/ LIBRARY Ihcological j^cminanu PRINCETON , N J No. Case, PJ j - -.-j i No. Shelf, No. Book, .-4?.— Ma, Rev - W> B - SPRAGUE, D.D. */»/; 1839 . ^8? # e Pollu tion. Vol. 44 ^ , * %■; < *► « I \ *v * V \ *■* . E S S A Y ^ ON THE IMPOLICY OF THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. IN TWO PARTS. By the Rev. y „ - T. CLARKSON, M A. TO WHICH IS ADDED, AnORATION, Upon the Necessity of establishing at Paris, a Society to promote the Abolition of the Trade and Slavery of the Negroes. By J. P. BRISSOT de WARVILLE. PHILADELPHIA: Printed by FRANCIS BAILEY, at Yorick’s- Head, in Market-street. M , 1) C C, L X X X V X 1 1 « T 0 WILLIAM W1LBERF0RCE, Efq. ONE OF THE MEMBERS of PARLIAMENT FOR THE COUNTY of YORK. T S I R, 0 a Gentleman , like you , whofe public and private actions are founded on principle , and who are con- tent with doing your duty without the tribute of popular applaufe , I fear that the perufal of this page may be rather dijlr effing: nor am I fure that / Jhall not , in fome degree , incur your cenfure , for having printed it without either your permiffion or your knowledge. You will con- fider , however , how difficult it is for me, who am ac- quainted with your exertions in the caufe of humanity and freedom, to pafs them over on fuch an occafion as this . — 1 trujl , therefore, that in addreffmg this little book to you, as a zealous advocate in behalf of the oppreffed Africans , [ ii J Africans , you will excufe the liberty I have taken , under the circumjlance now explained ; and I mujl intreat you to believe , that no encomium Jhould ever have been paid you by me , urdefs I had believed it to have been previ- Gufy earned. I have the Honor to be , Sir, Tour fmcere , And obedient Servant , THOMAS CLARKSON. i PREFACE. PREFACE I T may be expected, that, in offering fo many articles of information to the public, and fuch as will mate- rially affect the policy of the Have trade, fome thing fftould be faid of their authenticity, or the affurance the public may have, that they are true. The productions of Africa are the firft objects of con- fideration in this work. Whatever I have faid relative to the exiftence of thefe, has been collected from living evidence, and of the greateft part of them I have now fpecimens in my poffejjion. The cruelties, practifed by the officers of Have veffels on the perfons of their unfortunate crews, (which is another object of confideration) has been ftated from various depofitions , voluntarily made laft year. I have had alfo ocular dejnonjlration, as far as a fight of their mangled bodies will be admitted as a proof, that fuch cruelties were exercifed upon them ; and I have had the fatisfaction of making fome of the perpetrators acknowledge them, by the payment of a fine. The lofs of feamen, both in the Have trade and other trades, (which is a principal object of confideration in this work) is fo exact, that, though it was neceffary to have an account of no lefs than feven or eight thoujand of them to afcertain the fact, yet the name of every individual can be given. The lift of plantations, that have been cited as having fupported themfelves independently of the Have trade, has been made up either from letters lately received on the fubject, or from the oral ftatement of the proprietors themfelves, or from thofe gentlemen who became ac- quainted with their fituation by living near them. With [ iv ] With refpedf to other ftatements, which I may diftin- guifh by the name of mifcellaneous, they are of equal authority. I have always gone for them myfelf to the fountain head; and, with the affiftance of my worthy aflociates in the caufe, neither labour nor expenfe has been fpared in obtaining them from that quarter. Having faid a few words on the authenticity of the pages now to be offered to the public, I (hall only add, that I fhall think myfelf fufficiently repaid for any trouble I have taken, if they tend to throw any light on the fubjeft; and to convince mankind, that Providence has univerfally made the fcale to preponderate in favour of humanity, and that the African flave trade has not that jouncl policy for its bafts, which people have but too gener- ally imagined. PART I PART I. 4t INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. I N a former Effay, on the “ Commerce of the Human Species,” I particularly enlarged on the injuftice and inhumanity of that, which is exhibited in the African trade. In the prefent, I fhall undertake to fhevv (unlefs I ^ deceive myfelf greatly) that it is as impolitic * as I have proved it to be inhuman and unjuft. There are many general arguments, that muft occur to every fenfible and difinterefted man who is at all acquaint- ed with the fubjeft, againft this commerce, independently of its iniquity or its barbarous effects. The firft connection, which the Europeans ever had with the Africans, was for Slaves. This continued to be for many years the only traffic for which they had intercourfe with each other. Some Britilh merchants, however, finding by^the reports of their agents, who had vifited this coaft, that it abounded with gums, wax, am- bergris, honey, ivory, and gold, held out to the natives the profpeCt of a new and additional trade. The Africans were nofooner made acquainted with, than they embraced the plan. They began to collect the different articles ac- cordingly, and have continued in thepurfuitof them, though not without hazard to their perfons, to the prefent day. The commercial connection between the Europeans and Africans, became by thefe means more extenfive than be- fore, and continued on this fcale, till it was difeovered that the fame continent abounded with many valuable woods. The merchants of that day, apprized of the difeovery, immediately propofed their fehemes as their predeceffors B had 4 On the Impolicy of the had done before, but defpaired of fuccefs ; conceiving that the Africans, who bore the character of an indolent peo- ple, would never engage in fo laborious an employment as that of cutting wood. They were, however, agreeably difappointed. The Africans embarked in this with as much alacrity as in the former fcheme. They went more than two hundred miles into the inland country, cut dfljsvn wood fimilar to that which had been pointed out, and m the rainy feafons brought it in their canoes to the fhips, enabling the fame merchants to gain a profit on the new article, though fold at an eafy price. This trade was diftinguifhed by the name of the wood trade, and is carried on more extenfively now, than at any former period ; though the whole of the trade in the natural productions of the country bears no fort of comparifon with that in Haves. This narration of faCts carries with it, firft, a proof of the commmo'ial fpirit of the Africans, who have no fooner had a new and additional line of intercourfe pointed out, than they have embraced it. Now, if \\%»connder that the African foil is undoubt- edly more fertile than that of any other quarter of the globe; if we confider that its natives are poflefled of the commercial fpirit defcribed; that they fpeak the European languages ; that they are adepts in arithmetical calcula- tions, artd capable of conducting trade, it mult furely be the higheft impolicy that fuch a ccuitfyi and poflefled by fuch inhabitants, fhould be fcarcely xnown but as a mart for human blood. It muft, I repeat, be impolicy in the higheft degree in the Europeans, becaufe, under the cir- cumftances now defcribed, much higher advantages might be derived in another line of trade. It {hews, fecondly, that the difficulty of engaging the Africans in any new line of commerce would not be fo great, as has been generally imagined. It is certainly much to be feared, that, while Jlaves continue to be the grand defideratum of our African in- tercourfe, very little can be expeCted from any additional trade in the natural productions of the country. Not but that more of the natives would be found to embark in it than there are at prefent, but that thefe would be fo few 5 African Slave Trade. for the purpofe, while the chief part of our attention was directed to the other, that it could hardly be carried to that extent, which would render it of much national importance. Butfuppofe that the Have trade were abolifhed; fuppofe that we now entered into the one with as much zeal and alacrity, as we had done formerly in the other; would it not be reafonable to prefume, that, under fuch encourag- ments, we fhould foon have a valuable and an extenfive trade? If the Africans could go two hundred miles into the inland country, and engage in the laborious employ- ment of cutting wood, it is reafonable to think, that they could be brought to become the cultivators of their own lands. I prefume alfo, that free labour could be introdu- ced among them : it being no more difficult to introduce cultivation, or any fyjlem of cultivation there, than it was, fmce the beginning of the flave trade, to have given birth to the various offices of brokers upon the coaft, to have communicated to them the European languages, to have introduced the different media of exchange, and to have eflablifhed the whole of that regular fyflem of trade, which fubfifts at the prefent day. Thefe obfervations being made, I fhall lay down two pofitions : firft, that the Africans, by proper encourage- ment, can be brought into habits of labour : and fecondly, that free labour can be made the medium, through which the productions of their country may be collected, or brought to maturity and ufe. Thefe are the only data, which I fhall require; and, having laid them down, I fhall proceed immediately to the point, making a replication to all the arguments, which I have ever yet found to be advanced in defence of the policy of the trade in flaves. CHAP. I 6 On the Impolicy of the CHAP. I. SECTION I. The Patrons of the trade have been long accuftomed to advance, that it is a trade of great value to the nation. I confefs that I have never been able to comprehend their meaning. I fhall, therefore, before I attempt to make a reply, canvafs the expreffion. Do they mean that the flaves taken from Africa become labourers in the colonies ? that thefe labourers make fugar ? that this fugar produces a revenue, and that the trade therefore is of great national importance? If this be their meaning, I reply, that it is fugar that produces the reve- nue, and not the Have. — That the cane can be cultivated by freemen, and further, that it can be cultivated, under ■ certain regulations, without the importation of another African from the coaft. To fuppofe then that they aferibe to the inftrument which may be varied, what is due only to the fixed object of cultivation,. .or, at any rate, to a concatenation of cir- cumftances, is to fuppofe them to be incapable of diferi- mination, and is therefore a fuppolition, which I am not at liberty to make. Do they mean again, that flaves employ fhips to tranf- port them ? that thefe fhips employ feamen, and that thefe f'eamen are the pillars of the flate ? But thefe are but appendages of the trade. Rice, cotton, indigo, tobacco, and other productions of the African foil, would, in this point of view, be equally beneficial. — I prefume then they mud mean that flaves, confidered of themfelves as a com- inoditv, and without any of the appendages deferibed, conftitute an article of commerce, that is highly benefi- cial to the Bate. This being prefumed, I fhall ftate the queftion in the following manner. Africa has two forts of commodities to offer us, — her natural productions, and — her flaves. — The queftion is, in which of the two, confidered abftraCtedly by themfelves, it is meft politic to deal. If in confequence of fuch a comparifon African Slave Trade. 7 corr.parifon it ftiould appear, that a traffic in the one would be of much more national importance than in the other, I prefume that the other, inafmuch as it engrofles the principal part of our attention, and diverts it from one that would be more beneficial, will be allowed to be impolitic. To reply to the argument advanced, I fhall firfl: turn my attention to the woods of Africa. > In the preceding chapter it was obferved there were two trades eftablilhed upon the coaft, independent of, and having no connection with the trade in Haves. The firfl: eftablilhed was that in gums, wax, ambergris, honey, ivory and geld. The fecond was that in woods. Thefe trades are now united. The merchant who fits out a veflel for wood, fits it out alfo for as many of the other commodities as he can procure. However, the great bulk of his cargo, and object of his voyage, being that of wood, his veflel is termed a wood vejfel. I make this diftinCtion, not only becaufe the merchant makes it him- felf, but becaufe I Ihall have occafion to ufe the expref- lion in many parts of the work. The firfl: African woods that were known to be objects of commercial importance, were Camwood and Barwood. Thefe were imported by themfelves for feme years. In procefs of time, however, it was found that Ebony was a a native of the coaft : and foon afterwards Lignum Vitce was dilcovered. Thefe are the only African woods, that are brought home as commercial articles at the prefent day. But as we already import, or Ihall import in a little time as much of thefe as can poiiibly be coniumed, no new profpeCts are to be formed from thence. I Ihall therefore pafs them over, and advert to f'uch, as being now in embryo, would, if called forth by the abolition of the trade in Haves, afford a fubftitute for it o i greater benefit to the nation. Tha* Africa abounds with hidden treafures, may be collected from thofe, which accident has already difeover- ed. It is certain, however, that this extenfive continent is as yet unexplored. The vegetable productions are but little known, and the foffils lefs. The barks, woods, roots, fruits, and leaves, have hardly been noticed by any naturalift; 8 On the Impolicy of the naturalift ; and the {tones, earths, bitumens, and ores, have not been fo much as feen by the eye of a chemical obferver. Nor is this ignorance of the natural productions of Africa to excite our wonder or furprife. The Africans, moftly in an unimproved ftate, and at beft ignorant of the various mechanical arts that are pradtifed in Europe, and of the various commodities that are the objects of Euro- pean commerce, cannot be fuppofed to be capable of point- ing out, of themfelves, fuch of their own productions as would be valuable in trade. The Europeans, on the other hand, that is, nine in ten, who vifit this extenfive continent, vifit it for JJaves. This is the grand obje£t of their voyage. It engroffes all their thoughts, and occafions them to overlook even the com- mon productions of the place. And fo true is this obler- vation, that many, who have vifited this coaft for years, can give no better account of it in this refpeCt, than thofe who have never feen it at all. I muft add too, that little leifure, and {till lefs opportunity would be afforded them, in the prefent pofture of affairs there, of gratifying their wilhes, even had they a turn for botanical or chemical purfuits. To thefe circumftances then, but ultimately to the trade in JJaves , is to be afcribed the ignorance before mentioned. Under thefe difadvantages, the reader will hardly expeCt that I {hall be able to fay much of the woods of Africa. Such, however, as accident has dif- covered within the laft three years, {hall immediately be pointed out. Within the period now afligned it has been fully fub- ftantiated, that mahogany grows upon the coaft. About eighteen tons of it were collected there, and imported into this country in the year 1786. Not long after this, a veffel, having delivered her flaves in the Weft-Indies, returned home. In difcharging fome firewood, which had been taken in upon the coaft, a fmall billet was difcovered of a different appearance from the reft. This excited the attention of the difcoverer, who fent it to be polifhed. It proved, in confequence of this trial, to be the tulip wood, fo called from its refemblance to African Slave Trade. 9 to that flower, the ground of it being of a ftraw colour, and inlaid with crimfon veins. This w'ood would be of the greateft importance to cabinet workers and inlayers, and fo valuable, that they would be glad to purchafe it at the rate of three (hillings per pound. The nextfpecies of wood, that excited the attention of the importer, was a fmall log brought home in one of the wood veflels before defcribed. It was of a pale ftraw colour. The veins of it were yellow, and had a beautiful appearance. It was remarkably light, and yet clofe grained, and feemed peculiarly adapted for mufical inftru- ments. It would have made, however, elegant light fur- niture, and would have been in great requeft with the artifts of the former defcription. About the fame time, in which this log was difcovered, another wood veflel, belonging to the fame port, brought home a fpecimen of the bark of a tree, that produced a very valuable yellow dye, and far beyond any other ever in ufe in this country. The virtues of it were difcovered in the following man- ner. A gentleman, refident upon the coaft, ordered fome wood to be cut down to ereCt an hut. While the people were felling it, he was (landing by. During the opera- tion, fome juice flew from the bark of it, and ftained one of the ruffles of his (hirt. He thought that the ftain would have walhed out, but on wearing it again, found that the yellow fpot was much more bright and beautiful than before, and that it gained in luftre every fubfequent time of wafhing. Pleafed with the difcovery, which he knew to be of fo much importance to the manufacturers of Great-Britain, and for which a confiderable premium had been offered, he fent home the bark now mentioned as a fpecimen. He is fince unfortunately dead ; and little hopes are to be entertained of falling in with this tree again, unlefs ftmilar accidents (liould difcover it, or a change (hould take place in our comercial concerns with Africa. I (hall now mention another valuable wood, which, like all thofe that have been pointed out, was difcovered by accident in the fame year. Another wood veflel, be- longing to the fame port, was difcharging her cargo. Among the barwood a fmall billet was difcovered, the colour 10 O Nf THE IaIPOLICY OF THE colour of which was fo fuperior to that of the reft, as to lead the obferver to fufpedi, that it was of a very different fpecies ; though it is clear that the natives, by cutting it of the fame fize and dimenfions, and by bringing it on board at the fame time, had, on account of its red colour miftaken it for the other. One half of this billet was cut away in experiments. It was found to produce a colour that emulated the carmine, and was deemed to be fo va- luable in the dying trade, that an offer was immediately made of fixtv guineas per ton for any quantity that could be procured. The other half has been fince lent back to the coaft, as a guide to collect more of the fame fort ; though it is a matter of doubt, whether, under the cir- cumftances that have been related, the fame tree can be afcertained again. I could mention here feveral other woods, which would perhaps be new to the reader, and which would form a valuable branch of trade ; but thofe which I have men- tioned already, are fo important of themfelves, as to preclude the neceffity of a longer lift. I fhall therefore confine my obfervations to thefe. If the ftave trade were abolifhed, and the two pofitions, mentioned in the former fedtion, realized, it is evident that a trade might be ftruck out in the preceeding articles to great advantage and extent. The demand for maho- gany is increafing not only in this country, but in Ger- many, to a confidence amount. Suppofe then that the new trade were eftabliftied, what advantages would refult from the importation of this article in particular from the coaft ? Thefe advantages, I reply, will be beft feen by compa- rifon. The principal part of the mahogany, which we import, comes from the Bay of Honduras, and is cut by (laves. In Africa, according to the pofition laid down, it would be cut by free men; a circumftance of the higheft importance; as the exertions of free , compared with thofe of ferv'ile labour, are at leaft in the proportion of three to two. The infurance alfo from the Bay of Honduras to the Britifti ports is from five to ten, while that from Africa to the fame place is but two and a half per cent. The raw article, therefore, from thefe circumftances, and additionally African Slave Trade. ii additionally that of lower freightage, would be brought into the hands of the merchantrand manufacturer, cheaper by more than a third than it comes to them at prefent. I mull add too, that the voyage in the latter cafe is much lefs dangerous than in the former. That the infurer would be benefitted by the change ; and that as it is a maxim long eftablifhed, that the cheaper the material the greater the demand for it, a confiderable increafe would be made to the exportation of this article ; a circumftance, in every point of view beneficial to the nation. With refpectto the other woods, thofe for cabinet work and dying , no advantages can refultfrom companion, be- eaufe there is no other place upon the globe, from whence luch treafures could be derived. The former, however, would certainly be of great confequence. We already excel all the artifts of the world in this particular department, and export largely. — ■ But what an additional fcope would the many and variegated woods of Africa afford to the tafte and inge- nuity of our countrymen ! It is to this tafte and ingenu - ity, confpicuous in the variety of patterns, and beauti- ful and harmonious difpofition of things, that we are to attribute our fuperiority in this line of mechanifm, and that we become mechanics for the world. But with refpect to the latter, they are certainly beyond all valuation. It is well known, at leaft in particular manufacturing towns, that the African dyes are fuperior to thofe of any other quarter of the globe. — Our manu- facturers have long viewed them with a jealous eye. They have promifed themfelves prodigious fortunes, and their country a lafting and extenfive benefit, could they but make themfelves matters of the art or myftery of the compofitionof thefe invaluable dyes. It is certain, how- ever, that almoft all the colours, which the Africans ufe, except that of blue, are procured from their own trees, either by friction or decoction ; and that though they have merit in the preparation of them, yet the great myftery would ceafe, if the flave trade were abolifhed, as fuch an event would give us an opportunity of making thedifco- very, and of introducing them as articles of commerce. C I fhall J 2 On the Impolicy of the I fhall make no further obfervation on this head, than that if accident has difcovercd fuch invaluable treafures as thofe defcribed, what might not be expended, if this ex- tenfive continent were explored ? It at prelent affords u , comparatively fpeaking, fcarcely any thing elfe but flaves. Will any perfon affert, that the woods of Africa alone, without reference to any of its other productions, would not be more lucrative both to the merchant, the manufac- turer, and the nation, than the whole trade in flaves? SECTION II. But the woods, though uncommonly curious and va- luable, are not the only articles that are to be put into the fcale on this occafion. Another valuable commerce would be opened to us in other commodities, fuch as drugs, peppers, and fpices. That Africa abounds with many valuable drugs, is not only evident from the teftimony of thofe who have refided there, but from our late and prefent importations. We have already derived many valuable drugs from that quar- ter ; but thefe, like the woods, have been accidentally difcovered, while others ftili more valuable, are yet in embryo. The firft, that were the objects of commerce, were gum fenegal, fanguis draconis, almonds, and afterwards palm oil. In procefs of time the virtues of gum copal were dif- covered by the French, who imported it into their own country. We v/ere not long unacquinted with this event, or with the advantages that refulted from the difcovery. We endeavoured to obtain a defcription of the tree that produced it, and, having fucceeded in our attempts, pointed it out to the natives, and brought its produce home. The next that were brought to light, were gum rubrum aftringens, and gum euphorbium. Thefe continued to be the laft on the lift, till the year 1786, when gum guaiacum made its appearance from the ccaft. All African Slave Trade. J 3 All thcfe articles, or at leaft fpecimens of them, have been brought from thence into this country, and we have there- fore a pofitive proof of their exiftence there. I cannot fay, however, that they have been regularly brought. In fome years not more than two or three, and in others little more than fpecimens of them have been colleftcd ; no regular plan, as in other trades, having been yet eftablifhed there; nor would any fuch plan be likely to be attended with fuccefs, whilft the Jlave trade engrofl'esour attention. Without mentioning the variety of drugs that might be brought from Africa, I ihall immediately point out the advantages of having them from thence. It is clear that all thofe, which we obtain from Spanifh America and the Brazils, are clogged with an expence, that would be avoided in having them from the other quar- ter. In the firft place there is a double freightage, and in the fecond, commiffion, both of which would be faved were we to import them immediately from the coaft. The importer too would procure them at a lefs rate from hence, than even from the Eaft Indies or Turkey, which arc the only remaining places, from which he collects them at prefent. I come now to the peppers of Africa. The firft, that was difeovered or imported, was malaguetta, or grains of Paradife. This has now become an article of trade, and is regularly brought to us, either by the wood or Have veflels, every year. The fecond was the long pepper. A few barrels of this have been occafionallv imported, but in fuch fmall quantities, as fcarcely to deferve notice. The third was the black pepper. This was found to be of a greater pungency, and of a finer flavour than the Afiatic. Two caiks of it were brought to England about fix years ago : and this, I believe, was the only fpecimen from the coaft ever exhibited in this country. The fourth was the cayenne. A captain of one of the wood veflels procured a lmall quantity of it, and brought it home in the year 1787. 1 have hitherto mentioned fuch of the African peppers, as being fimilar to thofe from other quarters now in ufe, are known by name. There was one, however, dif- eovered 14 On the Impolicy of the covered about twenty years ago on the fame coaft, with the name of which not any perfon, to whom it was fhewn, was at all acquainted. It was brought to Liver- pool in a (lave vefiel, and preferved ; and was of fuch un- common fragrance and flavour, as to have retained its qualities to the prefent day, This account of the preceding articles, but particularly that of the latter, will give the reader an additional proof of the riches to be found in the African foil. He will fee the great advantages, which would refult from a trade in thefe alone. But he will never be able to eftimate the lofs which we fuftain by the trade in Jlaves , which hinders the country from being farther explored, and thofe inexhaufti- •ble treafures from coming forth, which are now buried and concealed. The next article is that of fpices. The only fpices that have been yet found in Africa, are the caflia or wild cinnamon, which is plentiful, and the nutmeg, of wdiic'n a few folitary plants have been dif- covered. Thefe were moftly in a wild and unimproved ffate ; but by proper care and attention, there is no doubt, but that they might be brought to as great perfection, as thofe in any other place. The Dutch fupplv us at prefent with thefe articles. They have become of late very exorbitant in their de- mands, and, were they itill to increafe their prices, we fhould be obliged to fubmit, as they have a monopoly of this trade. Were our attention turned to the encouragement of thefe articles upon the coaft, it is clear that we might be the importers of our own fpices, and break the monopoly or the Dutch. The great advantages that would arife from having them from this quarter, fha'l immediately be pointed out. The difference in a voyage only from England to Africa and back, and from Holland to the Moluccas and back, is at leaft fixteen thoufand miles. The wages of feamen em- ployed of courfe fo much longer in this voyage than in the other, the greater confumption of provifions, and wear and tear of fhips, clearly point out, that if the Dutch were to lower their prefent prices to one ha'/, thefe articles W'ould African Slave Trade. 15 would not come into our hands at fo cheap a rate from thence, as thofe which would be imported from Africa. Now if we add to this the confiderations of double freightage, infurance, and commiflion, and that the fpices of Africa would be cultivated by free men, whereas in the Moluccas they are cultivated by flaves, it is a matter capable of proof, that we fhould import them from that continent for one fifth of their prefent price. There is yet one circumftance, of great importance, which ought never to be forgotten. We pay for the greateft part of thefe articles at prefent in jnoney. Were the trade alluded to eftablifhed in Africa, wc fhould pay for them in our manufafturcs. SECTION III. Among the other articles, which the African continent produces, are tobacco, rice, and indigo, each of which would form of itfelf a diftinct and valuable branch of trade. Tobacco is to be found in almoft every divifion of this continent in the greateft luxuriance, and, from the pecu- liar richnefs of the foil, is fuperior in quality to that which America produces. Rice is to be found in moft parts of Africa, but grows fo luxuriantly on the grain coaft in particular, that a fupply might be drawn from thence fufficient for all the markets of Europe. It is extraordinary, that this rice fhould be finer in flavour, of a greater fubftance, more wholefome and capable of prefervation, than the rice of any other country whatever, and that in every point of view, it fhould be fuperior to the reft. Nor is the indigo of Africa, with which that continent abounds, lefs conlpicuous for its pre-eminence in colour. The blue is fo much more beautiful and permanent than that which is extracted from the fame plant in other parts, that many have been led to doubt, whether the African cloths, brought into this country, were dyed with indigo or not. They apprehended that the colour in hefe, which became more beautiful upon wafhing, mufit have 16 On the Impolicy of the have proceeded from another weed, or have been an extraction from fome of the woods, which are celebrated for dying there. The matter, however, has been clearly afcertained. A gentleman procured two or three of the balls which had been juft prepared by the Africans for ufe. He brought them home, and, upon examination, found them to be the leaves of indigo rolled up, and in a very fimple ftate. The reader may imagine by my account of the produc- tions of Africa hitherto named, and by my ftatement of their fuperiority to others, that I have been rather dealing in fiction, than defcribing their real ftate. But it is well known that Africa pofieftes the molt fertile foil of any in the globe : and I appeal to thofe who have vifited this coaft, and to fome of the manufacturing towns in this kingdom, if my aftertions are not ftridtly true ; if the rice of Africa is not beyond all others in point of flavour, fubftance, and capacity of prefervation ; and if the indigo is not of that beautiful, permanent nature, as to have a title to the pre-eminence afcribed. I Shall now obferve, that the two firft articles are ob- tained at prefent from America ; the laft in part from the fame place, and in part from the Britifli colonies, and thofe of foreign nations. This being premifed, the advantages that would refult from having them from Africa, will eafily appear. In the firft place it is clear by the observations made, that all the three articles are at prefent produced by the labour of llaves. In Africa they would be produced by freemen, a circumftance, which would bring them into the hands of the merchant and manufacturer, cheaper by one third. There are alfo additional circumftances, peculiar to two of them, which would have the fame tendency. In America rice generally grows in fwampy places, which are deftruCtive to the health of the cultivators, all which cultivators are to be Succeeded, if theyperifh, at a great expenfe. There are plantations, however, which are Situated upon drier land : but thefe are contigious to the banks of rivers, and require to be occafionally over- flowed. For this purpofe flood-gates are conftructed, African Slave Trade. 17 2nd, below thefe, others of the fame kind, that the water p 1 be t.'ken off at difcretion : otherwife the crops would be inevitably deftro/ed. The conftruction and repair of thefe muft add confiderably to the expence. The African ri e, on the other hand, grows on the hilly parts, neither e;;a. tiering the health of the cultivator, nor requiring any other moifturc or overflowing than the ufual rain. indigo alfo is prejudicial to the health of thofe who manufacture it. This is occafioned by the offenfivenefs of the effluvia, which arife from it at that time. Now as thefe manufacturers are Jlaves , it is impoffible that the proprietors of them can furnifh it at fo cheap a rate, as thofe who would employ free men, and who, in the cafe of the death of their labourers, could renew them with- out expence. Another circumftance, worthy of confideration, is this, that a confiderable portion of human life would be faved, not only becaufe free men would have contrivances, which are not fo much as thought of for Haves, but becaufe the Africans have a method of preparing this article for ufe with but little detriment to their health ; fo that whether it were to be manufactured by flavcs, or free men, it would come with the higheft profpedt of gain from this quarter. I muft not forget to add, that where we obtain indigo from the colonifts of foreign nations, there is a double freightage, infurance, and commiffion, all which would be faved, were the article to be brought to us from the coaft. With thefe advantages then in particular, and addi- tionally with thofe of free labour which have been ftated, it is clear, that Africa would afford the cheapeft market to the merchant and manufacturer, from whence they could derive the three articles deferibed ; and that the good effects of thus changing the place of export would, in prccefs of time, be fo conlpicuous, as to give us rea- fonto hope, that the nation would foonbe reiir.burfed for the treafures expended in the lofs of America. If there is any other advantage to be apprehended from the change, it muft be this — Our trade with America, ftnee the late peace, has been rather a detriment than a gain. In confequcnce of the unprincipled conduCt of many i8 On the Impolicy of the many of the Americans, the merchant here has been ruined, the manufacturer has fhared his fate, and numbers have felt thefhock. Under thcfe di fad vantages, wemufl Hill continue to trade with them, bccaufe we want their commodities. From Africa, we might derive the fame articles, but in greater perfection, and with no rifle. The merchant would receive for his goods a cargo, more va- luable than that which hefent there, and would of courfe have no neceflity to give credit, or to be uneafy, as in the prefent pofture of affairs, about remittances for his debts. SECTION IV. Though I have already mentioned many valuable pro- ductions of the coaft, others {till remain to be fpoken of. Upon thefe, however, I (hall not expatiate, except upon cotton, an article of too much importance to this country to be mentioned in general terms. That the reader may form a notion of this importance, I fhall inform him that twenty millions of pounds were brought into Great Britain for the ufe of our manufactures in the year 1786. I fhall inform him alfo that two pounds of cotton, which coft the manufacturer fix (hillings, are worth, when manufactured into muflin, about five pounds in the grots. What a prodigious advantage to this coun- try, that fo fmall a portion of this article fhould give birth to fo much labour and profit as is equivolent to the fum now fpecified ! Cotton is to be found in alinoft every divifion of the coaft of Africa, It is moffly in a wild and uncultivated Hate. The natives however collect it for their own ufe, and work it up into thofe beautiful cloths, which are in fuch eftimation for their foft and filkv appearance. A few pounds of it has be£n occafionally brought into England in the ftate deferibed. Neverthelefs, they have claimed the preference at our markets, and have fetched their price. To {hew the value of this article from the coaft, I fhall ftate the rank, which the cotton of different countries holds with the manufacturers of the prefent day, who have feen African Slave Trade. 19 fecn fpecimens of it from almoft every place, where it can be produced. It is a curious circumftance, but it has been eftablifhed by the experience of many years, that continents produce the fined: cotton, and that the larger the ifland, and of courfe the nearer they approximate to continents, the finer is the cotton there. In the firft clafs is reckoned the Perfian and African. In the fecond that from the Brazils Siam, andSurinam. In the third that from St. Domingo; and in the fourth that from the Britifh Weft-Indialflands. From this account, the advantage of having cotton from Africa, from whence we derive little more than fpe- cimens at prefent, muft appear. It is of the utmoft im- portance to the maiufaddurers of muflin that their cotton fhould be fine. Their complaint is, that the very fined: of that, which they get from the prefent markets, is not equal to their wifines. Could the Perfian or African be obtained, they would efteem them an invaliable treafure. But though the fine quality of the African cotton would render the importation of it fo definable to our manufac- turers, yet the eafy rate at which it could be procured, would be an objedl of great magnitude. As the chief part of the cotton brought to us at prefent comes from the colonies of other nations, I ihall name one of thefe to fliew the difference of the expence at which it could be brought from thence and from the other quarter. The cotton, which we have from the Brazils, is firft (hipped for Portugal, where it is unloaded, and kept for fale. A part of it is then refhipped, on demand, and brought here. In this cafe it is clear, that double freightage, double infurance, and commifiion, are to be charged upon it. In the fecond place itpays on exportation from Portugal a duty of five per cent. In the third it is cultivated by flaves. Thefe circumftances are of fuch importance, that, in making the efti mate, it appears that the Britifh merchant could obtain as much cotton from Africa for fifty-feven pounds, as he procures at prefent for an hundred from the colony now mentioned. C In 20 On the Impolicy of the In making this eftimate, it is clear, that I have not felected a place that would be the moft favourable to mv defign : for the cotton that comes to us by the way of France, is not only chargeable with the fame kind of expenfes, but inftead of five , pays twelve per cent, on exportation. I cannot clofe * my account of this article, without mentioning that cotton, crimfon in the pod, is to be found in Africa. It grows principally in the Eyeo country, and is to be feen in many of the Whidah cloths. A fmall fpecimen of it was brought home in the year 1786. The value of this cotton would be great both to the importer, and manufacturer of muflins. The former would immediately receive eight (billings for a pound of it, and the latter would gain confiderably more by his in- genuity and tafte. He might work it up into the white cotton in delicate fpots and figures, and as both would be of their natural colour, no inconvenience would arife from wafinng. The difcovery of this article affords an additional proof of the numberlefs treafures of the African foil, and gives us reafon to expeCt, that, if that continent were explored, we (hould find fuch curious and valuable productions, as, if related at prefent, would almoft be beyond our belief. SECTION V. If the reader were to be aficedi what he could colleCt from the preceding feCtions, (allowing the different (late- ments to be true) he would fay, that Africa abounded with many valuable commodities ; that it would be much more to our intreft to deal in thefe, than in (laves ; that the (lave trade had been hithertoan infuperable impediment to the introduction of a new commerce in the commodities deferibed ; and that an opportunity would prefent itfelf of * Befides the natural produdlions already named, are to be reckoned Elver, wool, fkins, Vermillion, quickfilver, mufk, filk grafs, capficum, the fugar cane, the doom -wood, (which the worm never enters) and a variety of other articles, upon which I have no time to expatiate. repaying African Slave Trade. 21 repaying us for the lofs of America, were it once aboliHied. Thefe with other inferences he would immediately deduce. . Though thefe conclufions are fo HriCtly to be drawn from the fails laid down, yet it would be unpardonable to withhold the fentiments of a pcrfon on this occafion from whom they muH receive fuch additional weight. It is remarkable, that the late Mr. PoHlethwayt, the celebrated author of the dictionary on trade and commerce, fhould, in a pamphlet which he publilhed in the year 1748, not only endeavour to fhew the policy of the llave trade, but attempt its jujlif cation •, and that the fame perfon hav- ing afterwards made commerce his peculiar fludy, and being enabled to judge better of the nature of this trade, from having been a member of the African Committee, Ibould totally alter his fentiments both with refpeCt to the policy and juftice of it. In his dictionary, which was a fubfequaint publication to that before mentioned, he Hates, that in Africa are to be procured gold, filver, copper, corn, rice, gums, ivory, cotton, wax, civet, oHrich feathers, dying woods, and other valuable commodities. Among the queflions, which he afterwards Hates, I feleCt the following. “ Whether it would not be more to the intcrcjl of all “ the European nations, concerned in the trade to Africa, “ rather to endeavour to cultivate a friendly, humane, and civilized commerce with thofe people into the very “ centre of their extended country, than to content them- 'even of her crew, and that if we refer it to the number of Jeamen employed, more than a fifth perifh. This has been the invariable proportion for the port of Liverpool for many years ; — and I fhould have Hated it to the reader without the preceding lift, but that I thought it would be more fatisfadlory to him to fee at leaft a part of the foundation, on which it had been railed. The other ports alfo have had, in confequence of the fame kind of inveftigation, their different proportions of Jofs affigned them, which are fo accurate, that if applied * to any number of fhips taken promifcuoully, and exceed- ing twenty, they will be found to anfwer on almoft every occafion. Thefe, with the former, I fhall now Hate without referve. Firft : Every veffel that fails from the port of Liverpool to the coaft of Africa, lofes on an average more than feven of her crew, or a fifth of the whole number employed. Secondly : Every veffel from the port of Briftoi lofes on an average nearly nine, or almoft a fourth of the whole crew. Thirdly: Every veffel from the port of London lofes more than eight, and between a fourth and a fifth of the whole complement of her men. By thefe ftatements it will appear, that if we compound the lofs at the different ports of this kingdom, which are ufed for the profecution of the Have trade, every veffel may be faid to lofe more than eight of her crew ; and if we refer the lofs to the number employed, between a fourth and a fifth may be faid to perifh. To thefe obfervations I fhall only add, that in the year 1786, eleven hundred and twenty-five feame.n will be found upon the dead lift. , in con- fequence of this execrable trade. SECTION II, 54 On the Impolicy of the SECTION II. The fecond part of the lofs, mentioned in the preced- ing fection, is now to be confidered. It will be found to contain fuch, as are annually diflipated in the IVcJl-Indics after their difcharge from their refpe&ive fhips ; and of whom, from this period, the mufter rolls give no farther account. Some of the Have veflels, which arrive in the Weft- Indies, have perhaps experienced but little mortality in their crews. It is clear, in this cafe, that many of the feamen on board become Jupernumerary for the remain- der of the voyage. Others again bring them in, in fo weak and impaired a ftate, that they are confidered as incapable of navigating the veflels home. Thefe circumftances, therefore, occafion many of them to be difcharged there. The Tick are fometimes forced on fhore in the night previous to the departure of the veftel home, and are left to fhift for themfelves, though the very a - o Ann - o Mermaid - o Surprife - I Brothers - - O Fly O Catherine o Betfey O Friendfhip - o Jenny - - o Nancy - o Sally - o Nancy - o 2 An African Slave Trade. 65 An Account of the LOSS fuftained in Twenty-four Greenlandmen. Ships Names. Number of Se William and John J 0 Lyon 0 Betty O Peggy O Lyon r 2 Philippa O William O Sarah - 0 Leviathan O Pilgrim O John O Grampus O Golden Lyon O Brilliant - 1 James O Anfdell - O Whale - O Margaret I Peggy O Argus - O Betty O Swan _ O Fifher - I Seacome O To 66 On the Impolicy of the To recapitulate, the account will ftand thus : In twenty-four Slave vefTels 216 • Eaft-Indian 201 Weft-Indian 6 Greenland 5 Peterfburg 2 Newfoundland 2 But this ftatement, though it exhibits the lofs fuftained in an equal number of veffels in different trades, does not yet give us that juft comparative view, which the cafe requires. Some of thefe were confiderably longer on their voyage, and carried a much greater number of men, than others. Thefe two circumftances, therefore, are to be reduced to- an equilibrium. We muftput aneaqual num- ber of hands into the different trades. We muft make them ferve for an equal time ; and the lofs, which each would experience under thefe circumftances, will be the true comparative lofs. I will not trouble the reader to follow me through the procefs of thefe calculations. I fliall therefore inform him immediately, that in raifing the time and number in fome, and reducing them in others, to a juft equilibrium, the account will ftand thus : In 910 feamen employed in the Briftol flave-veffels ^ for one year, will be loft more than In 910 in Eaft-Indiamen 37 In 910 in Weft-Indiamen 21 In 910 in the Peterfburg trade 10 In 910 in the Newfoundland trade 10 In 910 in the Greenland trade 9 1 87 J Having African Slave Trade. H Having now furnifhed a comparative view of the lofs fuftained in fome of the trades that are carried on by the fubjeCts of this country, I will venture to aflert, that if we except the flave trade, all the reft of them put together did not diftipate more than nine hundred feamen in the year 1786. In the fame year were deftroyed by the Have trade nineteen hundred and fifty. So that the truth of my former aftertion, “ that this iniquitous trade deftroys “ more, in one year , than all the other trades of Great “ Britain, when put together, deftroy in two,” will but too manifeftly appear. The account, which I have now given, including many particular facts, will, I doubt not, have fufficient weight with the difinterefted Britifli reader to overturn the argument, which has never been infilled upon but in general terms, that the flave trade is a nurfery for our feamen. The reverfe, I apprehend, will ftrike him in a very forcible light; and, if I do not anticipate too haftily, cannot but be productive of pain. That every fhip, fo occupied and employed, fhould be attended with fuch a lofs as has been fpecified, is a circumftance, fo melancholy in itfelf, and fo fatal in its confequences, that it muft fill him with alarm and horror, and he will wait with painful anxiety for the fuppreflion of a trade, which fo manifeftly tends to wound his country in its vital parts. In vain will its advocates plead with him, that the chain of com- merce will be broken, or that a part of the mercantile fabric of the nation will be thrown down. Let them remember, that it has been raifed at the expence of the pillars of the ftate ; and that no emolusnent whatever , which individuals can obtain from the trade , can ever be thought a 1 .' K CHAP. VI. 68 On the Impolicy of the CHAP. VI. I muft now inquire, whether the trade in the natural productions of the country would be equally detrimental to the ftate; for it will immediately be alleged, that the veflels, in which it is to be conducted, mult go to the fame coaji . I thall anfwer this objedtion in the mod explicit man- ner, by endeavouring to prove, that if the fame {hips and men were to go into the trade propofed, they would not experience an equal lofs. This I {hall attempt to demonftrate by recurring to the caufes of the lofs defcribed, and by {hewing thefe caufes to be chiefly peculiar to the trade in flaves, or fuch as would ceafe to exift, were the trade aboH/bed. The firft will be found upon the coaft. On the windward coaft a confiderable part of the cargo of flaves is procured by open boats. Thefe boats are continually beating about, and watching the fignals made upon the fhore. They proceed to the diftance of twenty or thirty leagues, and are often abfent for three weeks from the fhip. During this time, they are expofed to the inclemency of the weather, night and day, which becomes frequently the occafton of their death. Some of thefe boats are upfet, and the feamen loft. Others go up the rivers, and are abfent for an equal time. The days are exceflively hot, and the dews are exceflively cold and heavy. Thofe, who are fent upon this fervice, are confidered as devoted. Some never return with the boats. The reft come on board, and often die. This mortality is to be attributed to two caufes ; partly to tiie uncertainty of the trade, which makes the long and conftcnt ufe of thefe boats fo neceftary; and partly to the climate. Ip the trade propofed, no fuch uncertainty would be found. The feafons for the different crops, (not like the feafons for human flefh) would be periodical and regular. Store-houfes would be built at convenient places. The natives African Slave Trade. 69 natives up the river would bring down their produce in their canoes. The ufe of open boats would in this refpect be precluded, and one of the caufes of the prefent lofs would be removed. With refpect to the climate, it requires but little know- ledge or experience to fay, that it may be fubjedfed to human art. Other countries, now civilized were for- merly inhofpitable to ftrangers, but have become habita- ble by all. Such would be the cafe with the regions of Africa in the new intercourfe pointed out. For if the country, which is now a foreft, were cleared ; if the lands were put into cultivation, if the fwamps were drained, and fuch other events were to take place, as would be the certain effedfs of eftablifhing the trade propofed, the caufes of this mortality to ftrangers would gradually decreafe, the dews would be mbderated, the rains and tornadoes become lefs frequent and violent, and the climate be as healthy as any other in any region of the globe. Other caufes of the lofs, which the ftate expe- riences in her feamen by the profecution of the trade, will be found both upon the coaft and on the middle paflage. ♦ The firft of thefe may be traced in infurredfions, in confequence of which feveral of them have loft their lives. The fecond in the communication of thofe diforders, with which the Haves are attacked. Among thefe is prin- cipally the flux, which is contagious, and which feveral of the feamen, who are often obliged to be among them, cannot poffibly efcape. The above two caufes, it is evident, could have no exiftence in the trade propofed, as the commodities, which the veflels wou'd then carry, could neither rife up againft, nor fpread an infedtion among their crews. A third may be found in that barbarous and oppref- five treatment, which has been defcribed. This treatment occafions the death of fome, and renders others incapable of purfuing the fame line of life on their return home. This caufe would immediately be removed, as it is peculiar, and wholly to be attributed to the nature of this execrable trade. 70 On the Impolicy of the trade. It is a facft, that men have embarked in it who have been confidered as men of humanity, and that the fame people in a little time have been totally altered, and diftinguifhed by the appellation of brutes. Nor is the change wonderful. The unbounded power, which the captains of flave veffels po/Tefs, could be exercifed but by few with propriety, and is in general too much for the human mind to bear, without degenerating into tyranny and oppreffion. The feenes too, which they muft con- ftantly be accuftomcd to behold, harden the heart, rob it of its finer feelings, and at length create a ferocity that, accompanied with the other effects, renders them rather inonfters than men. The fourth is to be traced in bad living. The crews of thefe veffels have not only to ftruggle with the difad- vantages deferibed, but additionally with thofe of hunger and thirft, which render them emaciated and weak, and confpire, with other caufes, to pull them down, and to fubdue them. They are in general half Jlarved \ and are often reduced to the neceffity of begging their victuals of the flaves. The latter, with a generofity and commife- ration, that muft ever be the fevereft cenfure on their enflavers, convey to them privately through the gratings the folicited relief. Water too, in a quantity fufficient to fatisfy their thirft, is fcarcely to be obtained. A gun-barrel is carried to the topmaft head, and fufpended there. The failor, who wants to drink, is obliged to fetch it down. He then puts it into a calk of water, and applying his mouth to the muzzle, fucks the liquid up. When he has done with it, he carries it to its former place. Many, who are fick and infirm, go without their water, or fuffer as long as they can, fooner than attempt to fetch the inftrument for ob- taining it in their feeble ftate. This prohibition of a fufficient quantity of water and provifions, the want of which greatly impoverifhes their blood, and renders them more fufceptible of impreffion from the various caufes of difeafe, is wholly to be aferibed to the nature of the trade : for the time which a veflel may ftay upon the coaft, or be upon the middle paffage, is African Slave Trade. 71 is fo uncertain , and the number on board to be daily fup- ported fo great , that the officers are under the neceffity of aCting with the parfimony defcribed. The fifth originates in the following manner: When the Haves are brought on board, the feamen, to make room for them, are turned out of their apartments be- tween the decks. During their ftay in the rivers, a place of retreat is made for them, but this, on their departure from the coaft, is obliged to be taken down. From this period they either fleep on the open deck, or in the tops of the vefTel. In fome veffels they are permitted to fleep in the boat, which is fufpended under the booms, with a tarpawling over them ufually full of holes. But in gene- ral they are left deftitute of a covering, and are expofed through the whole of the middle pafiage to all the incle- mency of the weather. If it rains, they muft unavoidably be wet, and in that condition they muft unavoidably con- tinue, as they have no place of fhelter, in which they can put their heads. From this bad lodging, and this conti- nual expofure to colds and damps, and fuddenly after- wards to a burning fun, fevers originate, which carry many of them off ; and as to fome of thofe who furvive, fuch confirmed rheumatifms are the confequence, as to render them afterwards burthenfome to themfelves, and unferviceable to the ftate. Nor is this the only effeCt, which this continual vicif- fitude from heat to extreme dampnefs and cold, has upon fome of the furviving crew. Inflammatory fevers, as I obferved before, neceil'arily attack them. Thefc fevers affe£t the whole frame. The eye, from the tendernefs and delicacy of its texture, and its fufeeptibility beyond that of any other organ, feels the inflammation moft. This inflammation terminates either in difperfion or fup- puration. In the firft inftance, the eyes are Caved. In the latter, they are loft. Thus many of thofe w r ho fur- vive, though they afterwards regain their health, are ren- dered incapable, in confequence of the lofs of their fight, of purfuing a naval life. This caufe, as productive of the two different effedts now mentioned, is to be found only in the trade in flaves. The 72 On the Impolicy of the The fixth, and laft which I {hall mention, is the great length of time in which they are made to live upon fait provifions without any intermiflion, indulgencies being feldom or ever given them, as in other trades. The reafon of fuch a niggardly conduit in their employers is this, that the Have trade is fo much more hazardous than the reft, that every pitiful faving muft be made. Thele fait provifions, that are equally adminiftered to them in health or ficknefs, vitiate the juices. Every fear, that is accidentally raifed upon their flefh, becomes an ulcer. Thefe ulcers are hardly ever to be cured ; and fo affeited have been the bones of many of them with thefe fcorbu- tick diforders, that a probe has been put through them with eafe ; and fo thin their blood, that it has difeharged itfelf at the ulcerated places. In this unhappy ftate, many of them, as I have obferved before, are difeharged in the Weft Indies, and die there, while fome of thofe, who are fo fortunate as to get home, become incurable. It is clear, that if the trade propofed were eflablifhed, this caufe would be immediately removed. The whole length of the voyage would be only five months. F refh provifions could be afforded them on the coaft: and if a teaman fell fick, he would foon be carried to fea, (not as in a flave veffel, to encounter with new and fatal diforders on the middle paffage) but in a wholefome fhip, foon to experience the effects of his native air. From the feurvy then, as arifing from hence, and from the flux, rheumatifm, and other complaints, as arifing from the caufes afEgned, fuch a complication of diforders is fixed upon feme of thofe that return, that it is a doubt whether the flave trade does not even render more unfer- viceable than it deftroys : and a perfon need only fee the crews of the flave veffels land, and trace them to their refpe&ive homes, or vifit the infirmaries of the place, to be convinced of the melancholy truth of this affertion. Thefe being caufes then, which are chiefly peculiar to the flave trade, or fuch as would be removed by its aboli- tion, it is clear, that any veffels, going to the fame coaft for different commodities, could not poflibly be liable to an equal lofs. As a proof of this, (for in a cafe where fuch African Slave Trade. 73 fuch oppofition may be expetfted, I will not even hazard a juft inference where a proof can be obtained) 1 fhall fub- mit to the infpetftion of the reader the followingliftof ten wood veftels, taken promifcuoufly, as they retured home to the fame port, from the year 1781 to theAuguft of the year 1787. Ships Names. Number of Men. Number of Men loft. T ryal 1 2 2 Lively 20 2 Rebecca 20 7 Lvon 28 o Rebecca 16 2 Cleveland 8 2 African Queen 24. 2 St. Andrew 8 o Cleveland 8 o Hector 20 z 164 20 It is manifeft from hence, that as feveral of the caufes have been taken away, fo feveral of the effects have been removed. The lofs in the Have veftels from the fame port is nearly a fourth of the whole number employed. The lofs in thefe is not quite an eighth. In nine hundred and ten Teamen, employed in the former, * tiuo hundred andfixteen were among the dead. In nine hundred and ten, if employed in the latter only one hundred and ten would have perifhed. But there are two or three obfervations, which I muft yet make. The Have veftels were upon an average fcarcely feven months on the coaft. T he wood veftels were from five to fifteen, or on an average nearly ten. The latter circumftance is of great importance, for if the trade alluded to were eftablifhed, no vefiel would have anv neceffity to be longer at the moft than three ; and it furcly makes a confiderable difference, whether men, as in the * This Isthe number a&ually on the dead lift, but it does not include the maimed, the blind, the unferviceable, or fuch as died after their dif- charge in the Weft-Indies or Great Britain, in confequencc af the trade. prefenc 74 On the Impolicy of the prefent cafe, are expofed to an unhealthy climate for ten months without intermiffion, or whether, being employed in the new trade, which would be regular, for the fame period, they would go there and back twice in the time and have two different intervals of refrefhment on their native fhore. I mud obferve too, that the crews of the latter, on account of the prefent uncertainty of the trade in the natural productions of the country were obliged to be up and down the rivers, to be much expofed, and to partake of one of the caufes of the lofs fuftained in the former. Now, if the trade propofed were eftablifhed, it is clear, that this caufe alfo would be removed ; and that the veffels of the merchants would be then nearly in the famecircum- ftances as thofein his Majefty’sfervice, which are ftationed from three to five months only on this coaft, and have no neceflity for beating up and down, or expofing their crews continually to the inclemency of the weather. The lofs which the crews of thefe experience is but trifling, and only fuch as they would have experienced had they ftaid at home, as will appear by the following account. A LIST of fuch of His MAJESTY’S SHIPS As have been ftationed on the Coaft of Africa Since the laft Peace, With the lofs which they fuftained in their refpe&ive Voyages. Ships Names. Number of Men. Number of men loti. Race Horfe IOO 0 Bull Dog 100 5 Grampus * 300 1 Grampus 30° [ 3 Grampus 3°° J Nautilus IOO Nautilus IOO \ 2 1300 10 * The Grampus has made three voyages to the Coaft fince the peace. and the Nautilus two. It African Slave Trade. 75 It is clear from this account that the lofs, which the crews of his majefty’s fhips have fuftained upon this coaft is very inconfidcrable. Notwithftanding this, they kept their watch, went into the country for v/ood and water, cut down the former with their own hands, navigated the veflel, and were frequently expofed. I would now afk what the crew of a merchant’s veflel, if this regular trade were eftablifhed, would, if we exclude the reception and difcharge of the cargo, have more to do ? In fhort, it is clear from the fails and obfervations laid down already, (and it will be ftill more evident, if we confider that the lands of Africa could not be cleared and cultivated without greatly improving the climate) that if a regular trade were eftablifhed in the natural productions of the place, and purfued with as much Zealand alacrity as we have embarked in that of ilaves, this country would derive an ineftimable benefit from the change. The feamen employed in it, would not only be cherifhedand preferved, but would be returned to their native country in health and vigor, in cafe of an emergency, in a few weeks : — whereas the Have trade not only cannot Jupport it /elf by any naval fubjedls, which it attempts to rear, but dijlroys thofe that have been reared and Jupported in other trades. To which itmuft be added, that in cafe of an emergency but little benefit (comparatively fpeaking) is to be derived from the fervices of thofe that furvive ; and that it con- verts many of thofe, whom it returns, from the molt ufeful to the molt unferviceablc members of the ftate. L CHAP. VII. 76 On the Impolicy of the CHAP. VII. Tiie advocates for the Have trade have never offered but two of its appendages, as political arguments for its continuance. The firft of thefe, “ that the JIave trade “ is a nurfery for our feamen , ” has been canvaffed in the preceding chapters, The fecond, therefore, upon which an equal ftrefs has been laid, is the only one now remain- ing for difeuffion. This argumeat fhall be given in the mod diftindl and advantageous manner in which I am able to convey it. “ There are two branches of the Have trade. By means “ of the firft we fupply the inhabitants of our own colonies “ with Haves, and by means of the fecond the coloniftsof “ foreign nations. The latter generally pay for them in “ hard dollars. Thefe dollars are brought home, and de- “ pofited in our bank. Thus the nation becomes enriched “ and the fecond branch of the trade now mentioned is “ peculiarly politic.” But I reply, if gold or filverbe objedls of fuch national advantage, abolifh the Have trade. Open a trade to Africa in the natural productions of the country. The cold, which is now picked up in fuch fcanty fragments, might be then found in abundance : and you might receive it in quantities, not only equivolent to the manufactures which would pay for fuch of the Haves as are carried to the Spaniards or the French, but in a much greater proportion. This, I apprehend, would have been a fatisfadtory anfwer to the argument advanced j but this branch of the trade is really fo bad in its tendency, fo fatal in its con- fequences, and fo truly impolitic, that I cannot pafs it over without fome farther remarks. it is clear, that every lot of Haves which we additionlly import, orcaufeto be imported into their colonies, enables them to clear an additional piece of ground ; every piece fo gained fupplies additional produce. This produce employs additional feamen ; and the great number of naval fubjects, which we thus additionally raife for an enemv. African Slave Trade. 77 enemy, has a tendency ( which is not to be put into com- petition with the profits of the fave trade ) to diminifh our naval importance. But the evil does not flop here. The French, from a variety of caufes, have been able to underfell us in this produce at the different markets of Europe. This has given birth to an additional fleet of fhips employed in the exporting of it to other countries. Now, if we confider that French lhips carry nearly double the number of fea- men which ours of the fame burthen do, weftiall find that wc are enabling our reputed enemies, by tins branch of the trade, to difpute with us the fovereignty of the f'cas. It is well known, that both the Spaniards and the French depend folely upon their American pofleffions for the re- cruit of their marine. It is as much an eftablifhed maxim among them, as that the fifheries, if properly encouraged, would be the completed: nurfery for our own. For this purpofe, the former have opened their ports duty free for the reception of flaves* for ten years. For this purpofe the latter not only offer a bounty by the ton to the propri- etors of fuch veffels as import them into the uncultivated parts of St. Domingo, but even afterwards a bounty by the head on every imported Have. To this politic conduct in our enemies, and to this impolitic con duel in us, who have fuffered our own fubjeils to fupply them at fo pub- lic a difadvantage to ourfelves, is to be attributed one of the caufes that rendered them fo formidable at fea during the late war; for the reader mull be informed, that fince the year 1760, we have been affifting them with an unaccountable infanity to add to the ftrength of their marine. This appendage then of the trade calls aloud for the immediate interference of the legiflature. It is even more detirmental than the former. For we not only increafe the naval ftrength of our enemies , but at the fame time we diminijh our own. This inverfe ratio of lofs and gain, which in their fcale of naval importance is either way fo much gain, and in ours either way fo much lofs, is of the Beginning in 1786. A mo ft 78 On the Impolicy of the moll ferious concern, and the effe&s, which it may pro- duce in a courfe of years, fo alarming, that they cannot be anticipated but with pain. Though I may be thought to have faid fufficient on this point, yet I cannot relinquifh it, imprefled as I am with a fenfe of its importance to this country, without fubmit- ting the following eftimate to the reader. Let us fuppofe that we are the means of taking only fifteen hundred (laves from the coaft of Africa for the ufe of the French and Spanifn colonies in a given time. It is certain, if we judge from the common rules, which are too accurate to be inapplicable on this occafion, that fix hundred of them will be loft in the voyage and feafoning together. There will be left therefore nine hundred effec- tive people for the purpofe of cultivation. Thefe will raife one thoufand hogfheads of fugar every year, employ one new {hip, and give birth to twenty-five feamen. This * will be the gain on nine hundred effective flaves. On the other hand we are to confider, that the average number of flaves taken in a Britifh fhip being three hun- t dred and ftxty, four veft'els will be employed in tranfport- ing fifteen, or nine hundred effective fiaves, for the ufe of their plantations. The number of feamen loft in thefe, including the dead, and the unferviceable, will be fixty. Thus, in every importation of nine hundred effective flaves, there is a gain to the reputed enemies of this coun- try of twenty-five feamen, and a lofs to us of fixty ; that is, a real gain to the former of eighty-five , befides the ad- ditional feamen employed in tranfporting the fugar from the ports of France to other nations. Now, if we con- fider that we are the means of importing annually fieveral thoufand flaves into the French and Spanifh colonies, we {hall more eafily fee the abfurdity, if not the political wickednefs of our prefent condudl. To fum up the whole. If we ferioufly confider the ap- pendages of the trade, which have been falfely held out as political arguments for its continuance ; if we con- fider that the trade propofed would have a different ten- * This fubjeft will be farther inveftigated in chapter the 4th of the fecond part of this vvor]*. African Slave Trade. 79 dency, and be followed with different effcdls ; if we con- fider that it would not interfere with the produdlions of our prefent colonies ; that it would be attended with emolument to numerous individuals, and at the fame time with fubftantial benefits to the ftate ; and if we ad- ditionally confider, that it might be the means of avert- ing thofe heavy judgments, which the blood of the mur- dered Africans will undoubtedly bring upon us, it will appear, that there is no one political argument yet addu- ced, why the Have trade Ihould be continued: There are many and important ones why it fliould be fupprejjcd. Tnd of the First Part. r A N ESSAY ON THE IMPOLICY OF THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. > IN TWO PARTS. PART II. CHAP. I SECTION I. T HE arguments, which the patrons of the Have trade have been accuftomed to offer in its defence, may be divided into two kinds. The firft comprehends the pojitive advantages that refult from the profecution of this trade; the fecond the fatal confequences of its abolition. The former have been examined already. The latter are to become the fubjeft of the remaining part of the work. It is faid firft, that if the flave trade is aboliflied, the planters will be in want of cultivators for their lands, and that many other melancholy confequences will, refult to them, as well as to the faves and the iflsnds , from the abolition of the trade. I Hiall 82 On the Impolicy of the I {hall {hew firft, that it is in the power of the planters, if they pleafe, to do without frelh fupplies from the coaft: I {hall then {hew, that if the importation of Haves is pro- hibited, no fuch want will be found, but on the other hand, that the number of cultivators will increase: and, laftly, that both the planters, the Haves, and the iflands will be benefited by the change. To fhew the truth of the firft pofition, I fhall have recourfe to the following fadts. in the year 1771, a gentleman, now in England, be- came the proprietor of an eftate, fituated near Montego Bay, in the parifli of Hanover, ‘Jamaica. The number of Haves, at that time upon it, amounted to two hundred and jeventy-fix , all of whom had been born in the fame ifland. In the year 1786, after fifteen years had elapl'ed, the number was found the fame : nor had any purehafe whatever been made within that period, nor was any at the end of it neceflary. In the year 1754, another gentleman fucceeded to an eftate in the fame parifh and ifland. It contained, at that time, two hundred and thirty-three Haves. By his laft ac- count, dated in June 1786, the number appeared to have increafed, without any fupplies from the coaft, to three hundred and fourteen , though fourteen had been lent to other eftates, or manumitted. In the fame iHand are fix other eftates, which have been in a limilar fituation, and for the truth of which I will become accountable if required. The firft of thefe has fupported itfelf, independently of the Have trade, for tiuenty years, and from no other caufe, than that the owner, having thought it more to his in- tereft that his Haves fhould increafe by birth than by pur- chafe , made his arrangements accordingly. The fecond and third, fituated in the parifli of Claren- don, have had no occafion for a Angle recruit from Afri- ca for many years. The fourth, in the parifh of St. James, found a re- fource within itfelf, and by the following means. The proprietor made it a rule to releafe every woman from all obligation to labour, as loon as {he had a certain number of African SLAvfc Trade. 83 of children, fit to be put to work. The confequence of this was, that his fiaves were continually on the incrcafc. The fifth and fixth, fituated in the pariih of St. John, and vale of Guanaboa, on account of the humane difpo- fition of the overfeer, and the moderate (hare of labour which he impofes upon the (laves, have no neceflityfor fupplies. The above is an account of fuch plantations as can be fpecified, and proved beyond the pofiibility of refutation, to have fubfifted independently of the Have trade in the ifiand of 'Jamaica . Many others are to be found there in the fame predicament. But as fituation, climate, and a variety of other circumftances (beyond thofe of gentle treat- ment) may be faid to have contributed to bring them into fo defirable a (late, it will be proper to fee if in other iflands fimilar inftances can be found. In the year 1773, in the parifti of Nichola Town and ifiand of St. Cbrtjlopher , was a plantation, which contained at that time two hundred and ten fiaves. The proportion of females upon it was but very (mail, when compared with that of the males. This circumftance was much againft it in point of the increafe of its cultivators. It had, however, two advantages. The manager of it was an eafy humane man, and his wife a difcreet and tender nurfe. From thefe circumftances alone, the number had increafed in the year 1779 to two hundred and twenty-eight, and in the year 1781, when the gentleman, who under- takes to authenticate the fa£t, quitted the ifiand, it had become, without any fupply from the coaft, two hundred and thirty-four. In the fame ifiand, but in the adjoining parifh of Cayon, is a plantation, that has fupported itfelf in the fame manner. The (laves upon it have been worked with method, and treated tolerably well. In the year 1765 they amounted to one hundred and fifty-eight: in the year 1766 to an hundred and fixty: and in the year 1781, by means of generation, to one hundred and feventy-two. In the ifiand of Barbadoes is a plantation, the prefent proprietor of which came into poflefiion of it in the year 1774. At that time it contained one hundred and nineteen (laves. Five have been purchafed fince. In the year M 1 784 8 4 0: the fatal confe- quences of its abolition to the colonics , derive another from the baneful effects which would refult from it to this kingdom. They aflert firfl, that if fuch an event were to take place, it would annihilate a confiderable branch of the revenue. No argument, perhaps, has been deemed of greater importance by the opponents of the abolition, than this. Theyhave been affiduous, both in their converfation and in their writings, to difleminate it. Theyhave never failed to mention it too with their wonted confidence, and but too many have implicitly admitted it without an invefti- gation of the fa£t. It will be proper therefore to exa- mine into the truth of their afiertion, and to fee how far the objection, advanced by them, is valid. The lofs which the revenue might fuftain in confequence of the abolition of the flave trade, could be effected only in three ways. It might be fuppofed to fuffer, firfl, by the lofs of duty on fuch goods as are ufually exported to Africa , and the exportation of which , on fuch an event, would ceafe. This point I fhall immediately confider. The remaining two fhall be noticed in their proper place. To inveftigate this, it will be proper to enumerate the articles that are ullially exported from this country to the coaft. 104 On the Impolicy of the coaft. Thefe may be divided into three dalles, namely, Br.tifh, Eaft-Indian, Eaft-Indian and Venetian con- jointly. In the firft clafs may be rockoned Gunpowder Shot Guns Gun-flints Cutlaftes Knives Brafs- pans Iron-bars Lead-bars Copper-rods Pewter-ware Earthen-ware Glafs Brandy Manilloes Neptunes Cottons Linens W oolens Fuftains. In the fecond clafs may be reckoned Blue cloths Brawles Bejutapants Callicoes Culhtaes Chintz Chelloes Nicamees Negampants Romalls Photaes In the third clafs may be reckoned. Arrangoes Cowries Amber-beads Coral Great bugle Small bugle The articles mentioned in the firft clafs, being of the production and manufacture of Great Britain, pay no * duty on exportation, and of courfe, were they never more to be carried to the coaft, the revenue could fuftain no injury bv the change. Thofe in the fecond confift of fuch as are either pro- hibited, and neither pay duty nor receive drawback, or of fuch as have the whole duty returned in cafe of expor- tation to Africa. * Piinted cottons pay cicifc, which is, however, drawn back on exportation. Thofe African Slave Trade. i°5 Thofe in the third are all of them fubjedt to a duty, but the * drawback is fo great, that, after the receipt of it, fcarcely fufficient is left to pay for the proportion of falary of thofe in office, under whole cognizance they fall. It is evident, therefore, that the revenue could not fuffer at all by any lofs of duty on the goods exported from hence to Africa, were the trade abolifhcd. The fecond way, in which the revenue might be fup- pofed to fuftain a lofs, might be by a lofs of duty on fuch of the productions of Africa , as are ufually imported front thence into this kingdom , and the importation of which would ceafe. A few words only will be necefi'ary to afcertain this point. The productions of Africa are brought to us by two different means of conveyance, namely, of the wood and of the flave veffels. The greater fhare of them is imported by the former, fo that whether the flave trade were abolifhed or not, this proportion would ftill continue to be brought. If it were abolifhed, that part of them, which is now brought home by the latter, to the detriment of the fair trader upon the coaft, would fall in their pro- per channel. More wood veffels would be immediately fitted out, nor would any diminution whatever, either immediately or in future, be experienced by the re- venuce in this infance , from the abolition of the trade in flaves. The third, and only remaining way in which it can be fuppofed that the national purfe would fuffer, muff be by a lofs of duty on rum and fugar , both of which being pro- duced by the toil of flaves, might cither decreafe in quantity, or be annihilated in the illands, were the trade aboliihed. Drawback. £29 ° * This will be feen from the following flatement. Duty. Arrargoes ? for every £. 100 of the C ^ o Cowries, 5 real value thereof £ Beads Amber, J .. Corel, l F erlb> * 0 Bugle Small, per lb. - o Bugle Great per lb. o To this flatement I may add, that fo far is the revenue from benefited, that the bounties, paid out of it on goods exported to Africa amount to ten times mote than any duties which it receives. 4 5 2 7 7 2 5 1 6 being With io6 On the Impolicy of the With refpect to a diminution of the ufual quantity of' thefe valuable articles, which would of courfe occafion a diminution of revenue, I apprehend there is no perlbn fo extravagant as to fuppofe, that it could take place when the rifing generation were grown up. It will be therefore proper to enquire firfc, what would be the fituation of things, from the moment of the abolition of the Have trade, till the riling generation could be brought into employ. The age at which the young Crdoles are ufually put into the field, is that of fifteen. This, therefore, is the fpace of time in which I am to inquire whether there would be any diminution of the articles of revenue before fpecified. The firft queftion that feems naturally to occur on the occafion is this, — Whether the number of labourers would be lefs in this than in any former period of an equal length. It is very certain that there would be in the iflands, at the moment of the abolition, Creoles of every age from one to fifteen, ready to fill up in fucceflion the places of many of thofe who would unavoidably be taken oft within this period. It will be faid, however, that thefe would not be numerous enough of them lei ves to lupply the whole deficiency by death. But I reply, that in confequenceof the regulations, both in point of labour, food, and treat- ment, that would neceifarily follow the abolition of the Have trade, the bills of mortality would be lefs crowded, and that the lives of all thofe Haves, at that time upon the iflands would be confiderably prolonged. By means, therefore, of this protraction of human life on the one hand, which would render perhaps only half the former number of recruits r.eceflary in a given time, and by means of this regular fuccellion of Creoles on the other, more of whom would live to come to maturity than in any former period of the fame length, there could be but little diminution of thefe articles from the dimution of effeiStive labourers in the colonies. But let us fuppofe, for a moment, that the number of labourers would be lefs ; ftill no diminution of thefe arti- cles is necefiary : for a lefs number, under tender regula- tions African Slave Trade. 107 tions, would do as much work as a greater, without them, in the fame time. It is not on the number, but on the condition, the ability, the willingnefs of the labourer, that the quantity of work depends. On eftates, where the lafh has been inceflantly applied, the Haves have uni- verfally done much lefs in proportion, than upon thofe where they have met with indulgences, and been treat- ed like human beings. Such would be the cafe during this period, and if the number of Haves were to become lefs, by one-third, than before, it is not neceflary that any diminution fhould take place, either in the quantity of fugar and rum, or in the revenue that may be expect- ed by the ftate. Again. Let us fuppefe them to be reduced even to one-half of their former number, till therifing generation were put into employ. — Let the planters introduce ma- chines of hufbandry, and one-half, or one-tenth, or even one-thirtieth, would do as much work in the fame time as all of them together were able to do before, under their then fyftem of labour. As a proof of this, (for it is not a bare conje&ure,) I Ihall feledl the two following paflages from * Mr. Long. “ It was found, fays he, that one plough, ufed on an “ eftate in the parilh of Clarendon, turned up as much “ ground in one day, and in a much better manner than “ one hundred negroes could perform with their hoes in “ the fame time.” “ When the plant is made in the furrow, following the “ plough, I think it demonUrable, that more ground can “ be turned up and planted in this way in one day, than “ can be holed and planted in the ufual way in three , and “ with a tenth lefs number of able negroes.” Such is the language of Mr. Long, and it muft be evident, I think, to every impartial perfon, both from thefe and the preceding obfervations, that the revenue could not f poflibly fuffer by any diminution of the ufual quantity * Long’s Hiftory of Jamaica. Vol. I. Page 449, 450. Suppofc that their lives would not be protrafted, that lefs work would be done in the fame time, that machines of labour would be ra- ther a hindrance than a gain, ftill the deficiency might be made up by fo- reign fugar, (till the riling generation were grown up) and the revenue be P iyiprovei. 108 On the Impolicy of the quantity of rum and fugar , till the rifing generation were capable of being put into employ. It has appeared be- fore, that it could not fuffer by any diminution of the ex- ports to Africa, or imports from thence into this kingdom: and if it could fuftain no injury in eitheir of the three ways now mentioned, I do not fee how it is poflible that it could fuffer at all. Thus, in whatever point of view we confider the fub- jecft, there could neceff'arily be no diminution of the re- venue. But on the other hand, when we come to confi- der the great prolongation of life, which muff refult from thofe regulations that the abolition of the flave trade muff: introduce, the better condition of the flaves from the fame caufe, their great zeal and alacrity, the truth of the maxim, that thofe who are beft treated univerfally work the beft, and the extaordinary advantages of the intro- duction of machines of hufbandry, by which one-thirtieth only of the former ftrength would be required, it is high- ly probable that the revenue would be increased , and it is certain that it could be made, under proper regulations, to receive a greater augmentation in this, than in any former period of an equal length. Having now inquired what would be the fituation of the revenue, till the rifing generation were put into em- ploy, I fhall inquire what its fituation would probably be after this period : for the more remote, as well as the lefs diftant confequences of the abolition of the flave trade, fhould be had in view. It is probable, that fome of the flaves, who were in bondage at the time of the abolition, would be then alive; but as many of thefe would be part their labour, and the reft would be going oiF, I fhall content myfelf with hav- ing only mentioned them. The effective or rifing ftrength then on the iflands, would confift of Creoles. I hefe would be found in a regular fucceflion, from the age of thirty to one. They would have been born too in the order of nature, that is, the fexes would have been pro- perly proportioned by the means of birth, which is not the cafe in the colonies at the prefent day. improved. For this, from its cheapnefs, would bear a heavier duty, and yet come into our hands at a more reafonable rate than that Jrom the Britifli colonies. IT . llavinsr African Slave Trade. 109 Having this advantage then ; having, moreover, the advantages of a prolific nature, of living in a climate to which they have been habituated from their infancy, and of being treated in a humane and tender manner, far be- yond any of their predeceflors, they would from this pe- riod very rapidly increafe, and a much greater number of flaves would be then found in the ifiands, than at anv for- mer time. This would evidently be the cafe. It is no fpeculative conje&ure. It is founded on the invariable rule of nature, on the immutable decrees of the De- ity, that every fociety of people, among whom the fexes are properly proportioned, and common advantages are enjoyed, mujl increafe. Let us now confider the effects of this increafe. The planter, having more hands than before, will feek for employment for his fupcrnumeraries. He will feek for it, becaufe he will not fupport them in idlenefs, and be- caufe his own intereft will be fo materially concerned. Two profpe£ts will then prefent themfelves, namely, the improvement of the old land, and the clearing and cultivation of the new There are few eftates in the colonies, or indeed in any other part of the world, in which many more hands could not be employed to advantage, than are amployed in them at prefent ; or which have arrived at that degree of culti- vation, to which they are capable of being brought. It is evident, therefore, in the firft cafe, that the fame fpot that produced a certain number of hoglheads of fugar annually, would be made to produce ?nore , and that the revenue would derive a proportionate benefit from the change. This would be the firft natural confequence of the increafe. In the fecond cafe the advantages would be fimilar and great. The planter would direct a part of his agricultu- ral ftrength to the clearing of new land, and the augmen- tation of his eftate. In this refpedl he has been hitherto confined : for the expence of purchafing new Haves has been fo heavy, and fo many of them have conftantly died in the arduous employment, arduous not only in itfelf, but particularly to thofe who have beenunufed to labour, thathis attempts have very rarely been made but with lofs, and have often no On the Impolicy of the often ruined him. The cafe, however, at the period now in view, would be reverfed. His * Creoles , feafoned to the climate, and inured from their infancy to work, would perform it without its former weight, and would be able to realize his views without any of the difad vantageus defcribed. Enabled then to put his plans into execution without any detriment to himfelf, let us confider the fecond con- fequence of the increafe. Every new piece of land, which he would clear and put into cultivation, would produce an additional quantity of fugar and rum. This additional quantity would pay its proportionate duty to the ftate ; and how far the revenue is capable of increafe, by thefe means, may be conceived, in fome meafure, from the following account. Acres of Land. In Jamaica alone are contained about 3,500,000 There are already cleared, opened, and applied to cultivation or pafture The Savannahs include The rocky, unplantable parts, roads, river- courfes, and gullies 600.000 250.000 300,00 1,150,000 It appears from hence, that there remain in Jamaica alone, capable of cultivation, about 2,130,000 acres of land. Here then would be an ample field for fpeculati- on, for the employment of fupernumerary flaves, and for an addition to the revenue. In fhort, if we confider the firft confequence of the increafe , as vifible in the improvement of the old land, and the fecond, as vifible in the clearing and cultivation of the new , and combine them, it will appear, that a prodigi- ous extenfion of revenue would unavoidably arife to this kingdom; and that the abolition of the Have trade would * Native Africans, (fays Mr. Long) unfeafoned to the climate, and lefs able than the Creoles to bear the toil of cutting down thick woods , and cleaning frefn land. — Long’s Hiftory of Jamaica. Vol. I. Page 526. be Arican Slave Trade. iii be the means, in the courfe of time, of confiderably aug- menting its prefent opulence and power. Such would be the fituation of things in the colonies were the trade abolifhed. Let us now, for a moment, turn our eyes to Africa , and let us look at the profpeft there. In the interval of time, from the rearing of the rifing generation to the putting of them into employ, we fhould have been bufy in eftablifhing an honorable and civilizing commerce among the natives there. We fhould have been fuccefsful in our attempts, becaufe we fhould have given them encourgement, (of which they are not infen- fible) and have embarked in it with emulation and zeal. We fhould have imported many of their variegated and valuable woods, their cotton, their rice, their indigo, their fpices, and, perhaps, articles neither known at the prefent day, nor to be credited were they known and mentioned : Many of the produftins of Africa would bear a duty in a little time, and if fuch a duty were affixed to them on importation, they would neverthelefs come cheaper into our hands, than thofe of the fame kind, if duty free from another quarter. This improvement, therefore, which the revenue would derive in time from the new trade is, to be added to the account. To fum up the whole. It is evident, that the revenue could not poffibly be diminifhed, in confequence of the abolition of the Have trade, till the rifing generation were put into employ. It is probable that it would be in- creafed ; and it is certain that it could be made, under proper regulations, to receive a greater augmentation in this, than in any former period of an equal length. But when the end of this period fhould have arrived, fuch an additional quantity of fugar and rum would be anually imported from the iflands, and fuch an additional number of articles from the coaft, that the revenue would arrive at a degree of extenfion, unknown in any former period, and not to be known till the riches of Africa are explored, or a fyftem of humanity and population be adopted in our colonies. Thefe riches can never be difcovered, this fyftem never introduced, but by the abolition of the trade in flaves. SECTION II. 112 On the Impolicy of the SECTION II. I have now examined one of the fatal confequences that would, in the opinion of the patrons of the trade, unavoid- ably arifeto this kingdom from its abolation. A fecond is, that if fuch an event were to take place, it would annihi- late a confidcrable branch of our tnanufallures. It is aftonifhing to hear the exaggerated accounts that have been uniformly given of the exports of this country to the coaft of Africa for flaves. One could fcarcely conceive that people, who wifhed to fupport their caufe, could have ventured to make aflertions, that but a little knowledge of the African trade, muft immediately refute, but that their audacity is to be equalled only by their and that a bad caufe univerfally wants It has been aflerted by a perfon, who affedts aconfider- able knowledge of this trade, that goods, to the amount of two millions and an half are annually (hipped to Africa ; and it is afTerted with no lefs confidence by the fame, that the cargo of every fnip is worth, on an average, twelve thoufand pounds. Thefe and other abfurdities, have been daily obtruded into our ears, The public prints have had their fhare in proclaiming them ; and the importance of the African trade has been founded from all quarters. It is very fortunate, however, that but a few points well known, will be able to check thefe exaggerated accounts. The average value of a (lave upon the coaft, the number that are annually purchafed, and the average- number carried in one fhip, are fufficient documents for the refutation of the whole. On a fuppofition then that goods to the amount of two millions and an half are annually (hipped to the coaft, and that one Have with another, including men, women, and boys, can be purchafed by manufactures of the value of twenty pounds (which is too high an allowance) even on fuch a fuppofition, the Engliih muft annually purchafecw hundred and twenty-five thorfand flaves ; that is, they muft purchafe tu^o-thirds more than they really do, or more ignorance, fupport. African Slave Trade. Ir 3 than all the Europeans together, including themfelves, from the river Senegal to the utinoft limits of Angola. A'J-ain, on a fuppofition that every cargo is worth twelve thoufand pounds, it will appear from his own data, that two hundred and eight vcftels muft be annually em- ployed in this trade, and that each of thefe muft tranfport fix hundred flaves. In other words, the Englifb muft carry more by two hundred and forty in each ftiip than were ever known to be the average number carried bya- ny number of (hips in any year. Such are the admirable arguments, and fuch is the knowledge of the fupporcers of this trade. If they believe what they write, they muft be ignorant indeed. If they are better informed, they muft write againft their own conviction, and muft be confidered as importers, taking an advantage of the ignorance of the world, to ferve an execrable caufe. The real value of the goods exported to Africa in the vear 1786, was about eight hundred thoufand pounds. I fpeak from good authority; I believe, as good as can be obtained. The account too is confiflent with itfelf. It may be checked either by the number of Haves purchafed in that year, or by their value upon the coaft. It will ftand either of thefe ordeals : which is not the cafe with any of the monftrous accounts delivered by the advocates for the trade. This being the whole amount of the exports, and more than one third of them being of Venetian and Eaft-Indian manufacture conjointly, the real value of the Britifh ma- nufactures (hipped to the coaft in that year may be called five hundred thoufand pounds. This is the prodigious branch that would be annihilated by the abolition of the (lave trade, being only one-fifth of the fum its advocates have reported, and fcattered in too many places to be felt, and too infignificant to flop the abolition for a mo- ment, even were it wholly loft. But I deny that the whole of it would be loft were the (lave trade immediately abolished. The (lave veflels bring home many of the productions of Africa annually, fuch as ivory, palm-oil, long and malaguetta-pepper, part of which is paid for out of the amount of the Britifh manu- factures ii4 On the Impolicy of the failures juft mentioned. Whatever portion, therefore, of the exported goods was before expended in the purchafe of thefe, by means of the flave veffels now mentioned, would ft ill be expended by means of new wood-veflels, fitted out for their reception. I aflert farther, that if, on the abolition of the flave trade, we were to embark with ardour in the new inter- courfe that has been pointed out, and government would aftift the plan, by encouraging the infant-fettlement at Sierra Leon, by recalling the prefent African Gover- nors, by appointing others on the coaft whofe princi- ples and opinions would be favourable to the defign, by directing the cultivation of every little fpot in the vicinity of the forts, (which would (hew an example to the natives) and by other means, the annual exports from this country to Africa would foon reach their prefent height, and a foundation be laid for fuch an extenfive commerce, as would take them oft', at a future period, in a quantity hitherto unknown. That the Africans would foon engage in fuch a line of connexion, is evident for many reai'ons. Firft, becaufe they have acquired fuch a tafte for our manufactures, that they could not eafily relinquifti them ; and it i$ clear that they could not obtain them, at leaft for a length of time, to the extent of their prefent demands, by other means. Secondly, becaufe they have readily embarked in any new commercial plan that has been pointed out, and we have a ri £rht to ar°ue from what has once been to what may again be. Thirdly, becaufe the merchant in this line, requiring lefs credit than the flave merchant, buying his goods five per cent, cheaper, employing lefs hands in one veffel, and knowing that his veffel would laft* twice the time of the other, could afford the exported articles at a cheaper rate : and the Africans, like other people, are too fenfible of their own intereft, not to choofc that fyftem of commerce which would be moft advantageous, were it pointed out. This kind of intercourfe then being once eftablifhed, * It is a iloni filing what an eflred the heat and ftencli, arising from the flaves confined between the decks, have upon the timbers of the veffels. This effect is fo great, that a flave veil'd is cojnfidcred at Liverpool as lad- ing only half the time oi another. let African Slave Trade. Ir 5 let us mark the confequences. The Have trade takes annually from Africa a prodigious number of its inhabi- tants. By the abolition of it, a lefs number would be ta- ken away, or, which is the fame thing, a greater num- ber would be added, fo that from this circumftance alone, there would be an additional consumption of our manufac- tures, within the fame fpace. The Have trade too, has been hitherto an infuperable impediment to the civilization of the Africans : but the new commerce would have a contrary effeCt. It would gradually change their laws, which are now moftly adapt- ed to the former. It would gradually alter their opini- ons and habits. It would foften and polifh their man- ners, and would bring them to a Hate of refinement, though not immediately great in itfelf, yet great in com- parifon of their former ftate. This civilization would be productive of the mod beneficial effeCts to ourfelves : for in proportion as we civilize a people, we increase their wants-, and we fhculd create therefore, from this cir- cumftance alone, another fource of additional confumption of our manufactures, even within the fame fpace. This being the cafe, ineftimable would be the advan- tages which the kingdom would experience from the abo- lition of the trade in Haves. But if to thefe confiderati- ons we add, that the new intercourfe being efta’olifhed on a principle of greater gain, would extend itfelf every year, would make its way into the interior country, and that in the very exercife of it, nation after nation would be civilized, it is evident, that there would be a perpetu- ally growing demand for our manufactures, and that the confumption of them in Africa would arrive at a degree of extenfion, which none but the moft comprehenfive minds can be capable of conceiving. Such, in time, would be the fituation of the demand for our manufactures on the coajl of Africa, were the Have trade abolilhed: nor would that in the colonies be lefs pleafmg. The great increafe of cultivators, that would unavoidably arife there in confequence of the abolition, would of courfe occafion a great increafe of demand for our manufactures. Their condition too being improved, and their wants multiplied, they would demand them in greater Q- 1 1 6 On the Impolicy of the greater abundance, and I need hardly add, that they would demand them of a better fort. Nor would neceffary or ornamental apparel, or dome- ftic utenfils, or articles of fancy, be the only Britifh com- modities for which the demand would increafe there. — When the wafte lands were put into cultivation, new fcenes would be opened, and new wants created. The new labourers muft have their bills, their axes, and their hoes. There muft be new materials for building, new ftills and mill-cafes, new locks and ftaples, new iron work for machines, and many other articles too numer- ous to be particularly deferibed. All thefe muft be pur- chafed, kept in repair, and renewed : and they would afford to the Britifh manufactures an additional and per- manent employ. In fhort, there are few fubjeCts more pleafing in the contemplation than this. And fo far would the abolition of the Have trade be from annihilating a confiderable branch of our manufactures, that it would open many additional Jources , both in Africa and the colonies , for their confump- tion, and would procure a vent, in the courfe of time, for fuch a quantity, as, if compared with the prefent branch of them exported there would render it infigni- ficant and mean. SECTION III. The patrons of the Have trade have confidered the an - nihilation of a branch of our revenue, and the annihilation of a branch of our manufactures, as two of the fatal con- fequences that would arife to this kingdom from its abo- lition. There is yet a third. It is faid, that if fuch an event were to take place, the different towns concerned in this trade would, from the variety of diftrefs that would be occafioned in them, receive a confiderable (hock. To invefligate this point, I fhall divide the cities, towns, and villages, that have any connection with this trade, into two kinds, namely, manufacturing and com- mercial-, and I fhall fuppofe for a moment the abolition of the trade to have taken place. With African Slave Trade. 117 With refpeCt to the mamtfafluring towns, there are none, where the inhabitants work folely for the African trade. The moft confpicuous is Manchefter, which fuppiies it annually with goods, almoft to as great an amount as all the reft of them put together. T he next is Birmingham. I11 each of thefe are diftinCt houfes for this trade, and which have no connection with any other. That the town of Manchefter would receive a fhock by the abolition of the Have trade, though the value of the goods, annually furnilhed for it, is great, is too abfurd not to be ridiculed by thofe, who are acquainted with the nature, fituation, or extent of the manufactures of that important place. It is certain, that if fome particular arts in this king- dom were to be fupprefled, thofe who have been brought up to them would be deftitute for a time. They could not become artifts direCtly in another line, and, till they could turn their hands to fome other kind of employ, they would fuller. But this is not the cafe with the labouring manufacturer of Manchefter for the African trade. The fame perfon who works for this could immediately turn his hand to the different branches of manufacture now there. At this moment there are many infant arts to receive them, and more than fufficient fcope to employ that capital, which is now in the African, in other fo- reign markets. Nor need there be, nor is it likely that there would, a fingle labouring manufacturer, who would fuller by the abolition of the Have trade, fo long as he was willing to work. With refpeCt to Birmingham, the goods which are made there for the African trade, are unworthy of com- parifon in point of value with thofe which are made at Manchefter for the fame. They confift principally of guns. But the whole branch of it is fo infignificant in itfelf, and bears fo mean a proportion to the general ma- nufactory, of the place, that the change of fafnion only in a button, has occaftoned, and will ftill occafion, greater diftrefs to the labouring manufacturers there, than the abolition of the whole trade in Haves. If the reader wilhed to have thefe aflertions confirmed, I might ftate to him, that when the Have trade began t« u8 On the Impolicy of the to excite the attention of the public, a meeting of the inhabitants was called by advertifement both atManchef- ter and at Birmingham on this fubjeCt. That t’nefe meet- ings were numeroufly attended. That they confifted of the mod refpecfable perfons, in point of property and character, in the two towns. That there was not a diffentient voice in eithep of them on the occafion : but that committees v/ere formed, and ftill continue much to their honour to exift, to effeCt the abolition of the trade. In the reft of the manufafturing towns the different branches for the African market are very finall, and bear no kind of proportion to the different manufactories of the place. The fame houfe too, which fupplies the African, is connected with other trades; fo that if the Have trade were immediately abolifhed, no inconvenience, could be felt in thefe, except in the lofs of fale of fuch chains or inftruments of torture, as are ready made : and it is only to be lamented, that the fabricators of thefe would fuffer fo little, as they would do, by the change. It appears then from hence, that the manufacturing towns of this kingdom that are concerned in the African trade, would not receive that confiderable fhock, which it is pretended would be occafioned by its abolition. On the other hand we are to conitder, that veflels would ftill go to the coaft, and would go for fuch of its productions as the flave veflels formerly took away; and if to this confideration we add, that a new trade, fuch as I have deferibed in the firft part of my work, might be eftablifhed there, fuch an additional number of manufacturers would be foon employed, and fuch an extra accumulation of wealth arife to the different towns, as would give them a much greater (hare of importance, even than they poffefs at the prefent day. By the people of Manchefter, how- ever, the advantages would be particularly felt. Not to mention a larger exportation of manufactures than before to the fame coaft, the fingle circumftance of obtaining their cotton from Africa would be ineftimably great. This cotton, if we except the Perfian to which it is equal in rank, is the fined: of any on the globe. It is this un- common finenefs that would render it fo peculiarly valua- ble : and of fuch importance would it be in the eye of the Manchefter African Slave Trade. 119 Manchefter manufacturer to obtain it, that there is no event which he could with for, in point of intereft, more than the abolition of the trade in Haves. Having taken into confideration the manufafluring , I come now to the co?nmercial towns that are concerned in this trade. Thefe are only three, namely, London, Brif- tol, and Liverpool. The great cities of London and Brillol do not poflefs together in this employ fo many as forty veffels, To fuppofe, therefore, that any kind of diftrefs could be felt by the total feceffion of thefe, or any kind of ftagnation take place, would be to expofe myfelf to derifton : for I might as well fuppofe, that if forty drops of water were to be taken from a bucket, they would be miffed. That the town of Liverpool would be greatly affeded by the blow, though it employs fo many veffels, and has a greater (hare in the trade than London and Briftol to- gether, is a pofition, the ablurdity of which my be foon (hewn. It has long been a miftake, that the town of Liverpool, which was formerly but a billing village, is indebted for its prefent grandeur and opulence to the Have trade. No opinion wasever more erroneous than this. I fhall there- fore mention fome of the principal caufes that have con- tributed to bring it into its prefent bate. The firft has been the free admijfion of Jlrangers , in confequence of a politic exemption from many of thofe dues, to which, as Grangers, they would have beenliable in another place. This has encouraged many to fettle there. T o fupply thefe again, in all their refpedive wants, others have ad- ditionally come. Thus a conftant addition of new fami- lies has been made to the original or the old. Nor have lefs advantages been experienced in another point of view, by the fame means. Each of the new fettiers has brought witn him his different purfuits and fchemes; has had his emulation has fupported an home or a foreign trade, according as his connedions lay, To this free admiffion then of ftrangers, which has induced many to fettle, unfettered, with their different purfuits, is to be attributed, on one hand, an increafe of the 120 On the Impolicy of the the population, and, on the other, of the mercantile inter- courfe of the place. A fecond caufe of the rife and grandeur of Liverpool has been the Jolt trade. Salt, which may be confidered as its ftaple commodity, and which is collected from the neighbouring mines, is brought there in fuch quantities as almoft exceed belief. Many vefiels are employed in the exportation of this article. This has not failed to increafe the navigation of the place. But the increafe of the navigation and opulence of Liverpool is to be attributed to it in another way, which will be belt feen by the following account. Some merchants of the north, hearing a few years back that this article could bepurchafed cheaper at Liverpool than at any other place, fent two or three of their vefiels for a fupply. The captains of thefe, on their return home, reported, that all thofe nations of the north, who had no fait works of their own, could not only lay in the article in abundance and cheaper there, but could alfo lay in their aftorfments of tobacco, Jugar , and othey American produce , as well as at the London or other markets ; and till this time they had, from their ignorance of the power of Liverpool to fupply them in this refpedt, been confined to thefe. Confidering, therefore, that it was much more to their advantage to go to Liverpool for one of the articles de- lcribed, and that they fared as well in the reft, it was their intereft upon the whole to declare in favour of the place. Thefe and other vefiels come afterwards pouring in for their fait, and laid in their foreign afiortments at the fame time. This immediately gave rife or rather an addition to two foreign trades , namely, the Weft- Indian and Ame- rican, to fupply them. The (alt trade therefore has had an important (hare in the prefent granduer of Liverpool. It has not only in- creafed its navigation by the exportation of that article, its ftaple commodity, but alfo its navigation and opulence, by inducing vefiels, on account of its cheapnefs, to refort there, which, but for this extraordinary cheapnefs, would have gone to another place. Thefe vefiels pay their dockage, African Slave Trade. 121 dockage, are often in want of repairs, and by taking oft' a part of the foreign imports of Liverpool, contribute to- wards its opulence, gnd the fupport of a foreign trade. It may, perhaps, be not amifs to introduce a circum- ftance here, which may be confidered, in fome meafure, as confirming; what has been hitherto faid on this fubject. Debating focieties were held in Liverpool, as in London, in the winter of the year 1786, but with this difference, that many more refpectable people exercife their oratory in the former than in the latter place. At one of thefe the caufes of the prefent grandeur and opulence of the town of Liverpool were the fubject of difcuftion for the night. Many merchants, and one or two of great refpec- tability and commercial knowledge, joined in the debate} and though the flave trade was advanced byaperfon there to have been the principle caufe, he was obliged to re- linquifh his pofition, as wholly fa’lfe ; and it was deter- mined, that other circumftances, but particularly the free admiffton of f rangers, and the fait trade , had been the means of the prefent grandeur and opulence of the town. A third caufe of the wealth and importance of Liver- pool has been the prodigious increafe of the population of Lancafhire. The great increafe of inhabitants there has not failed to increafe the trade of the former place, to fupply them with fugar,* wine, and other foreign commo- dities. To fuch a degree of populoufnefs has this county already arrived, that it is fuppofed to contain as many in- habitants as Middlefex, though London is included in the computation. Such a body as this will ever command and fupport an extenfive foreign trade. A fourth caufe has been the very rapid and great ex- tenfion of the manufactures of Manchefter. The people there, inftead of procuring their cotton as formerly, when the demand for it was fmall, by the way of London, pro- cure it now chiefly from Liverpool } and inftead of fend- ing their manufactures as before to London for exportation, export them to foreign parts through the fame medium. * I am credibly informed, that about fifty years ago,the whole confump- tion of Manchefter did not exceed tivo pipes of wine annually, which were brought on horfes from Prefton — a quantity not equal to the individual confumptim of many of its prefent opulent and hofpitable manufacturers. Thus 122 On the Impolicy of the Thus by procuring the article when raw, and exporting it when manufactured, by means of Liverpool, they have given birth to a new merchandife, have increafed the fo- reign trade, and contributed to the riches of the place. A fifth is to be attributed to the various canals which have been lately made, and with which that part of the country is interfered. There is now a communication from Liverpool by water to various parts inland, and in- deed to the very oppofite fea. Whole counties and dif- triCts of people, that were formerly fupplied with foreign produce from otheir places, are now lupplied with it from this. This new intercourfe, by the means now ftated, has contributed, perhaps of all others the moft largely, to increafe the trade and opulence of the town. Thefe are fome of the principal caufes of that commer- cial importance which we fee in the town of Liverpool at the prefent day ; and 1 have made a digreflion in relating them for the purpofe only of removing an opinion, long prevalent, that this town, which was formerly a fifhing village, is indebted for her prefent rank to the profecu- tion of the Have trade. To return. That Liverpool would receive a confi- derable fhock by the abolition of the trade in flaves is im- probable, when we confider thofe refources, that have been now mentioned ; thofe natural refources, I may fay, which are infeparably conne&ed with it, and which no- thing but fome great and unexpected revolution can take away. But as there are fome who would afl’ert, that the feceinon of eighty fhips from this trade would occafion great embarralfment and cor.fufion in the place, that the proprietors would not know how to employ them, that fhipwrights, carpenters, and others, would want work, and experience diltrefs, I fliall make a few obfervations more on the fame fubject. When the flave fhips have difcharged their cargoes in the Weft-Indies, they prepare for returning home. — Some of them take in a fmall portion of Weft-Inaian produce, others not, according as they can get it, or have time to ftay. From hence it is mnnifeft, that the produce of the Weft-Indies comes to us by two means of conveyance : firft, by means of thofe veft'els that are employed in going backwards African Slave Trade. 123 backwards and forwards for this purpofe only, and which I may diftinguifh by the name of veflels in the natural trade : fecondly, by means of the Have veiTels. Thefe carry the overplus, or ftich produce as remains over and above that which the veflels in the natural trade take off" in the fame time. This overplus is regular; that is, a certain number of {lave veflels will uniformly takeaway from the Weft-In- dies a certain quantity of their produce in a given time. To afcertain therefore how much this overplus is, will be to afcertain the opening that would prefent itl'elf, or the number of Liverpool ftave fhips that would find immedi- ate employ, were the trade abolifhed. The following is an account of fuch Weft -Indian pro- duce as was brought home by fifty veflels of that defcrip- tion, taken promifcucufly, or as they returned after each other into port. Sugar 758 hogffieads Rum 102 puncheons Cotton 1364 bales Indigo 4 tierces Coffee 18 puncheons Sarfaparilla 126 bundles Pimento 1 hogfi'.ead Ginger 3 puncheons Pepper 77 puncheons Tortoife-lhell 11 barrels Logwood 511 tons Mahogany 151 logs Nicaragua wood 469 tons Fuftic 557 tons Lignum Vitae 50 tons 152 tierces 8 barrels — ■ 4 libels. — — 1532 bags 951 pockets 82 packs 4 calks 8 boxes 9 bar. 601 hhds. 15 tierces 136 bar. 3 tierces 2 barrels 7 bags 1042 planks — — 3480 pieces 89S8 pounds — — — — 1 keg Sobags I apprehend, thatyf/iy ftave veflels, the amount of whofe cargoes on their return from the Weft Indies has been fpecified as above, will be quite fufficient, in point of number, to ferve as a groundwork for any calculation on this fubjeci. This being fuppcfed, I fhall ftate that the produce above defcribed is fufficient to employ 4000 tons of {hipping, that the number of veflels that failed from Liverpool to the coaft of Africa in the year 1787 were about eighty, that they meafured 14,012 tons, and that it follows from thefe data, that there would be an immediate opening in the Weft India trade for twenty-three fhips of the fame average burthen as the Have veflels: add to this, R that 124 On the Impolicy of the that as the productions of the coaft, annually brought to Liverpool by the latter, would make alfo an opening in the wood trade for five more, there would be an imme- diate employment for twenty-eight of thofe of its veflels that are now employed in the flave trade. With refpe£t to the reft, the growing refources of Li- verpool, and the new trades that prefent themfelves, would engage many, and it is probable, from the adventurous fpirit of the people there, that there would not be, at the end of twelve months from the abolition, ten veflels out of employ ; a number which has often been withdrawn from this trade in one year, and the withdrawing of which has been two infigniheant to be felt. It is evident therefore that the town of Liverpool could not poflibly feel a fhock by the abolition of the (lave trade. This abolition, on the other hand, would prepare the wav for a new commercial eftablifhment on the coaft ; and if fuch a trade, in all its various branches, were eftablifhed there, as is capable of being introduced, not only the na- vigation, but the opulence and importance of Liverpool would be carried, by many degrees, beyond their prefent extent ; nor is it eafy to fay at what diftance a line could be drawn from their prefent bounds, to which they could not be made, from the vaft and inexhauftible refources of Africa, to arrive in time. To fum up the contents of the three laft fetftions. — If wc conflder that the revenue could not poflibly be dimi- nifhed by the abolition of the flave trade, but that, in the courfe of time, it would be inevitably increafed ; if we conflder that the exportation of our manufactures to Africa might be diminifhed for a year or two, but only to recover its former height, and then to proceed to a degree of extenficn, almoft incredible, if compared with that at the prefent day ; and if aiiain we conflder that the manufac- turing and coonmercial towns of this kingdom would be fo far from receiving a fliock, that they would derive in fu- ture the moft important advantages from the change ^ then is the flave trade, additionally impolitic , for as much as its abolition could not be immediately injurious, but would be attended, in a little time, in all the inftances now mentioned, with the happieft effects. CHAP. III. African Slave Trade. 125 CHAP. III. It is not improbable, but that fome of the advocates for flavery may flop here, andraife the following objection to fome of the principal allertions that have been made in the fecond part of the work. “ You have faid, that if the Have trade were abolifhed, the planters would breed from their prefent flock, that the revenue could not poftibly be diminifhed, and that the manufacturing and commercial towns would feel its annihilation fo little, as to be almoft infenfible of the change. But this is only a matter of {peculation. Others, who have thought on the fame fubjedt, have come to a different conclufion. It is by fads alone that we ought to be guided in a matter that is of fo much importance as the prefent cafe.” To this I reply, that I will meet their objeClion, and that I will reft thefe confequences of the abolition of the Have trade, as far as a reference can be had, upon fads alone. There was a time, during the late war, when the flave trade may be confidered as having been nearly aboiiihed. This is the proper time for a reference of this kind ; and that fuch a time is to be found will be evident from the following account. In the year 1772 failed from the different 1 ports of Great Britain for the Coaft of j- 175 veflels. Africa J It appears from this account, that in the year 1772, the year preceding the war, one hundred and feventy -five veflels were fitted out at the different ports of Great 1 773 1774 17 75 1776 1777 r 778 1779 58 41 28 Britain 1 26 On the Impolicy of the Biitain for the coaft of Africa, and that in the year 1779 they were reduced to twenty-eight. The have trade, therefore, may be corifidered as having been nearly abo- lifhed in this period. Now’, we may all of us know', if we inquire, what were the effeits of withdrawing, in the courfe of fix years, one hundred and forty-feven veffels from this trade. If it fhould appear that thefe effects were not detrimental, that the planter bred from his ilock, that the revenue was not diminifhcd, that the different towns be- fore mentioned were in as flourifhing a condition in the year 1779, when the African trade was leaft, as in the year 1772, when it was at its greateft height, then it may be concluded, that the reafoning in the preceding chapters is true, and that fails, as well as reafoning, evince, that none of thofe fatal effeits, foreboded by the advocates for flavery, are to be apprehended by the abo- lition of the trade. To begin with thefe effeits. Nothing is more certain than that the planters at the beginning of the war, fore- feeing that their ufual fupplies would be cut off, or, in other w'ords, the Have trade annihilated, changed the fyftem of management on their plantations, and that they bred from their then ftock. The effects of their con- duit, in the encouragement of population, are vifible at the prefent day ; for out of 450,000 Haves, to be reckon- ed on ouj iflands, 350,000 of thefe are Creoles. It is clear alfo, that a branch of the revenue was not annihilated during that period of the war, of which I have before fpoken. 1773 " J s733>793 1774 - 1,963,578 1775 - I >94°>°59 1776 - 1,669,071 1777 * i>336,037 1778 - 1,404,995 1779 ~ I *44 I >943 From hence we colleit, that in the year 1772, w'tten the African trade was at its height, 1,766,422 cwt. of fugar For, in the year 1772 was imported into England | 1,766,422 cw’t. of fugar. O African Slave Trade. 127 fugar was imported into this country, and that 1,441, 943 cwt. was imported, when the trade was nearly loft. A branch therefore of the revenue ftill remained. But it will be faid, that the quantity of fugar imported in the year 1772, was certainly much greater than that in the year 1779. I allow it. But I reply, that in this, and the two preceding years, the enemy had colledted their ftrength, that the difference of importation is to be afcribed to captures, and that lefs fugar v/as not made, though lefs was brought to market by the chance of war in the year 1779 than in the year 1772, notwitnftanding that one hundred and forty-feven vefl’els had been withdrawn from the African trade. I come now to confider the fituation of the manufac- turing and commercial towns atthe two periods affigned. In the year 1772, the manufacturers of Manchefter worked for an hundred and feventy-five veflels. In the year 17 79 they worked only for twenty-eight , Notvvith- ftanding this, there were none of them out of employ. They had engaged themfelves in other branches of ma nufadture, and the trade of Manchefter was in a more flourifhing fituation in the latter than in the former period ; a fail, which many of its refpedtable inhabitants can teftify. With refpedt to Liverpool, * a few obfervations will be fufficient. TABLE I. 1772 failed from Liverpool for of Africa ^ 100 1773 - 105 1774 - 92 1775 1776 — 8r 57 1 777 - 3 i J778 - 26 1779 - 1 r veflels. * I omit London and Briftol, as having had an ir.con/iderable /hare in the trade. TABLE II. 128 On the Impolicy of the TABLE II. In the year 1772 the dock-duties of Liverpool amounted to 1773 1774 47 2 5 4580 5384 5064 4610 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 4649 4957 From thele tables it appears, that when Liverpool had one hundred, veflels in the African trade, the dock-duties amounted to £. 4552, and that when thefe veflels were reduced to eleven , the dock-duties rofe to£. 4957. Other faCts, of a fimilar nature, might be added here, but that it is too well known that Liverpool was in a more flaurifhing fituation in the year 1779, than in the year 1772 ; that there was no want of employ; and that none of thofe confequences were realized, which are foreboded by the patrons of the trade. It is manifefl: from the general fketch now given, that we have feen, during the late war, what would be the effeCts of abolifhing the Have trade : for no lefs than one hundred and forty-feven veflels were taken out of it during that period, whereas there are only one hundred and thirty- feven in employ at the prefent day ; and we have aright to infer, that if the revenue, and manufacturing and com- mercial towns, did not then fuffer by withdrawing fo great a number from the trade, they would hardly now fuffer by withdrawing a lefs. The reafoning, therefore, contained in the three preceding chapters of the fecond part of the work, will ftand good, till the faCts, mentioned in this, fhall be difproved : and I am too well fatisfied of their au- thenticity not to know that they cannot be contradicted. CHAP. IV. African Slave Trade. 129 CHAP. IV. The confequences, that are confidered as likely tore fait from the abolition of the (lave trade, have been hi therto canvafled under two heads, namely, fuch as would ferioufly affetft the colonies , and fuch as would ferioudy afFetft this kingdom. There is yet another to be examin- ed, but of a different complexion from the former. It is faid, that 44 if the Englilh abolifh the Have trade, the 44 French will take it up, and that the latter (politically 44 fpeaking) will derive great advantages from the 44 meafure.” That the French would take it up, if the Englifh abo~ lifhcd it, is, like mod of the afTertions of the advocates for flavery, but a bare conjecture ; notwithftanding that it is afliimed and delivered with as much confidence as if it were a fact. There are many circumftances that warrant me in af- ferting, that the French would be unable to take it up ,* were they fo inclined ; but that they would even conti- nue it is improbable. Firft, becaufe a focicty has been lately eftablifhed in France, on the fame principles as that of London, for the purpofe of effedting the abolition of the (lave trade among the French ; and I aftert with equal pleafure and confidence, that fome of the firft people in France have fhewn themfelves heartily difpofed to attend to the object of their inftitution. Secondly, becaufe if no fuch humane motives impelled the French, as are difcoverable among them, they would hardly give us the credit of abolifhing the Have trade, however we might deferve it, upon the principle of hu- manity. They are well aware that nations are guided by motives, that are termed political ; that if we were to put a ftop to the trade, it would be probably from the confi- deration of its unpolicy j and that if it were politic in us to abolilh it, it would be equally fo in them. * That is, to fupply themfelves with that number of flaves with which we fupply them at prefent, and to become the carriers for the Spaniards. Thirdly, r3o On the Impolicy of the Thirdly, becaufe they would never fuffer us to pufh a new trade in the natural productions of Africa, without following our example ; and they have already purchafed a confiderable tradt of land at Cape Verd, where they are ready to begin, whenever we fhew them the way, if not to be before hand with us in the advantages refulting from fuen a trade. Thefe are reafons th 2 t have weighed fufficiently with me, to induce me to fuppofe, that the French would at any rate give up the Have trade, if we relinquifhed it, and thefe reafons are much ftronger than any that I can find on the other fide of the aueftion. However, as this is only a matter of conjecture, and as any opponent has a right, if he is better informed, to argue the contrary, 1 will fuppofe, that when the Englilh relinquish it, the French will not only continue it as at prefent, but take it up. Let us then confider the confequences ; for it it is faid, that they will derive great advantages from the meafure. In the firfi: place, we fhall transfer to them a lof.ng trade ; in the fecond, one that will be the grave of their marine. The latter is too important a confideration to be palled over without fome remarks. The French are now paying uncommon attention, as it is well known, to their marine, and look up to their American pofleffions for its fupport. A great part of the fiaves that affilt in the cultivation of thefe, are furnifhed by our means. Every lot of them, which we import, or caufe to be imported there, affifts them in the completion of their prefent views. But if we relinquifh the (lave trade, and if, bn the other hand, they become the im- porters of their own Haves, the feene will be totally reverf- ed. For in the importation of every lot of* nine hundred efFe&ive Haves into the uncultivated parts of St. Domingo, they will make twenty-five , but lofef fixty feamen ; and in every fucli importation into any of their old fettled plan- tations, they will lofe fxty, and make none. Thus, by * See Page 79. This is what the Englilh would lofe in fuppljing the French v.’ith 900 effective fiaves ; and as the latter lofe more than the former, in proportion to the tonage of their fliips, t!ie itaiement is much within hounds. becoming African Slave Trade. becoming the carriers of their own Haves, they will find, in every cafe, a conllderable balance of lofs to their ma- rine ; and, by becoming the carriers of Haves to the Spanilh fettlements, (which is included in the idea of taking up the trade) this lofs will be fo increafed, as to become, in the fcale of their naval importance, of the moll ferious concern. Thefe then are fome of the advantages that the French would experience by taking up the Have trade; let us now, for a moment, advert to fome of thofe that would refult to us, who relinquifhed it. In the firft place we Ihould be profecuting a new and profitable commerce in the’ productions of Africa: and to that nation, which firft made its eftublilhment there, the moft advantages would accrue. In the fecond place we fhould be adding to the ftrength of our marine : fir ft, by faving thofe feamen, who, to the amount of fome hundreds, now annually perifh; and, fecondly, by the lofs which the French would fuftain in the profecution of the trade : for whatever lofs is in this way incurred by thofe, whom at any future period we are to meet upon the feas, fuch lofs is to be carried over to our fide of the account, as fo much additional gain : nor would any lot of nine hundrel effe£tive Haves be delivered into the uncultivated parts of St. Domingo, or the old eftablifhed plantations among the French, but thirty-five feamen in the firft inftance, and _/7.vj'y in the fccond, might be confidered to be added to our marine. In the third place the Haves of the Britifh planters be- ing attached to the foil by birth, being bound to their mailers by gratitude, and living among their relatives and friends, would be a firm and faithful protection to the iH- ands in the time of war. A part of the naval and mili- tary force, formerly fent for their defence, could then act on the offenfive: whereas the French, on the other hand, would not only be tied down in thefe particulars, but would have to defend their iflands, in conjunction with a people who had been robbed of the natural rights of men, and who would feize the firft opportunity that of- lered of gratifying their revenge. S To 1 32 On the Impolicy of the To fum up the whole. If the French, whenever we fhould abolifh the Have trade, would co-operate with us in the plan, then would the caufe of humanity be effen- ti all y ferved; for even the advocates for flavery allow, that if the two nations were to coincide in this particular, the bufinefs would be effectually done : but if, on the other hand, they would perfevere in the continuance of it, and enter into it more extensively than before, then would the higheft political advantages refult to us, who rclinquilhed it; for if we could lay our hands on our hearts, and fay that the flave trade was either humane or juft, there are few events that we could wifti for more to the intereft of this kingdom than that, when the Englifh relinquifhed it, the French would take it up. CHAP. V. I have now replied to all the arguments of any confe- quence that I have ever heard advanced in favour of the policy of the flave trade, or againft the expediency of its abolition. It only remains, therefore, that I fhould col- lect into one point of view the fubftance of what has been faid throughout the whole of the prefent work. It has appeared, that the flave trade, confidered abftraCt- edly by itfelf, is of no emolument to the nation-, that it is unprofitable , on the whole, to individuals ; and that it is the grave of our feamen, deftroying more of them in one year, than all the other trades of Great Britain, when put together, deftroy in two. It has appeared, on the other hand, that the trade which might be fubftituted for it in the natural productions of Africa, if confidered in the fame light, would, by afford- ing an inexhauftiblc mine of wealth to our dyers and artificers in wood, by enabling us to break the monopoly cf the Dutch in fpices, by repaying us for the lofs of America, and by becoming the cheapcft market for all forts of raw materials for our manufacturers, be of great national advantage. African Slave Trade. 133 It has appeared, fecondly, that fuch a trade would be highly profitable to individuals. Thirdly, that it would be a nurfiery for our fieamen , not only to cherilh and preferve them, but to return them in health and vigour, in cafe of an imergency, in a few weeks. Fourthly, that it could not poffibly interfere with the productions of our prefient colonies. This is the firft ftatement that maybe collected from a perufal of the prefent work. To proceed. It has appeared alfo, that, if the Have trade were abolifhed, fuch an abolition could not be pro- ductive of any immediate detriment, but would be attend- ed with future gain. Firft, the planter would be relieved from a continual fource of embarraflment and diltrefs ; his property would be increafed, his annual returns would be larger, he would feel hiinfelfin an independent fituation in point of fubftance, both in peace and war, and he would have the unfpeakable fatisfaction of going to his bedfeailefs of any private machinations, and in full confidence that his property, as well as his perfon, would be fecure. Secondly, his flaves, neceflarily experiencing, on one hand, a diminution of their former rigours, and raifed by certain regulations, to pofitive advantages on the other, they would be admitted to a confiderable portion of hap- pinefs, and their condition be confiderably improved. Thirdly, the iflands would be fafe in the time of war. Fourthly, new fources would be opened for the im- provement of the revenue. Fifthly, neu'fources-would be[opened for the confump- tion of our manufactures. This is the fecond ftatement that may be collected from the prefent work ; and I think it is evident, upon a ma- ture confideration of both, unlefs a perfon wilfully fhuts his eyes, that the Have trade is (as I undertook to fhew in the introductory chapter) as impolitic as it is inhuman and unjufi. For when we confider that this trade, by deftroying our marine, is not only a political evil in itfelf, On the Impolicy, &c. *34 but that it binders the introduction of one , to which if it were compared in point of individual or national emolu- ment, would be like an illand to a continent, or a river to a fea ; and that it prevents the exiftence of thofe im- portant advantages both to the colonies and this kingdom that have been defcribed above ; we may fafely fay, that whatever arguments the moraliji is able to colled: from the light of reafori, or the man of humanity from his feel- ings, the ftatefmen is able to colled others from thefource of policy , that call equally aloud for its ABOLITION. FINIS. A N ORATION, UPON THE NECESSITY O F ESTABLISHING at PARIS, A SOCIETY To Co-operate with those of America and London, towards the Abolition of the TRADE and SLAVERY OF THE NEGROES. Delivered the 19th of February, 1788, in a Society of a few Friends, assembled at Paris, at the request of the Committee of London, j By J. P. BRISSOT de WARVILLE. Non potest honestum esse q_uor> non est liberum : nam <>U0D TIMET SERVIT. SENECA. He cannot be Iloneft who is not Free : for be -who fears another is enjlaved. PHILADELPHIA: Printed by FRANCIS BAILEY, at Yorick’s- Head, in Market-street. M;DCC,LXXXV2II* V ■r PREFACE, By the TRANSLATOR. r T y HE defire to fave our Society , efablijhed in this city for -*■ the Abolition of Negro Slavery , the expenfe of hiring a tranfator , and not an over-weening conceit of my own know- ledge of the French language , has induced me to tr an fate this Oration. The funds of our Society are fmall , and every fum which is faved to it, or given to it, is of confequence , confider- ing the great number of Negroes whom we have actually liberated, and the confiderable fervice which we have done to the general caufe of the Negroes. — I am alfo happy in being the injlrument of putting this work into Engli/h, on account of the principles of humanity and of the genius which it flsews, and from the great regard which I bear towards the fociety efablijhed at Paris, foon after the pronouncing this Oration, for the purpofe of procuring the abolition of the favery of the Negroes ; which is compofed of many men of high birth, of brilliant talents and erudition, and of confpicuous patriotifm. 1 had literally but a very few days allowed me to tranfate the work, on account of the eagernefs to re-publifh it, which mujl plead in my excufe for fame errors which I may have commit- ted. It is neccffary to mention, that I have had a perfonal interview with the author , in Philadelphia , and that he has given to me hisfelf fame alterations and additions to the firf edition of his Oration. CHARLES CRAWFORD. Philadelphia, 9th Month, 1788. I -.^-rr= £S8& -\r i A N ORATION, &c. GENTLEMEN, T HE honorable commiffion that we are here* at this time about to fill, is fo important in its object, that we fhould think ourfelves culpable to delay for a tingle moment the configning it to thofe hands which are likely to enfure it fuccefs. A refpedtable fociety is formed at London to procure* in a legal manner, the abolition of the horrible negro- trade: they invite all thofe who love their fellow-men, to concur with them, to accomplifh every where this work of juftice ; they requeft us to feek out, and to bring toge- ther in France zealous perfons, and fuch who are capa- ble to fpread the neceflary information for preparing and determining this revolution. Can we better fulfil the in- tentions of this fociety, than in addreffing ourfelves to men, whofe moft ardent defire is to remove the errors, the follies, the enormities of part ages, and to advance that fyfiem of peace and brotherly affedlion which fhould unite all mankind. It would be proper to call to mind the feeble efforts to which free America owes the improvement of the con- dition of the negroes. A fingle man, almoft without connexion, without fortune, having no other ftimulus than that of his own mind, undertakes to procure the a- bolition of Have-holding in his country. He goes about, * The Society ■ inftituted at London for the Abolition of the Slave Trade, perfonally aadreffed Mtflrs. Clarieu and Warville, to intereft them to found a fimilar fociety in France. T preaching 140 An ORATION. preaching his doctrine every where: the eyes of his bre- threns the Quakers are firft opened. It is not difficult to open the eyes of men who have no vanity, who are not affirming, who are always occupied on lerious fubjeCts, and who from the nature of their religious principles, can only defign, in all their proceedings, what is moft for the interefts of humanity. Thefe Quakers, upon whom the flippancy of ignorance, more than malice, has attempted to prove calumnies, by often repeating them - , thefe Quakers maintain that it is unjuft, inhuman, againft the principles of religion to keep men in flavery, to tyrannife over their thoughts, their inclinations, to feize the fruit of their labors, and they have accordingly loofed the chains from the hands of feveral thoufand flaves fcattered over the four northern ftates of America *. It was more difficult to make a fimilar doctrine adopt - ed in the fouthern ftates. The number of blacks was more large in them: it was greater than that of the whites. It appeared fo ufeful to the fpeculations of avarice to fell the produce of laborers and the work of numerous flaves, without paying for their hire; it appeared fo con- venient to have only to command, to bend to the earth all thefe captives, to have nothing to do but to lavifh threats and punifhments to conftrain them to force from its bofom, notwithftanding the heat of a confuming fun, all its hidden productions, that fome men eafily perfuad- ed themfelves that this flavery was a law of nature ; that it had condemned fome men to ferve others, like domef- tic animals; that her will was fufficiently certified by the difference of colour. They perfuaded themfelves that it was impoffible to obtain the productions of the foil of A- merica by any other cultivation, than that of black flaves. In this manner fophiftry has joined with private interell and cuftom, tojuftifythis horrible injuftice. Neverthelefs, gentlemen, fuch is the empire of reafon, when it unfolds itfelf under the aufpices of liberty; that * We (hould do equal juftice to all thofc who, in the beginning, have contributed to this revolution. Another Qtiakcr, named Woolman, tjoie a confiderable part with Beneiet. fcarcely An ORATION. Hi fcarcely was the independence of the United States con- firmed, than the queftion concerning the flavery of the blacks was agitated in the fouthern ftates, than their caufe was embraced there, defended with warmth by the beft geniufes, by the moil refpe&able perfonages. It was, really, with difficulty that they were prevented from gaining this point. From what right could they obfti- nately detain other men in flavery, who themfelves had juft fealcd W'ith their blood this eternal truth, that all men are born free and equal? And with what inconfiftency mult they have continued the cuftom of flavery, fince the inequality of the right of reprefcntation,* and the afleflment of their taxes, is founded on this general opinion, that the produce of the work of a flave is inferior to that of a freeman. But fuch is the misfortune attendant upon vicious infti- tutions and bad cuftoms, that even when they have be- come odious, the apprehenfions from a change lends them ftrength to continue. Fears, founded folely on appearan- ces, have for a long time prevented the legiflature, which was ready to break in pieces the chains that were forged by avarice. — They were afraid, and the confcioufnefs of the crime of which they were guilty was perhaps the true caufe of this fear, that if the Negroes obtained their freedom they would abufe it ; they were afraid, left from having been fo long martyrs, they Ihould feek to avenge themfelves upon their executioners ; they were afraid, left armed and numerous, they fliould incite difturbances, and even dan- gerous wars ; and even amongft thofe who treated thefe fears as chimerical, there were fome who looked upon it as a public + calamity, as a great inconvenience, the con- * The right of reprefentation in the propofed federal government of the United States, is founded upon a calculation, that the produce of the Work of a flave is to that of a freeman as three to five. f This horror for a black flein, which is only the effedt of the glorious fun, which we all admire, is unreafonable and wicked. If the white'll; people upon earth were to emigrate to Africa, they would become black in the courfe of time. We have fome proof of this in hiftory. The Arabians croflcd over the Red fea into Abiflinia in Africa a few centu- ries ago, and are now become black. “ The Abiflines are generally black, which they moil admire .” — Job Ludolpbus's Hiftory of Ethiopia, page 71. The Translator. jugal An ORATION. 142 jugal union of the Whites with the Blacks, which the freedom of the latter would render more frequent. We, without doubt, fhould not blame the circumfpec- tion of legillators who temporife, efpecially as the quef- tion is about bringing on acrifis which is to determine the condition of millions of men ; efpecially, too, as we may be afraid left it fhould be productive of crimes, from not having fufficiently prepared minds which have been embit- tered by long refentments ; above all, in fhort, fince from the negleCt of accompanying this change with wife pre- cautions, they may reduce to mifery thofe whom they are willing to deliver from fervitude, and thereby render void the bleiling of liberty, and furnifh a new pretence to the tyranny of perfonal intereft, and to the calumnies againft political philofophers. But while wg approve this prudent hefitation, let us have the courage to blame the motives which fhould prolong it, without regard for the condition of the Negroes, without advantage to the intereft, without necellity for the fafety of the Whites, Why fhould we fear, for inftance, the hand of the man whom vvc voluntarily liberate, whom we embrace as a brother, whom we place at our fides, to whom we reftore his rights, above all the right of uling his reafon for the advancement of his happinefs r We do not know then the prodigious influence of li- berty to unfold human reafon, and to eftablifh univerfal peace ! We do not know then that reafon has never made any progrefs, and will never arrive at its laft degree of per- fection, but by liberty ; that univerfal peace will never exift, until all focieties are free ! In a free fociety man is induced by felf-intereft to exert his faculties to the greateft degree ; in a free fociety we are governed by univerfal reafon, and univerfal reafon conftrains us to with effentially the peace and happinefs of all men. In entertaining thefe agreeable ideas, I cannot forbear, gentlemen, remarking the error into which fome fall when they are willing to enlighten men who are actually infiav- ed without deftroying that flavery. — We hear it mentioned every where, Enlighten men, and they will become better ; but the experience of every age teils us. Make men free, § ) An ORATION. H3 and they will become of courfe and rapidly enlightened , and they will become of courfe better * Of what ufe is knowledge, if the mind is in fubje&ion, if the thoughts are inflaved ? Do we not know that ilavery prefles down the faculty of thinking in molt men ? Do we not know that thofe who refill this preffure, fhould forbid themfelves the ufe of their ideas, fhould confine them with- in themfelves, if they are not willing to expofe themfelves to perfecution ? Do we not perceive, that in fuch a con- dition political truths mud be confined to a fmall circle of men ? Independently of the timidity or the infufficicncy of this fmall number of men, mifery, the infcparable com- panion of dcfpotifm and ignorance, mifery abforbs all the time, all the ftrength, all the ideas of mankind, and leaves them neither abilities, nor leifure to acquire information. General knowledge, that which tends to the public hap- pinefs, is then doubly incompatible with the fpirit of Ilavery. — To propofe to difperfe it by keeping men in chains, is to be willing to enlighten them by depriving them of their eye fight, is to be willing to procreate by abortions. If I infift here, gentlemen, upon this idea, it is be- caufe it is a fatal prejudice which is acceded to by the ad- vocates of defpotifm ; they feek to juftify it ; they at- tempt to comfort men in its affliftions ; they pretend that reafon can unfold itfelf in the middle of Ilavery. — I do not here fpeak of the agreeable arts, or of the art of elo- quence ; they may lhine under a defpotic government. But is it the fame with the fciences, with politics, or mo- rality ? I will allow that fome fparks will efcape from the profundity of the darknefs of defpotifm ; I will allow that from time to time men of genius come forward, beating off their chains, who teach the greateft truths to fouls who have no fpring within them, who fometimes admire them, oftencr aid to perfecute them, and never imitate them. But of what ufe are thefe lights of reafon in a few indivi- duals ? It is fometimes to make them better, more often * It is obferved by the celebrated Dr. Johnfon, in the Rambler, that Ilavery has been thought a condition fo unfavourable to virtue, that in feme languages a Have and a thief are exprelfed by the fame word. Translator. to An ORATION. 14-4 to fatisfy their vanity, but never to inform the body of a nation. To inform, there mud be attention ; attention requires time, abilities, intered : — liberty alone can give thefe three things. Thus, if we are ferioully inclined to inform mankind, and to better their focial and individual date, we lhould not confine ourfelves to giving them books or academies ; vve lhould unfetter their hands. To repeat it again ; if you make man free, he will gain information, he will be- come virtuous a thoufand times more eafily, more quickly, than by giving him the bed books, and forcing him to con- tinue a Have. How, in reality, can he hold books in any efteem, when he fees that the men who extol them, violate the firft of truths, All men are born free ? Is it not natural for him to think, that they play upon him by the vileft hy- pocrify ? And thus, if in thefe circumdances he can ac- quire any knowledge, is it not that of being able to render roguery for roguery ? We lhould not exhauft it if we were willing to fearch this matter to the bottom, if we were willing to demon- ftrate completely that there is but one way to elevate man, and all men at once, and to advance the mafs of public happinefs — liberty. — When you give it to the Negroes, ceafe to be afraid of them ; when they become our bre- thren, they will foon acquire information, will foon become virtuous, and, what is perhaps dill more difficult, the maf- ters themfelves will be forced to acquire information, and become virtuous ; for flavery is an infallible method to cor- rupt two at once, the mailer and the flave. The other motives which have retarded the reflitution of the liberty of the Negroes in the fouthern dates, are not bet- ter than thofe which I have already difcuded ; I exerted my- felf too much in attempting to fathom them. Referving this difcuffion to another time, I lhall confine myfelf to obferve to you, that three of the fouthern dates of America, until the final decifion which lhall forever abolilh llavery, have pre- vented the further importation of Haves, one for three years, and two forever. — There are only two of thefe dates which r>ow differ the importation of Negroes ; and as reafon ought always to be advancing towards perfection in this pappy continent, as all prejudices ought fenfibly to dimi- An ORATION. *45 nifti, it is to be hoped that, before the expiration of many years, no one of the United States will be dilhonoured with this ftain of inhumanity. Such is the fpirit of a fett, of which morality is the re- ligion, and charity and benevolence the principal dogmas ; it cannot reft without occupying itfelf every moment in doing good, without extending it to all men. Scarcely had the Quakers confummated'the work of humanity, un- dertaken by them in America, than their brethren in Eng- land attempted to render the fame juftice to the Blacks in the Englifti colonies. Prejudices here were more difficult to conquer. The planters have inceffantly rrepeated for two centuries, that no i'ugar can be obtained without Healing annually millions of men from the coaft of Africa. They continue to repeat that the Sugar-Iffands are the chief foundation of the riches of Great-Britain : it is a double error. The Qua- kers have confined themfelves to overturning the firft, and to maintaining that fugar can be obtained, without exer- cifing the profeffion of a robber and a murderer. They at firft treated them as fools. From the time of George Fox, who was a thoufand times biffed, dragged in the dirt by the prieftsof his age, whofe frauds * and whofe vices he expofed, — to Benezet, who preached liberty to all men ; fuch has been the condition of the Quakers who have been willing to do good. — They perfecuted them with ridicule; but the Quakers, like all men, who are re- ligious or moral, or profoundly convinced of great and ufe- ful truths, have been infenfiblc to injuries. — They faid. Ridicule, but hear us. By the power of preaching they have drawn to their party, grave, thinking, good men, and the people have followed, and the railers have been fi- lenced. * It would be glorious to fee fomewhat more of this fpirit rife up in France. It is a found truth, that every man fhould he his own prieft. Paul, in his epiftle to the Hebrews fays, that the minifters of the gof- pcl fhould not receive tithes. They are robbers for taking them. It is falfely and wickedly done, in imitation of the Levitical priefihood. He fays, “ For it is evident that our Lord fprang out of Judah, of “ which tribe Mofes Ipake nothing concerning priefthood.” Hebrew* vii. 14. The Translator. The An ORATION. 146 The effect of this revolution * has been rapid and ge- neral, and it is a benefit which we owe to the revolution that formed the United States. It has impretled upon the minds of mod men a refpefl truly t religious for the caufe o{ liberty ; it has impreffed upon them an averfion, a hor- ror for all tyrannical proceedings, under whatever fhape * Juflice obliges us to fay that the Quakers are not the only people who have contributed in the beginning of it, by their example, to this revolution. The Moravian Brethren, flill called Hernhuters, or Bre- thren of the Union, have never received a Negro whom they have not liberated. They have always regarded flavery as a violation of human and divine laws, and, in their numerous miflions, which have always been fupported by frugality, by the work of their hands, and by the prac- tice of all the ufeful virtues, they have not failed to reclaim the rights of mankind from each other. The Moravians have imprefTed upon the minds of all men fuch a favourable opinion of their peaceable manners and exemplary condudl, that the American Congrefs encourages their eflablifhment among the favages, as a certain method to civilize them, and to allure them to peace. Thofc governments, which, like the Con- grefs, fhould welcome thefe fedts among them, would find the happy effedts of it : they neither fuffer fanaticifm, falfe devotion, nor ridicu- lous vanity. No individual, if he is not fick, is admitted into their fra- ternity any longer than he manifefts a love of order and induflry, and is not defirous of living at the expence of others. 1 cannot forbear adding my teftimony, in favour of the Moravians, who have been a living witnefs to the beneficial effedls of their preach- ing in fome of the Wefl-India iflands. In the Danifh iflands of St. Croix and St. Thomas they have made a confiderable progrefs. In the latter they have a pretty fettlement near the town. In the Englilh ifland of Antigua I have often perceived the good fruits of their labours. Their method of inflrudling the Negroes is a very happy one. They forbear to puzzle them at firft with the abftrufe and myfterious parts of religion, but teach them in plain language the Ample and ufeful dodtrines of our Saviour. The emprefs of Rufiia has wifely given them permiflion to propagate their dodlrincs over all her extenfive empire. They have made, according to Mr. Tooke, a fettlement of fome importance, at a place in the Ruffian Dominions, which they call Sarepta. It is worth the while to look into Crantz’s Hiflory of the Brethren, for an account of this valuable fed!: of Chriftians. I am not a Quaker nor a Moravian, but an Univerfalift, yet I conceive that thefe two fedls have manifefled a confiderable ffiare of the true Chriflian fpirit. The Translator. f A Chriftian fhould be a patriot. Our Saviour fays, “ Neither be “ ye called mailers ; for one is your Mailer, even Chrifl.” Matthew xxiii. 10. The Translator. they An ORATION, *47 they are difguifed, and whoever are the individuals that opprefs. In every part of Great-Britain, then, they have praifed and adopted the project of abolilhing the trade and ilavery of the Negroes. A fociety is formed for this pnr- pofe ; becanfe the unconne&ed efforts of reafon, will of- ten be too weak to conquer the powerful efforts of inte- reft. — The moil confiderable cities, the capital of Eng- land itfelf, have prefented petitions to parliament in fup- port of this projedl — It muft there be fecondcd by the elo- quence of the moll celebrated members. The Blacks at laft, then, like the Indians, have found defenders, and more happy than the Indians, among all ranks, among all fedls, * even among merchants theinfelves. — There is but one voice, one clamor in the Englilh nation. — So ea- fy is it to roufe among a free people, the fentiments of juf- tice and humanity, which fhould never be extinguifhed ; fo eafy is it to roufe them among men, to whom the form of their government gives a habit of refleflion. The voice of the planters theinfelves grows weaker and weaker, and can we be furprifed at it r When avarice, deprived of the perifhable maxims of defpotifm, is forced, that (he may juffify herfelf, to borrow thofe of humanity, can (lie long maintain her pretenfions ? Such is at pre- fent the condition of the planters, reduced to maintain this defpicable fophifm, that the flavery of the Negroes is an a£t of benevolence towards them ; they perceive this forry argument expire under their lips ; they perceive themfelvcs the general horror that their fanguinary title to property infpires. Since this caufe excites fo general a concern, fince the miniffer himfelf appears difpofed to embrace it, we Ihould not doubt that it will fucceed, and that England, by firft * The Difienters have prefented a petition : the celebrated PriefHcy has preached a fermon upon the fibjedt. The high clergy themfelvcs have rifen up againft the Negro-Trade. Mr. Granville Sharp, the pre- fidcnt of the fociety which purfucs the abolition of it, is one of thofe va- luable men, who feem horn for the deftrudtion of atufes. Mr. Sharp, for twenty years has oppofed by his writings, before the public, and in the courts of judicature, the trade and flavery of the Negroes. And his efforts arc now vigoroufly fcconded by Mr. Clarlrfon, ivhofc new work upon the impolicy of the Slave-Trade, will undoubtedly give the ieath-flroke to this diabolical traffic. u prohibiting 148 An ORATION. prohibiting the trade of the Blacks, and afterwards by li- berating them, will give to Europe the firft, the great example of a nation which renounces an oppreflion tjiat has the appearance of being profitable ; an example that will prove the flrcngth of the influence of liberty to make men better. In the middle of this fermentation which agitates all minds in Great-Britain, (hall the men of integrity, of in- formation, who live in France, remain in inadtion ? Will they confine themfelves to with for the fuccefs of the bill which is to better the condition of the Blacks in Jamaica ? Should they not defire to profit by this agitation of the minds of men, to procure the rellitution of their rights to the Negroes in the colonies ? The London Society were right to imagine that they would find in France an energetic cooperation with their views ; we dare anfvver for it, that their hope will not be difappointed. — They have addreffed themfelves to us, to difperfe the books which they have caufed to be printed and publifhed in England, for the public indrnction. They are willing to fee a fociety, fimilar to their own, formed in every date, that has any connection with coun- tries cultivated by Haves. Too judicious to accufe the various governments of this barbarous flavery, they are willing, that power, every where informed upon this fubjedl, fhould every where be invited to do what they requeft of the Englilh parliament. We have given an account in the public papers * of their intentions ; well-perfuaded of our own infufficiency, well-perfuaded at the fame time, like the committee at London, that we cannot fucceed, notwithftanding the bed publications, without the inceflant activity of a fociety condantly occupied on this fubjedl, we have thought it our duty to lay before you the requellof the Englilh Socie- ty, and to invite you to coniider how we may fulfil the intentions, which feem to us to merit the particular ap- probation of our country, and of government. * An analyfis of the Englilh papers, an interefting journal, printed at Paris, in which authors may be allured of a place for all that they publiih on this lubjecf. In An ORATION. i 49 In effect, independently of the preponderating motive of humanity, national intereft, the intereft of government, the intereft of the French planters themfelves, all com- mand of true patriots, to give their attention and their ef- forts towards this revolution. Such is the intimate relation which connects England and France together, that what paffes in one country cannot be unknown in the other ; that a great revolution in one, produces its counterpart in the other. But in, revolutions of this nature, we fhould mod certainly in- clude the future emancipation of the Blacks in the fugar- i flands. They who know how to calculate effedls, will fee that this revolution mud have the greateft influence upon the French colonies ; that it may ruin them, if they oppofe this example ; that it may enrich them, if they follow it. This double effeft mud be the infallible con- fequence of a demondration, from experience, that a free- man cultivates the earth better than a Have. A free go- vernment caufes plenty ; but, the more plenty there is, the more the planter fells, the more the exchequer re- ceives, the more a competition is avoided by cheap fales, the confequence of plenty ; and the more, of courfe, the commerce of the rival nations to England is endhed. There is no occadon to ponder in this cafe ; if this max- im concerning cultivation is true, even in regard to the fugar-cane, as experience proves *, if England, abjuring the old fyftem, conforms to this, France ought to put it in * The London Society have collected a number of l'a< 5 ts and calcula- tions which prove it ; but there is one which is decifive, and which they indifpenfably never will relinquifh. I have taken it from a manufeript note of the excellent patriot Mr. Poivre. Travelling in 17 jo, in Co- chin-China, where the fugar-cane is generally cultivated, he was con- vinced that the work of a freeman, even in the production of fugar, yielded more than the work of a flave. Mr. Poivre calculated that from a fingle port in this kingdom, from that of Faifo, they exported in 1749, 00, 000 pounds weight of fugar, which was defigned for China and the Indian Archipelago. Befides this enormous exportation, the internal confumption of fugar is immenfe. The Cochin-Chincfe perfuaded that it is a wholefome nourifhment, mingle it with all their food, and fatten all their hearts with the cane, elephants, oxen, horfes, &c. This fadt ought to overturn that fingle objedlion of the planters, which caufed doubts in the minds of fome who were not willing to confine themfelves to reafonings, but wi Hied for fadls. execution, 150 An ORATION. execution, and perhaps to go before in the matter, if fhe is willing to preferve her colonies; and in this cafe it is the duty of the French patriots to obferve the motions, and to ftudy the proceedings of England. A noble Itudy, without doubt, lince war would not be the refult of it, but the welfare of millions of unhappy people. We lhould moreover recoiled! that the Englifh nation is great in its conceptions, that in its commercial fpecula- tions it embraces the whole globe. Her forefight (hews her that the flavcry of the Negroes is tending to an end : it is an evil which is now fubmit- ted to conluleration for a remedy. If there had been but one of the United States that had emancipated the Ne- groes, this aft ot enlightened benevolence mud have fpread further. They mud prove that the human race is enter- ing precipitately into the ages of ignorance, who would perfuade themfelves, that the flavery of the Blacks will not foon be entirely abolifhed. Tohaden revolutions of this nature, when we forefee them, is to diredl the confequences of them ; it is to be able to turn them to our advantage. There is one, for example, that policy can foretell. The Negro-Trade carries along with it the horrible con- dition or a war, that depopulates and defolates Africa: let the trade ceafe (and why lhould it not ceafe, if the Eu- ropeans wilh for no more (laves ?) let the trade cealc, and the war between the African nations will lofe their mod powerful incentive. Then will open with more facility countries which have been hitherto barred from commerce ; then the circle of European adlivity will extend itfelf, which, fearing for a long time to proceed to thofe limits which it has at- tained, maintained the perpetual feeds of difeord, to pre- ferve by its indudry the fources of, and the market for its trade. Do not let us doubt if the Engl i(h adopt the emancipa- tion of the Negroes, that they confider their intered ; do not let us doubt, that in making the facrince of a trade which employs fo great a number of their veffels and their feamen, they will find a new trade capable of compen- fating them for that which they will lofc ; do not let us doubt. < An ORATION. I 5 I doubt, that they have forcfeen that their commerce,, pene- trating into the interior parts of Africa, would there en- large itfelf, would there create produftions, the articles of a new exchange *, as foon as the llave-trade there excit- ing a general horror, would prefent more difficulties and lefs advantages ; do not let us doubt, in fhort, that this commercial people are careful to abridge, and even to avoid the ruinous languor which the operations of com- merce feel, in revolutions which fuddenly deftroy a great work, a great dtablifhment. This calculation of forefight is in the natural order of things; France lhould make it. If France expiating at Lift its errors, its pad enormities, is willing to become the peace-maker to Africa, why lhould die not join hands with England, in anenterprife that is honourable and ufe- ful to both countries ? t You would render then, Gentle- men, a true fervice to your country, by contributing to the fuccefs of this enterprize, with the Society of London, by following the fociety in its proceedings and in its la- bors. It is of importance to give you a detail here of thefe proceedings and of thefe labors. The Society of London have a committee, whofe ob- ject is to receive fubferiptions, to maintain the numerous correfpondencies w Inch they have in all parts of the world, to make all the neceffiary enquiries to throw light upon this matter, to underftand the true condition of the Blacks, in Africa, or in the illands, to anfwer to all the objections * To anfwer to one of the mod fpccious objections made by the F.ng- lifh planters, the want of employ of the vuffels aunually occupied to transport more than 100,000 Haves, the Society of London have pro- cured fpecimens of divers productions of Africa, nec.tflavy to the Eng- lifh manufactures, which would create a commerce of exchange, employ a marine, &c. f It would be eafy fome day to demonstrate that France has not fo many obstacles to combat as England in the abolition of f! a very in the colonics. Becaufe, for example, the o! jet ion of the diminution of the employ of the marine is aimed nothing .u regard to France. The French trade is in a very languifhing condition ; ; ; is fupportcci v ith difficulty notwithftandiv.g the favors and the premiums w ith which it is loaded by government. In this point of view, the intereft of the revenue ind pf the nation will be favored by this operation. of 152 An ORATION. of the planters, or of government. Their object alfo is to make the neceflary advances to the minifter, and the members of parliament, to procure the fuccefs of the bill of emancipation. II you determine upon founding a fociety like that of London, it will be expedient to fix the fum fora fubfcrip- tion, which will give the right to be a member; and the produce of thefe fubfcriptions will defray the neceflfary ex- pences of the various bufinefs in which the fociety will engage. Becaufe we mud not disenable, that notwith- ftanding the generous zeal which will induce many en- lightened men to cooperate to the fuccefs of this enter- prife, it will be impofiible to fupport it for a long time, without the constant aid of a pecuniary fubfeription. The fociety fihould nominate a committee to refolve upon particular matters and to put them in execution ; they will be of different kinds. At firfl: the London Society fent us almofl all the works that were publifhed in Englifh upon this fubjedl. A part of them are already tranflatcd, fuch as the works of Bene- zet, Clarkfon, Ramfay, &c. It concerns us to accelerate the publication of them. The fubjedt there is confidered in every view : thefe works may then begin to diflipate the vulgar prejudices againfl the emancipation of the negroes. Moreover the number of the pamphlets augmenting daily, and all of them yield- ing either interefling fadls, or important reflections, we fhould lofe none of them, and nevcrthelefs not fuffer our- felves to be burthened by an abundance, which coming ail at once, might frighten a public, which does not fa- miliarife itfelf but after fome time to ferious difeuflions. — The printing of all thefe tranflations fhould then be one of the firfl objedts upon which the committee ought to fix its attention. We fhould not confine ourfclves to the publication of Englifh works. There are fome valuable, but forgotten ones, in France — we fhould learch them out, examine, give an account of them, and determine if it will be ne- ceffary to publifh them again. There are fome, without doubt, in this number, that we muff difeard ; but in re- jecting them on account of their W'cakncfs, the fociety will certainly An ORATION. *53 certainly not imitate the injuftice of thofe who give them to ridicule, by treating them as declamations ; let us be fi- lent on the want of talents. Is not the want of talents compenfated by a laudable intention r We might reproach the fociety, either with weaknefs in the caufe, or with want of candor, if they confined their enquiries to works publifhed in favor of the caufe of Negroes : it is neceffary to attend to the writings againfl. For, to the difhonor of the human fpecies, there have ex- ited, even in our own nation, men fo prejudiced, or lb barbarous as to juftify the cruelties of negro-llavery. We fhould read attentively their writings, collect all their ob- jections, in order that we may leave none unanfwered. The fociety of London, full of the fpirit which has al- ways animated the Quakers, and willing to facilitate the propagation of knowledge, by facilitating the purchafe of books which they publifh, always fell them at the lowed price poflible. Their example will deferve to be follow- ed ; and when the (ociety (hall be confolidated, they fhould, like the fociety of London, devote a part of the fubfcrip- tion-money to facilitate the purchafe of books to that clafs of citizens who are defirous of information, and whom the mediocrity of their circumftances caufes to fear the ex- pence. The committee of London pay confiderable fums for the infertion of advertifements, of their reports and tranf- aftions in the public papers. Happily there will be no occafion for a fimilar expence in France. The journals here are not fubject to any tax ; but the fociety fhould take meafures with the editors of all the Gazettes and the Journals, to infert the particulars of the caufe of the Ne- groes, the events that the difcullion will introduce, the di- vers refolutions of the committee of London, of the cities of England, and of the focieties of France, if" the example of England is followed here. We will hope that a generous concurrence will prevail among the French Journal ills to aflift the fociety. The unhappy have a right to this publication, as it is at this time one of the mod powerful means 'of fuccounng them ; and the writer who fhould deprive the Blacks of this mean, let iS+ An ORATION. let us fay rather, of this right, would deferve to be dif- graced as the accomplice of their tyrants. To he informed fucceflively of all that palfes in England, relative to this caufe, the fociety ihould maintain a con- ftant correfpondence with the committee, Ihould depofite in regifters, their letters, their refolutions, before they give them to the prefs. They fhould equally take part with the committee of London, in all the documents which they lhall procure, in all the works which they fhall publilh, and in all the fteps which they lhall take to- wards the fuccefs of this caufe. By this double corref- pondence, the knowledge of both countries will become common, alinofl at the fame inllant ; their labors will be diminilhed, and blind avarice, purfued in the fame ftroke by them both, will lofe perhaps at once its in- fluence. This communication becomes fo much more necef- fary, as the emancipation of the Negroes being proper- ly but fuccellive and in fubordination to attempts and precautions, the experience of one country will be an ufeful leflon to the other. Independently of thefe objects to which the French fociety ihould devote themfelves, there is one peculiar to France, which patriotifm obliges her particularly to con- lider. They Ihould make enquiries concerning the con- dition of the Negroes in the iflands, coucerning the treat- ment which they there experience, concerning th? report whether they increafe ordiminilh, concerning the number of annual recruits, neceflary to fupport the labor and the annual produce, concerning the manner in which this fupply is made, concerning the Negroes that arc im- ported in a contraband manner, concerning the conditi- on and the manners of the runaway or maron Ne- groes, concerning the number of veifels that the French employ in this trade, concerning the number of feameq that the trade annually deltroys. They Ihould enquire alfo what will be the influence of the Englilh act of par- liament, which prohibits the Negro trade, and liberates the Englilh Haves, upon the importation and the produce of the induftry of the Negroes in the French iflands. This part of the labors of the fociety Ihould excite the great- An ORATION. 1 55 eft concern in all French patriots. The committee, which undertakes this difficult and important tafk, may then hope that their labours will be patronifed and encouraged by the French minifter. A committee may (imply effect to con- vince the nation that the produdlions of our iflands would be larger under the influence of liberty, and of confequence, therefore, that it will lofe nothing in the emancipation of the Blacks, and the prohibition of all further importation from Africa. Will they not objedt to us, that a fimilar fociety is ufe- lefs in France ; that there the condition of the Negroes depends upon the minifter ; that, without this fociety, he can procure the knowledge that is necclfary for his fatis- fadtion ? Alas ! who will give it him ? The planters ? — Their cuftoms, their prejudices, the fear of injuring their interefts, which they miftake, arm them againft the truth ; while the fociety will have no other intereft than that of humanity, than that of the public good. The prejudices of the plan- ters may miflcad the government, if they have no one to contradidt them, and the fociety can never defire to de- ceive. — They will be at onetime the defenders of the Ne- groes, of the national intereft, of the intereft nf the reve- nue, of the intereft of the planters themfelves ; becaufe they fhould fearch out the means of reconciling thercfpedl for their property, with that which is due to humanity. — Suppofe, in ffiort, an impartial planter, of good credit, ready to communicate his information ; we certainly fhould not rejedt it ; but what will it be in comparifon to the in- formation which the fociety may colledt ? He is fingle ; they will be numerous : his information will be confined to his plantation ; that of the fociety will be univerfal : the zeal of fuch a planter may relax ; that of the fociety will be conftant and indefatigable. Can the minifter expedt to be informed by the Negro- Merchants ? But it is exadlly in this clafs of men that the unhappy prejudice, which confounds the Blacks with beads of burthen, is found to be mod deeply rooted. Does not the manner in which thefe traffickers in human flefti buy, tranfport and fell their fellow-men, declare the mod *<*>mplete forgetfulnefs of the rank that thefe unhappy X Blacks i 5 6 An ORATION. Blacks hold in the order of human beings ? And does not this crime render them guilty in the caufe of their vi&ims ? In lhort, will they not fay, that there are in .this capi- tal, and in the provinces, men fincerely animated with a public fpirit, fully capable to occupy themfelves, and to give documents, about this matter r But thefe men are unconnected : all their efforts will be vain. They will addrefs memorials to the minifter ; but almoft always thefe memorials remain buried in the duft of the offices. — Da they publifh their ideas ? Do they come to eleCtrify the public r The enthufiafm of the public will pafs away as the eleCtric fire ; the man of integrity will then be wea- ried by the inutility of his efforts ; he will be tired out fa much the fooner, as devoted by inclination to retirement,. ■ — a lfranger to the manners and intrigues of a court, he muft be more quickly difgufted with the tardinefs, the in- difference, or the difdain of cabinets upon this fubjeft. To all thefe obftacles there is but one remedy ; unite all the ftrength of men of integrity, that it may be dire&cd to a common end. In this union, therefore, let him who has knowledge, communicate it ; let him who has talents, write or fpeak ; let him who has acquaintance at court, plead this great caufe before the minifter ; let all * concur with a common confent to inform, at the fame time, the govern - * When we fay all , we are far from excluding the Planters from this, good work. We are perfuaded that there are fome of them who fee with grief the horrible condition of the Negroes; that they would notin the lead oppofe the abolition of flavery, if they could reconcile it, with a facrificc that is not too great, to their interefls. — The Committee Ihould he candid to thefe Planters ; they fhotild folicit information from them, labor, difeufs the caufe with them ; they Ihould not pafs by thofe who may be lefs humane, fince they intereft themfelves concerning their ad- vantage as well as that of the Negroes. 1 can hear witnefs to the truth of what the Author fuppofes in favor of fome Planters. — I have known fome who have pofleflcd very generous minds in many rcfpe&s, and who were capable of a faithful difinterefted' friendlhip. In my travels through fome of the Weft India iflands, I have met the moft liberal hofpitality. — I remember that when I arrived at one, a gentleman, whofe relation only knew me a little, fent a poft- chaife and four, a fniall phaeton, and feveral horles, for me and all my fellow-paffengers, that we might continue at his houfe while the fliip re- mained An ORATION. *57 government and the public ; let them make it their con- stant occupation, and nothing will refill: efforts that are al- ways wifely directed. Thefe, gentlemen, are the objeCts which Ihould engage the attention of the fociety, not a moment, not a day, not a year, but always, till they lhall have obtained the liberty of our brethren. All the members Ihould fay, what a Quaker of London faid, when they mentioned to him fome doubts about the fuccefs of the approaching bill : “ Friend,' if it does not “ pafs this year, we will introduce it the next ; we will “ introduce it for fifty years, if it is necelfary. . It is a mif- V lion from heaven, we mult fulfil it. It is impoffible but “ that the truth will carry it at laft, Benezet, our brother, “ fucceeded in America, and he had more difficulties to “ combat than we have. He was the fir ft, and we follow “ him, when the minds of men are already agitated ; he “ was alone, and we are numerous.” Yes, gentlemen, the truth will carry it alfo in our own country, if we arc willing to perfevere in this million with the fame conftancy, the fame zeal as the Quakers ; if, like them, we are careful to avoid that fpirit of pride, that alfuming fpirit, and that fpirit of defpotifm, which renders ufelefs, and often, fatal, the beft intentions ; if, penetrated with a fpirit of brotherly love, of equality, without which there will be nothing but inconiillency, and perhaps hypo- crify, in the defence of our caufe ; if we are delirous to aid each other reciprocally in our labour ; if we are defir- ous, in lhort, not who lhall fpeak the molt brilliantly in our alfemblies, but who lhall manifeft the molt fincere energy for virtue, with the greateft felf-deniel. Truth, when conceived by a foul of fire, fupported by an unfhak- en conftancy, delivered by a fincere mouth, finds no ene- mies, no objections. Let us guard againft being frightened by obftacles ; let us conlider the good that will refult from our labours, when mained at the ifland. — I am not infenfible to gratitude, and while I write againft Negro-flavery, I with the temporal and eternal welfare of the Planters. The wife man fays, that “ faithful are the wounds of a friend.” The Translator. even «s* An oration. • even they are not crowned with fuccefs : * let us confider that in caufing a ftep to be made towards liberty, we caufe another to be made by our country towards public fpirit ; let us confider, that we (hall accuitom our fellow-citizens to attend to grave and ferious fubjedts ; and what good mult we not expedt from the ufe of thefe ferious medita- tions ? Let us guard, befides, againft being frightened at the fmallnefs of the means with which the fociety commence their labours ; let us call to mind the hiltory of Benezet, and of the fociety at London — He was alone ; and four or five formed that fociety, who now engage the good withes of millions. The French fociety w ill engage as many, perhaps, w hen the public opinion is formed ; when the caufe of the unhappy Negroes (hall be inveftigated with care ; then a multitude of men from all parts will run to- gether, who fecretly defire this reformation, but who have hitherto been kept back too much, perhaps, from the fear of being accufed of enthufiafm, of the love of innovation. Let us prefent to our minds the time when the fociety thall be formed, a time of precious fermentation, excited by the rel'pedf of humanity ; a time when minds become tired of frivolous purfuits, will perceive the defire of fomething important. — Let us refledf upon the character of our na- tion ; a character that is marked more than any other w’ith univerfal benevolence. — Let us refledl, in fhort, upon the defigns of the prefent minifter to extirpate abufes of every kind, and his promptnefs to collect the ideas of reforma- tion. When the minifter perceives that the flavery of the Negroes is a crime, and that nature has wifely attached more real advantages to the work of freemen than to that of Haves, will he ponder to recommend himfelf to the fo- vercign an univerfal defign, that his heart ought to embrace with eagernefs ? His predeceifors have folemnly declared, t * There is already a finking example ; which we can only attribute to the great fermentation caufecl by the fociety of London. The General Affembly of Jamaica have pafled a Bill, on the 29th of November, 1787, to foften the condition of the Negroes. It eftablifhes in every parifh a Council of Protection for thefe unfortunate people ; it fixes the penalty of death for every murder committed upon a Have. f See the ordinances of 1315 and 1318. That An ORATION. *59 That all men are born free by nature ; that the French king- dom fhould be Jo in reality as well as nominally. Guided by this principle, the French have fucceflively liberated the vaifals on their eftates. Our monarch himfelf has abolilh- ed the laft remains of fervitude. — Will not his benevolent hand extend itfelf one day to the Negroes who live under his laws t Are not the French colonies a part of his do* minions ? Are not the black, as well as the white, inha- bitants, his fubjedts ?* * This Oration has produced the effedt that was expeAed.— Several perfons have founded a fociety, have aflcmbled to make Rules, and to determine upon a plan of proceeding. In the fpace of fix weeks ninety others diftinguifhed for their nobility, for their offices, and as men of letters, have made application to be admitted into the fociety. There is no doubt but that the number will be quickly augmented, efpecially in the provinces where there is a benevolence offentiment. — The Marquis de la Fayette is one of the Founders of this fociety, and he gives it a fup- port fo much the more laudable, as the fociety of Paris has many great difficulties to encounter, which are unknown to the Cacieties of London and America. FINIS. 0 / . ; V 4 r w r^um 1 ill y- S:-yf5