest Old
Testament writing, the Book of Daniel, expresses
this eager expectation — the appointed time would be
accomplished, and then would come that which was
"to finish transgression, and to make an end of sins,
and to make reconciliation for iniquity, and to bring
in everlasting righteousness, and to seal up vision and
prophecy, and to anoint the most holy" (Dan. ix. 24).
That was the attitude in which the Revelation of the
Old Testament left religious minds in the middle of
the Second Century before Christ came.
And we may end our study of these Ancient
THE '' KETHUBIM:'' 213
Scriptures with the remark that they who do not
perceive the Revelation in them can hardly have
studied them, or must have studied them only with
the veil of a mistaken dogmatism over their eyes,
which has obscured their vision and excited a most
unnecessary antipathy.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE SUMMIT OF REVELATION.
"Jesus, the surety of a better testament." — Heb. vii. 22.
The first impression in passing from the Old
Testament to the New may very well be a feeling
of disappointment. The Old Testament literature
is so great and so varied, and in its higher flights so
far transcends all other writings which have come
down to us from antiquity, that the New Testament,
written in degenerate Greek and almost entirely
without pretensions to literary form, may give to
the mere scholar a shock of repulsion, and may
even be to him a stumbling-block. Here are no
artistic poems like those which we meet with in the
Psalter ; here are no systematic Law Books, and no
flights of human eloquence like Deuteronomy- or
ii. Isaiah ; here are simply some plain, unvarnished
annals of a life which was once lived on the earth,
some fragmentary Acts of a few earnest propa-
gandists of a new faith, a collection of letters from
THE S UMMIT OF RE VELA TION. 2 1 5
the same men, and a striking Apocalypse written in
ungrammatical Greek. But a closer study modifies
the first impression ; it begins to appear that the
literary imperfections are an earthen vessel con-
taining a priceless treasure, and the idea spon-
taneously arises that the meanness of the vessel is
not undesigned, but is rather appointed in order that
the excellency of the glory may be of God. As
the vastness of the treasure is gradually perceived a
curious reaction takes place ; the literary medium is
sanctified by that which it conveys ; a feeling steals
over the Church that every line of it, every word of
it, must be Divine, and eventually not only is the
imperfection of the form forgotten, but the very
flaws of the earthen vessel are treated with a super-
stitious reverence, and it is held as an impiety to
point out that the syntax, the vocabulary, the style of
the writings are far from perfect. Our object in the
present chapter is to realise the marvellous Revelation
which has thus shed a kind of glamour over the books
in which it is contained ; and our object in the rest
of this volume must be to disentangle the revela-
tion from its medium, lest a false reverence for the
earthen vessel should ultimately — as has sometimes
happened in the past— discredit the treasure which
has been delivered to us in it.
The Summit and Crown of Revelation is Jesus
2i6 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
Christ. All the Old Testament writings which we
have been reviewing pointed forward to Him : their
essential object was to create a community in which
He should appear, to prepare a people through
which He could work upon the world, to raise and
maintain an expectation of His coming, to so far
define the manner of His appearing that they who
waited for the hope of Israel would be able to
recognise Him when He came. As He said, all the
Scriptures spoke of Him. When at last He came,
and men beheld His glory as of the only begotten of
the Father; when the Scriptures were fulfilled in Him,
and He was seen to be the end of the Law, in His
personal appearing and in His work. His death, His
resurrection ; the revelation of God was completed.
And this completed revelation of God was preserved
to the world by the mighty gift of the Holy Ghost,
who was to take of the things of Christ and to show
them to men, and to realise His manifestation
amongst His believing people even to the end of
the Age.
It is necessary to conceive distinctly that the crown
of God's revelation is a Person, and that the con-
tinuance of this crowned and perfected revelation of
God is secured by a supernatural operation of God
on human hearts which is very appropriately de-
scribed as the baptism of the Holy Ghost. Only
THE S UMMIT OF RE VELA TION. 2 1 7
when this great truth Is firmly grasped are we able to
see the right place and significance of the New Tes-
tament writings. It is not, we may hope, un-
charitable to say that there is a faith in the
Scriptures which is the counterpart of a singular
unfaith in God. Christian men are heard speaking
as if the existence of Christ and the work of the
Holy Spirit depended upon the" New Testament
Scriptures ; they seem sometimes to imply that if
the New Testament were destroyed — if, for instance,
Diocletian's imperial purpose of entirely rooting out
the Scriptures from the Church had been realised —
the Lord Christ would have no existence, and the
operations of the Spirit would cease. Such reasoners
do not seem to observe that the whole object of the
New Testament writings — again and again ex-
pressed — is not to exalt themselves, but to lead us
to a living experience of a spiritual life determined
by the indwelling of Christ. If that fact of ex-
perience is not effected, the New Testament is for
us a failure ; but if it is effected, it should lead us to
the discovery that Christ Himself is among us, as
He promised that He would be, and God will by no
means take His Holy Spirit from us. Nay, strange
to say, the Christians, of whom we speak, do not
even notice that the New Testament is itself a record
of the Christian faith being propagated at a wonder-
21 8 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
fully rapid rate without a New Testament at all.
Peter had no writings to appeal to, except the Old
Testament Scriptures; Paul preached "his gospel"
without any reference to a written gospel, and never
hinted that the further preaching of the faith should
depend even on his own Epistles. It may as well be
frankly stated that the frantic and superstitious faith
in the Apostolic writings, a faith going far beyond
what they claim or suggest themselves, may be simply
the outcome of unbelief. People who are sunk in
this kind of Bibliolatry often do not believe in the
things which the New Testament itself teaches : they
do not believe that Christ, in the operations of His
Holy Spirit, is actually present in the world ; they
do not believe in that " unction from the Holy One "
which, John said, would lead us into all truth.
Radically incredulous of spiritual realities, without
any real trust in a living and present God, they find
a refuge from their infidelity in the letter of Scripture,
and like those Thibetan Buddhists who have found a
Bible and set it in a shrine and burn incense before
it, they really worship the Scriptures instead of the
living God, and make a slavish and unreasoning
acceptance of all that is written take the place of an
inward subjection to God, and a realised experience
of His personal manifestation to the believing heart.
Now it is in this irrational and indeed irreligious
THE SUMMIT OF REVELATION. 219
treatment of the Scriptures that the greater part of
modern infidelity strikes its roots ; from it the anti-
Christian attacks derive their weapons. The faith in
our Lord Jesus Christ of which the New Testament
speaks is a thing so real, so transforming, so opera-
tive, that no unbeliever can say anything against it.
Regenerate lives, the epistles known and read of all
men, can be questioned by none. But the faith in
the New Testament writings, firmly and unintelli-
gently held, gives openings for a thousand attacks.
Different interpreters take different views of their
exegesis ; variant readings leave the meaning of
certain passages doubtful. In these writings there
are many things which are easily wrested, and if a
certain method of interpretation is adopted, may be
made to countenance the most misleading errors.
Seizing, as untrained and ill-balanced minds are apt
to do, on precisely the most questionable and am-
biguous passages, and giving to them an unjustifiable
prominence, many so-called " Bible-students " will
create more difficulties and suggest more doubts in a
few discourses than an ordinary Christian can hope
to settle in a lifetime. Every absurdity professing
to rest upon the Word of God discredits the Word
of God in the eyes of thoughtful men ; and fanatics
who appear to be made into fanatics by their study
of Scripture seem like a woeful warning to sober
220 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
minds against the study which seems to produce such
results. It is noticeable, therefore, that the New
Testament never demands faith in itself, but only
faith in Christ ; it nowhere speaks of itself as a whole '
which is to be accepted a priori by those who would
come to God, but always unites its differing but con-
cordant voices in entreating men to seek a personal
reconciliation with God, a direct enduement of the
Power, and an inward assurance from the Witness,
of the Spirit. It is one of the most significant
of facts that in many parts of the orthodox Protes-
tant Church a claim is made for the New Testament
which it never advances for itself, and in consequence
the truth which the New Testament does proclaim is
constantly becoming obscured and discredited. And as
this claim is one which is entirely unsupported by any
authority, the people who prefer it are proportionately
angry when it is questioned. People who rest on the
assured facts of the Spiritual Life are quite calm
when their principle is attacked, for they know that
it cannot be shaken ; but people who rest on the
dogma about the Inspiration and Infallibility of the
New Testament writings are rendered violent and
denunciatory by the slightest question of their posi-
tion, because they have a suspicion that they have
no proof to offer except their own assertion, and they
think' that their assertion is made stronger by the
THE SUMMIT OF REVELATION. 221
use of anathemas and horrified expressions of pious
reprobation.
But it may be asked, Have we not in what has just
been said been constantly referring to what the New
Testament teaches ? Is it not the witness to the
spiritual reahties which rest on a faith in Jesus ? Is
it not above all things the book of the Holy Ghost,
the record of the Spirit's coming, the handbook of
the Spirit's operations, the interpreter of the Spirit's
work in our hearts ? And we may at once reply, Yes,
that is precisely what the New Testament is ; but the
danger comes in when, admitting that it is this, we
begin to say that it is more than this. The New
Testament is a collection of writings from the pens
of a group of men who had just been the witnesses
and recipients of the great crowning phase of God's
revelation to the world. The principle on which these
writings were collected and preserved, to the exclu-
sion of many other writings which seemed super-
ficially to be of the same kind, was, we may surmise,
that every line should be kept from the men who
had "seen the Lord," the men who had lived with
Him in the flesh, or received a direct apostleship
from His lips ; they are essentially the records, or
such records as survived in the middle of the Second
Century, of those who had been the chosen witnesses
of the Supreme Manifestation.
REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
What we seem to want in the present day is the
clear understanding that Christ Himself was the
revelation, Christ " after the flesh," and still more the
Christ after the Spirit. The writings which preserve
the records of that revelation must not be confused
with the revelation itself. So far as they have faithfully
kept it for the after ages, so far as they are suffused
with the Person of whom they speak, they may them-
selves be called in a secondary sense Revelation ; but
we must remember that they make no pretence to be
infallible ; in most cases the writers imply that they
are writing as other authors write, and where they
are conscious of delivering a special truth which has
been communicated to them by God, they generally
say so expressly, in order that they may not mix up
with the revelation which they are conveying the
things which they " speak as men."
Now if it does not sound too paradoxical a state-
ment, Christ does not depend on the New Testament
writings, but the New Testament writings depend on
Him. There is a great event which comes between
the Old Testament and the New ; it is the fulfilment
of the Old, and out of it the New Testament springs.
That event, the coming of Christ, was preached to all
nations under heaven, as an apostle says, and is yet
being preached to all nations under heaven, not be-
cause it is written about in a certain book, but be-
THE SUMMIT OF RE VELA TION.
cause it is a fact which verifies itself in human hearts
and human lives. The New Testament is only part
of the evidence on which that event rests, nor can it
be called the most important part : the actual work
of the Spirit must be recognised as more important
than even the writings which were produced under the
influence of the Spirit many centuries ago. But if
the evidence of the New Testament is unduly exalted,
still more if it is represented as the sole evidence of
the great event, there necessarily follows a numbness
to the spiritual facts which are put within the reach
of believing souls ; and the appeal is made not to
them, but only to the book. The truth is we need a
criterion in reading the New Testament just as the
writers needed a criterion in writing it. That criterion
is Christ Himself And we must now present to our
minds that Supreme Person, who was and is, and is
to come, the beginning and the end, the Alpha and
the Omega, as He is shown and demonstrated to us
by all the evidence at our disposal. And when this
Revelation of God is perceived and welcomed into
our hearts and lives we can deal fairly with the New
Testament writings just as the Apostles approached
their composition in the realised experience of Him
who had promised to be, and was, with them always.
The Scriptures are meant to lead us to Christ, and in
combination with a living presentation of Christ in
224 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
preaching and in the Christian society, they will
accomplish their end ; but when they have led us to
Him He will enable us to estimate them.
What, then, is Christ ? Let us answer the question
by developing and articulating the facts. A simple
peasant living at Nazara in Galilee, sprung of the
ancient kingly stock of Israel, manifested as He grew
up certain religious characteristics which made a deep
impression on those who knew Him. His life was
brief, and in the main uneventful, but He betrayed to
those whom He chose as His friends the conscious-
ness that He was the Messias, or Anointed One,
whom His nation was expecting. To His intimates
He also showed that He was one with the invisible
God in a way which was quite new in religious ex-
perience ; He identified Himself with God, and en-
couraged His friends to believe that seeing Him
they saw God. After two or three years of life among
His disciples whom He instructed in ethics and re-
ligion. He was crucified. Everything connected with
His death. His foreknowledge of it, His conduct
during the tragedy, and His words at the last, entirely
convinced His followers that He was the Suffering
Servant of whom the prophet had spoken, and that
He was the antitype of the paschal lamb and all the
sin-offerings of the Temple worship. They saw at
once that He had come to give His life a ransom for
THE SUMMIT OF REVELATION. 225
many ; they found a "new covenant in His blood," a
redemption which might be offered to all who would
accept it. But what gave point to this conviction
was the fact that He rose from the dead, appeared
and spoke to them, and told them to preach what
they had seen. These men, after a memorable period
of waiting and a striking spiritual experience, set
about the task which had been put into their hands
But now a very remarkable manifestation began
to repeatedly occur. Those who received the mes-
sage of pardon and peace through the crucified and
risen Jesus came into a personal relation with Him,
which, though independent of the senses, was perfectly
distinct to consciousness, and produced upon them
an effect which was to them blissful and to others
unmistakable. The Risen One appeared in lives
transformed ; and so obvious was this that the best
evidence that He was risen seemed to be in these
persons who were, so it was described, " risen with
Him." I This inward experience of a cleansing from
^ The following passage from Athanasius, De Incarnatione Verbi Dei,
chap. XXX., illustrates the way in which Christians of the Third Century
conceived the argument for Christianity : "If, as a matter of fact, one
who is dead can effect nothing, but his influence lasts to the tomb and
then ceases — deeds and actions affecting men belonging only to the
living ; then let who wills see and be judge, acknowledging the truth
from what is seen. For since the Saviour is effecting such great things
among men, and is daily invisibly persuading so great a number on all
sides, both from the dwellers in Greece and foreign lands, to embrace
His faith, and all to be obedient to His teaching ; has any one still any
16
226 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
impurity and a power over sin could only be con-
ceived as Christ dwelling in the heart ; and the main-
tenance of the spiritual life by faith in Him could
only be typified as bread of life and living water
constantly received. This life lived by faith in the
Son of God was perceived to be a life hidden in God,
and the knowledge that they who had seen Christ had
seen the Father was daily developing in the Christian
experience, until the only way of adequately describ-
ing the God whom the Christian knew was to declare
that He was the Father, the Son by whom the Father
was revealed, and the Spirit taking of the things of
Christ and showing them to the soul. The practice
of a Christian life thus produced, with the consequent
purifying of the moral nature and enlightenment of
the understanding, led to clearer and firmer faith in
the Being who had thus come to dwell in the souls of
doubt that the resurrection has been accomplished by the Saviour, and
that Christ lives, or rather is Himself the Life ? Is it, indeed, the part of
a dead man to be piercing through the minds of men, so that they deny
Iheir ancestral laws and reverence the teaching of Christ? Or how,
if at least He is no longer working (for this is the property of one dead),
does He stop the working of those who are working and living, so that
the adulterer no longer commits adultery, and the manslayer no longer
commits murder, and the unrighteous no longer is avaricious, and the im-
pious for the future becomes pious ? Or how, if He did not rise again, but
is still dead, does He drive away and persecute and cast down the false
gods deemed by unbelievers to be alive, and the daemons they worship ?
For where Christ is named, and His faith, there all idolatry is destroyed,
and every deceit of daemons is refuted, and no d^raon even endures the
name, but on merely hearing it flees and departs. Now this is not the
work of a dead man, but of a living — aye, of God."
7 HE SUMMIT OF REVELATION. 227
His believing disciples. The conviction grew that
the Redeemer of men would also be their Judge, and
that the Maker of regenerate spirits was also the
Creator of the world, in whose image man had really
been made. Men were assured of their own resurrec-
tion from the dead by their experience of His, and
they anticipated a future life which would consist in
an eternal union with Him. From this conclusion
concerning what is to be naturally followed the dis-
covery of what had been, and the last, completing,
touch of this new Truth was the doctrine that the
Christ who had been among men in the flesh was
the Word of God who had been in the bosom of
the Father before the creation of the world.
To the question, then. What is Christ, as He is
known from all the sources of evidence open to us ?
the answer may be given, Christ is the Redeeming
and Saving Power of God manifested, as the ancient
revelation dimly foresaw, in a human life of sacrifice
and suffering, and operating now through a Spiritual
Agency in the continual regeneration and perfecting
of human souls. It may be said, of course, But this
definition is just what you would gather from the
New Testament. Certainly ; but that is only because
the writers of the New Testament had received it
from experience— an experience which is equally
open to us. And it is important to recognise that
228 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
it is derived, not so much from the New Testament
as from the Source whence the New Testament
derived it, because then we obtain a definite and
real fact to serve as a criterion in judging the New
Testament itself. It is the accordance of the New
Testament with this spiritual reality that gives it its
authenticity, and where in some comparatively un-
important points that accordance fails, there the
authenticity of the writing disappears.
The writer is painfully aw^are how iconoclastic this
view must appear to those who are bound fast in a
dogma of inspiration. Such men require us all to
admit their dogma before they will argue with us.
Concede, they say, that the Scriptures are God's
word, infallible, authentic, and complete, or we will
have nothing to say to you. But, the perplexed
inquirer says, will you give me proof of your great
axiom ? No, is the answer, we will not ; you shall
accept it as the first condition of the argument. With
people in that position it is obviously impossible to
reason ; but it is perhaps time to tell them with all
earnestness and frankness that they are taking not
only an irrational, but an unscriptural ground, and
that they are raising a grave doubt in many minds
whether they have any real faith in the things which
they so confidently affirm. Let this simple question
be addressed to them : Do you really believe that
THE SUMMIT OF REVELATION. 229
Christ is a living Person to whom whosoever will
may come, and that the Holy Spirit is a real Power
working immediately on the hearts and the con-
sciences of men ? For, if you actually believe this,
how can you hesitate to admit that the Lord Himself
takes precedence of the book, and that the book is to
be estimated by the living Spirit that is with us ?
These sturdy champions of an unreasoning dogma
are not asked to give up their Scriptures, but only to
recognise that He of whom the Scriptures speak is
more real, more living, more infallible, more imme-
diate, more present than any, even the best, writings
can be, and that He is indeed the censor and the
interpreter of the writings themselves.
Now they who have grasped the distinction which
has been made, and therefore understand the cer-
tainty and reality of Christ Himself, can turn with a
quiet and a candid mind to an impartial examination
of the several New Testament writings, and try to
estimate how much, and in what way, each one of
them contributes to the manifestation of Christ, who
Himself is, as we have been urging, the Crown of
God's revelation, the supreme and sufficient mirror
in which the nature of God and the ideal nature of
man are reflected and blended ; who is for this reason
the Light of the World, the Way and the Truth and
the Life ; and who must therefore be the standard
by which we try even the books that testify of Him.
CHAPTER IX.
THE MEMOIRS OF JESUS.
" I esteem the Gospels to be thoroughly genuine, for there shines
forth from them the reflected splendour of a sublimity, proceeding from
the person of Jesus Christ, of so Divine a kind as only the Divine could
ever have manifested upon earth." — Goethe.
Between thirty and forty years after the Crucifixion
of Jesus — the exact date it is not possible to ascer-
tain — the apostles and apostolic men perceived the
necessity of writing down the memorials of their
Master's life and death. At first the things which
He had said and done seemed so vivid in their
memory, and the call to be constantly proclaiming
them seemed so good a security of their preservation,
that written records would appear superfluous. ^
^ Cf Eusebius' statement about John : 'Iioavvijv (paal tov Travra
Xpovoi' aypdcpqj Ki')(pi)iitvov Krjpvyi-iaTi tsXoq IttI ti)v ypacpT^v tXOth'. It
is necessary to remind ourselves that to publish a book was not so
obvious an undertaking in the peasant circles of Galilee or Jerusalem
as it is to us. The notes of the Lord's doings and sayings had, we may
surmise, been long put down by the apostles for their private use before
any one of them thought of collecting and editing them in a connected
form.
230
rilli MEMOIRS OF JESUS. 231
According to the earliest tradition it was Matthew
who took the initiative in compih'ng memoirs of his
Master ; he had preached chiefly to Jews, and when
he saw his way to proclaim the gospel amongst
people of a different kind he committed the substance
of his preaching to paper in the Hebrew language.
He wrote out, we need not question, the way in which
he was accustomed to preach Christ from the Ancient
Scriptures by showing how this and that prophecy
had been fulfilled in Him, and he wrote out a number
of the Lord's discourses which were imprinted almost
word for word on his own memory and on the minds
of many others who had seen and heard the Lord.
We may surmise that Matthew's preaching had never
attempted to set forth a chronological account of the
life, nor had it marked very distinctly the occasion or
circumstances of each event or discourse. It was
such an utterance or series of utterances as one might
expect from a fervent disciple who was neither a
profound student of the ancient Scriptures nor an
accomplished literary workman, but was overwhelm-
ingly charged with the spirit and power of the Lord
who had commissioned him to preach. It is gene-
rally supposed that our Gospel according to St.
Matthew is the Greek version of this first evangelic
narrative. It certainly bears some marks of such an
origin as is here suggested.
232 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
Our second Gospel had, we may gather from the
fragment of Papias quoted by Eusebius,i a similar
origin. Its author was one who served the Apostle
Peter as an interpreter, and jotted down his remi-
niscences of the Lord's life as he was in the habit of
narrating them in his preaching. The interpreter
probably translated the Apostle's Aramaic vernacular
into the Hellenistic dialect, which was the lingua
franca of the time.
Our third Gospel sufficiently describes its own
origin in its opening sentences ; it is a painstaking
compilation of the several memoirs and reminiscences
of those who had seen and known Jesus, made by
one who had enjoyed good opportunities of commu-
nication with these earliest witnesses. The fourth
Gospel may be left for a later stage in our investi-
gation.
We see, then, what the three Synoptic Gospels are
according to their own claims and the assertions
made about them by primitive writers. They are,
as Justin Martyr generally calls them in his apolo-
getic writings, Memoirs of the Lord.^ They do not
profess to be accurate in a chronological or a
' Hist. Eccl. iii. 39. M«p>fOf juir tpi-iijvevTiiQ Wkrpov yefufjet'og, uaa
Ij^ivtmoi^evfrei', hkoiISmc typccipei> ov fdvToi to^ei rd vvo tov •^pirrTov i]
XtX^ivra if TrpaxOtvra.
- E.g., ApoL i. chap. 66, p. 98 B. 0} yap (nroaToXoi tv toIq yn'o^d-
voiQ VTTavTMV UTTO^vi^ixov^v^aaiv, it KctKiiTca ivayyf-\ia, o'vtmq TrapfZioKav
K.T.X.
THE MEMOIRS OE JESUS.
historical sense, still less do they lay claim to be
divinely guaranteed against error ; nay, they do not
even make any pretence to inspiration in any special
sense. They present themselves to us as authentic
memoirs written, as Justin Martyr says, by the
Apostles or their immediate successors.^
All the difficulties which have been found in the
Gospels during the last half-century of stormy
criticism, and all the scepticism which has been
excited concerning them, must be attributed to the
well-meant endeavours of the Church to represent
the Gospels as something more than they claim to
be. The evangelists have been represented as the
mere amanuenses of the Spirit of God ; their infalli-
bility has been made a point of faith ; to question it
has been represented as undermining the Gospel
itself. The intention was good ; the idea was that
in honouring the writers we should be honouring
Him of whom they wrote, and that by artificially
surrounding their authority with a mysterious sanc-
tion of inspiration we should protect and establish
the truth which they deliver. It is as if some ardent
Cromwellians, eager to secure the reputation of their
hero, had insinuated the dogma that Carlyle's life of
him was infallibly inspired. But the well-meant
^ Dial. c. 103, p. 331 D. 'Ytto -ii'V nTroan'iXMv avrov Kni tud' tKfh'oig
irapaKoXuvd^aavTuiv,
234 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
endeavour has entirely failed of its object. Well
meant, no doubt, it was, but it was unnecessary, and
has proved to be mischievous. For every fault of the
narratives, every obscurity, or trivial contradiction,
has thus been charged upon the Holy Ghost, and
antagonists of the faith, instead of being confronted
with the obvious truths contained in the Gospels,
have been encouraged to lay hold of the difficulties
in them, and to rest their rejection of the whole on
their dubiety concerning a part. In our own day a
well-known scientific writer has been allowed to draw
the attention of multitudes from the essential issues
by criticising the possession of the swine at Gadara,
and orthodoxy, committed to its great dogma, has
felt bound to vindicate the story against the criticism
with the desperate feeling that, if one statement in
the Gospels is challenged, Christ and His salvation
are called in question. Indeed, few dogmas could
have been more unfortunate than this dogma about
the infallible inspiration of the evangelists. For at
last the quiet question is put, even by reverent
believers. What proof have you of this infallible
inspiration } Do the writers claim it themselves }
No. Do other writers of the New Testament, St.
Paul, or St. Peter, claim it for them .? No. On
what, then, does it rest ? And at last the poor
and insufficient answer is forced to come out, We
THE MEMOIRS 01- JESUS. 235
have no reason to give except the arbitrary dogma
of the Church, and we suppose the dogma was
invented as a security for the truth of Jesus.
Nou^ the simple fact seems to be this : the record
of Jesus, His Person, His ways, His words, His
works, is so marvellous, so unique, so Divine, that
it has cast its glory over the recorders. Writings
which tell so mighty a tale must themselves be
mighty. The vehicle of such a revelation must
surely be itself a revelation. This is where the
mistake has arisen. But the wisdom of God has
decided far otherwise. The greatest revelation of all,
the Person and Life and Death of Jesus, the Son of
God, requires for its record nothing but the simple
witness of those who saw and heard. There is no
need of an Isaiah, nor even of a Paul. The splendour
of human genius, the interposition of exceptional
gifts, would here be out of place, and would obscure
rather than illustrate the matter in hand. Let the
great Fact — so the wisdom of God seems to say — be
simply reflected in the unimaginative, uncreative minds
of a few unlettered men ; let their limited intelligence
be burdened only with the task of remembering, and
let their memories find a way into writing as time
goes on, so that the portrait of the Saviour, taken as
it were unconsciously, may in this artless way pass
down to posterity. That portrait shall not be the
236 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
work of great painters, but rather a photographic
impression, drawn by the finger of Hght on the
hearts of those who were exposed to His loveHness,
hoHness, power, and love.
In taking this view of our Synoptic Gospels, in
placing them on the plane of unsophisticated and
unreflective historical memoir, we are, it is to be
observed, only following such indications as they
give themselves. In surrendering the far more
imposing dogmatic assumptions which have come
down to us by tradition, we not only return from
tradition to Scripture, but we quietly slip by all those
criticisms and questions which have in recent years
been directed, not against the Gospels themselves,
but against the theory of the Gospels gradually
developed by the Church. But those who slumber
in the lethargy of dogmatism start up with a cry. If
the evangelists are not divinely inspired, we have
lost our Lord ; we know Him only in these records ;
how shall we be assured that the records are true
unless we are first convinced that they are written by
God ? The answer to this cry of alarm, which
it is the object of the present chapter to give,
may be summed up in three brief statements,
afterwards to be enforced and developed.
First, the Lord is not taken away, but truly pre- *
sented in authentic contemporary records. Second,
THE MEMOIRS OF JESUS. 237
the truth of the picture is guaranteed not by the
writers, but by the picture itself. Third, the whole
gist of the testimony given by these records is that
the subject of them is alive and is among His people
now, and therefore we are brought to a very plain
issue, which is this : if He is alive and active and
recognised among us now, how can it be said that
His reality rests on the authority of any ancient
yvi'iters ? And if He is not alive and active and
recognised among us now, of what avail is a writing,
even infallibly inspired, which bears it as its constant
burden, that He should live and be with His people
to the end of the world ?
In a word, the answer to the terrified cry of a
disturbed dogmatism is briefly this : the Gospels are
a historical witness to a Living Christ ; their revela-
tion consists of the picture which they present of
Him ; they are verified by Him, not He by them.
First of all, then, let us steadily realise that we
claim nothing for the Three Gospels now under
consideration, but that they are the honest reports
delivered to posterity by those who saw it of the
most memorable life ever lived upon earth. There is
in them, as all readers who are not hardened aeainst
them by dogmatic presuppositions have observed, a
simplicity and directness which admit of only one
explanation. There is no trace of the art which is
238 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
constructing a work of the imagination ; there are
none of the familiar marks of legend ; the idea that
the stories were the gradual growth of legend had to
yield to the hard fact that between the events and
the records there was no time for a legend to grow.
Never was there a more sober historical document than
the Gospel of Luke. Using all the materials which
are in his hands, the author sits down to compile as
complete a record of the life as he possibly could.
The Gospel of Mark — we may well challenge the
judgment of every unbiassed mind — is transparently
drawn from the life. Let any one sit down in a quiet
hour and read through without stopping this brief
harmonious story of the public life lived by Jesus dur-
ing the three years of His ministry, and the impres-
sion cannot be avoided — not only the subject matter,
but the very modes of expression, the minute touches
of verisimilitude, the little flashes of observation
that occur only to those who have been present and
have seen, confirm it — that this is a faithful tale drawn
from the facts themselves. And though Matthew
has neither the vividness of Mark, nor the historical
manner of Luke, it carries an unmistakable authen-
ticity of its own ; it teems with Xo^ia, as Papias
called them, the utterances of Jesus, and we may well
ask of any critic. How could these discourses have
come into existence ? Could they be invented by a
THE MEMOIRS OF JESUS. 239
writer of the calibre of this evangelist? Are they
ingenious products of the study and of the literary
hack ? The question answers itself. The very sub-
stance of the first Gospel is the proof that the writer
is simply the recorder of what was said and done.
Indeed the authenticity of these unsophisticated
biographies would never have been challenged if we
had not asserted of them that they are something
more than they are. They would have stood on the
same unquestioned footing as the other biographical*
notices which have come down to us from antiquity,
if we would have let them occupy that ground, and
they would have delivered their witness to Him of
whom they speak without distracting any attention
from Him to themselves ; they would have remained
in their joyful self-effacement, anonymous, unpre-
tentious, pointing with simple unanimity of heart to
Him. Nothing better could be wished for them than
that they might come to us afresh, among the
writings of Josephus and Philo, or side by side with
Seneca' and Suetonius, asking us simply to examine
them as writings of antiquity; and immediately the
surpassing splendour of their contents would take
captive this present age, as it did that Second Century
in which they first became widely known.
But it may be said, apart from all extravagant
claims which have been made for the verbal and
240 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
infallible inspiration of the writings, the miraculous
element in them would have ensured their rejection
by modern scientific minds. Is this, however, quite
so certain as it seems? When a scientifically trained
man is asked in a bare and bald way to accept a
miracle like that of feeding the Five Thousand on
the ground that a document is divinely inspired, it is
quite possible that he may inquire very severely into
the inspiration of the document, and when it appears
that the belief in its inspiration rests only on an
unsupported dogma, may impatiently push aside the
document and the miracle which it records. But
supposing he is asked to take up these biographical
documents and to form a fair conception of the
Person described in them, to piece together His
teaching, His conduct, the effects of His work, His
influence in subsequent history, and then to consider
whether He is not Himself a Supernatural Fact, a
Being who in His uniqueness presents Himself as a
revelation of God, it is by no means a foregone
conclusion that our scientific man, supposing him to
be perfectly candid and logical, will dismiss the
miracles in that summary way ; it is not impossible
that he may regard the miracles, in the light of the
Person, not only as probable, but as inevitable.
The settled a priori conviction that a supernatural
manifestation of God to His creatures is impossible
THE MEMOIRS OE JESUS. 241
cannot of course be met by any argument or any
proof. If a man has once accepted it as an axiom
his mind is no longer open to any processes of
reasoning, and even tangible facts presented to him
as proof would only be thrust aside as illusions. It
is a condition of mind parallel to that of one who
has set his heart against his own child, and is further
exasperated by every attempt at reconciliation, in-
terpreting every advance of affection or desire as an
added proof of perversity, and a new ground of
displeasure. But the point to be remembered is
this, that where the scientific mind is still open and
not committed to this irrational prejudice, the most
probable way of convincing it is to present these
records of the life of Jesus simply as records, on the
ground of their admitted authenticity of date and
scope and authorship, claiming for them nothing
more than they claim for themselves, and then to leave
the story to produce its own effect. Immediately the
candid and logical mind is struck by the Person
presented in the records. Following out the influence
of the life in the history of the world, he feels the
necessity of explaining the results which flowed
from a cause so apparently simple. And as he
comes to grapple seriously with the problem he is
led to admit the supernaturalness of Jesus, and
incidentally the possibilit}- of His miraculous works
17
242 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
and His Resurrection, in order to escape the hopeless
mental predicament in which he must be landed if
he denies them.
But while we may fearlessly contend for the
authenticity and historical veracity of these three
memoirs, it is obvious to any reader who carefully
compares them with one another that they are sub-
ject to many of the infirmities which are incident to
all human compositions and to all human testimony.
Even in so vital a matter as the Beatitudes of the
Kingdom the first and the third evangelists give
decidedly different versions. In describing the cure
of a blind man at Jericho one account represents the
single blind man as two. The very inscription on
the Cross is differently worded by the different
writers. And, when we come to the records of the
Resurrection, every careful student is aware how
difficult it is to piece the several versions together
into anything like a consistent narrative. But when
we have frankly admitted and firmly grasped the
fact that these are memoirs, such recollections of
the events as would be current among the disciples
of the first and second generation after Jesus, these
marks of ordinary biographical and historical writings
will occasion the believer no difficulty, and will not
allow the unbeliever to question the substantial truth
of the record as a whole. Here is an illustration ready
THE MEMOIRS OF JESUS. 243
to hand. Writing in a current magazine, a war corre-
spondent,^ Mr. Archibald Forbes, who was present
at the battle of Sedan on September i and 2, 1870,
mentions how completely at variance the several
accounts of the battle are. After the lapse of twenty-
two years it is impossible to determine with accuracy
innumerable points of detail. The eye-\vitnesses, the
official reports, the notes of correspondents, disagree.
The order of events, the precise time of the several
incidents, the exact number of people present on
a given occasion, cannot be determined. And yet
what person would be foolish enough to question the
historic fact of Sedan because of these divergent
testimonies ? The battle was fought ; the German
Empire of to-day, and the sore feeling in France
about Alsace and Lorraine, are witnesses which
would outweigh a thousand discrepancies in the
narrative. And so it is with the accounts of the
Resurrection. The great fact is not disturbed by the
somewhat incoherent description of its incidents.
The power of the Risen One ; the world transformed
by His influence ; myriads of living persons who are
conscious of being risen with Christ through faith
in His resurrection which happened centuries ago,
would outweigh many more difficulties than are
actually found in the narrative.
' Nineteenth Century^ March, 1892.
244 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
We may regard with a certain detachment of
feeling the fierce discussions about points of detail
in the Gospels. It is quite possible we may say that
St. Luke, for example, may have made a blunder
about the date of Quirinius' procuratorship of Syria,i
and have supposed that, because he was commis-
sioner for the enrolment of nam.es in the year when
Q. Sentius Saturninus was the presses of Syria, he
was already presses himself, though history shows us
that he did not occupy that position until ten years
later, viz., 6-1 1 A.I). The birth of our Lord at the
time of that enrolment is not discredited because
an author, writing half a century later, had forgotten,
or had no document at hand to show, that Quirinius
' Mommsen [Res gesiie Augusti, 125) indulges in a sneer at the
theologians who try to show that this census took place at all in the
year 4 B.C. And for this a recent writer in France, Pere Didon, takes
him to task (see Jesus Christ, A pp. A., p. 817); but this brilliant
Catholic author furnishes fresh material for the historian's sarcasm
when he tries to show that the clause in Luke ii. I, riyenovivovTog
TiJQ 'S.vpiag Kvpi]viou, meant, "When (Quirinius was the special com-
missioner for the enrolment in Syria." No doubt, as Meyer shows
in his commentary on the passage, that is the actual fact, but that is
not what St. Luke says. He says that the enrolment was made while
Quirinius was the pnescs of Syria ; and that position he did not hold
till ten years afterwards. It is the perversity of the false dogmatism
on the subject of inspiration which leads even a candid mind like Pere
Didon to rescue the historical accuracy of Luke by maintaining that
his words, which say one thing, distinctly mean another. On this
method of interpretation all writers are infallible. If one attributes
an event of 1S34 to Queen Victoria's reign, it may be justified as
meaning that it means the fifteenth year of her age, though King
William was on the throne.
THE MEMOIRS OF JESUS: 245
was not at the time Augustus' kgatiis for the
government of Syria, but only his agent for the
holding of a provincial census. The idea that the
Holy Ghost would supply a writer with an accurate
chronology, and would make careful historical re-
search unnecessary, or correct the errors where the
research had been insufficient, is one entirely im-
ported into the question by irresponsible dreamers.
The preface of St. Luke's own Gospel shows that he
never entertained such an idea ; and we may surmise
that if. he himself were confronted with the facts
which are known to us, and asked to explain his
statement, " this enrolment was made when Ouiri-
nius was governor of Syria," he would say at once,
" I made a mistake; of course his pnesidiuin of Syria
did not begin till ten years later."
But we may pass now to the second point which
may be advanced to reassure the trembling believer
who thinks that we are taking away his Lord because
we have no ground for asserting that the evangelists
are infallible. The truth of the picture is guaranteed
not by the writers who depict the life of Jesus, but by
the picture itself A few flaws in the plate or in the
printing of the cartes do not affect the image which
the light draws in a photograph. No fallibility of the
witnesses, no infirmity of their memory or of their pen,
can materially affect the picture which, as it seems
246 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
almost involuntarily, they present of their Lord.
Their simplicity, their artlessness — nay, we might
almost say their rusticity, against which clever critics
have frequently railed, are themselves the guarantee
that they are simply telling what they saw and
handled. They could not have invented, for it is all
they can do to imperfectly depict, that Person, His
matchless beauty and goodness, and the power which
breathed from His word and work. The supreme
value of these very humble witnesses is that with all
their minor divergences, and with all their obvious
limitations of understanding and expression, they do
put us at a point of view from which we can with
unclouded eyes see Jesus, as He came and passed
through the few brief years of His earthly life. Thanks
to them and to God's Spirit, working through them,
impelling them to write and quickening their memory,
we find ourselves at small disadvantage as compared
with those who saw with their eyes and heard with
their ears Jesus in the flesh.
Now it is this Person, the tout ensemble of His life
and character, which is the great Revelation of God.
It is this Person who, patiently studied and under-
stood, seems to step out of the simple pages and
approach the reader with a majesty which commands,
and a tenderness which allures, all but the hardest
and most corrupt of human hearts. Men brought up
THE MEMOIRS OF [ESUS. 247
like John Stuart Mill in a traditional contempt for
the religion of Jesus have even in a time of most un-
imaginative materialism been arrested by the Person
in these Gospels and constrained to say that they could
think of no better rule of life than so to act as would
win the approval of Jesus. Light-hearted litteratmrs
like Ernest Renan have, along the lines of simple
historical inquiry, met the Person in these Gospels
and been compelled to utter a cry of admiration and
love, and to sing His praises in prose, which owing to
the subject seems to rise into verse, with an ardour
which would evidently pass into faith but for the
arbitrary presupposition in the mind of the investigator
that whatever in the great Person is Divine and
therefore saving, must be quietly put aside as in-
credible. And men who have not been poisoned by
the baseless dogma of Science that the Supernatural
does not exist, and therefore all that is supernatural in
Jesus is fiction, men who with open heart have sub-
mitted themselves to the impression which the Person
of the Gospels makes have found themselves obliged
to exclaim with one or another of the disciples in the
record, now, " Depart from me, for I am a sinful man,
O Lord ; " now, " Thou art Christ, the Son of the living
God ; " now, " Lord, to whom shall we go t for thou
hast the words of eternal life ; " now, after a moment
of misgiving or doubt, " My Lord and my God ; " and
248 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
now in a passion of surrender, " Lord, thou knowest
all things, thou knowest that I love thee." It would
be vain to make an attempt to enumerate all the
people on whom the Gospels have produced this
powerful effect. The Person in the written pages
speaks to them as a real and living voice, and sways
them as a seen and acknowledged Lord. The words
are read — " Come unto me, all ye that labour and are
heavy laden, and I will give you rest " : we lose sight
of the book and of the writer, we attend only to Him
who speaks. We come to Him, and He gives us rest.
Now it is not a little extraordinary that a vehicle
apparently so inartistic and so incomplete should
produce such an effect on following generations of
men. We can point to no other records of a life,
even though they may be far more finished, more
detailed, more exact, which have the vital result of
bringing us into spiritual contact with the Person of
whom they speak. Many of us have read with tearful
eyes the Memorabilia of Socrates, or the great de-
scription which the gifted disciple gives of his
master's death in the PJicsdo ; but while we lovingly
admire the noble and indomitable sage, it does not
occur to us to come to him ; indeed, it did not occur
to him to invite us. Or to take a much more modern
instance, we have studied that curious and fascinating
picture of a beautiful soul drawn from within, the
THE MEMO/RS OF JESUS. 249
Journal of Amiel ; his exquisite words haunt the ear,
and the story of his pensive life, his pure meditations,
liis wise and critical observations, the tragic over-
clouding of his declining days, touches us with a tender
human sympathy, and makes us reach out yearning
hands of brotherhood to his melancholy shade ; but
which of us thinks of coming to him ? Wise coun-
sellor and sober teacher in many delicate issues of
life we may admit him to be, but he does not draw
us. He dies a kind of silent martyrdom, but it gives
us no hope in our hours of need. The marvellous
and inexplicable fact about the Person of the Gospels
is, that it draws us ; we find ourselves unconsciously
in the crowd trying to touch the hem of His garment ;
we involuntarily take a place at His feet and feel that
we have chosen the good part which cannot be taken
away ; His death told in simple but impressive detail
holds us with a singular spell ; like the little children
to whom Robert Elsmere tells the story of the Cross,
we break into sobs and tears — we know it is for us ;
we go to the tomb, and unlike the curiously insensible
disciples, we feel that it was not possible for Him to
be holden of death ; the brief cry, " He is risen,"
penetrates our heart with a subtle hope ; He seems
risen for our justification, and a quickening faith
enables us to be crucified and buried with Him, and
to rise also with Him to newness of life.
250 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
We take up these dear records of His life and
death again and again ; we read and re-read the words
that He spoke ; we meditate afresh upon His many
works of healing and mercy, His few works of severity
and judgment. What is there in them? We thought
we knew them almost by heart ; they are familiar to
us as the sky and the woods and the sea ; but they
are always new. Some miracle or sign which once
seemed difficult to believe is constantly passing into
the category of the credible as our understanding ot
Him rounds and grows. If there are some things
which still seem to us incredible we can leave them
cheerfully aside, for we count it an irreverence to at-
tribute to the Person whom we are getting to know
anything which is out of harmony with the character
as we know it. The Cross is always breaking upon us
in new aspects and new phases, like a mountain peak
which is eternal, but never the same for two hours
together in the passing of cloud or the outbreak of
sunshine, the gathering of the treasures of the snow
or the unsealing of the fountains which are to water
the vale. His words too — they are spirit and life, and
we are always saying with a fresh emphasis, " Never
man spake like this man." Some simple apophthegm
of His is constantly piercing down to the roots of our
life, or some lovely parable will quietly unveil a
spacious landscape of unnoticed truth. We study
THE MEMOIRS OF JESUS. 251
the Sermon on the Mount for a lifetime, and in the
second sight and brightening intuition of an old age
which has passed from godliness to godliness, we
begin to perceive with awe that we have understood
but the surface of it, and have never sounded its
depths. We turn back again and again to His
summary of the Law and the Prophets, and with
every sorrowful failure, every painful discovery how
little we love, how little we seem capable of loving,
we come back to Him and say, Master, Thou hast well
said : to love God with all our hearts and our neigh-
bour as ourselves is the clearness and joy of heaven ;
Lord, teach us to love. And how often, when with a
foolish optimism and a shallow misconception of the
solemn facts which form the underground of life, we
have thought to minimise or explain away some of
His searching severities. His words about the fire
which is not quenched and the worm which does not
die, we have been constrained to come humbly back
to His feet with the surprised confession that He knew
best !
Now it is this Person of the Gospels — and not merely
the sketchy portrait of Him — which is the great reve-
lation of God. " All things have been delivered unto
me of my Father, and no one knoweth the Son save
the Father ; neither doth any know the Father save
the Son, and he to whomsoever the Son willeth to
252 RE VELA TlON AND THE BIBLE.
reveal him " (Matt. xi. 27). It is the Person who
could say this, who could realise, too, what He said
that strikes all criticism dumb. All that is told about
Him gathers round what He is. Miracle and sign
are not given as proofs of what He is, but they seem
to flow by a kind of inner necessity from Him who
uttered those wonderful w^ords. We do not believe in
the Divinity of Jesus because of the miraculous con-
ception mentioned in the first chapter of Matthew ;
rather we are forced by the conviction of His
Divinity to believe in that manner of His birth. If
He was born in the common way of human generation
the miracle of what He is seems too transcendent for
human faith.
It is indeed a strange conceit that any artificial
guarantee is needed for the Person presented in these
Gospels. To prop His authenticity by a dogma about
the infallibility of the evangelists is like trying to
shore up Mont Blanc, and to keep it from falling
with a {q.\n pine logs hewn from its ridges. We may
joyfully anticipate the day when Christians will
surrender their puerile apologetics, their attempts to
verify the eternal Truth by a paltry fiction which is
pricked like a bubble by the first touch of inquiry.
Non tali auxilio, non defensoribus istis
Tern pus eget.
Some day we shall let the evangelists again tell
THE MEMOIRS OF JESUS. 253
their own tale, without our impertinent prehide of
tales about them ; and an astonished world will see
again in these Memoirs of Jesus the unmistakable
reflection of the Jesus whom the disciples saw.
But still the strongest answer to a timorous belief
remains. The abiding reason why the frank admis-
sion of what the Gospels are cannot take away our
Lord is this : the Person of whom the Gospels tell is
nothing if He is not a living and active presence
now. All that is said of Him, and all that He is
reported to have said, is naught unless He gave the
distinct promise that wherever two or three were
gathered in His name there He would be in the
midst of them. The Gospels are mere waste-paper,
or at least of no more practical religious value than
the Mcnwrabilia of Xenophon or the Jouriial of
Amiel, unless we may accept literally the assertion,
" Lo, I am with you always, even to the end of the
world." Did He say that ? Does He fulfil that
saying ? That is the vital question, and not, whether
Matthew was a sacred penman miraculously guaran-
teed against the possibility of error. Now we may
conceive the three Gospels as in effect three witnesses
from the age after the Resurrection, eagerly asserting
that the Lord had risen, had appeared to one or
another of His disciples, had finally disappeared, but
only on such terms that His presence with His people
254 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
would be perpetual and unbroken. If the Gospels in
asserting this are maintaining a lie, let them be ruth-
lessly thrown aside. Some good Christians seem to
think that the only proof they have of the assertion
is the statement of the evangelists, and their timid
anxiety to maintain the infallibility of the Gospels
arises from a fearful conviction that if those books
were lost the Living Christ would be lost. Orthodoxy
of this type, it is almost unnecessary to repeat, rests
on a profound and radical unbelief. Its champions
are sceptics who can attach no meaning to the great
saying, " I am with you," except this, that a written
word is with them, a Book infallibly inspired and
miraculously preserved. But what we may call the
orthodoxy of the first Christian century — the century
before the New Testament was written — is becoming
again the orthodoxy of the Nineteenth Century, the
century in which the cramped doctrine of Biblical
infallibility has become doubtful. Men are be-
ginning to believe again the mighty truth that
Jesus lives and is with them even now. A hard
and incredulous materialism, created largely by a
hard and essentially sceptical Christianity, says still
with a sneer, Where is your Lord ? Show Him to us
if He indeed be alive. And we answer not by an
appeal to documents which unbelief will not accept
as an authority, but by an appeal to facts which
THE MEMOIRS OF JESUS. 255
unbelief itself may ignore but cannot deny. We
may boldly venture all on the fact that Jesjis lives
ayidis among 11s now. If the doubter will not take
the trouble to examine the details of religious history,
if he will not test the reality of Christ's saving
presence in the lives which have been redeemed by
Him, in the miserable rescued by Him from their
misery, in the bad turned by Him into the good — we
must at least insist upon it that he should try for
himself whether Jesus lives before he commits himself
to his arbitrary negation. The first apostles went to
convert the world not with a New Testament in their
hands, for it was only their labours which resulted in
the production of the New Testament, but with the
risen Christ in their hearts, and with a power not
their own, which was able to bring Jews and Gentiles
alike into a personal contact with this living Saviour.
That is precisely the method which is needed to-day.
If these pages fall under the eye of an unbeliever, of
one who is a stranger to Christ, they have a message
for him, direct and simple as that which Peter
preached at Pentecost. This message thrusts aside
as irrelevant the thousand and one pleas and objec-
tions which unbelief is accustomed to urge, and comes
at once to the point. Jesus, the living Saviour, bids
you come unto Him with the promise that He will
save you. " But how.'*" you say; " I cannot see Him "
256 RE VELA TTON AND THE BIBLE.
No, but as a spiritual presence He is at hand and
accessible to your spirit. " But," you object, " I do
not believe in His Divinity." No, but what He asks
is that you should believe in Him, and He puts no
metaphysical tests in the way of your accepting Him.
" But I do not believe in the miracles, the story of
the birth, and the rest." He is here, not speaking of
these, but of His power to save you ; will you come
unto Him that you may receive life ? If you ivill^ He
gives you life ; if you will not, you are without life.
" But," still you exclaim, " I do not believe in the
atonement." When He bids you come unto Him He
does not demand a theological definition or the
acceptance of a religious formula. He says that He
came to serve, and to give His life a ransom for
many. He says that His blood was shed for you
and for many for the remission of sins. The question
is, will you trust the love of God, will you accept the
remission of sins which Jesus offers, will you take
your position as a pardoned and reconciled child of
God in Christ Jesus ?
Where a man has learnt his own weakness and
sinfulness and need, where in consequence he
humbles himself as a little child, he comes to Jesus
in one brief and heartfelt prayer. Jesus is unseen,
but His presence is acknowledged, and He is
received. And as many as receive Him get power
THE MEMOIRS OF [ESUS. 257
to become the sons of God, even as many as believe
on His name. Now, the whole of our subsequent
investigation of the New Testament writings will tend
to show that the very essence of this Gospel was the
proclamation of a living Christ, whose living power
was ordinarily manifested in the persons of men and
women who gave admission to Him. If the value of
these first three memoirs of the Lord is that they
present us with a tolerably accurate picture of Jesus
as He lived and died upon earth, and rose again from
the grave, and ascended into heaven, they are only
the introduction to a series of writings which derive
all their value from the witness they give to this
resurrection life of Jesus. " And it came to pass,
while he blessed them he parted from them, and
was carried up into heaven. And they worshipped
him, and returned to Jerusalem with great joy, and
were continually in the temple, blessing God." That
is how the third and latest of the three closes the
narrative. The Risen One has left His disciples,
and yet He has not left them disconsolate. There is
an attitude of expectation ; there is a breathless
pause. He has gone, but He is not far away ; He
will be with us still. The following books of the
New Testament show in a variety of ways how this
expectation is fulfilled. If the first three Gospels are
a revelation of God in the person, the human person,
18
258 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
of Jesus, they lead immediately up to the revelation
of Jesus Himself, prolonged in the work, the ex-
perience, the faith of His chosen disciples and their
successors. The memoirs of Jesus were closed,
nothing more could be added ; nothing has been
added except a {(tx^^ trifling recollections preserved by
St. Paul, and the treasure of reminiscence in the
Gospel of St, John. The brief beautiful life on earth
was rounded and set like a triple cameo-image in a
simple frame, to last as long as man is on the earth.
But the saving life of Jesus was only just beginning ;
it manifested itself in certain normal and sufficient
ways in the apostolic days, and the New Testament
writings are the record of it. It still manifests itself,
for the most part strictly along the lines of that New
Testament literature, but by no means necessarily
confined to them. The revelation of God in the face
of Christ Jesus is perpetuated in the life of the
Church, the saints in whom He has dwelt, the
teachers, the martyrs, the heroes, whom He has
inspired. And by a not unnatural figure the whole
sum total of redeemed beings in whom He has mani-
fested, or will still manifest. Himself to the end of
time, may be treated as the body, the limbs, of which
He is the head.
Perhaps it was with some glimmering conscious-
ness of this that one of the evangelists, the one who
THE MEMOIRS OF JESUS, 259
echoed Peter's teaching, gave to his brief record of
the human life the singular title, " The beginning of
the Gospel of Jesus Christ, the Son of God." A
beginning indeed, and yet if we may be pardoned
the paradox, a complete beginning.
In closing this chapter it may be permissible to
appeal to the guardians of the letter of Scripture,
and to ask them whether the truth does not begin to
dawn upon them that God has provided a more
substantial protection of His revelation than the
traditional dogmatisms which once seemed strong,
but now are sufficiently worm-eaten and insecure.
Would not believers in Christ commend Him best to
the world if they really believed in Him, and ven-
tured to fall back on the promises which He has
given ? Arc believers quite sure that they are not
themselves the main cause of the world's unbelief?
Have they not demanded faith in a book, where
Christ meant them to demand faith in a Person ?
Have they not led the world astray in a weary
conflict about literary details, with dull reiteration
declaring that that is the word of God which is not
the word of God, so that men have not seen the true
Word of God that was with God from the beginning,
and became flesh, and tabernacled amongst us ? If
they would only understand that Jesus lives, and
present Him living to the weary and sinful humanity
around them, would not all men be drawn to Him ?
CHAPTER X.
THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH.
The Ads of the Apostles is the record of the found-
ing of the Church. Its opening words connect it
with the third Gospel. There is no reason to ques-
tion that the two works proceed from the same pen,
or that the same method of historical research and
collation prevails in the later book which was
deliberately adopted by the author, according to his
own statement (Luke i. i, &c.) in the earlier. The
evangelist had done his best to give a full and par-
ticular account of all that Jesus began to do and to
teach, and in this supplementary history he endea-
voured to show what Jesus continued to do and to
teach after He was received up into heaven. But it
may be at once noticed that this opening passage
which forms the point of juncture between the two
works, gives us a clear indication that the author lays
no claim to infallibility. In the simplest and most
260
THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH. 261
natural way he corrects himself. When he wrote the
Gospel he had been under the impression that the
Ascension had taken place immediately after the
Resurrection. If we observe the marks of time in
chap. xxiv. — " that very day," ver. 13;" that very
hour," ver. 33 ; "as they spake these things," ver.
36 ; " and he led them out," ver. 50 — we cannot
doubt that the author looked on all these events as
compressed into a {(^\v hours. When he approached
his second treatise he was better informed, and knew
that for six weeks or so after the Resurrection the
Risen Lord manifested Himself to His disciples, as if
to accustom them to the idea of His continued life,
before He passed into the invisibility of His heavenly
reign. Where an author thus corrects himself, and
admits new information to modify a statement that
he has previously written, we certainly learn to trust
him more as an honest writer, but we feel at once
the absurdity of ascribing the qualities of infallibility
and inerrancy to his work. Now, if our author had
laid claim to infallibility, if he had professed to
receive his information from the lips of God, as
Mohammed does in the Koran, we should certainly
be in a great dilemma. A mistake in historical
statement, a contradiction, an inaccuracy, would be
appalling, for it would mean that either God had
made the error or the author was an impostor. But
262 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
how gratuitous it is, when Luke is so perfectly
humble, transparent, and simple in his claims, to
raise other claims for him, and to overwhelm him
with confusion by declaring that he is what he never
pretended to be, when the facts show that what he
pretended to be he is ! Whatever handle Scep-
ticism or Rationalism has found in assailing the
book, has been put into the hand of the enemy
by the gross and baseless theory of the dogma
that declares the supernatural authorship of the
Biblical books in defiance of all the d-eclarations
and obvious facts of the Bible itself. The frank
surrender of that hurtful dogm.a will be the be-
ginning of a new era of faith in the Bible and its
revelation.
St. Luke — for we may give the author the familiar
name which an unbroken tradition has preserved —
comes before us as an honest historian wishing to
tell us the story of the first thirty years after his
Divine Lord had left the earth. The earliest
reference to the book in ancient literature is made
by Irenseus, writing towards the end of the Second
Century (182-188 A.D.) ; and this is the gist of the
claim advanced for it — Luke told the truth, and no
one can convince him of unveracity.^ Irenaeus says
' Neque Lucam mendaccm esse possunt ostendere veritatem nobis
cum omni diligentia annuntiantem. {Co/if. Hcrcs. iii. 15, § i.)
THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH. 263
nothing of a miraculous guarantee that every fact
narrated should be correct. Inspiration, as modern
theologians have conceived it, is not the basis of
Luke's authority. But speaking of Luke, just as we
might speak to-day of Dr. Johnson or any other
well-known writer who lived a century ago, Irenaius
says that he was truthful, and his veracity was not
open to dispute. It may be said with much reason
that "to announce the truth with all diligence" is due
to inspiration, and that all truth comes from Him
who is the Truth ; but the point to insist on is that
neither Luke himself, nor the first witness to Luke in
Christian literature — Irenseus — is concerned to claim
anything more for the Acts of the Apostles, than such
veracity as a diligent and honest man can manifest in
collecting and compiling the events of the generation
to which he himself belongs, or of the one imme-
diately preceding it. There is, however, an excep-
tional guarantee for correctness in this narrative — at
all events, in the later parts, where we arc permitted
to accompany St. Paul in his apostolic journeys.
This guarantee is referred to by Ireneeus in just the
same way that we should attribute an additional
authority to an honest writer who had actually been
present, let us say, at the occurrences of the French
Revolution. Luke, in the simplest way, betrays the
fact that he w\as a companion of St. Paul in parts of
264 REVELATION AISlD THE BIBLE.
his work.i He joined the Apostle at Troas in his
first missionary enterprise beyond the borders of
Asia (Acts xvi. 10), and was with him at intervals
during the remainder of the story until the arrival
and settlement in Rome.
Here, then, is a historical memoir, written by one
who saw some of the things which he narrates, and
must have had ready access to materials for telling
the rest of his story. Without attempting to deter-
mine the date of the composition, for which we have
no satisfactory evidence, except the abrupt and
apparently inconclusive termination of the narrative,
combined with the fact that the author was a witness
of the later part of his story, we may say : This is
the way in which the early story of the Church was
conceived in the last quarter of the First Century of
our Era. That many events v/ere already obscured
by distance is only natural ; that some had to rest
on more or less imperfect evidence is inevitable ;
that the views and beliefs of the generation in which
the book saw the light occasionally obtrude them-
selves on the narrative, need not be denied. But the
^ Omnibus his cum adesset Lucas diligenter conscn]:)sit ea uti neque
mendax neque elatus deprehendi possit. {Cont. Hures. iii. 14, § i.)
The "neque elatus " seems to refer to the modesty in marking his own
part in the ApostoHc history by simply using the word " we " where he
was present himself. And certainly this self-suppressing simplicity is a
rare reason for trusting a man.
THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH. 265
book is history in the sense that Thucydides is his-
tory, and probably no one would have been audacious
enough to say that it was anything less if the Church
had not been foolish enough to declare that it is
something more. When the Church maintained that
it was not history at all in the ordinary sense of the
word, but a work proceeding from God, written by
the Holy Ghost, the simple basis of truth was left,
and the way was prepared for the indignant assaults
of disillusionised critics. Orthodoxy was not content
to treat the book as historical, but would maintain
that it was miraculous ; it regarded the epithet " his-
torical " as almost a slur on the supernatural origin of
the work. Heterodoxy, not unreasonably, agreed with
orthodoxy in considering it not historical, and tried
to explain its origin in a naturalistic way. But now
it is to be hoped that both wings are coming to one
conclusion. The book is history. It has the merits
of history ; it has also its defects. It is true, as
history is true ; it is fallible, as history is fallible.
We may believe it — nay, we must believe it, as we
believe all history— but we are not called upon to
believe it, and, indeed, we are only superstitious if we
affect to believe it, in any other way. It is, as we
shall see very soon, the history of a great revelation,
and therefore, as a correct narrative, it is itself a
revelation. But the history of a revelation is not of
266 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
itself anything more than history. Boswell may give
a faultless picture of Johnson without being in any
sense assimilated to Johnson, and a man may tell the
story of those wonderful years which saw the begin-
ning of the Christian Church without being himself
any more than a painstaking and accurate observer.
Now, in order to get the right point of view in
understanding this relation of the writer to his
work, and to grasp the kind of revelation which we
can find in the book, it is desirable, ungracious
though the task may seem, to briefly indicate the
limitations and the inaccuracies of our author, limita-
tions and inaccuracies not more or less than we find
in other historical compositions of antiquity. To
begin with, it is very curious to set side by side the
three narratives of Saul's conversion (chaps, ix., xxii.,
xxvi.). They are not irreconcilable, it may be said,
but they are certainly very different in their details.
A modern writer in so brief a book would either not
repeat the same thing three times, or would reduce
the three versions to a close conformity. But St.
Luke has no concern In the matter. When, in chap,
ix., he tells the story in his own words, he docs not
feel it necessary to make it correspond with the story
which later on he will put into the mouth of Paul
himself. A general correctness, a summary of the
events, and a casting of the central thoughts into
THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH. 267
the best form that occurs at the time, are all that
he deems desirable. By historical accuracy he does
not mean verbal exactitude ; he means rather the
best interpretation of the events which he is at the
moment able to give. This furnishes the clue to
understanding the various speeches which he records.
He has no intention of giving a verbatim report of
what was said. If he gives what appears to be a
verbatim report, it is only for the sake of vividness
in narrative. The speech of Paul on Areopagus, for
example, was not limited to one minute and a half,
which is about the time that the reported words would
take to deliver ; but the historian throws into his own
words and gives in a very condensed form the sub-
stance of what we can easily see was one of the
grandest sermons ever preached. We never charge
Thucydides with ill faith because he composes
speeches for Pericles, Nicias, or Brasidas ; and yet
we never understand by those reports in his great
work that he commits himself to the verbal accuracy
of those speeches. It was the habit of all historians
in antiquity — and the habit survived even to the era
of Macaulay — to give the spirit and movement of
the story which they were relating by expressing in
so many words the ideas or emotions which were
presumably in the minds of the actors. St. Luke
had often heard St. Paul preach ; he would be quite
268 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
familiar with his style ; a few notes jotted down on
a special occasion would give him a cue to the dis-
course, and he would find no difficulty in composing
the general line of argument without deviating from
the spirit of the speaker, yet without remembering
the very words he used. The discourses of other
apostles, such as Peter's sermons, or the apology of
Stephen, or the speech of Gamaliel, would rest most
likely on more uncertain materials. But their sub-
stantial accuracy may be accepted just as we accept
the substantial accuracy of similar reports in other
ancient historians.
When this simple historical view is secured, there
is something quite puerile in taking exception to
points of detail in these speeches. Supposing
Stephen actually stated the period of Egyptian
bondage as 400 years, instead of 430, according
to Exodus xii. 40, there is no great matter for
quibbling ; ^ but Stephen may have been pedantically
accurate in his dates, and yet the report may not
have been quite exact — we are not dealing with a
speech in Hansard, but with a speech composed on
the recognised principles of ancient historical nar-
rative. A great deal has been made of the
anachronism in Acts v. 36, where the historian
^ St. Paul's historical inaccuracy is more striking in Gal. iii. 17,
where he refers the 430 years to the period from the cov^enant with
Abraham to the giving of the Law.
THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH. 2lo^
makes Gamaliel refer to the uprising of the sicarii
under Theudas — an event which did not happen until
ten years after the time at which Gamaliel was
speaking.^ It is not possible, therefore, that Gamaliel
could have referred to this event as an illustration
of abortive insurrections. But it is possible, and
quite natural, that our author, in composing the
speech of Gamaliel, should put together the two
examples which were most familiar to him and to
his contemporaries, without knowing or remembering
that Theudas was, not before, but a generation later,
than Judas of Galilee. If we suppose that Gamaliel's
speech is supernaturally recorded by the Holy Ghost,
then we charge upon God this historical error ; but
we must remember that St. Luke never dreams of
resting his statements on such infallible authority.
If some one more versed in the obscure story of
Jewish insurrections had pointed out to him that
Theudas was later than the time of Gamaliel's speech,
he would have unhesitatingly corrected his mistake,
as he did the impression about the Ascension. ^
^ Josephus, Ant. xx. 5. i, where the date is fixed by the procurator-
ship of Crispins Fadus, which was in the reign of Claudius, and not
before 44 a.d.
2 Holtzmann has tried to show that vSt. Luke had before him the
passage in Josephus which records the uprisings of Judas and Theudas,
and has argued ingeniously that other parts of St. Luke betray a know-
ledge of this passage. From this he has argued that the Acts must
have been written after 93 A.D., the date of the publication of the
Antiquities. But is it not fair to assume that if St. Luke had read the
270 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
But the general fallibilities and inexactnesses which
are incident to all historical composition are revealed
most unmistakably by a comparison between the
story of St. Paul in the Acts and the letters of the
Apostle which have happily come down to us. It
illustrates how even a close and constant com-
panion — a companion who on one occasion at least
remained with his friend when all other friends
had forsaken him ^ — could fail to learn the minute
details of his life or even to exactly express the drift
of his teaching. When once the idea of supernatural
infallibility in the writing of the history is laid aside
there is nothing in this to cause us surprise. It is the
commonest thing in the world to find that even a
near friend is not fully posted in the dates and
transactions of another man's life ; and it is the
almost universal experience that the disciples of a
great teacher more or less misrepresent the position
of their master. Sensible people, therefore, will think
none the less of the Acts because we certainly should
not have gathered from that memoir the same view of
St. Paul's visits to Jerusalem and relation with the
passage of Joi-ephus, he would not have made the bUinder of putting
Theudas before Judas, and the anachronism of ascribing the reference
to Gamaliel on this occasion? It is curious how all the interested
attempts to bring down the date of the Acts to a period when the
witness of a contemporary would be nullified are shattered by some
irresistible fact, and mole sua rinint.
^ 2 Tim. iv. II.
THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH. 271
Apostles there which his own letters have taught us
to regard as the correct one ; or because the narrative
of the Acts betrays no sign of the impassioned
polemic which the Apostle of the Gentiles maintained
with the Apostles of the Circumcision, makes no
reference to the conflict between Peter and Paul, and
leaves a general impression that it was Peter who
advocated the extension of the Gospel to the Gen-
tiles, and Paul who was tender to Jewish prejudices
and rigid in exacting at least the essentials of the
Law\
To deny this slight incongruit}^ between Luke's
writings and St. Paul's Epistles is an expedient very
congenial to those who have a theory to maintain ;
but those Bible students who wish to see and to face
the facts will shrink from such a method of apologetic
as dishonouring to the Bible and disastrous to their
own mental honesty. Such students will find a great
relief in seeing that they are not called upon to shut
their eyes and to deny obvious facts, but that the
Acts is a historical work which, notwithstanding the
unimpeachable honesty and diligence of its author,
cannot possibly give so close a transcript from fact as
the letters of the man who was the chief actor in the
events.
The question which naturally arises from the
recognition of this position — the question whether
272 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
everything in the book is to be accepted as actual
and trustworthy — may be remitted to the closing part
of the present chapter ; and indeed it cannot be
profitably discussed until we have turned our atten-
tion to the general contents of the book. We are
prepared, so we may assume, to admit that we have
before us a narrative of events which is historical and
deserving of a general credence. It has been already
hinted that these events themselves were a revelation
of God. Not the narrative itself — so runs our formula
— but the things narrated constitute the revelation.
It is incumbent upon us now to handle these
things narrated, not in detail, which would be a
very lengthy process, but in the mass. We must,
with the help of our historian, look at the events
which he describes ; we must grasp the facts as facts;
we must see what they imply ; we must endeavour to
state with as much exactness as possible what is the
precise revelation which such facts convey. It will not
be possible to compare these events with similar
events in the history of other religions, because there
are no similar events in other religions. The ideas
and truths presented in the events cannot very well
be tested by the consideration of other ideas and
truths, for they stand essentially alone. But another
method of weighing the revelation contained in the
book is happily at hand. We shall be able to ask.
THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH 273
and to some extent to determine, how far the reve-
lation contained in the book is still continued in
experience, how far the events recorded are repeated
in the history of the church. We may find that the
verification of the book is nearer at hand than we
thought.
When the life of Jesus was ended — when the brief
experience of the resurrection days was over — when
the mysterious body of the risen Lord had been
taken up into heaven, a cloud receiving it out of
human sight — the great question was this, Is the
work of Jesus done, and must its continuance be
sought simply in the careful record of the things
which the disciples saw and heard while He was
among them ? Was the message of Christianity to
be the story of " the sinless years that passed beneath
the Syrian blue " — the perpetual iteration of what
happened once, of things which from the nature of the
case must recede year by year into the mists of
distance, and be seen only through the legendary veil
of a tender memory ? Was the Gospel to be 'merely
a biography of a life that began in the manger and
ended in the Ascension ? If this was to be the
message of Christianity we may well pause to ask
whether it contained in itself the elements of con-
tinuance. It may freely be granted — as almost all
competent judges have asserted — that what M.
19
274 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
Renan calls " the legend of Jesus " has a charm and
a value of its own. No one is now found to deny that
His words are vital, His teaching unequalled, and His
character impressive and morally stimulating. But
could a progressive religion be constructed out of
these elements ? Mr. Lecky has declared that
Christianity has in the character of its Founder
preserved a lasting power of Regeneration. But can
any character known only through the imperfect
medium of historical records be relied on to reach
men who are not accustomed to study — men who,
when accustomed to study, are more likely to bring
their critical powers to bear on the narrative than to
be powerfully influenced by the character depicted ?
Or, to throw ourselves back into the position of those
simple men who had just seen their Master disappear
from their midst, granted that they had the liveliest
memories of His word and work, granted that their
emotions were deeply stirred by the circumstances of
His death, granted even that they were firmly con-
vinced of His resurrection, what resources had they
for making their story an influence of regeneration in
the world } They admittedly had no power of a
political or social kind ; and even if they had been
powerful in their own nation, their own nation was
insignificant and uninfluential in the world at large ;
nay, if they had been in the position of Marcus
THE POUNDING OF THE CHU^RCH. 275
Aurclius or Julian, what chance had they of con-
vincini^ the world of their faith any more than those
great and earnest emperors were able to make their
religious principles a power among their own sub-
jects ? These disciples of Jesus were not even men
of learning or culture ; we can hard!)' affirm with
certainty that any one of them was a man of talent.
We have only to turn to the way in which the
first of the evangelists quotes the ancient prophecies,
and to the many instances of inexact citation and
arbitrary interpretation which occur in the New
Testament writers generally, to discover the mental
limitations and the insufficient literary erudition of
these men. Without means, without learning, with-
out social or political influence, without any striking
natural gifts, the handful of people who had com-
panied with Jesus were looking into the future and
considering how they could be witnesses of the things
which they knew.
Now it requires only a careful consideration to
discover that they were, on the terms which have
been supposed, committed to an impossible task.
When modern critics speak in their easy way of the
disciples shaping the legend of Jesus, propagating the
faith in the strength of their own innocent illusions,
and changing the face of society and the course of
the world's history by a creed, the chief strength of
276 REVELATION AND 7'HE BIBLE.
which lay in its romantic and imaginary elements,
these critics do not appear to notice that they are
ascribing to the first disciples the accomplishment of
an impossible task. Let us propose only one simple
question to them. Can they show any single life
within the range of their experience transformed,
changed from bad to good, by the mere statement of
a fiction ? To speak of changing the world in a
moral and spiritual sense by the zealous proclamation
of an untruth is simply to attribute an effect to that
which is not a vera causa.
But if the disciples and their followers actually
effected the results which are now historically indis-
putable, it is necessary for every careful student to
seek for the power or the instruments which made the
impossible task possible. The book which we are
now considering is the statement from one who was
a contemporary, and in some cases an eye-witness,
of the influence that was at work, of the unexplained
elements which changed the simple narrative of the
life of Jesus into the story of the Church.
We saw in the last chapter how the promise of His
continued presence even after His death in the midst
of His disciples was a large feature in the teaching
of Jesus. He was to return to them when He had
left them. The manner of His return was not very
explicitly described ; but there was a " promise of the
THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH a-jy
Father;" and as at the beginning of their discipleship
they had been baptized with water, they were now
shortly to be baptized with the Holy Ghost and with
fire (Acts i. 5). About six weeks after the Crucifixion,
on the day of Pentecost, this promise was realised ;
they received /^a'tv, and were able to be the witnesses
of Jesus, first to Jerusalem and the home provinces, and
afterwards to the uttermost parts of the earth. The
description of this event, which was the turning-point
in the histor}- of Christianity, is given in very pic-
turesque language, as it was currently described and
received among believers in the writer's own day, fifty
or sixty years after it happened. We must remember
that we are dealing with a spiritual fact ; the rushing
wind and the tongues of fire are symbols of a spiritual
experience which is even now not readil}' rendered
into the bare language of prose, and at its first occur-
rence transcended all ordinary modes of linguistic
representation. \Vc are in some ways better able
than St. Luke to describe what happened, for the
issue of a great event is often the best interpretation
of its beginning. The disciples, waiting together,
prayerful and expectant, were one and all possessed
by a new spiritual influence ; an inward illumina-
tion revealed to them with convincing clearness the
things of Christ ; they saw His life, His death, His
resurrection in a new light ; they apprehended
278 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
that He was exalted to give repentance and remis-
sion of sins, and that through faith in His name
whoever beheved should be immediately saved.
Not only did the facts present themselves in this
distinct and salvatory way, but with the new realisa-
tion had come a new and conscious power of ex-
pression ; they found themselves able to speak the
things which hitherto they had not been able even
to conceive ; they were possessed with the conviction
that a message was given to them which could and
must be delivered to every nation under heaven.
There was an end of faltering and weakness — here
was the great power of God. Not in their own
strength, any more than in their own wisdom, they
might step out to proclaim Jesus. He was indeed
back with them again, not visible, not audible, but
manifest inwardly, His character unchanged, His
powers enlr.rged because the fleshly limitations were
removed, His saving work made applicable to all
who would believe and receive Him. This was the
baptism of the Hoi}' Ghost — an experience which
not unnaturally is described by those who have
passed through it otherwise than by those who
simply see the outward effects. That little company
of unlettered men immediately began to speak with
'' tongues of fire." Their words were human words,
words not in themselves very extraordinary, but
THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH. 279
they came with a startling power. Alen who heard
were pricked to the heart ; with strange and un-
expected emotion they asked, " What must we do
to be saved ? " with eager faith they accepted Jesus,
and in accepting Him were baptized with the same
spiritual Power. Changed inwardly, new creatures
in Christ, they gathered together in societies, and
manifested in their work and worship, in their lives
and in their speech, the same transforming spiritual
energy which had transformed them. It all seemed,
in looking back upon it, miraculous ; indeed, it all
was miraculous. It was entirely a new experience
in the history of the w^orld and the development of
religion. This power of a mere message, a Ki]pvryfjLa,
as it was called by the Greeks, to break the hard
heart, touch the seared conscience, open the spiritu-
ally darkened eyes, and change the whole inner
nature, was so unexampled that all who saw it felt
that they were living in a region of miracle ; every
spiritual fact seemed to be confirmed by signs
following. The Risen Lord was certainly with His
own, as He had promised to be, doing greater
things than He had done in the flesh because He
had gone to the Father. It is not difficult to con-
ceive how the doings of those first glad days were
treasured up in the memories of those who had
seen them. With what awe they would speak of the
28o REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
mysterious influence which was at work not only
on mon's minds, but on their bodies ! With what
wonder would they repeat in after days how the
common religious experience led to a common life,
and a communism of property; how two disciples had
with a word of mighty faith healed a lame man in
the Temple ; how persecution broke out ; how two
members of the community who had deceived the
apostles mysteriously expired ; how that guileless
and enthusiastic Stephen died — the first martyr ;
how news began to come in to Jerusalem from
those who were scattered abroad by the persecu-
tion ! Philip's strange experiences at Samaria and at
Azotus ; Saul's sudden change from a persecutor to a
believer ; Peter's work at Joppa, and admission of a
Gentile — yes, actually a Roman — into the community
of the Holy Ghost, would pass from lip to lip. And
with gratitude it would be told how Peter was in a
sweet and impressive way delivered from prison ; and
then how the new convert, Saul, was becoming a
mightier preacher of the faith than any of the first
apostles, carrying the blessed name far out among the
Gentiles. In the Acts of the Apostles we have the
faithful record of all these facts as they were con-
ceived by the churches of the following generation.
It is the story of the first operations of the Spiritual
Christ in the world, the story of the Holy Ghost.
THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH 281
Now men who to the present day do " not so much
as know that there is a Holy Ghost " pass Hghtly over
the whole book and relegate it to the region of fable,
because it is a record of the miraculous. But it is for
this very reason that we assign it a place in history.
The essential features of the story have been repeated,
and are constantly to-day being repeated, in the history
of the Church ; and if this book is not history we are
indeed without a clue to the marvels which pass before
our eyes. We ma}- freely admit that those who deny
the veracity of these present realities are logically
bound a fortiori to reject the Acts of the Apostles ;
but the same kind of logic demands that we who
know the reality of the spiritual things which happen
to-day should believe in the veracity of the Acts.
We may freely admit that where our experience
to-day docs not confirm events recorded in that
early book we are bound to hold the truth of those
events with a loosened conviction, and to candidly
allow at least a possibility that some mistake has
crept into the tradition. But the essential features
of this story arc ever vivid and fresh in the expe-
rience of the Church : such things are enacted before
our own eyes. The baptism of the Spirit is no
miracle of a bygone age, it is a miracle of to-day.
To-day assembled disciples, and often disciples in
solitude and isolation, receive the mighty impact of
282 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
the Spirit. To-day they speak simple words which
break h*ke a mighty rushing wind over assembhes
of men, and shake the stubborn will, the hardened
heart, the deadened conscience, of the godless. To-
day more things are wrought by prayer than the
world cares to understand. To-day every mission
field has its own story to tell of events which are
in every essential respect identical with those which
are recorded in the Acts of the Apostles. When, in
the little river near Ongole, Dr. Clough and his assis-
tant, working from morning to night, baptized between
two and three thousand converts in a day, the story
of Pentecost was practically repeated. When the
ignorant Karen tribes hailed the arrival of the mis-
sionaries because tradition told them of a Heavenly
Father, the knowledge of whom they had lost through
their sins, some of Paul's experiences amongst the
more susceptible heathen in Galatia, or the more
candid Jews in Beroea, were repeated. Nay, strange
as it may sound, the story of the persecution in Mada-
gascar, and the miraculous propagation of the faith
when the missionaries were expelled from the Island,
and all believers were being ruthlessly martyred, is
far more wonderful than any story told in our book.
Fiji and the South Seas, Hawaii and New Guinea,
have added, if we may use the expression which has
lately become common, chapters to the Acts of the
THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH. 283
Apostles surpassing in interest any of the earlier
chapters incUided in the Canon. It is ahvays a vain
thing to recite the miraculous events in the history of
the Church to the unspiritual world, which does not
mean to believe ; the miracles are not for the purpose
of convincing unbelievers, they are the outcome of a
faith in God which has already been otherwise estab-
lished ; but it is only stating a simple fact to say
that authentic and unquestioned missionary literature
— and it must be remembered that the missionary
work is the parallel in the modern world to the history
of the Acts — teems with events which are miraculous
in the only sense in which any of us wish to maintain
the reality of miracles — that is, events which admit
of no other explanation than that God acts immedi-
ately and unmistakably in and for His people when
they are engaged in carrying on the work which He
gives them to do.
But here it may be said, and with much force, no
present-day experience gives us any example of a man
being spirited away from one place to another as
Philip was, or of dead people being brought to life
as Lydia and Eutychus were, or of the sick being
healed by contact with cloths and garments, as is de-
scribed in the Acts. We grant, some thoughtful and
impartial observers will say, that the cure of disease
through strong religious faith is not uncommon, that
2S4 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
a direct guidance of the Spirit such as Paul received
again and again in his work is frequently met with in
the biographies of devoted men like Stephen Grellet
or John Wesley, and that the overruling of physical
events, winds and storms and the like, in the interest
of God's servants, is as manifest in such a book as
John Paton's life as it is in the Acts of the Apostles ;
but these other miracles, of which we have no kind of
experience, are not credible. The dead are not raised ;
and such magical prodigies as the healing of the sick
by touching relics, or the transportation of a body
through the air, are dishonouring to the general tone,
the high and spiritual tone, of the narrative. Now
the whole of this chapter has been quite in vain if
it has not established the position that the book with
which we are dealing is a history — that is, a narrative
v^^hich is certainly true on the whole, but is not
guaranteed to be infallibly correct in detail. A wise
man, then, will feel no difficulty in accepting its
record in the main, while reserving his judgment about
special points. That is the way in which we are
bound to deal with all historical documents. And it.
has been already granted that the kind and degree of
belief with which we accept facts such as have never
come within the range of our experience must always
be very different from the certitude with which we
accept things which are verified by proofs before our
THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH. 285
eyes. It is therefore quite open to any of us in
reading the book to take out the stories to which we
are now referring, to set tliem aside, and to say,
" Upon the truth of these points I suspend judg-
ment ; " and it is quite conceivable that the faith of
many men will be the stronger for not being en-
cumbered with demands which strain the reason, if
they may accept and hold fast the great spiritual
verities without turning aside to consider material
miracles which are a distraction rather than a reve-
lation ; the great story of the Church's initiation, of
the new power introduced into religious life for the
purpose of proclaiming the Risen Lord and winning
a reluctant world to Him, may stand out clear and
convincing apart from all these questionable details.
We are bound, indeed, to make it clear that the accep-
tance of Jesus as our Saviour, and the reception of
pardon and peace through Him, do not in the least
depend upon the reality of these miracles recorded
in our book. If Lydia and Eutychus had never
existed — or having died were not raised — it does not
in the least alter the fact that Jesus lives, and is the
power of God unto salvation to every one that
believeth. And it is almost childish to imply that
we cannot be born again by the Spirit unless we
believe that Philip was transported through the air
after lie had baptized the Eunuch, and that the touch
286 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
of St. Paul's garments was a curative influence on the
sick. In this matter where the Spirit of the Lord is
there is liberty, and a sincere believer will shrink very
much from casting a mental stumbling-block in the
way of his brother.
But at the same time the present writer may avow
his own conviction. To his mind it seems perfectly
evident that the historical veracity of our book is so
established, that it puts a great obstacle in the way of
denying what may be called so flagrant a fact as a
raising from the dead. The whole story is too much
in the atmosphere and spirit of the time to permit us
to understand how a legend of such a nature could
have grown up. And, on the other hand, the actual
raising up of a dead person to life was a manifestation
of Divine Power which had a peculiar significance in
a Gospel which had for its object to declare that all
the dead should one day rise to judgment. Taking
these larger considerations into account, one might
say, these narratives are not what one may call
proved, but they are probable. On the other hand,
the transport of Philip through the air and the
magical healing of the sick by handkerchiefs which
had touched the Apostle ^ are not at all in the same
category : should they be questioned or even rejected,
that would afford no safe reason for discrediting facts
' Acts xix. 12.
THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH. 287
which are supported by considerations of the kind
just ahuded to.
To sum up in one word, the story of the Acts is
the narrative of a mighty revelation, the revelation of
the Holy Ghost, which has this peculiar property, that
it was only the beginning of a revelation which was
continued, and is present with us in undiminished
vividness and power to-day.
There may be some to whom the traditional view
of revelation is so necessary that, if the view is shaken,
revelation is lost. Such persons would say naively
enough that if diseases were not healed by the means
of the handkerchiefs and aprons, then they have no
ground for believing in Pentecost or the reality of the
Holy Ghost. But there must be many in our day to
whom a disentanglement of ideas will come as a
relief, and they will welcome the possibility of
receiving the great spiritual realities on the ground
of history and experience, and yet holding with a
loose hand things which in the light of history and
experience seem deficiently supported by evidence.
CHAPTER XI.
THE PAULINE LETTERS.
" I forbear, lest any man should account of me above that which he
seeth me to be, or hearcth from me." — 2 COR. xii. 6.
" The exceeding greatness of the revelations." — 2 CoR. v. 7.
It might seem almost impossible to exaggerate the
inspiration of St. Paul's writings, or the significance
of the revelation which has been given to the world
through him. Surely there could be no fear that
any one, by making such an exaggeration, would
end in discrediting the work and the writings of this
Apostle. Yet this almost impossible result the
dogmatism which has prevailed in the Reformed
Churches has very nearly achieved. From the
obvious position that revelations of exceeding great-
ness were made to St. Paul, the dogma passed to
the conclusion that every word he uttered, or at
any rate every line he wrote or dictated, must be
a revelation ; it demanded as an article of faith that
every opinion he expressed, every doctrine he formu-
lated, every regulation he made, must be accepted as
THE PAULINE LETTERS.
the utterance of the mind, and even of the mouth, of
God, It was just the same kind of inference which
we have observed repeatedly in our investigation :'
" Here certainly is a distinct revelation, therefore
everything here is revelation." The fear of the
Apostle has been amply justified. Inconsiderate
men have "accounted of him above that which
they heard from " him, with the result ' that they
have brought his authority into question ; insisting
on a quality of infallibility in all that he wrote, as
the fallibility of a part has been established, they
have led many to conclude that none is infallible.
The indiscriminate judgment has not only been
misguided, it has been misleading, for it has involved
in an equal suspicion all the things which it refused
to distinguish. Where dogma insists that the whole
is Divine, and will admit of no separation or appraisal,
scepticism is sure one day to accept the premiss that
the whole is indivisible, and must stand or fall
together, but to draw the conclusion that, as parts
are evidently human, there is in the whole nothing
that is Divine.
The traditional dogmatism has contrived also to
crystallise another element of obscurity. Not un-
naturally the great name of Paul gave rise to many
pseudepigraphical writings — that is to say, teachers of
a later date, wishing to ^w^ colour to their teaching,
290 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
couched it in the form of a Pauline letter. Employ-
ing in some cases no doubt fragments of the Apostle's
thought or language, they elaborated their material
and produced a composition which might easily be
mistaken for his. Whether we have in our Canon
any writings of this order is a matter of question.
But the old orthodoxy foreclosed the question, and
was eager to treat it as a matter of faith or of un-
faith ; it demanded that as a preliminary of reading
the New Testament every reader should concede that
every Pauline letter was written by St. Paul. Thus
not only was it necessary to believe that every word
of Paul's was a word of God, but it was also required
that every word attributed to Paul when the Canon
of the New Testament was made should be treated
unquestioningly as his. No more unfortunate claim
could be imagined ; for while some of the letters are
admitted by every authority to be genuine products
of the Apostle's pen, others present most serious
difficulties. The solid dogma which would give
precisely the same degree of authenticity to the
Romans and to the First Epistle to Timothy
succeeds only in casting over the former the shadow
of suspicion which undoubtedly rests on the latter.
And again, when dogma has decided that these letters
must all be Paul's, or else be treated as spurious
and unworthy of attention, it virtually deprives us
THE PAULINE LETTERS. 291
of these most valuable writings directly a historical
or critical inquiry has led us to question whether
they could really have come from the pen of the
Apostle.
It is evident, then, that in trying to estimate the
revelation in the Pauline letters we must attempt to
distinguish ; we must avoid the lethargic methods of
dogmatism, and cease to study these writings with
half-closed eyes. In the first place, we want to
determine as accurately as possible what was the
revelation conveyed to mankind by the Apostle
Paul ; in the second place, we want to discriminate,
in order to see where the revelation in his writings
blends with that which is not revelation ; and lastly,
we have to consider what kind of revelation is, or
may be, contained in letters which bear the Apostle's
name, but cannot be with complete certainty at-
tributed to him as their immediate author.
It is difficult to confine this threefold inquiry
within the prescribed limits ; but it will help us to
be concise if we begin by grouping the thirteen
Pauline letters in the following way : First, the two
to the Thessalonians which were written during the
second missionary tour, in 52 or 53 A.D. Second,
Galatians, i and 2 Corinthians, and Romans, which
were the product of that prolonged stay in Ephesus,
or the following year, let us say 57 or 58 A.D. TJiird,
292 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
Ephesians, Colossians, and Philemon, which may be
plausibly attributed to the period of imprisonment
at Caesarea (Acts xxv. 27), let us say between 59
and 61 A.D. Fourthly, Philippians, which was written
during the imprisonment in Rome, between 62 and
64 A.D. (Acts xxviii. 30). Lastly, the three Pastoral
Epistles, which present this, among many other
difficulties, that it is impossible to determine at what
period in the Apostle's life, as it is known to us,
they could have been written ; they must therefore
either be accepted as an authority for events and
conditions of which otherwise we have no informa-
tion, or be relegated to the class of literature which
has been mentioned above as pseudepigraphical.
It will thus be observed that the letters which have
come down to us as St. Paul's belong to the twelve
closing years of his life. The earliest of them must
have been written eighteen or nineteen years after
his conversion ; the latest of them may be regarded
as the outcome of some four years of more or less
solitary confinement. Any difference which may
appear in the tone or the method, the subject or the
doctrine of the Epistles, may be sufficiently explained
by referring to these facts.
We may now approach the first part of our three-
fold inquir}^ — the first, and from the standpoint of the
present book by far the most important — What, in
THE PAULINE LETTERS. 293
broad outline, was the revelation conveyed to the
Church by the Apostle Paul ?
To begin with, the faith of Jesus was destined to
last long after those who had seen the Lord should
have passed away. It might seem, therefore, to be
an open question whether the effect which had been
produced in the hearts and lives of the disciples by
their experience of Jesus could be produced in those
who had not seen, and now never could in ordinary
human life see Him. Was the apostleship to be a
unique office strictly and finally limited, or was the
Lord who had risen from the dead to be at large
in the world, able to approach and to master, to
claim, to ordain, and to commission, men who, except
in the Spirit, could not know Him ? It was indeed
a vital question. If the Saviour was to be merely a
personal memory or a tradition, if He was to be
merely the subject of a few biographical sketches,
a lovely but shadowy frontispiece to a book which
must after all be only human, there certainly would
be no element of permanence in the new faith. As
our experience in these recent days has shown, the
records of the evangelists, notwithstanding their
simplicity and directness and candour, would not
be enough in themselves to establish the existence
of so remarkable a Being as Christ. Was flic Risen
Lord, then, one who could be revealed in human
294 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
hearts by the direct action of the Spirit ? Could
His presence be received to change the character,
to master the will, to fill with Divine power one who
believed? Could His life be manifested in human
beings who had not known Him after the flesh ?
Could a direct witness be given that He was a
Saviour by a saving work carried on inwardly, by
a new creation issuing in a renewed and a sanctified
human life ? These questions, or rather this question,
for they are all one, received a striking and im-
pressive answer in the person of Paul. His letters
arc in the first place autobiographical. With a
curious ruggedness of diction, with a palpitating
reality of self-confession, he shows us the inner
being of one who had never seen Jesus in the flesh,
but was entirely possessed by Him, one who seldom
dwelt upon those brief years of earthly life, with
their wonders and their teachings, but was over-
whelmingly occupied with the life of Christ produced
and worked out in himself — it was no longer he that
lived, but Christ that lived in him. What Paul
was may be very clearly gathered from an attentive
perusal of his letters, and no one can question that
the portrait so unconsciously drawn by the painter
of himself is one of the most remarkable figures in
history : it is that of a man on fire with the love of
God and the love of men ; it is that of a man who
THE PAULINE LETTERS. 295
seems to be an irrepressible fountain of self-sacri-
ficing activity ; it is that of a man who is intensely
human and yet essentially superhuman. In a word,
Paul is a man in whom the dominating principle
is Jesus Christ. It is no exaggeration for him to say
that for him to live is Christ. He has not only
entered into the life and death of Jesus, so as to be
crucified, buried, and risen again with Him, and so
as to be constantly filling up the measure of His
sufferings, and bearing about in his body His marks ;
but the life of Jesus has entered into him. There
is nothing at all like it in the world's history before.
In a certain sense Socrates entered into Plato, and
lived again idealised in the works of his great
scholar. But to Plato, Socrates was at most a master
and an example. To Paul, Christ is not a master
or an example, except in a secondary sense ; He
is an indwelling person, a power that brings every
thought into subjection, strengthens every weak-
ness, and subdues every sin. Wilful, weak, and
sinful as he was by nature, Paul can yet say with
perfect truth that his will is entirely constrained by
Christ, he can do all things through Christ which
strengtheneth him, and sin has ceased to have
dominion over him.
The first, and in many ways the most important,
significance of Paul's letters is that they are the
296 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
authentic picture of this Christ-filled personality,
this personality in which Christ, no longer present in
the flesh, is yet manifestly revealed. And the signifi-
cance is largely derived from the fact that what Paul
was any one of us may become. We cannot be what
John was or what Peter was, for they saw the Lord
in the flesh, and we did not. Had we been shut up
to their testimony we might always have imagined
that their peculiar privilege was the indispensable
condition of their experience. But if it pleased God
to reveal His Son in Paul, it may please Him to make
a similar revelation in us. If Paul became possessed
with that Divine Being, and received that witness of
the Spirit by which he was assured of sonship with
the Father, we may have a similar experience, for we
are exactly in his position. Our advantages are the
same — for he expressly disclaims as an advantage
anything which he derived from intercourse with the
apostles, " they added nothing to him " — our disad-
vantages he had to face, and even more than ours, for
he had to approach the acceptance of Christ with all
those deep-rooted prejudices which were ingrained in
the Judaism, and especially the Pharisaism, of that
day.
We may say, then, to begin with, that the revela-
tion in the Pauline letters is that of the Christ living
in a human heart, living and working, working and
THE PAULINE LETTERS. 297
producing Divine results, though the person in ques-
tion knew Him not by sight, but only, as he would
say, by faith.
But from this characteristic immediately follows
another. When the experience of a personal in-
dwelling Christ began in him, Paul did not confer
with other believers, but went, we are told, into soli-
tude, and spent a period of time which we may com-
pute to be something like ten years in conceiving and
shaping what he calls his "gospel." During long soli-
tary hours of meditation and prayer he brought out
into distinct consciousness all that was implied in the
Christ that was revealed in him. Again and again he
refers to what he had received from the Lord. Start-
ing from the experience which had transformed his
own life, he developed genetically the meaning and
the method, the results and the effects, of his Saviour's
earthly life, death, resurrection, and risen life. From
this mental activity working in the plastic material
of his own rich spiritual growth was produced what
might be called a tentative theology, a doctrine of
redemption, a theory of sin, a view of history, and
even a prophetic eschatology ; tentative, we are bound
to admit, because we are able to trace certain develop-
ments and variations in the Epistles which have come
down to us belonging to those twelve fruitful years ;
not final or complete, for nothing which St. Paul says
298 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
gives an idea that theology was to close with him, or
that the same Spirit that worked mightily in him, re-
vealing the things of Christ, would cease to work in
the Church and in other Christian men after he had
gone ; but while tentative, progressive, and incom-
plete, the interpretation of the Christian facts which
this inspired thinker gave remains to this day, if we
except the Johannine writings, the best we have.
Partly, it may be, because subsequent thinkers have
been overshadowed by his authority, and have hesi-
tated to step beyond his modes of thought, but chiefly,
we may suppose, because the great truths with which
he dealt are not susceptible of a fuller definition than
that which came to the first illuminated and conse-
crated mind ; — in any case it is true to say that, if we
wish to travel outside the bare fact of our redemption,
if we wish to form some idea of the relation between
Christ and God, or of the nature of the Holy Spirit,
if we wish to examine into the mode by which the
work of Christ secures our pardon and salvation, if
we wish to know what is to be the course of human
affairs or the manner of the End, we have no writer
to consult half so complete, so suggestive, so fruitful,
as this wonderful man whose brief occasional letters
have been treasured up and handed down through
these many centuries. It is from Paul we have learnt
what we know of the nature of sin ; from him we
THE PAULINE LETTERS. 299
have discovered the futility of the Law and the Sacri-
fices ; from him we have been able to gather at least
in vague outHne the transcendent fact of that atone-
ment which takes the place of the ancient sacrificial
system. It is Paul who, looking back upon the Cross,
perceived the meaning of it, which they who actually
saw it never more than surmised. He saw in it the
reconciliation between God and man ; he saw in it
the marvellous means by which God could Himself
take away the sin of the world, could be just and at
the same time justify sinners, not imputing their
iniquities to them. He saw, too, in that undreamed-
of way by which God would save mankind, the death
of the Law, the removal of the barrier between Jew
and Gentile, the drawing together of all men into one
great redeemed family — nay, even the restoration of
the whole creation to that harmon}', peace, and joy
which poets had fabled in a Golden Age. And it was
his peculiar discovery — a discovery which he had
made in his own experience — that the marvellous and
transforming benefits of this redemption were not,
could not be, earned, but are the free gift of God to
every one that will take them by faith.
It would appear, then, that a second sense in which
the Epistles of Paul contain a revelation, is that they
give us the nearest approach we have yet made to a
systematic explanation of the facts of redemption.
300 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
Now when we speak of the manifestation of Christ
in the person of Paul, or of that sublime presentation
of Christ as the image of the invisible God, the first-
born of all creation, which is given in no doubtful
outline throughout the Apostle's writings, we are
evidently touching on Revelation in the most accurate
sense of the word, and we may dwell without exag-
geration on "the exceeding greatness of the revela-
tions " which are thus conveyed to us. But there is a
great deal in St. Paul's writings which, without being
revelation in this strict meaning of the term, is yet of
inestimable value. So great has the value appeared to
the successive ages of the Church that the temptation
has always been present to give the stamp of revela-
tion to these utterances which are commingled with
much that rightly claims that name. A few examples
may make this distinction plain. The Epistles of St.
Paul are our chief authority for the constitution, the
methods, the conduct of the early societies, or
Churches, which resulted from the preaching of the
gospel. From them we learn how "the saints and
faithful brethren in Christ " were gathered together
into communities with the object of ministering to
one another in spiritual, and even in temporal, things ;
how the various gifts of the Spirit were bestowed
upon the members of these communities for mutual
edification ; how the assemblies for worship, and
THE PAULINE LETTERS. 301
Other ministrations of the society, were ref^ulated ;
how these beautiful brotherhoods were marred by
quarrels and divisions, by gross immoralities, by
intolerance and exclusiveness, by erroneous doc-
trines about this life and the life to come. Such a
picture of the Primitive Church, as it existed in the
decade 52-64 A.D., is of absorbing interest and of
incalculable value. But it is not revelation. It is a
transcript from the facts which were before the
Apostle's eyes, and the facts themselves were not in
their totality a revelation. For while the various opera-
tions of the Spirit, the prophecies and tongues, the
exhortations, the miracles, and the governments, were
undoubtedly a striking revelation of the new mys-
terious power which was at work since Pentecost, the
abuses and extravagances which it was the object of
the Apostle to correct were far from being a revela-
tion ; they were simply the outcome of human frailty,
or, as Paul himself would perhaps say, of diabolical
delusion.
Or again, the Epistles of Paul contain a body of
ethical precepts which for purity, beauty, and com-
pleteness have never been surpassed. The law of the
Sermon on the Mount is translated into the practice
of the new Christian communities. Now, so far as
this new Ethic is connected with the new principle of
redemption, and is shown to be the necessary outcome
302 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
of the indwelling Christ, we may say that we have
here a great and incalculable revelation. The truth
that the good life was not to be made the condition
of acceptance with God, but that the position of for-
giveness and reconciliation through the sacrifice of
Christ was to be the starting-point of the good life,
was part and parcel of the doctrine which we have
already considered as a revelation delivered through
St. Paul. But the individual precepts of right con-
duct — regulations, for example, about meat offered
to idols, or about women praying with their heads
covered — are to be regarded as inferences which the
Apostle draws from his own understanding of Christ.
Their value lies rather in their demonstrable truth,
commending itself to the conscience in the sight of
God, than in their a priori authority. We certainly
misunderstand the Apostle, and raise an entirely false
issue, when we give to this moral teaching with which
his writings abound that note of finality and that sug-
gestion of infallibility which would preclude the free
operation of the Spirit in revealing other things to us,
as the ages roll by (cf Phil. iii. 13-16). The revelation
implied in the root principle of the Pauline Ethic
must not lead us to assume that every application
which the teacher makes of his principle is an infallible
oracle of God.
Or once more, in no respect has the group ot
THE PAULINE LETTERS. 303
]^auline letters been of more interest to the Church
than in those ghmpsesof the Apostle's human person-
ality maintained in conjunction with- the indwelling
Christ. The infirmities of Paul, his limitations — his
passionate utterance, his deep feeling, his vehement
denunciations — all those characteristics which lead
him to exclaim from time to time, " I speak as a
man," or "I speak in foolishness," or " I speak as one
beside himself," are intensely interesting and attrac-
tive, but they are not in any sense revelation, as we
have defined the term. They show us the man, they
endear the man to us, they give us a fellow-feeling
with him, they are among the hooks by which he
grapples us to him while he communicates his mes-
sage ; but we give to language a strange and mislead-
ing sense when we speak of all these peculiarly human
utterances of a strong individuality as " the word of
God."
But in thus indicating some of the valuable
elements in St. Paul's writings which are yet not to
be described as revelation, we have insensibly passed
over into the second part of our inquiry — how to
discriminate where the Epistles are human, and where
they are Divine, Sometimes St. Paul says very
candidly that he speaks " not of commandment "
(I Cor. vii. 6, 12,25,40; 2 Cor. viii. 8), and once
even he says, " I speak not after the Lord, but as in
304 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
foolishness " (2 Cor. xi. 17). It maybe said, of course,
that such disclaimers in special instances only em-
phasise the tru-th that elsewhere he does speak " by
commandment " and " after the Lord." And every
consideration must be given to this argument. But
there are evidently many passages in the Epistles
where he is not, to use a technical expression, speak-
ing ex cathedra. To suppose that there is any Divine
revelation in the command to bring the cloke, and
the books, and especially the parchments which he
had left at Troas, is a reductio ad ahsurdum of the un-
reflecting view which dogmatism has taken. Or the
fatherly counsel to Timothy to take a little wine for
his stomach's sake : it is a kind of travesty of inspira-
tion to maintain that St. Paul was the mouthpiece of
God in giving such advice, and one can imagine the
vehement indignation with which he would learn that
his words had been often cited as a Divine authority
for maintaining the destructive drinking practices of
modern society. In the case of his celibate pre-
cepts he frankly confesses that he is following his
own judgment, so much so that when he does speak,
as it were ex cathedra, on the subject of marriage, in
the Ephesians, he gives, in direct contradiction of
his own practice, the most exalted and sanctifying
view of that Divine ordinance to be found in all
literature. But when he mentions his own practice
THE PAULINE LETTERS. 305
of forbidding women to speak in the church it is
certainly very gratuitous to invest his words with a
perpetual Divine power for silencing the inspired
utterances of gifted women. It is true that many
good women who believe in the Divine absoluteness
of every word of Scripture, following the guidance
of the Spirit, freely violate these restrictions (i Cor.
xiv. 34 ; I Tim. ii. 11, 12) ; but there arc others, more
logical or less inspired, who, bound by this accidental
opinion of St. Paul's, have remained silent where their
speech might have been the power of God to the
salvation of men.
It certainly is our own fault if we misread and
wrest St. Paul. Never was any man more human,
more candid, more unpretentious ; he makes no affec-
tation of speaking as an oracle whenever he opens
his mouth ; and he trusted to the common sense of
his readers, instructed by the Spirit, to distinguish
between the things, which he delivered by revelation
with the demonstration of the Spirit and of power,
and the mere obiter dicta of a free and open corre-
spondence. He did not expect any one to think him
inspired when he commanded his followers to greet
one another with a holy kiss, or to attach mysterious
meanings to the affectionate and thoughtful saluta-
tions with which he closes his Epistles. If many
good people in the present day are unable to draw this
3o6 REVELATJON AND THE BIBLE.
distinction, or to see any difference between human
speech and Divine revelation, this obtuseness must
be charged to the numbing effect of the mechanical
theory of inspiration which has so long oppressed
the Church.
When we turn from the mere human elements in
St. Paul's writings to his actual mistakes we enter
upon a very difficult and uncongenial task ; but it is
very important to realise that even St. Paul, notwith-
standing his extraordinary experience, his striking
gifts, and his undoubted inspiration, was by no means
clothed in the mantle of infallibility which would be
assumed, so he declared, by the man of sin and not by
the servant of God.
No one, for example, can study carefully the use
which he makes of the Old Testament without ob-
serving the inexactness of his quotations and the
interpretation, often quite unjustified by the original
context, which he puts upon the venerable words. To
cite him as an exegete of the ancient Scriptures would
be obviously absurd. His method of using them is
essentially rabbinical — that is, he regards the writings
through the medium of an interpretation ; he will
quote from the Septuagint, for example, if that inac-
curate Greek version serves his purpose better than
the Hebrew original ; or he will cite a mere tradition,
as when he refers to the names of the magicians who
THE PAULINE LETTERS. 307
withstood Moses, Joannes, and Jambres. Or he will
employ a Targum, as it were, on a text, and thereby
read into it a totally irrelevant meaning ; as, for ex-
ample, when he quotes the beautiful humane law of
Deuteronomy (xxv. 4), which showed God's care for
oxen, and in the eagerness of his application implies
that the injunction did not refer to the oxen at all,
which would be beneath the notice of God, but was a
metaphorical way of sanctioning the principle that
the preacher of the gospel should live by the gospel
(I Cor. ix. 9). I
But the most striking of the mistakes into which
the Apostle, owing to the necessary limitations of
the most inspired teachers, fell, was the conviction
that the Parousia, or second coming of the Lord, was
to be in that generation. In his first letter which has
come down to us, referring to that great event, he
implies that he himself would be living when it
happened (i Thess. iv. 15-17, " tt'^ which are alive"),
and though in his second letter to Thessalonica he
sought to remove the erroneous impression that the
' It is a curious fact that the one section of Christians which is most
emphatic in maintaining the Divine infallibility of " every scripture,"
to use their own term, yet rejects this inference of St. Paul's in favour
of a paid ministiy. But this is only another illustration of the way in
which a hard dogmatic theory of inspiration is constantly combined with
the most glaring violation of Scripture teaching. In practice, those who
hold most firmly to the Bible being the Word of (Jod, whole and un^
broken, are as far as any one from acting upon their untenable theory.
3oS REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
day of which he had spoken was actually upon them,i
yet at the end of his life he still dwelt fondly on the
belief that " the Lord was near" (Phil. iv. 6), and he
left an impression behind him that though he himself
had gone, that generation would not pass away
without seeing the great Return. It is this limitation
' —let us say this veil drawn over the very face of
revelation — this inability of one who saw so much to
see this also — that will deter all thoughtful readers
from dwelling unduly on St. Paul's forecast of what
is to happen at the end of the world. It may prove
some day that all he says on the subject was indeed
a literal apocalyptic prophecy ; but only the event
can show. The one distinct test by which we can
judge the Apostle's prevision tends to show that it
was not for him, any more than for the Twelve, to
know the times and the seasons ; and if we read
aright all that he has written we shall probably feel
that nothing was farther from his intention than to
encourage those idle prognostications of the future
which from his day to ours have done nothing but
cover the framers of them with confusion, and the
truth which they are supposed to confirm with dis-
credit. It is open to any of us to notice that Paul
anticipated a certain course of events : a time of
defection, the manifestation of an antichrist, the in-
^ 0-1 lv'caT\]Kn> f) t'lfifpa too Kvpiov (2 Thess. ii- 2).
THE PAULIXE LETTERS. 309
gathering of Israel, the appearance of the Lord in the
heavens, and the catching up of the saints into the
air. But those who have learnt the true genius of
Scripture, and the real meaning of prophec}', will be
most careful to distinguish between these dips into
the future and the assured Revelation of God, and
they will remember the salutary principle which is
laid down in the Old Testament, that the only test of
a real prophecy is whether it comes to pass or not.
For prophecy is not given for private interpretations,
or to satisfy the curiosit}' of dreamers, but in order
that when the events have happened students of
Scripture may see how they were foretold, and thus
gather the way in \\'hich the increasing purpose of
God runs and works through all the development of
history.
There still remains the third branch of our inquiry.
Every student is aware that the authenticity of the
Pauline Epistles has not been allowed to pass without
question. In the above considerations we have
assumed that all the letters are from the pen or from
the tongue of the Apostle. And with regard to ten
of them the assumption is tolerably safe if we re-
member that the four Epistles which formed our
second group are the most certainly his, while the
first group,, the third, and the fourth afford at any
rate ground for inquiry. But the last of our groups,
3IO REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
the three Pastoral Epistles, as they are called, i and
2 Timothy and Titus, cannot be passed by with this
quiet assumption. " The differences between the
Pastoral Epistles," to quote the verdict of the late Dr.
Hatch, I "and the other Epistles in respect of the cha-
racter of their contents, their philological peculiarities,
the difficulty of reconciling the historical references
with what is known from other sources of the life of
St. Paul, the difficulty of finding any known form of
belief which precisely answers to the opinions which
they attack, and the further difficulty of believing
that so elaborate a debasement of Christianity had
grown up in the brief interval between St. Paul's first
contact with Hellenism and his death," have led the
majority of modern critics to question or deny their
authenticity. It is not necessar}/ here to cite names,
for great authorities are often as biassed in their
judgments as the simplest country clergyman ; but no
one can weigh the arguments advanced by Holtzmann
without reaching the conclusion that there are at any
rate grave difficulties in the way of believing that
these three letters come from the hand of St. Paul.
Now assuming that these difficulties are decisive, and
on the supposition that we have here an example of
a kind of religious writing common in antiquity, but
unknown among us, are we to dismiss the idea of
^ Encycl. Brit. (eel. ix.), vol. xviii. 3^1.
THE PAULINE LETTERS. 311
revelation in connection with these compositions, or,
if we may retain it, what complexion will it wear ?
Let us face this possibility. Some years after the
death of Paul, a follower of his — it may have been
Timotheus or Titus, who knows ? — found himself
confronted by difficulties of doctrine and Church
organisation which he did not know how to meet.
He had by him, we will suppose, some fragments of
letters which the great Apostle had written to his
two lieutenants during a temporary absence from
them, when the one was at Ephesus and the other was
in Crete. He publishes these fragments with addi-
tions, incorporating precepts pertinent to the present
crisis, and laying down regulations which quite
possibly had been committed to Timothy or to Titus
during the Apostle's lifetime. The result is, not of
course a composition of St. Paul in the literal sense
of the word, but yet, very intelligibly, a Pauline
letter.
Supposing this conjecture of the origin of these
letters be accepted, what difference does it make to
our idea of the revelation contained in them ? It
must be owned, very little. So far as the teaching
is marked by what may be called the note of Paul, it
carries its own authentication with it. The truths
are not less true because they are incorporated in a
composition which had the origin we have supposed.
312 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
On the other hand, where the teaching of these
Epistles deviates from the tone and spirit of the
Apostle, as, for instance, in the insistence on ''a form /
of sound words," and " a faith " which is in effect a
creed, or in the new conception of the Church as an
organised society which contains the good and bad
alike, vessels unto honour and vessels unto dishonour
(l Tim. ii. 20), or in the explicit regulations for the
appointment of elders and deacons, we may be con-
strained to admit that this is no longer Paulinism ; but
we are by no means forced to the conclusion that it
is not revelation. The development of the faith and
of the Church in this direction may have been carried
out by the operation of the Spirit and transmitted
through the medium of these brief letters, though the
pen of St. Paul was never used, and his name was
only employed because of his personal connection
with Timothy and Titus. Indeed, it is curious to
observe the perversity and confusion of thought that
would decline to accept even the revelation of God
unless it should be conveyed in literary channels
which conform to modern standards and modern
usage.
And now in passing on from the subject of the
revelation contained in the Pauline letters, we may
allow ourselves a closing observation. The revelation
of Paul is above all things one that must be taken in
THE PAULINE LETTERS. 313
its entirety. Until his whole position, his whole
experience, his whole personality, his whole teaching,
is understood, nothing can be made of him. To quote
an isolated fragment of his writings is almost certainly
to misquote him. His words are not like the words
of Jesus — deep wells of truth by which you may sit
down and draw out new and wonderful meanings
continually — but they are links in a continuous chain.
Almost every heresy which has divided the Church
may be traced to the misguided habit of seizing on
some text out of St. Paul and treating it, regardless
of its connection, as an axiom from which a system
of theology may be deduced. The great Churchman
Augustine was the greatest of offenders in this abuse
of St. Paul's writings, though a notice in 2 Pet. iii. 16
shows how the evil began almost from the first. Men
who have, like Luther, seized some central and essen-
tial thought of the great Apostle's, have been the
most salutary and powerful influences in the history
of Christendom ; but they who have, like Calvin,
seized on some incidental thought, and without any
criterion for determining the delimitation of the
human and the Divine, have constructed a system of
theology on a side issue of the great Apostle's argu-
ment, have realised the very misgiving which evi-
dently sometimes haunted the writer, lest men should
account of him above that which they heard from
314 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
him. To quote from Paul is easy, to understand him
is difficult. To apply scraps of his discourse to
modern controversies demands little study, but to
penetrate into those ancient controversies, the col-
lision between Christianity and Judaism, the contrast
between the apostles at Jerusalem and the Apostle of
the Gentiles, the danger which threatened the infant
Church from the intrusion of a rash and groundless
method of speculation, the controversies out of which
almost all St. Paul's letters arose — this demands much
patience and thought and a tincture of the historic
sense. Thus to this day St. Paul is by many almost
as often misused as used, and the great revelation
delivered through him which we have, in this chapter,
been endeavouring to outline, has been too often
missed, in the confusion of questions which arise out
of those parts of his writings that should not be
treated as revelation at all. A saner method of
treating St. Paul's writings will assuredly result in
a far clearer conception of their revelation. He is
among the many great men of the past who have
more cause to reproach his friends than his enemies
for the harm which has been inflicted upon him.
The abuse and persecution in his lifetime did not
hinder him half so much as the unthinking and
servile adulation to which his letters have been
subjected since his death.
CHAPTER XII.
ALEXANDRINE CHRISTIANITY.
In the Epistle to the Hebreivs we have a most inte-
resting ilkistration of a fact which the traditional
view of the Scriptures has been too slow to recog-
nise, viz., that the spiritual or religious value of a
book does not necessarily depend on a knowledge of
the author's personality or even of his name. No
composition in the New Testament has more obvious
marks of inspiration upon it, and very few contain
more distinct and valuable elements of revelation,
than Hebrews, and yet it is quite anonymous. In the
complete absence of any clue to the identity of its
author, prudence would suggest that its anonymity
should be recognised as the starting-point of all
inquiry. It chances that the completely uncritical
writers of Alexandria assigned the work to Paul.^
Tertullian, with equal authority, though this is saying
' Clement Alexand., Strom, ii. 2. 4, vi. 8,
315
3i6 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
very little, assigned it to Barnabas.- Luther, with as
much reason as his predecessors thirteen centuries
before, assigned it to Apollos. But it is open to any
ingenious person to assign it to Luke or to Aquila or
to any other of the circle which surrounded the great
Apostle, for the one point which is clear in the
matter of its authorship is that it comes from one
who was conversant with St. Paul's friends 2 and was
familiar with St. Paul's writings.3 M. Renan still
favours the view of Tertullian, and believes that the
eloquent and flowing style is very appropriate to the
stately personage who is presented to us in the Acts
under the name of Barnabas. English divines have
in late years accepted Luther's opinion, and have
seen a special appropriateness in ascribing the com-
position to one who was " mighty in the Scriptures."
Some of these divines now speak as if the author-
ship of Apollos were a settled fact, and build up
arguments after their manner on this hypothetical
foundation. Why not ? Anything is better than the
dogmatism of the received Canon, which ascribes
the Epistle to St. Paul. We cannot be certain
that it was not ^^'ritten by Barnabas ; we cannot
^ De Pudicitia, ch. 20. = Ileb. xiii. 23.
3 Heb. X. 30 is, it will be noticed, a quotation of St. Paul's *' scrip-
ture " in Rom. xii. 19, a scripture which does not occur in any book
known to us, but was probably a general summary of two or three
expressions (Lev. xix. 18 ; Deut. xxxii. 35 ; Prov. xxiv. 29) such as is
not uncommon in St. Paul's letters.
ALEXANDRINE CHRISTIANITY, 317
be certain that it was not written by Apollos ; if
any one chooses to maintain that it was written by
Demas, no decisive refutation can be offered. But
we can be quite certain that it was not written by St.
Paul. The substance, the style, the method, all forbid
it ; not to mention that if it had been St. Paul's it
would not in Eusebius' day have been ranked with
the Books of Wisdom and Ecclcsiasticiis, &c., as one
of the Antilcgoincna.^ Nor has this false ascription
only the disadvantage of being- wrong ; it has the
greater disadvantage of destroying one of the most
valuable features of the book. It is just because the
w^ork is not Paul's that it is of such special interest.
It is as an inspired, though unnamed, voice from the
Apostolic times that we can claim it as a fresh witness
to the facts which were then most surely received.
By merging this witness in Paul we miss the confir-
mation which is derived from a multiplicity of writers,
and we lose the demonstration of this interesting fact,
that " Paul's Gospel " was not only his, but was re-
ceived and accepted, and in some degree assimilated,
by many other minds. If the author, in order to give
weight to his argument, had thrown it into the form
of a Pauline letter, and had written it in St. Paul's
name, we should still have been bound to admit that
it was not Paul's — we should have ranked the letter
' Eiiscb. II. E., vi. 13.
3l8 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
with the P seiidepigraphical Literature. But in this
case we are not required to make this step in classifi-
cation, for the author makes no pretence to be St.
Paul, or to be any one but himself, and it is for us
simply to accept this remarkable work from Apostolic
times as anonymous, and to reverently investigate the
revelation, — its kind, its degree, its limitations, — which
is in this way conveyed to us. In proportion as we
really believe that the Spirit of God speaks through
these New Testament writings we shall hold lightly
to the mere traditions concerning authorship, circum-
stance, and interpretation, which have unfortunately
been permitted to grow about the book as the mean
and irrelevant buildings have been suffered like
excrescences to grow on the walls of the great
cathedral at Antwerp.
Now we may observe at once a note of difference
between our author and St. Paul. He does not draw
upon the immediacy of Revelation, as his great
master did. Revelation to him is not so much
subjective as objective. St. Paul always gives us the
impression that he was in the habit of retiring into
the Spirit's secret cell, where he received of the Lord
the things which he communicates to men. It is not
so with the author of Hebrezvs. His revelation belongs
rather to the category of intellectual illumination.
He brings, if we may say so, the power of sanctified
ALEXANDRINE CHRISTIANITY. 319
thought to play upon the facts of the Incarnation and
the Atonement. His letter is the bemnninir of Chris-
tian speculation. He no longer, like the apostles
themselves, speaks what he has seen or what he has
heard, but rather what he has thought. This is at
once his strength and his weakness ; his strength
because the activity of thought is one of God's most
effective ways of revealing himself to men, but his
weakness too, because about all thought there is a
fallibility and a limitation. When St. Paul speaks
about the Christ revealed within, he is touching on
an infallible certainty and on an illimitable, an inex-
haustible, source of revelation. But when our author
touches upon the interpretation of Christ's historical
advent, and of Christ's relation to the Old Covenant,
he is moving in a field where finality and infallibility
are no longer possible, and the reader is obliged to
recognise that at some shadowy line he is carried
over from pure revelation into the region of human
speculation. Thus the revelation of the Hebreivs is
of a different quality from that in St. Paul ; it is not
so verifiable ; its certainty rests rather on its proba-
bility to the individual reader than on the immediate
witness of the Spirit. One may learn more from
Hebrezus than from Galatians, but what we learn is
not so vital : it ranks rather with the teaching with
which God has enriched the Church in the writinjrs
320 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
of its great doctors than with those startling revela-
tions which are given in the person of St. Paul, and
still more in the word and work of the Lord Himself.
Now what, in brief, is the revelation of this book ?
The Temple, we may suppose, was destroyed, or its
destruction was imminent : the fateful year 70 A.D.
was in sight, just approaching or just past. The
religion which had found its centre in Jerusalem
since the days of Ezekiel and Ezra was to be
submerged ; its priesthood was to disappear ; its
sacrifices were to cease ; its Law, if it should be
kept at all, was no longer to be kept in the old
way, for its central idea of a ritual which symbolised
its spirit would be no longer capable of realisation
in practice. The Christians who drew their inspira-
tion from Jerusalem were Jews also, and regarded
the Old Covenant with as much veneration as the
New ; they had been continually in the Temple,
and they had not severed themselves from its
institutions ; they had kept the Law, as James
informs St. Paul in the Acts. Now St. Paul's
attitude towards this large body of believers was one
of an indulgent but rather impatient toleration. He
did not know what they had to do with these
" rudiments of the world." The Law had as an
obedient slave brought them to Christ. Now let
it be dismissed ; after all it was a poor instrument
ALEXANDRINE CHRISTIANITY. 321
of terror rather than a means of grace ; it was
alHed rather with the sin which it evoked and
emphasised than with the righteousness, the un-
attainable righteousness, which it demanded.^ In
his eager polemic the Apostle of the Gentiles had
treated the Law as a mere episode, added for trans-
gressions, which rather obscured than illustrated the
Old Covenant of faith made with Abraham.^ AH
this was very irritating, and by no means edifying,
to the Jewish Christians, who saw in James of
Jerusalem their ideal and their leader. And when
the shock actually came, and the venerable institu-
tions of the Law and the Prophets were submerged
beneath the tides of war and revolution, they were
not likely to derive much comfort from the great
Apostle, who had been for thirty years foreseeing
and anticipating the event by building his system
of religion on a new foundation which practically
ignored the old. But obviously a more conciliatory
voice was needed in this epoch of change ; and it
was to come, not from St. Paul, but from his circle,
from a man who had imbibed St. Paul's ideas, but
yet had, by what we may call a breadth of culture,
the power to sympathise with the old order that
was changing, and the insight to see its relation
with the new order that had come. He possessed
' Gal. iii. 23-iv. 11. = Gal. iii. iS.
22
322 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
the spirit which is essential to a mediator between
extreme schools of thought. There is something
in his eloquence which soothes the listener. His
argument is the more persuasive because it is felt
as an undercurrent in a general exhortation rather
than directed ostentatiously to the people who are
to be convinced. His main theme is introduced
almost as an episode or an illustration in what
appears to be simply a call to holiness and watchful-
ness. His main theme evidently is that the Old
Covenant was imperfect — a shadow of good things
to come — but that Christ was the substance which
had been thus foreshadowed. The Old Covenant
had been a copy of things in heaven, a visible and
therefore imperfect transcript, but Christ and His
work were the invisible and perfect pattern from
which the copy had been taken. The seen was
passing away ; but the unseen had now been revealed
to the eye of faith, and might be practically grasped
by this master faculty of knowing. The burden of
his message is therefore the incompleteness of the
Law ^ and all its institutions, the perfection and
completeness of the New Covenant through Christ,
in which the Law has been fulfilled. But this which
is evidently his main theme is not obtrusively
presented. There is no disparagement of the Old,
* Heb. vii. 19; ix. 10; x. i.
ALEXANDRINE CHRISTIANITY. 323
no impatience with it. Rather the Jewish Christian,
viewing the matter in this h'ght, would feel that the
Old Covenant was bettered in the New, and would
cease to regret that the shadow was passing since
now the substance was revealed. Christ is our
peace, as St. Paul would say ; and no writing of the
New Testament more beautifully illustrates the truth
than this. In Him the zealot of the Law could
justify the zeal of the Law by becoming zealous
for Him. How could one better glorify the vener-
able system of Judaism than b}^ seeing in it an
age-long prophecy of the supreme revelation ?
But there are some more specific features in the
book which the Christian consciousness has in all
times recognised as revelation in the purest and most
literal sense. Among these may be mentioned first
of all the mode in which the ancient Scriptures
are used. The whole Epistle teems with quotations
and allusions. Like a true Hellenist, the author
seldom refers to the Hebrew Bible, but uses the
Septuagint translation, and some of his most beau-
tiful applications are derived from that translation,
or sometimes mistranslation, of the Scriptures ; as,
for instance, where he quotes the 104th Psalm to
show the position of the angels.^ But what a won-
* The translation of tlic LXX., o tcoi&v tovq ayy6\oi;., the condition of mastery over sin on
which the Apostle Paul so frequently dwells ; because
" it is impossible, if we continue in sin after our
enlightenment and our experience of the heavenly
gift (i.e., of salvation), and our share in the Holy
Ghost, and our experience of God's word and the
powers of the future life, for us to be again renewed
to repentance ; we have fallen away ; under the
impression that we are Christians, and therefore
not in the way of seeking salvation, we are really
living a life which crucifies the Son of God, and
maligns Him to the world." In other words, a
spiritual experience, as it is called, apart from an
actual victory over sin, is the one effectual bar to
a real conversion. Unless justification implies sancti-
fication, it is a decisive hindrance to a real repentance.
And then it is said further, in x. 26, "For if we
continue to sin voluntarily " (it is a present par-
ticiple, not an aorist), " after receiving the knowledge
of the truth" — i.e., if after we have accepted the
atonement of Christ we yet remain in our sins, the
one way of being saved, which is faith in Christ's
sacrifice, -is foreclosed against us. Our faith, which
is no faith, has no saving power, and though we
shelter ourselves, as we should say, under the Cross,
unsaved, uncleansed, sinful, and defiled, we have
ALEXANDRINE CHRISTIANITY. 341
nothing to expect but the judgment and the penalty
which will fall on the avowed adversaries of God.
The present writer by no means ventures to affirm
that this is the meaning of the passage ; all he would
suggest is that if this should be the meaning, the
passage might be regarded among the most vital
parts of revelation, while if the generally accepted
interpretation is correct, the passage must take its
place among those opinions or speculations on Divine
things which are not confirmed by experience.
CHAPTER XIII.
JAMES, PETER, JUDE.
The well-known judgment which Luther passed
on Janies^ as a book which was undeserving of
a place in the Bible, will not be accepted by any
competent authority to-day, but it is of great
value and interest nevertheless. It reminds us
how free the great reformer was from the bondage
in which many Protestants at the present time
are held. Luther never for a moment thought
that the rejection of a book from the Bible was a
rejection of the Bible ; and how sternly would he
have rebuked the rash and baseless dogmatism
which says that to question a part of the Scripture
is to shake the authority of the whole ! He was led
to question the Epistle of James precisely because
he felt that the authority of the whole was imperilled
by its inclusion in the Canon. He saw clearly what
many orthodox persons to-day profess that they do
not see : he saw that there is a contrast amounting
/AMES, PETER, JUDE. 343
to antagonism bciwecn the presentation of the
Gospel in the Epistles of St. Paul, and the pre-
sentation of the Gospel in the Epistle of James.
A larger view may embrace the two opposites in
one rounded thought and find the circle of truth
extended by the very conflict of different opinions ;
but it is evidently better, with Luther, to reject one
of the opposites from the Canon than to juggle with
language and to hoodwink ourselves b}- maintaining
that there is no real opposition between them.
That eloquent and ingenious writer, Archdeacon
Farrar, for example, in his Early Days of CJiristianity ^
reconciles St. Paul and St. James by showing that
the two writers use the words " faith," " works,"
and ''justify," but give to them each a connota-
tion of his own. St. Paul uses them in a technical
sense, and St. James uses them in the ordinary
sense. Thus the statement of the one, that we
are "justified by faith, and not by works," is quite
reconcilable with the statement of the other, that
we are "justified by works, and not by faith" —
each statement is equally a revelation from God,
and equally inspired by the Holy Ghost — because
when Paul saj-s " faith " he does not mean what
James means when he says " faith " ; when Paul
speaks of "works" he is dealing with an idea which
was not in the mind of James at all ; and when the
344 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
two use the term "justify" they are not referring
to the same process or the same result All this may
be, and indeed is, perfectly true ; but it does not
help the plain person to form a clear idea of in-
spiration, for it evidently suggests the inquiry, If
the Holy Ghost had been the author of both the
passages in question, would He not either have used
different terms to express different ideas, or at
least have reconciled the antagonism by showing
that a new meaning was put into the common
language?
But from the point of view which we are at present
occupying, the whole of this harmonistic method is
unnecessary and irrelevant. We are not concerned
to force these two books of the New Testament
into a truce and to cover them with the decent
mantle of a harmony. Our simple inquiry is this :
The Epistle of James occurs in our canon of
Scripture ; in what sense is it a revelation of God,
and what are the elements of revealed truth con-
tained in it ?
To begin with, this Epistle, like the one we were
examining in the last chapter, does not come from
an Apostle. Tradition says that the author was that
James, the brother of the Lord, whom we find in
the Acts at the head of the Church in Jerusalem.
But our author describes himself merely as a " slave
JAMES, PETER, JUDE. 345
of God and of the Lord Jesus Christ." If he was the
brother of Jesus, or the " bishop " of Jerusalem, he
evidently declines to base his authority on these
facts. He writes simply as a Christian man.
Again, his letter is addressed not to a Christian
Church or to the Christian churches in general,
but to the Jewish people as such, or at any rate
the Jewish people outside of Jerusalem. ^ But what
is so striking in this composition is that there is
hardly any reference to the peculiarly Christian
doctrine which formed the burden of St. Paul's
teaching. There is a remote reference to the New
Birth in i. 18, but this "begetting by the word of
truth " is not connected with Christ, and indeed that
dear name, which teems in every other Apostolic
writing, is mentioned but twice (i. i, ii. i), and then
only in a somewhat allusive manner. The moral
maxims which in St. Paul would have been directly
connected with the truth of the new status in Christ,
the new creation demanding new products, are by
St. James impressed upon his readers purely from
what one may call an Old Testament standpoint, and
connected with an Old Testament motive. If he
^ "The twelve tribes which are of the dispersion" (James i. i) is,
according to some interpreters, the writer's May of describing the
scattered Christians. This would be very much as if a Protestant
writer, appealing to Protestants, were to address them as "the
members of the Rornan Catholic Church " — that is, his object would
evidently be, not to be understood.
346
RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
wants an example of patience or of prayer, he goes,
not to Jesus, but to the Prophets, Elijah, Job.
But there is a feature of this letter more singular
still. It teems with allusions to two books which we
do not count " Scripture " at all — Ecdesiasticiis and
the Book of Wisdom. It may be worth while to show
in detail this relation of our Epistle with the Apo-
crypha by putting the references in parallel columns : —
James i. 5 : " God, who giveth
to all liberally, and upbraideth
not."
James i. 8, 10: "A double-
minded man unstable in all his
ways," " brother of low degree."
James i. 10, 11 : "As the flower
of the grass he shall pass away ;
. . . the flower thereof faileth."
James i. 13 : " Let no man say
when he is tempted, I am tempted
of God."
James i. 17: "No variation,
neither shadow of turning."
James i. 19: "Let every man
be swift to hear."
James i. 23 : The looking glass.
James i. 26 : Bridling the tongue.
James ii. 21 : "Was not Abra-
ham oui father justified by works,
Ecclus. XX. 15 : " The fool
giveth little and upbraideth much";
and xlii. 22: "After thou hast
given, upbraid not."
Ecclus. i. 28 : " Distrust not the
fear of the Lord when thou art
poor, and come not unto him with
a double heart."
Wisd. i. T,'^: "Let no flower
of the spring pass by us, let us
crown ourselves with rosebuds
before they be withered " ; vii. 8 :
"What hath pride profited?"
Ecclus. XV. II: " Say not thou
it is through the Lord that I fell
away ; for thou oughtest not to
do the things that he hateth."
Wisd. vii. 18 : " The alterations
of the turning (of the sun)."
Ecclus. V. II: "Be swift to
hear, and let thy life be sincere."
Ecclus. xii; II: "Thou shalt
be unto him as if thou hadst wiped
a looking glass."
Ecclus. XX. 7: "A wise man
will hold his tongue till he see
opportunity."
Wisd. X. 5: " Moreover (Wis-
dom) found out the righteous and
/.-/ I\[ES, PR 1 'E R, JUDE.
347
in that he offered up Isaac his son
on the ahar ? "
James iii. 5, 6 : The passage
about the tongue : ' ' How much
matter is kindled by how small a
fire ! "
James iii. S: "A restless evil,
full of deadly poison."
James iv. 14 : "Ye are a vapour
that appeareth for a little and
then vanisheth. "
James v. 1-6 : The rebuke of
the rich oppressors : "The cries
of them that reaped have entered
into the ears of the Lord of
Sabaoth."
preserved him blameless unto God,
and kept him strong against his
lender compassion towards his
son."
Ecclus. xxviii. 10: "As the
matter of the fire is, so it burneth " ;
ver. 12 : "If thou blow the spark
it shall burn"; ver. 18: "Many
have fallen by the edge of the
sword, but not so many as have
fallen by the tongue"; ver. 19:
" Well is he that is defended from
it, and hath not passed through the
venom of it."
Wisd. v. 13, 14: "As soon as
we were born we began to draw
to our end, . . . like as the smoke
which is dispersed here and there
with a tempest."
Wisd. ii. 1-24 : The rich deter-
mine to oppress the righteous man
who " professeth to have the
knowledge of God, and calleth
himself the child of the Lord, . . .
and maketh his boast that God is
his Father."
To these numerous reminiscences of the Apocrypha
we may add the quotation which James introduces
with the expression, "Think ye that the Scripture
speaketh in vain } " {\\\ 5), for the words w^iich he cites
are not contained in any Scriptures that have come
down to us, nor is it possible for us to definitely fix
their meaninc:.^
' llpor -iff-ilv. As we do
not know the original context of the passage we can only determine its
application by the connection in which it is quoted. The idea seems to
348 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE,
Our letter, then, is from the pen of a Jewish
Christian, in whom Judaism retains an equal balance
with the new faith ; it is addressed to Jews as such ;
it does not advance any distinctively Christian doc-
trine, but rather applies and expounds the Old
Testament writings, including certain valuable books
which have not found their way into the Canon of
the Protestant Churches. And further, as was
implied in the beginning, a brief passage (ii. 14-26)
is introduced which seems expressly written to cor-
rect the onesidedness of St. Paul's mystical and
inspired doctrine, that we are saved not by works, but
by faith.
Now, facing the problem as it is thus presented to
us, we certainly should find it difficult to say what
revelation was given in this Epistle which was not
given in other ways through other inspired men.
In some respects we cannot help feeling that the
whole tone of the Epistle is lower than the teaching
of St. Paul ; it lacks that burning sense of Spiritual
Truth which supplies an impulse, as well as a direc-
tion, to right moral conduct. Christ crucified as the
power of God unto salvation is conspicuously absent,
be that God is a jealous God, and can tolerate no rival in the heart —
"jealously yearns the spirit which he put to dwell in us." This idea is
so beautiful and so replete with New Testament significance that we
can only regret the mischance which has robbed us of the Scripture
whence it is c^uoted.
JAMES, PETER, JUDE. 349
and we cannot resist the feeling that when the author
puts the question, " Can that faith save him ? " he
has a very shadowy idea indeed of what St. Paul or
St. John would have meant by "saving faith." In
any sense, therefore, that this Epistle might be cited
as an authority to override the fuller truths of the
more mature teaching in the Scriptures we must
unflinchingly deny \.o James the quality of revelation.
He has told us no truths which we should not have
known without his letter ; and the truths on which he
dwells are rather of a rudimentary order, truths which
for the Christian are only absolutely valid when they
are seen in the light of the Cross and its associated
ideas. But because it is not revelation, as St. Paul's
greatest utterances are revelation, it by no means
follows that we should Vv'ith Luther throw the book
aside as "a letter of straw." It has an inspiration of
its own— it has the practical value of a good sermon
—and while it distinctly disclaims the infallibility
which a foolish dogmatism has attached to it,i if
we take it on its merits and read it for the truth
which it contains, we shall find it, like other writing's
in the Bible, "profitable for teaching, for reproof,
for correction, for instruction w^hich is in righteous-
ness."
It teems with allusions to the teaching of our
Chap. ii;. 2, — oXXa y«|0 TTTaiu/Aev inravTic.
350 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
Lord Jesus Christ^ Its precepts about patience,
practical g-odliness, the restraint of the tongue, the
essential equality of men in the Church, prayer and
its answers, are invaluable. And its fearless denun-
ciations of rich men who use their power to oppress
the poor are in the spirit of the ancient prophets, and
afford an admirable example for modern preachers to
imitate. On the whole we cannot be sufficiently
grateful that the doubt which existed about the
genuineness of the Epistle even in the time of
Eusebius, and the un-Pauline tone of its contents
which excited the antipathy of Luther, have not
availed to exclude it from our Canon ; and if candour
requires us to admit that it adds nothing to the body
of revealed truth, gratitude impels us to maintain
that it presents, with inspired eloquence and power,
truths which arc or ought to be familiar, but were
and still are shamelessly neglected.
We may now turn to the Ef)istles which have
come down to us under the name of Peter. We are
at once confronted with a contrast between the letters
of Paul and those of Peter. \\\ St. Paul's case we
know the man from his letters, and cannot hesitate to
correct our impressions drawn from other sources by
these autograph records. In St. Peter's case it is
^ There are at least forty-two quotations from, or references to, the
sayings and doings recorded in the Gospels.
FAMES, rETEK, JUDE. 351
different ; we know him best from the Gospels and
the Acts of tJic Apostles, and his writings do not
tend to throw any h'ght upon his personaHty. Quite
the contrary : an obvious difficulty is suggested by
them. Peter in the Gospels is within the inner circle
of the Lord's disciples ; received in the first instance
by the Master with a new and significant name, he
became in a very real sense, as the first to frankly
confess Christ, the Rock on which the Church is
built. It is true that he was guilty of a base denial,
and St. Paul's allusion to him in Galatians reminds
us that the rock was not naturally a very solid or
rigid substance ; but in the first days of the Church
he was the chief preacher at Pentecost, the earliest
to recognise the application of the Gospel to the
Gentiles, and an indefatigable missionary of the
good news to his own people. Under these cir-
cumstances we may confess to some disappointment
in reading the Epistles that bear his name. They
contain no new light on the Person of the Lord, with
whom Peter was in daily contact throughout His
ministry ; they contain no new witness to the
mystery of the work accomplished on Calvary ; they
do not in any way let us into the secret which led
the Lord to choose Peter in so striking a manner, or
led Peter to become the foremost of the disciples.
Looking at the first of the two Epistles, we are
352 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
bound to admit that when we subtract all that is an
echo of St. Paul, and all that seems a reduplication of
expressions in St. James, there is comparatively little
left which is distinctive, and nothing of the kind
which might have been expected from the Peter who
is depicted in the Gospels and Acts. It was from
this tenuity of substance that Semler, and after-
wards Cludius, at the beginning of this century, came
to the conclusion that the Epistle could not be the
work of Peter, but must be regarded as a Pseudepi-
graphical work originating from the earliest age of
the Church. A Christian of the present day might
be more disposed to raise an objection on the ground
of the general argument which dominates the Epistle.
The great work of Redemption is referred to more
than once, but it is referred to incidentally. The
sufferings of Christ are cited as an example ^ of
patience and endurance for Christians who are in
the midst of persecution. Where St. Paul would
dilate with glowing gratitude on the great redemp-
tion, and on the love of God in Christ and the
answering love of the purchased inheritors of grace,
this author states the facts, and draws from them the
conclusion, that we should "arm ourselves with the
same mind " that was in Christ, and accept readily
the fiery trial which is sent to prove us.
^ Chaps, i. T^-"]^ 13; ii. 21 ; iii. 22 ; iv. 12, 13.
JAMES, PETER. JUDE. 35;
But this kind of objection based on internal
qualities of the Scripture books is very arbitrary.
There is no sufficient ground for questioning that
this is really the writing of St. Peter. St. Peter was
not St. Paul. He had not the same gifts of mind, or
the same power of expressing himself in letters. He
was not a great thinker, but only an earnest worker.
To use the familiar distinction, he does not belong to
the few voices, but to the many echoes, which are
found in the Church and in the world. Notwith-
standing his personal intercourse with the Lord —
whose words, by the way, the Epistle shows, were
constantly in his mind — he derived much of his
Christian thought and of the language in which he
expressed it from James, who had been during
Christ's lifetime an unbeliever, and from Paul, who
had never known Christ after the flesh. Perhaps
the real significance of this letter is the limitation
which is imposed by the personality of the vehicle
on the revelation which the Spirit of God conveys to
men.
Making full allowance for the disappointment to
which allusion has been made, we may remark that
this Letter of Peter's, if not as eminent among New
Testament writings as its author was among New
Testament men, is unquestionably an inspired and
an invaluable work. Supposing it stood alone, the
24
354 I^E VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
sole literary product of Apostolic times, we could
infer all the essential truths of Christianity from it.
Unlike the Epistle of James, which is silent on the
central truth, the Epistle of Peter so far presupposes
it as to make it the subject of certain secondary
applications. It presents the ethics of the Gospel
in the purest and most beautiful light ; for the new
birth through the word of God is made the ground of
a fervent mutual love, and from this brotherly love
all the graces of the Christian life are seen to flow.
Even St. Paul has not more powerfully connected the
household duties of servants and masters, husbands
and wives, with the great motive of the Cross.
Then it is to this Epistle we owe a doctrine which
may indeed be described as a revelation, a revelation
so startling and brilliant that the Church has not yet
opened her eyes to its significance. The bearing of
this revelation is only fully understood when the
peculiar position of the writer is taken into account.
St. Peter certainly occupied a position of eminence
among the Apostles. The words which Jesus
addressed to him were destined to be the proof
text of a vast sacerdotal system. His unique
apostolical position was to give the plea for the
most powerful hierarchical monarchy which the
world has ever seen. St. Peter is the first Pope
according to the Roman Church, and to all the
/AMES, PETER, JUDE. 355
priestly churches he is the fountain-head of the
Apostolic succession, of the " three orders of minis-
try," and of that idea of the Church which lays the
whole stress on a clcrus, or clergy. It is this which
gives such a singular emphasis to the veritably
inspired — because obviously superhuman — doctrine
of I Pet. ii. i-io, V. 1-4. It is Peter, of all the
apostles, who maintains that Christian men, as such,
form the " spiritual house, the holy priesthood, to
offer up spiritual sacrifices, acceptable to God
through Jesus Christ." It is the people of God,
and not a special order among them, that may be
called " an elect race, a royal priesthood, a holy
nation." It is Peter, of all the apostles, who, so far
from mentioning three orders of ministry in which
he would rank with the first, treats the whole Church
as divided into Presbyters or Elders, and juniors or
Deacons, and describes himself as a " fellow Pres-
byter." And it is Peter who, instead of exalting a
clems, or clergy, above ordinary Christians, gives
that title to all the Christian community, and
specially exhorts the Elders not to lord it over this
chosen race, but to exercise their authority by means
of suasion and a good example.^ It is Peter, finally,
that claims the title of Bishop for the Lord as the
Chief Shepherd of the sheep (ii. 25), and reminds us
' I Pet. V. 3, /.<»}("' w^' Kar aKV^y'ivovTic, tmv K-Xj/pwr,
356 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
how the true Episcopacy consists in feeding and
tending the flock of the Chief Shepherd.
It is difficult, then, not to see in this letter of
Peter's, which has been preserved for us, a warning
made by the Spirit of God against those perversions
and assumptions and claims which were one day
to appear in the Church, and, curiously enough, to
base themselves on the name of the Apostle, whose
one undisputed work was the anticipatory condemna-
tion of them.
There is another strikingly original allusion in this
First Epistle, on which a distinguished living author
thinks we may rest a doctrine of future probation.^
The statement in i Pet. iii. 19, 20, and iv. 6, that
Christ went and preached to the spirits in prison,
viz., the dead, stands alone in the New Testament.
Its meaning, so far from being clear, is open to many
interpretations. If it be safe to infer from it that
those who were disobedient in the days of Noah,
received in Hades a visit from the Risen Christ —
though the expression " while the ark was a pre-
^ Farrar, Early Days of Christianity, vol. i. pp. 126, 140. Arch-
deacon Farrar claims this as a revelation, and only complains that Peter
" unintentionally limited the fulness of his revelation" by speaking as
if the only spirits in prison who received the preaching of the Risen
Lord were those who perished in the flood of Noah. Such a mode of
speech shows that so far as Peter's allusion can be called a revelation
it only reveals that the unhappy Antediluvians received a call to repent-
ance in the under-world.
JAMES, PETER, JUDE. 357
paring" implies rather that Christ "in the Spirit"
pleaded with the sinful men before the Flood — it is a
far cry indeed to conclude from this doubtful allusion
that all who die unrepentant will be evangelised in
another world. If we could be sure that Peter meant
this, it would still be open to question whether his
authority could be accepted against the teaching
of other apostles ; but it is by no means clear that
this was his meaning. The fact is that he, like the
other apostles, was left in complete darkness about
the ultimate destiny of the lost. And how forced
the inference drawn from this one passage is, may be
seen by looking only to the end of chap, iv., where
Peter himself utters one of the most ominous of Bible
utterances on the subject of the future — " If the
righteous is scarcely saved, where shall the ungodly
and sinner appear?" Dr. Farrar's exuberant demon-
stration of his doctrine from this isolated passage is
an excellent illustration of the arbitrariness to which
the old doctrine of Inspiration and Revelation lent
an authority. But it is not enough to get an isolated
and doubtful text from a Biblical writer, to invest it
with infallibility as the word of God, and then to
proceed with the erection of a dogmatic system on
this assured foundation. Even an inspired writer,
the first of the apostles, may be in the dark about
many things, as the very verse following the one we
358 REVELATION ANb THE BIBL^.
have been considering shows (i Pet. iv. 7: "The
end of all things is at hand "). Revelation is not a
mechanical structure presented in oracular utterances,
out the great truth of God manifested through the
imperfect medium of human minds and human
tongues. If St. Peter was wrong in supposing, as
other apostles did, that the end of the world was
quite near, he may also have been wrong in supposing
that " Christ preached to the spirits in prison." In
the one case his opinion was refuted by time ; in the
other his opinion remains incapable of proof or
refutation. But the fact to be firmly apprehended
is, that fallibility on such questions as these does not
invalidate the truth of that which forms the main
burden of the Epistle. The truth of the new birth,
which is a fact of experience to all those who believe
in Jesus as the Saviour ; the essential result of the
new birth in a life of love and service and patience ;
the motive which our Lord's sufferings supply for
longsuffering in the midst of trial ; and the solemn
assurance that even for believers who are in " the
house of God " a judgment according to their deeds
is inevitable ; — remain as an explicit revelation of
God's will which shines all the more clearly when it
is disentangled from certain doubtful questions pro-
ceeding from the limitations of the author.
From this First Epistle of Peter, which may be
JAMES, PETER, JUDE. 359
accepted as the work of the Apostle, we turn to the
Second Epistle, which presents many serious difficul-
ties. It is impossible to appreciate these difficulties
without a close study of the original. The style and
the phraseology are totally different from what are
found in the First Epistle. The general situation is
different from that which prevailed in the lifetime of
Peter. Further, Dr. Abbott has shown with great plau-
sibility that the author had read and studied Josephus,
which carries us again beyond the limit of Peter's
life. In accordance with these internal marks is the
doubt in which the early Church found itself as to the
genuineness of the letter. Even in the time of Eusebius,
who tells us that Origen accepted it as authentic, it
was still regarded as disputable. Jerome accepted it
as Peter's, but felt the internal difficulty so strongly,
that he adopted a good makeshift explanation, that
Peter composed it only indirectly, the actual writer
being one of his amanuenses.^ Under these circum-
stances nothing could be more perverse or unintelligent
than to make the acceptance of this as a genuine letter
of Peter's an article of faith. Those who like to accept
it without facing the difficulties which it presents
should be careful not to condemn more thorough
* Dux epistolcTS qux feruntur Petri stilo inter se et charactere discre-
pant structuraque verborum. Ex ([uo intelligimus pro necessitate rerum,
diversis cum usum interpretibus. (Jerome, Epist. cxx., ad Hedebiam,
Q. xi.)
36o RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
inquirers who consider the difficulties insuperable.
In the opinion of the present writer the origin of the
letter is probably this : A convert of Peter's who
possessed a letter of the Apostle's, in the generation
following his master's death, issued it with certain
applications of his own, suggested by the new circum-
stances of the time. There were false prophets
among the people, Antinomians who turned their
Christian faith into an occasion of sin ; there were
others who pointed to Peter's assertion that the end
of the world was at hand, and made the refutation of
that assertion by the facts a basis of scepticism ; there
were others who were making the same kind of use
of the Epistles of St. Paul as has been made so often
in later times. This letter, issued in the name of
Peter, was designed to meet these abuses. It is evident
that the recipients did not for a moment regard it as
Peter's, and hence it failed to attain a place among
undisputed Scriptures. The author had no intention
to deceive when he wrote in the name of his august
master. To call him a falsarius is a very gratuitous
condemnation. There was enough in his letter
actually the product of Peter's mind and word to
justify his procedure ; and if a later generation, entirely
ignorant of the conditions which prevailed in Apostolic
times, was to one day claim the whole letter as Peter's
on the strength of these Petrine elements, and if a
JAMES, PETER, JUDE. 361
later generation still was to make it an article of the
Christian faith that Peter actually wrote the whole
letter, that was not the fault of this humble disciple,
who, writing in the name of the master that was dead,
had no intention whatever of imposing on his readers,
who knew as well as he did that Peter was dead years
ago.
Now while this is the opinion of the present
writer, he wishes to attach no undue importance
to his opinion. The only vital point is to recog-
nise that we are not compelled by our faith in the
Bible to accept a tradition which has no sufficient
support, but that we may judge impartially of the
revelation which is contained in this letter even on the
supposition that it had such an origin as has been
suggested. The opening passage of our letter —
whoever wrote it — is as inspired as anything that ever
came from a human pen, and i. 12-21 contains none
of those ctTraf \€ Ttj irapovay aXijOtiif (i, 12) must be treated as distinctive
of a separate author.
362 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
the truth of God into a He. The passage iii. 1-7 may,
it is true, be a fragment of a letter of Peter's, but the
amount of authentic revelation in it is not increased
by this admission. Whoever wrote it was under the
unscientific impression that the heavens were a solid
substance capable of being destroyed by fire. On the
other hand, the warning inserted in these crude cos-
mological conceptions, vers. 8, 9, is a revelation of the
utmost value. If Peter wrote it, we learn from it that
he had altered his opinion since he wrote i Pet.
iv. 7. If, on the other hand, it was a disciple cor-
recting his master, it gives us an illustration that God
can use even an obscure and anonymous person to be
the messenger of an inestimable truth. Whoever was
first led to see that possibly a millennium or more
would pass away before the Second Coming, was
certainly taught of God, and has been instrumental in
keeping the lamp of faith and expectation burning
during these long ages of hope delayed.
And once again, whoever wrote the closing words
of the Epistle, 2 Pet. iii. 16, is the earliest witness
which Christian literature affords of the position which
the Epistles of Paul were to take as Scriptures, on a
level with the oracles of the Old Testament. If the
view of criticism does not allow us to cite this passage
as a testimony from St. Peter to the inspiration of
Paul, it at least gives us permission to see in this
JAMES, PETER, jUDE. 363
Statement the proof that in the generation which
immediately followed the death of Peter there was
already an incipient New Testament Canon, so that
Christian men could speak of " St. Paul's Epistles and
the other Scriptures."
An attentive reader of 2 Peter will be left in little
doubt that the author had before him and freely used
the Epistle of Jude (see especially 2 Pet. ii. 11, and
Jude 9). In fact one may almost say that Jude is em-
bodied in 2 Peter. The violent denunciation of false
teachers is the same, and couched in many of the iden-
tical, and very unusual, terms. Just as i Peter used and
quoted the Epistle of James, 2 Peter uses and quotes
the Epistle of Jude. The Epistle of Jude is quite a
companion to the Epistle of James. The authors
were evidently brothers (Jude i). Neither of them was
an apostle, and indeed Jude speaks almost as if the
apostles belonged to a former generation (ver. 17).
When we take also into account that the author quotes
as an authority the apocryphal Book of Enoch (vers. 14,
15), and as it is supposed the apocryphal Assumption
of Moses (ver. 9), we are at first surprised to find the
little Epistle admitted into the Canon at all. In the
days of Eusebius it was, with the Epistle of James,
reckoned amongst the doubtful books (avriXeyofieva) ,
though recognised by the majority of Christian
Churches. Possibly the idea already implied by
364 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
Origen that the work was from the hand of the
Apostle Jude secured its acceptance among Canonical
books. But it is at least open to argument that this
tiny production [pXi^oaTi^ov, as Eusebius calls it)
won its way by its intrinsic merit. It is certainly
" filled with the fortified words of the heavenly
grace." ^ We may be permitted to think that in spite
of the author being unapostolic, and perhaps even
dubious, and in spite of the uncritical citation of
apocryphal literature as if it were historically trust-
worthy, this eloquent utterance was so obviously
inspired by the Holy Ghost, that it could claim and
maintain a place among the Holy Scriptures. It is no
wonder that the author of 2 Peter used it. It will
never become obsolete as long as the Church sojourns
in this present evil world, exposed to the seductions
of false and interested teachers. It remains as the
vehement and indignant repudiation for all time, of
ungodly men who creep into the Church privily,
"turning the grace of our God unto lasciviousness,
and denying our only Master and Lord, Jesus Christ."
On the old and orthodox idea of revelation the
Epistle would be discredited ; for it is impossible to
attach authoritative value to the implication that
apocryphal works like the Book of Enoch and the
^ Eusebius, Couunent in Matt. {Migne, vol. iii. p. 877), TrETrhjpojutvipf
TMV Trjg oi'ipcwiov x^piTog tppojixevujv Xoyojv.
JAMES, PETER, JUDE. 365
Assiuiiption of Moses are worthy of credit ; and if
every Bible writer must be infallible, and this Epistle
were to be quoted as a proof that those compositions
were trustworthy, there would be no course open to
us but that of ejecting Jiidc from the Canon. But
the truer and deeper view of revelation has rescued us
from this necessity. We can freely admit that the
author was mistaken in his quotation from the apo-
cryphal works, we can admit that his reference to the
events mentioned in vers. 6-9, 14-15, far from giving
the stamp of historicity to them, only implies that he
used examples from current literature as illustrations
of the theme in hand ; and yet we may stoutly main-
tain that the Epistle utters an authentic note which
cannot be mistaken. Not only does the terrific
denunciation, which detonates through these few sen-
tences, hold good and applicable, a veritable word of
God, but the few opening and closing verses are
precious gems of inspired utterance and of revealed
truth. The designation of Christians as " beloved in
God the Father and kept for Jesus Christ," the exhor-
tation " to contend earnestly for the faith once for all
delivered to the saints," the beautiful idea of building
ourselves up on our most holy faith, the expression
" praying in the Holy Ghost," the command to keep
ourselves in the love of God, the exquisite compassion
and desire to save expressed in vers. 22, 23, and the
366 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
glorious commendation to God with which the letter
closes, are glimpses of the things unseen, interpreta-
tions of that supernatural life which is produced in us
by faith in Christ Jesus. And considering the singular
brevity of the Epistle, and the special object of
denouncing false teachers with which it was written,
we may say that nowhere in all the Apostolic writings
is more truth of revelation to be found in so small a
compass, than in this fragment from the unknown
Jude. As long as we are defending a theory that
Jude is an apostle, for which there is no foundation, or
another theory that if any work obtained a place in
our Canon it is necessarily infallible in all its teaching
and even in all its casual references, candid men will
be so impressed with the weakness of the theory that
they will hardly take the trouble to look at the Epistle
itself. But directly we let the Letter speak, making no
claim for it but what it makes for itself, the note of
genuine inspiration in it, and the priceless gem of
revelation which it contains, tell their own tale and
leave us in no wonder that Jude found a place in the
Canon of Scripture.
The subject of this chapter is of peculiar interest.
We have had to deal with literature which has been
" spoken against," not only by the unspiritual
criticism of modern rationalists, but by the voice
of the primitive Church ; literature which it is
JAMES, PETER, JUDE. 367
certainly possible for us to reject from the Canon
without in the least repudiating our faith in the
Bible as a whole. But we have made the important
discovery that, approaching these books with an
open mind and with no desire to maintain a pre-
conceived theory, we are able to distinguish very
clearly the intrinsic qualities which led the early
framers of the Canon to include them in the collection
of Sacred Scriptures. We have felt no inclination
to reject any one of these books, though we have
seen reason to alter some traditional opinions about
them. We find in brief, as has been already said,
that the books are not true because they are found
in the Bible, but they are in the Bible because they
are true. Their truth is by no means that of in-
fallibility. They do not make the claim for them-
selves, and only their unconscious enemies would
make it for them. Theirs is truth of a different
kind — it is self-evidential truth, which dawns upon
the candid mind and the open heart of those who
peruse them ; truth like the light which breaks
through the barriers of cloud and mist and finds
a ready entrance wherever prejudice has not drawn
its impenetrable veil.
We conclude our survey of these briefer Epistles
with a sense of some astonishment that men and
churches who professed to believe in them still had
368 RE VELA TION AND THE BIBLE.
such a radical doubt, and even such an active un-
belief, that they considered it to be the only way
of protecting their defencelessness to rear a gigantic
breastwork of dogma, which should forbid all inquiry
and hinder all approach except on the condition
of a blind and unquestioning admission of the dogma.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE JOHANNINE WRITINGS.
There is a general consensus of opinion that the
writings which have come down to us under the
name of John form the latest development of
revelation, and utter the last voice of direct in-
spiration in Holy Scripture. In these writings we
are to see the coping-stone of a great structure ; here
the truth of God attains a completeness which
justifies the faith of Christendom, that the Bible
contains all things necessary to salvation, and
constitutes in its entirety a book apart, a great
Word of God, or, to use the common term, a
Revelation. But this consensus of opinion is rather
on the surface than fundamental, for it covers a
great difference of view which must at once be
admitted. One set of Christians regard John as
the last voice of revelation because the Apocalypse
is the last book in the Bible, and affords a super-
natural forecast of the events which were to fill
25 369
370 REVELATION AND THE BIBLE.
the interval between the foundation of the Church
and the end of the world. Another set of Christians
give to John this attribute of finality on the ground
of the Fourth Gospel and the Three Epistles, which
represent the highest development, and the most
spiritual and far-reaching interpretation, of the central
doctrine of Christianity — the doctrine of the Person
and the Work of our Lord Jesus Christ.
Now the weightiest considerations forbid a recon-
ciliation of these two views, and make it necessary
for us to choose between them. According to the
first view the Apocalypse was written in the reign
of Domitian — that is, in the last decade of the first
century.^ This means that it was written at the
same time as the Fourth Gospel or later. Now this
view seems to be on literary and psychological
grounds quite untenable. The only hypothesis on
which the two works can be attributed to the
same writer is that an interval of years gave time
for the unexampled change in the style and the
thought of the two compositions. Each of them
is as distinct in its character as anything in literature.
Thomas Carlyle and Mr. Froude arc not more
marked than the Apocalypse and the Fourth Gospel
^ This view rests mainly on the opinion of Irenaeus, quoted by
Eusebius. The Apocalypse, said that father, oh Trpo ttoXXow xpdvov
kopdOr], dWd ax^^ov trri Ttjg ruxtrepag yevEcig Trpbg rtp reXei rrjg
AoiAiTLUPov dpxng- (Eus., Hist. EccI, v. 8, p. 220.)
THE JOHANNINE WRITlJStGS. 37 f
The only supposition, therefore, on which we can
imagine that a piece of Froude came from the pen
of Carlyle is that time has elapsed between the
Froude and the Carlyle. If we are to hold that
the Apocalypse was written by the writer of the
Fourth Gospel, we must adopt the view to which
all internal evidence points — that it was written early
in the life of the author, we must push it back to
the earliest date that the facts seem to admit of
The investigation on which we are now to embark
starts, therefore, from the position accepted by almost
all modern scholars, that the Apocalypse stands in
date somewhere between the Epistles of Paul and
the Fourth Gospel. It starts also from the position
that the Fourth Gospel and its little satellites, the
three Epistles, came into existence at the very
end of the first century, ^ as the coping-stone of
New Testament revelation. If this position seems
to the reader arbitrary, it need not be pressed ; but
the same method which is here employed in estima-
ting the revelation of these Johannine Writings may
* It is well to remind the reader that the passage from Ilippolytus
{Ref. H(£r. vii. 22), which cites BasiHdes as quoting the Fourth
Gospel in these terms, rh Xeyofitvov iv roTg evayyfXion;, ^Hv to (putt:
TO dX)]9n'bv o 353. 358. 362,
365, 372, 381, 397,
398
,, The summit of, 214
Romans, 291
Kiith, 207
Sacerdotalism, 355
Samson, 330
Samuel, loi
,, I S. ix., X., &c., 102
,, 2 S. xxiv., 129
Satan, 198
Sayce, Prof., quoted, 2)'->^ 47
Science and the Bible, 5, 8
Scriptures, The, in New Testament,
323
Shem, 47
Social ethics, 211
Socrates, 248
Solomon, 107, 124
Song of Solomon, 205
vSpies, The, 68
Spirit, The Holy, 16, 174, 216, 277,
388, 396
Stephen, his apology, 268
Synagogue, The Great, 147
Temple, The, 87, 166, 170, 173
,, destroyed, 320
Tertullian, 333
Theology of St. Paul, 297
Thcssalonians, 2gi
I Th. iv. 15-17, 3C7
Truth before dogma, 329
Typology, 21, 57, 87, 104
Wisdom Literature, 191, 202
204
,, Book of, 191, 346
Women speaking, 305
Word of God, 188, 204, 303
Yaiiveh, 10, 89
Yahvist, The, see Jehovist.
Zechariah, 147, 149, 170, 172
Zephaiiidh, 162
Zion, 157, 163
UNWIN BKOTHKKS, THE GRESHAM PRESS, CHILWORTH AND LONDON.
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Revelation and the Bible : an attempt at
Princeton Theological Seminary-Speer Library
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