v.v^L* IBM I m m ji ■ni ISAAC SMITH, BALTIMORE, Z./6 N Division Section VIEW OF THE CAUSES AND PROGRESS FRENCH REVOLUTION. / BY JOHN MOORE, M. D. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. II. Opus opimum cafibus, atrox praeliis, difcors fedkionibus, ipfa ctiam pace faevum. Tacit. LONDON: PRINTED FOR G. G. AND J. ROEINSON, PATERNOSTER-ROW. 1795. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library http://www.archive.org/details/viewofcausesprog02moor CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME. CHAPTIR XV. D J RING Con duel of Mirabeau — The Rabble arrive at Verfailles — A Deputation of Poijfardes accompany that of the National AJfembly to the King — He gives a conci- liatory Anfwer to the former, and the fame Night affents to the Decrees of the AJfembly — M. La Fayette, with the Parifian Army, arrives at Midnight — The Court, the Deputies, and M. La Fayette, retire to Rejl — The Pa- lace unexpectedly attacked in the Morning — Various Scenes of Horror — Infolence of the Rabble — Magnanimous Be- haviour of the 6)ueen — The Royal Family carried to' Pa- ris— Recepticn there. page I CHAPTER XVI. RefieBions on French and Britip Loyalty — Anecdote re- garding the Duke of Orleans— Refletlions on his Cha- ratler and the Part he took in the Revolution — On the Condutl and Views of Mirabeau — ExpreJJions of four A 2 Per/ins r y 3 Perfons In a Tavern at Seve — Difinal State of tht Royal Family on their Arrival at the Tuileries. p. 35 CHAPTER XVII. Some principal Members of the National Affembly retire — The Reyal Family lodge in the Palace of the Tuileries— The Duke of Orleans goes to England — Scarcity — A Baker murdered1 — Decrees for the Suppreffiori of Ififur- rtclions — -Robefpierre oppofes them — Plan for General Election every two Tears — RefeBions. p. 58 CHAPTER XVIII. Decree refpccling Bankrupts — Opinion of Mirabeau on that Subject — of the Duke of Rocbfcacauh — Abolition of Mo- ndflertes — for appropriating the Church Lands— Abo-- ■ ''lition of Titles — RefeBions on that Subject, and' on Ar- morial Bearings — Refpetl derived from Antiquity of Fa- mily—The EffeB 'which the Creation of Peers has on it. .■.P.\87 , CHAPTER XIX. Plans- of the ' Ntiblejfe and Parliaments for Reftflance 'ill ■combined aiuhinefjecl-iial--- Endeavour to deprive the Na- tional Affembly bf the public Confidence — Paper War — The ill ConduB of the French ha J injured the Caufe of Freedom more than the Arguments of their Enemies— The Red Book — MiJ under/landing between M. Necker and M. Camus— Power of Peace and War. p. 1 17 1 . . . • . CHAPTER XX. Pvepat-ations for the Ceremony of the Confederation — Duke vf Orleans rgfurns to Paris — Offence taken at the Man- ner mr>'ofydi/}ributing Tickets-^— Ceremony — Jealoiify "aft& Mijunderflanding between the Officers of the Troops of the Line and the National Guards — An InfurreHion at Nancy— M. de Bouille ordered to march to that Town — ■Heroic Action of a young Officer — Dreadful Scene of Slaughter — Effect it produced at the Capital. p. 152 . CHAPTER XXI. M. Necker retires — Reftetlions on tJmt Event — Inveteracy of the French againfi- Min'ifters of State and Ecclefiaflia - — Long Habit more neceffary to acquire Excellence in bodily than in mental Exertions — The National Affembly tnfjls that the King /hall fanclion their Decree, obliging the Clergy to take' the Oath to the Confitution — The Pope dij approves of it — '-the Effect this has on the Minds of the People — The King's Aunts determine to leave France and go to Rome. p'. 180 CHAPTER XXII. Death and Char abler of Mirabeau — Infurretlion of the Po- pulace of Paris— Chevaliers du Poignard — The Royal Family fopped as • they were going to St. Cloud — Re- fieclions— Exceffive Infolence of the Rabble— Societe Fra- ternelle — Libels. p. 2IO CHAPTER XXIII. Obfervaticns 'on the different Condutl of Men to Monarchy in Profperityand in Adverfity — The Indignation former- lymaiiifefed by the French Nation againfl the Englifh for their Condutl to%imrds their Kings — Suppofed Dia- logue between Lewis XIV. and one of his Courtiers — All Attempts to alter Men's Opinions vain — Anecdote of one of f vi J ■qf the Chevalier St. Meard's Judges— A Republican Government often tyrannical — Britijh Houfe if Peers—' ■Refleclions — Rajl) Decrees of the Legifative Affembly— The French Nation no way interefted in e/labli/hing a ■ Republic in "England or other Countries. p. 255 CHAPTER XXIV. The National Afembly avoid any Inquiry concerning the Infults offered to the King — Strange Aidrefs of the De- partment of Paris to the King — Cardinal of Montmo- rency and Bijhop of Senlis refign their Offices — King's Chaplains difmiffed— -The King hears Mafs performed by a Conflitutional Prieft on Eafer-day — M. La Fayette refigns his Command, and afterwards at the Entreaty of the Troops ref times it — King's Declaration to Foreign Courts — It has a bad Effecl — Done againjl the Opinion of M. Montmorin — Scheme concerted with the Emperor for re-e/lab/ijhing the King's Authority. p. 282 CHAPTER XXV. The Royal Family efcape from Paris — are flopped at Va* rennes — Various Incidents on that Occafon — They are obliged to return to Paris — Refleclions. p 327 CHAPTER XXVI. The Conduct of the National /ffembly — Of the Par if a). ■Populace — The King and £hteen examined by Commif f oners from the Ajjembly — Su'pofion of the King from his Public FunB'u 'is — Univerfal Difcvffor.s — Le Repub- licain — M. de Condorcet — M. Briffit — k'bcjpierre. P- 355 CHAP- [ vii ] CHAPTER XXVir. A curious Account of Petion by Robe/pier re — M. Barnsve — Tumultuous affembling in the Champ de Mars'—Two Perfons maffacred by the Mob — M. La Fayette, at the Head of the National Guards, attacks and difperfes the Mob-~~Danton — Camille Defmoulins — Marat — Char- lotte Corde — Reflections — Dijfolution of the Conjlituenl AJfembly. P- 392 CHAPTER XXVIII. The Legifative Affembly — The King determined to adhere fcrupuloujly to the Conf itution- — The Gironde determined on a Republic— The King's Houfehold Guards — Forma- tion of the King's and the Queen's Houfehold — A new Hardfinp put on the Clergy — The Veto exercifed — Con- fufton this produces in the AJfembly — Unforefeen Events in the Revolution — Difagreement among the King*s Mi- nijlers — M. de Narbonne — M. de Bertrand — Admini- Jlration diffolved. p. 426 CHAPTER XXIX. The Jacobin Adminijl 'ration — War with the Emperor — The Auflrian Committee revived — Memoirs of Madame de la Motte — The King's Houfehold Troops reduced — Seditious Scenes in the Gardens of the Tuileries — Divi- fions in the Council — Decree for an Army of Twenty Thoufand Men — Views of the Jacobins — Obfervations of Camille Defmoulins — King negatives the Decrees — > Roland difmiffcd—'Dumouriev reftgns — M. La Fayette writes [ via ] •writes to the National Affemhly — Appears at the Bar— A Project for the Escape of the Royal Family — Refec- tions on the Behaviour of the Ki/:g3 Ghieeny'ana1 Pr'\ncefs , Elizabeth. p. 457 A VIEW A VIEW or THE CAUSES and PROGRESS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. CHAPTER XV. Daring Co?iducl of Mirabeau — The Rabble arrive at Verf allies — A Deputation of Pol f fardes accompany that of the National Af fembly to the King — He gives a conciliatory An fiver to the former ; and the fame Night ajfents to the Decrees of the AJfembly — M. La Fayette, with the P drift an Army, ar~ rives at Midnight — The Court, the Depu- ties, and M. La Fayette, retire to Refi — The VOL. II. B Palace ( 2 ) Palace unexpectedly attacked in the Morn- ing— Various Scenes of Horror — Infolence of the Rabble — Magnanimous Behaviour of tlje £{ueen — T'he Royal Family carried to Paris "—Reception there. nj^HE King having poftponed his aflent to the decrees, which had pafTed in the National Afiembly, and had been prefented to him by M. Mounicr their Prefident, the Aflembly became more and more impatient on account of this delay. Nothing is a furer indication of weaknefs, in every fenfe of the word, than betraying fymptoms of hefitation and uriwillingnefe to do what is exacted of us, and what it is clear we muft do after all. The hefitation of the Court in the prefent inftance injured their caufe in various ways. It difpofed the public to give credit to thofe who were continually aflert- ing, that the King considered his intereft as 6 oppofite ( 3 ) Oppbfite to that of the People ; and it pro* voked fome of the Deputies to a petulance of language inconlifcent with the refpect due to the King. " II me female," faid Mirabeau, " qu'on pourroit faire au Roi une addrqfTe, dans, laquelle on lui parleroit avec cette franchife et cette verite, qu'un fou de Philippe mettoit dans ces paroles trivi- ales : £>ue, fcrois-ti^ Philippe, fi tout k monde difoit non qiiand tu dis oui* ?" In the courfe of the fame debate, Petion declaimed againft the tranfactions at the en- tertain in ent of the Life Guards, which was the fir ft time that any notice had been taken of it in the AiTembly; and he afTerted, that many things had occurred at that entertain- * It appears t© me, that in an addrefs to the King it would not be improper to fpeak with the fame-frank- nefs and truth that the court fool of Philip conveyed in this fentence : " What would you do, Philip, if all the world faid No when you faid Yes ?" B 2 ment ( 4 ) meat of a highly criminal nature : on which M. Monfpay obferved, that "vague infinu- ations ought nor to be regarded ; that Petion was therefore bound to mention the names of the guilty perfons, reduce his accufation to writing, and to fign it. To this Petion made no anfwer -, but it was generally underftood that the Queen and the Duke de Guiche, Colonel of the Life Guards, were the perfons whom he had chiefly in view. As Petion feemed to lhrink from this challenge, Mirabeau rofe and faid, " Je commence par declarer que je regarde comme fouverainement impolitique la de- nonciation qui vient d'etre provoquee : ce- pendant, fi on perilfte a. la demander, je fuis pret? moi, a fournir tous les details et a les figner; mais auparavant, je demande que cette x^ffemblee declare que la perfonne du Roi eft Jhik inviolable j et que tous les autres ( 5 ) autres individus de l'Etat, quels qu'ils foient, font egalement fujets et refponfables devant laloi*." At the earned requeft of M. Mounier the Prefident, M. Monfpay withdrew his mo- tion, by which the agitation of a queftion was prevented which might have had the moft fatal confequences. Mirabeau then moved, that the Prefident, at the head of a deputation, mould wait on the King with an expoftulatory addrefs, requeuing him to give a -pure and Jtrnple fanction to the articles of the Declaration of Rights and the Conftitution which had been already * I begin by declaring, that I confider the defiance which has been made as highly imprudent ; bur, if it is infifted on, I am ready to give a circumftantial account of the whole, and to fign it \ but previoufly I expedl that this AfTembly fhall declare that the perfon of the King alone is inviolable ; and that all the other indivi- duals in the State, whofoever they may be, are lubjecl and refponfible to law. B 3 prefented ( 6 ) prefented to him ; for the reply which the King had made was rather a comment on the articles than an explicit anfwer. Ro- berfpierre faid, that fo far from being an ac- ceptance it was a cenfure. The deputation was immediately decreed ; but before the members were appointed, the firft tumultuous band that had left Paris, conducted by Maillard, arrived at Verfailles. A detachment of the moft furious of the Poiflardes belonging to it marched directly to the National Affembly, and were on the point of forcing the Guards at the gate, when the Aflembly prudently decreed, that they mould be admitted. Maillard gave a ftrong proof of the in- fluence he had over thofe women. He prevailed on them to permit him to fpeak for them, and to reftrain their tongues while he fpoke. He faid " they had come to de- mand bread, of which there was a great fear- city at Paris, and this fcarciry artificially brought ( 7 ) brought on by traitors. He added, that they had likewife come to punifh the Gardes-du- Corps, who had offered an affront to the patriotic cockade ; that it was criminal to wear any other ; and that he would fhew the Affembly how both the black cockades and thofe who wore them ought to be treat- ed." Ke then took a cockade of that co- lour, and tore it in pieces with every mark of indignation. His fpeech and action having excited fome murmurs, " What," faid he, " are we not all brethren ?" The Prefident obferved, that, notwithstanding their being all brethren, ftill it was unlaw- ful to tear people in pieces merely for wear- ing cockades of a wrong colour. By this time the patience of the women was quite exhaufted. They could keep filence no longer ; but as they began their remonftrances all together, it was a con- fiderable time before it could be diftin- B 4 guifhed ( § ) guifhed that the grievance they chiefly in- fifted on was the fcarcity of bread. The Prefident declared, that the A Memory werejuft going to deliberate on thefpeedieft means of procuring it, and added that the ladies might withdraw. Initead of taking this hint, however, the ladies feated themfelves without ceremony on the benches with the Deputies. They did not liften to the debates with the fame filence which they had preferved during Maillard's harangue ; but took a degree of interelt in them which muft have been embarrafhng to all, and peculiarly fo to the orators whofe difcourfe they difap- proved. " Parle done, Depute I" they called to one ; " Tals-toi, Depute !" to another. Sometimes, inftead of Depute, they addref- fed the fpeakers whom they did not relifh by appellations too vile to be mentioned. In conference of a decree which had palled ( 9 ) paffed Immediately before the arrival of the Poiflardes, M. Mounier and fifteen Deputies went out of the hall. They were again to addrefs the King to give a fimple aiTent, unclogged with conditions, to the articles which had been prefented to him on the 2d. As ibon as the Poiflardes underftood this, a number of them infilled on accompanying the Prefident to the King. M. Mounier, with fome difficulty, prevailed on them to limit the number to fix. The deputation of the National AfTembly, with their new afibciates, walked under a heavy fhower of rain between two rows of an intermingled multitude of armed men and women, from the hall of the AfTembly to the palace. When they arrived at the gate, a band of Poiflardes who followed, inftead of adhering to the treaty, infilled that twelve of their number fhould enter the King's apartment with, the Prefident. This new requifition was ( io ) was complied with, as it muft have been! had they infifted upon a hundred. The Prefident being introduced, with the deputation from the A (Terribly, and the twelve reprefentadves of the PoilTurde army^ made an affecting difcourfe to the King on the deplorable fcarcity of provifions, and the confuilon refulting from it in the capital. His Majefty replied in the fame ftyle, la- menting, the diftrefles of the poor in fuch pathetic terms as charmed the PoifTardes ; and they withdrew in full confidence that his Majefty would do all in his power to remedy the evil of which they complained. But when they gave an account of this to their conuituents without, they were accu- fed of having been corrupted by the cour- tiers, threatened with the lantern, and or- dered to return and obtain a written order from the King, for bringing fupplies- of grain from various quarters, and for remov- ing all jhe obftacles which, they afierted, had ( II ) had been artificially created to ftarve the poor, and prevent Paris from being fupplied with provifions. On their return, M. de St. Prieft is faid to have addreffed them in thefe terms : £■ Autrefois vous n'aviez qu'un Roi, et vous ne manquiez pas de pain ; au- jourd'hui, que vous avez douze cents Rois, c'eft a eux qu'il faut en demander *•'* M.- de St. Pi ieft certainly meant to ferve the King, by reminding the people that there was not fuch a fcarcity of provifions under a fingle King as under a great many: but to thofe who are in want of daily bread it is dangerous to fay any thing, which con- veys the idea, that Kings and fcarcity are at all connected ; becaufe they may come to draw the conclufion which the French po- pulace were foon after taught, namely, that * Formerly you had only one King, 2nd you were ill no want of bread; at prefent, when you have twelve hundred Kings, you mull demand it from them. Kings ( w ) Kings were great devourers of poor people's provifions ; and that, as the people were bet- ter provided under one King than under many, they would fare ftill better if they had no King at all to provide for. When M. Mirabeau accufedM. St. Prieft afterwards in the Affembly on account of this fpeech, he denied that he had ever made it. But, however that may be, M. de St. Prieft delivered to the Poiflardes a paper ligned by the King to the efFe£t required, which fatisfied thofe who fent them. Al- though nothing feems more abfurd than to fuppofe that any meafures had been taken by the King or his Minifters to occafion an artificial famine, or to prevent the capital from being fupplied with provifions, yet fuch affertions were often made by the fedi- tious, and as often believed by the ignorant. During thofe tranfactions the rabble be- fore the outer gates of the palace, endea- 8 vouring ( 13 ) vouring to force themfelves into the great Court, were repulfed by the Gardes-du- Corps ; and one of them, who happened to be an inhabitant of Verfailles, being wound- ed, the National Guards of that town fired on the Body Guards, and the moft fatal con- fequences feemed on the point of taking place, but were fortunately prevented before any perfon was killed on either fide. M. Mounier had addrefled the King on the fcarcity of provifions only, while the Poiffardes remained; but when they were withdrawn, he prefented the Articles of the Conftitution for the King's acceptance : but fo great was his reludance, that he allowed M. Mounier to remain in attendance from fix in the evening till near ten, being during all this interval balancing whether he fhould faneYion them in the manner required by the AiTembly, or not ; and then order- ing the Prefident into his prefence,- he, with ( H ) with a very bad grace, gave his fimple a£ fent, as was exacted from the beginning. Although there was an elegance and dig- nity in the manners of Charles I. of Great Britain, of which thofe of Lewis XVI. were entirely devoid ; and although their characters were difFerent in many other re- ipetts ; yet the conduct of the latter on the prefent occafion has a ftriking refemblance to that of the former when the Petition of Right was prefented to him by the Com- mons. After ufing various methods to turn the Commons from their intention, which only confirmed them more fteadily in it, Charles ftrove to elude the petition by vague and indeterminate anfwers, inftead of grace- fully complying with it or courageoufly re- jecting it at once ; and, after fundry attempts at evafion, he was at laft reduced to anfvver the petition in the ufual concife and clear form by which a bill is confirmed. M. Mounier ( Pi ) ■ M. Moimier having returned to the hall, and mod of the Deputies being tired with fo long and fo turbulent a fitting, retired to their apartments. They were foon difturb- ed, however, and recalled to the Affembly, on the arrival of M. La Fayette and the Pa~ rifian army. Whatever alarm an expedition, the object of which they knew not, might occafion in the breads of the Deputies, it was foon re- moved by the conduct of M. La Fayette, who, after having waited on the King, pre- fented himfelf to the National Affembly with every appearance of refpecT: and fub- miffion. He lamented to M. Mounier the diforders and jealoufies which had obliged him to march at the head of the National Guards to Verfailles ; exprefiing at the fame time his hope and belief, that an apology from the Gardes-du- Corps, and their adop- tion of the National cockade, would produce am ( «6 ) an oblivion of the paft and a good under* {landing in future. It was midnight when the Parifian army arrived at Verfailles. The weather was cold 5 and it continued to rain with violence. The foldiers took refuge in taverns, coffee-houfesj under porticos, wherever they could reft, and find fhelter. Refrefhments were diftri- buted among them ; and an appearance of good humour infpired hopes that all danger of tumult was over for that night at lead. When M. La Fayette perceived this, he returned to the palace, and gave fuch an ac- count of this apparent tranquillity, that the King and Queen retired to reft. Having appointed different guards, and placed fen- tinels where he judged it neceffary, M. La Fayette again entered the National Aflem- bly, and gave M. Mounier the fame aflur- ances that he had given the King. Notwith- (landing the great need that the Prefident of ( «? ) of the Aflembly, after fo very diftrefling a fitting of eighteen hours, muft have had of repofe, he told M. La Fayette, that if he had any fear of tumults in the night, he was ready to remain in the hall, and to per- fuade his brother Deputies to do the fame, that they might unite their efforts with his for the prefervadon of peace. La Fayette anfwered, that, having already given the neceflary directions, he was fo convinced of the general pacific difpofition, that he was himfelf going to take a few hours reft. It has been aflerted by M. La Fayette's enemies, that he affeSicd to retire to reft, knowing that the palace was to be at- tacked, that he might not be thought to have any part in the horrid attempt which took place during his abfence. But whatever blame he may be charged with for not taking more effectual means for guarding the palace, or for giving way to vol; ii, C the • ( i8 ) the defire of reft at fuch a period, the excef- five fatigues both of mind and body which he had undergone, precludes .the fufpicion of affectation ; and 'his conduct from the moment he was awaked, as well as his ge- neral behaviour and character through life, muft fatisfy the candid and impartial, that the accufation is unjuit, and that he had not the lead notion when he retired that the caftle would be attacked. Notwithstanding fome fcenes of confu* fion which no activity could prevent, the manner in which he fupprefled the great infurrection in the Champ de Mars on the 17th of the following July, and the ftate of tranquillity in which Paris was kept during the whole time that M. La Fayette had«the command of the National Guards, compar- ed with the horrid fcenes that were acted there after it was entrufted to others, afford reafon to believe that it would have been fortunate for the Royal Family, and for France., ( '9 ) France, that he had been continued in that command ; in which cafe the infurrectipn of the ioth of Auguft would not have hap- pened ; or, if it had, the iflue would proba- bly have been different, and the maffjicres in September would certainly have been prevented. M, La Fayette retired to reft about three or four in the morning; and, at about fix, different groups of the rabble of both fexes, who had left Paris the preceding day, and had been fpending the night in drink- ing, met near the palace. It was evident that M. La Fayette's orders were ill obeyed, The external courts were unguarded in fe- veral places. It was prepofed by fome of this united band of ruffians to attack the Gardes-du-Corps, who were few in number. This was no fooner propofed than executedi Without meeting with any refiflance from the National Militia of Verfailles, thofe wretches rufhed furioufly acrofs the courts^ C 2 crying* ( 20 ) crying, " Tuez les Gardes-du-Corps, point de quartier." Two of thofe gallant men were killed, others wounded and driven within the palace. One party of the affail- ants, with horrid threats and imprecations, attempted to force their way into the apart- ments of the Queen. M. de Miomandre, having given the alarm to thofe in the inner chamber that the Queen's life was in dan- ger, oppofed the entrance of the murderers with heroic gallantry, until he fell covered with honourable wounds. Two wretche?, dreflfed like Foifiardes and armed with pikes, ftepping over his body, rufhed into the Queen's bed chamber. They exprefled redoubled rage on finding that (he had efcaped. The terrified Princefs had run half naked into the King's chamber. He on his part had at the firft alarm haitened to hers by another paffage ; and fome of the atten- dants, anxious for the life of the Dau- 7 • Pn^» ( 21 ) phin, had run and fetched him from the children's apartment; and when the King returned to his own chamber, he found the young Prince in the arms of his mother. The Marquis de la Fayette, whofe lodg- ings were in the town at fome diftance from the palace, as foon as he was in- formed thatit was attacked, ftarted from his bed, mounted his horfe, and having fum- moned a company of grenadiers, many of whom had formerly belonged to the Gardes Francoifes, and were now incorporated with the National Troops, conjured them to ac- company him to the palace, and fave the Royal Family from afTaffi nation, and the French name from lading infamy. They arrived as the ruffians were attempting to force the King's apartment. The firft thought that occurred to the humane mind of the King, after finding his own family protected, was to fave the Body C 3 Guards, ( 22 ) Guards, who were purfued and fearched for with fan^u':nary fury by the affaflins. He recommended them in the moft earned terms to M. La Fayette and his grenadiers. Fifteen of the Gardes-du-Corps, who had oppofed the firft entrance of the mob into the palace, having been furrounded and overpowered, were ftill in the hands of thofe favares, who were preparing to put them to death at the bottom of the grand ftair- cafe. M Grenadiers," cried La Fayette to his foldiers, " fouffrirez-vous done que de braves gens foient ainfi lachement alTaf- fines*?" The Gardes-du-Corps, under the protec- tion of the Grenadiers, were immediately conducted into the palace, while La Fayette endeavoured to footh and mollify the po- pulace. * Grenadiers, will you then fuffer thofe brave men to be affalTinated in that cowardly manner ? Eight ( 23 3 Eight other gentlemen of the Gardes- du* Corps, moftly old officers, having been driven from the palace, were concealed in one room in the town. A party of the moft profligate of the Paris mob were in- formed where they were, feized them, and conducted them back on purpofe to put them to death dire&ly under the King's windows ; in which avowed defign they were not oppofed by the Militia of Ver- failles. One of the prifoners, an old officer with gray hairs, addreffing the multitude, faid : " Notre vie eft entre vos mains ; vous pouvez nous egorger ; mais vous ne l'abre- gerez que de quelques inftans ; et nous ne mourroas pas delhonores *."' An officer of the Parifian National Guards, ftruck with this fhort addrefs, and the un- * Our lives are in your power ; you may murder us ; but that will abridge our lives but a fhort time ; and we foall not die dishonoured. C 4 daunted ( 24 ) daunted military looks of the prifoners, bur ft through the crowd, threw his arms around the venerable officer's neck, and cried, " Non, nous n'egorgerons pas de braves gens comme vous *." Thofe who hitherto had been paffive Spectators, and would have continued fo to the confummation of the intended wicked- nefs, affected by the words and fired by the example of the Parifian officer, immediately joined their efforts to his, and faved the gentlemen from the fwords of thofe mm> derers. As foon as M. Mounier heard of thefe tranfadtions, he haftened to the National Affembly, and made a propofal, which was fupported by other Deputies, that the Na- tional Affembly mould be immediately trans- ferred to the grand faloon of the palace, that they might at once affift his Majefty * No, we will not put to death brave men like you. with ( 25 ) with their advice, and contribute to his pro- tection at fuch an alarming crifis. But Mi- rabeau exclaimed, " Je m'y oppofe ; il n'eft pas de notre dignite, il n'eft pas meme fage, de dcferter notre pofte, au moment ou des dangers tmaginaires ou reels femblent mena- cer la chofe publique *." At a time when all the AiTembly mufl have known that armed ruffians had afTault- ed the palace, murdered the guard?, and forced their way into the royal apartments, to talk of dignity, and exprefs doubts of the reality of the King's danger, required all that unfhaken effrontery which Mirabeau pof- fefled. No part of his conduct expofes riim to the fufpicion of being connected in fome degree with the infurrecVion,fo much as this. The mod dignified conduct the Affembly could have followed would have been to * It is unbecoming our dignity, it is even unwifej for us to defert our poft at a moment when real or ima- ginary dangers feem to threaten the public. have ( *6 ) have adopted the generous propofal of their Prefident. The King's mind was greatly afFetled with the death of the guards who had fallen in his' defence ; and, notwithstanding all the aflurances of M. La Fayette, while he walk- ed through his palace accompanied and pro- tected by the General, he was making con- tinual enquiries refpecting the Gardes- du- Corps ; and his anxiety carried him fo far at la ft, that he appeared at the balcony, a£» furing the crowd below, that they had been unjuftly accufed, and even interceding in their favour. Some of the populace calling out for the Queen, fhe appeared at the balcony with the Dauphin and the Princefs Royal at her fide, No tyrant, giddy with the plenitude of power, ever pufhed the wantonnefs of def- potifm to a more difgufting length than the wretches who filled the courts below. In- ftead of being moved at this mark of coo* defcenfjon, ( 27 ) defcenfion, fome cf the barbarians called out and what little they have is faid to be of a very cold and phlegmatic nature. James II. however was one cf the moft unpopular Princes that ever fat on their throne: he provoked them to the higheft degree, by perfidious defigns againft their liberty, and open attacks on 3 t^ie^r ( 37 ) their religion : yet when the funfhine of his profperity was overcaft with the blackeft clouds of adverfity ; when his favourites, his relations, his very children, forfook him ; and when, endeavouring to fly from the ftorm, he was flopped at Feverfham, and brought back a prifoner to his capital -, how was this ungracious King, thus overwhelm- ed with calamity, received by the Englifh people ? They were fo much moved with compaflion for his unhappy fate, fo much affected with the fight of diftreffed royalty, that they forgot the King's mifconducl by contemplating his misfortunes ; the excefs of his mifery operated in his favour as if it had been virtue ; and the dying embers of loyalty began to revive within their breafts, and to glow with more fervour than ever. This alarmed the Prince of Orange •, for al- though he could have formed no idea of fuch fenfibility from any feelings of his own, yet the fympathy of the Engliih nation did D 3 not ( 33 ) not efcape his difcernment : he began to dread that companion for their unfortunate Monarch would cool their gratitude to him- felf. He therefore immediately opened every door and port which could have oppofed James's withdrawing from the kingdom, and made ufe of every art that could induce the infatuated Monarch to adopt that meaiure. Such was the impreffion which the misfor- tunes of James made on the hearts of the in- habitants of the fouthern part of this iiland. As for thofe of the north, fo far was the at- tachment of his friends there from depending on his profperity, that their fteady, though ill-placed, loyalty never was more firm ; nor were they ever more ready to lhed their blood in his caufe and that of his pofterity, than after they were wretched exiles aban- doned by all the reft of the world. As there is much reafon to believe, that the infurreclion at Paris was begun by a fet of wretches hired for the purpofe ; and as none ( 39 ) none of the democratic party had the means of fo exteniive a bribery except the Duke of Orleans, it is pretty generally fuppofed that he was the firft mover of the whole ; and that he acted in conj unction with Mi- rabeau. Whatever truth there may be in the firft fuppofition, there is great reafon to think the fecond is ill founded. Some time previous to the month of October, a Secret Committee, confiding of the Duke of Orleans, Meflrs. Mirabeau, La Clos*, L'Abbe Sieyes, La Touche Treville, met at the village of Monrouge near Paris, and agreed on a fcheme for placing the Duke of Orleans in fuch a diftine;uifhed fituation 'to' * M. La Clos was an officer of artillery, of eminence in his profeffion, and flill more diflinguilhed for his wit. He is author of a romance entitled "Les Liaifons Dan- gereufes," written with great fpirit, but in which the profligate manners of the French are painted with a glow which offends modefty. This performance ac- quired to him the patronage oftheDuke of Orleans. D 4 in ( 4o ) in the government, that, by the afliftancc of his fortune and under the influence of his name, this junto would have the command of the mob of Paris, and a decifive weight in the National AfTembly. At the critical period after the taking of the Baftile, but before the King had yielded to the urgent and frequent remonftrances of the National AfTembly for difmifling his new Minifters, and ordering the troops to withdraw from the neighbourhood of Paris, Mirabeau thought that a fortunate moment for the Duke to obtain the fituation which he wifhed to fee him placed in. The Duke being then at Verfailles, Mira- beau ftated to him the alarm under which the Minifters and the whole Court were, on account of the uncertain ftate of events at Paris, the figns of defection in the troops, and other circumftances which rendered it probable that nothing he could afk would be refufed ; and perfuaded him to go di- rectly ( 4« ) redly and demand an audience of the King, to offer his fervices for the reftoration of the public tranquillity, and to requeft at the fame time that he himfelf might be ap- pointed Lieutenant General of the Kingdom, When Orleans entered the caftle of Ver- failles, there was every appearance of alarm and confufion. Exaggerated accounts had been juft received of fcenes of bloodshed at Paris : the ladies of the court were crofting the apartments in tears — fome recommend- ing themfelves to the protection of the of- ficers, who were hurrying out with orders, or returning with frefh rumours of the trans- actions in the capital. The Cabinet Coun- cil was fitting, without being able to decide what meafures mould be adopted. The Duke of Orleans waited till it broke up. The terror which appeared in every coun- tenance, and which fpread like a contagion, a^ length fdzed his own breaft. It ought, no ( 4* ) no doubt, to have had a contrary effect: the confufion and difmay which he obferv- ed around him ought to have rendered him more ferene, and confirmed him in his pur- pofe ; fince they increafed the probability that all his demands would be granted : but men under the influence of fear cannot rea- fon. Ignorant of what the Council had refolved on, dreading what they might pof- fibly do if provoked, the Duke accofled the King with a beating heart, and was quite difconcerted when the Monarch demanded what his bufinefs was. Confcious guilt, and an inftantaneous pang for the injuries he me- ditated againft the perfon he addrefTed, pro- bably added to his confufion. Afraid to utter what he had been inftructed to fay, and un- der the neceflity of faying fomething, he afeed permiffion to make a journey to Eng- land, in cafe the prefent difliubances mould increafe. Nothing ( 43 ) Nothing could furpafs the indignation with which Mirabeau heard of the refult of an affair on which he had founded fome ambitious hopes ; and he hardly ever after mentioned the Duke of Orleans but in terms full of contempt. What could tempt the Duke of Orleans to take any part in a revo- lution,where he had fo much to lofe and fo little to gain, feems difficult to account for. His fituation, in point of rank and fortune, was infinitely, fupericr to that which any talent^ quality, or claim he poflefTed, except that of birth, could ever have raifed him to. The idea of ranking men according to their intrinfic value, and removing artificial dis- tinctions, ought to have appeared as dreadful to him as it does to thoufands all over Eu-» rope, who ficken and tremble at the thought, from confcioufnefs that it would preclude every mark of refpecl that is now fhewn them. A fit of childifh ill-humour at the Court rendered him the tool of a few men devoid ( 44 ) devoid of principle but endowed with ta- lents, whom he expected to govern, and who he imagined would continue as obfe- quious and fubordinate to him through all the mazes and confufions of a revolution as they were in times of tranquillity. He did not confider, that although the former are often the harvefts of wicked men, yet it is only of wicked men of intrepidity and talents. He did not confider, that it is only in times of order that men of mediocrity retain pre-eminence, and that genius bends before it. The delufions of felf-love mult have ftrangely obfcured the penetration of the Duke of Orleans to hinder him from feeing this. No man in France was more interefted than he was to prevent the pro- grefs of the Revolution. The very name of Egalite ought to have founded ominous and harm to his ears as the croaking of ten thoufand ravens ; and fo it would have done, had it not been for the delufive felf-love al- ready ( 45 ) ready mentioned, and that thoughtlefs levity which belonged to his chara&er, and feems to have run through his race. Among thofe from whom he was de- fended, and who bore the fame name, there was not one of an elevated or even of a fteady character : weaknefs and frivolity feem to have pervaded the whole family, with the exception of one ; and he, by the profligacy of his manners, diihonoured a great fliare of good nature, and another qua- lity, which is not always united with good nature, namely a very brilliant wit. M. Egalite has been thought to have inherited all the qualities of his anceftors, without excepting a certain portion of the laft. Was it a love of popularity that allured this unhappy man into the vortex of the Revolution ? No man living, perhaps, ever defpifed public opinion more than the Duke of Orleans : and he paid the ufual tax im- poftd on that kind of contempt ; for no man of ( 46 ) of his rank and riches was ever more defpifed by the public. A little before the Revolution, it is true, he began to alter his conduct, and givefome indications of an inclination to acquire popularity. During a dearth he ordered diftributions of bread to be made among the people, and relieved the inhabitants of the towns and i.he peafantry of his lands from certain oppreffive rights to which he had a claim. This very conduct might have ren- dered him fufpected ; for we do not find thofe fudden changes in the characters of men in real life, that are often to be met with among the perfonse dramatis. A vi- cious man does not become virtuous in an infbnt. When one of fuch a character, therefore, is fuddenly feized with a fit of oftentatious benevolence, it may juftly create a fufpicion that it is for fome ill purpofe. The applaufe, however, which the Duke of Orleans received on this occafion, feemed 8 to ( 47 ) to confirm his new tafte for popularity, and encouraged him to make the famous proteft for which he was for a fhort time exiled from court, and obliged to live on one of his eftates. The refentinent againft the King on this account, and againft the Queen on account of her diflike of him, which (he took no pains to conceal, was carefully kept up by men who had an intereft in his con- tinuing in oppofition to the Court ; and thofe men, affifted by his own levity of cha- racter and his affectation of Englifh man- ners, infpired him with a tafte for politics for which he had no natural turn, and gra- dually led him from one ftep to another into meafures as contrary to his own inte- reft as to that of the Court. The proceffion that was made through the ftreets of Paris in the preceding July of his buft, had probably contributed to render his head more giddy than ufual, and more ready to follow the counfel of thofe who urged ( 48 ) urged him to promote, by his emiflaries and money, the infurre&ion which carried the Parifian army to Verfailles, for the purpofe of either forcing the King to fly out of the kingdom, or of obliging him, and ofcourfe the National AfTembly, to refide at Paris 3 by which the Duke expected that his own influence would be augmented, and the power of the Crown reduced, fo as to fecure himfelf from the fate he had reafdn to ex- pect, if it fhould ever recover its ancient vigour* But that he had formed any plan for the afTaffination of the King is not to be cre- dited : 1 ft, Becaufe the refearches made by the Court of Chatelet, which {hewed fufFf- cient zeal for finding matter of condemna- tion againft him, made no fuch difcovery. 2d, Becaufe, to have placed the Duke of Orleans on the throne, the death not only of the King and Dauphin, and Monfieur the King's eldeft brother, was neceflary, but alfo ( 49 ) alfo the profcription of the Comte d'Artols, and his fons ; which fuppofes a degree of atrocity beyond the wickednefs of the Duke of Orleans, wicked as he was ; for although that fpecies of profligacy which belonged to the Duke of Orleans' character makes a man liable to have every kind of wicked- nefs readily believed of him, yet it may be unconnected with any cruelty of difpofition. His voting for the King's death is given as a proof of his cruelty ; but there is reafon to think that he was terrified into it, and that it is only a proof of his want of cou- rage, ^dly, Becaufe thofe wretches who burfl: into the Queen's bed-chamber directed their threats and their attempts againft her, and not the King; which, on the fuppofition that the infurrection had been raifed with a view of placing the Duke of Orleans on the throne, they would have done. Befide, although the Duke himfelf was a man likely to be feduced into fchemes for vol. J I. E which ( s° ) which he had neither tafte nor talents, yet he was devoid of that daring ambition which excites to hazardous crimes, regnandi gratia ; for all his ideas were grovelling, and all his pleafures fenfual. On the whole, it is moll probable that he was prompted to lavifh his money in raifing this infurrection by a few men at this time in his confidence, with a view to difconcert the meafures of the Court; while their grand object was to have their patron placed in fome fituation of great influence in the go- vernment, not for his own fake, but that through him they might obtain lucrative offices. With refpeft to Mirabeau, it is evident that he did not act in concert with the Duke of Orleans ; and it does not appear that he had any hand in exciting the infur- reclion : but he certainly endeavoured to turn it to his own purpofes when excited, by promoting the removal of the King and National ( 51 ) National AfTembly to Paris, where he ex- pected, from the efforts of his own genius, to acquire a degree of importance fuperior to what he could expect from the patronage of the Duke of Oi leans, by rendering his influence in the National AfTembly, and of courfe his weight with the Court, greater than it was while they remained at Ver- failles. He preferred a monarchy to a re- public— but fuch a monarchy as mould leave the King in a great meafure depend- ent on men of talents and popularity, be- ing convinced that he himfelf poiTefTed more of both than any member of the AfTembly. He actedj however, fometimes in conceit with men who were inclined to a republic, and whofe fch ernes he would probably have rendered abortive if he had lived. But, although neither the Duke of Or- leans nor thofe who had the management of him had made the afiaflination of the . King or Queen an article in this infurrec- E 2 tiort ( $ ) tion and confpiracy, they could not be ig- norant that their murder might have been the confequence. The calumnies and mif- reprefentations which had been circulated to excite the multitude to go to Verfailles, were of a nature to have carried fome of the mod fanatical or moft furious of the mob beyond the letter of their inductions ; and there can be little doubt but that thofe who murdered the Gardes- du-Corps at the door of the Queen's apartment, and forced into her bed-chamber, intended her deftruclion ; and if the King had been found with her, they would both in all probability have met with the fame fate. Therefore all the guih which belongs to men who muft have fore- feen the poffibility of fuch a horrid cata- ftrophe, and took no means to prevent it, falls upon the firft movers of this infurrec- tion ; and that the murder both of the King and Queen was fometimes in the thoughts of fome of the wretches employed in this expedition,, ( Si ) expedition, appears from the teftimony of thofe who declared, that on the march to Verfailles four perfons, in the drefs of wo- men, having flopped to drink at a tavern at Seve, one faid to the others, " Ma foi, je ne peux me refoudre a. le tuer, lui; cela n'efl pas jufte ; mais pour elle, volontiers :" to which another was overheard to anfwer, " Sauve qui peut, il faudra voir quand nous y ferons *." The project of bringing the King to Paris had been taken up and executed in too fudden and rapid a manner to allow time for the Louvre, which had been long out of repair, to be decently fitted up for the re- ception of the Royal Family ; but the con- trail between the meanefl lodgings in Paris * On my confeience I cannot bring myfelf to think of killing htm ; it would not be juft ; but as for her I have no fcruple. Let them fave themfelves who can ; we'll fee how things turn out when we get there. E 3 and ( 54 ) and the magnificent apartments of Ver- failles, is not fo great as that between the jftate of mind with which this unhappy fa- mily entered their new refidence and what they had formerly been accuftomed to enr joy. The Queen in particular mull have felt this reverfe, and all the horrors of the dreadful journey, with uncommon feverity ; for her temper and turn of mind had ren- dered her enjoyment of the prefent, undif- turbed by reflection on the paji or fear of the future — Lrctus in prsefens animus, quod ultra eft Odcrit curare \ et amara lento Temperet rifu. Sufferings to her were new ! Her morning and alfo her meridian way through life had been hitherto ftrewed with the fofteft and moft fragrant rofe leaves, among which hardly one little thorn had ever accidentally fallen. From the King's firft entrance within the precincts ( 55 ) precincts of the Louvre, his friends had forebodings of what has happened fince. The walls of the Louvre have been like the towers of Julius, With many a foul and midnight murder fed. No wonder, therefore, that to the alarmed imagination of many friends of the Royal Family of France, treafon, aflaffination, and other dreadful fpectres feemed, in prophetic vifion, to haunt that fatal building. Veftibulum ante ipfum Lu&us et ultrices pofuere cubilia Curae Terribiles vifu formae : Lethumque, Laborque : Turn confanguineus Lethi Sopor, et mala mentis Gaudia, mortiferumque adverfo in limine Bellum. Although the King had agreed to go with his family to Paris, in confequence of the requeft of the multitude at a time when it would have been dangerous to have refu- fed, he did not imagine that his conftant E4 refidence ( 5$ ) refidence there was expected, or would have been exacted. On his firft arrival, however, at the Hotel de Ville, he was requefted to permit that afiurances might be given to the people that he intended to fix his abode in the capital. To this he anfwered, that he had not come to a final refolution on that head. The unfortunate Monarch foon found, that thofe who had brought him had come to a final refolution; and he found it necefTary to write a letter to the National Affembly, which began in the following terms : * Messieurs, " Lcs temoignages d'affeclion et de fide- lite que j'ai recus deshabitans de ma bonne ville de Paris, et les inftances de la Com- mune, me determinent a y fixer mon fej our le plus habituel, &c.*" * The proofs of affection and fidelity that I have re- ceived from the inhabitants of my good city of Paris, and the entreaties of the Municipality, have determined me to fix my mod ufual refidence there. Nothing ( S7 ) Nothing can be a ftronger proof of the wretched ftate of controul under which the King was, than this letter ; and it is impof- fible to think, without indignation, of the triumphant derifion with which thofe ex- preflions of partiality for his bonne ville de Paris were read by his enemies. As it had been already decreed, that the National Aflembly and the King were infe- parable during the prefent fefhon, it fol- lowed of courfe that, if he remained at Paris, the AfTembly mull remove there alfo ; but fome members, forefeeing the confequences, objected to this removal, and gave for their reafons that the Deputies would be under the controul of the populace, and in danger of being infulted by them. This argument could have little efle£t, however ; becaufe it was on that very account that thofe who had mod influence with the Aflembly wifh- ecl it to be fixed in the capital. CHAP- ( 58 ) CHAPTER XVII. Some principal Members of the National Af- fembly retire — The Royal Family lodge in the Palace of the Tuileries — The Duke of Orleans goes to England — Scarcity — A Baker murdered — Decrees for the Suppref- fion of Infurreclions— Roberfpierre oppofes them — Plan for General Election every two Tears — Reflections. TV IT MALOUET, perceiving that the Af- fembly would at laft agree to the King's being removed to Paris, propofed, that the decree which rendered the perfons of the Deputies inviolable mould be renew- ed and enforced. M. Malouet's meaning was to fhew to the whole nation, that he confidered the National Rcprefentatives would be in more danger and lefs indepen- dent in the capital than where they had hi- therto (.59 ) therto aflembled ; and he imagined that, by a renewal of the decree, and turning the eyes of the nation on the danger he dread- ed, he would render it lefs than it would other wife be. Mirabeau oppofed this as unneceflary, becaufe there was a decree to that purpofe already ; and he added an affertion which the fubfequent events of the Revolution have not confirmed — namely, that " their characters were fo facred, that the moll unworthy among them, if any of them could be conceived to be unworthy, would be fo protected, that no aflailant would ever be able to reach them, without palling over the dead bodies of many virtuous men, ready to fhed their blood in their defence." While the Affembly were debating on this fubjed:, a deputation from the Commune of Paris entered ; and BrifTot, who at that time belonged to it, pronounced a difcourfe ^xpreflive of the joy of the capital in the expec- ( 6o ) expectation of receiving the National Auem- bly within her bofom ; and afluring them of perfonal protection and the enjoyment of the utmoft freedom of debate j for that the Com- mune of Paris were filled with fentiments of refpedt for the National AfTembly, and defi- rous of opportunities of fhewing their obe- dience to it. Thofe affurances of the Com- mune were afterwards made good in the fame manner as the affertion of Mirabeau. There is little doubt but that BrifTot a&ed in concert with Mirabeau on this occafion ; for although the former was a republican, and the latter wifhed to preferve the mo- narchical form of government, in which he expected to have great weight, they both imagined that their different views would be promoted by the removal of the National Afiembly as well as the King from Ver- failles to Paris. The violence which had been ufed to the Royal Family, and the defign of removing the ( 6t ) the AiTembly to that very place in which the violence originated, difgufted M. Lally- Tolendal and M. Moimier fo much, that, defpairing of being of any fervice to their country as Deputies, they withdrew from the AiTembly and retired to the provinces. Many other Deputies of lefs diftin&ion fol- lowed their example. But M. Mounier did not announce his intention of retiring until he had made a motion for decreeing an order for an enquiry into the maflacres committed on the 6th of October, and for profecuting the authors. It will eafily be believed, that many were difpleafed at any i"uch invefligation. It does honour to M. Mourner's character as a friend of juftice and a man of firmnefs, and to the characters of thofe who fupported his motion, that they perfevered in fpite of all oppofnion until it was carried ; which was the founda- tion of the fubfequent proceedings of the Chatelet on the fubjeft. M. Malouet, ( 62 ) M. Malouet, however, and others who equally difapproved of the violent meafure of removing the King from Verfailles, thought it their duty to remain, in the hopes of obtain- ing for their country a Conftitution as like to that of Great Britain as circumftances would admit, and equally free from the hopelefs and gloomy tranquillity of defpotifm, and the execrable exceffes of vulgar licentioufnefs. While a hall was preparing for the recep- tion of the Deputies at Paris, they had a few more fittings at Verfailles, in which it was decreed that the right of propofing laws, as well as that of impofing taxes, belonged to the Affembly alone ; and the King's Mini- fters were declared refponfible for whatever was tranfacled in their different departments. Thefe regulations feem of real import- ance in a free Conftitution; but they like- wife decreed that the King's title of King of France fhould be changed into that of King of the French"; becaufe it is mere cor- 4 reel: ( 63 ) reel: to call the Supreme Magiftrate the Go- vernor of Men than of the Country where they live. So much precifion on fuch a fub- ject, however, was more worthy of gram- marians than of legiflators. But fhould monarchy ever be eftablifhed again in France, it would not be furprifing that the Monarch, in contemplation of the mon- ftrous deeds wThich have been lately perpe- trated by French men, fhould rather choofe to be called King of the country than of the inhabitants ; and there can be little doubt but that the great perfonage who ftill pof- feffes the title of King of France would in- finitely rather renounce it for ever than live a fingle day among fuch fubje&s. For a week at leaft after the Royal Fa- mily were lodged in the Tuileries, they wTere under the mortifying neceffity of (hew- ing themfelves at the windows every day, and fome days oftener than once, merely to fatisfy the clamorous curiofity of the mul- titude. ( H ) titude. Even if this had proceeded from affection, the frequent repetition of fuch demands would have rendered them oppref- five ; but they were doubly fo, as it was evident they came from thofe who expreffed no attachment to the Royal Family, and wifhed only to enjoy the triumph of hav- ing obliged them to come to Paris. M. La Fayette, had for fome time per- ceived that the National Guards were not fo ready and cheerful in their obedience to his orders as formerly. On fome occafions they had even manifefted a tendency to mutiny; which was the more alarming at this time, as the rabble alfo were uncom- monly tumultuous. The Duke of Orleans was ftrongly fufpe&ed of being the author of thefe exceifes of the rabble, and the mu- • tinous difpofition of the National Guards. He was not more odious to the Court than to M. La Fayette, and would have been ar- retted, had it not been judged imprudent to I venture ( «5 ) venture on fo decifive a meafure in the pre- fent circumftances. Another plan lefs like- ly to create popular commotion, but which it was thought would have all the good effect of arreting him, was adopted. M. La Fayette waited on the Duke of Orleans, and abruptly informed him, that ** it afforded matter of furprife that he had not gone to England, as he had fome time before told the King was his intention ; that the public tranquillity did not admit his re- maining longer in France ; that a paffport was prepared for him ; and that the pretext for his journey might, if he pleafed, be a private commiffion from his Majefty." Al- though the Duke feemed to have dropped all thoughts of this expedition, yet on this hint from M. La Fayette he immediately agreed to fet out. There was probably fomething very powerful in M. La Fayette's manner^ which convinced the Duke fo fuddenly of the expediency of this journey ; for in the vol. ii. F exprejjions ( 66 ) exprejfwns he ufed there appears nothing very perfuafive. When M. de Montmorin announced to the National AfTembly, that the King had given to the Duke of Orleans a commiffion to go to England, and that he only waited for a paflport from the AfTembly, it occa- fioned much furprife. Mirabeau fpoke of it as a new fpecies. of lettre de cachet rather than a commiffion, and hinted at the impe- rious conduct of La Fayette, and the fub- miffion of the Duke, in terms which did no honour to the latter. The AfTembly feem not to have been deceived by the pretext affigned by the Minifter ; yet the paflport was granted, and the Duke departed. The National AfTembly were received by the inhabitants of Paris with demonflrations of joy. On the day of their firfl fitting, they were waited on by M. Bailly the Mayor and M. La Fayette, at the head of a deputation from the Municipality, with the congra- ( 67 ) congratulations of the capital j in return for which thcfe two gentlemen were honoured by a vote of thanks from the Affembly for the fervices they had rendered the country* Such fymptoms of harmony and good humour were not of long continuance. The predictions of thofe members who had always forefeen the worft effects from their deliberating in the midft of an unreftrain- ed multitude foon began to be verified*. There was a certain degree of real fcarcity of provifions ; but this was fuppofed to be augmented by artificial "means, for the mofl wicked purpofes. It was rumoured at one time, that there was a fcheme for ftarving the people — an accufation abfurd, it is true, but peculiarly calculated to inflame the rage of a multitude already fuffering under the fenfation of hunger, and to whom a full meal was at all times precarious. It was fpread abroad alfo, that there was a plot to poifon them with unwholefome pro- Fa vifions; ( 63 ) vifions s in proof of which incredible affer- tion, fome men brought a number of facks of flour which they declared to be fpoiled, and emptied them into the Seine as near as poffible to the windows of the Tuileries. This was done with a view of infinuating to the multitude that the Court was con- nected with the confpiracy. Every degree of wickednefs was to be expected from men who could invent fuch a fpecies of calumny, and every degree of abfurdity from thofe who were weak enough to believe it. At this time the Duke of Orleans was in England: and thofe who had excited the populace to go to Verfailles for the purpofe of obliging the Royal Fa- mily and the National AfTembly to come to Paris, had obtained their end. ' It does not appear that the leaders of any political fac- tion could have any mtereft in fp read- ing thefe (lories, or creating the diforders which immediately followed ; which feem to ( 69 ) to have entirely proceeded from the abfurd prejudices of the vulgar, and the inactivity, or rather the inability, of law. Had the Duke of Orleans been at Paris, however, it would probably have been faid that he was the author of them, with a view to have the whole family maflacred. It will not feem furprifing, that in fuch times individuals often pointed out the ob- jects of their own private hatred and re- venge as the enemies of the public, thereby to expofe them to the fury of the rabble ; an affecting inftance of which occurred in the cafe of a baker. A woman, inftigated by perfonal malice, accufed this man of be- ing a monopolift, and prompted the mob to break into his houfe and fearch for bread. A few loaves were found, which were defign- ed for his own family, and a greater num- ber of little rolls befpoke by fome mem- bers of the National Aflembly, near which his bakehoufe was. This appeared to the F 3 rabble ( 7° ) rabble a full proof of the woman's accufa- tion. He was dragged before the Committee fitting at the Hotel de Ville ; who were foon convinced of his innocence, from the anfwer he made to his accufers, and from the ex- cellent character given of him by thofe of his neighbours who followed him to the i Committee; but, fearing to declare their real fentiments, they deputed three of their own members to inform the multitude, that the baker was to be carried before the Chatelet, to be tried according to law. So far from being fatisfied with this, the rabble feized thofe Deputies, and threatened to hang them inftead.of the baker, if he was not immedi- ately delivered up to them. The Commit- tee, as a laft means of faving the baker, propofed to interrogate the witneffes im- mediately, in the great hall, and in the hearing of the populace ; but when the un- happy man was conducting to the hall, he was torn from the Guards, murdered in the fquare ( 7i ) fquare of the Greve, and his head fixed on a pike was met by his young wife, three months gone with child, as fhe rufhed through the crowd to lend her feeble aid to her hufband. A murder attended with fo many aggra- vating circumftances, perpetrated in the pre- fence of fome of their own members, and* almoft at their own door, convinced the majority of the Affembly that their perfonal fafety was interefted in checking the ex- ceffes to which the Parifian populace were fo prone, and for which the Affembly had hitherto fhewn fo much indulgence. The maffacre of the King's Guards, and breaking into the Queen's apartment with the inten- tion of ferviftg her in the fame manner, might, for reafons of State ^ be overlooked ; but to murder a baker, and the very baker who furnifhed them with rolls, they feem to have thought a more ferious affair, and to merit greater attention. F4 It % ( 72 ) It was therefore propofed, that " the Ma- giftrates mould be authorifed, on the ap- pearance of a riot, to call the afhftance of the military, and proclaim martial law ; after which that a red flag mould be dif- played from the Town-houfe, as a fignal that all aiTemblies of the populace, armed • and unarmed, mould be confidered as cri- minal ; and, in cafe they refilled to difperfe on being ordered by the Magiftrate, that it mould be declared to be his duty to order them to be fired upon ; and that tliole who efcaped fhould be afterwards liable to legal profecution." There were members of the Aflembly who thought fuch a decree by much too fevere. Roberfpierre in particular is faid to have laid the foundation ftone of his tower- ing popularity on this occafion. He de- clared that " he faw many dangers which menaced liberty in the pafiing of this de- cree, which might be fo eafily turned againft the ( 73 ) the molt active patriots, and which evidently tended to raife the hopes of ariftocrates, and to damp that glow of freedom which it was neceflary to cherifh in the breafts of the people. The difpofition of the Parifians was in general excellent ;" he confefTed that *' he had a cordial affection for them, and could not fee them threatened with any* danger without fhuddering. The good people of Paris," he faid, (and what he faid quickly flew from the galleries all over the town) " were very feldom in the wrong, always meant well, and could not be juftly punifhed for the errors they might fall into, or the miftakes they might commit, when they were pinched with hunger. How venial were their errors when compared with the guilt of thofe who obftruclxd pro- vifions, and created an artificial famine ! He expatiated on the wifdom of lenient meafures towards the people, and of the dreadful confequences that might follow from employ- ( 74 ) employing a military force, by which many innocent and well-meaning people might be deftroyed. Ke extolled as the firft of vir- tues companion to the poor and the worthy : for Roberfpierre always ufed thofe two words, as well as their oppofites, the rich and the worthlefs, as fynonymous. He ex- preiTed a horror againft bloodfhed worthy of a Bramin; and drew fuch an affecting pic- ture of the flaughter of men, women, and children, by a fire from the foldiers, as brought tears from the eyes of fome perfons in the gallery ; while others affecYmg feverer virtues and more profound political fagacity, fhook their heads, and declared " that, al- though Roberfpierre might be a well-mean- ing patriot, he was by much too tender- hearted for a ftatefman." Roberfpierre's eloquence, however, en- couraged fome of the diftricts to proteft againft the martial law, but did not prevent its being decreed in the AfTembly, approved of ( 75 ) of by the Municipality, and fupported by the National Guards ; which produced the happy effect of eftablifliing order and quiet for fome time. The actual murderer of the baker was tried and executed, with another fellow who had attempted to excite the people to in- furrection. The fving and Queen teftified their fympathy with the affliction of the baker's widow, in a confolatory meflage delivered to her by the Duke de Liancourt with a prefent of fix thoufand livres. The new decree having produced an in- terval of order and tranquillity, the National AiTembly applied itfelf with indefatigable diligence to public bufinefs. The political exiftence of the NobleiTe and Clergy was extinguiihed by a laconic decree, expreffing that there was no longer any diftinflion of orders in France, The election of the Deputies to the Na- tional AfTembly was regulated according to m a plan ( 76 ) a plan propofed by the Abbe Sieyes. In the firfl inftance there was to be an election of Deputies in what were called the Primary AfTemblies ; and, by a fecond election, thofe Deputies were to choofe the members who were to reprefent the People in the National Affembly. A very {lender qualification with refpect to property entitled a man to vote in the firft inftance; and very little more fufficed to give him a right to vote in the fecond. The ancient divifion of the kingdom into provinces, all of which had their own par- ticular parliaments and jurifdicYion, and were all fubdivided into governments, diocefes, and bailiwicks, according to the military, ecclefiaftical, and judicial orders, was en- tirely abolifhed. Thofe divifions and fub- divifions, with the particular privileges that had been annexed to fome of them, had produced many prejudices, animofities, and jealoufies, and were thought inconfiftent with ( 77 ) with that equal and harmonious govern* ment which was intended to be formed in France. All privileges of every kind hav- ing been abolilhed, it was thought prudent to efface every trace of their having ever exifled. According to the new plan, France was divided into eighty-three portions called Departments. The whole number of Deputies to the National Affembly was to be {tven hundred and forty- five. To have decreed that the number of Deputies mould depend on the extent of territory in each department would have been abfurd; be- caufe a department may be as extenfive as another, and have fewer inhabitants. To have made the number depend folely on the population would have rendered the govern- ment entirely democratic. And to have regulated the number of Deputies that each department mould have the privilege of choofing, by the quantity of money raifed by taxation, would have been opening a 3 door ( 7» ) door to the ariftocracy of mere riches, more fordid and odious than that of birth or title. Inftead of founding on any one of thofe prin- ciples, it was thought that the deliciences in one would be compenfated by the merit of the others, and that the refult of combining the three would be the mod perfect mode of election for a Legiflative Affembly, in the fame manner as the judicious mixture of monarchy, ariftocracy, and democracy,' in the Britifh Conftitution, is thought to exhibit the moft perfect model of a free, mild, and happy government. The extent, population, and contribution of the department were to be attended to, therefore, in determining the number of Reprefentatives each was to fend to the Na- tional AfTembly. As the extent of all the eighty- three departments was nearly equal, each was appointed to fend three Deputies, on that principle, the department of Paris being excepted ; which, on account of its extent ( 79 ) extent being fo much fmaller than any of the others, was allowed to fend only one. So that two hundred and forty- feven were elected on the principle of extent of terri- tory, two hundred and forty- nine on that of population, and the fame number on that of contribution -, amounting in all to the number decreed, namely feven hundred and forty-five : but the number of Deputies fent from each department in virtue of its popu- lation and contribution, was proportionate to the number of the inhabitants and to the taxes they paid. Had all the departments been equal as to thofe two articles, each would have fent nine Deputies, except that of Paris, which for the reafon mentioned above would have fent {qvqxi only : but as there were great inequalities in thofe two articles, the number of Deputies fent from the different departments was alfo une- qual— fome fending only five, particularly the departments des Hautes- Alpes, de la Lo- 8 zere, c it ) zere, and des Pyrenees- Orientales ; others only fix; fome feven; and fo on every num- ber to fifteen, the number fent by the depart- ment de Rhone-et-Loire and de la Seine- Inferieure ; none of the reft fending fo many, except the department of Paris, which, notwithstanding the deduction of two made from it on account of its fmall extent, fent on the whole twenty-four mem- bers, becaufe of its vaft population and con- tribution. It was decreed that this AlTembly mould fubfift two years ; and a new one was to be always formed in the fame manner at the end of the fame period. In this plan, one of the wifeft articles perhaps is that which ex- cludes the Primary Affemblies from the right of directly choofing the Reprefentatives of the Nation, and confines their privilege to that of naming the Electors of the Reprefenta- tives ; for although the lower claries in fo- ciety are not fuppofed to be adequate judges of ( 8i ) of the qualities requifite for a member of the National Affembly, or to have opportu- nities of being acquainted with thofe who poffefs them, yet they are fully competent to know what men in their own diftricts are reputed men of integrity and good fenfe, and will of courfe be inclined to choofe thofe as the propereft for electing the National Reprefentatives. In the opinion of many, the French would have done well to have fixed on the Britifh Conftitution as the entire model of theirs. In the opinion of fome, the Britifh nation would do well to reform their repre- fentation in the Houfe of Commons accord- ing to the French fyftem of election. Thofe who are of the firft opinion quote the hap- py and profperous ftate of Great Britain : thofe who are of the fecond do not mention the prefent ftate of France as a corrobora- tion of theirs. Previous to the feceflion of M. Lally- VOL. ii, G Tolendal ( 8* ) Tolcndal and M. Mounier, there was fomc difpofition in the Affembly to have model- led the French Conftitution as nearly ac- cording to the Britifh as poffible. Perhaps pride or prejudice may have had fome weight in preventing this idea from being adopted : if fo, it is to be regretted. But that national pride, or fomething of a prejudice in favour of their own opinions, mould have influenced the minds of Frenchmen, ought not greatly to furprife thofe worthy Englishmen, who are perfuaded not only that their own form of government is the happieft effort of human genius, but alfo that it would, without the leaft variation, fuit the inhabitants of every nation on earth, however different from themfelves in manners, fituation, and character. That Great Britain has increafed in power in a greater proportion than any other nation in Europe fince the Revolu- tion 1688 ; that its inhabitants have acquired 3 more- ( 83 ) more wealth ; that this wealth is more equally diffufed, and that their perfons and property are better protected and fe«» cured than thofe of the inhabitants of any other country, is known to all the world ; that all thofe advantages were derived from that bleffed portion of liberty which be- longs to the Britifh Conftitution, and of which moft other governments are devoid, has long been the opinion of many en- lightened men in France, which they have been at great pains to render manifeft, and to circulate among their countrymen. That exhilarating spirit of activity, enterprife, and ardour, which a love of freedom conveys to the heart of man, was felt by the whole French nation at the time of calling the States-General ; but many of thofe elected as legiflators, thinking they never could have too much of it, rafhly intermingled fuch a quantity into their Conftitution, that, inflead of an invigorating cordial, it had G 2 the ( 34 ) the moll fiery, intoxicating, and deftrucYive effects. This obfervation, however, is not fo ap- plicable to the firft Conftituent Aflembly as to the AfTemblies which fucceeded. In the firft there were undoubtedly a greater num- ber of men of diftinguifhed talents and emi- nence, in every fenfe of the word, than in any of the others ; and although on fome occafions, from a dread of the agents of defpotifm and a fufpicion of the Court, they behaved with harfhnefs to the King, yet it feems evident that the views and wi(hes of the majority were to give an equi- table government to their country, by which both the Prince and People would have been gainers. That they were friends to mo- narchy, as well as to freedom, they gave the flrongeft proof, in re-inftating the King and prefenting him with the Conftitution after his flight to.Varennes, notwitliftanding the cry which was raifed for the Decheance, and ( 8,- ) and the attempts made by the republican party for overrating the monarchy and efta- blifhing a republic at that time. But the fecond, or, as it is called, the Legiflative Af- fembly acted in a very different manner from their predeceflbrs. Although one of the greateft errors in the form of election of the Deputies was, that the qualification of the Electors in point of property was too fmall, which rendered the elections tumul- tuous, and accompanied with more of a re- publican fpiritthan, in the opinion of fome, is confiftent with a monarchical form of go- vernment however limited ; yet the Legifla- tive Affembly could not truft that form of election, becaufe they feared it was not iu£- ficiently republican ; and therefore, after the loth of Auguft 1792, they decreed that in the election of members for the Convention it mould be departed from, and that, inftead of the fmall fhare of property formerly pfa quifite to entitle any man to vote, all that G 3 {hould ( 86 ) fhould be necefTary was a year's refidence in the department, and that he mould be of the age at which the law prefumes a ca- pability of exerciiing perfonal rights: the confequence of which, and of other man- oeuvres that took place during the general election, was, that the mod zealous -republi- cans that were to be found in France wese chofen members of the Convention, and monarchy was abolifhed par acclamation a,s foon as it met. \A CHAP- ( 87 ) CHAPTER XVIII. Decree refpecling Bankrupts — Opinion of Mi- rabean on that Subject — of the Duke of Rochefoucault — Abolition of Monafleries — for appropriating the Church Lands — Abo- lition of Titles — Reflections on that Subjeil, and on Armorial Bearings — Refpecl derived from Antiquity of Family — The Fffecl which the Creation of Peers has on it, "J^TOTHING can give a higher idea of the affiduity with which the National AfTembly applied to the bufinefs of the State, than the regulations they made with- in a very few months after the King's arri- val in the capital. They abolimed lettres de cachet ; fupprefled the tax upon fait, fo oppreffive to the poor ; alfo that on tobacco, G 4 not ( 83 ) not equally fo, but ftill very grievous, fince habit has rendered the ufe of that plant al- moft a necefTary of life. Many other bur- denfome and impolitic taxes and impofitions were either entirely fupprefTed, or regulated in a manner to render them lefs heavy on the lower orders in particular. A decree was palTed, that all perfons, whether pro- fefling the Roman Catholic religion or not, might be appointed to any office or employment ; and the principle which at- tached infamy to the defcendents of thofe who were executed for crimes was abo- lilhed. Several new regulations refpetting the fleet and army were made ; and as it was thought of the greatefl: importance that the latter mould be kept in good humour, their pay was conuderably augmented. The abolition of all the privileges, fe- parate laws, and particular rights, which had ( 89 ) had been long enjoyed by certain provin- ces, to the injury of the reft of the king- dom, was univerfally approved of by the impartial. In the republic of Geneva, bankrupts are excluded from the Public Council, the Magiftracy, or any office in the State : the children of bankrupts are by law fubjecled to the fame penalty till fuch time as they pay their proportion of their father's debts. Montefquieu mentions this law in high terms of praife. Many who may have the fame good opinion of this law that Montes- quieu had, will flill be furprifed that Mira- beau mould have recommended it. " In the prefent fituation of France,'* faid he, " des loix pareilles font non feulement utiles mais indifpenfables. Vainement, Mef- fieurs, vous avez aboli les privileges et les 'crdres, fi vous laiflez fubfifter cette preroga- tive de fait qui difpenfe rhomme d'un cer* tain ( 9° ) tain rang de payer fes dettes ou celles cte fon pere ; qui fait languir la commerce,. et qui trop fouvent devoue l'induftrie la- borieufe de l'artifan et du boutiquier, a foutenir le luxe effrene, de ce que nous appellons fi improprement fbomme comme ilfaiti. " Laiffons a cette nation voifme, dont la Conftitution nous offre tant de vues fages, dont nous craignons de profiter, cette loi injufle, refte honteux de la feodalite, qui met a l'abri de toutes pourfuites pour dettes le citoyen que la Nation appelle a la repre- fenter dans fon Parlement. Prolitons de l'exemple des Anglois ; mais fachons cviter . leurs erreurs ; et, au liea de recompenfer le defordre dans la conduite, eloignons de toute place dans les AfTemblees, tant Na» tionales que Provinciates et Municipales, le citoyen qui, par une mauvaife adminiftra- lion de fes propres affaires, fe montrera pen ( 9i ) pcu capable de bien gerer celles du pub- lic*-" The reader will be the lefs furpriied at * Such laws are not only ufeful, but indifpenfably ne- ceflarv, In vain have you decreed the abolition of pri- vileges and diftinctions, if men in any fituaticn are itiii to be tolerated in refufing to pay their own debts or thofe of their father. This is hurtful to commerce, and too often obliges the laborious induftry of the tradefman and {hop-keeper to fupport the unbounded luxury of thofe improperly called good company. Let us leave that neighbouring nation, whofe Confti- tution prefents us with fo many wife regulations, which we are afraid to adopt, in poffefilon of this unjuft law, a remnant of feudal injuftice, which protects the perfonf of Members of Parliament from arreft on account of debt. We may in many things profit by the example of the Englifli j but let us avoid their errors ; and, in- stead of rewarding extravagant and diffolute conduct, let us exclude from the National and Provincial Ailem- blies and the Magiftracy, every man who, by the mif- management of his own private concerns, fhews that he is incnpable of conducting prudently the bufinefs of the public. Mirabeau's ( r- ) Mirabeau's declamation againft bankrupts, after perufing Roberfpierre's againft blood- fhed ; but the National Affembly rauft have heard Mirabeau with more furprife than Roberfpierre ; becaufe none of them at that time were acquainted with the vin- dictive and cruel difpofition of the latter, but they all knew that the former was a bankrupt. His propofal, however, that the AfTembly ihould adopt the law of Geneva, was receiv- ed with applaufe ; in the midft of which, the Duke de la Rochefoucault rofe to oppofe that part of the law which regarded the children of bankrupts. He delivered his opinion in terms worthy of the moderation, good fenfe, and genero- fity, which belonged to his character. " J'ai tu moi-meme," faid he, " les heureux effets qu'elle a produits a Geneve ; mais cepen- dant elle me paroit contenir une difpofition 3 trop ( 93 ) trop rigoureufe a l'egard des enfans deS peres banque-routiers. Sans doute c'eft un beau fentiment de la part d'un fils d'acquit- ter les dettes de fon pere ; mais il faut laiffer a la vertu a. confeiller ce qui eft honnete ; les loix doivent fe borner a prefcrire ce qui eft jufte. Les fautes font perfonnelles ; Thomme coupable ou imprudent eft puni ; mais il ne faut pas etendre la punition fur les enfans deja. trop malhereux des torts de leur pere*"." The day following the debate on this • ; * I have myfelf feen its happy effects at Geneva > yet it feems to me to fhevv too harfh a difpofition to- wards the children of bankrupts. It afliiredly is a moft laudable refolution m a fon to pay the debts of his fa- ther ; but we muft leave it to virtue to prompt that which is generous ; the law ought to ordain only what is juft. Faults are perfonal : let the man who is impru- dent or culpable be punifhed ; but we ought not to ex- tend the punifhment to his children, who have already fuffered by the ill-conduct of their father. fubjed f 94 ) fubje£t was renewed. M. de la Rochefoti-* cault's opinion was fupported by the elo- quence of M. Barnave. M. Mirabeau was abfent. He entered the hall of the AfTem- bly as the Duke's amendment was about to pafs ; which as foon as Mirabeau under- stood, he afcended the tribune. The Af- fembly, under the impreffion of the argu- ments for the amendment, were averfe from hearing him. With much difficulty he obtained leave to fpeak, which he did fo fuccefsfully, that the decree pafled to the following effect : " No bankrupt or infolvent debtor can re* main or become a member of any Munici- pal Council or Committee, nor of the Pro- vincial or National Aflemblies, nor exercife any public office whatever. " The exclufion is to take place againft the children or others who pofTefs the goods of the bankrupt, by whatfoever title they may fo ( 95 ) To do, except the children of the bankrupt who have received their portion before the bankruptcy took place." This is a very finking proof of th$ vaft influence that Mirabeau had in the. AfTembly. Propofals for the reduction of taxes were eafily made ; and thofe who made them. were certain of acquiring popularity : but where to find funds to fupply the place of the taxes reduced, to pay the intereft of the pub- lic debt, and anfwer the other exigencies of the State, was a matter of more difficulty . A meafure adequate to all thi6, however, had been long in contemplation among thofe who are not fcrupulous with regard to the means by which they are to attain their object. This was no other than feiz- ing on the whole Church lands, and appro- priating them to the exigencies of the State. An alarm had been given that this was in meditation, by a decree already paffed, which, ( 96 ) ■which, however, was by no means equally unreafonable or unjuft, namely, that for the abolition of monafteries. It requires no wonderful talents for finance in any afTembly of men to pay the public debts of the mod involved nation in Europe, provided they are allowed to feize the fortunes of any number of the inhabit- ants for that pur pole. Such a meafure mufl reduce thefe devoted men to beggary, no doubt ; but then the national debt will be extinguiihed, the taxes mightily diminifh- ed, and the remaining proprietors, with the whole body of the poor, will be in a more comfortable condition than ever. The expedient of feizing the whole land- ed eftates of the Clergy feems precifely of this nature : and, after fuch a violent in- llance of rapine is fanctioned by law, no robbery can be puniihed in France with any regard to juftice or to their favourite maxim of equality. On ( 97 ) On prefling exigencies, when the general welfare or fafety of a nation is at flake, un- queftionably extraordinary meafures mull: be taken ; and, among others, it may be necefTary that great pecuniary levies mould be made : but, according to every idea of juftice, this mould be done by fair and equal contributions from the whole inhabitants, according to the beft eflimate that can be thought of reflecting the wealth of each. To fingle out any one clafs, like a deer of the foreft, who is immediately aban- doned by all his felfifh and cowardly com- panions, is the height of injuflice ; and all the arguments urged in the AfTembly in favour of the meafure are the fophifms of men endeavouring to palliate the enor- mity of a deed, which, for felfifh confi- derations, they were pre-determined to per* petrate. It may be faid, that, the opinion of the vol. ii. II French ( 98 ) French nation at large on the fubjecl: of re- ligion having changed, it would be abfurd to preferve, at a vaft expence, an eftablifh- ment which is now thought in a great mea- fure ufeltfs. But let it be remembered, that thofe who chofe the Church for their pro- feflion, as in all other profeflions, were edu- cated in the conviction that the national eftablifhment refpecting the Church was to be continued ; and, till it is declared other- wife, they have the national faith for their fecurity. It has been juftly remarked, that to ftrip a clergyman of his benefice on the pretext that it belonged to the Na- tion and that the Nation had need of the revenue, is as unjuft as it would be to refufe to pay a prize in the State Lot- tery, becaufe it belonged to the Nation, and becaufe the Nation had need of the money. If all the inhabitants of France, therefore, had ( 99 ) liad become deifts in one day, ftill they would have been bound in equity to main- tain all the Clergy in the full poffefTion of their benefices during their lives, and alfo to have given an indemnity to every ftudent or expectant, for the time and application he had beftowed to qualify himfelf for a pro- fefTion thought of the firft importance, al- though by an unexpected alteration of opi- nion in his countrymen it was now thought ufelefs. The Bifhop of Autun and others, who were in pofTeffion of high ecclefiaftical ap- pointments and had the higheft in expecta- tion, fupported the meafure of appropriat- ing the Church lands to the exigencies of the State. Views of interefl: or ambition have fometimes been the fecret motives for actions apparently contrary to both ; but admitting this conduct to have proceeded from the pureft patriotifm, ftill thofe gentlc- H 2 men ( I0O J men had a right to beftow only what they themfelves pofTefFed. There is nei- ther patriotifm nor generofity in compell- ing others to give what you are willing to yield up yourfelf. The landed eflates of the Church thus fequeftered for the pay- ment of the national debt, the Clergy had nothing left but a precarious promife for the fcanty penfions which were afligned to them. On the whole, it mult be acknowledged, that the vaft fabric of wealth and power which in the courfe of ages had been raifed by the Gallican church was overthrown by a pretended fpirit of philofophy, in a man- ner as contrary to reafon and equity as the fuperftition on which it was founded, or the avarice and ambition by which it was at firft reared. After this feverity towards fo powerful a body as the Clergy, thofe who pra&ifed the profeffion ( "I ) profeflion of the law had no great reafon to expert that much lenity would be fhewn to them. By one decree all the Parliaments of the kingdom were fufpended from their functions ; and, two days after, all titles of nobility and all diflinction of orders were by another decree entirely abolilhed. This blow, which fhook the whole Noblefle of France from the ftilts that had made them feem taller than their fellow citizens, and dis- covered that many were beneath .the com- mon ftandard, and fome mere dwarfs, ftruck a general panic through the whole ariftocracy ' of Europe, and created a band of as invete- rate enemies to the Revolution in every kingdom in Chriftendom as exifted in France itfelf. But with whatever fenfibility this blow was felt by thofe on whom it fell, it was treated as trifling and unfubftantial by that part of the National Aflembly who were out of its reach ; many of whom af- fected a philofophical contempt for all filch H 3 gew- ( 102 ) gewgaws as titles and ribbons, and never mentioned them without fcorn and indigna- tion. It is entertaining to obferve philofo- phers, who cannot fee a ribbon acrofs a man's moulders, nor hear a title pronounced, without falling into a paffion, endeavour to ridicule the weaknefs of thofe who grieve at being deprived of them : for if it is weak to lament the lofsof what they called gew- gaws, it feems fully as weak not to be able to bear that they mould be in the pofTef- fion of others. Confidering how univerfal the affeElaiion of this contempt is, it feems furprifing that the reality is fo very rare. Like the fox in the fable contemplating the grapes, mankind in general fpeak with dif- dain of titles and ribbons when they are at fuch a diftance as precludes the hope of at- taining them ; but fnatch at them with eagernefs as foon as they are brought within their reach. With the diftindion of orders and titles, armorial ( I03 ) armorial bearings and liveries were decreed to be abolifhcd. The affair of armorial bearings and live- lies is managed better in Great Britain, where every tradefman is allowed to load his footmen with as rich liveries as the vanity of the mafter exacts, and his purfe can afford ; and where for a moderate fum he may have what arms he pleafes. Ac- cordingly it is impofTible to pafs through the city of London without feeing on the carriages of grocers, brewers, bricklayers, contractors, and cheefe-mongers, as many helmets, fhields, and fpears, as were in Godfrey's army at the fiege of Jerufalem. There are indeed fome mortified relicts and defcendants of Nobility who lament, as a grievous abufe, that the carriages which drag the awkward offspring and bloated gar- bage of the city to a ball or feaft at the Man- fion-rhoufe mould be permitted to be as richly H 4 blazoned ( I04 ) blazoned, as much admired by the ignorant, as thofe which convey the moft ancient, and of courfe the pureft, blood of the realm to St. James's. This no doubt is afflicting to the pride of a few honourable perfons, both male and female, whofe feelings may be the fame, although their fexes are dif- ferent ; but, on the other hand, it ought be confidered, that all kind of encourage- ment mould be given to trade in this commercial nation, and that the affliction above mentioned is in fome degree com- penfated by the innocent pleafure which a flaming coat of arms affords to the wives and daughters of many refpet~table citizens, and to thofe refpec~lable citizens themfelves, who are more at a lofs how to enjoy their fortune than they were how to acquire it. For it is well known, that riches and enjoyment are not always coupled together : if they were, the Royal Exchange of ( io5 ) of London would, at a certain hoar every day, comprehend more happinefs than the moft extenfive and beft cultivated provinces in the world ; which, from the many anxi- ous and many vacant countenances to be feen there, we are apt to believe is not the cafe. Indeed there is reafon to fufpeet, that this very valuable art of enjoying riches was fomewhat of a rarity even in the Au- guftan age, fince Horace compliments his accomplished friend Albius Tibullus for pof- fefling it : Di tibi divitias dederant, artemque fruendl. To allow a free participation of the en- joyments which heraldry affords to every Britifli fubject at a reafonable price, feems equitable : that it does afford pleafure to fome, even after their age, confcience, and conftitution have interdicted them from other pleafures, abundance of examples might be given. Jt may perhaps be thought excuf- able ( io6 ) able to quote one on account of its fingu- larity. After having made a considerable fortune by the exercife of his profefiion in the capi- tal, a certain taylor retired to the province in which he had been born, on purpofe, as he himfelf declared, to enjoy otium cum dig-~ nltate ; for this taylor had been feveral years at a grammar fchool, and flill remembered fome fentences of Latin. The coach in which he and his family arrived at the place of his refidence in the country flood much in need of being new- painted. His wife had given orders for this before they left London ; but as he knew it would fufFer by the journey, he begged that the painting might be poftponed until the end of it : to which fhe at laft con- ferred, on his promiiing that inftead of the cypher a coat of arms mould be the coach's ornament in future. He chofe for a creft a large pair of fciflars expanded : gratitude* A " V,« ( *°7 ) he laid, dictated this ; becaufe they were the chief inftrument of his fortune. For his motto he chofe the words Vine ere aui mor'u On being told that thefe words might be thought more fuitable to a foldier than to a man of his proieflion ; he faid that he be- longed to a military family ; for his father had been hautboy to a regiment, and that he himfelf, in his youth, had felt fome inclination for being a foldier, which he was prevented from indulging by the un- expected breaking out of a war ; nothing could be more fuitable therefore than the motto he had chofen : and he gave orders to the painter accordingly. But when his wife underftood what had been decided, fhe declared that a mere creft and motto was little better than a cypher, and would look fcandaloufly naked, which was what fhe could not bear. The hufband confulted the curate "refpeding fome additional device or ( "8 ) or ornament to cover the nakednefs, and remove the objection made by his wife. The curate, who was fomewhat of a wag, obferved that although fciflars were made of cold iron as well as fwords, yet fome people might think that there was not a fufficient correfpondence between the creft and the motto: it would therefore be of importance to contrive fuch ornaments as would link them a little better together. The taylor acknowledged the juftnefs of this obferva- iion, but added, that he knew of none that would have that effect. If you could affume fupporters, faid the curate, it might perhaps be eafier done. I have no particular objection to fupporters, rejoined the taylor, and I am fure they would delight my wife. Would you choofe men or beafts ? faid the curate. I think one of each would be befr, anfwered the tay- lor : prav what beaft would you advife me to? ( io9 ) to ? A lion by all means, faid the curate ; becaufe, being the moft powerful beaft of the foreft, he fuits with vincere in your motto. That he does to a hair ! exclaimed the taylor ; but, added he after mufmg for fome time, I cannot conceive what kind of man will fuit with morL A dead man to be fure, faid the curate. On my confcience that is true ! cried the taylor ; and it is fo obvious that I wonder I did not hit on it myfelf. The arms were ordered directly — a pair of fciffars expanded, with a lion and a dead man fupporting them. The tayior's wife was delighted, as he had foretold ; and great was the importance which fwelled his own heart when he remarked the admira- tion with which the villagers contemplated the emblematic painting on his coach, or when the import of the motto was explain- ed to the gazing circle by the fchoolmafter or fome other of equal learning. Why that difdainful fmile at the vanity l of ( 11° ) of this poor taylor ? The ftory is told of yourfelf under another name. Let fome, who ridicule his motto and lion, recollect, how little their own vain pretentions, low purfuits, debafing habits, and the whole def- picable tenor of their lives, accord with the emblems or mottos of their coats of arms. Let them remember that, if truth and pro- priety were always obferved in thofe ar- ticles, inftead of lions, eagles, and other noble animals, many of them would have aiTes, hogs, peacocks, or dunghill cocks, for their fupporters: and let them alfo remem- ber, that the refpect which is (till paid to fome of them proceeds entirely from a re- gard to the memory of men that are dead* It may be faid that this alfo is abfurd, that every degree of efteem or diflike mould depend on perfonal qualities ; that the fon of Shakefpeare might have been a fool, the fon of Hampden a flave, and that a whole line of heroic anccflry are no fecurity againft the ( III ) the dependent's being a coward ; and, vice verfa, that the fon of a fool might be a firft- rate genius ; the fon of a fiavifh-fpirited fa- ther might be an intrepid afferter of liberty ; and the defcendant of a race of cowards might be a hero. This fentirnent, therefore, which transfers any portion of the refpeet or difgrace due to the character of the father to the fon is unreafonable. It certainly is fo ; but in this particular the prejudice is more powerful than our reafon. It is not fo ftrong indeed in England as in Germany with their fixteen quarters, or as it was in France, where a man of worth and charac- ter was confidered as difgraced, if his father or brother was executed on a fcaftbld ; but dill its influence is apparent. We fee men every day, who live refpeCted in fociety on that fund of efceem which was accumulated by their forefathers, although they them- felves have not added one particle to it dur- ing the whole courfe of their lives ; and, what ( 112 ) what muft afford a candid mind more uneafl* nefs, we likewife fee individuals of much perfonal worth in fome degree neglected and avoided on account of the infamous character of their parents. This prejudice unqueftion- ably is to be furmounted in this country 5 but it requires time and continued efforts ; for although every body admits that efteem and regard ought to depend entirely on per- fonal qualities, yet even in this philofophical ifland every body may obferve that they do not entirely, but are in fome meafure influ- enced by other circumftances. The greateft philofopher in the ifland feels elated when mention is made of the honourable conduct: of his father, and will fhrink with confufion at the mod remote hint of his infamy. This feeling pervades mankind, the wife as well as the foolifh, and continues until death. Even the condemned houfebreaker and thief at the place of execution fhews folicitudc for the reputatkm of thofe from whom he is ( "3 ) is defcended, and declares with his lad breath, that he was born of poor but honcft parents. However contrary this feeling may be to philofophy, it feerns friendly to virtue : but there are other prejudices re- fpe&ing birth, of which the fame cannot be faid, and fome which are exceptions to that juft mentioned ; for, if a fuppofed progeni- tor is of very high rank, it removes in a great meafure the ilia me which the fon would otherwife feel at the recollection of the weaknefs or even wickednefs of his cha- racter : for people are vain of being fprung from Kings and Princes, even although of the two perfons from whom they originally derive that diftincYion, all the world knows that the one was a knave and the other a w . And people like to be of an old fa- mily rather than of a new, though no one perfon of the whole line has been diltin- guifhed for any praife- worthy quality. The known antiquity of a family alone, inde- vol. ii. I pendent ( -114 ) pendent of other circumftances, gives it fome degree of refpectability. This no doubt is greatly increafed by its producing perfons of eminent talents or virtues ; but even ■when no examples of that kind can be quoted in a family, that a certain degree of refpect is due to its antiquity, feems agreeable to the general feelings and fen- timents of fociety in Europe : and the de- gree of refpeQ: due to every gentleman's family in Great Britain and Ireland would be arranged and afcertained by the pre- vailing opinion of the country, founded on its antiquity and on the merit and bril- liancy of the characters it had produced, were all thefe confiderations left to their own natural operation. But this is in fome meafure difturbed by the unlimited power of the Crown to create Peers, which fome- times has been exerted where the public opinion would not have directed it. The patriotifm of Hampden, the heroic charac- ter ( m ) ter of Montrofe, the victories of Marlbo- rough, and the brilliant adminiftration of Chatham, would have thrown a vail fhare of luftre on their defcendents, although no Peerage had ever exifted. But when a man of no merit, or perhaps of dement, is by the ill-judged favour of the Prince creat- ed a Peer, and raifed to the higheft rank of the Peerage, inftances of which are to be met with in the Britifh hiftory -, then his fa- mily takes the precedence, and becomes more honourable, in one fenfe of the word, than thofe of all the Peers of the realm be- neath the rank of Duke. Or if an enter- prizing footman in any of the moft ancient and honourable families of the three king- doms mould afterwards, abroad or at homeft by means not very honourable, acquire an immenfe fortune, with the command of boroughs, and be created a Peer ; his family inftantly becomes more honourable than that of his mafter. I 2 The ( "6 ) The unlimited prerogative of creating Peers may be attended with advantages which greatly overbalance the circumftan- ces here enumerated, and may on the whole be a very wife inftitution ; ' but, without prcfuming to give any opinion on that point, it feems evident that it in fome degree counteracts the progreffive courfe of impor- tance derived from the mere antiquity of family, and to diminifh a prejudice which it has been fuppofed to augment, and againft which poets have often directed their fatire, and philofophers declaimed. N CHAP- ( »7 ) CHAPTER XIX. Plans of the Nobleffe and Parliaments for Reffance ill combined and ineffectual — £«- deavour to deprive the National AJfembly of the public Confidence — Paper War — The ill Conduct of the French has injured the Caufe of Freedom more than the Arguments of their Enemies — The Red Book — Mifun- derjlanding between M. Meeker and M. Camus — Power of Peace and War, TX7HEN the importance of the decrees which had been pafTed in a fhort time by the National AfTembly are confi- dered, and how feverely fo many power- ful claries of men muft have felt them- felves fufFerers by the new regulations; it feems furprifing that they were not re- I 3 fitted ( "8 ) filled with more vigour. It is wonderful that the Clergy in particular did not take the alarm fooner than they did, and try by every means in their power to prevent the calling of the States-General. It might have occurred to them, that in an incredu- lous age their immenfe riches would be a temptation to a fet of men afTembled for the purpofe of clearing a vaft load of debt, and willing to be at as little of the ex- pence themfelves as poflible : but although the Clergy might naturally have expec- ted to be obllgfl to contribute a great deal, they could hardly dread being re- duced to fuch fcanty penfions as are not fufficient to enable them to fupport a decent exiftence. All monadic eflablifhments likewife were fuppreffed, the convent lands confifcated ; the friars and nuns being granted very mo- derate ftipends, with the privilege to the lat- ter ( IJ9 ) ter to remain in their convents if they chofe. The Parliaments, particularly that of Paris, had been long in the ufe of oppofing the Sovereign^ by refufing or at leaft delaying to regifter his edicts, and by the remon- ftrances they publifhed againft them. The refinance which they had often made, join- ed to the bold fpirit of fome of their re- monftrances, had no doubt prepared the public mind for fome important change of government, and haftened the convocation of the States- General, which afterwards became the National Aflembly. After this the Parliaments little thought that they mould be among the earlieft victims of a revolution which they had contributed fo largely to found. Their indignation on this account rendered them much difpofed to enter into any confpiracy againft the new government. The mortifications which the whole body I4 of ( ^0 ) of the NobleiTe had met with in a thoufand inftances, their fudden and complete lofs of importance, and the dread of approaching anarchy, began to make an alteration in the opinion of many even of thofe who had been the moil: eager for the fummoning of the States-General. The facrifices into which fome had been furprifed in a moment of enthufiafm, and which others had been prompted to make from a fpirit of retalia- tion, were repented of in the cool hours of reflection, and were highly difapproved of by many of the Noblefie in the provinces, who had favoured the Revolution at the be- ginning, from difcontent with the Court, from a fear of the Baftile, from a defire of having the liberty of going out of the king- dom when they pleafed, and other reafons -, but who now faw the torrent of democracy bearing fo flrongly againft their whole body, that they willingly joined in any meafures to Hem it, at the Mi of the ancient fy item's being ( '21 ) being re-eftablifhed, with all its grievances. Their plans, however, were ill combined, and feebly fupported. The Parliament of Toulcufe, with a considerable number of the Nobility in that neighbourhood, ven- tured to publifh a kind of manifefto, " in- viting all orders of citizens to unite for the prefervation of the monarchy, of law, of property, and, above all, of religion, which were reprefented as in the utmoft danger from the violence of thofe who had ufurped all the powers of government, and kept the King himfelf in captivity." The ancient provincial States were in various places fummoned to alTemble. Thofe of Beam and Dauphine actually met; and in the form of aiTembling in the latter the dhYincTion of orders was cbferved. Protefls were taken by the States in feveral other provinces againft the decree relating to Church lands. The Chamber of Vacations at Rouen 8 acted ( 122 ) acted in a manner highly unbecoming the character of lawyers, and too like the prac-* tices of petti- foggers. They openly regiftered the act fufpending their power, ax\<\ fecretly protefted againft what they had done, and tranfmitted their proteft to the King. This defpicable conduct fhocked the can- did mind of the Monarch, He informed the National Aflembly of the whole tranf- action. The National Aflembly, being high- ly irritated, were dilpofed to the utmoft fe- verity againft the offenders. M. de Fronde- ville, who was both Prefident of the Parlia- ment and alfo of the Chamber of Vacations, attempted to palliate their conduct, by de- claring at the bar of the Aflembly, that the proteft was meant only as a mark of refpect to his Majefty ; and, being confcious that his aflertion was not very credible, he at- tempted to move them by imploring with tears the clemency of the Aflembly. All this would probably have been to little ( I23 ) little purpofe, had not the King • himfelf written a letter in favour of the Chamber of Vacations : and the proceedings againft, them were flopped with difficulty ; for many members of the AfTembly contended that they ought to be puniihed. The ma- jority, however, in deference to the King, voted forgivenefs. The Parliament of Metz protefted againft the decree of the AfTembly which fufpend- ed them from their functions ; and when they had enjoyed the applaufe which they imagined belonged to them for a conduct fo fpirited, they began to confider how they would be able to fupport it, and avert the indignation of the National Af- fembly. It would certainly have- been more prudent in the Parliament of Metz to have made this reflection before they took the proteft ; but that method has at no period been very prevalent in France j and, 2 in ( "4 ) in the courfe of the prefent revolution in particular, it is to be remarked that on many important occafions its greater!: he- roes have acted in the firfl place, and de- ferred reflection until they were cooler. This, we are allured, does not proceed from any deficiency of judgment in the French, but merely from their natural vivacity, which outruns their judgment. When the Parliament of Metz had time to reflect on what they had done, their judgment, though a little tardy, informed them that they had no means of fupporting their proteft, or re- fitting the power of the National Aflembly, and that their only refource was fubmiflfion, retracting their proteft, and imploring for- givenefs ; to render which more certain, they ftooped to requeft the mediation of the Municipality with the National Aflembly ; and it was in confequence of this mediation that an amnefty was granted. The ( J25 ) The National AfTembly difplayed fo much firmnefs, and feemed fo little intimidated by thofe indications of difcontent, and the par- tial infurrections which through the influ- ence, as was fuppofed, of the Nobility, the Clergy, and members of the provincial Par- liaments, frequently burft forth, that the idea of a counter-revolution became weaker every day. But what proves that thofe dis- orders did not entirely proceed from the po- litical difTenfions of the times, but often arofe from an undiftinguifhing difpofition to pillage, is, that the houfes and caftles of fome of the moft diftinguifhed among the popular party, as thofe of M. Charles La- meth, the Duke of Aiguillon, and others, as well as thofe of the ariftocratic party, were plundered by the mobs. There is no queftion, however, but that the ileady countenance which the National AfTembly retained amid the dangers which threatened them depended on the approba- tion ( "6 ) tlori of the people in general ; and that the timid conduct of the Parliaments, fo different from that boldnefs which they had mani- fefted before the Revolution in oppofing the meafures of the government, was owing to their finding the voice of the people, which had formerly been with them, now fo much againft them. It was evident, therefore, that all attacks on the National Aflembly would be vain as long as they retained the confidence of the people ; and, to have any hopes of effecting a counter-revolution, that it was abfolutely neceflary to remove this, and give them an ill opinion of that body. With this view a multitude of pamphlets were publifhed daily againft the conduct of the Aflembly, pointing out the wrickednefs or folly of their decrees, and turning the characters and per- fons of the members into ridicule. This kind of attack was retorted with the fame weapons; and, as at this time the freedom ( 1*7 ) freedom of the prefs was allowed in its utmoft licentloufnefs, not only the ancient Government and the conduct of the prefent Minifters were painted in the blackeft co- lours, but the characters of the King and Queen were alfo libelled, with a malignity unequalled in any age or country. The conflict at this period refembled the fkirmifhes of {lingers and light troops which preceded the battles of the ancients ; but foon after the full-armed force on both fides ihocked with each other. As this paper war was not confined to France, but was extended to other nations ; and as the Clergy of all nations were gene- rally the enemies of the French Revolu- tion; it was imagined from the number and ability of fo many ready-muflered affail- ants, it would be more powerfully attacked than defended. It is univerfally acknowledged, however, f t ( ** ) that the molt eloquent and mod ievere work againft the Revolution that has appeared, is not the production either of an ecclefiaftic or a Frenchman. The writer -alluded to has in many parts of this performance dis- played the imagination of a poet, and in fome the foreflght of a prophet ; yet his work made more admirers than profelytes. Men's political opinions it is generally difficult to alter. They are greatly influ- enced by our early education, and by our connections of blood or friendfhip, which on many minds make too deep an impref- fion to be effaced by eloquence or reafon- ing. Political opinions are alfo under ano- ther influence, which is often too power- ful for eloquence and reafoning, namely people's views of intereft and ambition. At nrft fight it may be imagined, that fuch views could only afTecT: their conduct, but not their real opinion ; but obfervation has taught ( i29 ) taught us, that when intereft leans decidedly to one fide, opinion is apt gradually to take the fame bias. Reafon and eloquence, therefore, can have full effect on thofe only who confider the fubje£t in difcuflion ac- cording to its own intrinfic merit, regardlefs of the circumftances above mentioned. The converts made by the writings on both fides were on this account much fewer than they would otherwife have been ; and although fome of them were admirably writ- ten, they had little more effecl: on the caufe than many eloquent fpeeches in the Britifh Parliament, which only furnifh the mem- bers with arguments that never occurred to themfelves, in fupport of the vote which, at all events, they were determined to give. The mocking conduct of certain frothy monfters, who, in the progreffive fermenta- tion of the French Revolution, were raifed to the fummit, have injured it more in the minds of mankind than all the writings that appeared againft it. vol. ii. K The ( *3° ) The love of liberty is naturally linked in the mind with the moll generous, endear- ing, and elevated fentiments: Intrepidity, Benevolence, Cheerfulnefs, Genius, Profpe- rity, Candour, Friendfnip, and Love, when perfonified by the imagination, move hand in hand with Freedom, like the attendants of Aurora in Guido's picture. But the monfters above mentioned have done all in their power to deflroy her attractions, and to give her for companions Anarchy, Cruel- ty, Envy, Rancour, Sufpicion, Hypocrify, Fraud, and Mifery : fo that the very name of Liberty, according to a ftrong allufion of Mirabcau, makes the fame impreflion on fome people that water does on thole afflicted with the hydrophobia. And, what is equally to be lamented, the conduct: of thofe fame wretches who dif- graced the caufe of liberty has rendered the gloomy form of defpotifm lefs terrible, and the debafmg exprefiions of fervility lefs difgufting, even to thofe who formerly dreaded ( «3* ) dreaded and abhorred them above all other evils. Soon after the Royal Family began their refidence at Paris, a book was brought into notice, which immediately excited more attention than anv other. It was called the Red Book; and contained a regifter of all the penfions, donations, and every kind of expenditure of the public money by the Court for the laft twenty years. A Committee had been appointed by the Af~ fembly to make enquiry into this expendi- ture. The Committee had heard of this Red Book. They required of M. Necker that it mould be communicated to them, as ne- ceflary to enable them to make an accurate report to the A (Terribly. The King expref- fed his relucliance to this, that the profufion of his grandfather might not be expofed to the eyes of the public. There were certain articles of a tater date which, no doubt, he was equally anxious mould remain conceal- ed. To remove thofe difficulties, M. Ca- K a mus, ( *32 ) mus, the Prefident of the Committee, wrote to M. Necker : " II ne s'agit pas de divulguer, pour fer- vir d'aliment a une vaine curiofite, des de- tails dont la publicite pourroit faire quelque peine au Roi. Penetres, comme toute l'Af- femblee, des fentimens du plus profond re- fpect pour un Prince qui fait le bonheur de fon peuple, les membres du Comite met- tront toujours beaucoup de referve dans les operations qui l'interefTeront ; mais il eft in- difpenfable que quelques-uns des fes mem- bres puhTent declarer a i'AfTemblee qu'ils ont vu ce livre, et qu'ils ont pris les notes necek faires au travail qui leur a ete' confie*." M. Necker * There is no ihtention of divulging circumftanccs that might give uneafinefs to the King ; the publica- tion of which could ferve no purpofe but that of grati- fying idle curiofity. Penetrated, like the whole Affem- bly, with fentiments of profound refpect for a Prince who promotes the happinefs of his people, the Commit- tee will always conduct: themfelves with delicacy in whatever concerns him ; but it is neceffary that fomq members C 133 ) M. Necker reminded the Commiflioners of the Committee of thefe expreflions in the Prefident's letter, and added that it was in confequence of them that the King confided the regifter into their hands. M. Necker muft have been greatly fur- prifed when he found a few days after that the Red Book was publifhed, without the King's confent and without a decree of the AfTembly. If M. Necker had reafon to be furprifed, M. Camus had fome reafon to be afhamed. Nothing, however, can be a ftronger proof that he was not, than the anfwer he made to M. Necker, when he was afked how he could allow the book to be publifhed, after the letter he had written, and without per- mhTion either from the King or the Aflem- bly. " Nous fommes furs de n'etre pas def- avoues," replied M. Camus, " par rAffem- members fhould be enabled to declare in the AfTembly, that they have feen the book in queftion, and that they have taken notes refpecYmg the bufinefs which has been entrufted to them. K 3 blee ; ( 134 ) biee ; qaant au Roi, nous ne fommes pas fes reprefentans *." Many articles of this regifter were calcu- lated to excite clamours againft the Court ; none more than that which related to the King's younger brother, the Count d'Ar- tois ; according to which this Prince had re- ceived from the public treafury, during the fhort adminiftration of M. Calonne, above a million fterling. The Count's debts amounted to nearly as much ; which could not be imputed to M. Calonne, for it was aliened and believed that he had, with ad- mirable generofity, urged the King to pay them all, and as fpeedily as poflible, for this cogent reafon, that their fpeedy payment was of importance to the Prince's tran- quillity. If it were not a general opinion that Princes very feldom have friends, it might * We are certain that our conduct will not be dif- approved of by the AvTembly : as for the King, we are not his reprefentatives. feem ( *35 ) feem furprifing that no one reprefented to the Comte d'Artois how exceedingly impo- litic his profufion was at a period when the people were burdened with taxes, and when fuch general difcontent prevailed in the na- tion ; particularly when it might with equal truth have been reprefented, how infinitely becoming it would be in him, by a retrench- ment of his expences, to pay his creditors without any new burden on a nation al- ready fo heavily burdened. And fuch re- trenchment to a man of his high rank ought to be a fmaller facrifice than to any other perfon ; becaufe all eiTential pleafures and gratifications he would continue to enjoy, and that refpect and precedence which others attempt to purchafe by profufion and ofientatious expence, his high birth fecured to him without them. It will not be thought extraordinary that the penfions were not precifely in proportion to the merit of the penfioner, or that, in the opinion of ieveral, thofe who had the larger! K 4 were ( J3<5 ) were often the leaft deferving ; but ihtte were reafons afligned for fome which will feem lingular even to thofe who are bell ac- quainted with the manner in which fuch rewards are generally diftributed, particu- larly one which was appointed to a gentle- man, bccaufe he had been obliged to affign part of his revenues to his creditors till his debts mould be paid ; and feveral perfons were confpicuous on this lift who, accord- ing to the popular opinion, deferved public reprobation or punifhment more than re- ward. It appeared by this regifter, that ioo,66o livres were diftributed in annual penfions to performers at the Opera who had retired. This, it was thought, was paying too much for an entertainment which the inhabitants of Paris had previ- ously purchafed at the door of the theatre. Eighteen millions of livres were diftributed in penfions among the military. This mm appeared fo enormous to one perfon, that he declared that Alexander might have pen- fioned ( *37 ) fioned the officers who affifted him in the conqueft of the world at no greater ex- pence. Upon the whole, however, this ar- ticle was lefs difapproved of than others. The indignation was higheft againft certain courtiers who never ferved in the armies, and certain favourites of both fexes who, previous to the publication of the regifter, were the obje&s of popular odium. Many other obfervations were made in the National AfTembly, when this bufinefs of the penfioners was brought forward, which muft have been mortifying to thofe of them who were prefent. §3 ) they received instructions from the National AfTembly. He and Madame Necker were accordingly guarded like State prifoners, until two Deputies from the Municipality returned from Paris with the permiflion of the AfTembly for their being fet at liberty. Before they were out of France, they were again flopped, not by the Magiftrates but by the populace of Vefoul, who, after a num- ber of infults, examining their papers and every article in their trunks, and detaining them feveral hours in the dread of fome greater violence, reluctantly allowed them to proceed on the journey at laft, although they could^iind nothing on which to found a pretext for detaining them. In this manner was M. Necker obliged to fly from the country, where he had but a few months before been almoft adored — a man whofe exile a fhort time before had ex- cited univerfai regret ; who, although a Proteftant and a foreigner, had enjoyed the N a confidence ( i »4 ) confidence of the Nation more than any Roman Catholic Minifter, who was alfo a native, ever had done : and, what makes the capricious ficklenefs of the French appear in a ftronger point of view, is, that no change of fyftem or political conduct on the part of M. Necker occafioned this fudden alteration of their opinion. Neither his fidelity nor his diligence was ever called in queftion ; and there is ftrong reafon for believing that his earned: wifh and fupreme ambition were to arrange the finances of France ; to eftablifh a government free from the tyranny of the eld one, and which fhould guard with im- partiality the liberties of the People and the dignity of the Crown. The great error into which both he and the Nation fell, but for which he was more excufable than the Nation, was imagining that he had genius and talents to accomplifh fuch an under- taking : for, however ftrange it may feem, nothing is more certain than that the public over-rated ( 1 85 ) over-rated M. Necker's abilities as much as he himfelf did. But fo many of mankind think highly of themfelves without any other mortal to keep them in countenance, that the man who has an exalted notion of his own abilities, knowing that the world in general are of the fame way of thinking, may be excufed, although both he and the world are miftaken. M. Necker is accufcd of being oftentatious and vain ; but if a man maintains perfect integrity towards the pub- lic, is benevolent towards individuals, ful- fils the relative duties of life confcientioufly, and drives to be ufeful to mankind, is it not ungenerous to infill fo much on his vanity ? Would it not be fortunate for mankind, if many more of them had the fame kind of vanity ? The uprightnefs of men's intentions fel- dom faves them from the enmity of tho'fe who think they have fuffered by their mea- fures. M. Nicker has been abufed by one party ( 186 ) party in France for attempting any altera- tion whatever in the government j and by another, for not pufhing reformation much farther than he did ; and that nation in ge- neral, after having ranked him among their ableft Politicians and greateft Minifters, feem now to confider him as little above the level of common Bankers or Comptrollers of Finance. It has been often obferved, that great oc- cafions and hazardous fituations have a ten- dency to create and develop talents ; and of courfe that times of revolution and im- portant flruggles in States are the mod pro- ductive of great men. It is afferted by fome, however, that this French Revolution forms a contradiction to the general obfer- vation refpecting the tendency of revolu- tions, inafmuch as, although it has occa- fioned a long and fevere ftruggle, and given rife to very great crimes, yet it has not produced one man who can be with 3 propriety ( i«7 ) propriety called great, even allowing that wicked nefs did not preclude from the title. Without entering into that difcuffion, it niuft be acknowledged that, if the French Revolution has not given rife to any great men, it has had an effect more extraordinary and unexpected ; having entirely overfet and annihilated the greatnefs of more men than any other revolution ever did. To enumerate inftances would be equally fu~ perfluous and invidious ; as, without in- cluding the great men of France itfelf whom the Revolution has converted into little men, the recollection of every reader at all acquainted with the modern hiftory of Eu- rope, muft furnifh inftances of Generals as well as of Statefmen, who were fuppofed to have fecured ample and confpicuous places in the gallery of Fame, but whofe great- nefs has dwindled fo wonderfully in the courfe of this revolution, that it is now ge- nerally believed they will be exhibited only as ( i88 ) as miniatures. So that, in the lofs of the admiration he at one time pofTefTed, M. Necker has many fellow-fufFerers. Except the Clergy, no fet of men have been treated with fo much feverity by the French fince the Revolution as their Mini- sters of State. It would feem as if that people had conceived a rancour againft all who prefumed to govern either their fouls or bodies. In this, as in many other parti- culars, their conduct is the reverfe of the Englifh, who have always behaved to their Clergy with the refpect due to their cha- racters and facred functions ; have on all oc- cafions heaped riches and honours on thofe Statefmen, whofe fortunate or wife admini- stration has rendered the country profpe- rous ; and in many inftances have behaved to thofe who from negligence or error have involved it in diftrefs, with a degree of pa- tience and forbearance which aftonifhes all other nations. M. La ( 1 89 ) M. La Tour du Pin was obliged to refign foon after the retreat of M. Necker. His example was followed by all his colleagues in adminiftration, except M. de Montmo- rin. M. Deleffart, the difciple and friend of M. Necker, was joined to M. de Mont- morin as part of the new adminiftration. Both were men of principle, though neither Were popular; and both afterwards were the victims of popular rage and cruelty ; M. Deleffart, with the prifoners from Or- leans who were flaughtered at Verfaiiles without having ever had any trial ; M. de Montmorin at Paris, after he had been tried and acquitted. Nothing is a more general fubje and was heard with applaufe as often as he repeated them : " Un Roieft un perfonnage inutile, un ogre qui devore trente millions par an *v And as impiety and treafon have gone * A King is a very ufelefs perfonage — a monfter who devours thirty millions of livres annually. vol. 11. R hand ( 242 ) hand in hand in France fince the beginning of the Revolution, another orator having allured the circle which furrounded him that the King had received the Sacrament that very morning from a nonjuring Prieft, one of the audience added, that u he ought to be obliged to go to the parim church, and take the Sacrament over again from a conftitutional one. c' S'il a mange un bon Dieu chez lui," faid the wretch, " il en mangera bien deux ; il eft gourmand." Befides the emiflaries who were difperfed to all places of public refort> to circulate ca- lumnies againft the Court, and the motion- makers (les motionnaires) that took their ftations in the Palais Royal, there was a fociety at this time called Societe Frater- nelle, which met in the Church of the Ja- cobins near the famous club of Jacobins, of which this Societe Fraternelle was an emanation of the rncft virulent and inflam- mable portion ; and from it there daily iflued ( 243 ) iiTued libels and fatires without number, all calculated to irritate the people againft the King, his family, and minifters. To mew to what a height fedition was can ied at this time, it is only necefiary to give a few extracts from periodical papers, publifhed and avowed by their writers. What follows is from a paper entitled " L'Orateur du Peupie." " Courage, braves Parifiens ! Encore un pas, et la vittoire eft a vous. Le Roi fuyoit, et vous lui avez ordonne de refter dans la capitale. Le peupie a coupe les courrois de fes chevaux. La Fayette a vainement caracolle, perore ; grimaces q\ i ne prennent plus : il a etc hue. Baiily de meme. Songez que, fi le Roi quitte la France, ii n'y a pas de doute qu'il ne foit dechu du trone, et immolc lui et le dernier rejetton de fa race it la jufte fureur d'une grande Nation ! Mais il vous en coutera peut- etre dix annees de combats, et la perte de R 2 trois ( ^44 ) trois millions de vos concitoyens, avant ck iaire triompher votre liberte. " Mottie a demande que le departement s'aflemblat. II a eu le front d'y paroitre, et a voulu qu'on 1'autorifa.t a. faire feu fur le peuple. Le directoire penchoit pour ce parti j mais Danton etoit la ! II a pulverife, de la foudre de fon eloquence populaire, la demande des Sieurs Bailly et Mottie. " Louis XVI, aujourd'hui encore Roi des Francais ! arrete. Oii cours-tu, Monarque, abufe par des confeils perfides ? As-tu bien pefe les fuites de ce depart, Fouvrage de ta femme ? Le peuple ignore-t-il que de St. Cloud tu te difpofes a partir pour Com- piegne, et de-la pour la frontiere ? Ne fa- vons-nous pas que la bouche des Rois fut toujours l'antre du menfonge ? Une furie te pouffe dans le pre'cipice ! Elle t'a inocule fa rage contre les Fran9ais. " Eh bien ! Si tu pars, nous ne voyons plus en toi que Tarquin chafle de Rome ! Nous ( 245 ) Nous faififTons tes chateaux, tes palais, ta lifte civile. Nous profcrirons ta tete. Que les Porfenna s'avancent ! les Scsevola font At * Courage, brave Parifians ! One effort more, and the victory will be yours. The King was about to fly, and you have ordered him to remain in the capital. The people have cut the harnefs of his horfes. La Fayette has harangued and capered, and made gri- maces, without effect : he was hiffed. The fame has happened to Bailly. Remember that, if the King quits France, there can be no doubt of his being de- throned, and he with his whole race facririced to the juft fury of a great nation. But perhaps it will coft France a. ten years ftruggle and three millions of inha- bitants before liberty fhall completely triumph. Mottie required that the department mould be affem- bled. He had the effrontery to appear there, and defired that he might be authorifed to fire on the people. Some leaned to that meafure ; but Danton was prefent, and, with the thunder of popular eloquence, blafted the ' hopes of Bailly and Mottie. Lewis XVI, ftill King of the French, flop. Whi- ther do you run, abufed by perfidious counfels ? Have R 3 you ( •£ ) At this period Danton had the greater! influence in the fociety of Cordeliers, who held their m&etmigs in the church of that order. He was not a member of the Con- ftituent ArTembly, but confidentially con- nected with Roberfpierre who was. The Cordeliers were confidered as more patrio- tic, or, in the fenfe in which that word was undcrftood, more furious againfl the Court, the Noblefle, and the non-juring Clergy than the Jacobins themfelves. you well weighed the confequences of that journey, to which you are prompted by your wife ? Do you think that the people are ignorant that from St. Cloud you intend to proceed to Compiegne, and from thence to the frontiers ? Do not we know that the mouth of Kings always was the cavern of falfehood ? A fury pufL.es you down the precipice ; ihe has inoculated you with her rage againft the French nation. Well> if you do go, we will confider you as a Tar- quin driven from Rome. VvTe will fcize on your cafllcs and palaces and civil lift; we will profcrihe your head. Let the Porfcnnas advance ; the Socvolas are ready. 4 Marat ( 247 ) Marat was alio one of the luminaries of the Club of Cordeliers. His powers for public fpeaking and his influence in the fo- cietles were inferior to thofe of Danton ; but as nothing could furpa!s the intrepidity of Marat, as he affe&cd the drefs, manners, and language of the loweft people, called himielf their friend, and wrote a Journal in which he abufed the rich and flattered the poor, he had more influence with the mob than Danton or any body :ut\ In this Journal, to whicla he always put his name, he ufed a ftyle of language which certainly was never before avowedly ufed to any liv- ing King or any Minifter actually in In the bright sera of the Grecian r lies, a love of liberty was the moft diitin- guifhing characterirlic of a refined people. The reft of the world, to whom liberty was unknown, were barbarians. Many inci- dents in the courfe of the French Revolu- tion feem to exhibit an effect precifely the R 4 re\ ( -4S ) rcverfe — a refined people becoming bar- barians from a paffion for liberty. This affords a pretext for thofe who are not lovers of freedom, becaufe they fatten on the wages of fervility, to reprefent Liberty herfelf, not as the virtuous Addifon has done, _ _, a Goddefs heavenly bright, Profufe of blifs and pregnant with delight, but as a malignant enchantrefs who turns men into brutes. Let it be always remem- bered, however, that the vices of the vota- ries do not alter the virtues of the faint. Whatever wicked nefs men may commit, from a pretended or perverted paflion for freedom, genuine liberty is as valuable, and will be as much valued by men of fpirit and difcernment, as ever. The crime of Tar- quin did not injure the virtuous character ©f Lucretia. The following extracts will give the reader an idea of Marat's manner. They are ( 249 ) are taken from one of his Journals, en- titled Addrejfe de Jean-Bapttjie Marat, VAmi dn Peupk, a Louis XVL Roi des Fraticais. " Sire, " Ne fimple citoyen, peut-etre meriteriez- vous d'etre cru fur votre parole ; mais ne fur le trone, avec tous les vices de votre education, et avec trente-fix ans ecoules au milieu de la cour la plus corrompue de l'Europe, fans celfe flagorne par les bas va- lets qui vous environnent, poufie aux crimes par des Miniftres atroces, ou de perfides courtifans, et continuellement entraine dans la revoke contre vos devoirs par votre fa- mine, quelle confiance pourriez-vous infpi- rer dans vos proteftations d attachement et de fidelite a la patrie ? " QHe vos agens venaux applaudifTent a de pareils tcmoignages ; que vos credules concitoyens fluTent chorus betement, cela eft dans ( 250 ) dans l'ordre; mais ne vous flattez pas de dormer le change aux patriotes clairvoyans. " Parlez — quelle con nance pournons-nous avoir dans la parole, dans les fermens d'un Roi qui n'avoit affemble la Nation que pour 1'engager a combler 1'ablme creufe par les dilapidations de fes Miniftres, dcs Princes de fa Maifon, de fes favoris et des autres jfri- pons de fa cour ; d'un Roi qui efTaya de dif- foudre l'Affemblee Naiionale des qu'il trouva quelque refiftance a fes volontes ; d'un Roi qui travailla fix fanainevS a 1'execution de l'infernal projet de mettre la capitale a feu et a fang, pour punir fes habitans de fappiu genereux qu'ils fefnblbient promettre aux Reprefentans de la Nation contre les atten- tats du defpotifme ? " Soyez done votre propre juge, et dites- nous fi un tel Roi merite d'autres noms que ceux d'automate fiupide, ou de perfide trompeur. Sire, vous etes l'ami de la li- berte, com me votre epoufe eft l'amie des Francais. f 251 ) Francais. En vous rendant le docile or- gane de leurs impoftures, vos Miniftres ont fait leur metier ordinaire ; en devoilant ces impoftures aux yeux indignes du public, je remplis le plus faint des devoirs *." So * Had you been born a plain citizen, perhaps you might have been believed on your word ; but, born the heir of^ crown, with all the vices of your education, and after having fpent fix-and-thirty years in the moil corrupt Court in Europe, everlaftingly flattered by the fycophants who furround you, pufhed to vice by mon- ffers of wickednefs and perfidious courtiers, and conti- nually feduced from your duty by thofe belonging to your family — what confidence can be given to your proteftations cf attachment and fidelity to the country ? Let your venal creatures applaud fuch proteftations, and the credulous citizens foolifhly join in the chorus. That was to be expccled : but do not flatter yourfelf with the hopes of deceiving the penetrating eyes of true patriots. Speak — what confidence could we put in the word or onth of a King, who aflembled the States-General for no ( 252 ) So many mea have affected to act from patriotic difinterefted motives, whofe fubfe- quent conduct has proved that they had been guided by the moft fordid views of felf- intereft, that fome people are tempted to be- no other purpofe but to complete the mifchief occafioned by the extravagance of his minifters, his favourites, and the other knaves of his court ; of a King who wifhed to diffolve the National Affembly, as foon as it fhewed fome refinance to his will ; of a King who per- fifted for fix weeks in the infernal project of attacking the capital with fire and fvvord, to punifli the inhabi- tants for the generous fupport they were inclined to give to the National Reprefentatives againft the en- croachments of defpotifm ? Be your own judge, and declare whether fuch a King deferves to be confidered in any other light than that of a paffive tool or a perfi- dious deceiver. Sire, you are juft fuch a friend to li- berty as your fpoufe is a friend to the French Nation. In rendering you the tame organ of their impofitions, your Minifters have acted in character. In unmafking thefe impoftures to the indignant eyes of the public, I fulfil the molt facred of my duties. 6 lieve ( 253 ) lieve that no fuch fentiment as that of dif- interefted patriotifm now exifts in the world. But if there were no fuch feeling, there would be no fuch pretence : people would not affecl: what does not exift in nature. Thole who ufe arguments founded on vir- tue and patriotifm, without excepting even this wretch Marat, mud at fome period of their lives have felt fentiments of that kind, and muft believe that they ftill exift in the breafts of their auditors* otherwife they would not expect to influence by them. Such language as Marat on this and on other occafions addreffed to fo mild a Prince as Louis XVI. is ftill more revolting to a candid mind, and lefs applicable than the hyperbolical praifes beftowed by Boileau and other poets of his time on Lewis XIV, though Heaven knows the latter are fuffi- ciently revolting and inapplicable. Jeune ( *54 ) Jeune et vaillant heros, dont la haute fagefle N'eft point le fruit tardif d'une lente vieillcfie, Et qui feul, fans Miniftre, a l'example des Dieux, Soutiens tout par toi-meme, et yois tout par tes yeux. Quand je vois ta fageffe, en fes jufles projets, D'une heureufe abondance enrichir tes fuiets— «&c. &c CHAP- ( *55 ) CHAPTER XXIIL Observations on the different Condutl of Men to Monarch* in Profperity and in Adverfty — The Indignation formerly manifefied by the French Nation againft the Englijh for their Condutl towards their Kings — Sup- pofed Dialogue between Lewis XIV* and one of his Courtiers — All Attempts to alter Mens Opinions vain — Anecdote of one of the Chevalier St. Meard?s fudges— A Re- publican Government often tyrannical — Bri- tj/lj Houfe of Peers — Refeclions — Rap De- crees of the Legijlative AJfembly — The French Nation no way intcrefed in efablifing a Republic in England or other Countries. T is an old obiervation, and what might be of ule to Sovereigns in eftimadng the fincerity of the attachment of thofe around their perfons, that the fame difpofitioa which ( *5« ) which renders men obfequious to profperity and fervile to power, is apt to make them riegle&ful of the unfortunate and infolent to the weak. No nation ever pufhed both ex« tremes farther than the French in their be- haviour to their Kings in thefe oppofite fitu- ations ; and in both cafes they have been very laviih in their endeavours to throw ridicule and abufe on their neighbours for not following their example. At prefent they deride other nations for their attach- ment to monarchy. Formerly, when they themfelves difplayed more abject fervility to their Kings than any other European na^ tion, they defcribed the Englifh as barba- rians for refitting the tyranny of the houfe of Stuart, and for claiming freedom. Warm in the caufe of deprefTed royalty, they ex- claimed againft the infolence of a people who thought they had a right to make any alteration in their government. If France and other countries of Europe had not been diftracted ( *57 ) diftracted with internal as well as external commotions in the time of Charles I. they would all have fupported the caufe of the Monarch againft the People of England for attempting to regulate their own govern- ment, and with a view to extirpate thofe ideas of freedom which began to fpread at that time. Lewis XIV. was excited not only by his own inclination but alfo by the wiihes of his fubjects to enter into a war with England, on purpofe to punifh the Nation for the crime they had committed againft the King, and to reftore the mo* narchy. Boileau wrote an ode exprefsly againft this nation, of which the following are two ftanzas : Quo! ! ce Peuple aveugle en fon crime-, Qui prennant fon Roi pour vi&ime, Fit du trone un theatre afFreufc, Penfe-t-il que le Ciel, complice D'un fi funefte facrifke, N'a pour lui ni foudre ni feux ? VOL. ir. S Armes* ( *& ) Armes-toi, France, prends la foudre, C'eft a toi de reduire en poudre Ces fanglans ennemis des loix. Suis la Victoire qui t'appelle, Et vas fur ce peuple rebelle Vcnger la querelle des Rois. If the Reftoration had not taken place, there is little reafon to doubt but that the Monarch would have followed the poet's advice. Indeed he proved this by feizing the firft pretext that occurred for grafplng the thunder in the caufe of Kings, in acknow- ledging the fon of James II. as Prince of Wales, contrary to the Act of Settlement of the Englifh Parliament, and contrary to the opinion of his own Council. That fome fuch dialogue as the follow- ing might pafs between Lewis and fome of his Courtiers on that occafion, is a fuppo- fition not inconfiftent with the character of that Prince and the fentiments of his Court. Lewis. ( 259 ) Lewis. Notwithstanding that Beauvil- liers, De Torci, and others of my Council, were againft the meafure, I have acknow- ledged the fon of James II. as King of Great Britain and Ireland ; and I am deter- mined to re-eftablifh him on the throne of his anceftors, in fpite of the decrees of his rebellious fubjects in Parliament afTem- bled. Courtier. The determination is mag- nanimous, and worthy of fo great a Mo- narch. It is at once juft and politic ; for the fhocking manner in which that ungo- vernable people have treated their Kings is a moft alarming example to all the Sove- reigns of Europe, and it would be dan- gerous to allow it to remain any longer unpuniihed. Lewis. The caufe of Kings is the caufe of Heaven, by whofe appointment Kings reign ; and the vengeance of Heaven evi- dently followed all thofe wretches who re- S 2 fitted ( 260 ) fitted the power of Charles I. in that hlarid, as well as thofe who afterwards brought him to the fcaffold. I have been affured that all of them died violent deaths. You perhaps remember the particulars. Courtier. The avenging power of Heaven was never more apparent, as your Majefty pioufly cbferves, than in the deaths of all who directly or indirectly contributed to that blefled King's murder. Hampden was killed in the very a£t of rebellion. Pym died of a horrid difeafe, particularly com- miflioned to cut him off. The foul of Cromwell was carried to hell in a rlorm. The regicides and others had their hearts and bowels torn out on the fcaffold. Thofe of the King's Judges who fled out of England were privately put to death in other coun- tries by the laudable refentment of the King's relations. Sydney, the republican, who had taken part in the rebellion againft Charles I. was executed for a plot againft 2 his ( *6i ) his fon. Ruffel, who, to the difgrace of the noble family to which he belonged, was for limiting the power of the Crown fo as to render it unfupportable to a Prince of fpirir, and had the infolence to promote a bill for excluding the lawful heir becaufe he pro- fefTed the true religion, was juftly beheaded ; and EiTex, who was engaged in the fame cenfpiracy with Sydney and Ruffe], either cut his own throat or had it cut by others : for in either cafe your Majefty's obfervation is confirmed, that the vengeance of Heaven in one way or another extends to all thofe daring wretches who oppofe the authority of their Sovereign on any pretext whatever, as Kings are not accountable for the exer- cife of the power which God has given them, to any but to God alone. Lewis. It is fingular, however, that in placing the Prince of Orange on their throne, the Englifh have not configned that degree of power to him which naturally S 3 ought ( 262 ) ought to belong to a King. He is limited, I underftand, in fome refpects according to the fyftem which Ruffe! wifhed to have ap- plied to the Duke of York. Courtier. Your Majefty's remark is of infinite importance ; for, in thus limiting the power .of the Crown, the Englifh nation have eftablifhed a precedent which may af- fect the other monarchies in Europe more than even the atrocious conduct of Crom- well ; becaufe many men who would fhrink from the very idea of the murder of their Sovereign, and are averfe to a republic, may neverthelefs be fo deluded, that they would agree to have the lullre of the Crown dimi- nished by circumfcribing the power of the Prince who wears it. I am confident that your Majefly will be fo completely fuccefs- ful inthejuft war that you intend to en- gage in againft- the Englifh nation, or rather againft the principles and government of that nation, as to expel the prefent ufurper, and ( 263 ) and re-eftabliih King James in the plenitude of royal power. But if, contrary to pro- bability, that mould be found too difficult or too expenfive, and there were no more hopes for James, it would then perhaps be highly fuitable to your Majefty's wifdom to aflift William himfelf in obtaining that full- nefs of power over his fubjecls that becomes a King ; that the dangerous and odious ex- ample of a limited monarchy may no longer fhock the fight of the Monarchs, and cor- rupt the hearts of the People, of every nation in Europe. Lewis. The name of the Prince of Orange has been always odious to me. I fhall aflift him in nothing : but I am refolved that James fhall be reftored to the throne of England with all the power that was pof- feffed by Henry VIII. and with the re-efta- blifliment of the true religion which that apoftate abolimed. Accordingly Lewis made the attempt; S 4. and ( *«4 ) and we know that it was not till all his ex- pend ve and fanguinary efforts to overturn the government and change the opinions of the people of England had failed, and had nearly exhaufted the refources and fhaken the loyalty of his own fubjects, that the EngliiTi nation obtained peace, and were permitted to entertain their own opinions, and fettle their government to their own tafte. It may perhaps feem furprifing that the people of one country mould have ever thought that the opinions or form of go- vernment of another country was any con- cern of theirs ; but that fuch an idea mould have prevailed in the middle or towards the end of the feventeenth century is not fo fur- prifing as it would be to find it exifting at the end of the eighteenth. After the many bloody experiments which have been made with a view to alter men's opinions on reli- gion, government, or indeed on any thing clfc ( *6S ) elfe, by force, we might naturally imagine that the point would be given up. Philip II, with his tortures and his inquifition, and his great generals and his difciplined ar- mies, could make nothing of it even againft the fmall country of Holland, which, fmall as it is, has never failed to repel all invaders but thofe fhe had fome inclination to re- ceive. The mighty Lewis, after being prompted by his own vanity, the flattery of his poets, and the folly of his fubjects, to grafp lafoudre, on purpofe to force the Bri- tifh nation to receive the King and the doc- trine which he approved, was obliged to defift when he found that the lightning fcorched himfelf and his fubje&s more than his enemies. Indeed it is not only clear, that all at- tempts to alter men's opinions by violent means fail in the defired effect ; but that they generally tend to rivet them more firmly ( 266 ) firmly in their old fentiments. The perfe~ cutions of the heathens againft the Chrif- tians, and the Roman Catholics againft the Proteftants, fufficiently prove this ; and, if a more recent inftance were neceffary, the annals of tyranny could not afford a ftronger than has been exhibited by the Clergy of France, whom no fpecies of perfidious cru- elty and perfecution has been able to fhake in their opinions, or prevent their avowing the dictates of their confcience. On the execrable fecond of September 1792, in the garden of the Carmes at Paris, the venerable Archbifhop of Aries faw the aflafTin raife his fabre, and he received the repeated ftrokes without fhrinking, rather than feem to comply in the lead degree with decrees which he thought unjuft and impious. The Bifhop of Beauvais and the Bifhop of Saintes, with near two hundred ecclefiaftics of different denominations, were maflacred on the fame day ( *67 ) day in the fame garden, for no other crime than refufing to difavow their opinions. It is not more true, that the ufual effect of perfecution or ill ufage on account of par- ticular opinions is to make the perfecuted cling more cordially to them, and feel aug- mented averfion againft thofe of their per- fecutors, than that kind and gentle treat- ment renders men open to argument, and difpofed to the renunciation of error the moment they are convinced that their opi- nions are erroneous. It is only fince the Jews were treated with mildnefs, and parti- cularly fince they began to be careffed and entertained by men of high rank in this country, that any of them could be convin- ced of their delufion, perfuaded that the Meffiah had already appeared in the world, and that fome of their diftinguifhing cere- monies were no longer necefTary. This obfervation ftrikes the minds of fome people fo forcibly as to convince them, that creat- ing ( 268 ) ing a few Jews, foon after their converfion to Chriftianity, grandees of Spain, or peers of Great Britain, would do more to the aboli- tion of circumcifion than all the racks of the Inquifition. Nothing revolts the fpirit of man fo much as to have any thing forced upon it; the very appearance of force makes it reject with dif- guft what it might have embraced fponta- neoufly. He who even argues with a dicta- torial air, indifpofes his hearers from admit- ting his inferences or adopting his opinions. A pretty certain way of fpreading any par- ticular way of thinking in a country, is for ;he government to threaten and endeavour to terrify thofe who entertain it ; it renders their own peculiar way of thinking dearer to them than it was before ; it converts an opinion, which they might have changed, into a principle which it is a point of honour %o maintain ; and although it is dangerous fpr tjbem to fpeak their minds, yet they have ( 269 ) have an intereft in making profelyteS which otherwife they would not have had, be- caufe, by making many of their way of thinking, their danger will be removed. It is the bulineis of government to con- trol men's a&ions^ not their opinions; and thofe are recorded as the happieft times, in which the mod uncontrolled freedom was allowed to the declaration of opinion. Kara temporum felicitate, fays the hiftorian, ubi J entire qua velis, et quce fentias die ere licet. All the terrors of the tribunal of political inquifition, or of the Ponte di Sopiri at Venice, cannot make one who thinks mo- narchy a preferable form of government to republicanifm change his opinion ; nor can all the thunder of the ultima ratio return make a republican prefer monarchy. The utmoft that feverities can do is to make hv- pocrites ; it is impoflible for them to make converts. Opinion, fo far from being under the power of other men's will, is not under a man's ( 270 ) a man's own ; it is the offspring of his reafon, of whatever force that reafon may be, whether well or ill informed ; and al- though it is often perverted by prejudice and influenced by fituation, yet a man's real opinion is founded on what appears to him reafonable at the time, and he cannot alter it until what appeared reafonable ap- pears to him the reverfe. Opinions there- fore cannot juftly be imputed to any man as crimes. This is fo obvious, that even one of thofe bloody judges who examined the Chevalier Saint-Meard, in the prifon of the Abbaye at Paris in September 1792, was fenfible of it. When the intrepid Saint- Meard avowed himfelf a royalift, and an univerfal murmur arofe from the bloody circle who heard him, " Ce n'eft pas pour juger les opinions," faid the judge, "que nous fommes ici, c'eft pour en juger les refultats*." * It is not to judge of men's opinions that we are here, but to judge of their actions. 8 Had ( *7l ) Had all thofe who decided on the fate of the prifoners adhered to that maxim, there would have been no maflacres. Men may be royalifts, thank Heaven ! and yet friends to freedom ; as they may be republicans, and yet abettors of tyranny. Without alluding to the mocking defpo- tifm which governs the republic of France, let us throw our eyes on other republics. What kind of friends has freedom in the Senate of Venice, or the Great Council of Bern? If the fame queftion is afked refpecting the Britifh Houfe of Peers, the anfwer will be different. Freedom has never been without friends there. Who were the principal authors of the revolution in the year 1688 ? The wifeft men in the Houfe of Peers have been as fincere fupporters of the rights of the democratic part of the constitution, as ( 2/2 ) as of their own ; they well know, that upon it the public liberty is chiefly founded. And the wifeft members of the Houfe of Com- mons have fupported the juft rights of the Houfe of Peers ; they well know, that cer- tain members of that houfe had a principal hand in forming the Conftitution, fuch as it has been fince the year 1688, and on fome occafions have had the honour of pre- ferving it fince that period. Although the royalifts in Charles the FirftVs time were generally thought enemies to liberty, it was not univerfally the cafe : fome were the friends of liberty notwith- Jiandlng their being royalifts, and fome were royalifts becaufe they were the fincere friends of liberty — being fully perfuaded that her happieft and moft permanent refidence in this ifland would always be under a limited monarchy. And although the republicans of the fame period were- generally thought friends to freedom, yet fome aflumed the character ( 273 ) character and fentiments of republicans, be- caufe they wifhed to eftablifh tyranny. Men of the greater! worth and virtue al<» ways have had, and always will have different fpeculative opinions on thofe two different forms of government ; every man has a right to fpeculate on government as on all other fubjects, and while he confines him- felf to fpeculation he is not the juft object of punifhment ; but when from fpeculation he proceeds to action the cafe is totally dif- ferent. The peace of fociety is not to be with impunity difturbed with infurrection, becaufe a few men prefer a different form of government to that under which they live. If therefore a portion of the fubjects of a republic attempt by force to convert it into a monarchy, or if thofe of a monar- chy endeavour by the fame means to over- turn the conftitution and form a republic ; the men againft whom fuch actions are proved," become the juft objects of punifh- vol. ii, T mentj ( 274 ) rnentj and by the laws of the mildeft, go- vernment, whether monarchical or republi- can, that ever exifted, that punifhment is death. The rain and intemperate nature of cer- tain decrees of the National Convention foon after the tenth of Auguft, difcovered a difpo- iition to convert all the monarchies of Eu- rope into republics; and the foolifh anfwers made by fome of their Prefidents to certain deputations from foreign countries, which appeared at the bar of the Convention, tended to ftrcngthen the fame fufpicion. That fome inconfiderate and enthufiaftic men entertained fuch an idea, is evident from the circumftances juft mentioned ; but that the majority of the Convention could think fuch a fcheme practicable, or that it would be for the benefit of France, to put herfelf to expence or trouble to bring it about, if it were, feems highly impro- bable. ? The ( 275 ) The French pretend that they have over-, turned monarchy in France, becaufe of the vices inherent in that kind of government, which enfeebled the flate and depreiTed the energy of the nation. They declare that, by being a republic, France has acquired triple nrength, and is capable of efforts far furpaffing her power at any former period. Without examining whether the effort fhe has lately made, and the flrength fhe has difplayed, depend on her being a repub- lic, or on other circumfiances, how is this opinion of the French to be reconciled with their endeavouring to infpire the other na- tions of Europe, particularly thofe with whom they are at war, with a defire to adopt a republican form of government ? Do they wifh that their rivals and enemies fhould acquire triple flrength alfo ? If all the monarchies of Europe were converted into republics, then, according to the prin- ciples of the French themfelves, the great T 2 fuperiority ( *& ) fuperiority they have acquired would be loft, and their weight in the balance of Europe reduced to what it was before the Revolution. It may be faid, that in endeavouring to overturn monarchies they are actuated by hatred to kings, and by private malevolence ; but whatever indications of this kind may have appeared in moments of cnthufiafm, it is impoflible to imagine that the govern- ors of a great nation can, for the gratifica- tion of a childiih humour, pcrfift in a plan, which, according to their own principles, would, when accomplished, render their ri- vals more formidable. To act: conforma- bly to flate policy, and confident with their declarations reipecting the fource of their new acquired flrength ; fo far from fpread- ing their opinions among other nations, or ufing any means of inducing them to adopt the maxims of their Convention, the French ought to lay a general embargo upon them, and ( 277 ) and confine them within their own territo- ries as valuable fecrets, which fecure their fuperiority over monarchical ftates, as com- pletely as the ufe of fire-arms fecured a fu- periority to the Spaniards over the Mexi- cans. It feems highly probable that they have now at leaft relinquifhed the fyftem of republican crufades, if they ever ferioufly entertained it, and have pretty generally adopted the principles of one of their coun- trywomen, who in converfation with an Englifhman, who aflerted that it would be abfolutely necefTary for the French nation to reftore monarchy before they could ob- tain peace, replied, " Monfieur, nous ne voulons plus de roi — c'eft notre affaire, laif- fez nous tranquilles. Mais vous autres vous aimez les rois, a. la bonne heure, prenez en une douzaine fi vous voulez — on vous laif- fera tranquilles." But if there is little reafon to think that the French will ever take pains to fpread their T 3 political ( 278 ) political principles in this country, there is {till lefs reafon to dread that either their princi- ples or example will be adopted by the peo^ pie of Great Britain, although the French had that intention : the incidents of the French revolution are fufficient, and far more than fufficient, to remove fuch an idea from every worthy mind, however fond of genuine freedom. Can a national ftrength that is acquired by the feizing of private property, be an object of envy to the citi- zens of a country where property is fecure ? Can the idea of provinces added to France be a compenfation to thofe French citizens whofe fortunes have been torn from them to defray the expence of the conqueft ? Can any amount of fuccefs againft foreign ene- mies afford confolation to thofe who deplore the lofs of parents, of conforts, of children, of friends or relations, by internal malTa- cres? As England can derive no benefit from the a ( 279 ) the mifery of individuals in France, and certainly feels many inconveniencies from the augmented ftrength of that nation, by whatever horrible means it has been aug- mented ; affuredly it is her intereft, inde- pendent of ten thoufand confiderations arif- ing from general humanity, that a fafe and honourable peace were fpeedily obtained, by which her own profperity might be fecured, and the wretched individuals of France might become more happy and lefs formidable. Let France retain the republican form of government fhe feems fo fond of, if {he choofes ; and let the inhabitants of this ifland ferioufly reflect on the two great at- tempts that have been made in Europe to turn a monarchy into a republic. The one took place in the middle of the laft century, the other towards the end of this. EngL J was the theatre of the firft, France of the fecond. After exhibiting a mod fanguinary fpectacle to Europe, of four years continu- T 4 ance, ( 280 ) ance, the firft ended in the tyranny of Cromwell ; the fecond ftill continues, fpread-* ing bloodfhed and difmay through Europe, and rendering France the abode of wretch- ednefs. Let the inhabitants of this ifland alfo remember, that monarchy was not re- flored to Great Britain by a combination of foreign powers, difpleafed forfooth at her having aflfumed a republican form of go- vernment. Rather than have admitted of fiich infolent interference, or reftored mo- narchy at their command, me would have remained a republic until this hour : but the free-born inhabitants of Great Britain, of their own free will and accord, without the leaft regard or confideration for the opi- nion or inclination of other ftates, thought proper to re-eftablifh monarchy. And who can fay what France left entirely to the free- dom of her own choice might do ? Is it unlikely that, haraffed and difgufled with i'o many internal convuiftons, and retaining a duo ( «8i ) & due fenfe of the abufes of her ancient go- vernment, £he may, as foon as fhe obtains breathing time, feek for permanent peace and profperity in a monarchical form of government, equally free from the vices of the old fyftem and of the prefent ? In the mean time it is devoutly to be wifhed, that Great Britain will ever adhere to and fup- port the genuine fpirit of her own free Con- ftitution ; and while fhe expreffes a juft de- teftation of the democratic tyranny which has prevailed in France, that fhe will ever main- tain an equal averfion to the more regular and impofing defpotifm of fome of the powers combined againft that unhappy country. CHAP. ( 282 CHAPTER XXIV, if he National Affkmbly avoid any Inquiry con- cerning the Infults offered to the King—" Strange Addrefs of the Department of Paris, to the King — Cardinal of Montmorency and Bifiop of Senlis refign their Offices — Kings Chaplains d if miffed — 'The King hears Mafs performed by a Confitutional Priejl on Eajler-day — M. La Fayette refgns his Com- mand , and afterwards at the Entreaty of the Troops refumes it — King s Declaration to Foreign Courts — // has a bad Ejfeci — • Done againfi the Opinion of M.Montmorin — Scheme concerted with the Emperor for re-? flabliftring the Kings Authority, "TT THEN the National Affembly paffed to the order of the day oh the King's complaint, it did not proceed from . their ( 283 ) their being infenfible to the mfult which had been offered to him, or from the majo- rity being unwilling that the guilty mould be feverely punifhed ; but from their being perfuaded that, in the fpirit to which the populace and the National Guards had been wrought up, any attempt to animadvert on the fubject would expofe the weaknefs of the Affembly, and perhaps prove dangerous to the Royal Family. The Department of Paris had found it expedient to invite the Sections to meet on the evening of the day on which the King had been at the National AlTembly ; and the queftion fubmitted to their deliberation was, w7hether they mould addrefs him to fulfil his intention of going to St. Cloud, or re- turn him thanks for having chofen to re- main at Paris, that the public tranquillity might be no longer difturbed. As all the world knew that it was not from choice that the King had remained at Paris, ( 284 ) Paris, this Teemed an additional infult ; and at any rate nothing could be more indecent, and more humiliating both to the King and the National AfTembly, than to fubmit to the fhopkeepers and tradesmen of Paris fuch a queftiori. The majority of the Sections gave a wifer anfwer than there was reafon to expect, by declaring in general terms that there was no room for deliberating. But the Minifters, and thofe immediately about the King's per- fon, were fo terrified at the agitation which prevailed, and particularly at the afTertion, which had been printed, and patted on the walls, of meafures having been prepared to tranip.ort the Royal Family from St. Cloud to Cqmpiegne, that the King was advifed to contradict: that afTertion in a letter to the Department of Paris, in which it was alio denred, that this contradiction fliould be made public as Toon as poffible. The Department accordingly ordered the King's *-• ( *«5 ) King's declaration to be immediately pub- liihed, and circulated at all places of public refort. But declarations of a contrary ten- dency were alfo fixed upon the walls, and allowed to remain, while that of the King was in many places torn down by the po- pulace as falfe. The Club of Jacobins, that of the Corde- liers, and the Societe Fraternelle, chiefly made up of the moft wicked and worthlefs members of the former, perfevered with fuch fuccefs in agitating the populace, and in cor- rupting the minds of the National Guards, that the Department of Paris thought it ex- pedient to prefent an addrefs to the King, exprefling their concern at the favour he fhewed to the non-juring Clergy, and others who were enemies of the Conflitution, beg- ging u that he would withdraw his counte- nance from all thofe of whom the people were fufpicious ; that he would announce by his Ambafladors at the different courts of Eu- 6 ropc3 ( 286 ) tope, that a glorious revolution had taken place in France, which he had cordially adopted ; and that he was proud of being the King of a free people." The addrefs concluded with the expreffion of a defire, that the King .would entruft this annuncia- tion of his fentiments to Minifters who were not unworthy of tr lift. In fhorr, the import of the addrefs was, that the King fhould difmifs the fervants he loved, and employ thofe he hated ; that he fhould not receive the Sacrament from Priefts whom he regarded on account of their piety, but from thofe he defpifed for their irreligion ; that he fhould announce a feries of grofs falfehoods to all the Courts of Europe ; and finally, that he fhould change the Minifters in whom he ' put truft for others in whom he put none. Thefe were ftrange requefls to be made to a King; efpecially as they were not made by a foreign enemy at the gates of his capi- tal ( 287 ) tal after a victory ; but by thofe who had the direction of his capital, and who called themfelves his loving fubje&s. Nothing can give a ftronger idea of the wretched ftate to which this unfortunate Monarch was re- duced, than that it was thought neceffary that they mould all, except the laft, be im- mediately complied with. To alleviate as much as was in their power the pain of fuch a compliance, the Cardinal of Montmorency, Grand Aumo- nier, the Bifhop of Senlis, Premier Aurao- nier, M. de Villequier and M. Amedee de Duras, Principal Gentlemen of the King's Bedchamber, gave in their refignations. All the ecclefiaftics belonging to the King's chapel were difmifled ; and on the firft Sun- day after the addrefs of the Department, he went to the church of Saint-Germain-l'Aux- errois, and heard mafs performed by the new Prieft on Eafter-day. Whatever uneafinefs the others may have produced, { 2§8 ) produced, it is probable that this Ialt was £ facrifice more repugnant to the King's con- ference than all the reft ; fince he confidered the facred rite as in ibme degiee prophaned by the worthlelmefs of the perfon who per- formed it : for there is no queftion that the King had been taught to confider all the ecciefiaftics in that light who had taken the oaths. Unfounded as fuch an opinion may be, it is not fo abfurd as to impute any thing criminal to men, becaufe they refufed to take the oaths ; and the outcry that was raifed againft them was as wicked as abfurd. The general accufation of their being refrac- taires a la hi was abfolutely falie. The law exacted that they mould either take a parti- cular oath, or refign their benefices. They chofe the laft. This is no breach of law : on the contrary, it is conforming to the law by choofmg one of two meafures left to their option by the law j and, in affording ( *89 ) affording protection to men reduced to wane by obeying the dictates of their confeience the King obferved the laws of humanity without violating thofe of the Conflitution. The Conflitution alfo left the free exer- cife of .his religion to every individual, MefTrs. Barnave, Rabaud de Saint-Etienne, and other Proteflant members of the Na- tional Affembly, who had in compliance with the will of the majority voted for the civil conflitution of the Clergy, were al- lowed, as well as every other perfon in France, the public exercife of their religion. It was never exacted of any of them to at- tend the Catholic worfhip adminiflered by ecclefiaflics who had taken the oaths. How cruel and arbitrary mud it appear then to infill upon the King's doing this, or to re- fufe to him the freedom of worfhipping God in his private chapel in the manner moil agreeable to his confeience ! — a freedom which the Conflitution allowed to be ufed vol, i I. U publicly ( ^9° ) publicly by every perfon in the kingdom without exception. M. de la Fayette was fo difgufted at the fhameful fcene on the 18th of April, that he refigned the command of the National Guards. It then appeared how much he was beloved by them. All the battalions aflfembled. They appointed deputations to the General, expreffing forrow for their pail conduct, and promifing implicit obedience to his orders in future. They alfo fent deputations to the Municipality and to the Department, rntreating them to join in foliciting the General to refume the command. The hotel of La Fayette was filled with thefe deputations from the different batta- lions, from the time that he had given in his refignation until the following morning at five o'clock. The ftreet in which his houfe flood was crowded with the men, all waiting with impatience for the news of his ( 29 1 ) kis having yielded to their entreaties ; but finding that he ftill refufed, they went in crowds to the Town-houfe, and begged of the Municipality to ufe their influence with the General that he fhould refume the com- mand. The Municipality, perceiving that citizens of all the fections joined in this re- quest of the National Guards, declared that they would become refponfible for the fu- ture obedience of the battalions, and en- treated the General to yield to the defire of his fellow-citizens. M. La Fayette expreffed a proper fenfe of the honour done him ; adding, that he would not prefume to give an immediate anfwer, but would the following day attend the Municipality at the Town-houfe, and there deliver to them his fentiments. M. La Fayette went accordingly at tea o'clock, and in the common hall, where he found all the reprefentatives of the Common Council, with deputies from all the battalions XT 2 of ( 2Q2 ) of National Guards affembled, pronoun- ced a difcourfe equally diftinguifhed for modefty and good fenfe. He placed in a ftrong point of view the horror which every enlightened citizen mull have felt at beholding thofe whofe duty it is to fupport the laws oppofe their execution. He added that, if the capital, which was the cradle of the Revolution, inftead of refpecting and obeying the Executive Powers, mould be- fiege them with tumults, and fatigue them with infults, it would from being the ho- noured example become the terror of the French nation ; that in the marks of regard with which his fellow-citizens had honoured him, too much attention had been paid to •an individual, but not enough to the laws. " Dans-les marques -fi touchantes d'arfe&ion •que i'ai recues," laid he, " on a beaucoup tropfait pour moi, on n'a pas afTez fait pour la loi ; je me fuis convaincu, avec la plus tendre emotion, que mes camarades m'aimoient j ( 293 ) m'aimoient ; je n'ai point encore fa a quel point ils cheriffoient tous les principes fur lefquels la liberte eft fondee *." And he concluded by refufing to refume the com- mand. On this refufal, and thofe obfervations of M. La Fayette, it was refolved, that each battalion mould affemble the following day, and make a declaration of their fentiments on the fubject pointed out in M. La Fay- ette's difcourfe j which was done accord- ingly by all the different regiments j and in their declarations, inftead of expreffing attachment to their General, and wifhes that he mould refume the command, they fpeak folely of their fubmiflion to Law, * In the affecting marks of attachment I have re- ceived, too much regard is fhewn to me, and too little to the laws. I am thoroughly convinced that my com- rades love me ; but I am (till to learn, how far they are attached to thofe principles on which liberty is founded. IT 3 their ( 294 ) their zeal for the Conftitution, and their re- folution to obey the Commander in Chief, without once mentioning M. La Fayette. The Municipality having verified the de- clarations of the National Guards, of the Cannoniers, of the various companies of ChaiTeurs, and of the Cavalry, decreed, that the Mayor at the head of a depu- tation of eight Members of the Common Council mould wait on the General, and reprefent to him that it would endanger the State if he perfifted in his firft refolu- tion, and that the greater!: proof of patrio- tifm he could give would be to refume the command. It was impoffible to refift longer — M. La Fayette thanked the Mayor and deputation in becoming terms ; and the day following having refumed the command, he exprefTed his fenfe of the honour done him by the various corps; and being then on the parade before ( 295 ) before the Town-houfe, he propofed that they mould go in a body to the King, tak- ing with them all of their comrades whom they might meet by the way, and exprefs their forrow and repentance for what was paft, and renew to his Majefly their decla- ration of allegiance. This propofal was directly adopted. M. La Fayette accompanied them to the Tuile- ries : aduieiTed the King, in the name of all the National Guards, in the terms wmich bad been agreed on ; received a gracious reception and anfwer from the Monarch ; and as foon as this was known, the troops expreffcd their fatisfaction by repeated excla- mations of " Vive le Roi ! Vive le Reftau- rateur de la Liberte Francoife ! Vive le Pe- tit-filsde Henri IV*!" In this behaviour of the National Guards, * Long live the King ! Long live the Reftorer of French Liberty ! Long live the Grandfon of Henry IV ! U A who ( 296 ) who having been excited to mutiny and fe- dition were fo foon after brought to a fenfe of their crime, and to fuch expreffions of re- morfe, a ftrong proof will be found of that ficklenefs as well as fenfibility which is fo remarkable in the French character. This people receive impreflions with afto-' nifhing fenfibility ; but thefe impreflions are effaced, and give way to others of a diffe- rent nature, with a rapidity as extraordinary 2s the acutenefs with which they were firfl felt ; which makes the French appear in the eyes of their neighbours fometimes in the light of children, and fometimes in that of madmen. But when, in confequence of this, it is imagined that they will be eafily taken the advantage of, they difplay of a fud- den, and when leaft expected, a maturity and foundnefs of judgment that is more furpri- fing and vexatious to their enemies than ail the reft. This ( 297 ) This return of the National Guards to a fenfe of their duty was highly provoking to a fet of men who, unhappily for France, were at this time concentred in the capital. Some of thefe men from miftaken notions of government, and fome from interefted and malicious motives, were continually raifing fufpicions of the King, and endea- vouring to create difcord and confufion. The perfons alluded to had not fo much in- fluence in the National ArTembly, nor in the Municipality, as they came to have foon af- terwards ; nor were they fo powerful at this time in the Jacobin Society, to which many members of the National AlTembly belonged, as they were in the Glub of Cordeliers and the Societe Fraternelle, chiefly compofed of the refufe of the Jacobins. The Municipality having been informed that fome grenadiers of a certain divifion of the National Guards had been particularly active on the 1 8th in promoting the mu- tiny, ( 298 ) tiny, had held the moft abufive language againft the Royal Family, and had threat- ened to fire upon the cavalry, who by M. La Fayette's orders were endeavouring to difengage the King's coach, decreed that this company fhould be reduced, and ano- ther raifed in its ftead. The reduction took place immediately ; but as it was re- prefented to the Municipality, that four- teen only had been guilty of the crimes charged, all the reft were admitted into the new formed company. This tranfaction was laid hold of by the factious clubs above alluded to, as a pretext for mur- murs, accufation, and fedition. The four- teen difcarded foldiers were received with marks of favour by the Fraternal Society : they were feafted by the Cordeliers, and treated as perfecuted patriots ; while the con- duct: of the Municipality was condemned, and M. La Fayette was accufed as an ene- my of liberty, and of being; bought by the Court, ( 299 ) Court. EmifTaries were alfo employed to blacken his character, and mifreprefent his conduct, among the groups of the idlers in the places of public refort. Placards were palled up, and pamphlets publifhed againft him. At the Cordeliers fome men were heard to declare, that it would be merito- rious to afiaflinate him ; and at the Fraternal Society a woman, fired by the eloquence of thefe orators, and intoxicated with the fpirit of patriotifm, called him among other bad names a fecond Si/era^ and fwore that me would take the earlieft opportunity of en- tering his houfe, and driving a nail into his temples while he was faft afleep. The capital was kept in fuch a ftate of agitation by a few daring and unprincipled men, who had the direction of thofe incendiary focieties, and through their means great influence in the populous fub- urbs of St. Antoine and St. Marceau, where the pooreft and moft defperate of the £ citizens ( 3°° ) citizens lived, that the King was advifed to a meafure, which, joined to what he had already done, would, as was imagined, re- move all jealoufy of him, annihilate every pretext for complaint, and at once reftore the public tranquillity. M. Montmorin, at this time Minifter for Foreign Affairs, came to the National Affembly, and read a letter which by the King's command, as he afferted, he had tranfmitted to all the French AmbafTadors and Refidents at fo- reign Courts, as his Majefty's genuine and iincere fentiments refpecting the Revolu- tion, and the Conftitution which was juft about to be eftablifhed in France, and which thofe AmbafTadors and Refidents were re- quired to make known to all the Courts of Europe, that there might no longer re-* main any doubt of the King's complete ap- probation of the new form of government which he had fworn to maintain. In this letter the following account of the ( 3°* ) the Revolution is given : c< Ce que Ton ap- pelle la Revolution, n'eft que raneantiiTe- ment d'une foule d'abus, accumules depuis des fiecles par l'erreur du Peuple, ou le pou- voir des Miniftres, qui n'a jamais ete le pouvoir des Rois. " Ces abus n'etoient pas moins funeftes a la Nation qu'au Monarque. Ces abus, Tau- torite, fous des regnes heureux, n'avoit cefle de les attaquer, fans pouvoir les dctruire. lis n'exiftent plus. La Nation Souveraine n'a plus que des citoyens egaux en droits, plus de defpote que la loi, plus d'organes que des fonctionnaires publics, et le Roi eft le premier de ces fonttionnaires. Telle eft la Revolution Francoife *." It . * That which is called the Revolution is merely an annihilation of a number of abufes which had been al- lowed to accumulate in the courle of ages by the error of the People or the power of Minifters, but never were part of the power of the Kings. Thofe abufes were not lefs detrimental to the Nation than ( 3°2 ) It was added, that " all the King's power1 was maintained by the Confutation, except the dangerous power of making laws ; that the French nation had no internal enemies, but thofe who are fo foolifh as to imagine that twenty-four millions of men, after hav- ing by a bold exertion deftroyed the abufes of their government, will quietly permit them to be re-eftablifhed ; that the moft dangerous enemies of the Nation were thofe who circulated doubts of the King's love of the Conflitution ; that fuch men were either very blind or very wicked ; that, believing themfelves the friends, they were the real enemies, of royalty ; that calumny had than to the Monarch. Under the happieft reigns thefc abufe9 were attacked by authority without being re- moved. They exift no longer. The Sovereign Na- tion confifls of citizens equal in their rights. There is now no power fuperior to law ; no organ by which the law can fpeak but the public officers appointed for that purpofe ; and the King is the firft of thofe public offi- cers. Such is the French Revolution. even ( 3°3 ) even gone the length of aflerting, that the King did not enjoy perfect liberty— and this merely becaufe he chofe to remain con- ftantly within Paris — a choice which he owed to the patriotifm and love of the citi- zens. If the Pope, by forae extraordinary acci- dent, had fallen into the hands of the Hu- gonots during the war of the League, and had then ifiued a declaration importing, that, " being at perfect freedom, he took that opportunity of avowing his belief in the religious opinions of Calvin ; that all who infmuated that he was, or ever had been, of a different way of thinking were guilty of grofs calumny ; for what he wifhed above all things was to fee the Ro- man Catholic worfhip with all its abo- minations abcliihed :" fuch a declaration would have been thought every bit as fin- cere on the part of his Holinefs as thofe in the letter to the foreign Courts in the name of ( 3°4 ) of Lewis XVI. were believed to be either at thoi'e Courts, or among the French them- felves after they began to reflect, which they never do during the firft impreflion. If what is announced is agreeable, the French in ge- neral are fo much engroffed with fatisfac- tion, that they do not confider whether it be probable or not. The reading of this letter was accordingly heard with joy by the AiTembly, and with enthufiaftic applaufe by the audience in the galleries* But M. Montmorin had no part in the compofition of this letter. It was the pro- duction of two of the mod popular mem- bers at that time in the National Affembly ; who being of opinion that the ill humour and agitation of the Parifians proceeded en- tirely from the pains taken by a few fedi- tious individuals to infpire them with a no- tion that the King hated the Conftitutiona and fecretly confpired with the enemies of France to overturn it, imagined, if his i Majefty ( 3°5 ) Majefty would make a full and ftrorig de- claration of his attachment to the Conftitu- tion, and that he would confider all its ene- mies, whether in or out of France, as his enemies, and order this declaration to be announced to the different Courts of Europe by his Ambafladors ; that this meafure would at once defeat the defigns of the fe- ditious, diffipate the fufpicions of the people, reftore the public tranquillity, and render the King fo popular, that he and the whole Royal Family might vifit St. Cloud, Com- piegne, and the other royal "villas, as often as they pleafed, without railing the lead fufpicion or uneafinefs. In confequence of this perfuafion, thofe two Deputies, being acquainted with fome perfons condantly near the King, impreffed the fame upon them. Their reafoning, being repeated to the King, was afterwards expatiated upon and enforced by the two members with fuch energy, that he was at laft prevailed on to VOL. ii. X adopt ( 3°6 ) adopt the meafure, and defired them to dra\V fuch a declaration as they conceived to be neceffary for the purpofe. They accordingly did fo ; and prefented it to his Majefty, who without any altera- tion gave it to M. de Montmorin, with or- ders to reduce it to the form of a letter to be tranfmitted to his Ambaffadors at the diffe- rent Courts. M. de Montmorin, having perufed this production, was aftonifhed at the whole, but particularly at fome affertions evidently in contradiction with recent events known to all France. He reprefented to the King, that he was much afraid it would have an effect directly the reverfe of what was expected. The King, being ftrongly pre- poffeffed in favour of the meafure, told the Minifter that thofe who advifed it were bet- ter acquainted than he could be with the temper of the Parifians, and therefore he perfifled in the order he had given : on which ( 3°7 ) Which M. de Montmorin begged to be al- lowed to refign his office. The King, dif- pleafed with the propofal, anfwered that he expected to be obeyed in the firft place ; and with regard to his refignation, that might be fettled afterwards. M. de Montmorin fubmitted, and fent the declaration to the Ambafladors, and a copy, as has been mentioned, to the Na- tional Aflembly*. But, notwithstanding the demonstrations of joy and applaufe which the firft read- ing produced, when people had time to weigh and confider it with coolnefs and attention, it became evident that M. de Montmorin eftimated it properly ; that the authors of the declaration had overlhot the * The account of this tranfa&ion was received from one, whofe fituation enabled him to be acquainted with the whole, and whofe veracity may be depended upon. M. de Montmorin was not fuperfeded in his office until the month of October, at his repeated requefr. X 2 mark ■{ 3o% ) mark they aimed at. Even thofe who were mofl difpofed to believe that the King's refolution was to reft fatisiied with the Conftiuition, and never to enter into any plot for its overthrow, could not help thinking that the expreffions in this de- claration went greatly beyond what he could really feel ; and therefore condemned it in their hearts as a meafure of weak- nefs. Others lefs partial to the King con- demned it as a proof of falfehood, and fpread their opinions with fuch affiduity, that in a, very fhort time the fufpicions of his having an intention to withdraw from the kingdom was more general than ever ; and the Royal Family were under the ne- ceflity of remaining conftantly within the barriers of Paris ; for it was apparent that the fhortett excurfion might have occafioned a very dangerous infurre&ion. A perfon who had acted an important part in the affairs of France, in confequenee 6 of ( S°9 ) of which he was under the neceflity of withdrawing from that country, had long meditated a plan for the re-eftablimment of the King's authority, which he reprefented as the common caufe of Kings, and had been very active at the different Courts of Europe in his endeavours to bring them to the fame way of thinking. It was natural to expect that his argu- ments were as likely to fucceed with the brother of the Queen of France as with any other potentate. He laid his plan, there- fore, before the Emperor Leopold, who was then at Mantua, whom he found difpofed as he could have wifhed, and foon pre- vailed upon him to adopt it in the moft earned manner. After every thing had been arranged for the execution of this pro- ject, it was thought proper to communicate the particulars to the King himfelf, to obtain his concurrence and co-operation. Count Alphonfe Durfort, a French gentleman of known courage and fidelity, who was at X 3 that ( 310 ) that time at Mantua, was entrufled witt* this dangerous and very confidential fer- vice. At various interviews with the Em- peror, the whole particulars of the project were communicated to the Count, who agreed to fet out directly for Paris, and, as foon as he fhould have fulfilled his miflion to the King, he was to return to the Empe- ror with the King's acquiefcence ; for that was all that was required, and of it no doubt was entertained. The particulars of this project, confifling of twenty-one articles, were given to the Count in writing ; but he was defired to get them by heart, left any intelligence he might receive, or any acci- dent that might happen during the journey, fhould render it neceiTary to deftroy the paper. The firft article exprefTes the general de- fign, namely, the restoration of Lewis*. * Thefe articles, as far as the author of this work knows, were never before -publifhed. That they are authentic, he has the moft complete conviction. 7 The ( 3ii ) The feeond announces that the fcheme was combined and fupported by the Em- peror, the Kings of Spain and Sardinia, the Swifs Cantons, and the Circles of the Em- pire ; and afTerts that there were aflurances from other Powers of Europe that they would not oppofe. The third article is in the following words: L'Empereur fera filer 35,000 hommes fur les frontieres de Flandres et du Hainaut ; a la meme epoque les troupes des Cercles fe porteront au nombre de 14,000 hommes au moins fur l'Alface. Les Suifles en meme nombre fe prefenteront fur la fron- tiere du Lionnois et de la Franche Comte. Le Roi de Sardaigne entrera en Dauphine avec 15,000 hommes, L'Efpagne a deja rafTemble 1 2,000 hommes dans la Catalogue, et portera a 20,000 les troupes qui mena- ceront les provinces meridionales. Tous ces difFerens corps formeront une malfe de 100,000 hommes, qui fe portera divifee en X 4 cinq ( 3" ) cinq colonnes fur chacime des frontieres aux* quelles les differens Etats correfpondent. A ces armees fe joindront les regiments reftes fideles, des volontaires armes dont on eft fur, et tous les mecontents des provinces qui n'attendent que du fecours pour fe de^ clarer *. * The Emperor will order 35,000 men to march to the frontiers of Flanders and Hainault; at the fame time the troops of the Circles, to the number of 14,000 at leaft, will march to Alface, The fame number of Swifs will march towards the Lionnois and Franche Comte. The King of Sardinia will enter into Dauphine with, 15,000 men. Spain has already 12,000 in Catalonia i and will augment to 20,000 the army which will threaten the fouthern provinces of France, Thofe different corps amount in all to joo,ooo ; which being divided into five columns, will prefs on the different frontiers of France, next to the countries to which the columns belong. Thofe armies will be joined by fuch, of the French regiments as have remained faithful, by fome armed volunteers who may be depended upon, as well as all thofe in the provinces who are difcontented with the prefent government, who will declare for the |Cing as foon as the armies approach. Article ( 3*3 > Article IV, L'Empereur eft affaire des bonnes difpofitions du Roi de Prufle, et fa Majefte Imperiale s'eil chargee elle-meme de la correfpondance dire^e avec la Cour de Berlin, &c. * Article V, On aura foin de tenir cette coa- lition fecrete jufqu'au moment de l'explo^ fion ; c'eft pourquoi on fera en forte d'em- pecher toute infurre&ion partielle dans I'm- terieur f. Article VI, La paix de la Ruffie ct de la Turquie etant plus que probable dans le cou- rant de Juillet, on n'aura pas a craindre les embarras que la guerre auroit pu occa- fionner |J. In * The Emperor is aflured of the King of Prufiia's good intentions, and has taken upon himfelf the direft correfpondence with the Court of Berlin. f Care will be taken to keep this coalition fecret till the moment of explofion, for which purpofe partial in- furre&ions in the interior parts of the kingdom fhould be prevented. ,[1 As a peace betwixt Ruflia and Turkey will in all probability ( 3H ) In the feventh article the reafons are men- tioned at length for believing that one hun- dred thoufand men will be more than fuf- ficient : the principal is, that thefe armies are to be confidered only as auxiliaries to the nobility, the troops, and the natives of France who will declare for the fame caufe as foon as the Combined Armies fhaU ap- pear on the frontiers. Article VIII. Every thing to be ready by the end of Auguft. A Proteftation by all the branches of the Bourbon family, figned by the Kings of Spain and Naples, and the Prince of Parma, will be publifhed. A Manifefto of the Emperor will appear foon after. Article IX. Quoique l'Empereur foit Tame et le chef de 1'entreprife, il feroit pcut- etre dangereux pour la Reine qu'il parut en probability take place in July, nothing is to be feared from the diforders which a continuation of that war might have occafioned. etre ( m ) etre le premier mobile, et on ne manqueroit pas d'attribuer a la maifon d'Autriehe ce que TAflemblee s'efforcera de faire paroitre odieux au peuple. C'eft pourquoi, et du confentement de l'Empereur, on aura foia de faire paroitre avant tout, la Proteftation de la maifon de Bourbon, et le Manifefte de S. M. I. venant au fecours des Princes lezes, prennant la defenfe des tetes couronnees avec de plus grands moyens, n'en fera que plus impofant *. Articles X. and XI. entirely regard the * Although the Emperor is the foul and chief of the enterprife, it might be dangerous for the Queen that he fhould appear to be the firft mover of it ; for whatever is moft odious in the eyes of the people, or what the Affembly can make appear fo, will be imputed to the Houfe of Auftria. For this reafon, with the Em- peror's confent, the Proteftation in the name of the Houfe of Bourbon will appear in the firft place ; and then his Imperial Majefly's Manifefto in favour of the injured Princes, and in defence of all crowned heads, will appear with greater efficacy. Proteftation ( 3«6 ) £roteftation intended to be publiihed in the name of the Bourbon family. The King and Queen of Naples have feen it; and only wait until it fhall be figned by the King of Spain, before they fign it. Article XII. The King of Sardinia is in the beft difpofition -, his troops are ready, and he only waits the fignal from the Em- peror. Article XIII. The Diet of Ratifbon has not yet taken final resolutions. Article XIV. The return of certain per- fons fent to other Courts is expe&ed, and the beft hopes of their co-operation, or at leaft ©f their neutrality, is entertained. Article XV. Every thing being thus ar- ranged, the King and Queen are entreated not to allow this plan to be difturbed by any new ideas, and that they will be very care- ful to whom they communicate any part of the fcheme. Article XVI. The King and Queen are warned ( W ) \varned to place no confidence in M. la Fay-* ette, and alfo not entirely to trull M. de Montmorin. Mention is made of the King's Declaration to Foreign Courts by his Am- balfadors; that it had fhocked many, but had not impofed on any perfon of difcern- ment with regard to the King's real fenti- ments. Article XVII. relates to particular ma- noeuvres intended to miflead people's con- jectures as to the real defign. Article XVIII. declares that a correfpon- dence has been always kept up with various Members of the French Parliaments difper- fed in different parts of Europe, who are to unite in the firft confiderable town of France that fhall be in the power of the Coalition ; and there to compofe a Parliament, to efta- blifh forms, to pronounce the nullity of the Decrees of the National AfTembly, to judge and condemn criminals, and that all poflible -eclat will be given to this Court. Article ( 318 ) Article XIX, Quoique Ton ait defire ju£» qu'a prefent que leurs Majeftes puiffent elles- memes fe procurer leur liberte, la fituation prefente engage a les fupplier tres-inftam- ment de n'y plus fonger : leur pofition eft bien difterente de ce qu'elle etoit avant le 1 8 Avril, avant que le Roi eut ete force d'aller a TAfTemblee, et d'ecrire la lettre aux Ambaffadeurs. IAmique objet dont leurs Majeftes doivent s'occuper eft de ne rien negliger de ce qui peut difcrediter l'Aflem- blee, et d'employer tous les moyens pofftbles a augmenter leur popularite, pour en tirer parti quand le moment fera venu, et de ma- niere que le peuple eftVaye a l'entree des ar- mees etrangeres en France ne voye fon falut que dans fa foumifiion a l'autorite de S. M. Telle eft 1' opinion de l'Empereur ; il attache uniquement a. ce plan de con duke le fucces des mefures qu'il a adoptees, et il demande inftamment qu'on eloigne toute autre idee. Ce qui arriveroit a leurs Majeftes ft dans leur ( 3|9 ) leur fulte elles ne pouvoient echapper a une furvelllance barbare le fait fremir d'horreur. S. M. I. croit que la fauvegarde la plus fure pour leurs Majeftes eft une armee de 130,000 hommes precedee par des Mani- feftes menacans *• Article * Although until this period it was to be wifhed that their Majefties had been able to procure their liberty, yet in the prefent juncture they are entreated not to think of making any attempt for that purpofe. Their fituation is very different from what it was before the 18th of April, before the King was forced to go to the Na- tional Affembly, and write the letter to the AmbafTadors. The principal object which their Majefties ought to attend to, is to neglect nothing which may bring dis- credit upon the Afiembly, and employ every means of augmenting their own popularity ; from which great benefit may be derived hereafter, when the people, ter- rified at the entrance of foreign troops into France, may fee no fafety but in fubmiflion to his Majefty's authority. This is the Emperor's opinion ; and he refls all hopes ©f the fuccefs of his meafures on this plan of conduct being adhered to. He earneftly entreats every other idea may ( 32<> ) Article XX. relates to the Due de Polig* nac, who was to carry on a correfpondence with a perfon in the confidence of the Em- peror. Article XXL recommends full confidence in the Count Alphonfe Durfort. From the reception which the Pruflian army met with when they attempted to pe- netrate into France the following year, many will imagine that this fcheme of the Empe- ror would have had no better fuccefs, had it been fairly tried ; and poiTibly their con- jecture is juft. At the fame time it muft be acknowledged that there was more reafon to expect fuccefs at the fird period than at the fecond. The frontier towns were then may be given up. The dreadful confequences to their Majefties, which might follow an unfuccefsful attempt to efcape, cannot be thought of without horror. The Emperor thinks that their Majeities' beft fecurity is in an army of 130,000 men, preceded by threatening Ma* nifeftoes, more ( 3^1 ) more out of repair, worfe provided in mili- tary (lores, and more weakly garrifoned. The calumnies againft the King had not made fuch impreflion on the minds of the people. Republican principles were not fo widely diffufed. The King had not fled from the capital, and undergone all thofe mortifications to which he was expofed after being flopped at Varennes, and during his return to Paris ; circumftances which tended to lower him in the eyes of the po- pulace more than all that had happened be- fore. But what would have been the effect of this project, had the King completely adopt- ed it, and adhered to the injunctions ex- prefled in the articles communicated to him by the Count Durfort, cannot be known ; for the unhappy Prince, being in dread of the utmoft violence from the increafing rancour of his enemies, at iaft liftened to a vol. ii, Y propofal ( 322 ) propofal made to him by M. de Bouille, who commanded the troops on the frontiers, to attempt to efcape with his family out of the kingdom ; or at leaft to Montmedi, a garrifoned town on the frontiers of France, adjoining to the Duchy of Luxembourg. This plan had been long in preparation, and it is probable was known to the Emperor, from the earneft manner in which the King is defired to abandon it in the nineteenth of the articles above enumerated ; and there is reafon to think that he did not agree to this propofed flight, until to the dread of violence to his family and perfon a new inducement occurred. ' Befide the perfon above alluded to, there was another ex-minifter of France who had alfo been obliged to fly the country. He was fuppofed to have enjoyed much of the Queen's confidence ; notwithstanding which, ( 3^3 ) which, and his former eminent fituation, the fcheme adopted by the Emperor for the re«> eftablifhment of the King's authority had been carefully concealed from him ; but in fpite of all the care he came to the know- ledge of it, and actually procured a copy of the articles given to Count Durfort. His former eminent fituation in France, and the Queen's confidence, which he ftill enjoyed, gave him a juft claim, as it was moft natu- ral for him to think, to be confulted in whatever regarded the King's reftoration ; and the defign of excluding him from any part in a meafure of fo much importance^ could not fail to exafperate him againft the perfon whom he thought the caufe of this exclufion. Whether he was at all actuated by refentment, or entirely from a perfuafion that M» de Bouille's plan was preferable, he knows beft ; but it is believed that he found means to prepoffefs the Queen Y 2 fo C 3H ) fo ftrongly in favour of the plan propofed by M. de Bouille, that fhe prevailed on the King to perfevere in it, and to re- ject the other when it was afterwards communicated to him by the Count Dur- fort. There is one confideration which feems not to have occurred to thofe Minifters ; namely, that in adopting either of their plans the King would be confidered as having broken the oath he had taken to continue faithful to the Conftitution ; and that, after the Declaration made' by his Ambaffadors at foreign Courts, announced by his Mini- fler in the Aflembly, this conduct would appear deceitful in the highefl degree to the Nation. That thofe two Minifters were fincere in their wifhes for the reftoration of the King's authority will not be difputed. The point on which they differed was, which of ( 3^5 ) of them mould have the honour of doing it. But as this was a point of no manner of importance to their royal mafter, pro- vided it was done at all, fome people blame the one for concealing from the other the plan agreed to by the Emperor for that purpofe ; and different people blame that other for counteracting it by the advice he fent to the Queen. And thus it is infi- nuated that thofe two Minifters were in- fluenced by jealoufy and felfifh motives, in- ftead of facrificing all confiderations to the great object of ferving the King. This con- firmation feems too fevere ; but whether it be fo or not, no inference can be drawn to the difadvantage of any exifting Minifter jn any country of Europe : for, even if it could be proved that the two Minifters in queflion were influenced by motives of in- tereft or ambition, more than by regard for their Sovereign, it ought to be remem- Y % bered ( 3^ ) bered that they were both out of place 5 and nothing is more different than the fen- timents of Minifters out of place from thofa of Minifters who are in. CHAP- ( 3*7 ) CHAPTER XXV. The Royal Family efcape from Paris — are flopped at Varennes — Various Incidents on that Occajion — They are obliged to return to Paris — Refedlions, TN confequence of the plan formed by M. de Bouille for the efcape of the Royal Family, the King and Queen, without any attendant, came on the nth of June to the apartment of Madame de Rochereuil, a Lady in the Queen's fervice; and, after examining the rooms and their communica« tions minutely, informed her that they were needed for another perfon. This apart- ment communicated by a corridor with the Queen's. On the 17th, as M. Dumouftier, who had formerly belonged to the Garde- du-Corps, Y4 was ( 3*8 ) was walking alone in the garden of the Tuileries, a perfon whom he did not know accofted him, and defired that he would fol- low him into the palace. Dumouflier was dire&ly conducted to the King, to whom he had never before had the honour of fpeaking. His Majefty defired that he might order for himielf, and for Meffrs. Maldent and Valory, two of his old com- panions, three courier's jackets of a yellow colour ; and that he mould walk the fame evening on the quay of the Pont Royal, where he would be joined by a perfon who %vould give him farther inftructions. All thefe directions were carefully attend- ed to ; and, in confequence of the inftruc- tions given to Dumouftier by the unknown perfon at the quay, Valory went on the 20th to Bondy to order horfes and wait* fher§ for the King. Dumouftier was at the Porte Saint Martin with a coach and four. gi coach with only two horfes arrived about eleven ( 329 ) eleven in the Cour des Princes. M. Mal- dent entered the palace privately at nine in the evening, and was conducted into a fmall chamber, where he remained until near twelve. Nothing extraordinary was ob- ferved in the appearance or conduct of any of the Royal Family. They retired at their ufual hour ; and the ufual orders were given for the following day. The Queen then gave orders that the Prince and Princefs Royal mould be drefTed, and conducted to a room where fhe herfelf was with the King and the Princefs Eliza- beth. There were befides two unknown men, one of whom immediately was direct- ed to conduct the two female attendants on the Prince and Princefs Royal to a chaife which was found waiting for them on the Qnai Voltaire. Having placed them in the carnage, their conductor withdrew ; and the ladies were driven to Claye. The other unknown pcrfon accompanied the Prince and ( 33° ) and Princefs Royal and Madame de Tour- zel by the apartment of Madame de Roche- reuil into the Cour des Princes ; where hav- ing entered the coach with two horfes, they were driven to the Caroufei, and fconjoined by the Queen and the Princefs Elizabeth who came together without any attendant, and were helped into the carriage by the coachman. The King came laft, attended by M. Maldent who mounted behind the coach, which was immediately driven to the Porte Saint Martin ; and having exchanged it for the carriage with four horfes' which awaited them under the care of M. Du- mouitler, they were all driven to Bondy, where M. Valory had horfes in readinefs. The chaife with the two ladies joined them on the road. Although they came out of the carriage at fome of the poft-houfes, and. the King converfed familiarly and with ap- parent eafe with feveral perfons he met there, they were not once fufpected to be other { 33* ) other than the characters they afTumed, un- til they arrived at St. Menehould, about 170 miles from Paris — a town fince diftin- guifhed by the memorable ftand made by the French under the command of Du- mourier. Monfieur the King's brother and his con- fort were comprehended in M. de Bouille's plan. They left the palace of Luxembourg about the fame time that the King and Queen left the Tuileries ; but it was agreed for various reafons that they fhould take a different road ; and accordingly directing their courfe by Flanders, they arrived fafely at Mons. The King and Queen were not fo fortu- nate, though at this place they may natu- rally be fuppofed to have thought all their own danger over, to have been folicitous only about that of Monfieur and Madame, and wifhing them the fame good fortune with themfelves. Drouet, the poftmafter at St. Mene- ( 332 ) St. Menehould, had never feen either the King or Queen ; but he had feen a portrait of her Majefty, and was (truck with the re- femblance of that portrait to his gueft, the pretended Baronefs Kroff, which was the name the Queen had aflumed. This, how- ever, might have paffed without making much impreflion, had not he recollected that two detachments, the one of hufTars, and the other of dragoons, had arrived the fame day at St. Menehould. The former had already left the town ; the latter were (till in it. While he was ruminating on this circumftance, which he thought a little ex- traordinary, he obferved the officer who commanded the dragoons fpeaking to one of the couriers in a manner fomewhat myfte- rjous, while the other couriers, having paid the former poftillions too liberally, were impatiently pufhing the new ones to make hafte. Thefe obfervations revived the fuf- picions which the fight of the Queen had 4 raife$ ( 333 ) raifed in the mind of Drouet ; but ftill they did not form a prefumption ftrong enough to juflify him in flopping the carriages, which were allowed to proceed. But foon after their departure, when Drouet perceived that the dragoons were preparing to follow them, his fufpicions amounting 'tti his mind to a certainty> without farther hefitation he called To arms! afferting that it certainly was the Royal Family that had juft palled ; that it was the duty of good citizens to pre- vent their going out of the kingdom ; and he inftigated all around to hinder the dra- goons from following the carriages. Drouet was believed in his aiTertions ; and, what feems a little unaccountable, his directions were literally followed. The whole de- tachment of dragoons remained paflive, in- ftead of filencing Drouet, and riding after the King, as might have been expected, Drouet, with a perfon of the name of Guil- laume, fet out on horfeback with all expe- dition ( 334 ) dition to Clermont, and was there informed, that inftead of going to Metz, as the cou- riers who attended the carriages had given our, they had taken the road to Varennes, on which he and his companion hy a crofs road, impracticable to carriages, went to that place, and arrived at the inn of the Bras d'Or fome minutes before the King. They informed Le Blanc, the innkeeper, that two carriages were on the point of ar- riving with the King and Royal Family, who were fecretly withdrawing from the kingdom ; that it was every body's duty to flop them ; and there was not a moment to be loft. Le Blanc immediately ran with this intelligence to the Procureur Syndic, who acted as Chief Magiftrate in the abfence of the Mayor, who being a member of the National AlTembly was then at Paris. The Procureur fent his fervants to roufe all the Municipal OfHcerSj the National Guards be- longing to the town, and the inhabitants in 5 general ( 335 ) general. Drouet and Guillaume dragged a loaded waggon which they perceived in the ftreet, and overfct it acrofs the bridge, to obftrucl: the paflage of the carnages in cafe they attempted to proceed by force through the town. Le Blanc with his brother re- turned to the inn, armed themfelves, and - with a few followers met the carnages, and ordered them to Mop. The poilillions were continuing to proceed. They were threaten- ed to be fired upon. " We are all good pa- triots," cried the couriers, " provided with regular paifports for Frankfort." " Patr'wtes cu non" replied Le Blanc, " pled a ierre" The Procureur Syndic then approached the carriage which was drawn by fix horfes, followed by three fervants on horfeback, the three couriers in yellow jackets being on the coach box. He was prefented with a paflport for the Baronefs KrofF, her family and attendants, going to Frankfort.. It was figned Louts, and beneath Montmorhu The Magiftrate, < 335 ) Magiftrate, without discovering that he had any fufpicion of the perfons, alleged that it was too late to examine the paiFport, it be- ing then midnight; that the roads were very bad, and that it would be dangerous in many refpeets for them to attempt to go on before day-break ; and he offered to accommodate the whole company in his own houfe until then. This offer' was accepted, partly from a dread of the confequence of attempting to proceed by force, and partly from an ex- pectation that the arrival of troops would oblige the magiftrates to fubmit in their turn. Soon after a party of huflars, commanded by an aide-de-camp of M. de Bouille, arrived. They drew up before the Procureur's houfe. This magiftrate, not being as yet abfolutely certain that his guefts were in reality the Royal Family, went to the houfe of M. de Lon, a judge, who had fecr- the King, and begged that he would accompany him back to ( 337 ) to afcertain the point, which the Judge" agreed to. On his return the Procureur, addrefling the officer who commanded the huflars, faid, " that as there was reafon to think it was the King whom they had flop- ped, it was hoped that he and his men were too good citizens not to lend their aid to prevent his withdrawing out of the king- dom.'* The Procureur then afcended with M. de Lon into the chamber where the Royal Fa- mily were ; the inftant that De Lon threw his eyes on the King, he fignified by an ex- preflive look to the Magiftrate that it was unqueftionably he. The unhappy Princej having obferved this, thought that all farther di/Ti mutation, would be vain ; turning therefore with great emotion to the Procureur, he faid — " Oui, je fuis votre Roi. Place dans la capitale au milieu des poignards et des bayonnettes, je viens chercher en province, au milieu de vol. m. Z mes ( 338 ) rnes fideles fujets, la liberte et la paix dont vous jouiiTez tous. Je ne puis plus refter a Paris fans y mourir, ma famille et moi *." He concluded this affecting addrefs by- conjuring the Magiftrate and thofe around to affift him in making his efcape. The Procureur replied, that he had fworn to be faithful to the Nation, the Law, and his Majefty ; and that in his own opinion he mould betray all three by doing what was required. He begged therefore that the King would give over thoughts of proceed- ing farther, and would confent to return to the capital. The Queen, (hocked with the idea of being dragged back to Paris, taking the Dauphin in her arms, in ,the moft pa- thetic terms conjured the Magiftrate, and all * Yes, I am your King. Being furrounded in the capital by daggers and bayonets, I come to my faithful fubjects of this province in fearch of that liberty and fafety which you all enjoy. My family and I were in continual danger of being murdered at Paris. 3 who ( 339 ) *who heard her, to fave the lives of their King and his children by aflifting them to efcape ; for that mifery and ruin awaited them at the capital. But the Procureur and others continuing to urge the neceffity of their returning, the King declared " that he had no defign to withdraw from the kingdom ; that his in- tention was to go no farther than to Mont- medi ; that the national guards might ac- company him ; and that he had a right by the Conftitution to travel within the king- dom without controul." They (hewed him the decree by which he was obliged never to go to a greater diftance than twenty leagues from the National Affembly. The officer who commanded the national guards obferving that the huffars were ordered to perform fome evolutions, fufpected there was an intention of feizing the cannon which pointed on the Procureur's houfe. He therefore made them be moved to Z 2 the ( 34° ) the extremities of the ftreet, and guarded by ftrong parties of his men ; by which manoeuvre the huffars were placed between two batteries. The officer who commanded the huffars attempting to move his detach- ment out of this fituation, it was imagined that he intended to go in fearch of other troops of cavalry, which Were fuppofed to be on the road, and then to return in greater force. On this fufpicion the major of the national guard refufed to let them pafs. Their commanding officer {truck at the ma- jor with his fabre ; the other avoided the flroke, fired his piftol, and wounded the dragoon officer. This combat took place in light of the whole party of huffars, who remained paffive fpectators; and when their officer was carried into a houfe on account of his wound, they demanded that an officer of the national guards might be appointed to command them. In whatever intention thefe huffars had come to Varennes, it is evident ( 34* ) evident from their conduct that they were at this period more inclined to join the citi- zens than to obey their officer ; they had probably been gained over by the national guards immediately after they entered the town. During thefe tranfactions, the Procureur, the Judge, and the municipal officers were endeavouring to perfuade the King to return to the capital ; to which both he and the Queen exprefTed the greatefl averfion. One of the national gendarmerie fuddenly ar- rived j he faid he had efcaped a thoufand chances of being flopped ; for that many parties of cavalry patrolled the roads near the town, and that the fon of General de Bouille was at no great diftance with a body of troops. Soon after an aide-de- camp of M. La Fayette arrived. He brought orders from the National AfTembly, which he prefented to the King. He reprefented to him the univerfal uneafinefs which his Z 3 with- ( 34* ) withdrawing had occafioned at the capital, and the danger of his removing fo near the frontiers. The King repeated his former affertions, that he never intended to go out of France ; " that his plan was to go no further than Montmedi — there he would be out of the power of a fet of men who milled the populace of Paris, who overawed the National Affembly, and feemed bent on his ruin,, that of the monarchy, and of the French nation. That when he and his fa- mily fhould be fafe at Montmedi, the peo- ple of France would have it in their power to manifeft their real inclination with re- gard to him, and alfo with regard to thofe leaders of the populace of Paris, who, by having their King and his family in their hands, expected to enflave them and tyran- nize over the whole kingdom." And he again infilled on proceeding on his journey, inviting the Procureur and national guards to accompany him. The anfwer to all this ( 343 ) this was a repetition of the former entreaties that his Majefty would return to Paris. M. Mangin, a furgeon, with twelve or fourteen of the inhabitants on horfeback, had with wonderful zeal and activity rode around all the villages near Varennes propagating the news, and animating the people to haften to the affiftance of the maginrates ; and, as the morning was now beginning to break, they brought accounts of parties of cavalry that had been feen in the neighbourhood. Thofe accounts were foon after verified by an attempt made by one party to enter the town, who were repulfed by the national guards. It was now thought dangerous to retain the Royal Family any longer fo near the frontiers ; and inftead of the entreaties which had been hitherto ufed tc induce vhe King to return to the ?upital, a fteady decla- ration was made to him of the able e neceffity of his complying with that n - fure, Z 4 T-.e ( 344 ) The Royal Family were obliged to fet out, guarded by a numerous band of na* tional guards, and accompanied by the mu- nicipal officers of Varennes. The march was hardly commenced when a confiderable body of troops, particularly a detachment of the regiment of Royal Allemand were feen on a height at no great diftance ; they feemed to meditate an attack ; on obferving the fteady countenance of the efcort they defifted. A party of hufTars, however, commanded by the fon of General Bouille, attempted to pafs a river, with a view to have intercepted the national guards, or to harafs and retard them in their march, until fuch time as all the detachments of cavalry which were on the road joining, they might be able to refcue the King ; but in this attempt he failed. It will be thought that the movements of fo many troops might have created fufpi- cion ( 345 ) c!on that fome extraordinary project was carrying on ; but M. de Bouille had pre- cluded any furprife on that account, by a public declaration fome time before, that the circumftances of the times rendered an en- campment near Montmedi highly expedi- ent. He had gone himfeif on the 18th of Tune, and with feveral officers had recon- noitred the ground on which the camp was to be pitched, and had given orders for a great quantity of bread to be baked and in readinefs for the troops. He had reviewed the regiment of Royal Allemand at Stenayfc and been very liberal in his praifes both of officers and men ; and, on the pretext of a valuable treafure being to pafs that way, he ordered detachments of dragoons and huf- fars to patrol from the firfb poll, after pac- ing Chalons on the road from Paris, all the way to Montmedi. Thofe detachments were all commanded by chofen and confi- dential officers, who were authorifed to in- form ( 34-6 ) form the troops under their command that it was the King they were protecting, at any time when they mould think fuch in- formation necefTary. Their orders alfo were that, when they had feen the Royal carriages pafs, each detachment was at a proper diftance to follow, and cover their efcape all the way to Montmedi, where the whole were to rendezvous, and join the troops which would be found there. So that the plan feems to have been contrived with judgment, and executed with addrefs, until the arrival of the Royal Family at St. Menehould and Varennes. It is thought that Drouet might have been feized by the dragoons at St. Menehould, and prevented from raifing the country ; that the hufTars at Varennes might have cleared the way for the carriages, and enabled them to proceed before the National Guards were affembled in force. It is faid that the officer who commanded them propofed this, but was prevented ( 347 ) prevented by the King. It is alio believed by fome, that if all the detachments on the road had joined that of the Royal Allemand which appeared in the heights between Va- rennes and Clermont, and had made a brifk attack on the National Guards, they might even then have refcued the Royal Family, and conducted them to Montmedi. A dread of endangering the lives of the King and Queen, it is probable, prevented any of thofe attempts from being made. What rendered the failure of M. de Bou- ille's plan more vexatious as well as more furprifing is, that almoft all the difficulties were fortunately furmounted, and it was on the point of fucceeding when it was blafted. By much the greater! difficulty was to get the Royal Family clear out of the Tuileries and Louvre, at a time when there was fo great a fufpicion of their intending to ef- cape, and fo many perfons placed near them merely for the purpofe of watching their conduct; ( 348 ) conduct ; and next to this it was moft diffi- cult to get them out of Paris. Thefe, how- ever, were happily accomplimed ; but flill there was great reafon to dread that fome of the party would be known by the people at the poft-houfes near the capital. 'That alfo was happily avoided; and they arrived, without creating the lead fufpicion, not only to fuch a diftance as infinitely diminished the chance of being known by the people at the poft-houfes, but alfo at a part of the country where fuch a number of troops were ftationed for their protection as, it might have been thought, would have pre- vented them from being ftopped, even al- though they mould have been known. It feems like wife furprifing, that a project fo well combined, and the execution of which was entrufted to chofen men, moftly of the military profeffion, and whole intereft, ho- nour, and lives, were all flrongly involved in its fuccefs, mould have been fruftrated by men ( 349 ) tncn unconnected with and unknown to each other, who had no particular interefi: in the matter. What renders this ftill more remarkable is, that the natural inclination of the heart is to affift thofe who are obliged to fly or conceal themfelves to fave their lives, and to confider thofe who betray them as worthlefs men. The fuppofed guilt of the fugitive will not fave their betrayers from the imputation. They will be put on a footing with the odious and defpicable clafs of fpies and informers which certain Governments employ — a fet of wretches who, defpifed even by thofe who hire them, attend coffee-houfes and public meetings on purpofe to catch unguarded expreffions, to pervert, and to betray. In vain do fuch characters endeavour to fkreen themfelves from hatred, by pleading their utility, and the fupport they give to Government. Thefe pleas may be urged with more force in ( 350 ) in favour of hangmen, but cannot render the profeflion lefs difgraceful. The bias of the human heart to aflift the unfortunate who are flying to fave their lives, is ftrongeft when the fugitives are of a tender age, the weaker fex, or of royal rank. All thofe motives were combined on the prefent occafion. Of the great number of perfons of both fexes who were privy to the concealment and efcape of Charles II. after the battle of Worcester, feveral of whom difcovered the King by accident, and without having been entrufted with the fecret, it is probable that fome were no great friends to royalty, yet every one was faithful and zealous to aflift the unhappy Prince in his efcape, although death was denounced againfl all who con- cealed him, and a great reward proclaimed to thofe who mould arreft him. Thirty thoufand pounds of reward was offered by Government ( $1 ) Government to any one who mould deliver up the Prince Pretender, or give information where he was concealed, when he was lurking in the highlands of Scotland, after the battle of Culloden. The wealth of the Indies would not have bribed the pooreft highlander in Scotland to have done what would have rendered him in the eyes of his countrymen, and in his own, for ever infa- mous. And many who were enemies to the caufe of that unfortunate perfon rejected the idea of flopping him in his flight, or betraying him into the hands of his pur- fuers. It will be faid that the cafes are different, and it muft be acknowledged they are fo ; in the two laft mentioned certain death at- tended the fugitives if flopped, which was not to be apprehended in the other. Nobody could have flopped Charles the Second or the Young Pretender from a good motive ; their ( 35* ) their armies were difperfed, and there Was no reafon for preventing their efcape, except to have them put to death and to get the reward. Lewisj it will be faid, was flying to raife a civil war, and to plunge the nation again into flavery. Yet, after every allowance of this kind, it will be thought that humane and well difpofed villagers would have been more affected by the affliction of the Royal Family than by fuch remote confequences. They faw the King and Queen in an agony of dread at the thoughts of being detained, \vhich it might have been expected would have damped the inclination to arreft and carry them back to Paris. The fact was, it did not ; the whole country mewed eager- nefs and activity to both ; which is a ftrong proof of the miftake of thofe who ftrenu- oufly aflerted, that however much the Re- volution might be liked by the Parifians, it was hated by the people at large. And the difpofkion ( 353 ) difpofition of the inhabitants of this parti- cular part of France might have indicated to the PrufTians who invaded it by the lame quarter fcon after, in the hopes of being joined and ailifted by the natives, what kind of junction and affrftance they had reafon to expect. It was imagined that the preventing the efcape of the Royal Family would have precluded many evils which otherwife w7ere likely to happen. It is hardly poffible, however, to conceive that more mifchief and mifery could have taken place in any fuppofable event than has actually hap- pened. The perfon indeed to whom the moft dreadful portion of thofe calamities is to be imputed, was a member of the Gon- flituent Affembly ; but his influence there was fmall, and there was little probability that fuch a pale emaciated weakly being as Roberfpierre was to become the giant of the vol. ii. A a Revolution, ( 354 ) Revolution, and have it in his power to gra- tify a thirft for blood as infatiable as that at- tributed to any monfter of the fame race re- corded in hiftory or fable, CHAP- ( 35b ) CHAPTER XXVI. The Condudi of the National AJfembly — Of the Parlfian Populace — 'The King and £>ueen examined by CommlJ/ioners from the AJfembly — Sifpenfon of the King from his P ublicFundllom — Unlverfal DlfcuJJlons — Le Republlcain — M. de Condor cet — M, Brijfot — Roberfplerre, A BOUT eight in the morning of the 2 1 ft of June the flight of the Royal Family was known at Paris. The cannon placed near the ftatue of Henry the Fourth were fired, the tocfin founded, and the Na- tional Guards were fummoned to aflemble under arms at the places of rendezvous of their fecYiocs. The news fpread rapidly ; the people hurried from all quarters to the gardens of the Tuileries and of the Lux- A a 2 embourg ; ( 356 ) embourg ; the firft fenfation was furprife 5 that was foon converted into indignation againft the fugitives. All figns with the portraits of the King or Queen, all em- blems of royalty, were torn down and trampled under foot. The fection of the Luxembourg ordered a banner, which they had received as a prefent from Monfieur, to be publicly torn in pieces ; a man was obliged to erale his name from above his fhop becaufe he was called Louis. The officer who commanded the guard at the Tuileries was in danger of falling a victim to the firfl impulfe of popular fury ; which in France is more blind, precipitate, and bloody, than in any other country. Ke was faved by the interpolation of the Na- tional Guards ; who at this time confifted of the moft refpedlable tradefpeople of Paris, and were more under the controul of difci- pline and reafon than the mob of St. Antoine. The fleady and prudent conduct of the National ( 357 ) National AfTembly had great effect in pre- venting the diforders which were to be dreaded, in a turbulent city like Paris, from fuch an event as the King's withdrawing. They ordained that the decrees of the Af- fembly fhould immediately have the force of law, and that the Minifter of Juftice mould apjply the feal of the State to them without further fan&ion or ceremony. They de- creed that the National Guards mould re- main under arms immovable, until they re- ceived orders from thofe authorifed by the AfTembly. They ordered the Minifters of State to the bar, to receive inftruclions from the AfTembly. They difpatched couriers to all the departments with orders to the Ma- giftrates and Commanding Officers of the Line and National Guards to flop all travel- lers, to prevent any perfon from going out of the kingdom, and to preferve tranquillity. They prefcribed a new oath of fidelity to A a 3 all ( 358 ) all the military, by which they engaged to obey no orders but thofe given in confe- quence of decrees of the Aflembly ; and that they would never permit an invafion of the French territory by foreigners. M. de la Fayette, having been in fome danger from the populace, was prote&ed by the National guards 5 and when it was announced that he waited the orders of the AfTembly, fome infinuations were thrown out to his difadvantage. Thefe were re- pelled by M. Barnave, who fhe'wed the danger and injuflice of countenancing fuf- picions without good grounds ; adding, that La Fayette had proved himfelf the friend of liberty from the beginning of the Revo- lution, and merited the utmoft confidence of the Aflembly. He was accordingly con- firmed in the command of the National Guards. This behaviour was the more gene- rous on the part of Barnave, becaufe he and La ( 359 ) La Fayette had been for fome time before en ill terms. The new oath was taken in the Affem- bly by Meflrs. de Rochambeau, LaFayette* D'AfFry, and all the Officers of the Line, as well as of the Swifs and National Guards then in Paris. On the morning after his departure a pa- per was delivered to M. de la Port, Inten- dant of the King's houfehold, with directions that he fhould carry it to the National AC- fembly. It contained an addrefs to the French Nation, written entirely by the King himfelf, in which he complains of the Af- fembly, gives the reafons of his withdraw- ing from a city where he was not free*, where his life was in danger, and enume- rates facts to prove thofe affertions. The King on this occafion does not feem to have fufficiently reflected on the danger to which he expofed an old and faithful fervant by this dangerous commiffion, as the AfTembly A a 4 might ( 3&> ) might have been fo irritated at the King's flight, and at his feeming diflike of theCon- ftitution, notwithftanding his late Declara- tion to foreign Courts, as to have wreaked their anger on M. de la Port, whom it was natural for them to have fufpeefced of having been privy to or aflifting in his flight. They immediately ordered the Declaration to be read, and liftened with profound attention and without any interruption. It was order- ed to be printed and publiihed. A Procla- mation, of which the following is a tranfla- tion, was foon after made in all the public places and ftreets of Paris : " The National Afiembly declares to the citizens of Paris and to all the empire, that the fame courage which has conducted the Aflembiy in the mod difficult circumftances will not abandon it at this emergency. The mod fpeedy and effectual meafures have been taken to ftop the flight of the King. The AiTembly are to continue their fittings 4 without ( m ) without interruption ; and the citizens of Paris are required to hold themfelves in readinefs to march at the firft notice." The Prefident then informed the Affem- bly, that an officer of the National Guards had brought a letter addrefled to the Queen, which had been intercepted ; but that he doubted if even the prefent fituation of affairs would juftify a breach of public confidence, or entitle them to open it. It was univer- fally agreed that it fhouid not be opened. When thole refolutions which were thought moft preffingly neceflary had been decreed, M. Beauharnois the Prefident faid, " If no member has any thing farther to propofe, we may pafs to the order of the day." The Affembly immediately refumed the difcuihon of the Penal Code, in which they had been employed before the King's flight was known. An anfwer to the Declara- tion which the King had left behind him, and ( 3& ) and which had been read in the Affemhly, was ordered to be made by a Committee. It was addrefTed, like the other, to the French Nation. Being approved by the AiTembly, it was immediately publifhed and difperfed all over France. The following is the laft paragraph: "II eft, envers les grandes nations, des attentats que la gene- rciite feule peut faire oublier. Le Peuple Francois etoit fier dans la fervitude. II montrera les vertus ct l'heroifme de la Li- berte. Que les ennemis de la Conftitution le fachent : Pour alTervir de nouveau le territoire de cet empire, il faudroit aneantir la Nation. Le defpotifme formera, s'il le veut, une pareille entreprife : il fera vaincu ; ou, a. la fuite de fon affreux triomphe, il ne trouvera que des ruines *." The # There are certain crimes againfl; a great Nation^ which nothing but generofity can forgive. The French People difplayed a proud fpirit even when they were in fervitude. ( 3^3 ) The tragedy of Brutus was acled at one of the theatres, and the people allowed to enter gratis. This could be done with no other view than that of inflaming their minds with republican ideas. Handbills abufive of the Royal Family were circulated, a-nd a pamphlet entitled 4i Memoires du Ci-devant Roi" was vociferated through the ftreets. The undifturbed countenance maintained by the National Affembly removed the con- fternation which, at the firft news of the King's flight, had filled the minds of many of the citizens. The town of Paris re- mained in unexpected tranquillity. The fervitude. They will now difplay the virtues and the heroifm of Liberty. Let the enemies of the Conftitu- tion be aware of this : To reduce this country again to flavery, the nation rauft be annihilated. Let defpo- tifm form that project, if it pleafes. It will either .be defeated, or after its horrible triumph noihing but ruins will be found. 5 greateft ( $4 ) greater!: agitation proceeded from the eager-* nefs with which the inhabitants related the circumftances of the efcape ; for, as all had in a ihort time received fojne account, there were more relaters than lifteners ; each en- deavouring to fnatch the narrative out of the mouth of the other, and infifting that her edition was the mod genuine. Towards the evening of the 23d, the fubject began to grow ftale. It had already maintained its ground as a topic of univerfal converfa- tion feveral hours longer than any thing was ever known to have done at Paris. At laft it appeared to languifh : other fubje&s of greater novelty began to fhove it off the tapis; and it is believed by thofe who were at Paris at the time, that the flight of the Royal Family would have been little fpoken of on the 25th of June, if the news had not arrived about nine of the evening of the 23d, that they had been flopped at Va- rennes. This was firft brought to Paris by M. Mangin, ( tfs ) M. Mangin, the furgeon above mentioned. As foon as the National Aflembly had received this intelligence, they decreed that immediate meafures fhould be taken for the protection of the King, the Heir of the Throne, and the reft of the Royal Family ; that Mefirs. Latour-Maubourg, Petion, and Barnave, all members of the National Aflembly, fhould fet out dire&ly to meet them, with full powers to order whatever they fhould think neceflary for the fecurity and accommodation of the Royal Family ; the Aflembly particularly re- commending to them to be attentive in pre- ferving all the refpect due to the royal dig- nity. M. Dumas, the Adjutant General of the Army, was ordered to accompany them, and fee the orders of the Commiffioners put in execution. The Commiflioners fet out with all expedition, and met the Royal Fa- mily at Epernay, about twenty miles from Chalons on the fide next to Paris. Having read ( 3^6 ) read to the King the decree of the National Affembly, the three CommhTioners placed themfelves in the fame carriage with the King and the Queen, and proceeded to Meaux. The King's journey from Va- rennes to Epernay, independent of the cir- cumftance of its being againft his will, had been moil cppreffive from the exceflive heat of the weather, from the crowds that flocked round the carriage, and from the flownefs ; for, as the Guards were on foot, the horfes were allowed to move no farter than the fol- diers -could march. But as there flill were rumours of the danger of a refcue, the Com- miflioners, ordering the infantry to remain behind, the Royal Family were attended for the reft of the journey by cavalry only, by which means their mifery was fomewhat fhortened. As the fad proceiTion moved through Paris to the Tuileries, the ftreets were crowded with the populace ; fome of wThom taking ( 367 ) taking off their hats as the Royal Family- approached, the infulting order " Chapeau fur la fete, que per forme ne fe decouvre" was heard, and obeyed % On the feat of the King's carnage the three gardes- du-corps, who had acted as couriers, were feated with their arms bound ; and the carriage was followed by an open cabriolet, in which Drouet was placed, crowned with laurel. This was the third time that the Parifian mob had, within a fhort period, been gra- tified with the fpeclacle of their Sovereign dragged as a prifoner through their city ; but this was by much the mod deplorable of the three. Ever fince the day that Per- feus the lad king of Macedon and his fa- mily were carried through the ftreets of Rome before the triumphal car of Paulus, * This feems to be rather a deviation from the fpirit of the decree of the Aflembly, ordaining the Commif- fioners above all things to be attentive that the refpecl: due to the royal dignity fhould be prefer ved. Emilius, ( 368 ) Emilias, no fcene fo humiliating to royalty has been exhibited in the world. Among other differences which may ex- ill between the characters of the Roman and the French victors, the former, as hif- tory informs us, was fo much affected with the fate of the Macedonian Monarch, that he flied tears when he firft received him as a prifoner. No fimilar weaknefs is recorded of Drouet. When the unfortunate family of France arrived at the Tuileries, the gardens were full. Some were prefcnt who had the feelings of men. Turning with fudden emotion from the fight of the King and Queen, their eyes fell on the Duke of Or- leans ; who, in a circle of Deputies at a fmall diftance, feemed to be a gay ipectator of the melancholy fcene. As the faithful gardes-du-corps were unr tied from the coach-box, they were threat- ened with being inftantly torn in pieces by the ( 3^9 ) the favage fuiy of the populace. The Com miffi oners were obliged to beg that fuch an outrage might not be executed be- fore the faces of the Royal Family ; but that the criminals might be referved for the juft fentence of the law. As this was not re- nouncing but only poftponing a pleafure, the requeft of the Commiffioners was granted. The unhappy family were again lodged in the Tuiieries under the refponfibility of M. de la Fayette. Several tents were pitch- ed in the garden, and all the avenues were occupied by National Guards under his command. He haa been greatly cenfured for the ftrictnefs with which the orders of the AfTembly were obeyed in this particular. Confidering the recent efcape of the Royal Family, the danger which he himfelf had been in, and the fufpicions which ftill ex- ifted againft him, it is not furprifmg that he fliould have been as attentive as pofllble to prevent a repetition of the fame event. vol. ii. B b The C 37° ) The following day, Commiffioners ap- pointed by the Aflfembly waited on the King, to take his declaration in writing re- fpecting his motives for having withdrawn from the capital. His Majefty afligned as his principal mo- tives " the infults he and his family had re- ceived, and the danger he conceived them to be in from thofe infults not having been punifhed. That his defign was not to go out of the kingdom, but only to repair to Montmedi, where he would have been bet- ter fituated than in the capital for oppofing the attempts of foreign powers, and from whence he could have with eafe repaired to any other part of the frontiers where his prefence might have been requifite. That another object, he had in view was to afcertain what the real difpofition of the nation was refpecting the Conftitution ; which had been varioufly reprefented to him, but which he now knew to be de- cidedly ( 37* ) tidedly in its favour. That he wifhed id prove to France and all Europe that he was at liberty ; and not a prifoner, as was be- lieved by many. That as he had it not in his power to quit Paris publicly, he had left it fecretly ; but without any concert with foreign powers, with his own relations, or any French emigrant. That he had ordered the three perfons who had accompanied him as couriers to provide themfelves with travelling jackets, becaufe they were to be fent with difpatches ; and that he had not communicated any thing more to them un- til the day of their departure. That the paflport was obtained for a foreign coun- try, becaufe there are none given for travel- ling within the kingdom. That if he had intended to go out of the kingdom, he would not have ordered his Memorial addrefled to the French Nation to be made public the day after leaving the Tuileries, but would have B b 2 delayed ( 372 ) delayed until he had at leaft pafTed the froft* tiers. In the difficult fituation in which Lewis was placed, there were more of his well- wifhers who excufed than believed every article of this Declaration ; by his enemies it was reprefented as a continued prevari- cation. The Commiffioners next waited on the Queen, who likewife figned a Declaration importing, " that when fhe faw that the King was refolved to quit the capital with his children, no confideration would have prevailed on her not to accompany him ; but that me did it the more willingly on ac- count of his pofitive aflurances that he would not go out of the kingdom : that if he had had any fuch intention, fhe would have ufed all her influence to have turned him from it." The reft of her Declaration fhews her anxiety to exculpate the female / 2 attendants ( 373 ) attendants and the couriers, afferting that they had no previous knowledge of the deftination or object of their journey. When the firft part of this Declaration was read in the National Aflembly, fome of the Deputies burft into an indecent laugh. Long before the French had any wifh to become republicans, and to affect roughnefs of manners as fuitable to that character, many of them had loft a great part of that decorum and politenefs for which the nation in general was fo much diftinguifhed. Du- ring the interval between the return of the King from Varennes and his acceptance of the Conftitution, an Officer of the National Guards played at fives one day with the Pauphin to amufe the child, in the pre- sence of the Queen. The Officer ftriking the ball obliquely, it had very near hit her; on which, by way of apology, he politely exclaimed, " Eh, mon Dieu! ma B b 3 boule ( 374 ) boule va tout de travers comme Tanner* regime." The queftion, whether the King was fub- je£t to trial or punifhment, was under dif- cuffion at this period all over France, but particularly in the capital. The humiliating ftate in which the King had been exhibited to the eyes of the populace, from the time he was arrefted at Varennes until his return to Paris, had tended more to lower their ef- teem than to raife their compaflion for their unfortunate fovereign ; and great pains had been taken to reprefent his flight as a proof of his profound diflimulation, as a breach of the oath he had taken to fupport the Con- ftitution, and as a ftrong prefumption of his intention to join the foreign forces and the emigrants who were fuppofed to be then preparing to invade France. Le Roi> peut-il eire mis en jugement? became the univerfal topic of difcourfe, and a queftion on which every ( 375 ) every fcribbler thought he had as good a right to publifh fon opiniont as any Member of the National AfTembly. On the whole the voices went greatly againft the King. Some enthufiafts thought the exiftence of any degree of freedom in France depended on his being immediately dethroned. Others who cared little about the matter, joined from mere wantonnefs in the clamour; which, as it was agreeable to the wifhes, was fuppofed to be encouraged and excited by the adherents of the Duke of Orleans, who expected that he would be appointed Regent during the minority of the Dau- phin ; for, even on the fuppofition of Lewis the Sixteenth being diverted of the crown, there was hardly any idea of its not being immediately placed on the head of ano- ther. Republican principles had made little progrefs at this period in France. But B b 4 there ( 37« ) there happened to be a fmall band of deter* mined republicans in the capital ; the moll diftinguiihed were the Marquis of Gondor- cet, BrifFot, and Thomas Paine ; none of them were Members of the Constituent AfTembly. Thofe men thought the prefent moment favourable for fpreading their opi- nions ; and were not without hopes that they might improve the prefent rage for the decheance into a paffion for a republican form of government. With this view they formed themfelves into a fociety, and pub- limed a periodical paper to which all occa- fionally contributed, entitled he ■ Republicainr ou Le Defenfeur du Gouvernement Repre- fentatif. In the very firft number of this work they unfold their defign with the greatefl opennefs ; obferving that the calm- nefs in which the inhabitants of Paris had remained during the abfence of the King was a proof " que Tabfence d'un Roi vaut mieujg ( 377 ) mleux que fa prefence, et qu'il n'eft pas feulement une fuperfluite politique, mais encore un fardeau tres-lourd qui pefe fur toute la nation. " II a abdique, 11 a deferte fon pofte dans 1c gouvernement. L'abdication, la defertion font cara&erifees, non par la longueur de Tabfence, mais par le feul acte de la fuite ; ici l'acte eft tout, et le temps n'eft rien. Nous ne le connoiflbns plus que comme un individu dans la foule, comme M. Louis Bourbon." Soon after the appearance of this paper, the famous Abbe Sieyes published fome an- fwers to the arguments adduced in it, and declared his intention of fupporting what he calls " TOpinion Monarchique contre le Syfteme Republicain." All the Abbe's celebrity for metaphyseal acutenefs did not intimidate Thomas Paine from accepting the challenge, declaring that he was fo con- vinced of the fuperiority of his own fyilem, that ( 378 ) that he would occupy no more than fifty pages in proving it, leaving his antagonift the liberty of taking as many pages as he pleafed to refute his arguments*. It is not known whether it was the fucceeding events of the Revolution, or the arguments of Thomas Paine, that had moft influence with the Abbe ; but it is certain that he has renounced TOpihion Monarchique, and is now devoted to the Syfteme Republicain, to which it is not doubted that he will ad- here, until events as extraordinary or ar- guments more powerful convince him of his prefent error, and oblige him to return to his ancient creed. In a paper written by Condorcet, he en- deavours to refute that juft and powerful argument in favour of monarchical govern- ment, namely, that a legal King is the befl; * The papers written by Thomas Paine for this work were tranflated into French by the Marchionefs of Condorcet. fecurity ( 379 ) fecurity againft a tyrant ; becaufe a power that is underftood and is limited by the arti- cles of the Conftitution is lefs formidable than the ufurped and undefined power of ambitious citizens ; and alfo becaufe the af- certained power of a hereditary King is the moft effectual means of precluding their hopes and flopping their ambitious views. Among other arguments to prove that there is lefs danger of this now than there was in the days of Sylla and Csefar, of Guife or Cromwell, he infills that the art of print- ing, the liberty of the prefs, and the great number of newfpapers, will with certainty preferve mankind from fimilar usurpations in future. " Pour tout homme qui a lu avec attention," faid Gondorcet, " l'hiftoire de Tufurpation de Cromwel, il eft evident qu'une feule gazette eut fuffi pour en arr@ter le fucces ; ii eft evident que ft le peuple d'Angleterre eut fu lire d'autres Uvres que la Bible, l'hypocrite, demafque des fes pre- miers ( 3So ) miers pas, eut bientot celle d'etre danger reux*. The unhappy Condorcet lived to fee this argument refuted by Roberfpierre, who, in ipite of all the newfpapers in France, ufurp- ed defpotic power, flied more blood than all the French Kings fince Charles IX. and whofe tyranny was not put an end to by the art of printing. BrifTot was not fo elegant a writer as Con- dorcet, but with lefs genius he pofTefTed more ardour in the caufe in which he en- gaged. His love of freedom, as he himfelf hints, he caught in his early youth from the converfation of Englifhmen. " Le hazard amena deux Anglois dans ma patrie; j'ap- t It is evident to every man who has read with attention the hiftory of the ufurpation of Cromwell, that a fingle newfpaper would have prevented its fuccefs. Had the Englifh of thofe days been in the habit of read- ing other books befides the Bible, the hypocrite would have been unmafked and no longer dangerous. pris ( m ) pris 1'Anglois, et cette circonftance a decide de mon fort *." His mind was fired with admiration of the ancient republics ; but having little ex- pectation of feeing his favourite fyftem efta- blifhed in France, he went to America, with a view to examine whether he could find a tolerable eftablifhment there, and in the intention of carrying his wife and fa- mily to that country if he found a fituation to his mind. The Revolution began in this interval. He immediately returned to France ; and, unfortunately for him, aban- doning the project of carrying his family to America, he endeavoured with all poffible affiduity to diffufe among his own country- men thofe principles and fentiments which were confirmed in his mind by his refidence in America. Briffot was more formed for fpeculation than for action ; and from a * Reponfe de Jacques-Pierre BrifTot a tcus les Libel- liftes qui ont attaque et attaquent fa Vie paffee. want ( 3«a ) want of experience he did not give proper* weight to the difficulties that flood in the way of the plans to which his affections were attached, and with which his imagina- tion was enamoured. Had he adhered to his early defigr^ which he himfelf informs us was to " inoculer aux Francois les prin- cipes de la Conftitution Angloife*," he would have applied his talents and induftry in fupport of the Conftitution 1789 j but he imagined that the flight of the King and the difpofition of the people rendered the imme- diate eftablifhment of a republic in France practicable. He therefore joined his efforts with thofe of others, to convince the nation that the beft meafure they could adopt would be the abolition of royalty ; for that, in pre^ ferving it, they mould rifk a thoufand dan- gers in cafe they would re-eftablifh Lewis XVI. And in one of his publications he reafoned in this manner : " If Lewis XVI. * Reponfe de Jacques-Pierre BrifTot, &c. &c. is ( 3S3 ) is re-placed on the throne, the Nation will fall into anarchy; for nobody will obey him, car 11 a perdu la confiance de la Nation* If you place another on the throne, and confine him as a prifoner, this will be thought cruel, you will be confidered as barbarians : if you allow him to beat liber- ty, he will fly the kingdom, will be fol- lowed by many, and the fame fcenes will commence in France that filled England with blood during the difpute between the White Rofe and the Red — a war about two individuals, in which the people had no intereft, waged in a caufe the moft ab- furd ; for what can be more abfurd than for one half of a nation to flaughter the other, to decide whether one man or another fhould be placed in an office which no man fhould be allowed to occupy ?" Briflbt concludes his reafoning with thefe words : " N'ayez plus de Roi, et les mecontens ne peuvent s'attacher a aucun nom ; et ils deviennent 8 odieux ( 384 > odieux a toute la terre, en voulant donnef im tyran a une nation qui n'en veut pas." All the efforts of the Republicans were fruitlefs. The people in general had no idea that fo extenfive a nation as France could be governed without a King. All their notions of government were engrafted on monarchy. Roberfpierre himfelf was not a republi- can. At this very period, while he ha- rangued in the Affembly againfl the King's inviolability, and was eager for bringing him to trial, he fpoke in the Jacobin So- ciety againfl: a republic ; and he was the perfonal enemy of the moft diftinguifhed republicans. Others who like him declared at once againfl: the King and a republic, were fuppofed to have been gained by the Duke of Orleans's agents, with a view to his being declared Regent during the minority of Lewis XVII. ; but no fufpicion of this kind adhered to Roberfpierre. With little tafte ( 335 ) tafte for pleafures or magnificence, he de~ fpifed money : power was his object^ and popularity the only means by which he ex- pected to obtain it. No man's external appearance was ever lefs calculated for af- fifting his defire of popularity. The pcrfon of Robefpierre was puny, his vifage pale, his features difagreeable, and he had the menacing eye and rapid gait of a madman. During a confiderable period of the Confti- tuent AiTembly, he had been little diftin- guifhed. It was not until after the death of Mirabeau, and about the period of which we are now treating, that he found himfelf a man of any confiderable importance, and that his views of ambition began to extend. The reftoration of Lewis XVI gave him no hopes of being placed in any fituation of authority. He knew that the Kingdifliked him, that the Queen defpifed him, and that he was hated by the whole Gourt. He therefore ardently wiihed the depofition of vol. if. C c the ( 3«6 ) the King, and joined with the partifans of the Duke of Orleans and the republicans in promoting that meafure : but he did not wifh to fee the Duke of Orleans Regent ; becaufe he knew that thofe who had been long attached to that Prince, fome of them men of eminent talents, would be preferred to him, and that he could expect under his regency only a fubordinate fituation. Nor did he wifh for the eftablifhment of a re- public, unlefs he could have had hopes of governing it ; and he faw Condorcet, Gen- fonet, Guadet, Vergniaud, BrifTot, Ker- faint, and others in his way, which deter- mined him to oppofe the republican fyftem both by his fpeeches in the Jacobin Club and in fome pamphlets which he publifhed. If the King had been depofed after his re- turn from Varennes, it is fuppofed that Ro- befpierre and others connected with him had expectations from the appointment of a regency in which the Duke of Orleans 6 would ( 3«7 ) would have had no fhare. But after the King was re-eflablifhed, and had accepted the Conftitution • after the Conftituent Af~ fembly was diffolved, and the Legiflative Af- fembly, of which Robefpierre could not be a member, convened; he became more afli- duous than ever in his attendance at the Jaco- bin Club, and in ufing every poffible means of increafing his popularity^ the fole found- ation on which the power he fo ardently de- fired could be built. With an arrogant mind which fpurned the common people, nobody ever flattered and cajoled them fo much; nobody ever adapted his language and be- haviour fo much to their paflions and pre- judices ; nobody ever feemed fo ob.fequious to their will, and fo anxious for their wel- fare. He feldom ventured to give any new or untried impulfe to the multitude. He watched until they had received it from cir- cumftances, or from thofe who were lefs cir- cumfpect than himfelf ; but when he clearly Cca faw ( 388 ) faw which way the torrent of their pafiioirs bore, he joined with oftentatious zeal, be- came the moft violent of the violent, and took the dire&ion of the ftorm from thofe who-had raifed it. After the iothofAu- guft 1792, he for the fir ft time became an avowed and furious republican. His influ- ence in the Jacobin Club was then unrival- led ; and, by redoubling his afliduity and his artful management, it foon became equal even in the new Common Council of Paris to that of Danton, who was its creator, and the governing fpirit by which the cataftro- phe of that day was accomplished. Robefpierre from that time became more daring and more atrocious. There is no doubt of his being the chief mover of the mafi'acrcs in September ; that he tried to get Briflot and others of the Gironde party ar- retted and involved in them ; for they were then the great objects of his jealoufy, and had for forne time the honour of fbaring with. C 389 ) with the King and Queen that abufe which daily flowed from the pen of Marat and other creatures of Robefpierre. By his influence and their calumnies, not one of the Briflbtine party was elected as mem- ber of the Convention for the department of Paris ; nor indeed any one man without his approbation. There is reafon to believe that Louvet's accufation was juft, that Robefpierre was fo intoxicated with his popularity as to have, entertained hopes of being appointed Dic- tator ; and that Marat and Panis, by his connivance, founded Barbaroux ofMarfeilles and Rebecqui on the fubjecl about the time when the Convention firft affembled. The popularity of Robefpierre at that period, however, was pretty much confined to the department of Paris. The vaft majority of the Deputies came to the Convention firongly prejudiced againft him, and with a high opinion of the integrity of Roland, and C c 3 of ( 39° ) of the talents and patriotifm of the Gironde party ; for two or three months after the firfl meeting of the Convention, any per- fon who attended that AfTembly would have been perfuaded that Robefpierre and his moft active adherents were fo much the object of its deteftation, that he had no chance of ever having influence in it. By his influence with the Jacobins, the Muni- cipality, and the Mob, and with the affift- ance of a minority of the Deputies, he forced on the King's trial, and then had the addrefs to make the unwillingnefs which the Gironde party fhewed to that meafure, and even their popular propofal of an ap- peal to the people, matter of accufation againft them, and the caufe of their ruin. Having now devolved the command of the National Guards of Paris on a creature of his own, he imperceptibly obtained an irre- iiftible fway in the Committee of Public Safety. Being fupported by the Municipa- lity ( 391 ) Iky and the Jacobin Glubs; never once yielding to pecuniary corruption, or fhock- ing the eyes of the populace with perfonal magnificence; turning the talents and crimes of others to the purpofes of his own am- bition ; cutting off his moft confidential friends without remorfe, when he became in the leaft jealous of them ; having by won- derful addrefs found means to have crea- tures of his own appointed Commjflioners to moft of the Departments ; and the mob of Paris being always under the management of his agents; he at laft obtained his object, the Convention was the paflive organ of his will, and Robefpierre was the Dictator of the French republic. But, after having drenched every department of France with blood, he became giddy by the exercife of power, forgot his original caution, and, by filling hi? very afibciates with terror, obliged them to be his executioners, that they might not become his victims, C c 4 CHAP- ( 392 ) CHAPTER XXVII. A curious Account of Tetl on by Robefpierre — M. Bar nave — 'Tumultuous ajjcmbl'mg in the Champ de Mars — Two Perfons mqjfucred by the Mob — M. La Fayette, at the Head of the National Guards, attach and d'ifperfes the Mob — T) anion — Cam'dle Defmoulins — Ma- rat— Charlotte Corde — R efieclions — D ijfo- lution cf the Corfl'tuent AJfembiy. iTpO give at once an idea of the character -** and conduct of Robefpierre, it was necefTary to allude to events that hap- pened long after the period of which we were treating, and to which it is now necef- fary to revert. When it was evident that a republican form of government was unpopular, that the periodical paper called Republican!, and all the efforts of the few republicans then at Paris, ( 393 ) Paris, made little imprefFion, BrhTot pub- 1-ifhed a new propofal, which was adopted by fome Members of the National AfTembly, and obtained the approbation of many more of the Jacobin Club ; namely, thet iince it Teemed to be determined to re-eftablifh roy- alty, the King ought to have a Council, not of his own choofing, nor of the National Aflembly's appointment, but to be elected by the Electors of the Deputies, and to be renewed annually according to a plan which lie published. BrifTbt concludes his pro- pofal with this expreffion : " En un mot, point de Roi, ou un Roi avec un Confeil eledtif et amovible. Telle eft en deux mots ma profeflion de foi *." The great error of the Conftituent Af- fembly, and which they were led into by the dread of a return of the ancient fyftem, * In a word, no King, at all j or a King with an ele£live and removable Council.; men is my prrofenTon ®f faith. was ( 394 > was that of leaving monarchy too weak to refift the force that was likely to affail it ; but this plan of Kriffot tended to render it ridiculous as well as weak, and expofed it to be overfet by the firft attack, which in all probability was his intention. This plan however was no better received than his avowed project for immediately efrablifhing a republic. In the mean time M. Muguet de Nan- thou made a report relative to the King's efcape, in the name of the Committees ap- pointed by the AfTembly. In this report they give an opinion in favour of the King's inviolability ; and that of courfe he ought not to undergo a trial. Immediately after hearing this report, the National Ai- fembly began a debate, which was refumed every day for three days on that fubject. It would feem not to require above three minutes deliberation ; for thefe obvious rea- fonSj that the Gonftitution rendered the per- form ( 395 ) fon of the Monarch inviolable ; and deter- mined befides, that in cafe the King mould ever withdraw from the kingdom, and actu- ally refide in an enemy's territories, he ihould be formally fummoned to return; and that only in the event of his refufmg to comply with the fummons, he was to be de- clared to have abdicated the Crown. To have brought the King to trial, therefore, . on the prefent occafion, would have be- trayed a difregard of all principle ; and fhewn that the Conftitution, which they had bellowed iuch pains in rearing, was built upon a ban. of fand, to be warned away by the firft torrent that mould iflue from the kennels of the fuburbs of St. Antoine. Robefpierre and Petion were the moft violent againfl the King during this debate. Thofe two men flarted together in a race of popularity, which it might have been ex- pected would have produced a little joftling between them. Hitherto however nothing of ( 396 ) of that nature had occurred; Robefpierre thought too meanly of the talents of Petion to be jealous of him ; he even beheld him at one period get fomewhat before him on the courfe without uneafinefs. It was not in Robefpierre's nature to have a friendfhip for any body ; but he defpifed Petion too much to hate him, until Briffot, who had been long the object of Robefpierre's jealoufy and hatred, drew him over to the Gironde party. Ke then honoured his old com- panion with a little of the rancour which he felt for all that faction. This appeared firft in the month of Octo- ber 1 792, when Petion endeavoured in a la- borious' pamphlet to refute feveral accu- fations of Robefpierre againft him ; and • ae in particular, which feems to have hurt him exceedingly, namely, that he was en- tirely led by Brides To this Robefpierre er ; and as he there appears • ' .. new pointof view, and displays a con- fid erahle ( 397 ) ilderable fhare of humour, of which it was not natural to fuppofe fuch a man poffeiTed, a few fpecimens may be excufable. In Petion's pamphlet he reprefents BrifTot as a man only in knowledge, but a child in fimplicity : " Que BrifTot eft 1'homme le moins propre a. etre chef de parti *." To this Robefpierre anfwers — " On ne con- fulte point le difciple fur la capacite de ion maitre. Orgon eft-il competent pour juger TartufFe *f ?" Petion, folicitous to remove an imputation which cruelly corroded his vanity, frequently repeals — "Jamais homme en place ne penfa et n'agit par lui-mcme au- tant que moi." " Mon cher Petion," fays Robefpierre, " vous vous calomniez vous-meme quand * BrifTot is the man on earth the leaft lit for being the leader of a party. f The fcholar is not confulted refpetSling; the Capa- city of his matter. Was Orgon a competent judge of the character of TartufFe? 7 VOUS ( 393 ) vous pretendez que vous n'etes mene pa? perfonne ; peut-etre meme vous l'etes-vous perfuade de bonne foi : mais il n'en eft rien, je vous jure. Le fait-on quand on eft mene ? Voyez encore ce qui fe pafTe fur nos theatres. Lorfqu'une adroite foubrette, ou un valet intriguant, conduit un Geronte5 ou un Orgon, comme par la lifiere; ne voyez-vous pas avec quel art les frippons Vextafient fur la rare fagefie et fur 1'incroy- able fermete du bon homme, et comme celui-ci s'ecrie, dans les eclats de lajoie bruyante, Oh ! je fais bien qu'on ne me mene pas, moi ; et s'il y a une forte tete en France, je vous garantis que c'eft celle-ci*/' Robef- -v * My dear Petion, you calumniate yourfelf when you pretend that you are led by nobody. Perhaps you even believe it ; but you are quite miftaken, I will take my oath. But do people know when they are led ? Only obferve what palTes on our theatres. When a fly cham- bermaid or a knavifli valet leads a Geronte or an Or- gon ( 399 ) -Robefpierre then aflures his old friend that there is a wonderful refemblance be- tween this portrait of Geronte and Petion himfelf; to prove which he afferts, that, after BrifTot and fome others had arranged the adminiftration, of which Roland and Claviere were the chiefs, he had direct- ly gone to Petion, and, on the pretence of confulting him on the fubjecl:, had faid, Well, whom do you think we fhould name for Minifters ? How would you like Ro- land and Claviere ? — would not they be ex- actly to your mind ? continued BrhTot. " Parbleu ! oui !" anfwered Petion ; " Oh, Roland, Claviere I favez-vous que ce feroit gon as if it were infeading-ftrings, don't you fee with what art the two former extol the wonderful wifdom and incredible firmnefs of the poor man ? while he, in the midft of their noify joy, cries — I am pretty certain that I am not a man to be led j and if there is a fieady head in France, it is this on my fhoulders. delicieux ! ( 4°° ) delicieux ! qu'on les nomrae *." BrifTot then allured him that he would endeavour to bring it about exadlly as Petion had ap- poinre J. Soon after which, continues Robefpicrre, " je vous ai vu dans la ferme croyance que c'etoit vous qui les aviez choifis. Com me je vous demandois fi cette demarche de la Cour ne vous etoit pas fuipecle, vous me repondites, avcc un air de contentement tres remarquable : ' Oh ! fi vous faviez qui les a defignes !' Je vous dcvinai, et je vcus dis, en riant de votre bonne foi — 4 C'eft vous, peut-etrc ?' Et alors en vous frottant les mains, — * Hem, Hem !' me repon- dites-vous f." In * Roland and Clavlere ! that would be charming — let them be appointed by all means. j- 1 faw that you were in the firm conviction that it was you who had chofen them. When I afked you if that meafure of the Court did not ftrike you as a little fufpicious, ( 4oi ) In this fame letter Robefpierre aflerts that Petion, by the feeblenefs of his conduct, had prevented the infurrection of the 20th of June 1792 from being as decifive as that of the 10th of Auguft ; and that the Court, and particularly the King, had totally mif- taken his character. " Le gros Louis XVI," fays he, in his abufive language, " crut voir un rival dans un Maire de Paris Jacobin ; mais Gefar auroit dit, en contemplant votre vifage epanoui par un rire eternel, ' Ce ne fera pas celui-la qui m'arrachera l'em- pire *. As fufpicious ? you anfwered with an air of extraordinary fatisfa&ion — " Ah ! if you but knew who it was that pointed them out!" Perceiving what you meant, and laughing at your credulity, I then faid, " It was you, perhaps ?" — on which, rubbing your hands together, you nodded affent. * The plump Lewis thought he faw a rival in a Ja- cobin Mayor of Paris ; but Caefar would have faid, on contemplating your face, fpread with an eternal fmUe, VOL. n. D d "It ( 4°2 ) As an apology for the freedom he takes with his old friend, Robefpierre obferves — ■ " Si, dans ce genre d'efcrime tout-a-fait philanthropique, vous etiez expofe a. quel- que legere blefltire, elle n'atteindroit que vctre amour propre : et vous m'avez raf- fure d'avancc la-deflus, en protectant vous- me\ne qu'il etoit nul *." Through the whole of this letter there runs a vein of pleafantry which might have been thought inconfiflent with the faturnine temper and atrocious mind of Robefpierre. After all the ridicule, however, which he endeavours to throw on Petion, thofe who knew him. equally well, and are lefs preju- diced, rcprelent him as a man of confi- " It will not be this man who will tear the empire from me." * If in this difpute, which is entirely philanthropic, you fhould be expofed to fome flight blows, they will be aimed at your vanity ; and you have put me quite at eafe, my dear Petion, on that head, by declaring your- felf that you have none. derable ( 403 ) derable learning, though not fo much as he wifhed the world to believe ; of fome elo* quence, but by no means fo much as he believed himfelf; of fome judgment, though a much fmaller portion than he imagined ; whereas he really pofleffed a very comfort- able fhare of vanity, of which it appears he was perfuaded that he had none at all. This character may be thought perhaps fingular; yet it is wonderful what a number of people refemble Petion. As for Robef* pierre, it is to be hoped that there is not fuch another man in the world. Independent of the influence which Ro- befpierre had over Petion at the period of which we were treating, another circu al- liance is fuppofed to have contributed to the violent part he took againft the King during the three days which this debate lafted. It Was mentioned above that M. Barnave was a joint Gommiffioner with Petion from the Aflembly to meet the Royal D d 2 Family ( 404 ) * Family on their return from Varennes ; and it was remarked that the King gave fuch a marked preference to the former as greatly offended the latter. M. Barnave was a young man of very promifing talents j the applaufe bellowed on his fpeeches in the National Affembly and the Jacobin Society, with the impetuofity of his temper, rendered him felf-fufficient. Eloquence being that in which he chiefly excelled, he confidered it as the principal talent of a ftatefmanj and was apt to under- value men of more mature and jufter ideas than his own, becaufe they could not ex- press them fo well. He had diftinguifhed himfelf by his violence againft the Mini- fters and the Court on various occafions in the AfTembiy, and would in all likeli- hood have entirely joined the republican party, had not his zeal been reftrained by Mirabeau, whom he greatly admired, and who a little before his laft illnefs had be- come ( 4°5 ) come convinced that the democratic fpirit threatened the deftruction of even that limited monarchy which he preferred to any other form of government, and which he was determined to maintain. The Queen was not unacquainted with thefe intentions of Mirabeau, nor with the influence he had poiTefled over the mind of Barnave. The affecting point of view in which he faw the Royal Family, the flatter- ing attention and powerful addrefs of the Queen, joined to the impreflion which Mi- rabeau had already made, entirely convert- ed Barnave. He fided with Liancour, Ma- louet, Alexander Lameth, Adrien Duport, and thofe who fpoke for the re-eftablifhing of the King ; and repelled the arguments of Robefpierre, Petion, Buzot, and others, with energy and fuccefs. It was finally de- creed that the King mould not be farther queftioned refpecting what was paffed, and D d 3 that ( A®$ ) that the Conftitution fhould be acGompIifhed as was at firft intended. This decifion of the Affembly was too wife and liberal to be approved of by the multitude. It occafioned fuch a general clamour as revived the hopes of the repub- licans, who thought that by improving the prefent difcontents the revolution might after all finifh in the accompliihment of their favourite fyftem of government. In their efforts to inftigate the people to tu- mult they were affifted by the agents of the Duke of Orleans ; though thefe laft cer- tainly gave their affiftance in the hope of a different termination. The fquares and public gardens were filled with groups of people, to whom cer- tain well-known orators, called motion- makers, harangued againft the conduct of the National AfTembly. Robefpierre com- ing out of the hall found the ftreet filled x with ( 4°7 ) with thofe groups ; who Ipreading around the patriot as foon as they obferved him — " Alas ! my friends" he was heard to fay, " all is ruined \ the King is to be reflored" This was repeated all over Paris, as an un- anfwerable proof that the AfTembly were traitors, and the country undone. The theatres were fhut as in the times of public calamity. The multitude afterwards re- forted to the Champ de Mars, with a De- claration or Petition, of which many copies were made, and the people invited to fign it on the Altar of Confederation, which ftill flood in that field. This Declaration an- nounced " that the fubfcribers thought, that in queftions comprehending the general fafety of the people it was their duty to ex- prefs their wifhes to the national repre^ fentatives. That, in their opinion, the King by his late defertion had palfied the go- vernment and broken his oath. That this defertion and perjury, befides other criminal D d 4 acts ( 4°8 ) a£ts which preceded, accompanied, and fol- lowed them, implied an abdication of the crown. That it was unbecoming of the majefty of the French nation to entruft its government in the hands of a perjured per- ibn, a traitor, and a fugitive." It concludes with a formal demand " that the National Affembly will fanction by their Decree the abdication of the government executed by Lewis the Sixteenth on the 21ft of June;" and a declaration " that the fubfcribers will never acknowledge him for their King, un- 3 els the majority of the nation fhould ex- prefs a wifh different from theirs." It appeared that the leaders of two differ- ent factions were engaged in the fabrication of this Addrefs to the Affembly; for in fome copies, after the declaration never to acknowledge Lewis XVI. for their King, the words nor any other were inferted. This was probably done by fome of the repub- licans ; but, as it was not agreeable to the opinion ( 409 ) opinion of the grat majority even of thofe who wifhed the cethronement of the pre- fent King, the "words were erafed. When the National AlTenbly heard of thofe pro- ceedings, they ordered the Municipal Offi- cers of Paris to their bar, and directed them to take meafures tor difperfing thefe tumul- tuous affemblies, and punifhing their pro- moters. The firft meafure which the Municipality adopted was to ifliie a proclamation, im- porting, that, as itwas difcovered that (Gran- gers paid by the memies of France to fow fedition and pro mete infurrection had drawn numbers to alTemjle under the pretence of figning a petition, but with the real inten- tion of overawing the Legiilature and ruin- ing the Nation, orders had been given to the Commander of the National Guards to dif- perfe all groups :'n the ftreets, or alTem- blings in the field?, and to feize the difobe- dient and carry them to prifon. There ( 4*° ) There unquestionably were no Grangers at this time in Paris paidby foreign Powers for the purpofe affigned in the proclama- tion ; but fuch accufaticns are often pro- claimed by thofe who know their falfehood, on purpofe to render tin meafures againft which the proclamation if iiTued the more unpopular. The proclamation had ittle effecT:. Vaft numbers crowded to the Uhamp de Mars to fign the declaration. Tie fury of the mul- titude augmented with their numbers. Wo- men as well as men afemded the altar to fubferibe their names ; aid though it could hardly be fuppofed that any of the former who attended on fuch an cccaiion were much worth looking at, yet two unfortunate men, one a foklier with a woolen leg, the other a hair-dreffer, had the raft curiofity to place themfelves under the boards which formed the floor of the altar, to contemplate thofe who afcended. They ( 4" ) They were foon difcovered, dragged forth by the mob, and carried before a Judge of the Section ; who, thinking their conduct deferved fome punifhment, ordered them to beTmprifoned ; but as they were on the way, fome of the rabble obfervcd that they muft have been hired by ariftocrates to fecrete themfelves under the altar, with no other defign than that of blowing up all the patriots male and female it contained ; and that if a narrow examination of the ground were made, barrels of gunpowder would undoubtedly be found near the place. This reafoning was fo fatisfactory, that all farther proof or investigation was thought unnc- ceflary., The two prifoners were dire&ly hung upon the neareft lanthorn, and their heads afterwards cut off, and ftuck upon pikes according to cuftom. What feemed particular was, that they were directly car- ried to the Palais Royal, and marched in proceffion before the windows. When ( 412 > When the Municipality heard of thofe murders, they gave orders that M. La Fay- ette mould directly march at the head of a fuflicient number of the National Guards to the Champ de Mars, and, being accompanied by fome Municipal Officers, ufe every le- gal and effectual means to feize the mur- derers and difperfe the infurgents. Martial law at the fame time was formally pro- claimed ; and a red flag was difplayed from the window of the Town-houfe. When thefe troops arrived at the Champ de Mars, they found it crowded by a furious multi- tude, who, inftead of difperfmg, infulted the troops with repeated exclamations, " A bas le drapeau rouge, a bas les bayonnettes," and even by throwing (tones. M. Bailly the Mayor defired the troops to halt ; and, after the formalities which the law required, M. La Fayette ordered part of them to fire over the heads of the mob. When they perceived that none were wounded, it con- firmed ( 4*3 ) firmed them in an opinion which their in- itigators had infpired them with, that nei- ther the General nor the Mayor had any inclination to hurt them, and that they durft not fire with ball. From this idea they became more outrageous : the foldiers and fome of the officers of the National Guards were wounded. The troops fired upon their aggrefTors, of whom between 60 and 70 were killed or wounded. The mul- titude then fled into the city, exclaiming againft the General and Mayor for having ordered innocent perfons to be maflfacred -, and they endeavoured to infligate the citi- zens againft the National Guards and thofe who commanded them. The citizens, how- ever, lent a deaf ear to thofe clamours, fhutting their {hops againft the multitude as they paffed to the fuburbs of St. Antoine and St. Marceau, where moft of them refided. The open and avowed exciters of this in- furrection immediately difappeared. Dan- ton, ( 4*4 ) ton, hearing that an order was iflued for arrefting him, fled to Marfeilles. Camille Defmoulins followed his example. This perfon had uncommon claims for popularity. On the memorable day on which the Prince of Lambefc attacked the people at the Pont Tournant, Camille Defmoulins mounted on a table in the Palais Royal, and encouraged them to take arms. Since that time he had fupportcd the popular caufe by his fpeeches in the clubs, and by his writings not entire- ly devoid of wit, and generally full of that kind of coarfe pleafantry which is relifhed by the common people. Danton and he were at this time attached to Robefpierre, who pretended much friendfhip for both. They had the guilt of concurring with him in the maflacre of the Deputies of the Gi« ronde ; but afterwards, when that perfidious man became jealous of Danton, and found Camille lefs pliable to his will than he wifhed, he contrived to have both publicly executed. Others ( 4*5 ) Others of lefs eninence lurked in Paris. Marat betook himtlf to a fubterraneari ha- bitation which hac been prepared for him by Le Gendre the bitcher, which had ferved to fecrete hitn fromjuftice on various occa- sions both before anl fince the period we are now treating of. It is much to be regretted that he was not dig out and executed on this occafion. It would have prevented a great deal of mifchiif of which he was af- terwards the caufe ; aid he would have died with more propriety by the hand of the hangman, than by that of the extraordinary and mod interefting woman who gave him the mortal blow *. Laclos * Marie Charlotte Cede was a beautiful young woman of an unblemifhed character, diftinguifhed for dignity of fentiment and benevolence of heart; but who had never given caufe of fufpicion of a difturbed under- Handing, nor, until fhe {truck a poniard into the heart of Marat, any indication of a violent temper. She was not prompted t® this raft action by any perfonal ( 4>6 ) Laclos and BriiTot hac alfo promoted this infurrection, but not b openly as thofc above perfonal indignity offered to hfffelf, by rage, by love, by jealoufy, by religious enthuilafn, or any of thofe incite- ments which alone have been nought capable of urging women to fuch deeds. She fav her country in calami- tous circumftances j me draded their increafe from the wickednefs of one man ,vhom the law could not reach ; me was convinced hat by killing him fhe would be of more fervice to hsr country than by all the exertions of a long life. " I killed one man," fhe de- clared at her trial, " to fave : hundred thoufand." She formed her defign coolly, without entrufling any mortal with her intention : fhe uidertook a long journey to accomplish it : fhe weighed all its confequences : fhe calculated on death, and n a more dreadful fhape than that in which me afterwards met with it ; fhe expected to be torn in pieces by the mob, or that her body would be dragged through the ftreets. The idea ©f thofe horrors did not {hake the fteadinefs of her mind. She looked for no recompenfe but in the reflec- tion of having prevented the death of thoufands, and the mifery of tens of thoufands. She was allowed an advocate to ailift her at her trial. M. Chauveau, when the ( 4*7 ) above mentioned, and certainly with views very different from each other. Laclos and others the evidence was finifhed, pronounced the following brief fpeech to the Jury : " L'accufee avoue avec fang* froid l'attentatqu'elle a commis ; elle en avoue la longue premeditation ; elle en avoue les circonftances ; en un mot, elle avoue tout, et ne cherche pas meme a fe jufti- fier. Voila, Citoyens Jures, fa defenfe toute entiere. Ce calme imperturbable, et cette entiere abnegation de foi-meme, qui n'annoncent aucuns remords, et pour ainfi dire en prefence de la mort meme ; ce calme, et cette abnegation fublime fous un rapport, ne font pas dans la nature; ils ne peuvent s'expliquer que par l'exalta- tion du fanatifme politique qui lui a mis le poignard a la main, et c'eft a vous, Citoyens Jures, a juger de quel poids doit etre cette confideration morale dans la balance de la jutlice *." The * The prifoner acknowledges the a& of which fhe is accufed j Ihe acknowledges that fhe had long premeditated it ; fhe acknow- ledges the various circumftances ; in fhort, fhe acknowledges the whole accufation, and takes no pains to juftify herfeif. In this, Gentlemen of the Jury, lies her entire defence. This aftonifhing cslmnefs, this total abnegation of ielf, which betrays no remorfe even in the very prefence of death ; this calm and this abnegation feem not to be in nature ; they cannot be accounted for, but on vol. ii. E e the ( 4i« ) others attached to the Duke of Orleans wifhed the depofition of the King, that their The Jury unanimoufly found her guilty. Sentence of death was pronounced. She then addreffed M. Chau- veau to this effec~l : i{ Sir, you have fpoken in my de- fence in delicate and generous terms : it was the only ftyle proper for me. I thank you. It has infpired me with efleem for you, of which I will give you a proof. The Judges have informed me that my goods are con- fifcated. I am indebted for fome things at the prifon. I charge you to acquit that debt." A little before her execution, a Confeffor was intro- duced to her, and offered his fervices. She thanked him, and exprefled a fenfe of obligation to thofe who had fent him ; but faid fhe had no need of his fervices. When the officers entered her chamber to conducT: her to death, fhe mildly begged to be excufed for a few minutes until fhe had finifhed the letter fhe was then writing to her father. The populace, in fpite of their prejudice in favour of Marat, were fo flruck with her undaunted deportment, that the fuppofition that political fanaticifm put the poniard into her hand ; and it belongs to you. Gentlemen of the Jury, to deter- mine what weight that confideration fhould have in the fcale of juftice. ( 4*9 ) their patron might be declared Regent, and that they themfelves might of courfe obtain fituations of power and emolument during the young King's minority. BrifTot, who abhorred the Duke of Orleans, promoted this feditious petition, in the hopes that the eftablifhment of a republic would be the im- mediate effect of the King's being depofed. This aiTembly in the Champ de Mars, under the pretence o£ figning a petition for the purpofe of depofing the King at the that they did not, according to their cuftom, infult her as (he was carried to execution. She occafionally fmiled as fhe palled ; and by that alone fhevved that fhe paid them any attention. On the fcaffold her face dis- played the bloom of health, and the ferenity of a mind undifturbed. AfTafTination can in no cafe be entirely juftified •, but this feems the leafr. culpable and mod: difmterefted in- nance that can be imagined ; and the whore behaviour of Marie Charlotte Corde exhibits a benevolence of in- tention and heroic firmne'fs of mind that perhaps has never been furpalTed by v/oman or by roan. E e i very ( 420 ) very time that the National Aflembly had his conduct under confiderationj and even after it was known that they had decreed his refloration, with the outrageous beha- viour of the multitude, obviouily to over- awe the Legiflature., and carry their point by force, was certainly rebellion, however palliated by Briflbt himfelf, in a work he published fome time afterwards, in which this event is fingularly mifreprefented *. The conduct of Briflbt was ftrongly difap- proved of by all thofe firft movers of the Revolution, whofe view from the beginning, and whofe ultimate wiih, was a monarchical * On profite d'un raflemblement /#//// to the decree, which he confidered as crueland unjuft. When this matter was laid before the King's Council, which confided of M. De- lefTart for Foreign Affairs, M. de Narbonnc as Minifter of War, M. de Bertrand of the Marine, M. Cahier de Gerville of the Inte- rior, M. Duport du Tertre, Keeper of the Seals, and M. Tarbe, Minifter of Contribu- tions, they were unanimoufly of opinion that the decree mould be negatived ; but, .this being the firft inflance of the King's exercifmg this prerogative, it was thought expedient ( 443 ) expedient that it fhould be done with folem- nity ; and, to fhew that it was wTith the en- tire approbation of the Council, all the Mi- nifters agreed to accompany M. Duport du Tertre to the Aflembly when he went to announce the King's veto. M. Duport having a meflage of a more agreeable nature to communicate to them at the fame time, he encouraged his colleagues by afluring them, that he would take that op- portunity of throwing in a few forcible argu- ments to prove the expediency of the veto, which he was convinced would fatisfy the Af- fembly. The King approved of this arrange- ment; and on the ioth of November all the Minifters afTembled at M. Duport's houfe, that they might go to the Aflembly together. Before they fet out, he was obferved to drink two glafTes of cold water. One of his colleagues afked if he felt himfelf indif- pofed. He anfwered, " Non ; c'eft une pre- caution que je prends toutes les fois qive je vais ( 444 ) vais a TAfTemblce ; le fang me bout dans les veines quand j'entends ces" gens-la. ; et fi je ne prennois pas quelque chofe pour me calmer, je ferois fur de m'emporter, et de leur dire les verites les plus dures *.*' The entrance of the fix Minifters into the hall of the Affembly, and the report of a meffage from the King, the purport of which was unknown, excited curiofity, and produced a filence more profound and of longer duration than had ever been known in that Affembly. M. Duport in the mean time laid upon the table, one after another, the different decrees which the King had fanttioned, among which were two that the Affembly had fhewn particular anxiety to have paffed. Having fulfilled this part of his duty to the fatisfaclion of the Affembly, * No 5 it is a precaution I take every time I go to the Affembly to keep my blood calm ; for it is apt to boil in my veins at fight of thofe fellows ; and if I did not take fomething to cool me, I fhould be fo overheated with paffion as to tell th«m the moft difagreeable truths. he ( 445 ) he added, that with regard to the decree which impofed a new oath on the uncon- flitutional Priefts, le Rot exammera ; which is the expreffion ufed when a decree is ne- gatived. The Minifter then drew from his pocket a paper containing the difcourfe which he had prepared relative to the King's meflage; but unfortunately the two glafies of water began to operate at that inftant, and they produced an erFetl: more violent than could have been expected from fo fimple a medicine. His face became pale ; his voice grew weak ; and his hand fhook fo much that it was with difficulty he could read the difcourfe ; and, what was moft un- lucky of all, the firft fentence he pronoun- ced alluded to the refufal of the fanction. He was allowed to proceed no farther: a general uproar began in the Affembly : all fpoke at once demanding la parole; and all continuing to fpeak without having obtained permiffion, " M. le Prefident— M. le Pre- 6 fident, ( 44^ ) fident, nous ne pouvons p-as entendre ce meffage," exclaimed one. " Ce font les motifs du refus de fanction," rejoined ano- ther. *' Ce meffage eft inconftitutionnel," cried a third. " Rappellez a Tordre le Miniftre," added a fourth. " M. le Pre- fident, je demande la parole pour- une motion d'ordre," faid a fifth, and many others made the, fame requifition. The tumult continued fcven or eight minutes, during which the Minifters flood waiting the remit. As foon as it abated, the Prefident propofed the queftion, whether they mould refufe to hear the meffage as unconflitucional. M. Bertrand, perceiving that the Keeper of the Seals made no effort to prevent this, defired to be heard for a fingle moment. This was refufed ; and it was decreed that the meffage mould not be heard ; after which the Prefident informed M. Bertrand that he might fpeak. M. 'Ber- trand laid, that what he had to fay could now ( 447 ) now be of little importance; but that if he had been allowed to fpeak before they paff. ed the decree, he would have informed them that the King's meffage was to communi- cate certain meafures which his Majeity had taken to put a flop to emigration. He had no fooner pronounced thefe words than the tumult recommenced : one part of the Af- fembly infilled upon retracting the decree and hearing the meiTage ; another were for maintaining the decree ; but as the Keeper of the Seals was filent, although, had it not been for the chilling effect of the water, he might have reprefented that, according to the Conftitution, the Affembly had no right to refufe to hear a mefTage from the King ; the bufinefs ended here, and the order of the day was called for. In the account of this tranfaction given in the newfpaper called the Moniteur, the 0 words ufed by M. Bertrand were miftated. He was reprefented, after the words to flop the emigration^ to have added, of 'Navy Offi- cers. ( 4*8 ) cers. He thought proper to addrefs a lettetf to the editor of the Moniteur, defiling that the miftake might be corrected, as he had not mentioned the Officers of the Navy, nor could with propriety have done it, no one officer having deferted his poft fince his ap- pointment to the place of Minifter of the Marine. This letter formed the pretext for a denunciation againft M. Bertrand a fhort time afterwards. The Legillative A {Terribly manifested fo great a difpofition to put an unfavourable conftru&ion on the King's meafures, that he was conftantly on his guard, had the* Con- ftitution always before his eyes, and feldom propofed any plan to his Minifters, or adopt- ed one propofed by them, without previoufly examining whether or not it was ftrifily conformable to it ; and if there were doubts on that head, he generally rejected the mea- fure. This attention rendered it difficult for the King's enemies to find, what they eagerly looked for, any matter of accufation founded ( 449 ) founded on his having infringed the Con- stitution. An attempt was made to put that conftruction on his having made ufe of the veto. It was faid to be applying a con- ititutional power diametrically againft the fpirit of the Conftitution. But who are to be the judges in this matter ? If it be the AiTembly, then the veto is a word fignify- ing nothing. If it is the King, then there was no infringement of the Conftitution. But no prudence on his part could have enabled him to avoid all the dangers with which he was furrounded ; nor could human penetration forefee what was to be the effect, when ambition, enthufiafm, prejudice, pa- triotifm, ignorance, and caprice, acting upon a large body of men poflelTed with power, are the caufes. Indeed, many events in the courfe of this revolution are fo furprifing, and fo little to be looked for from what oc- curred immediately before, that they may be compared to the tricks of a juggler, who vol, ii. Gg bewilders ( 45° ) bewilders the fenfes of the fpe&ators, and, every time he removes the cup or the hat, prefents fome object extremely different, if not precifely the reverfe of what they expected to fee. For example. Who could have expected that the Archbifhop of Sens would be fuc- ceeded, as Prime Minifter of France, by a foreigner who was a Proteftant by religion and a republican by birth ? After being created Minifter upon account of his popu- larity, who could have imagined that M. Necker would be ordered to quit the king- dom when his popularity was at the high- eft? Could thofe who faw him flying like a felon to the frontiers conceive, that he would within a few days be recalled and brought back in triumph to his former fitu- ation ? Or could thofe who law the frantic joy of the people at his return imagine, that he would foon after be permitted to withdraw out of the kingdom without no- tice ( 451 ) tice of regret ? After all the time and la* bour which had been beflowed in forming a Conftitution of a monarchical form; after the whole nation had fworn to maintain it ; after the Legiflative AiTembly, amidft the plaudits of the galleries, had declared againft a republic in the month of July 1792, who could have believed that a republican form of government would \>e decreed in the month of September of the fame year ? Could it have been forefeen that the Duke of Rochefoucault, M. Mounier, and many more who ftruggled to obtain freedom for France, would be murdered or driven out of their country as the agents of defpotifm ? When the King was a prifoner and the nation in anarchy, who expected that the raw foldiery and undifciplined peafantry of France, under the direction of a General who had never before commanded an army, fhould baffle the fkill and energy of a nu- merous veteran army, commanded by a Ge- G g 2 neral ( 45* ) nerai of the higheft military reputation iri Europe ? At a moment when they certain- ly could not wifh for new enemies, who could have thought that the Convention would have wantonly provoked every neigh- bouring (late by ridiculous and hoftile de- crees? When unhappy and diftracled France was fuffering under the raoft cruel internal commotion, and on the point of exhaufting her flrength by civil war as much as her bittereft enemies could wifh, who could have imagined that they would contrive afcheme, the effect of which was to afluage commo- tions, unite her councils, and infpire her with a vigour me never had fhewn before I Could any body who had feen Robefpierre odious to the great majority of the Conven- tion, and with difficulty allowed to fpeak, have imagined that this very man, who feemed to hate mankind and was formed for being hated by them, was ever to acquire power by popularity, and be able to exercife a degree ( 453 ) a degree of tyranny over tliofe zealots of freedom, which it could hardly be expected the mutes of a feraglio would have long f ubmitted to ? To return to the period we left. When the King and thofe around him feem to have fhut their hearts from any other view, and to have centred all their hopes of -com- fort and fecurity in conforming to the regu- lations of the Conftitution, it was peculiarly unlucky that there was not perfect concord in the King's Council on other points of conducl:. Though there is reafori to be- lieve that all the Minifters wifhed well to their country, the moft difiinguifhed for ta- lents and energy among them were of very different characters. M. de Narbonne, the Minifter of War, was a man of fpirit and enterprife, of very plcafing manners, of a great (hare of ^vit, and various other accom- plifhments. M. Eertrand, the Minifter of the Marine, was more advanced in life, of a G g 3 clear ( 454 ) clear and mafculine judgment, of unremit- ting application, but of plainer manners than is ufual with his countrymen. He had managed the public affairs as Intendant in the province of Britanny, during a diffi- cult period, with great fteadinefs, and equal- ly to the fatisfa&ion of the King and the province. As it had been. remarked by M. Bertrand, that fome of the Minifters during the nril AfTembly had been brought into trouble by communicating with the Committees, owing to their words or actions having been mifreprefented, he propofed to his col- leagues, that they mould communicate and ccrrefpond directly with the AiTembly, as ordained by the Conftitution, and never with the Committees. This being approved of by the King, was agreed to by all the Minifters, except M. de Narbonne, who at this time enjoyed a great mare of popu- larity, was praifed in the Journals ofBriflbt and ( 455 ) and Condorcet, while M. Bertrand was abufed in both. M. de Narbone imagined that it was only by preferring his popula- rity that he could be of fervice as a Mini- fter either to his King or Country. He therefore correfponded with the Commit* tees, went often there, was always well re- ceived, and appeared to be on a friendly footing with feverai leading Deputies of the Gironde party: This conduct was highly difpleafing to M. Bertrand and fome of the other Minifters, and, with other fubjects of difagreement, was the caufe of M. de Nar- bonne's quitting the office of Minifter. Af- ter his refignation, as the mifunderftanding between him and M. Bertrand had been commented on in BrifTot's Journal, the lat- ter thought it expedient to refign alfo. The confequence was the entire diflblution of this Adminiftraticn — an event much to be regretted ; becaufe perhaps it was the only Adminiftration fmce the Revolution, Gg4 *n ( 456 ) in which all the Minifters were at once at- tached to the King and to the Conftitution. M. de Narbonne foon afterwards joined the army under M. La Fayette, whofe conduct in fupport of the Conftitution he approved^ and thereby drew upon himfelf the hatred firft of the Jacobins, and finally of the < ronde party. CHAP- ( 457 ) CHAPTER XXIX. The Jacobin Adminijlraiion — War with the 'Emperor — The Aujlrian Committee revived • — Memoirs of Madame de la Mot te— The King's Household Troops reduced — Seditious Scenes in the Gardens of the Tuilertes — Di- vi/ions in the Conned — Decree for an Army of Twenty Thoufand Men — Views of the Jacobins — Obfcrvations of Camilie Defmou- lins — King- negatives the Decrees — Roland difmi/fed — Dumourier refgns — M. La Fay- cite writes to the National AJfembly — Appears at the Bar — A Project for the Efcape of the Royal Family — Refedlions on the Beha- viour of the King, ^ueen, and Princefs Eli- zabeth, /^\N the diflblution of this adminiftration, ^-^ the King was advifed by M. Cahier de Gerville to form an adminiftration of a popular ( 458 ) popular nature, as the beft means of acquir- ing the confidence of the nation, and of pre- cluding thofe mnrks of jealoufy and ill ma- inour that were fhewn again ft all his mea- fures. M. Dumouricr, the fame who has fince rendered himfelf fo famous, was ap- pointed Minifter for Foreign Affairs ; M. La Cofte for the Marine ; M. Duranton Mi- nifter of Juftice ; and a fhort time after M. Roland, a man of a grave character and re- publican principles, who had formerly been Infpector of Commerce and Manufactures, was named Minifter for the Interior ; M. Claviere of Geneva, a perfon celebrated for his knowledge in finance, Minifter of Con- tribution ; and M. Degraves, a man of a mild and diffident character, and in a weakly ftate of health, fucceeded M. de Narbcnne as Minifter of War. This was called the jacobin Adminlftration ; although Lacofte, Duranton, and Depraves never had been of that Society, and the other three within a very ( 459 ) very fhort time were more obnoxious to the Jacobins than any men in France. The affembling of emigrants on the fron- tiers of France, particularly in the Auftrian Netherlands, the countenance given to them by foreign Princes, the proclamations ifllied by the King's brothers, and a variety of other circumftances, had long rendered it probable, notwithstanding the pacific de- clarations of the Emperor Leopold, that an attack was intended upon France. In the difordered Hate of that country, it is natural to imagine that war would have been confidered as an additional evil, and to be avoided with the utmoft care. It has been believed, however, that it was not viewed in that light by the republicans ; but rather as a means of accomplifhing their favourite object. Briflbt in his Journal in- sinuates as much: " Sans la guerre," he fays, " la France ne feroit pas republique j" but the Journal alluded to appeared immediately after ( 4&> ) after the Republic had been declared by the Convention, when the bigheft merit the party could claim was that of having con- tributed to it. But however ardently they may have wifhed for war, they had no need of ufing any addrefs to have it declared ; for the young Prince who fucceeded his uncle Leopold foon fettled that point by the an- fwer he ordered to be made to the requi- fitions of M. de Noailles, the French Am- bafTadorat the Court of Vienna, and by him tranfmitted to M. Dumourier. This anfwer imported that the only terms on which peace could be continued were, " that the French Monarchy mould be re-eftablifhed, according to the plan propofed at the Royal SefTion at Verfailles in June 1789, which exacted the reftoration of the nobility and clergy as orders, the reftoration of the lands of the church, the guarantee of the feudal rights of the German Princes in Al face, and the reftitution of Avignon and the county of ( 4«i ) of Venaiflin to the Pope." Dumourler, who coniidered this anfweras equivalent to a declaration of war, prevailed on the King to communicate it dire&ly to the National AfTembly, where, as was forefeen, it excited the utmoit indignation; and on the 20th of Apiil the King, accompanied by his Coun- cil, went to the AiTembly and propofed that war mould be declared again!! the King of Hungary and Bohemia. The propofal was heard with univerfal applaufe, and decreed by the AfTembly with unanimity. The fir ft military operations of the French, however, tended to confirm an opi- nion pronounced with an air 01 triumphant infallibility by many, that the difciplined army of Auftria would drive the militia of France before them like a flock of fheep to the capital, that the old defpotifm would be reftored with awful fplendour, and the Em- peror rewarded for his fervices by the ac- quifition of Aiface and Lorraine. This has not ( 462 ) not exactly taken place ; but the events of the war have produced an effect which no- body forefaw, but which feems equally alarming — >the inhabitants of a populous and extcnfive country, from being the beft taylors, hair-dreffers, cooks and dancing- mafters in Europe, and equal to moft as manufacturers and men of letters, have fud- denly been converted into foldiers, nothing inferior to the moft warlike of their neigh- bours. This has at length induced many of their ancient rivals, in fpite of every fen- timentof jealoufy, hfcartily to wifh, for the tranquillity of all concerned, that the French were re- inflated in their former fuperiority as dancing-malters, hair-dreffers, &c. Notwithstanding the applaufe with which the King's propoiai of war was received, yet the formation of the new adminiftration did not produce the effect which Cahier de Gerville expected. The King had enemies who were vexed with every meaf lire which ^> tended ( 4^3 ) tended to render him popular, and ufed every means to counteract their effect. The King's circutnfpection in adapting his conduct to the forms of the Confti- tution, the popularity which he had ac- quired by propofing the declaration of war, alarmed them fo much, that they thought it neceffary to revive a tale which had for- merly been circulated, and had afterwards been difcredited, namely, that a fociety of perfons chofen by the Queen frequently met in the apartments of Madame de Lam- balle, on purpofe to concert meafures to ai- fift the Emperor in his invafion of France, and to fend occaiional inftructions how to proceed. This was called the Auftrian Committee ; and it was imagined that it would raife a greater indignation, and on that very account be more eagerly be- lieved, now when the Emperor was at war with France, than formerly. The Journals therefore began again to be filled with ( 464 ) with accounts of this dreadful Committee 5 harangues againfl it were made nightly in the Jacobin Club, and it became the chief theme of the orators in the Palais Roy ah Thefe manoeuvres produced the defired ef- fect upon all who take repeated aflertion for proof; but as many remained incredu- lous, it was thought neceflary to fabricate fomething which mould have the appear- ance of more fubftantial evidence for them, and fome devices were ufed of a very perfi- dious nature *« In ( )ne ioftance, of this is (o remarkable in its circum- ftances as to be worth mentioning. A perfon of the name of Richet de Cerifi came to Renaut de St. Jean d'Angeli, Member of the Conflituent AfTembly, and at that time editor of the Journal de Paris, and delivered to him a mefTage in the name of Madame de Lamballe, defiring him to come on the following Friday to her apartments, as he had been elected a Member of the Committee, and that he would there find his friends M. Malouet, and alfo Meflrs. Bertrand and Montmorin. Renaut ( 46S ) in the mean time an occurrence happened which produced an extraordinary fermenta- tion Renaut being flattered with the invitation, of the genu- inenefs of which he had not the leaft doubt, called on M. Malouet, and exprefTed fatisfa&ion in the opportunities he would have of meeting him at the Committee at Ma- dame de Lamballe's. This drew to an explanation. M. Malouet afTured Renaut that he was played upon ; that as for his own part he was a Member of no Committee, and that he had not the honour of being at all acquainted with Madame de Lamballe. M. Malouet informed M. Bertrand of this; who immediately fent a meffage to Ma- dame de Lamballe, then in the country, defiring to know if fhe was acquainted with Richet de Ceri fi, &c. Ma- dame de Lamballe returned for anfwer, that fhe knew no fuch man, had fent no fuch meflage, and that no Com- mittee had ever met in her apartments. At this very time two fellows had been haranguing in the gardens of the Palais Royal againft the Auifxian Committee ; but had not fo, fully engrofTed the attention of their auditors, as to prevent their being detected in the a£t of picking pockets in the heat of their oration. They were carried before a magiftrate ; and on a ftricr. exa- mination, a patent of affiliation as Members of the Ja- vol. II. H h " cobin ( 466 ) don in the minds of the people, and even of the Deputies ; of which advantage being :aken by the King's enemies, it had an effe£fc with cobin Society was found on each, and it appeared that both had been marked with an iron on the moulder as thieves. On the evening before thofe two fellows were taken up, Carra in the Jacobin Club denounced M. Bertrand and M. Montmorin as leading Members in the Auftrian Committee -, on which M. Bertrand inftituted a procefs againft Carra, who when brought before the Judge de- clared that he had made that denunciation on the autho- rity of Merlin of Thionville, Bazire, and Chabot the Capuchin. Richet de Cerifi abfconded. M. Bertrand publifhed a Memorial againft Carra and his informers, in which the epifode of the two branded thieves who were ■ Members of the Jacobin Club made a confpicuoua iigurerto the great mortification of the Jacobins, and of all thofe who had been zealous in afferting the exigence of the dreaded Auftrian Committee ; all evidence of which vanifhed on inveftigation, as the mifhapen phan- toms of fear vanifh from the eyes of the bewildered tra- veller at the light of the morning. It would have been fortunate if the affair had ended here \, but M, Lariviere* the ( 4^7 ) ~wich which it might naturally have beeri thought to have no connection. A large edition of the Memoirs of Ma- the Judge before whom M. Bertrand's complaint had been carried, being filled with indignation againft Mer- lin, Bazire, and Chabot, imprudently ordered them to be arretted. They immediately complained to the Legif- lative AfTembly, of which they were Members. The AlTembly, more affe&ed with the infult offered to three of their own Members, than with the falfehood which they had propagated, decreed that Lariviere fliould be fent prifoner to Orleans* to be tried by the High TxU bunal there. The unhappy man was afterwards maf= facred at Verfailles, with the other prifoners. No far- ther notice was taken of Merlin, Bazire, and Chabot, except in the following lines, which were often repeated at the time, and were thought to be more diftinguiihed far the truth than the wit they contain; Connoiflez-vous rien de plus fot Que Merlin, Bazire, et Chabot? A-t-on vu rien de plus coquin Que Chabpt, Bazire, et Merlin ? Non : il n'exifte rien de pire Que Merlin, Chabot, et Bazire; , H h % fifle la meme queftion dans fix mois d'ici." at ( 5°i ) at the time, and have been fince cut off — one' of them by a fentence directly in oppofition to the Confiitution adopted and fworn to by his judges — the other two by the mod wan- ton, unmanly, and deteftable exercife of ty- ranny, that ever revolted the foul of hu- manity. The murder of the-^Queen and Princefs feems fo completely without, provocation, view of intereft, or meanings as would al- moft tempt us to think that men may by a diabolical perverfion of nature, from habi- tual crimes come at laft to Jove wickedneis for its own fake, and find in vice its own reward. That thofe three eminent perfons failed in accomplishing their efcape, will afluredly not be thought unfortunate for their fame in this world ; and it is devoutly to be be- lieved that it will contribute to their ever- lafting reward in the next. Had they completed their efcape, the Kins ( 502 ) King would not have had an opportunity of difplaying that firmnefs of mind and reach of underftanding which appeared on his trial ; nor would he in his laft will have had occafion to exhibit a degree of Chriftian re- fignation which equals, and a delicacy and tendernefs of fentiment which furpafTes, any thing recorded of the moll celebrated mar- tyrs of the Roman church. And the Queen would have had no op- portunity of exhibiting that undifturbed circumfpection and prefence of mind dis- cernible in her anfwers to the mod captious and infidious interrogatories ; particularly when, on the judge exprefling furprife at her not knowing a perfon to whom Ihe had rendered great fervices, me calmly replied, " It is poffible for thofe who confer favours to forget them ; while thofe on whom they are conferred find it impoflible" And alfo, when having difdained to take any notice of a brutal charge which was brought againft I her. ( 5°3 ) her, on its being repeated {he repelled the monflrous accufation by an. appeal to human nature, as it exifts in the hearts of mothers. Indeed, the whole of her conduct from the moment of her confinement tends to render manyof thofe tales which flander circulated to her prejudice with fuch avidity, abfolutely in- credible ; and the attachment, the affection, the fidelity and dignity, which in the mod trying fcenes fhe manifefted to her hufband, her children, her friends, and her enemies, throw back a luftre on the imperial line from which fhe fprung, brighter than that which fhe derived from it. This cruel arreft likewife afforded the Princefs Elizabeth the means of proving be- fore a tribunal of atheifts what a degree of compofure religion can communicate to a mind naturally timid, and to what elevation it can raife a mind naturally unaffuming. Difdaining any conceffion which might foften their cruelty, and defpifing the wrath which (504 ) which fhe knevv her anfwer would excite, to the ftrfl interrogatory of the Court, What is your name ? fhe greatly replied, '' My name is Elizabeth of France, fifter tc the Monarch you murdered, and aunt to your preftnt KingJ" Thofe and other fce'nes of. unparalleled cruelty were acted, under the influence or during the ufurpation of Robefpierre. Thus the French people, having obtained a limited monarchical Conititution, under which, with the timely alterations and re- forms that experience would have indicated and new circumstances rendered expedient, the nation might have been profperous and happy, had they not with equal levity and guilt overthrown it a! mod without a trial. The French Revolution exhibits at once the mifchiefs that attend the abufe of power and thofe that attend the abufe of liberty ; aifording a warning to fovereigns, not only 2 againft ( 5°S ) againft direct ads of cruelty, but alfo againft that lavifhnefs of the public money which neceflarily leads to the oppreffion of the people, and raifes general difcontent and indignation. It affords likewife a warning to the fubjects of every free government againft all licentious difregard of law, all attack on the. rights of any clafs of their fellow-citizens, or the afcertained preroga- tives of the fovereign ; as every unprovoked attack of that nature tends to render all men's rights infecure, leads to the hor- rors of anarchy, and generally terminates in the deftruction of that liberty they wifli to preferve. THE END. ERRATA to VOL. II. 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