^^^^.IF E_ C HTH N .^m^ PILGER PUBLISHING HOUSE, READING, PA. NEW YORK. ..w^^:^^; •AN^^^i PRINCETON, N. J. *S, BR 335 ,S8 1897 ^ Stump, Joseph, 1866-1935. Life of Philip Melanchthon ' Shelf ^:-^'., ^^:^ Philip Melanchthon. LIFE OF PHILIP MELANCHTHON. BY Rev. JOSEPH STUMP, A.M., Pastor of Grace Evangelical Lutheran Church, Phillipsburg, N, J. WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY Rev. G. F. SPIEKER, D.D., Professor of Church History in the Lutheran Theological Seminary in Philadelphia. ILLUSTRATED. pilger publishing house READING, PA. NEW YORK. 1897. Copyright, 1897, by A. BENDEL. PREFACE. The life of so distinguished a servant of God as Me- lanehthon deserves to be better known to the general reader than it actually is. In the great Reformation of the sixteenth century, his work stands second to that of Luther alone. Yet his life is comparatively unknown to many intelligent Christians. In vicAV of the approaching four hundredth anni- versary of Melanchthon's birth, this humble tribute to his memory is respectfully offered to the public. It is the design of these pages, by the presentation of the known facts in Melanchthon's career and of suitable extracts from his writings, to give a truthful picture of his life, character and work. In the preparation of this book, the author has made uso of a nmiiluT of biographies of Melanchthon by German authors, and of such other sources of information as were accessi- ble to him. His aim has been to prepare a brief but sufficiently comprehensive life of Melanebtbon, in such a form as would interest the peo}»le. T<> wliat extent be has succeeded in liis undertaking, others must judge. (V) VI PREFACE. That these pages may, in some measure at least, ac- complish their purpose, and make the Christian reader more familiar with the work and merit of the man of God whom they endeavor to portray, is the sincere "■"'^^ °f The Author. CONTENTS. PAGE Introduction ^^ CHAPTER I. Ills Birth and Parentage H CHAPTER n. His Childhood ^^ CHAPTER HI. 1 7 At the University ^' CHAPTER IV. The Call and Removal to Wittenberg 21 CHAPTER V. 25 At Wittenberg CHAPTER VI. Early Conflicts CHAPTER VII. His MARRIA(iE AND DOMESTIC LiFE ^1 CHAPTER VIII. Melanchthon during Luther's Absence from Wittenberg. 50 CHAPTER IX. New Labors— a Visit to Bretten— Melanchthon and Erasmus '^ CHAPTER X. The Peasants' War— Luther's Marriage— The Saxon ,. . . . . 7G \ ISITATION CHAPTER XL The Second Diet of Speyer— The Marburg Colloquy . . .^7 CHAPTER Xn. 94 The Diet of Augsburg CHAPTER XHI. The Schmalcald League— The Religious Peace of Nr- remberg— Invited to Erance and E.vgland 1-- (vii ) Vlll CONTENTS. CHAPTER XIV. PAGE The Wittenberg Form of Coxcord — Journey to Tuebin- GEN — Accused of Heresy 132 CHAPTER XV. The Convention at Schmalcald — Attacks upon Melanch- THON 140 CHAPTER XVI. ' The Frankfort Suspension — Labors in Ducal Saxony and Brandenburg — Second Convention at Schmalcald — The Landgrave's Bigajniy— Melanchthon at Death's Door 150 CHAPTER XVII. The Religious Colloquy at Worms — The Diet at Ratisbon. 161 CHAPTER XVIIL The Bishopric of Naumberg— The Reformation at Co- logne—A Year of Suffering for Melanchthon . . . 172 CHAPTER XIX. The Diet at Worms, ]545~The Diet at Ratisbon, 1546— Luther's Death 180 CHAPTER XX. The Schmalcald War— The Dissolution and Restoration OF THE University 190 CHAPTER XXL The Augsburg Interim — The Leipzig Interim — Controver- sies 198 CHAPTER XXII. The Osiandrian and Majoristic Controversies— The Re- ligious Peace of Augsburc; 219 CHAPTER XXIII. Tin: Crypto-Calvinistic Controversy — Negotiations with , Flacius 234 CHAPTER XXIV. The Religious Conference at Worms 245 CHAPTER XXV. Last Years and Death 250 CIL\PTER XXVI. His Character and Services 263 INTRODUCTION. The approaching quarto-centennial of the birth of Philip Melanchthon will not fail to attract attention to the career of this remarkable man. Owing to the dearth of popular biographies of Melanchthon in the En2:hsh language, Dr. Krotel's translation of Leclder- hose being out of print, the author of the following sketch herewith presents to those who may take an interest in the subject a clear, succinct account of the principal events in Melanchthon's checkered course. He tells the story in a straightforward way, without circumlocution or attempt at rhetorical flourish. Full justice is done to the eminent services of the gifted Reformer, with an evident desire to present his con- duct in the best possible light. AVhik' tlic tone of the presentation is of an apologetic nature in ri'gard to in- cidents along the line which invite criticism o\' Me- lanchthon's conduct, discussion of those points is not evaded, and there is no attempt to cover up the weak- ness of the great scholar. Of course, it was out of the question in a book of limited compass to enter into a very detailed account of every individual transaction in which Melanchthon shared. At tlie sanir time, i ix ) X INTRODUCTION. we feel certiiin that no important element has been en- tirely overlooked. Aside from Melanchthon's part in the history of the Reformation period, the most important epoch of Christianity since the time of the Apostles, he claims consideration on the side of classical edu- cation. His influence as an educator, which won for him the well-known title of " Preceptor Ger- manise," was not confined to his native land, as may be judged from the remark of Hallam, in his '' History of Literature," that he became '' far above all others, the founder of general learning throughout Europe." ^o one appreciated the services of Melanchthon in the cause of the Reformation more than Dr. Martin Luther, and it is to Luther's credit, that he treated Melanchthon with uniform consideration. One would fain say the same of Melanchthon's attitude toward Luther. Melanchthon's weakness was overruled for good. His shoulders were not equal to some of the burdens imposed upon them. His good, sound work has sur- vived. It is to be hoped that these pages will aid in promoting the study not only of the Life of Melanch- thon, but of the whole period in which the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ was restored to its normal and proper position in the Church. G. F. Spieker. LIFE OF PHILIP MELANCHTHON CHAPTER I. HIS BIRTH AND PARENTAGE. AST from the city of Carlsruhe, in the Grand- V,. duchy of Baden, Germany, lies the town of ^ Bretten. In the times of the Reformation it k belonged to the Palatinate of the Rhine, and boasted a population of three hundred families. At the present day its inhabitants hardly number more than four thousand souls. But it enjoys the enviable distinction of being the birth-place of Philip Melanchthon. !N^ear the end of the fifteenth century there dwelt in this humble town a young married couple by the name of George and Barbara Schwarzerd. They were in comfortable circumstances and stood high in tin- regard of the community. Of these parents, Pliilip Melanchthon was born on February 1<), 1407. His family name therefore was Schwarzerd, which means "Black Earth." It was afterwards changed, in con- formity with the custom which prevailed among the (11) 12 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. learned men of the day, into its Greek equivalent, Melanchthon. Philip's father was armorer to the Elector Philip of IIoMK OF Melanchthon at Buetten. the Palatinate, and named his first-horn son in honor of that ruler. He enjoyed a wide reputation for skill in his profession. He was entrusted with the manu- facture of armor for many princes and even for the Emperor Maximilian. His Imperial Majesty was so HIS BIRTH AND PARENTAGE. 13 well pleased with the perfect liiiish of one suit of this armor, that he bestowed upon its maker a coat of arms which was emblematic of his profession, and consisted of a lion sitting upon a shield and helmet, and hold- ing a pair of tongs and a hammer in his paws. George Schwarzerd was known as a just and pious man. ]N"o priest observed his hours of devotion more scrupulously. He arose every midnight and repeated his prayers. He was free from gross sins and vices, and possessed the same gentle, amiable and peace- loving disposition which so largely characterized his illustrious son. He was not " greedy of filthy lucre." It is recorded of him, that he frequently charged less for his work than his customers would willingly have paid. He shared, however, the superstitions of his age ; and when his son Philip was born, he consulted an astrologer to learn his child's destiny. He was told that Philip would at some time in his life be shi[)- wrecked on the Baltic Sea. Philip's mother was the daughter of Jolm Renter, the Mayor of Bretten. She was pious, industrious, frugal, domestic in her habits, and an excellent house- wife. One of the proverbs which slie was fond of quoting and which indicates her ideas of housekeei> ing ran thus : "Whoever spends more Tlum liis plow can restore, Will come to grief ; Perhaps, hang as a thief."* * ' ' Wer raeh r will vc r/A-l i ren , Denn sein Pflug kann ernaehren, Der win! zuletzt verderben, L'nd vielleicht am Cialgen sterben." 14 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. But while she was a careful housewife and would by no means tolerate extravagance, she was kind to the sick and the poor, and never turned any one away hungry from her door. Her favorite reply to those who found fault with her extreme liberality was, *' Almsgiving does not impoverish." Besides Philip, this excellent couple was blessed with four other children ; namely, Anna, born in 1499 ; George, in 1501; Margaret, in 1506; and Barbara, in 1508. li CHAPTER II. HIS CHILDHOOD. 1504-1509. ITTLE PHILIP received his first instruction in the town school of Bretten. When he was only seven years of age, a contagious disease broke '' out in the community, and he was taken out of the school. His education, together with that of his brother George and his mother'-s youngest brother, was there- upon entrusted to a private tutor, John linger, whom Renter engaged by the advice of the learned John Reuchlin, Philip's great uncle. linger was thorough in his instructions, and understood how to win the affec- tions and respect of his pupils. Melanchthon afterward spoke very highly of him, and declared : " He made me a grammarian. He was an excellent man; he loved me as a son and I loved him as a father ; and we ^ shall soon, I hope, meet in heaven." HIS CHILDHOOD. 15 Philip possessed a remarkable memory. IK' not only learned easily, but possessed the far rarer j)Ower of retaining all that he had learned. He was gentle and amiable in his intercourse with his companions, so that his exceptional gifts excited not so much their envy, as their admiration. The other powers of his mind were as extraordinary as his memory. When educated foreigners came to town, as they frequently did, his grandfather took great delight in engaging him in disputes with them. Philip was nearly always the \dctor in these contests. He had inherited from his mother a lively temperament, and was at times easily irritated, but he was also quickly appeased. He early learned to control his temper, and sometimes applied to himself the adage : " He strikes and thrusts ; but when he's done, He has not injured any one."* He was afflicted ^vith the habit of stammering, but took pains to overcome it, and in a great measure suc- ceeded. A double bereavement came to him early in life. His grandfather. Renter, died October 16, 1507 ; and eleven days later his father also died. In a campaign against the Bavarians, in which he had taken part with the Elector in 1504, George Schwarzerd had (h-unk water from a poisoned well. From tliat time on, liis health had steadily declined. When his end nji- proached, he called his children to his bedside and ad- monished them in these words: '^ T am dvini::; JID(1 I * " Er haut und sticht Und that doch nicmand nichts. " 16 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. desire that jou remain one with the Christian Church, that Tou retain the knowledsre of God and lose not jour eternal salvation. I have seen great changes in the world, but there are greater ones in store. I pray God to protect and guide you, and I admonish you to John Reuchlin. fear God and lead a Christian life. Obey Him and hold fast to that which is good." Pliilip's grandmother Renter, a sister of the famous Reuclilin, now removed to the neighboring city of Pforzheim, her native place ^ and took him as well as AT THE UNIVERSITY. 17 his brother George with her, in order to enter them in the Latin school of that city. George Simler, the principal of this school, was the object of considerable curiosity and admiration because he was versed in Greek and Hebrew as well as in Latin. These were still rare accpiirements, because the revival of learn- ing had just begun. He taught Greek privately to his ablest pupils only. Of these ]*hilip was one; and here was laid the foundation of his subsequent ripe Greek scholarship. John Reuchlin took a great in- terest in his youthful relative, aild presented him with a Greek Grammar and a Greek-Latin lexicon of his own authorship. In order to show his appreciation of Reuchlin's kindness, Philip wrote a Latin comedy, and Avith the aid of some of his schoolmates, performed it in Reuchlin's presence. It was on this occasion, that his learned relative changed Philip's surname into its Greek equivalent, Melanchthon. By Reuchlin's ad- vice, Philip devoted himself assiduously to the study of the classics, and thus fitted himself for the career in which he subsequently earned the title, Prseceptor Germanise (Teacher of Germany). CHAPTER IIL AT THE UNIVERSITY. 1509-1516. MELAN'CHTHOX spent about two years in the school at Pforzheim. He was then, although (^ only thirteen years of age, far enough ad- vanced to enter the University of Heidelberg. He removed to that city and took up his residence in the 2 18 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. house of Professor Pallas Spangel. Among his fellow- students were Bucer and Brenz, both of whom after- wards distinguished themselves in the work of the Reformation. AVliile attending this university, Melanchthon con- tinued to devote himself to the study of the classics. But he had to do so privately, because the public in- structions dealt chiefly with the foolish speculations and useless subtleties of the scholastics. He himself, in later years, wrote concerning these student-days : " The youth were taught scarcely anything but the empty twaddle of the schoolmen and some elements of natural philosophy. As I already understood how to make verses, I began, with a child's craving for knowledge, to read the (newer) poets and to study, in connection Avith them, the histories and fables of which they treated. This practice gradually led me to the study of the ancient classics." His attainments in the Greek language soon procured for him great respect both from students and professors. One of the latter, who himself was ignorant of Greek, one day came across a knotty question whose solution required a knowledge of that language. In his dilemma, he asked, " Where will I find a Grecian ?" In reply the whole class cried out, '' Melanchthon ! Melanchthon !" In spite of his extreme youthfulness, he was entrusted with the instruction of the two young sons of the Count of Loewenstein. The preparations which he made for their lessons, he carefully noted down, and these notes formed the basis of the Greek grammar which he subsequently published. On the tenth day of June, 1511, he received the AT THE UNIVERSITY. 19 degree of Bachelor of Arts. Soon afterwards lie ap- plied for the Master's degree, hut was refused, be- cause, although he possessed the required qualifica- tions, " he was still too young and of too childish an appearance." He was greatly pained by this refusal. For this reason, together with the additional consid- eration, that the climate of the neighborhood did not agree with him, he wended his way, in the fall of 1512, to the University of Tuehingen. A somewhat freer and more scientific spirit prevailed here, and gave a wider scope to his talents. Melanchthon continued here the dilio^ent studv of the classics. He also applied himself to Hebrew. Indeed, his cravins: for knowledo:e was so intense and his facility in learning so great, that he took up many other branches of study. He applied himself to philosophy and jurisprudence under his former teacher, Simler, Avho was now professor at this university. He paid attention also to astronomy and mathematics, and even to medicine. In 1514 he finished his philosophi- cal course and obtained the Master's degree. He was then employed as private tutor at the university. About this time, he began to turn his attention to theology. But in this, as in most of his other studies, he was largely dependent on his own private efibrts. The public lectures on theology were occui)ied almost solely with the traditions of tlie church and the empty subtleties of the schoolmen. The Bible was not taught at all. Melanchthon, however, privately api)lied himself to the study of the Scriptures and the ancient Church Fathers. He carried a copy of the Bible with him con- stantly. The studies which he thus pursued were of 20 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. great advantage to himself and Luther in after years, when they engaged in conflict with the enemies of the Reformation. He carried his Bible with him to church, and ran some risk of being regarded as a heretic be- cause he spent his time in reading the Scriptures, in- stead of paying attention to the vain ceremonies and empty babblings which occupied the minds of the others. During his residence at Tuebingen, he was engaged also in literary labors. He corrected proof sheets for the publisher, Thomas Anshelm, published an edition of Terence and a Greek grammar, and so remodeled and improved the Chronicon, or Universal Histor)/, by John Xauclerus, who had formerly been rector of the university, that it soon became one of the most useful and widely-read historical works of the age. He took an active part, also, with Reuchlin, in contending against the Dominican monks of Cologne, who, in their blind fanaticism, insisted on the burning of all Jewish books and documents. Melanchthon remained at Tuebingen live years. By this time, although he was scarcely twenty-one years of age and appeared to be still younger than he really was, he had acquired a wide reputation by his scholarly attainments. In the year 1516 the learned Erasmus of Rotterdam publicly said of him : '-What promise does not this Philip Melanchthon, a youth, as yet, and almost a boy, give of himself! He is equally at home in both languages [Greek and Latin] . What acuteness of invention, what purity of diction, what a memory for recondite matters, what extensive reading, what delicate grace and noble talents he displays !" THE CALL AND REMOVAL TO WITTENBERG. 21 And in a letter to Oeeolanipadius he wrote: "Of Melanclithon I entertain the most distingnished and splendid expeetations. God grant that this yonng man may long survive us. He will entirely eclipse Erasmus." CHAPTER IV. THE CALL AND REMOVAL TO WITTENBERG. 1518. WIDER field of usefulness, more suited to a mind of such extensive learning and compre- hensive grasp, was now opened to Melanch- thoii. He had already been invited to the University of Ingolstadt. But by Reuchlin's advice he had de- clined to go. The bigoted spirit wliieh prevailed there would have imposed an intolerable restraint upon the progressive spirit of Melanclithon. A call now came to him, however, from a field where he would l)e untrammeled by the scholasticism of the Middle Ages. It was a call to a professorship in the new University of Wittenberg. This institution was one of the youngest universities in Germany. It had been founded as recently as 1502, l)y Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony; but its faculty consisted of some of the most learned and enlightened men of the day. At this time its reputa- tion^extended all over Europe ; for it numbered among its professors. Dr. Martin Luther. Only a sliort time before this, that man of God had nailed to the church 22 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. Elector Frederick III. of Saxony. THE CALL AND REMOVAL TO WITTENBERG. 23 door at Wittenberg liis t'aiuous niuetj-tive thoses iiii^ainst the sale of indulgences, and declared his readiness to defend them against any and all comers. The news of his daring act had spread like wild-fire, and Witten- 4 berg had become famous. The call to this university gave to Melanchthon an opportunity to identify himself with the movement to free mankind from the corruption, ignorance, and thraldom of papal misrule. He accepted the call. It came to him through Reuchlin, to whom the Elector of Saxony had applied for a competent professor of Greek and Hebrew, and who, in recommending Me- lanchthon, had said of him, " I know of no one among the Germans who excels him, except Erasmus of Rot- terdam, and he is an Hollander." In notifying Me- lanchthon of his call to AVittenberg, Reuchlin wrote to him in these words : " I do not intend to address you in poetical language, but in the words of that true promise of God which he gave to the faithful Al)ra- ham, ' Get thee out of thy country and fr<^m thy kin- dred and from thy father's house, into a land that I will show thee; and I will make of thee a great nation, and I will bless thee and make thv name great; and thou shalt l)e a blessins;.' This niv spirit tells me, and this I hope of thee, my rhili}), my handiwork and my consolation. Go, then, cheerfully and joyfnlly. lie not dismayed; be no woman, but a 111:111. N** jtrophet is without honor, save in his own country." Melanchthon immediately set out for his new field of labor. He paid a farewell visit t(^ his relatives at Bretten and Pforzheim, visited Reuchlin at Stuttgart, and proceeded to Augsburg, where the Imperial Diet 24 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. Augsburg. AT WITTENBERG. 25 was in session. Here he was presented to the Elector, and made the acquaintance of George Spalatin, tlic Saxon Court-chaplain. From Augsburg he proceeded to l^uremberg, where he visited the celebrated states- man, Pirkheimer, passed through Leipzig, where he was entertained by the university, and arriv^ed at Wit- tenberg, August 25, 1518, having resolutely declined a call to Leipzig, as well as a second call to the Uni- versity of Ingolstadt. The University of Tuebingen scarcely realized the great loss which it sustained by his removal. Simler alone appreciated it, and de- clared : " Although there are learned men here, none of them are sufficiently learned to appreciate the teach- ins: of this man who has been called awav, and who is now about to depart." But God had a work for Me- lanchthon to do, and that work "was to be done at Wit- tenberg. CHAPTER Y. AT WITTENBERG. I ^ I yHE personal appearance of Melanchthon was little calculated to confirm the expectations raised by the reputation which had preceded him. He was only twenty-one years of age and looked ^ very boyish. His stature was small, his frame delicate, his manner timid and diffident. When lie walked he held one shoulder higher than the other, and when lie spoke he drew his eyebrows together in a curious way, stammered in his utterance, and gesticulated nervously. 26 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. Was this the famous scholar whose praises Erasmus and Reuchhn had sung so loudly ? Many of the Wit- tenbergers did nothesitate to give expression to their contempt of his insTgT^ificant appearance and timid air, and to question whether the university had made so great an acquisition after all in securing the ser- vices of this callow-looking youth. But a careful and unprejudiced observer might have augured better things from his lofty brow, his clear blue eyes, and the Market Place at Wittenberg. intellis^ence written on everv feature of his face. Within this frail tenement of clay, there lodged a gi- gantic intellect and a noble soul, whose might and worth would soon become apparent even to these scoffers. Four days after his arrival the new professor deliv- ered his introductory lecture. His subject was, " The Improvement of Studies for the Youth." Tt was a masterly effort, and he astonished his auditors ])y his able treatment of the subject. He dwelt on the neces- AT WITTENBERG. 27 isity of goiiiu:; back to the' original sources of knowl- edge, in order to se[)arate the truth from the errors with which, iu the process of time, it had become encrusted. To this end it was necessary, he said, thoroughly to master the Greek as well as the Latin language; and in no branch of study was this more necessary than in the domain of theology. Chris- tian doctrine was not to be drawn from the trans- lations and expositions of later times, but from the unadulterated source, the Holy Scriptures themselves Luther, who was present in the large audience which had assembled in the lecture-room, was higlily de- lighted with what he heard. He was astonished by the learning, the comprehensive grasp, the reasoning power, and the beautiful diction, which Melanchthon's discourse revealed; and at the same time, he was gratified with the progressive but sound position which the youthful professor had advanced. It can be readily conceived that he viewed with profoundest joy the prospect of possessing, in the religious struggle upon which he had entered, the support of such a man as Melanchthon. There was anionic his ot\wr co- laborers at Wittenberg no man from whom lie might expect such powerful succor as that wliicli the thor- ough philological training, the clear thought, and tlic lucid language of Philip }>romised to give. If such a man as Melanchthon, ecpiipped with the most exten- sive classical training, and the refined culture of an Erasmus or a Reuchlin, delivered exegetical lectures upon the very text of Scripturi', wliat a triumph the Gospel must achieve ! Luther immediatelv wrote to liis friend, the court- 28 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. Martin Luther. AT WITTENBERrt. 29 chaplain, G-eorgc Spalatin, and exprossed the gratifi- cation which ho felt : " Mclanchthon," he fiays, " on the fourth day after his arrival, delivered a most learned and elegant address, to tlie great joy and ad- miration of all who heard him. TTenceforth he no longer needs any recommendatiun from you. We soon learned to look away from his external appear- ance ; we consider ourselves most fortunate to possess him, and are astonished at his extraordinary gifts. See to it that you commend him most earnestly to our prince. I have no desire whatever for any other teacher of Greek as long as we can retain him. There is but one thing which I fear, and that is, that with his delicate constitution, our manner of living may not agree with him. Furthermore, I have learned that he has been called with too small a salary, so that the Leipzigers, who courted him before he came among us, already flatter themselves that they will be able to lure him away." Two days later he wrote to the same friend : '' I most heartily commend IMiilip to you. lie is a perfect Grecian, a thorough scholar, friendly and amiable. His lecture-room is crowded, and he has caused all the theologians of the upper, middle, and lower classes, to apply themselves to the study of Greek." In their subsequent personal intercourse, Luther and Melanchthon were daily drawn into a closer friendship and fuller nnitual esteem. Melanchthon was filled with admiration for the clear, forceful intel- lect, the deep, sincere piety, and the heroic spirit of Luther; while the great Reformer on the other hand was charmed bv Melanchthon's amiable disposition, 30 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON, G. SrALATIN. AT WITTENBERG. 31 his gentle nature, and the grace and eloquence with which he employed his vast learning. Each found elements of character in the other which he hiniscU' lacked ; their natures supplemented each other. Both were lahoring with the same high and unselfish aim, and both rejoiced that the Providence of God had brought them into the same field, and permitted them to labor side by side. With the coming of Melanchthon, a new era of prosperity dawned upon the University of Wittenberg. In the year 1517 there had been no more than two hundred students enrolled; but now they began to pour in from all parts of Germany and other countries of Europe, mainly for the purpose of attending ^le- lanchthon's lectures. The new manner of teaching wdiich he introduced, the charm which his pleasing address and elei^cant culture threw over everv field of research, the attention he bestowed upon the study of the classics, and the habits of clear, well-ordered thinking which he inculcated, filled the students witli an enthusiasm and a zeal for study which can be aj)- preciated only when we bear in mind tlie dry, ditl'use, and barren methods of the scholastics which liml pre- vailed so long. The number of his auditors eon- stantly increased till they reached a thousand and even two thousand or more. Among thciii ucrc princes, counts, barons and other mem])ers oi" tlic no- bility, who came to imbibe learning at the feet of this youthful professor. In his introductory address, Melanchthon liad an- nounced that he would deliver lectures upon the poems of Homer and the Epistle of St. Paul to Titus. 32 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. As copies of Erasmus's edition of the Greek ]N"ew Tes- tament were scarce at Wittenberg, he had a special edition of the Epistle to Titus printed for the use of his students. But in addition to the lectures which he had announced, he also undertook, for the pre^Gnt, to give instruction in Hebrew. As his proficiency in this language was by no means equal to that which he possessed in Greek, he labored almost day and night to perfect his knowledge of it. He granted himself no respite. He generally began to work at two o'clock in the morning. He delivered two lectures every forenoon at the university, and the rest of his long working day was given up wholly to his studies, his literary labors, and his constantly increasing corre- spondence. When the Elector heard that his new professor was likely to kill himself by hard work, he sent him orders to take better care of himself. But there is no evidence on hand to prove that Melanch- thon obeyed the orders. He was simply indefatigable. CHAPTER VI. EARLY CONFLICTS. EA^WHILE the Reformation was making- rapid progress. The etforts of Rome to bring Luther to silence failed. He was neither daunted by her threats nor beguiled by her persuasions, but continued to teach and preach the truth of the Gospel. EARLY CONFLICTS. 33 The vain-glorious Dr. Eck now i)roposed the hold- ing of a public disputation on the doctrines which Luther advanced. The challenge was addressed to Carlstadt hut was meant in reality for Luther. It was accepted. The disputation was opened at Leipzig on June 27, 1519, and lasted for three weeks. Diiriiiii: ;:^^^: L>K. EcK. this period, Eck disputed first with Carlstadt on the doctrine of the free will, and then with Luther on tlie pope's primacy, repentance, indulgences, and purga- tory. Melanehthon, who had obtained i)er!nissi<)ii trmii the Elector to accompany Luther, did not take any active part in the discussion, but was an interested spectator. It is related, however, that in the course of the dispute he occasioiudly suggested to the Witten- 3 34 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. berg theologians such replies to the voluble Eck, as his extensive reading and ready intellect furnished. Eck was not at all pleased that this boj^ish-looking professor should aid his adversaries in laying bare his sophistries and confuting his arguments ; and he called out to Melanchthon, " Be quiet, Philip ; attend to your studies, and do not disturb me." This Leipzig Disputation exerted a strong influence upon Melanchthon's future life. E"ot only did it openly array him upon the side of Luther, but it turned his studies more decidedly in the direction of theology. Without any such intention on his part, it also involved him shortly afterwards in a conflict with Eck. Melanchthon had ^^Titten to (Ecolampadius an account of the disputation and exposed some of the weak points in Eck's arguments. This letter Me- lanchthon published. Although it acknowledged that Eck's natural gifts had excited the admiration of his opponents, that vain man took such oftense at some passages in it, that he immediately published a pam- phlet against the " Wittenberg grammarian," as he termed Melanchthon, and asserted that Melanchthon understood Greek, to be sure, but was utterly incom- petent to judge of matters of faith, and was therefore no proper person for a theologian to argue with. He called Melanchthon contemptuous names, and at- tempted to belittle him in the eyes of the public. In reply to this rude attack, Melanchthon published a pamphlet, in which, with exquisite urbanity, he ex- plained to Eck that the Church Fathers, whom the latter regarded as infallible authority, were by no means such an authority, and defined the principles EARLY CONFLICTS. 35 of sound hermeneutics* in so able ii manner, that Eck plainly perceived that he had made a mistake in wan- tonly crossing swords witli so skilful an antagonist. To the abuse which Eck had seen tit to hea}) upon him, he replied that, '' if Eck did not consider him worthy to treat of important theologieal questions, he ought at least be willing to permit Christians to con- verse on religious topics and allow Melanchthon the privilege of feeding his soul upon them ; that it would have been far wiser in Eck to encourage the ' little ' people to read the Scriptures and kindly instruct them if they erred, than to seek to frighten them l)y such utterances." Luther could bv no means brini>: liini- selt to regard the matter as lightly as Melanchthon did. He became very indignant at Eck's conduct, and gave vent to his feelings in a letter which he addressed to Spalatin about this time : " Philip's opinion and iudo^ment are Avorth more to me than that of nnniv thouj^and dirty Ecks; and I am not ashamed, although I am a blaster of Arts, Philosophy and Theology, and am adorned with almost all the titles which Eck pos- sesses, to abandon my opinion, if it disagrees with that of this grammarian. I have frequently done so, and do so still, because of the noble gifts which God, in his bounteous grace, has poured into this frail earthen vessel which Eck affects to despise. I do not praise Philip; he is a creature of God, nothing more: but T honor God's work in him." The calm and forcible defense which Mclanchtiion published was so well received by all the eidiglitened The science of interpreting Scrij)ture. 36 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. scholars of Europe that Eck, who began to be attacked on other sides also, thought it advisable to beat a re- treat and retire into Italy. Melanchthon, almost against his Avill, was made Bachelor of Theology on September 19, 1519, on account of his extraordinary theological attainments, and was received into the theological faculty of the university. But he could never be prevailed upon to accept the degree of Doc- tor of Theoloo-v, because he did not want to assume the responsibility which he believed doing so would involve. Those who knew him, however, agreed Avith Luther when he declared : " What we know of the sciences and true philosophy we have to thank Philip for. It is true, he is only a Master of Arts, but he is a Doctor above all Doctors." From this time onward. Biblical exegesis became his favorite study. In his lectures to the students, he expounded during this year not only the Epistle to the Romans and the Gospel of Matthew, but also some of the books of the Old Testament. He was especially fond, however, of the writings of St. Paul. Luther, himself, sometimes appeared among his auditors, and declared that no one had ever better exhibited the mean- ing of St. Paul's writings than this 3'outliful professor. Shortly after this, Melanchthon's celebrated TjOgi Communes appeared in print. He had presented in his lectures at the university the principal truths con- tained in the writings of St. Paul, and the students were so well pleased with them, that they had them published. Naturally^ many imperfections existed in the w^ork thus issued, and therefore Melanchthon re- vised and enlarged it, and published it himself in the EARLY CONFLICTS. 37 year 1521. This work was the tirst system of the- ology of the evangelical Church and met with an ex- tensive demand. Luther was delighted with it, and declared that it was not only worthy of immortality, l)ut of being received into the canon of Scripture. The work passed through more than one hundred editions. It was translated into a numl)er of other languages. It appeared even in Rome under a different name and title, and was eagerly read there until the Inquisition discovered the real name of the author. Wliile Melanchthon was ens-ao^ed in these various labors, his relations with Luther daily became more friendly and intimate. In the fall of 1520 Melanch- thon wrote : "Luther is too great, too wonderful U)V me to depict in Avords; as often as I regard liini, he appears greater than before." lie looked up to Luther with a feeling that was greatly akin to awe, and could not cease wondering at his heroic spirit and conduct. Equally high was tlie esteem in wliidi Luther held Melanchthon. We Avill hardly be in- clined to agree with the assertion which he makes, but the words which he spoke at the time when Melanchthon presented the thesis for his degree cer- tainly express almost boundless admiration for his youthful friend: " This man," he says, 'Mvill do as much as many Martins together, as a most powerful enemy of Satan and the scholastic theology." To his friend Lange at Erfurt he wrote, about the same time, " This little Grecian excels me also in theology." lie even went so far as to imagine in 1520, that he was only meant to be the forerunner of Melanchthon in the work of the Reformation. 38 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. It was not long till Melanclithon had good occasion to use his pen in defense of his heroic friend. A very bitter publication against Luther appeared in Rome in 1520 with the title, " To the Princes and People of Germany against Martin Luther, the Defamer of Ger- man Glory." It was published under the fictitious name of Thomas Rhadinus. In February of the fol- lowing year, Melanchthon took up the defense of the slandered reformer, under the assumed name of Didy- mus Faventinus. Among other things he says : " We do not ask for pity or mercy, but strict investigation. Listen to nothing, ye princes, but to the commands of the Bible ; think of nothing but your own dignity and the people's welfare. Our cause is not of man but of Christ. If I defend Luther, it is because he has brought the Gospel to light again. . . . ]^o false call- ing on the name of Christ or that of his Apostles, Peter and Paul, no threatenings or excommunications, should prevent you from doing your duty as Christian princes. Regard it rather as a privilege granted by God's grace, that you are called upon, at this time, to see to it that the Gospel of salvation, which had been buried so long but now has begun to shine forth once more, shall not be buried again." This reply bears noble testimony to his friendship for Luther, his full sympathy with the Reformation, and the possession of a moral courage which did not shrink from an open and strong expression of his convictions. It exerted a powerful influence upon the Reformation, and de- prived the Roman Church of much of the prestige which it had hitherto enjoyed, and of the reverence with which men had regarded it. EARLY CONFLICTS. 39 Soon after this, Mchinclitlioii was engagcHl in a second conflict in belialf of his friencL Wliik^ Luther was absent at tlie Wartburg, the University of Paris, or the Sorbonne, as it was called, pul)lished a pamphlet against him, in which the assertion was made, tliat he ought rather to be burned tlian re-futed by ai-u'u- ments. Luther, when he learned of it, took tlie mat- ter very calmly and said, " I have read the decree of the Parisian Sophists and rejoice from the heart ov(>r it. God would not have so smitten them with blind- ness, if he did not intend to put an end to their ty- ranny." But Melanchthon was very indignant over the matter; and when Eck made haste to translate their decree into German in order to give it a wide circulation, he again entered the lists. He believed that their decree dared not be permitted to go unchal- lenged, because the theological faculty of the Sorbonne still possessed some of its ancient prestige and author- ity. The mild and peace-loving ^lelanchthon for once breaks out into bitter sarcasm. He professes himself to be " scarcely able to believe that such a writing should have emanated from Paris, where once the pious Gerson and other noble men of God lived and labored." " They bring," he says, ^' no arguments to confute Luth- er, but cry out, ^ He is a heretic; let him be ])urn('(l.' What a genuine monkish argument this is, anyway!" "He finds himself," he declares, "ol)liged to give cre- dence to the ancient saying, that the French liave no brains; for the Parisian theologians are in conflict with both tlie Holy Scriptures and the Church Fathers." Shortly after this, there appeared an anonymous publication which is interesting because it shows the 40 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. high esteem in which Melanchthon was held. The unknown author pretends to take the part of the theo- logians of Paris against Melanchthon, but in reality, satirizes them most unmercifully^ He proceeds in be- half of the Sorbonne to give the marks by which it may be seen that Melanchthon could not possibly know anything of the truth. " The first mark," he says, " is this, that he teaches Grreek." Hereupon, he purposely confuses the ancient Greeks with the modern Greek Church and asks, " How is it possible that the Greeks, who from time immemorial have been rebels, schismatics and heretics, should be good Romans and Christians ? The second mark is this, that Me- lanchthon is hardly as yet twenty-four years old. Such a youth cannot help but be in error, and yet he ventures to write against such an ancient, great, and honorable university. It is a wonder that his High- ness, the Elector Frederick, who is esteemed to be wise, tolerates this foolish youth instead of locking him up until he becomes more prudent. Meanwhile, we ought to have compassion on his youth. The third mark is this, that he is acknowledged to be smaller than his master, Luther. How can as much learning be contained in his little body as in the .great Sor- bonne ? The fourth and most dreadful of all is this, that* he is a layman, that he is not even tonsured. And yet it is said that he is a Bachelor of Theology, and delivers lectures upon the writings of the holy St. Paul, without wearing a monk's cowl. Priests shall listen to laymen ! A pupil shall instruct his masters, a youth his elders, and a Greek the Romans ! thou dreadful AVittenberg I Thou dost spoil all and make HIS MARRIAGE AND DOMESTIC LIFE. 41 of the cliurcli a Babylon. And ix final mark tliorc is which is hardly credible. He is married ! A layman who has a wife teaches Tloly Scriptures amonasnius, this won- derful man had scarcely a peer in any l)ran(li of learn- ing. In the goodness of his heart he found it almost impossible to refuse any request inadc ot' him, any one. 50 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. CHAPTER YIIL MELANCHTHON DURING LUTHER'S ABSENCE FROM WIT- TENBERG. 1521-1522. ¥EANWHILE the great spiritual struggle which was shaking the very .foundations of society was growing fiercer. It was rapidly Hearing that stage when a reconciliation hetween the reformers and the papal authorities would become im- possible. In the fall of the year 1520 Eck returned from Rome with a bull of excommunication against Luther and his adherents. Luther replied by publish- ing a pamphlet and burning the bull in the presence of a great concourse of students and professors. The die was cast; henceforth men had to choose between truth and falsehood, Luther and the pope. Melanch- thon did not hesitate an instant, but placed himself unreservedly upon the side of his friend. Early in the year 1521 the Imperial Diet assembled at Worms, and Luther was summoned to appear before it. The whole world knows of the heroic stand which he took there for truth and right, his refusal to recant unless convinced from the Holy Scriptures that he was wrong, and the immortal words which he uttered, "Here I stand, I cannot do otherwise; God help me. Amen." But after this unequivocal declaration, Lu- ther's life was no longer safe ; and the elector, reason- ing that captivity at the liands of friends was better than imprisonment and perhaps death at the hands of MELANCHTIION DURTNG LUTHER's ABSENCE. 51 52 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. foes, had the intrepid monk carried off and concealed in the Wartburg. During this absence of Luther from AVittenberg, which lasted almost a year, the burden of directing the movements of the Reformation fell upon the youth- ful shoulders of Melanchthon. But however eminent his talents, this young professor lacked the qualities which were necessary to cope successfully with the seditious spirits Vvdiich soon forced themselves to the front, ^o one was more conscious of this fact than he was himself; and when he received the tidings of Luther's sudden disappearance he was filled with dis- may, not only at the thought of the dangers to which his friend had perhaps fallen a prey, but also at the sense of the loss which the church would suffer, and the heavy responsibility which would devolve npon him, if it should appear that Luther was really dead. Many believed that he was dead, and the greatest con- sternation reigned among the friends of the Reforma- tion. When Melanchthon learned the true state of affairs, and heard that Luther was safe and sound at the Wart- burg, he was overjoyed. In May he received a letter from Luther, which exhorted him to step into the breach created by the absence of his friend. But the mantle of Luther w^as too heavy for him. He com- plained in his reply that many w^ho had been adherents of Luther began now to fall away. AYlien he learned that the Reformer was sick at the Wartburg, and had no medical attendance for fear that the secret of his residence might be betrayed, he was greatly exercised, and wrote to Spalatin : " I am worried about Luther's MELANCHTHON DURING LUTIIER'S ABSENCE. 53 The W.vKTiiUKG. 54 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. health ; I fear he is devouring himself with secret grief, not over himself, but over us and the Church. You know with what care a vessel in which is contained so great a treasure ought to he preserved. If we were to lose him, I should have no doubt that God is angry with us. Through him the lamp of Israel has been lighted once more. What hopes would remain to us if it were extinguished again ? Omit nothing whereby you may help him and all of us. Oh, that I could with my life purchase the life of this, the divinest man on earth !" In the fall of the year he lamented : " Our Elijah is still absent from us. We wait and hope for him. I am tormented daily with the longing for his return." The labors and trials of Melanchthon were much in- creased by Luther's absence. I^early all the business and lectures of the absent professor devolved upon him. Two new professors, Aurogallus and Justus Jonas, were installed at the university, and a new ar- rangement of the lectures had to be made. In all these matters he had to supply the place of Luther. Yet in spite of this additional labor, he found time during the year to send out his masterly defence of Luther against the Sorbonne, to translate for Bartholo- mew Bernhard of Feldkirch an apology Avhich that pastor had prepared for marrying in opposition to the papal decrees, and to perform a numl)er of other lit- erary labors. Before long, however, his attention was almost w^holly engrossed by the revolutionary changes which took place in Wittenberg. With all his impetuosity, Luther proceeded conservatively in the work of the MELANCHTHON DURING LUTHEll's ABSENCE. 55 Reformation. But during liis absence many in ^Vit- tenberg became radical, and were inclined to procci'd to all manner of extremes. Melanclitlion's opinion and advice were consequently wanted everywhere. Taking into consideration his youth and comparative inex}>e- rience, his decisions were usually marked by remark- able prudence and sagacity. Thus he gave it as his opinion that the action of the Saxon pastors who had married was not to be condemned, because tlic decree forbidding the marriage of the clergy was of very late origin, had been difficult to enforce, and found no warrant in Scripture. He also was appointed by the elector as a member of the commission charged with delivering an opinion on the course of the Augustinian monks, who, by the advice of one of their nund)er, Gabriel Zwilling, had decided to abolish the reading of private masses, and to administer the Communion in both kinds, instead of giving the laity simply tlie bread, as had hitherto been the Romish custom. The elector feared that this action was premature, and would lead to trouble. The commission, however, in its report, sanctioned the action of the monks; and when the elector was dissatisfied with this opinion and offered objections to it, they replied that they would abide by their first report, and could not, in the in- terests of the truth, deliver a difh'rent opinion. The elector, therefore, decided to let matters take their course, and did not attempt to interfere. The move- ment among the monks gained strength, and in De- cember of tlie same year they formally abolished these abuses at a provincial convention lield in Wittenberg. But Melanchthon was not equal to all the emergen- 56 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. cies which arose during Luther's absence. Both his youth and his mental bias were ao-ainst him. He was more fitted for reflection and contemplation than for practical decision and action. Many matters came before him, upon which he felt himself incompetent to pronounce judgment without a careful and lengthy investigation, but which should have been decided at once. This was the case in his experience with the Zwickau prophets. These claimed that they were di- rectly inspired by the Holy Spirit, and possessed a spiritual knowledge superior to that of those who de- jDended on the Bible for their information. They also denied the validity of infant baptism, and declared that the temporal government, which was guilty of much wrong, must be abolished and replaced b}^ an- other, of which Storch, by divine appointment, was to be the head. Their confident bearing perplexed Me- lanchthon. He did not possess that eminently practi- cal spirit and that knowledge of human nature which Luther possessed ; and he was much puzzled to know how he should regard and treat these men. He sighed for the return of Luther, believing that he alone could be relied on to decide upon their claims. He even requested the elector to send for him, but this the elector refused to do. Their denial of the validity of infant baptism troubled Melanchthon greatly, and he did not know just how to refute them. Luther, on the other hand, when he heard of the matter, made short work of it, and wrote : *' If they have nothing to say but this, that, ^ He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved,' and that children do not believe, I am not in the least disturbed. How will they prove that MELANCIITIION DURING LUTHER's ABSENCE. 57 children do not believe ? Will they say, ' Because they do not speak and show their faith ? ' That would be fine, indeed. If this were so, then how many hours are we Christians when we sleep or are busy at work ? Cannot God preserve faith in the child as if it were in constant sleep ? " The fanatics, however, gained many adherents. One of the most violent of these was Carlstadt. Un(k'i- liis leadership, the excited populace burned tlic images in the churches, destroyed the altars, abolished [)rivate confession, introduced radical changes in the ])ublic worship, condemned education as useless, advised all the students to learn a trade, and desired wholly to abolish the clergy and theological training. As au- thority for their violent measures, they appealed to their Christian liberty and the Holy Sjjirit whom they claimed to possess. All who did not run with them to the same excess were vigorously denounced as here- tics. Melanchthon was powerless to quell the disturb- ance. He had hesitated too long before he came to a decision in the matter; and when he had made up liis mind, the mischief was done, and he was uuabK- to undo it. The situation was too much for him. lie was no preacher, and he had no gifts as a popular ora- tor. He could not hope, therefore, to mend nnitters by pul)licly declaiming against the fanatics. He was at his wits' end, and could oidy ])ray for Luther's i\- turn. The disorder was increasing daily. Luther himself l)ecame eonNinccd tliat his prrsmc*- was imperatively necessary. AVritiiig a heroic letter to the elector, in which he relievc(l that ruler of all responsibility for his safety, and expressed his conti- 68 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. dence in the protection of a higher power than that of the elector, he hastened to Wittenberg. His appear- ance was hailed with joy. On the following Sunday he entered his pulpit, and for eight days in succession preached against the fanatics. In a short time order was again restored by Luther's simple preaching of the Word of God. To that Word also he gave the credit. In one of the sermons which he delivered on his return, he thus referred to what he had hitherto been instrumental in achieving : " I opposed the sale of indulgences and all the papists, but not with force. I simply preached and wrote God's Word. And even while I slept or enjoyed myself in the company of Philip and Amsdorf, that Word has weakened popery to such an extent that no prince or emperor has ever been able to do it equal inj ury. I have done nothing ; the Word has done it all." CHAPTER IX. NEW LABORS. A VISIT TO BRETTEN. MELANCHTHON AND ERASMUS. 1522-1524. 1^ FTEP his return to Wittenberg, Luther called A^\ upon Melanchthon for aid in revising the (f^ translation of the Kew Testament, which the former had made at the Wartburg. This required much patient labor and research. There were still many obscure passages which Luther's knowledge of Greek had not been sufficient to master, and which NEW LABORS. 59 Molanchthon was asked to explain. Tlici-c were still many questions about eustoms, eoins, wci^lits, and measures, which he was requested to answer, lie spared no efforts nor pains to assist in ascertaining tiic exact sense of the original. When he could not i-cadi a satisfactory conclusion himself concerning a \vor(l, he appUed for information and advice to various friends. Often he and Luther sou2:ht for davs at a time to discover the exact German wor(l which tliey needed for their purpose, and even tluMi did not al- ways succeed to their satisfaction. But at last, after much toil, the work was ready for the press, and was published in AVittenberg in the fall of 1522, The denumd for it was very great. Tn a few months a second edition was necessary, and it was reprinted in Basle and other places. Luther had always insisted on the authority of the Word of God as the only rule of faith and life, and the people were eager to possess that Word and read it for themselves. The effect of this publication of the Xew Testaim-nt in the language of the people is thus described by Cochheus, a bitter enemy of the Keforniation : '- ( 'opies of the New Testament have been multiplied to an a>- tonishins: extent: so that shoemakers, women, and laymen of all kinds read it, carry it about with them, and liave learned its contents by heart. In conse- quence of this, they have, in a fewnionths, become so presumptuous that they have emboldened ilicnisi-lves to dispute, not only with Catholic laymen, but with priests and monks, and even with Magistrates and Doctors of Theology. It has even happened, at times, that Lutheran lavmen have been able to ({Uote, off- 60 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. hand, more passages of Scripture than the monks and priests themselves ; and Luther has long ago convinced his crowd of adherents that they should not believe any doctrine which is not derived from the Holy Scrip- tures. The most learned Catholic theologians are now looked upon by the Lutherans as ignoramuses in the Scriptures; and here and there laymen have been heard to contradict theologians in the presence of the people, and to charge them with preaching falsehood and things of man's devising."* While the Kew Testament was in press Luther and Melanchthon began work upon the translation of the Old. They w^ere assisted by Aurogallus, the professor of Hebrew. Li the beginning of the year 1523 the ^ve books of Moses were published; in 1524 the historical l)ooks of the Old Testament appeared. But the work of translating the prophetical books proceeded slowly. It was found exceedingly difficult " to make those ancient prophets speak in good German." " Job," said Luther, " seems just as unwilling to put up with our translation as with the consolations of his friends." And he thus describes the difficulties wdiich they en- countered : '' Magister Philip, Aurogallus, and myself are laboring upon Job ; but it goes so slowly that in four days we hardly complete four lines. When the translation has been made, any one can read it easily enough. He can fairly run over it with his eyes, ^\'ith- out once stumbling; and he will not dream of the ob- structions which lay in our way, and how we had to sweat and worry before w^e had them removed." * From Life of Luther, translated by Dr. Schaeffer. NEW LABORS. 61 The work of translating the Old Testament pro- gressed so slowly that the^complete Bible in German was not published until the year 1534. This was due not only to the difficulties which the translators en- countered in their work, but also to the fact that they were frequently interrupted by other labors which the rapid progress of the Reformation rendered necessary. The Bible was constantly revised and corrected by Luther and his friends, up to the time of his death. The last edition published by Luther himself appeared in 1545. Others, besides the three men mentioned above, took part, from time to time, in the work. Those principally engaged were Luther, Melanchthon, Aurogallus;Cruciger, Jonas, and Bugenhagen or rome- ranus? Concerning the share which diiferent individu- als took in the work, Melanchthon said: " Dr. Tome- ranusisthe grammarian; he devotes himself to the elucidation of the text. I am the dialectician; I note the connection in which the text is found, and what may logically and scripturally be deduced from it. Jonas is the orator; he is able to apply the words ot the text beautifully and plainly to actual life. But Dr. Martin is all in all; the speech and writing of this wonderful man and chosen instrument of God pierce through heart and marrow, and leave their impress and comfort in the hearts of the people." Althouo:h Melanchthon was much occupied with theoloo-icai labors, he was not willing to give up his position as professor of Greek. Under the impression that this office was not honorable enough for such a man as Melanchthon, it was proposed, at Luther's sug- o-estion, to relieve liim of it, and to give it to some 62 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. TuK Translators of tue Bible. NEW LABORS. 63 one else. It was thou2:lit, also, that if this were done, Melanchthon would be enabled to devote himself more fully to theology. But he objected strenuously to such a procedure, and declared that he would rather give up teachino^ theolos-v than Greek grammar. As mav be gathered from some of the letters which he wrote at the time, he did not, even though lie was fond of the- ological studies, feel at home in the othce of theolog- ical professor. He was averse, also, to taking any step which might detract from the high esteem in which the classical studies were then held ; for he considered it of the highest importance for the triumph of re- ligious truth that the study of the classical languages shoukl be appreciated at its proper value. He wrote to Spalatin, therefore, that, in view of the importance of a thorough classical training for the study of the- oloo^v, and of the evil effects which, on account of the scarcity of competent teachers of languages, his giv- ing up of the Greek professorship might produce upon the university, he could not consent to such a change. He was then suffered to have his way, and bear tlie burden of a double professorship of Greek and of thcolo2:v. The instruction which he gave in the Greek hin- guage did not, however, materially interfere witli liis theological activity. In the very next year, l')2o, lie published his " Annotations upon Some Obscure Pas- sages in Genesis." Several commentaries written l»y him upon books of the Xew Testament also appeared, namely, on St. Mattliew, St. John, and tlie Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians. His commentaries on Romans and Gorinthians were published for him by 64 LIFE OF MELANCHTHOX. Lutlier. Melanchthon's great modesty prevented him from giving them to the public. But Luther appre- ciated their vahie, secretly obtained a copy of them, and, without asking for permission, published them, jokingly remarking in the introduction to them, Avhich he addressed to Melanchthon : " It is I who publish these your annotations and send you to your- self. If you take no pleasure in yourself, very well ; it is sufficient that we take pleasure in you. If there be any blame in this matter it rests on you. Why did you not publish these writings yourself? Did I not often beg, urge and command you to do so ?" For almost six years Melanchthon had now been laboring without permitting himself any but the shortest periods of repose. He needed a rest. An obstinate attack of insomnia threatened ruin to body and mind. He proposed, therefore, to take a vacation. A friend and fellow-professor, William ^esen, had de- termined to go to his home, at Frankfort-on-the-^Iain, and Melanchthon decided to accompaay him to that point, and proceed from there to Bretten, on a visit to his mother. He mentioned his plan to Luther, and confided to him some conscientious scruples about the propriety of taking such a step. Luther quickly re- moved his scruples by replying : " Go, dear brother Philip; start upon your journey in God's name, since even our Lord did not preach and teach incessantly, but occasionally went upon visits to his friends and relatives. One thing only I ask of you : return to us soon. I will meanwhile pray diligently for you. And now go." Accordingly, on the morning of April 16, 1524, in A VISIT TO BRETTEN. 65 company with IN'esen, Francis Burkhard of Weimar, John Silberborner of Worms, and Melanchthon's most intimate friend and biographer, Joachim Camerarius of Bamberg, he started upon his journey. The com- panionship of Camerarius was especially agreeable to him. These two men, who all their life Ions: remained the closest friends, were so nearly of the same age, were engaged in such similar studies and occupations, and were so much alike in their views and dispositions, that they found it mutually their greatest delight to converse or corresf)ond with each other. Camerarius, like his friend, was professor of the Greek language, and held a position in the University of Erfurt. Di- recting their course through Leipzig, where they learned that their friend, Peter Mosellanus, lay at the point of death, and visited him, the travellers proceeded through Eisenach to Fulda. Here they learned the sad tidings, that Ulrich Von Ilutten, that talented and well-meaning, but ill-advised scholar and knight, who had sought refuge from the persecutions of Rome upon an island in the Lake of Zurich, had died in his place of exile. From Fulda they journeyed to Frank- fort, where Nesen remained behind, while the others proceeded on their way to Bretten. When Melanch- thon beheld his native town, it is reported that, in deep emotion, he dismounted from his horse, and, falling upon his knees, exclaimed, " O my native land ! I thank Thee, O Lord, that I am permitted to behold it again." Ilis mother almost fainted with surprise and joy when she beheld him. After his three companions had tarried for a few days at Bret- ten, they bade farewell to Melanchthon and continued 5 66 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. Joachim Camerarius. A VISIT TO BRETTEN. 67 their way to Basle, where they expected to visit Eras- mus. Mehmchthon's mother was not very well pleased with her illustrious son, because hv had married one of the daughters of Wittenherii,* instead of the one which she, in her motherly solicitude, had selected for him in Bretten. But in the joy of their reunion and the sweet converse of mother and son, she soon learned to forget her vexation, and became reconciled. It soon appeared, too, that she was displeased with the promi- nent part which he had taken in the religious contro- versies of the times. They frequently discussed the subject between them. But she could not be brought to see the difference between an attack upon the errors and superstitions of the prevailing belief and an attack upon religion itself. She remained a Roman Catholic to the end. While Melanchthon sojourned in Bretten the Uni- versity of Heidelberg, in recognition of his distin- guished services in the cause of learning, sent him, by the hand of three of its professors, a valuable and beautifully chased goblet of silver. Perhaps the uni- versity desired by this means to make amends for re- fusing, twelve years before, to grant the Master's de- gree to the youthful student who since that time had become so famous. Another delegation also came from Ileidelbero- on an errand which was bv no means so pleasant to him. The papal legate, Cardinal C^im- pegius, was then staying at Heidelberg, having gone thither from the diet recentlv held at Nur«'iiil)eri^. Hearing that Melanchthon was visiting at Bretten, and realizing the importance of detaching him, if pos- (J8 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. sible, from the cause of the Reformation, he sent his private secretary, Frederic Nausea, to Bretten, to en- deavor to bring about such a result. In the interview which followed, it was plainly hinted to Melanchthon that, if he would only desert Luther, a glorious future in the Roman Catholic Church was open before him. But Melanchthon was not a man who could be moved by such inducements to turn traitor to the truth ; and he therefore replied : " What I have once come to re- gard as true I hold fast and maintain, without respect to the favor of any mortal and without regard to ad- vantage, honor, or gain. I will never desert those who first brought better things to light; but at the same time I shall ever remain true to myself by teach- ing and defending the truth without descending to quarrels and abuse. I advise all who have a sincere desire for peace and unity to do what lies within their power to heal the wounds which can no longer be con- cealed, and to restrain the senseless fury of those who constantly seek to inflame them. It is impious and insane to threaten with destruction all who adhere to Luther." While Melanchthon tarried at Bretten his three companions, as we have stated, continued their journey as far as Basle, and paid a visit to Erasmus. As this famous scholar had been one of the first to recognize and admire the extraordinary talents of Melanchthon, and the latter had always regarded that eminent hu- manist with the highest esteem and almost with vene- ration for his distinii^uished services in the revival of classical learning, it may be well to say a few words concerning the relations between these two men. In MELANCHTHON AND ERASMUS. 69 its earlier stages Erasmus had been friendly to the Reformation. He had himself, in his satirical writ^ ings, attacked some of the prevalent abuses. He had rejoiced at the defeat of monasticism, and had per- sistently refused to write against Luther. Many of ;^^"^r . Erasmus of Rotterdam. the papists even accused Erasmus of collusion with the " heretics." But Luther was too unsparing for him. Erasmus wanted a reformation wliich could be accomplished peaceably, and actually desired only the reformation of external abuses. He was averse 70 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. to positive statements of doctrine, and found fault with what he called Luther's want of moderation. Finally, it came to a breach between them. But with Melanchthon, the great Hollander continued to the end on friendly termsi. Melanchthon had been possessed with a strong de- sire to accompany his friends on their visit to Erasmus. But he feared that his doing so would add to the dis- tresses which that scholar suffered. These were great enough already. The neutral position which Erasmus had endeavored to maintain in the pending contro- versies, had made him an object of suspicion to both parties. By the Lutherans, he was accused of being a coward and time-server ; by the Roman Catholics, of being at heart a Lutheran. His position was far from enviable. It was rumored at the present time, that he was about to take the part of King Henry YIII. of England in his controversy with Luther, and was pre- paring a pamphlet for that purpose. Under these cir- cumstances, and in order not to involve Erasmus in any greater embarrassments than those under which he already labored, Melanchthon deemed it advisable not to go to Basle. Erasmus appreciated his motives; and, although he published, during the year, his pam- phlet on the " Free Will," and fiercely attacked in it the position which Luther and Melanchthon main- tained, he still endeavored to remain on friendly terms with Melanchthon, and wrote him a lengthy letter, in which he set forth his opinion of the Refor- mation. Li this letter he assures Melanchthon first of all, of the pleasure which he would have experienced, had he MELANCHTHON AND ERASMUS. 71 been favored with a visit ; " for he had always been an admirer of Melanchthon's great gifts, and doubly so, since he had read his Loci Communes. He would not deny, he said, that there were many things in that excellent work with which he could not agree ; but he had no desire to raise a controversy over them nor over other points which he might mention. He as- serted, that he was not only not opposed, in general, to the restoration of evangelical truth, but actually de- sired it, and had always hoped that Luther would use more moderation. For this reason, he had hitherto exerted his influence to restrain the fury of the theolo- gians and the rage of the princes, and had anxiously waited for the time when the cause of the Gospel might be promoted without great disturbance. This, he added, he still continued to do. At every suitable opportunity he wrote to the emperor and other princes. To a certain extent he played the part of Gamaliel ; and he hoped for a happy issue of the matter. Then he proceeds to mention the divergence of views which had arisen among the adherents of the reformers, and the inconsistent and disorderly conduct of many among them, as a reason, why he could not ally himself with them. ' I see here,' he says, ' many persons of such a character, that, even if I approved of all that Luther writes, I would not care to be counted as belonging to their party.' Finally, he referred to the controversy with Luther upon which he had just entered, and di- clared that, since his views differed so materially from those of Luther, and the latter had informed him in his last letter that a further silence would be regarded as an evidence of timiditv and cowardice, he owed it 72 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. to himself, his Church and his friends, to take up the pen against Luther and publish his pamphlet on the freedom of the will." This publication of Erasmus attacked the j)08ition Avhich not only Luther, but Melanchthon also, had maintained. Both of the reformers had taught the total depravity of human nature, and held that the Holy Spirit must bring about a new ^\dll in the human heart, and, even in the regenerate, must prompt to everything that is good. But Melanchthon did not take any active part in this controversy between Luther and Erasmus. He wrote a reply, however, to the letter which he had received, and said that there was, indeed, " some reason for the complaints made about the conduct of many of the adherents of Luther's doctrine ; but that Luther was as much dis- pleased with such people as Erasmus, and to lay the blame of their unworthy actions upon Luther or to the doctrine which he taught was a gross injustice. He himself, he declared, could not with a good con- science, reject Luther's doctrines, though he would do so at once if he saw that they were unscriptural. But as this was not the case he would not, even at the risk of being considered superstitious or foolish, nor yet in order to avoid conflict with the present order of things, permit himself to waver in his faith." We left Melanchthon in the pleasant society of his mother, enjoying a well-earned and much-needed va- cation. After an absence of about four weeks, his friends came back from Basle, and preparations were immediately made for the return to Wittenberg. Hi? mother, of course, would gladly have kept him longer s MEETING WITH PHILIP OF HESSE. 73 But this coxild not be, and the farewells had to he said. She saw her son hut once more on earth, and that was during the second Diet of Speyer. She died in 1529. The homeward journey led Melanchthon and his friends back to Frankfort. On the way thither they were inet by Philip of Hesse, who was traveling on the same road with a large train of followers. Aware of the presence of Melanchthon in that neighborhood and perceiving a group of horsemen who looked as if they might be learned men, the landgrave approached them and asked whether Philip Melanchthon was among them. Melanchthon replied in the affirmative, and, as a mark of respect, was about to dismount; but he was prevented from doing so by the landgrave, who insisted on having the company of the i>arty over night. There w^ere many things, the prince said, which he desired to have them explain. He bade Me- lanchthon not to fear any harm from hini. Melanch- thon assured the prince that he was not afraid, and that, besides, he was a very unimportant individual and had, therefore, the less reason to fear. " Yet," replied the prince, " Cardinal Campegius would be overjoyed if you were given over into his hands." After they had indulged in some unimportant con- versation, Melanchthon respectfully asked permission to continue his journey, and the landgrave consented, provided that, after his return to AVittenberg, Me- lanchthon would send to him a detailed account of the causes and progress of the recent innovations in religious matters. To this Melanchthon readily as- sented; and, after his arrival at AVittenberg, lie pre- 74 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. Philip I., Landgrave of Hesse. THE RETURN TO WITTENBERG. 75 pared such a (locument and scut it to the prince. The result was remarkable; for, as early as 1525, Philip of Hesse openly declared in favor of the Reformation. It is a great pity that the unbridled sensuality of this otherwise worthy prince subsequently involved Me- lanchthon and the Reformation in serious difficulty. The journey of Melanchthon, which began so joy- fully, ended sadly. Burkhard was left behind, ill, at Frankfort ; ]^esen was drowned in the Elbe, on July 5th, while he was crossing that river in a boat; and Camerarius had to leave his friend and go to Bam- berg. Melanchthon and Silberborner returned alone, in sorroAV, to Wittenberg, arriving there July 15th, af- ter an absence of almost three months. A spirit of melancholy settled down upon Melanch- thon. He longed particularly for the company of his bosom friend, Camerarius, and wrote to him : " I live here as though I were in a desert. I have little inter- course with any but sm^ll minds, in whom I can take no pleasure. Consequently, I sit at home like a lame cobbler.'' That Luther was not counted among the small minds to which he refers, is self-evident. 76 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. I CHAPTER X. THE peasants' WAR. LUTHER's MARRIAGE. THE SAXON VISITATION. 1525-1527. ^N" the year 1525 Germany became the scene of great political disturbances. The peasants, op- pressed with excessive taxes and other burdens, broke out in a general insurrection. They falsely ap- plied Luther's doctrine of Christian liberty to political and social life, and attempted to institute a sort of communism. They formulated their demands in twelve articles, which they endeavored to base upon the Scriptures. But even when these demands were granted by the princes, the peasants were not satisfied. Led by the fanatical preacher, Thomas Miinzer, who considered these demands far too moderate, they rioted in all manner of lawlessness. Many who were opposed to the insurrection were frightened into joining the army of the rebels. Fire and devastation were spread everywhere, and thousands were cruelly slain. By many the blame for this insurrection was laid upon the Reformation. But there had been such re- volts before the Reformation was begun, and the peas- ants in this instance merely endeavored to use the doctrines of the reformers to shield their lawless con- duct. The reformers took a decided stand against their murderous practices. Luther sympathized with the peasants under their oppressions, but he could have no sympathy with the method which they pur- THE PEASANTS WAR. 77 sued to obtain redress for their grievances. He pub- lished an " Exhortation to Peace on the Twelve Arti- cles of the Peasants in Swabia," earnestly appealing to the consciences of princes and peasants. But, in- cited by their fanatical leaders, the peasants paid no heed to his exhortations, and continued their violent Thomas Munzee. measures till they Avere completely vanquished by the princes at the battle of Frankhausen and reduced to submission. Melanchthon was called on personally to give his opinion of the matter. The peasants had rebelled in the Palatinate also. On the eighteenth of May the Elector of that State wrote to him that he had liitherto dealt very mildly with the peasants, and i>roposed to 78 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. take up the consideration of the Twelve Articles in the assembly of deputies, which was to convene after Pen- tecost; and he requested Melanchthon, as one "who had been born and raised in the Palatinate, who was more learned and experienced in the Scriptures than others, and who was well known, and, doubtless, in- clined to peace and justice, to come to Heidelberg; or, if that was impossible, to send his opinion." Melanchthon found that he could not go to Heidel- berg; but he prepared a pamphlet " Against the Arti- cles of the Peasants." This, as well as Luther's second pamphlet on the subject, gave offence to many. Me- lanchthon was called a court-theologian. He has often, since that time, been severely criticized for his pam- phlet. Perhaps his verdict was needlessly harsh. But we must remember that it was given at a time when the peasants were plunging into all manner of lawless- ness and perpetrating fearful atrocities. They had themselves rendered a milder verdict impossible from one to whom all disorder was an abomination. The peasants had said that they would submit their cause to the decision of God's word. Accordingly Melanch- thon proceeded to explain the Scriptural doctrines which bore on the question. " There were many," he said, " who had, no doubt, sinned in ignorance, and who, if they were better instructed, would forsake such wicked ways and have regard for the judgment of God and their own souls." He referred to the thirteenth Chapter of Romans as the Christian's guide in these matters, and argued from it that the Gospel demands obedience to the government and forbids re- bellion, even when rulers do evil. He insisted on the THE PEASANTS WAR. LUTHER's MARRIAGE. 79 maintenance of order; l)ut, at the same time, he coun- selled the princes to be just and merciful in their deal- ings with their subjects. In case, however, that the peasants cannot be prevailed upon to put an end to their wicked conduct, then, he said, they are to be treated as murderers. Wlien the insurrection had been subdued, he added to his pamphlet an appendix, in which he appealed to the princes to exercise clem- ency toward their conquered subjects. The peasants, he said, had already suffered severely for their con- duct, and " many of them had sinned through fear or folly." During the progress of the peasants' war, the Elec- tor Frederick the Wise of Saxony died very peace- fully on May 5, 1525. Melanchthon assisted Luther at the funeral services, and delivered a Latin oration, in which he dwelt upon the excellent character of the deceased ruler and his great love for God's word. The death of this prince was a great blow to Melanch- thon. He liked the careful, moderate, prudent con- duct of this elector. But when John the Constant, the brother of the deceased ruler, took charge of the government, it was found that he was as staunch a supporter of the Gospel and as faithful a friend to Luther and Melanchthon as his predecessor has l)een. Li the midst of these stirring times, in the month of June, 1525, Luther surprised Melanchthon and everybody else by his marriage with Catherine Von Bora. This marriage between Luther, who liad bt-eii a monk, and Miss Von Bora, who had been a nun, created an immense sensation. Mchinchthon thought that the step itself was right and proper. He had 80 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. long before this defended the right of the clergy to marry. But he feared that it was ill-ad\dsed in Luther to take the step at that particular time. He feared that it would detract from Luther's influence in that Elector John the Constant. troubled period when his influence was so sorely needed. Nevertheless, he stood by his friend faith- fully ; and whenever Luther afterwards became dis- heartened by the new attacks which the report of his marriage brought upon him, Melanchthon encouraged him to the best of his ability. When the wedding ORGANIZING SCHOOLS. 81 dinner was given on June 27th, and Liitlier invited his parents and friends, Melanchtlion was present among them, and added to the mirth of the festive occasion hy flashes of wit and merriment. Amid all the distractions and anxieties of this period, Melanchthon steadily directed his efforts to the ad- vancement of education and the huildinir np of "-ood Christian schools. During a period covering many years he found time, in spite of his numerous other engagements, to give elementary instruction to a number of young men who lived with him in his own house. He did this on account of the lamentable lack of suitable preparatory schools. He lost no oppor- tunity, however, to provide for this lack, Avhe never he found it possible to do so. In the spring of 1525, ■with Luther's help, he re-organized the schools of Eisleben and Magdeburg. In the fall of tht' same year, he went to IN'uremberg and assisted in the estab- lishment of a gymnasium* in tliatcity; and in tlic fol- lowing spring he returned to [N'uremberg and formally opened the school. lie delivered an address in Latin, in which he dwelt upon the importance of education, and the credit which the movers in this enterprise de- served. He declared that " the best defences of a city lie in the culture, wisdom and virtue of its citi- zens;" and that '^ the cause of true education is the cause of God." Nuremberg, at this time, was one of the most en- lightened and prosperous cities of Germany. Ft num- bered among its inhabitants some of the most distin- * A high school or college. 6 82 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. guishecl intellects of the age, among whom were Willibald Pirkheimer, Jerome Baumgiirtner, Lazarus Spengler, Jerome Ebner and Caspar ITutzel. With all of these, Melanchthon stood in intimate relations, and with Baumgiirtner he carried on a life-long cor- respondence. Among his other friends in this city was the distinguished painter, Albrecht Diirer, who during this visit of Melanchthon painted a likeness of him which is considered one of the best in existence. After spending a short time very pleasantly in the company of these friends, Melanchthon returned to AVittenberg. He had hardly arrived there before he was attacked by a severe illness from which his friends feared that he would not recover. But by the fall of the year he was again able to resume his duties. In January of the year 1526, he was formally ap- pointed as a professor of theology ; and his salary was raised to two hundred florins. This appointment was made much against his will. He feared, in his ex- treme modesty and conscientiousness, that he would not be able, with his delicate health, to do full justice to the position. But Luther urged him to accept it ; and, fearing that liis influence might not be altogether sufficient to prevail upon his over-scrupulous colleague, he communicated with the elector, and requested him to write to Melanchthon. " Your Electoral Grace," he says, " has commanded the university to give Magister Philip two hundred florins per year. Xow, however, the man proposes to decline it, because, he says, he is not able to read lectures regularly and without inter- ruption. He declares that he cannot with a good con- science accept it. He thinks that your Electoral Grace THE SAXON VISITATION. 83 will expect the impossible from him. My talking and remonstrances are of no avail. I pray your Electoral Grace, therefore, kindly explain the matter to him yourself, and make him understand that your Grace is satisfied if he only assists, according to his ability, in the theological department, just as he has done hith- erto, whether it be but once a week or oftener." Finally Melanchthon's scruples were overcome, and he accepted the position and the increase of salary. Tlie latter he certainly needed. In the year 1527, Melanchthon took part with Luther in the visitation of the schools and churches of Saxony. It w^as high time for such a step. Affairs were in a w^retched condition. In many places no re- ligious instruction was given at all, because there were either no pastors and teachers stationed there, or those who were stationed there w^ere grossly ignorant them- selves. The greatest disorder imaginable reigned nearly everywhere. In one instance, it was found that in one congregation the pastor preached the Gos- pel, but that in another part of his parish he read the Romish mass. The financial condition of many of the churches w^as equally bad. Many of the legacies on which the churches depended for their support had been withdrawn, and on others the interest was w itli- held. It was the object of the visitation to l)riiig order out of this chaos. Melanchthon was charged with making a beginning in Thuringia. The spiritual distress which he discovered rent his heart, and hv often went aside and wept over what he saw. As a basis for the re-organization of the churches and schools, Melanchthon was commanded by the 84 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. elector to prepare an " Instruction of the Visitors to the Clergy of Saxony." This work was to contain a statement of the lines on which that re-organization was to be effected. To prepare such a work was by no means an easy task. It was necessary to give the distinctive doctrines of the evangelical Church in a popular form, to guard them against misapprehension, and to give prominence to that which was practical and edifying. The work which Melanchthon Avas charged with preparing was to be the guide for plac- ing all the churches of Saxony on an evangelical basis. Evangelical truth was to take the place of popish tradi- tions; Scriptural ceremonies were to supersede Romish abuses. Yet all appearance of introducing novel or strange doctrines was to be avoided. It was a work, therefore, which required not only a deep insight into the essence of the Gospel, but rare tact and dis- cretion. Melanchthon, however, was the very man for the occasion. He drew up a work which was ad- mirably adapted to its purpose. It is valuable as an expression of Melanchthon's theological views, and shows that he viewed theology largely from an ethical standpoint. Pastors, he says, are not only to preach of the for- giveness of sins, but also of the need of repentance ; because there can be no true faith and no real forgive- ness of sins without repentance. They are, therefore, not to omit the preaching of the Ten Commandments. The three essentials of a Christian life, he declares, are repentance, faith, and good works. These latter are necessary. God does not bestow grace on account of them, but only for Christ's sake. Yet the Christian THE SAXON VISITATION. 85 must do good works, because God has commanded them. He also corrects some misapprehensions con- cerning the meaning of Christian Hberty, and states that it consists of " freedom from the power of the devil and the wrath of God ; • freedom from the cere- monial law of Moses ; freedom from absolute obedience to human regulations in the Churcli." He urges the preachers to seek the edification of their hearers, to refrain from abuse of persons, and to condemn the vices and sins of those to whom they preach. They are not to be continually declaiming against the pope and the bishops, but to preach those things which will conduce to a true Christian spirit and life in their congregations. He also added a chapter on the im- provements to be made in the schools. The doctrinal position of this work agreed with Luther's and received his approval. But its temper was so mild and conciliating, and it was worded so moderately in comparison with Lather's stormy utter- ances, that many of the Roman Catholics imagined that Melanchthon was tendinc: toward Romanism again. They even made overtures to him. He says in a letter written to Camerarius about this time, that Faber, the court preacher of King Ferdinand of Bo- hemia, had held out all manner of promises to induce him to desert the Lutheran cause. An attack was made upon this book by .John Agri- cola, rector of the school at Eisleben. He had liitlicrto been a friend of Melanchthon. But when tliis work appeared, he published a severe criticism of it, and maintained that to teacli tbat n-pcntance is to be brought about by preaching the law, is unscriptural 86 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. and Romanizing. He raised a great stir by his writ- ings. The elector, therefore, arranged a meeting at Torgau between Agricola, Melanchthon, Luther, and Bugenhagen, for the purpose of putting an end to the dispute. Apparently, Agricola was convinced of his error ; but ten years later he began the controversy anew, and, in his antinomian zeal, went so far as to say that "Moses ous^ht to be hano^ed on the srallows." In the summer of 1527, on account of the plague which had broken out in Wittenberg, the university was removed to Jena. It was to that city, therefore, that Melanchthon, on his return from \asiting the churches in Thuringia, wended his way. He resumed his labors at the university and devoted his attention to his lectures on Demosthenes and the proverbs of Solomon, and to the investigation of many ecclesiasti- cal questions which arose. He also prepared two arti- cles against the Anabaptists, in which he defended the practice of infant-baptism, explained the meaning, use, and advantage of the sacrament, and refuted the teach- ings of the Anabaptists concerning the government and community of goods. In October of the year 1528, he made a second tour of visitation through parts of Thuringia. THE SECOND DIET OF SPEYER. 1529. 87 CHAPTER XL THE SECOND DIET OF SPEYER. THE MARBURG COLLOQUY. 1529. WHILE Melanchtlion and others were busy with the visitation and re-organization of the churches in Saxony, a great peril seemed to threaten the evangeUcal cause. It was rumored that a league of Roman Catholic princes had been formed for the purpose of attacking the Luther- ans. Philip of Hesse declared that he himself had ob- tained from Otto von Pack, counsellor of Duke George of Saxony, a copy of a document, sealed with the ducal seal, which plainly stated that the Landgrave of Hesse and the Elector of Saxony were to be attacked and deprived of their dominions, if they did not re- nounce their heresies. He pictured the consequences of such a league so graphically, that the elector, who was generally cautious and conservative, consented to a counter-leao^ue with him. In accordance with this agreement, an army of twenty-six thousand men was immediately to be placed in the field. The landgrave was in fav^or of beginning operations at once. He actually led his army to the frontier. But the elector began to have scruples about the propriety and justice of such a war, and decided to seek the advice of his theologians. These replied that, whether the report of a Roman Catholic league was true or untrue, in neither case would the elector be justifitMl in begin- 88 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. ; ning warlike operations. They advised him to lay the whole matter before the emperor, and rather to break ^^dth Philip of Hesse than to wage an unjust war. Melanchthon concurred in the opinion of the other theologians. He also wrote a special letter to the elector, in which he said : " In times of affliction it is certainly the greatest comfort to have a good con- science and to know that Grod is our friend. But if we should grasp the sword and begin war with an evil conscience, then would we lose this comfort." The elector himself agreed with these opinions, but the landgrave was not satisfied. Writing to his father-in- law, Duke George, he demanded to know whether, or not, the duke was willing to sever his connection with the Roman Catholic league and keep the peace. To his astonishment, the duke replied, that there was no such league in existence ; that the report was false ; and that the document which the landgrave had seen was a forgery of the deepest dye. To this day, the existence or non-existence of such a league is an open question. The evangelical party was not fully inclined to believe the declaration of Duke George, but the warlike preparations ceased. With the relations between them thus strained, the princes of the realm assembled for the Imperial Diet at Speyer in the year 1529. Melanchthon accompanied the elector. At a previous diet, held in the same city in 1526, it had been decided, that " a universal, or at the least a national, free council should be convoked within a year, that they should request the emperor to return speedily to Germany ; and that until then each THE SECOND DIET OF SPEYER. 1529. 89 state should behave in its own territory in such ii man- ner as to he able to render an account to God and the emperor." That decree had left the Reformation com- paratively free to continue its progress. But at the second Diet of Speyer, now held, all this was chanc^ed. It was a diet in which the Roman Catholic princes manifested more open hostility toward tlie evangelical party than ever before. They were angry with them- selves for adopting the resolution of the year 1526; and they were highly gratified, therefore, when, at the opening of this present diet, the emperor declared that, by virtue of the imperial power vested in him, he an- nulled the resolution of the previous diet. A new de- cree was passed, which insisted on the enforcement of the edict of Worms. As this edict had placed Luther and his adherents under the ban, its re-enactment filled the evangelical party with apprehension. Melanchthon's soul was heavy with grief and fore- bodings. His natural disposition inclined him rather to magnify than to make light of difficulties and dan- gers. He did not possess the gigantic faith of Luther, which was content to entrust the Church to the care of God. Consequently, the proceedings of the diet filled him with dismay. He trembled for the security of the evangelical cause. Perhaps the excessive anxiety which took possession of him may account for the unjust censure w^hich he passed upon the conduct of the Lutheran princes in this diet. Tie vainly imagined that the Roman Catholics would not have passed the obnoxious decree at all, or would have annulled it ao-ain, if some ininor and unessential i)()ints liad Ix-eii conceded to them. But he credited the Roman Catlio- 90 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. lies with good intentions which they never possessed. They were bent on crushing out the Reformation. The princes judged far more correctly than he of the temper and spirit of their foes, and of the course which had to be pursued in dealing with them. Yet it must be said to Melanchthon's credit, that after the decree of the diet was passed, he was as much opposed as any one to yielding obedience to its unholy demands ; and that he advised, as a last resort, the presentation of a formal protest against the resolution of the diet. Accordingly, on April 15, 1529, the Lutherans pre- sented their celebrated Protest and Appeal. Those who signed it, and thus became the first to bear the name of Protestants, were the Elector John of Saxony, the Elector George of Brandenburg, the Dukes Ernest and Francis of Luneburg, the Landgrave Philip of Hesse, Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt, and the representa- tives of fourteen imperial cities. On the sixth of May Melanchthon arrived again at Wittenberg. Both he and Luther expected that a re- ligious war would follow. Melanchthon was so trou- bled at the prospect that Luther wrote : " Philip wor- ries himself so much about the Church and the gene- ral welfare, that he is injuring his health." To these public sorrows, which weighed him down, were added, also, private griefs. In July of this year his mother died; in August his little son, George. While the Protestant camp was thus seriously threatened by the Roman Catholics from without, it was hampered by dissensions within. The Reformed party, led by Zwingli of Switzerland, diflered from the Lutherans on a number of points, but particularly on THE SECOND DIET OF SPEYER. 1529. 91 the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. This divergence of views had led to violent controversies between them. Luther, and with him Melanchthon, maintained that they must abide by the plain words of Christ, " Tliis Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt. is my body; tliis is my blood." They held, therefore, that Christ is really present in tlie Lord's Supper. Zw^ngli, on the other hand, denied the real presence. He maintained that when Christ said, " Tljis is my 92 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. body," He meant, '' This signifies my body." He claimed that Christ's body could not be present at so many different places at the same time. This was not only a limitation of divine power, but a denial of the participation of Christ's glorified body in the attri- butes of his divinity. Philip of Hesse was greatly concerned about this disagreement. He thought that the political situation imperatively demanded a union between the Lutherans and the Reformed. He therefore planned the holding of a conference, in which the differences should be discussed and an agreement, if possible, be reached. I^either Luther nor Melanchthon believed that such a conference would secure the desired result. But the landgrave persisted in his project. Finally, in October, 1529, a Colloquy was held at Marburg. On the one side were Luther, Melanchthon, Jonas, Brenz, and Osiander ; on the other, Zwingli, (Ecolampadius, Bu- cer, and Hedio. After a discussion lasting several days, the Zwinglians accepted the Lutheran view in everything but the Lord's Supper. On this they would not yield. It was agreed, however, that for the sake of peace, all parties should refrain in the future from controversies on the point on which they had failed to unite. Fifteen articles, prepared by the Lutherans, were then produced, and all were subscribed by the Zwinglians except the last, which maintained the real presence of Christ in the Lord's Supper. The Zwinglians now wanted to be acknowledged by the Lutherans as brethren. But as long as they main- tained their erroneous view of the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ, and refused to subordinate THE MARBURG COLLOQUY. 93 their reason to the plain word of Scripture, Lutlier tclt that lie could not do so. lie told them, " Ye have a different spirit from ours." Luther has been severely censured by many for this refusal. Uut he could noL do otherwise. If he had accepted the i»roffcrcd hand of fellowship, it would have been an acknowledgment on his part that he regarded the diti'erence of views 94 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. between them as unessential. But he could not make such an acknowledgment. There was not only a dif- ference of doctrine but a difference of spirit between the two reformers. Luther unconditionally accepted the plain text of Scripture ; Zwingli refused to accept what he could not understand. ]N^o one, we think, will claim that Melanchthon was polemically inclined or was unwilling to make concessions for the sake of peace. He has been blamed, and justly too, for yield- ing too much. But even Melanchthon, mild and peace-loving as he was, could not consent, any more than Luther, to accept the hand of fellowship and brotherhood with the Zwinglians. He saw that vast perils threatened the pure truth of God's Word if the Zwinglian method of interpretation prevailed. He Avrote to a friend concerning the Zwinglians at this Colloquy : '' They seemed to be more trifling even than they had been before this conference. They con- tended very strongly that we should call them breth- ren. But look at their stupidity ; while they condemn us, they yet desire to be considered by us as brethren. We cannot give our consent to this." CHAPTER XIL THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530. ^ J f HE year 1530 was, unquestionably, one of the most important in the history of the Refor- mation. It was also a momentous one in the hfe of Melanchthon. In the public negotiations and I THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530. 95 transactions of that year, no one took a more impor- tant part than he. The Emperor Charles Y. had defeated the Turks, Charles V. made peace with King Francis of France, and become reconciled with the pope. ITe hadleisiire now to .i^ive his attention to the relidous dithculties which dis- 96 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. turbed his realm. Accordingly^ in the beginning of the year 1530, he summoned a diet to meet on April 8th, at Augsburg. In his proclamation, he jDromised to give an impartial hearing to both sides in the con- troversy, so that a just decision might be reached. But the recollection of the action of the diet of Speyer of the previous year, and expressions which the em- peror had made since that time, caused many of the Lutherans to doubt the sincerity of his peaceful dec- larations. Some of them even considered it danger- ous to attend the diet, and spoke of resorting to arms. But better counsel finally prevailed, and they resolved to attend. On March the 14th, the Elector John of Saxony di- rected Luther, Melanchthon, Jonas, and Bugenhagen, to prepare, for presentation at the diet, a statement of the doctrines and ceremonies in dispute. By March 21st, the first three of these theologians were to bring their statement to Torgau and be ready to accompany the elector to Augsburg. The time allotted for the preparation of this important document was exceed- ingly brief But fortunately there were on hand some articles which were adapted to the purpose. At Mar- burg fifteen articles had been drawn up by Luther to eficct an agreement with the Zwinglians ; and on the basis of these, Luther, with the assistance of the other theologians, had prepared the seventeen articles of Schwabach. These were now revised to express the doctrinal position of the reformers ; and special arti- cles on the abuses prevailing in the Eoman Catholic Church were drawn up. The latter, now known as the Torgau Articles proper, together with the revised THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530. 97 Articles of Schwabach, were thoii taken to T(»r:sl)uro: Confession could not well have been better adapted to the occasion and purpose of its presentation. It was plain, simple, clear, scriptural, and firm but irenical in tone. It was meant to allay controversy and disputation; to obtain, if possible, a favorable hearing for the truth ; and to put the Lutherans in the right light before the em- peror and the diet. There was no man living whose character and talents fitted him so well for its prepara- tion as Melanchthon. Richly gifted with the faculties of clear thought and exact expression, he presented the doctrines of the Lutheran Church so plaiidy and distinctly that a misconception of them was ahnost impossible. Peace-loving by nature, and dreading ilir consequences of a rupture with the emperor, he framed the wordino; of the Confession so mildly that, if a favorable reception of the evangelical doctrines had been attainable at all, it would certainly have Ijcen ac- corded to this presentation of them. If Melanchthon had done nothing else but write tlie incomparable Augsburg Confession, he would richly deserve to be held in grateful remembrance and lasting renown l>y every lover of the truth. The Augsburg Confession consisted of two prinei- 106 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. pal parts or divisions : the first contained twenty-one doctrinal articles; the second, seven articles on the abuses which were to be condemned. The subjects treated in the first part are : 1, Of God ; 2, Of Original Sin; 3, Of the Son of God and the Holy Spirit; 4, Of Justification; 5, Of the Ministry of the Church; 6, Of Xew Obedience; 7, Of the Church; 8, What the Church is; 9, Of Baptism; 10, Of the Lord's Supper; 11, Of Confession ; 12, Of Repentance ; 13, Of the Use of Sacraments; 14, Of Ecclesiastical Orders; 15, Of Ecclesiastical Rites; 16, Of Civil Affairs; 17, Of Christ's Return to Judgment; 18, Of Free Will; 19, Of the Cause of Sin; 20, Of Good Works; 21, Of the Worship of Saints. The articles of the second part are as follows : 22, Of Both Kinds in the Lord's Sup- per; 23, Of the Marriage of Priests; 24, Of the Mass; 25, Of Confession ; 26, Of the Distinctions of Meats and of Traditions; 27, Of Monastic Vows; 28, Of Ecclesiastical Power. What impression the reading of the Confession pro- duced upon the emperor, it is difiicult to determine. According to some reports, he listened with apparent indifterence, either because he did not understand German sufficiently, or because he had already made up his mind what course to pursue. But when the reading was finished and Chancellor Brueck was about to present to the imperial secretaries the German and Latin text of the Confession, the emperor graciously extended his hand to receive them, delivered the Ger- man copy to the Archbishop of Mayence for preserva- tion in the imperial archives, and kept the Latin copy for himself. Subsequently, he had his copy translated THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1580. 107 into Italian and Spanish. In liis reply to the Luth- erans, he said that he would delihorate further upon this important matter, and expected of them that they would not print their Confession. But iuasmuch as, in a very short time, defective copies of it hecame cir- Chancellor Gregor V. Brteck. culated, and no less than seven ditii^-rent fauhy edi- tions surreptitiously made their appearance in print, Melanchthon published an authorized edition of the Augsburg Confession in German and Latin, while the diet was yet in session. The emperor now took counsel with the heads of 108 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. the papal party. The most moderate among them ad- vised him to have the Confession examined by impar- tial men. Others urged the immediate enforcement of the edict of Worms. A third party demanded a written confutation of the Lutheran Confession. The counsel of these last was adopted ; and a number of zealous Roman Catholic theologians were appointed by the emperor to draw up such a confutation. The Lutherans were asked w^hether they would rest their case with the articles already presented, or whether they had any others which they desired to submit. They replied, July 10th, that there did, indeed, re- main many other errors and abuses which deserved censure, but they did not think it necessary to present these separately ; for the condemnation of the remain- ing abuses was involved in that of those already pre- sented, because all were the outgrowth of similar causes. For six weeks the Roman Catholics labored at the preparation of their confutation. In the meantime Melanchthon was in a very troubled state of mind, and his conduct was not always such as can be com- mended. He longed for a peaceable solution of the pending difficulties, but began to fear that it might not be attained. So he meditated day and night how a reconciliation might be effected. He hoped even against hope. When everything indicated that the Roman Catholics would never consent to renounce their errors of doctrine and practice, he still planned for the attainment of the unattainable. This excessive desire for peace, and this persistent blindness to the impossibility of obtaining it upon an evangelical basis, THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1580. 109 was Melanchthon's evil srenius. Tn i'oriiici- davs, lie had more than once stood up l)()ldlv for tlic (K't'ence of the tnitli. But now his exarinees. Con- sequently, Melanchthon had his labor for his pains. 112 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. and the not very comfortable reflection, that he had made a sad spectacle of himself, had lowered himself in everybody's eyes, and yet had not helped his cause in the least. The cardinal, of course, did not keep this letter a secret ; and Melanchthon had to endure many a bitter rebuke on account of it. From beyond the AljDine mountains there came a letter from one of his admirers in Venice, inquiring whether it was true that he had written such a humble letter to the cardi- nal, and begging him to remember that all true Chris- tians in Europe were anxiously looking to him in these troubled times and resting their greatest hopes upon him. In the meantime the Roman Catholic theologians, among whom were Eck and Cochlaeus, iinished their so-called Confutation of the Augsburg Confession. Their first draft had been so harsh that the emperor bade them prepare a new one. At last it was ready, and was read before the diet on August 3d. It fol- lowed the arrangement of the Augsburg Confession, but was filled with falsehoods and puerile arguments. When it had been read, however, the emperor gave the Lutherans to understand that, after this complete confutation of their position, they must forsake their errors and re-unite with the holy Roman Church. If they refused, he would act "• as behooved the protector and guardian of the Holy Christian Church, and a true Christian emperor." It began to look as if war were inevitable. But while the emperor appeared ready to resort to arms, he was prevented from doing so by the differ- ences which existed among the Roman Catholic princes THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530. 113 themselves. They could not agree upon tlie policy to be pursued. Finally it was deterniincd to effect a compromise. On August 6th, a committee consisting of a number of lloman Catholic princes and l)ishops held a meeting and drew up a document for that pur- p)ose. But the conditions were such that they could not be accepted by the Lutherans. Melanchthon, in- deed, adv^ised that the princes ask for the w^aivi ng of a few points, and accept the balance. But the princes thought otherwise, and replied to tlie proposal, that while they were disposed to maintain peace and liar- mony, they could not and would not ])e untrue to God's word. Melanchthon rendered himself particu- larly obnoxious to many because he was willing to re- store jurisdiction to the Roman bishops. Theoreti- cally, his plan might have done ; but practically, it would have had very evil consequences. For if the bishops had regained their jurisdiction, they would soon have put an end to the pure preaching of the Word of God. Philip of Hesse was completely dissatisfied with the course which affairs were taking. Tie left the diet in disgust on August 16th. He w^as opposed to yielding anything whatever, and wrote to his counsellors whom he left at the diet : "I have read your report; but I cannot consent that such measures as you mention, whether proposed by the papists or by the evangelical party, shall be adopted l)y us. For they arc measures wdiich imply deception and ai'c consefiunitly suited t(> the ])apistsonly. Abide by the direction-^ which I left with you. If the papists would permit in their countries the pure preaching of the Gospel, allow the marriage 8 114 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. of priests and monks, and abolish prayers for the dead and the invocation of the saints, much for charity's- sake might be conceded to them. The preaching of the Gospel would, no doubt, by degrees reform the remaining abuses. But if the papists want to keep on sitting in their devil's roses and prohibit the pure preaching of the Gospel, freedom of marriage and the administration of the Lord's Supper in accordance with Christ's institution, then you must not recede one hair's breadth. The jurisdiction of the bishops is not to be allowed ; for they are unwilling to permit the preaching of the Gospel in their territories. What a farce it would be, it they should appoint, as exami- ners of Christian preachers, men who in doctrine and life are no better than a Caiphas, an Annas or a Pilate ! Show to the cities this my handwriting, and tell them to be men, not women. Stop the play of that worldly- wise philosopher, that timid Philip." The evangelical party agreed, however, once more to argue the points of difference with their opponents. On August 15th, a committee, consisting of two princes, two jurists, and three theologians from each side was formed, and began its sittings the following day. The articles of the Augsburg Confession were taken up one by one for consideration. In many of the doctrinal articles the Roman Catholic theologians agreed with the Lutherans, and in others of them they showed a dispo- sition to find fault rather with the wording than the sub- stance. On a few of them , such as those on Justification, Repentance and Good Works, they could not agree. But the greatest difiiculty was encountered in the ar- ticles on the abuses. No agreement whatever could THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530. 115 be reached on the denial of the cup to the laity, celi- bacy and private masses. There were, all told, four- teen points on which they were unable to unite. When the larger commission had failed to effect an agreement, a smaller one was formed on August 24th. This consisted of only six persons, Melanchthon and Eck being the only theologians present. But tliis effort at agreement also failed. Melanchthon liad at last begun to see that making concessions to people whose only concern was to shield the Roman hierar- chy and who had no desire to learn or obey the truth, could not possibly do any good; and he consequently took a much bolder stand than he had in the earlier discussions. But now, because of the contrast Ije- tween his conduct in the earlier and later stages of the negotiations, he was blamed and upl)raided by both side^. The Lutherans found fault with him on ac- count of the willingness he had displayed to yield so much for the sake of peace; the Roman Catholics, on the other hand, accused him of insincerity in his earlier conduct, because he took a so much bolder po- sition toward the end. It would have been far better for Melanchthon's peace of mind, as well as for his credit with his con- temporaries and posterity, if he had taken an uncom- promisins: stand for the truth from the verv bcirinninir of the necrotiations. But while his conduct cannot be justified, it can, to a large extent at least, be ex- plained by his excessive desire for peace and his false estimate of the character of his enemies. Perhajis he credited his adversaries with the same openness to con\^ction, and the same desire to know and obey the 116 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. truth, which he himself possessed. But he should have known better. His own past experience should have taught him that the men with w^hom he was dealing were seeking only to uphold the papal system at all hazards. Perhaps he did know better; but the imminent dangers which he saw threatening the evangelical cause warped his judgment, so that he attempted what even his own reason in calmer times would have told him was altogether impossi- ble. With all his exalted gifts, Melanchthon was not equal to the difficult position in which he found him- self at the head of the Protestant party in Augsburg. He lacked that determined and decisive character, that keen insight into human nature, that clear per- ception of the unalterable hostility and malevolent de- signs of his foes, which Luther possessed in so re- markable a degree, and which, had Melanchthon possessed them, would have enabled him to pursue a steadfast and consistent course, and to steer clear of negotiations in which nothing could possibly be ac- complished except at a sacrifice of the Gospel. He should have recognized and boldly faced the truth, that, dreadful as was the alternative, war would still be preferable to any compromise which he might hope to effect with such enemies. Luther knew his oppo- nents better. He knew that they were too shrewd to be satisfied with a concession of non-essentials and too strongly attached to Rome to yield up any of her errors ; that they would be satisfied with nothing short of the suppression of Lutheranism; and that peace could be secured only by a sacrifice of the truth. THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 1530. 117 It was Melanclithon's misfortune not to recognize tliis, or if he did recognize it, to i)ermit his fears to get the better of his judgment. Melanchthon opposed any kind of an agreement with the ZwinHians who had come to Au«:shuro:. Tlie emperor liated them worse than he did the Lutlierans. The poHtical tenets which they combined witli their theology, and their denial of the real presence in the Lord's Supper, made them particularly obnoxious to Charles V. When, therefore, tlie Strasburg theo- logians Bucer and Capito sought an interview with Melanchthon, he refused to meet them. He told them that he entertained no hostility toward them, but that he could not convince himself of the truth of tluir doctrine, nor assume the responsibility of burdening the princes with the odium which its approval would cause them to incur. Consequently, the Zwinglians were obliged to hand in their own separate Tetrapoli- tan Confession. After the negotiations of the smaller commission, mentioned above, had proved fruitless, the emperor summoned the Lutheran princes before him and de- clared to them, by the mouth of Count Frederick of the Palatinate, that he was exceedingly displeased to see so small a minority obstinately defend their own peculiar doctrines in the face of the whole world ; that he would indeed pray the pope to call a council; hut that he demanded of them in the meanwhile, that tluy return to the faith of the Komish Church, because it was proper that the minority should yield to the ma- jority. The princes protested against this deinaiif bells, and escorted l)y a vast multitude of people, it was con- veyed to the Electoral Church, in which it was to be consigned to its last resting place. After Bugenhagen had preached the funeral sermon, Melanchthon also ascended the pulpit and delivered a Latin memorial address. He laid special emphasis upon the greatness of Luther as an instrument for good in God's hand. He mentioned in particular Luther's bringing to light the pure doctrine of the Gospel, his translation of the Holy Scriptures into German, and the debt which pious Christians owed to him. He defended Luther against the charge of excessive harshness and severity by quoting from Erasmus, that " God had given to the Church of these latter times a rough physician l)ecause of the severity of the disease." Those who knew Luther, he said, knew him to be amiable and kinroceed from a (piarrel- 188 LIFE OF MELANCIITHON. some spirit, but from a zeal for the truth. The purity of Luther's life, he declared, was unquestioned. He sought the good of the whole Church and earnestly prayed for it. In great and dangerous emergencies he was brave and courageous; threats and impending dangers did not terrify him. ISTothing could shake his trust and confidence in God. His understanding and foresight were such, that he could tell sooner and better than any others what ought to be done in difficult or doubtful cases. Luther's eloquence, he asserted, would bear comparison with that of the best orators who have ever lived. The calling away of a man so highly gifted, and of such sound learning. Christian experi- ence, and great virtues, was cause for the deepest sor- row. They were, indeed, left like orphans ; but they should ever honor the memory, hold fast the doctrines, and imitate the virtues of this great and good man. There were not wanting at the time and later, peo- ple who said that Melanchthon did not really grieve over the death of Luther. They took it for granted that the estrangement of recent years had left a rank- ling sore in Melanchthon's heart. But to conclude thus is to do him great injustice. He had not, it is true, wholly escaped the vehemence and asperity of Luther. But he was naturally of a placable dispo- sition. Besides, the pleasant intercourse which had been re-established between them during the last months of Luther's life had removed the sting from his recollection of the past. In former times he had often excused the vehemence of Luther as a fault of tempera- ment and not of heart. In his funeral oration he like- wise sought to shield his friend on this point. And it Luther's death. 189 « is not to be supposed, therefore, that, when all about him were plunged in deepest mournini:; l)y that tj^reat man's death, Melaiu'lithon alone was unmoved at heart. It would be imputing to him a narrowness of s])irit which he little possessed, to imagine that he permitted his own past grievances to cloud his sense of the loss which had befallen him and the whole Chui-cli. Few appreciated Luther's greatness and fundamental i)iety and goodness of heart as well as did this man, wlio had labored shoulder to shoulder with him tor so many years. In nearly all his letters of the time Me- lanchthon mourns over the great loss which the Church has sustained. On Marcli 11th he wrote to Camerarius : " Since Luther is dead, it becomes all up- right and pious people to speak well of so great a man, who has brought to light a portion, at least, of tin- heavenly truth." During the following summer, wlun Luther's works were being publisluMl, Mdanchtbon wrote an introduction to the second volume, giving an interesting account of the great reformer's character and work. As late as 1557 he celebrated Luther's birthday by the composition of an appropriate ])oe!n. All these considerations, however, were ignored l)y his enemies, and they would have it that he was filled with bitterness against Luther. A great commotion was raised particularly by a letter written during the Interim to the Saxon Chancellor Carlowitz. In this letter Melanchthon spoke of Luther, as a man in whom '' thi' love of strife was not small." lie (leten(h'resent elector, John Frederick, turned traitor to the Protestant cause and went over to the emperor. Before Charles, how- 192 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. DISSOLUTION OF THE UNIVERSITY. 193 ever, had time to gatlKT liis troops, tlic Protestants stood on the hanks of the Danuhe witli an army of tliirty thousand men. Tf they liad viji;orously prose- cuted the war at once, they miii;ht easily have heen victorious. But they hesitated and delayed until the emperor had received powerful re-inforcements. Then came the tidings that Duke Maurice had overrun the territories of the elector, and John Frederick hastened back with his troops to expel the invader. He suc- ceeded; hut in the following s[)ring he was himself defeated hy an overwhelming force of the emperor at Miihlberg. He was taken captive and condemned to death. But the emperor did not venture to carry out this sentence. He therefore proposed to change the punishment into imprisonment for life, on condition that John Frederick should renounce his electoral dig- nity and territories in favor of his cousin Maurice. This was done. The landgrave of Hesse also was soon afterward treacherously taken prisoner at Halle. The progress of the war rendered necessary the dissolution of the university at Wittenberg. Its halls were closed on Xovember 6th. Three days later Duke Maurice advanced u|)on the city. Old and young, in the midst of a violent snowstorm, fled in dismay. Melanchthon was obliged to look for a }>lace of safety for himself and his family. He took refuge in the town of Zerbst. He forme(l a ]»lan of gathering a school in Magdeburg; but, after sjicnding a week in that city, he found it impractical »le, and returned. AVith the exception of two short visits to Wittenberg, he spent this whole winter in Zerbst. He received numerous invitations to go elsewhere ; but he had not 13 194 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. given up the hope that the university would be re- stored, and he therefore declined them all. The news of the catastrophe at Miihlberg filled Me- lanchthon with grief and consternation. He looked forward with dread to the consequences which would result from it to the cause of the Gospel. Zerbst now no longer ofiered a safe retreat. He therefore took refuore in Mascdeburo^. Here he found Luther's O CD CD widow, who begged him to take her under his protec- tion. She was on her way to the King of Denmark, who had offered to her, as he also had to Melanch- thon, an asylum. He accompanied her as far as Brunswick, where he advised her to remain, because the way through Liineburg was not safe. He then turned his own steps to ^N'ordhausen, where the mayor, Meienburg, was his friend. From here he in- tended to make a journey to his native place. But as he had just then received encouraging reports from Wittenberg, he dropped his plan and also declined a call to Tiibingen. His heart was in Wittenberg, and he could not make up his mind to go elsewhere as long as there was any possibility of returning thither. On June 6th he learned that Maurice had been in- vested with the electoral dignity, and that the uni- versity would likely be restored. Two days later, Cruciger sent notice to all the professors who were in exile to return to Wittenberg. But now a delicate question arose, and had to be decided by Melanchthon. A portion of the Elector John Frederick's dominions had been left to his sons. The captive prince desired that a new institution should be founded in his sons' territory, at Jena. He RESTORATION OF THE UNIVERSITY. 195 sent a letter to Mulanclithon, and entreated liim not to remove out of that neiHiborliood without first lettinir him know. To this Mehmchtlion assented. In the month of Julj he learned for the iirst time of the new institution to he founded at Jena. He then went to the court at AVeimar to learn further particulars. But when he found that none of the Wittenberg professors hut himself were to he called t(^ Jena, he broke off the negotiations and returned to J^ordhausen. He desired to live and labor in company with his former colleagues, and could not bear the thought of com- plete separation from them. Intending to discuss the matter with some friends, he started for Zerbst. AVhen he had gone as far as Merseburg, he received letters from Cruciger and George von Anhalt, in Avhich he was invited to come to Leipzig. The new elector, Maurice, was there and desired to speak with Melanchthon and the other theoloo^ians. When Me- lanchthon arrived, he was kindly received, presented with some valuable gifts, and asked to accept a ]iro- fessorship in Leipzig. But as his colleagues had al- ready besought the restoration of the university at Wittenberg, he decided to cast his lot with them, and Avait for a favorable answer to their request. For the same reason, also, he declined calls from Demuark, Frankfort-on-the-Oder, and Koenigsberg. The ex- tent of his anxiety to return to Wittenberg may Ix- judged from the fact, that during this time he was living at his own expense and drawing no salary, and that he did not know how long it would take till a (h*- cision in the matter would be reached in the electoral court at Dresden. Finally, however, about the mid- 196 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. die of October, the university was restored, and suffi- cient funds were set apart for its support. He there- upon removed his family from I^ordhausen, and found himself, to his great joy, once more at home in his old position. The course which Melanchthon pursued in this matter was greatly censured at the time by friends of the unfortunate elector John Frederick. ^N^othing was said about the other professors when they resumed their old places, but Melanchthon was decried far and wide for so doing. He was accused of ingratitude and unfaithfulness to the captive prince. Many since then have supposed it would have been more honor- able in him to have gone to Jena. Whatever may be thought of his conduct, it must, in order to judge cor- rectly, be borne in mind that Melanchthon was not attached to the court of that ruler, but was a professor in the university. However deeply he may have sym- jDathized with the captive prince, it was natural that his heart should turn to the city Avhich had become endeared to him by so many tender associations, and the institution where the best years of his life had been spent. He was loudly accused of having expressly promised to assist the sons of the former elector in founding the new university. But he had only con- sented not to remove out of their territory without first letting them know. It may be well to let Me- lanchthon speak for himself, and Ave therefore give extracts from two of his letters explaining the reasons for his conduct. To Aquilla he wrote, August 29th : " A melan- choly mind, as Ennius says, always errs. Perhaps, in RESTORATION OF THE UNIVERSITY. 197 my sadness, I cherished too great a longing for my old friends with whom I lahored in the same work so long. Perhaps I hoped too much when, in these un- propitious times, I regarded as possihle the restora- tion of the university, the certainty of which is l)y no means apparent. But at all events, I have not striven for carnal pleasures or riches." Then in reply to cer- tain other accusations, he continued : " When some say that the pnsachers at this place incline to other doctrines, they do great injustice to this Church, which has already endured so much. By God's grace the Gospel is preached in Wittenherg with great unanimity in the same manner as hefore the war." On October 18th, he wrote to Strigel : "When we were encouraged to believe that the university would be restored, I dared lay nothing in the way of the project; for the university has certainly been of great advantage to a large part of Germany, and if it ceased to exist, then would not only the cluiri'hes of the neighborhood be involved in great darkness, l)ut our enemies would regard it as a triumph. T also per- ceived the difficulties with which the Thuringian court would have to contend, and I feared that the founding of a new university might draw still more odium upon the captive prince. If, while stationed at such an uni- versity, I had said or written anything against the de- crees of the Council of Trent, the young princes would have become involved in new dangers. What is said concerning promises which I should have made, I do not understand; for they have my writing in liand, in which I spoke of these perils. Before the project of a new school was broached, I wrote that T would rather 198 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. serve them than others; and this I would even yet rather do, if they had a place in which I might be of use to them without danger of injuring them. To speak frankly, I was surprised that in these sorrowful times, even before the clouds of battle had rolled away, they should think of founding a new uni- versity." After Melanchthon had resumed his lectures at Wittenberg, the university in that city regained its former exalted position as the chief Protestant uni- versity in the world ; and Melanchthon himself easily ranked as the greatest living theologian. CHAPTER XXI. THE AUGSBURG INTERIM. THE LEIPZIG INTERIM. CONTROVERSIES. 1548-1550. WHEX, on the 1st of September, 1547, another diet was held at Augsburg, it soon be- came apparent that the emperor had waged the late war not so much in the pope's interest, as in his own. His chief concern had been to establish his imperial authority and prestige. He now proposed to show that he was able, without any assistance from the pope, to restore peace and unity in the religious affairs of his realm. He demanded that the Protest- ants should submit to the decrees of the council, pro- vided, that it should be re-transferred from Bologna to Trent, and should be conducted in an orderly Chris- THE AUGSBURG INTERIM. 199 tian way. But as the deliberations of the council hade lair to consume a long period of time, he recommended to the States the appointment of a commission of com- petent and learned men, who should consult together on ways and means to restore religious unity, and com- pile a set of regulations for doctrine and practice which should he observed in the interim ; that is, until the decrees of the council should be made and accepted. The elector Maurice acquainted his theologians with this recommendation and desired their ojanion. He also commanded them to keep themselves in readiness for a journey to Augsburg. Uiider date of January 22, 1548, the theologians wrote to him that they greatly distrusted this prospective '* interim," and feared that it would work mischief In a separate opinion of his own, Melanchthon stated that he re- garded consent to a continuation of the council as consent to accept its decrees, and that he could not thus burden his conscience. It is evident from this, that Melanchthon had determined to remain true to the evangelical cause in that trying period. Tie de- serves all the more credit for so doing, because his delivery to the emperor had already been twice de- manded. He felt, also, that in this crisis he dared not leave Wittenberg, and therefore repeatedly declined invitations from the King of Denmark and Edward VI. of England to come to those countries. Meanwhile, however, the plans of the emperor were being carried out. A book, suiteEBYn^ leys' IT C^SERAll$ MAKCHt/c. 3vi>EBmTENDrAr5 . Agricola. John Agricola, of Berlin, had a share in it ; for when he entered his carriage to proceed to the diet, he is said to have declared that he was going to Augsburg as the reformer of Germany. The emperor appointed Julius von Pflug and Michael Ilelding, together with Agri- cola, to give the l)ook a proper form, so that it might THE AUGSBURG INTERIM. 201 be published at once, and serve as a tempcrarv ionn of* doctrine and discipline. Agricola could not ^et done ])oasting of what this Interim would accomplish. But Melanchthon viewed it quite differently, and thanked God that he had noth- ma: to do with it. Duke Maurice was far from beinff pleased with it. He commanded his theologians to proceed as far as Zwickau and there await develop- ments. While they were on the way thither, w^ord was sent by him to Melanchthon to remain at Alten- burg, to which place the theologians had already come, and to prepare an opinion on the Interim ; then he was to retire to Klosterzelle and remain there, because the emperor had made demand for his delivery or banish- ment. In the opinion which he prepared, Melaneh- tlion said that the Interim resembled the Ratisbon book, though some articles were more sharply, and others more moderately worded; and that it con- tained many generalities which were odious and dan- gerous. After he had examined the Interim more carefully, he prepared a second opinion at Klosterzelle. He stated that he had given these matters further con- sideration, particularly the deceptive ]»assages in tlie articles on Faith and Love. Their rt'al teachinir <»n these points he found to be, that faith is only a }> repara- tion for righteousness, and that faith is followed by love, which justifies man. This would iiuply that man is justified by his own w^orks and vii-tucs, and against tills, he said, he must protest. In tlie sanic niamuT he attacked the teaching of the Interim on tin- Mass. Thereupon the elector (hnianded a detailed and dis- passionate criticism of every article. Tlie theologians 202 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. accordingly assembled at Melanelithon's residence in Klosterzelle, and after several day's work sent, on April 24th, a third opinion. They declared that, while they would consent to confirmation, extreme unction, the power of the bishops, private absolution without auricular confession, and several festivals and ceremo- nies, provided that work-righteousness and the invoca- cation of the saints were left away ; yet they were obliged to reject all the other articles, particu- larly those concerning justification, private masses, masses for souls, and the canons. A few days later, on April 28th, Melanchthon wrote to Chancellor Christopher von Carlowitz. This is the letter which gave such oftence to many friends of Luther. The chancellor had written to Melanchthon to be more moderate, and the latter, therefore, in his reply gave the reasons, why the Interim was rejected by him. He says among other things : " The elector may determine as he pleases. If I cannot approve of all, I shall nevertheless not raise a disturbance, but either hold my peace, or go away, or put up with affairs as best I may. I formerly bore an almost dishonorable ser- vitude, when Luther obeyed more the promptings of his own natural temperament in which there was no small love of strife, than he did those of his own dig- nity or the public welfare. But when you say that I am not only expected to be quiet but to indorse the Interim, you must see yourself, as an intelligent man, that there is a vast difference in human temperaments, points of view and sentiments. I am naturally l)y no means fond of strife, and I love concord among men as much as any one. I did not begin these contro- THE AUGSBURG INTERIM. 203 versies whicli liave unsettled the whole general order of things. I eanie when they had already been stirred up and were in the process of development; and I be- gan with a sincere desire for the trutli to investigate these matters, especially because many learned and prudent men had given them their approval. In those days, many who now at the diet of Augsburg accuse me as the cause of disunion made me so odious at court on account of my moderation, that my life was endangered. Since that time, for almost twenty years, many have called me ' frost and ice,' others have said I courted favor with the enemy. I even remember that some one accused me of seeking a cardinal's hat. Without paying heed to these unjust criticisms, I have sought, whenever I came to speak of the doctrines of the Church, to state as clearly as possible the essential points; and I cut off many unnecessary questions and avoided many subjects, in order not to stir up greater disunion. I cannot bear to think of having the Chunli disturbed by a change in her doctrines or by the ban- ishment of her upright men." He then expressed his w^illingness to concede jurisdiction to the bishops, l)e- cause "it is not to be expected that the courts of un- learned princes will, for any great length of time, exercise greater care in looking after the i>ure doc- trine." He expressed himself willing to accept als(^ the ceremonies prescribed, because "as a Itoy he had always watched \\ itli particular pleasure all the cere- monies of the Church," P)Ut so far as regards tlie Faith, he said he must abide l»y the criticisms wliicli he had made of the Interim. He concluded: " If on this account T shall be reirarded as a disturber of the 204 LIFE OF MELANCHTHOX. peace, because I will not say yea to all that the book contains, I shall, with God's help, bear the conse- quences, whatever they may be, like many have done before who, in causes that were just but much less im- portant than these, have preferred the truth to their own life." This remarkable letter was meant to convince Car- lowitz, that none but the weightiest reasons would have induced one who was so well known as a lover of peace to reject the Interim. Indeed, at this very time Melanchthon was in constant danger of ban- ishment or imprisonment for the frank opinion con- cerning the Interim which he had sent to Augsburg. But he was determined to abide by his opinion at whatever risk, and refused to seek safety by accepting any of the calls which came to him from England or elsewhere. This Interim pleased the Roman Catholics little bet- ter. They declared they would continue to do as they had done hitherto, but were satisfied to have the Protestants brought back to the old way. Referring to this declaration of the Roman Catholics, Melanch- thon, in an opinion delivered on April 29th, the day after his return to Wittenberg, advised that the nego- tiations be broken off, because, even if a peace were effected, it would after all be like a compact between wolves and lambs. This book of the Interim was read to the diet on May 15th. The Roman Catholics were left free in their action, but the Protestants were commanded to adhere to it until the decrees of the council were made public. But when the Interim was to be introduced THE AUGSBURG INTERIM. 205 in Protestant countries it met with strong o[>positi()n. Of the Protestant princes present at Auij^shurg, the Margrave Wolfgang and John von Kuestrin, togetlier with the captive prince John Frederick, alone refused to sis'n it. But the evano^elical clerefv and tlic Free Cities violently opposed it. Strashurg for a long time resisted every threat. In Ulni the clergy were im- prisoned. In Hesse, Ducal Saxony, Ilamhurg, Lii- beck, Bremen and Liinburg, the Interim was uiu-on- ditionally rejected. The city of Magdeburg was particularly distinguished for its resistance and for the attacks which were made from it upon the Interim. In Swabia and along the Phine four hundred evangel- ical preachers were driven into exile, before the Ro- man Catholic liturgy could again be introduced. The elector Maurice' signed the Interim, but con- ditionally. He presented a protest, in which he de- clared to the diet that he could not consent to l)e held responsible for its introduction, inasmuch as it was made binding only on one party. BesiiU's, he said, the Reformation had taken a strong hohl upon his dominions. When he returned to his own territory, he did not attempt to force the Interim upon liis peo- ple, but requested of his Wittenberg tlieologians an opinion which he miglit lay before the Saxon Chamber of Deputies. This ojtinion, written by >[elanchthon and given to the elector June 16th, declared that, since the bishops Avould not consent to any accommodation, it would l)e better to leave the Cliurcli of Saxony alone, and not endeavor to introduce tlie Interim. The defects of the book and the reasons for rejecting it were then pointed out. The opinit)n was signed by 206 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. Bugenhagen, Pfeffinger, Cruciger, Major, and Fros- cliel. When the Chamber of Deputies assembled July 2d, with Melanchthon, Cruciger and Major present, the subject of the Interim was taken up. It was decided to go through the book article by article, and then to request the emperor to excuse them from enforcing such portions of it as were unscriptural. Desiring more light upon the subject, the deputies requested another opinion which should treat particularly of the doctrines of Justification, Faith and Good Works. When this had been prepared, the theologians in turn suggested that a detailed statement of their doctrinal position be sent to the emperor. Melanchthon had already begun to work upon such a statement, when, before having proceeded very far, he saw that it would consume a great deal of time. He concluded that it would be better simply to ask the emperor to allow the Saxon Church to remain in its present condition. The deputies desired the elector to send such a request. But Maurice refused to do this, because he thought it would create a breach between him and the emperor ; and he demanded that something, at least, be yielded in indifferent matters, and the final decision be post- poned until the next meeting of the Chamber. Melanchthon was pleased with the course Avhich matters were taking thus far. It looked as if the In- terim would be rejected in Saxony. His letters show how strong were his feelings upon this subject. Writ- ing to the Margrave John of Brandenburg-Kuestrin, he says : "In the article of Justification there are cer- tainly contained great errors. So also in other arti- THE AUGSBURG INTERIM. 207 cles. With God'rt help I, for my part, will not approve of this Interim. For this I have the hest of reasons. I v^ill commend my miserable life to God, even though I should be taken captive or exiled." Melanchthon was frequently asked for advice by people in other parts, who wanted to know what they should do with regard to the Interim. To those who were most endangered he replied that they should be prudent, yield in outward matters, and then they would have little to fear. While this was not exactly recom- mending the spirit of the martyrs for their imitation, yet, it should be said, he never advised any one to yield in matters of doctrine. Before the next Chamber of Deputies assembled, Maurice called a conference at Pegau, to be held August 28th, between the two bishops of his realm, Pflug, of Xaumburg, and Maltitz, of Meissen, and Melanchthon, George von Anhalt, Forster and Eljcr. The elector urged his theologians to yield in all mat- ters that did not conflict with the Holy Scriptures. Although a partial agreement on the subject of Justi- fication was reached at this conference, nothing was accomplished after all, because the bishops declared that they could not consent to any change in the In- terim. Melanchthon therefore departed from Pegau on August 25, tarried three days in Leipzig, and reached Wittenberg on the thirtieth of the month. To his sorrow he found his good friend Cruciger very ill with consumption, of which he died the following Xovember. At the next meeting of the Deputies, held at Tor- gau, October 18th, matters took a turn which was de- 208 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. cideclly unsatisfactory to Melanchthon. On the very first day of the meeting, three electoral counselors and four knights arose and said that, if the country was not to be plunged into misery, the emperor must be obeyed as far as possible. They had therefore prepared a list of the articles which might, in their judgment, be ac- cepted with a good conscience, and they would hand this list to the theologians for examination. This document contained the article of Justification as agreed upon at Pegau, together with others on the authority of the Church, Confirmation, Repentance, Extreme Unction, Ordination, the Mass, Vigils, Fes- tivals, Processions and eating of Meats. The theolo- gians objected, but little attention was paid to them. It was evident that Maurice was determined to main- tain good relations with the emperor, even at the cost of re-instating many Romish errors. When Melanchthon, on October 20th, left Torgau, he was deeply distressed by the course which aftairs were taking. Nevertheless he permitted himself, shortly afterwards, to be induced to take part, greatly to his subsequent regret, in the preparation of the com- promise known as the Leipzig Interim. On Novem- ber 16th he attended a convention of theologians at Klosterzelle for the purpose of revising the liturgy which had been published in 1539 and approved by Luther, and of adapting it to the elector's purpose. Those gathered with him were Bugenhagen, Major, Camerarius and the Superintendents Lauterbach, of Pima, and Weller, of Freiberg. While they were there assembled, the list of articles proposed at Tor- gau by the seven deputies was laid before them by THE LEIPZIG INTERIM. 209 John Bugenhage>\ 14 210 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. the electoral counselors. The theologians were di- rected to examine and improve these articles, and to let the emperor see that there was no lack of willing- ness to obey, as far as was possible with a good con- science and consistent with the Word of God. The theologians replied that they had already signified their willingness to yield in all non-essential matters, such as festivals, hymns, clerical robes, meats, etc., but that they could not consent to erroneous doctrines or idolatrous ceremonies. But the counselors in- sisted on retaining the articles presented at Torgau, and proceeded to place together, without the assist- ance of the theologians, all the subjects which in their judgment were adiaphora (indifferent matters). This document became known as the Recess of Celle. It was signed by the electors of Saxony and Brandenburg at Jiiterbock, and laid before the Cham- ber of Deputies at the meeting opened in Leipzig on December 21st. It was adopted by the deputies, and then became known as the "Leipzig Interim." It proposed to retain the doctrinal articles of the Lutheran Church, but to re-introduce such Roman Catholic cere- monies as might be regarded as adiaphora and might be observed without conflicting with the Scriptures. Since this Interim was afterwards the subject of much controvers}^ we will give a short synopsis of its contents : The article of Justification was given in the form agreed upon at Pegau. It stated : " Although God does not justify men by the merit of the works which they perform, but out of grace, freely and Avith- out our merit, and the praise is not ours, but Christ's, through whose merit alone we are justified from our CONTROVERSIES. 211 sins; nevertheless, God does not deal with men as with a hlock, but draws them in such a way that, if they have arrived at the age of discretion, their will co-operates with His. For no one receives the merit of Christ, unless his will and heart have been moved by prevenient grace, so that he trembles at God's wrath and is displeased with sin. It is beyond doubt, that in conversion there must be repentance and fear of God's wrath. As long as there remains a security which permits man to persist in Avilful sin, there is no conversion or forgiveness." Of Good Works it declared that " they are necessary because God commands them. They please God because the person who performs them believes in Christ's merit. They are necessary, because their absence would be an evidence that men are not spiritually awakened and have not experienced God's grace. Furthermore, because these virtues and good works please God, they obtain, according to God's plan, a temporal and spiritual reward in tliis life, and, by reason of God's promise, a further re- ward in eternal life." Up to this point the articles had been drawn up by Melanchthon. The rest, composed by the electoral counselors, were in substance about as follows : AVhat the Church decrees in matters of faith is to be accepted, unless it conflicts with the Scriptures. The Bishops are to retain authority over the other clergy, Init are to use their office, in accordance with God's command, for edification and not for destruction. Baptism is to be administered with exorcism. Coiifirrnation is to be retained. Repentance^ Confession and Ahsobftioji are to be ri2;idlv enforced, and no one is to ])e admitted to 212 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. the Lord's Supper without them. Extreme Unction may be employed, but a superstitious use of it is to be avoided. Before Ordination the candidates are to be carefully examined by the bishops. Marriage is to be allowed to all classes according to God's institution. The Mass is to be celebrated with the ringing of bells, the use of lights, vessels, singing, robes and cere- monies.. The Public Services are to be conducted largely in Latin. The pictures of Saints are to serve for remembrance, but not for worship. The Canonical Hours and other hymns may be introduced again. The festival of Corpus Christi and those devoted to the Virgin Mary are to be observed. Abstention from Meats on Friday and Saturday and during the season of Lent may be enjoined as an outward ordinance. The Clergy are to dress differently from laymen. The deputies took exception at first to the articles on ordination, confirmation, unction, the festival of Corpus Christi, and the mass. But when they were assured by the theologians that these articles, properly interpreted, were unobjectionable, the deputies con- sented to receive them with the rest. Immediately after his return from Leipzig to Wit- tenberg, on January 6th, 1549, Melanchthon wrote to a friend : " The action at Leipzig afiects no change in Church, because the contention concerning the mass and the canon is postponed for further consideration." But while he took such a favorable view of the matter, it must be said that the adoption of the Interim was a perilous step. It will be seen from the summary of its contents given above, that it proposed to re-introduce a great number of Romish ceremonies under the plea CONTROVERSIES. 213 that they were indifferent matters. Those who favored it maintained, indeed, that the observance of these ceremonies would not injure the pure doctrine. But this was by no means certain. These ceremonies had already been abolished because of the errors of faith connected with them. They were now to be re-intro- duced at the dictation of the enemies of the truth and contrary to the convictions of the Protestants; and there was danger, when the door was opened to these Romish ceremonies, that the errors which for ages had been connected with them would gain admittance also. If so great a care was to be used in making the Pro- testant Church, in its outward form and dress, look like the Roman Catholic, would not sooner or later the spirit and life of the two Churches grow similar also ? In order to introduce the Interim adopted at Leip- zig, it was necessary to prepare a new liturgy for the churches. This task was entrusted to George von Anhalt, administrator of the bishopric of Merseburg. He used as the basis of his work the liturgy of 1539, mentioned before. A number of conventions were held to deliberate upon the changes to be made, and for this purpose Melanchthon journeyed to Merseburg on March 8th, and to the meeting of deputies at Tor- gau on April 13th. An adherent of Flacius had ac- cused the Saxon theolo2:ians of seekino; to lead tlic people back to Romanism. Melanchthon, therefore, presented at this meeting a defence of himself and his colleagues. He said that they had yielded in what they considered indifferent things, in order to retain the necessary ones. This did not imply, he claimed, that they were leaning toward popery ; *' for the cere- 214 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. monies whose introduction was conceded had existed in the early Church, and were necessary for a proper uniformity in practice. Nor was it just to accuse them of yiekling through fear ; for, even if fear had some- thing to do with the matter, it was not fear for their own persons, but for the welfare of the people, their children, and society in general. They had sought by yielding in non-essential matters to preserve the essen- tial articles of their faith. Luther himself had coun- seled some to yield in indifferent matters. Besides, they had not introduced any new ceremonies," he said, but " had simply modified, for the sake of order and uniformity, those which already existed, in order that the pure doctrine might be preserved and neigh- boring churches, like those of Silesia, which had com- plained of the former lack of uniformity, might begin to regard the Gospel with favor." Melanchthon was soon assailed by many of the stricter adherents of Luther for his consent to the In- terim. In January, 1549, the theologians of Berlin inquired of those at Wittenberg whether all the prac- tices and customs of the Romish Church, such as the use of " holy water, salt, herbs, palms, consecration of unleavened bread, processions with flags and torches, unctions at baptisms," and the like, were to be re- garded as adiaphora, or indifferent matters. They re- quested a fuller explanation of what was to be in- cluded under that term. The Wittenberg theologians replied that they did not include under it such cus- toms as the consecration of oil and salt, and the like. They also stated in their reply their reason for the course which they had pursued. It was better, they CONTROVERSIES. 215 said, "to endure a certain servitude in indifferent matters, than to leave the Church on account of them." In April of the same year the pastors of Hamburg sent to Wittenberg a long letter, in which they con- demned the principle laid down in the reply to the theologians of Berlin. They complained that the term adiaphora was made too wide, and they asked the Wittenberg theologians to explain, in a public work, just what things were included under the term. To this Melanchthon replied that no fault was found with their frank letter; but he begged of them not to judge harshly those friends who had for twenty years fought and labored for the Gospel. He could assure them, he said, that the same Gospel was still preached at Wittenberg as at Hamburg. Among indifferent things, or adiaphora, the Wittenbergers did not in- clude " magical consecrations, the adoration of images, the carrying about of consecrated bread " and similar customs. These they had publicly condemned by word and writing. As adiaphora they regarded those things which the ancient Church possessed, such as " festivals, public reading, confession and absolution before the Lord's Supper, examination before con- lirmation, ordination to the Gospel-ministry, etc." Two men deserve special mention for their deter- mined opposition to the Interim. These were Gabriel Zwilling of Torgau and his deacon, Michael Schultz. They refused to wear the v\diite surplice, called those who Avore it traitors and idolators, and preferred to be deposed from their office rather than wear it. The greatest opposition, however, was raised l>y Matthias Flacius the Illyrian, a young man of the age 216 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. of twenty-nine. He wrote against the Interim, and sought to prevail upon Melanchthon, Eber, Major and Bugenhagen to reject it. When he failed in his efforts, and saw that the Interim was about to be in- troduced in Wittenberg, he left the city and removed to Magdeburg. There he found Amsdorf, who had been expelled from his bishopric, and a number of others who were bitterly opposed to the Interim. From this city, which they called the Chancery of God, they sent out, one after another, violent pam- phlets against the Wittenberg theologians and particu- larly against Melanchthon. It was he whom they chiefly blamed for the introduction of the obnoxious compromise. They called the Wittenbergers Baalites, rascals. Epicures, Samaritans and other equally oppro- brious names. They accused Melanchthon of being a traitor to the truth and the Church because, they said, it was his fault that false doctrines and false adiaphora regained a foothold. Though Melanchthon erred in consenting to the In- terim, he had been sincere and honest in his inten- tions, even though he permitted himself to be led too far. He thought that what he had consented to in the article on Justification did not conflict with the truth. When it was asserted that he included under the adiaphora all the customs of the Roman Catholic Church, he was manifestly misrepresented. A num- ber of them he did not by any means accept. In Sep- tember, 1549, he wrote to Joachim Moller: "I have often advised that no more changes should be made now, because the people would exclaim that we are driving out the Gospel. But the court insists that we CONTROVERSIES. 217 must y'wM to the emperor in some things, in order that lie may not send his armies into our country and oppress the churches, as he has done in Swahia. I do not know whether tlie emperor will be satisfied witli the re-introduction of a few indifferent ceremonies or not; the courtiers declare that he will; and they urge us not to expose our Fatherland and the Church to devastation on account of non-essential matters. We are, therefore, contending only for essentials and are seeking to preserve purity of doctrine and the form of the Lord's Supper, so that the papal mass may not be re-introduced here as it has been in Swahia. I have never contended about holidays, the order of hymns, and similar matters. Such contention would be unbecoming to a modest servant of the Church in these sorrowful times. For a number of years I have wished that some of the ceremonies now proposed might be introduced, because a similarity in such mat- ters would conduce to unity. Of course, moderation must be used; and for this reason, also, we have changed nothing in doctrines and essential matters. The source of all our present troubles and of those which still threaten the Church is the article of tran- substantiation. This has given strength to the papal mass, concerning which we shall doubtless hear most severe commands from the emperor at tlie m-xt dth several other theologians, should go. Melanchthon drew up a paper in which he laid down the course of action which he thought these delegates ought to pursue. lie said that they ought iirst of all to insist upon taking n\> the religious disputes from the time of their first ap- pearance, and then maintain the doctrines laid down in the Catechism, the Augsburg Confession, or the first Agenda of Electoral Brandenburg. Some, how- ever, thought it better not to send any confession at all to the council, but jturposely to delay its proceed- ings until the emperor should die. Shortly after this, it was decided that Melanchthon should draw up a new confession of faith for the council. lie retired to Dessau, on Nfay 5th, in order to carry on his work without interruption, and there wrote the Saxon Confession. Melanchthon called it 15 226 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. a repetition of the Augsburg Confession. It was firm in tone, and defended the Lutheran doctrines as the only true and scriptural ones. It gave the undisputed articles in very brief form, but treated the disputed ones at greater length, and subjected to a sharp criti- cism the arguments which the papists had advanced against them. It was signed by the ambassador of the Margrave John, by a great number of Saxon pas- tors, and later by the deputies of Mansfeldt, Strasburg, Pomerania and Anspach. The council was re-opened at Trent on May 1st, but was immediately postponed till the following Septem- ber. For a long time nothing was said in Wittenberg about sending delegates. Suddenly, on December 13, 1551, Melanchthon and Major received a command from the elector to start for Trent and to be in ISTurem- berg by January 11. Melanchthon was much puzzled to know the meaning of this command, ^o instruc- tions of any kind were sent him for his guidance, no provision was made for an escort or for traveling ex- penses. He therefore directed his steps toward Dres- den to seek some enlightenment on the subject. But he could learn nothing there. He began to notice, however, that the elector was preparing for war. This troubled him. He feared Maurice was about to con- tract an alliance with the French. He then penned a letter to the elector, and expressed his scruples about the propriety of such a step. On January 6, 1552, he returned as far as Leipzig. Eight days later, in company with Sarcerius, Pacaus, and his son-in- law, Peucer, he journeyed as far as Nuremberg. He arrived on January 22d. He now received a passport THE elector's ruse. 227 from the Saxon commissioner at Trent, but still no instructions. Two letters of inquiry which he wrote to the court remained unanswered. He began to sus- pect that there was something behind all this, and his suspicions were confirmed when he heard a rumor that Maurice was preparing to make war upon the emperor. Indeed, it soon became evident that the journey which Melanchthon had been commanded to make was not seriously meant to end in Trent at all. The elector was well satisfied to have Melanchthon remain at Nuremberg. The whole journey was sim- ply a ruse by which Maurice hoped to keep the em- peror in ignorance of his real intentions. Melanchthon was fond of IN'uremberg and had many warm friends there. He was not at all displeased vnih. the prospect of tarrying in that city, instead of proceeding to Trent and engaging in fruitless disputa- tions. He concluded to wait for instructions. He passed his time very pleasantly, and delivered about thirty lectures in the gymnasium which he had helped to establish. Finally, on March 9, no instructions hav- ing yet arrived, he returned to Wittenberg. In the meantime, important political events were taking place. The elector Maurice had been com- manded by the emperor to subdue the city of Magde- burg, which stubbornly resisted the introduction of the Interim. Much anxiety Avas felt for its fate. The feeling against Maurice, who was already an object of aversion to the Protestants, became very bitter when he undertook the siege of this ])ul\vark of sound Lutheranism. But now Maurice, wlio liad i)rcviously betrayed the Protestant cause by going over to the 228 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. emperor, concluded to mend matters by betraying the emperor. His relations with Charles Y. were every Elector Maurice of Saxony. day becoming mor(^ galling. He continued, indeed, the siege of Magdeburg, but made a secret treaty with a number of Protestant princes, and promised to abide THE PROTESTANTS VICTORIOUS. 229 by the Augsburg Confession and to risk bis land and people for tbe sake of tbe Gospel and German liberty. When Magdeburg capitulated, Maurice suddenly turned his arms and those of his allies, AVilliam of Hesse and the Margrave John, against the emperor. Charles was then at Innsbruck, and barely had time to escape before Maurice entered the city. The (hay be- fore his flight the emperor liberated John Frederick from his captivity. On August 2, 1552, the treaty of Passau was concluded. By its terms, religious liberty and equal civil rights at the next diet were guaranteed to the Protestants ; those who had been banished were pardoned ; and the landgrave Philip was released from captivity. The latter half of the year 1552 was spent by Me- lanchthon chiefly in Torgau, whither the university had been transferred because of the prevalence of the plague at Wittenberg. On account of the Osiandrian controversy, which had broken out in a new f(n'in through Francis Stancarus, he delivered lectures upon the three persons of the Holy Trinity. Stancarus had been called to Koenigsberg with the hope that he would be able to put an end to the dissensions created bv Osiander. But he made matters worse l)v icoiiiij: to the opposite extreme and maintaining that Christ is our righteousness, not according to his divine, but ac- cording to his human nature only. Accused of heresy, he resigned his position. Early in 1")')2 he came to Wittenberg with a paper which he had pre- pared against Osiander. Receiving no encouragement here, he went to Frankfort-on-the-Oder, and from that city made attacks upon Melanchthon as well as upon 230 LIFE OF MELANCHTIION. his Koenigsberg opponents. He was soon involved in a violent controversy with Musculus. In order to restore peace, the elector of Branden- burg proposed the holding of a disputation in Berlin, and invited Bugenhagen and Melanchthon to attend it. Melanchthon replied that it was impossible for him to come, because he was then engaged in consult- ing with Sarcerius as to the pastors who should be ap- pointed for Augsburg, now that the Interim was abol- ished. He said, also, that he did not approve of the elector's project. It would be better to send some sensible man to Wittenberg, and have a reply to Stan- carus prepared. He added that he did not know ex- actly what the latter's position was ; but if Stancarus maintained that Christ is the Mediator only according to his human nature, he was certainly in error. Christ is and remains the Mediator according to both natures. Mediation implies not only suffering in our stead, but also victory and intercession. The elector took Me- lanchthon's advice. l!To disputation was held. But Melanchthon prepared a full and thorough discussion of the subject, and published it in 1553 under the title, " An Answer to the Controversies of Stancarus." Another departure from the true doctrine of justifi- cation was made by Matthias Lauterwald of Hungary. He denied that man is justified by faith alone, and maintained that grace is obtained by repentance and new obedience. Melanchthon was asked to prepare an opinion. He did so, and defended the formula, " We are justified by faith alone.'' Toward the end of the year 1551, Mcholas von Amsdorf published a work in Avhich he accused George THE MAJORISTIC CONTROVERSY. 231 Major of having caused much division and contention through the Leipzig Interim, and of liaving contrib- uted much to the subversion of the true doctrine of justification by his use of the sentence, "good works are necessary to salvation." Major replied that he would not quarrel over the word " alone," because he had always taught that man is justified by faith alone ; hut that nevertheless he would continue to maintain, as he had in the past, the formula to which objection was made, because no one could be saved by evil works nor without good works. He defended his view from the pulpit. Violent attacks were made upon him from all sides, and he was compelled to resign his po- sition as general superintendent at Mansfeldt. His opponents accused him of being a Pelagian and a papist. Melanchthon took no active part in this contro- versy. He advised Major to drop the formula which gave such offense. Melanchthon had indeed used it himself, and had been attacked for so doing. But he had discontinued its use because it was liable to mis- construction, and because Luther disapproved of it. In the articles of Pegau he had again employed the expression for the sake of effecting a compromise. He had not meant, however, to conflict with the true Lutheran doctrine, nor to represent good works as the cause of justification, but to refer to the connection which exists between a justifying faith and a new life of obedience to God. It would have been well if Major had taken Melanchthon's advice. But instead of dropping the objectionable formula at once, he de- fended it until the vear 1562, when, for the sake of 232 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. peace, he recalled it, after much mischief had been done. Amsdorf, in his violent opposition to Major, went so far as to advance the proposition, that good works are injurious to salvation, and published a pam- phlet intended to prove that this was taught by St. Paul and Luther. When Melanchthon's opinion was asked by the elec- tor, whether a synod might not be able to settle the difficulties, he replied that he feared that it would do no good, and that he was inclined to agree with !N^azi- anzen, who declared that he had never yet seen a synod which did not raise greater dissensions than ex- isted before. The elector, however, made some prepa- rations for a conference of the theologians. But shortly after this he was mortally wounded in the battle of Sievershausen. Augustus, the new elector, who succeeded his brother Maurice, was a friend of the Gospel. He thought highly of Melanchthon, and frequently sought his advice with reference to the universities, schools and churches. He willingly agreed to the suggestion of Duke Christopher of Wiirtemberg to call a convention of theologians for the purpose of quieting these controversies and de- cidijig upon the course to be pursued in the approach- ing diet at Augsburg. This convention was held at l^aumburs:. Melanchthon arrived there Mav 20th, 1554, with Forster and Camerarius. On the following day the Hessian delegates arrived, and on May 23d, still others. It was a2:reed that at the diet thev would abide by the Augsburg Confession, or the similar con- fession of Brenz, or the Saxon Confession. They also condemned the errors of Schwenkfeldt and Osiander, THE RELIGIOUS PEACE OF AUGSBURG. 233 and the re-introductioii of Koiuisli customs wliicli liad been abolished. Contrary to Melanchthon's expecta- tions, great harmony prevailed iu the meetinij:. Its resolutions were signed by all the theologians present, and afterwards accepted by Duke Christopher, whose theologians had failed to be present at the meeting. The diet was opened at Augsburg on February 5th, 1555. It had been appointed to l)e held lialf a year after the treaty of Passau. But it was delayed for more than two years. It was fortunate for the Protestants that this delay occurred. In the interval ('harles the Fifth was so much harassed by political troubles, that he was ready now to consent to concessions to which he would not have listened, if the diet had been held at an earlier date. After lengthy negotiations, the Religious Peace of Augsburg was concluded. It guar- anteed to the adherents of the Augsburg Confession equal rights with the Roman Catholics and the per- fect enjoyment of religious liberty. But it stipulated that if any Roman Catholic prelate turned Protestant, he should not only lose his ecclesiastical position, but his temporal power and dominion as well. This reservation interfered in a large measure with the fur- ther spread of the Reformation. 234 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. CHAPTER XXIII. THE CRYPTO-CALVINISTIC CONTROVERSY. NEGOTIATIONS WITH FLACIUS. 1556-1557. 7f~ T last religious liberty had been secured. The A^\ Council of Trent might now resolve what it (^""^ pleased, its decrees would not trouble the Protestants. Yet Melanchthon was far from giving way to rapture. He feared that the conflict with the Roman Catholics was not over ; and he was filled with anxiety by the dissensions which existed among the Protestants. To his great distress the doctrine of the Lord's Supper was made the subject of a new con- troversy. By the Wittenberg Concord of 1536, an agreement had been reached between the Lutherans and the cities of upper, or southern, Germany. But this agreement was more than once disturbed. Li 1544 Luther had felt compelled to publish his final Confession of the Holy Sacrament against the Fanatics. This showed conclusively that a union with the Zwinglians Avas im- possible. But many still hoped that a union might be effected with the Calvinists. Since the adoption of the Wittenberg Concord, it had been regarded as the true Protestant doctrine, that Christ is really present in the Lord's Supper. The manner of that presence was to be left an open question. But when John Cal- vin of Geneva openly maintained that the body and blood of Christ are not physically present at all under THE CRYPTO-CALVINISTIC CONTROVERSY. 235 the bread and wine, and that Clirist is received only spiritually l)y the believing communicant, a violent controversy followed. While it cannot be said that Melanchthon regarded the Lutheran doctrine of the real presence as errone- ous, he believed that Calvin's doctrine did no real vio- lence to the Scriptures and might be tolerated. But the Lutherans did not all agree with Melanchthon. In 1552 Joachim Westphal of Hamburg published a pamphlet in which he openly assailed Calvin's doc- trine, and asserted that it was secretly accepted by many Lutheran theologians. He showed that the Re- formed party from Zwingli to Calvin had given no less than twenty-eight different interpretations of the words of institution. In 1553 he issued a second publication entitled, " The True Faith concerning the Lord's Supper, proved from the Words of the Apos- tle Paul and the Evansrelists." The zeal of the Luth- erans a2:ainst the Calvinists became thorous-hlv aroused. John von Lasco, who, with a band of French and Dutch Protestants, had been banished from England b}' Queen Mary, found it impossible to discover a place in Ger- many where his party might settle, because he had de- clared himself a Calvinist. In 1554 Calvin i)uV)lished a work in which he took the part of these exiles, and defended his doctrine. A violent controversy soon rao^ed throusrhout Germanv. Melanchthon was accused by some of holding Cal- vin's doctrine. But this charge cannot be substanti- ated. That he did not completely agree with Luther is equally certain. Out of regard for Melanchthon's services, Luther had borne his change of views with a 236 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. toleration, which, in a man of his character, was noth- ing short of remarkahle. But Luther's adherents were not inclined to be so tolerant. Exactly w^hat Melanchthon believed, it is difficult to determine. The formulas which he drew up were meant to be such as all who acknowledged the real presence might be able to subscribe. He took no part in the controversy be- tween the Lutherans and the Calvinists, though both parties endeavored to force him to express himself upon the subject. Gallus and Westphal published selections from his former works, by which they sought to prove that, at least during Luther's life-time, Me- lanchthon was on their side. Calvin endeavored to wring a statement from him by asserting, that he un- derstood the Augsburg Confession in the same sense as its author, and could therefore readily subscribe to it. But Melanchthon could not be brouscht to make a public statement. In 1556 he wrote to the electoral counselor Mordeisen, who had urged him to express his view^s : '' I know certainly that your court will not tolerate a defense of the truth in this article. I would prefer not to begin at all, rather than, having begun, to drop the matter again at your command, and thus do injury to the truth." From this it would appear, that his views were, to some extent at least, at vari- ance with those of the strict Lutherans, and that he thought he would not be permitted by the elector to defend his position, if he advanced it openly. Per- haps it was not, however, the personal loss which he might suffer, if banished from Wittenberg, but rather the dread of controversy and the fear of adding to the existing distress of the Church, which deterred him THE CRYPTO-CALVINISTIC CONTROVERSY. 237 from an open avowal of his convictions. lie was by nature averse to strife and contention ; he saw its dis- tracting effect upon the Church ; he was getting old and was weary of the constant turmoil, and longed to die, so that he might escape " from the fury of the theolo2:ians." The dissensions among the Protestants were all the more to be regretted, because another diet was to l)e held at Ratisbon in 1556, and another efibrt was to be made to bring about unity in religion. How could the Protestants, divided as they were, maintain their cause against the Roman Catholics ? The holding of a convention to restore harmony was suggested by some of the princes ; but they received little encour- agement. Amsdorf, Aurifaber, Stoltz, and the otlier Lutheran theologians most actively engagcfl in the controversy, held a special convention at AVcniiar in January, 1556. They decided not to agree to a recon- ciliation, until the Wittenbergers unequivocally pledged themselves to maintain the Augsburg Confession and to repudiate Zwinglianism and synergism. Fortu- nately for the Protestant cause, the proposed diet was postponed till the following year. I>y tliat time the relations between the theologians of AVeimar and Wit- tenberg had become somewhat easier. To Melanchthon's surprise, his old antagonist Flacius made overtures of peace in tlie summer of 155(), and proposed a personal conference. Flacius prei)ared a few " mild propositions," as a basis of peace. He sent these propositions to El)er; but tliey were so liarsh, particularly in tlie eleventh article, tliat FJkt did not give them to Melanchthon. On July 13th, Flacius 238 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. wrote to Hubert Languetiis, who had long been an in- timate friend of Melanchthon, requesting him to ar- range a conference at Coswig, promising to be mild and peaceful in his behavior. Melanchthon had at first been inclined to accept the advances of his antagonist, but he changed his mind and wrote to Languetus, that he had long desired a conference to consider the articles in dipute, but that it would be useless to hold a meeting with such un- learned, raging ranters as Stoltz, Gallus and Aurifaber. He would like to confer with Flacius, because they had been on terms of intimate friendship so long ; but when he thought of the things which Flacius had ac- cused him of saying, but which had never entered his mind, much less been spoken by him, he Avas com- pelled to fear the same insincerity on the part of Flacius now, and must therefore decline to meet him. IN^one of his friends were willing to be present at such an interview, and he would not, after what had hap- pened, care to meet him alone. On receiving this reply Flacius politely expressed his regrets in a letter to Languetus. He also wrote to Melanchthon, and called his attention to the " leniency and consideration " which he had shown to Melanch- thon hitherto. He asked Melanchthon to think of the letter which the latter had written to the Venetian ambassador Teupolus in 1530, and which Flacius had kindly refrained from publishing; of his relations to the adiaphora and the Leipzig Interim ; of his indif- ference to the controversy with Major, and then to judge whether he had reason to complain of Flacius' treatment. To this Melanchthon replied on Septem- NEGOTIATIONS WITH FLACIUS. 239 ber -l:th : '^ You direct attention to the consideration which you have shown me, because you did not })ul>- lish tlie letter which I wrote to Teupohis. I never wrote a syllable to him. I simply paid him a visit by command of the elector, and spoke a nuniber of tilings in defense of the Reformation. I cannot recall the words which I used. Others, who seem to have a bet- ter memory, have remembered some of them, added other things to them, and manufactured a letter with which Rorarius already reproached me, and of which I received a copy from the margrave. You may judge for yourself what merit is attached to your action, in not assailing me with such a piece of l)un- gling. You have also published the Leipzig Interim with all manner of mutilations and additions. As re- gards the negotiations about that Interim, I strove vehemently, as everybody knows, against every change which was to be introduced through that Augsburg Sphinx, and I engaged in many a conflict with the courtiers, until finally the elector declared, that he did not ask for any change in doctrine or essential matters, but only the retention of a few inditferent customs, which the counselors called adiaphora. I knew very well that even unimportant changes would be dis- tasteful to the people. But as the doctrines were jDreserved intact, I preferred that our people should endure this minor servitude, ratlier than leave the ser- vice of the Church on account of tliese things. This is what I did. Then voubeiJ:an to contend. I yielded and endeavored to avoid controversy. 1 acknowledge that I erred in this matter, and ]»ray (iod lo for- give me for not fleeing far from sueli treacherous de- 240 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. liberations. But those things of which you and Gal- lus falsely accuse me, I shall refute. As respects Major, I have always exhorted him to give up his offensive formula, and he promised me to do so. I myself do not use it, but teach, ' the new obedience is necessary because it is an inevitable law, that the crea- ture should obey the Creator.' " In conclusion he said that, if a reconciliation was to be effected, it would be best to have the propositions prepared by impartial judges. There must, he declared, be one confession in doctrine. And as he acknowledged that he erred with respect to the ceremonies, Flacius should not continue to bring false accusations against him. Flacius was not satisfied with this declaration. He was evidently determined, either to humble Melanch- thon by compelling him to make a public recantation, or to hold him up before all the world as a teacher of heresy. To accomplish his purpose, he relied upon the Superintendents Valentine Curtius of Liibeck, Paul von Eitzen of Hamburg, Joachim Morlin of Brunswick, and Frederick Henning of Liineburg, who offered to act as umpires. These met in Magdeburg January 17, 1557, and pledged themselves to adhere to the confession which had been published against the Interim, in 1550, under the title, " Confession, In- struction and Admonition of the Pastors and Preachers of the Christian Congregations of Magdeburg." While these men proceeded to Wittenberg with eight articles of agreement, Flacius with his friends Wigand, Judex, and Baumgiirtner, remained in the neighboring town of Coswig, and exhorted the others not to spare the Wittenbergers nor to be daunted by the fact that Me- NEGOTIATIONS WITH FLACIUS. 241 Dr. Joachim Murlin. 16 242 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. lanchthon had formerlv been their teacher, but to probe to the bottom of the matter. On January 21st, at six o'clock in the morning, Melanchthon opened the proceedings in his own house with an address, which, for the sake of caution, he had prepared in manuscript form. He accepted the super- intendents as mediators, but told them that, in order to effect peace, it would be necessary to take up the whole body of Protestant doctrine; for otherwise Flacius would soon find a new excuse for starting a controversy. Thereupon Morlin presented the eight articles which had been prepared. They contained the following conditions of agreement : 1. Unity of doctrine shall be restored on the basis of the Augs- burg Confession and the Schmalcald Articles. 2. All conflicting errors of the papists, Interimists, Anabap- tists and sacramentarians shall be rejected. 3. All corruptions shall be eradicated from the doctrine of ustification, particularly that of the necessity of good works for salvation. 4. The Saxon churches shall not depart from the confession which they published at the time of the last persecution. 5. No agreement shall be made with the papists concerning ceremonies, unless first an agreement in doctrine be reached. 6. In times of persecution a sincere confession shall be made, and no servitude in conflict with Christian liberty shall be admitted. 7. " We also kindly entreat our teacher to testify in some public writing, that his views concerning indifferent matters and the necessity of good ivorks for salvation harmonize with the confessions of our churches.'' 8. If one of the parties be suspected of heresy, a declaration shall be required. NEGOTIATIONS WITH FLACIUS. 243 When Melanchthoii had read these articles, he be- came very indignant, and broke off the negotiations. On the next day, however, lie had become somewhat calmer. He then gave the following reply: " When, in the year 1541, I bade farewell at Katisbon to my friend Jacob Sturm, and said that I did not belieye I would ever see him again in this world, he jokingly replied, ' We shall come some time to erucity you.' His prophecy is now being fulfilled. After laboring so hard for many years, I am assailed on all sides, and dare not even lay claim to your sympathy. You \n\'- tend to be mediators, and yet you lay before me arti- cles with which I am expected to strangle myself and my friends. You make it impossible for me to take a single step without peril. If I agree to your arti- cles, many in our churches will have cause to com- plain of me ; if I do not agree to them, you will still further excite your party against me. What sludl I do ? I will agree to most of your articles, if you will remove from me the suspicion of having perverted the doctrine of justification, and will not unconditionally condemn the necessity of good works. P>ut the sev- enth article I unequivocally reject. Even if I yielded at the wronff time, I am convinced that mv view of indifierent matters is correct." When the mediators brought this reply to Fladus, he became greatly enraged, put the articles in a still more drastic form, and sent the mediators bat'k, bid- ding them " lay the articles, with the additions, before the old teacher of errors, and tell him that, if he ac- cepted the articles, Flacius would permit him to omit the public recantation." It is likely that the superin- 244 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. tendents were hj no means anxious to execute this unpleasant commission. But they returned with the articles. Melanchthon thanked them for their efforts in the interests of harmony, but rejected the renewed demands made of him, and declared that this answer was final. In February John Albert of Mecklenburg endeav- ored to bring about a reconciliation. He sent Vene- tus of Rostock and Mylius, one of his counselors, with a new formula, in which all the controverted subjects were thoroughly treated, and all decided in favor of the Mai^rdeburff theoloofians. Melanchthon listened to their proposals, but refused to enter into any new ne- gotiations, and sent them away w^ith a very short answer. In April of this year Flacius received a call to Jena, where the gymnasium had been converted into a uni- versity. About the same time Melanchthon received a call to Heidelberg. This would have been a good opportunity to get farther away from the Flacians. At the request of the elector, however, he decided to remain at Wittenberg. But he was weary of the strife and contention which raged all about him. He wrote to Camerarius, that he would be best pleased, if he could end his days at some solitary place in Palestine, as Jerome did, but that he could not do so because he had a family to support. THE RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE AT WORMS. 245 CHAPTEK XXIY. THE RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE AT WORMS. 1557. ¥ELAXCIITIIO]^ was tainted with some of the superstitions of his age. The predic- tion which had been made of him in his infancy by an astrologer, that he woukl be ship- wrecked on the Baltic Sea, recurred to him in tlie summer of 1557, when the elector decided to i»ay a visit to his father-in-law, the king of Denmark, and desired Melanchtlion to accompany him. Some con- troversies were raging in Denmark, which the elector hoped his theologian might be able to end. When Melanchtlion heard of it, he feared that the prediction made in his infancy was about to be fulfilled. He was much relieved when he learned that the elector had changed his mind and that, instead of ac- companying that ruler, he w^as to go to Worms and take part in the religious colloquy to be held tliere. After receiving his instructions, he departed, acccnn- panied by Peucer and a few other friends. When they arrived in Frankfort, August 26th, t\ivy learned that the Weimar delegates, Schnepf, Strigel, Stoessel, and the chancellor Monner, were busily engaged in aii-itatinff as-ainst the Wittenbergers. But Melanch- thon continued his journey and arrived two days later in Worms. The theologians present were filled with joy at his coming. Those of Weimar jilone did not rejoice. 246 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. Before the religious conference opened, Monner and his friends insisted upon specifically condemning, not only the doctrines of the Anabaptists, Schwenkfeldt, and Servetus, but all kinds of Zwinglianism, Major's formula of the necessity of good works, Osiander's doctrine of justification, and all those persons who had yielded during the Interim and had not acknowledged their error. These demands were made by Monner and Schnepf at a meeting of the Protestant theolo- gians, held on September 5th. They declared that, if their demands were not accepted, they would have nothing to do ^^dth the approaching conference. But the most that the Weimar delegates could accomplish was to have these demands recorded as an expression of their individual views. On September 11th, the negotiations with the Ro- man Catholics commenced. In the opening sessions, the conditions of the debate were discussed with much warmth. The Roman Catholics maintained that the perpetual consensus of the Church was to be taken as the criterion; the Protestants, that the Holy Scrip- tures and the ancient confessional symbols were to be so taken. The discussion became still more violent when the doctrine of Original Sin was taken up. The Roman Catholics were by no means desirous to pro- tract the conference. They wanted it broken up as speedily as possible. The wily Bishop Helding of Merseburg (Sidonius) raised the question, whether the Protestants who accepted the Augsburg Confession all agreed in the condemnation of the Zwinglians, Cal- vinists, Osiandrians, and the like. Melanchthon per- ceived what the bishop was aiming at, and replied that THE RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE AT WORMS. 247 when the respective articles ciime up for consideration, an answer would be given to this question. The Weimar theologians wanted to hand in the articles of condemnation which they had prepared. But the others objected, and told them either to drop their intention or remain away from the conference entirely. The Weimar theologians now claimed that they were excluded from the conference. They handed in a protest and departed from Worms. The other theo- logians were ready to continue the discussion. But the Roman Catholics declined to do so. They said that they did not know whether they would be treat- ing with the true adherents of the Augsburg Con- fession or not. The presiding officer, Julius von Pflug, decided to adjourn the conference,- and wait for instructions from King Ferdinand. While these matters were in progress, there came a delegation from France to request the theologians to intercede with their respective rulers in behalf of a number of Protestants who were imprisoned in Paris on account of their faith. They were kindly received by ^[elanchthon, and through his exertions the princes were prevailed upon to send a letter of intercession to Henry II., King of France. Melanchthon had little to do in Worms after the suspension of the conference. He therefore accepted an invitation from the Elector Otto Henry to come to Heidelberg and assist in the re-organization of the uni- versity. While staying in that city, he received a visit from his brother Georsce and his friend Camerarius. Great was his joy ov^er these arrivals. But his joy was short-lived. Camerarius had brought sorrowful news. 248 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. Melanchthon's wife had died on October 11th. When he heard the sad tidings, he looked up toward heaven and said, "FarewelL I shall soon follow thee." Walking with, his friend through the elector's gar- dens, he spoke of the dissensions which rent the Church, and the times which were so full of distress. But his thoughts recurred ever and anon to the loss which he had sustained. The beloved partner of his life was gone, and his sorrow could not be brushed aside. On October 31st, he wrote to Wittenberg : " Although I gather together all the consolations possible to soothe my grief, and recollect that my wife had arrived at an age when she could not expect to live many years more ; that the attacks to which she was so long subject became increasingly painful; and that if I had died first she would have had to suf- fer still more ; yet the love which I bore to her, and the thought of my grandchildren who have lost so much by her death, make me almost give way under my grief." Melanchthon returned again to Worms and re- mained there the greater part of November. Finally, on I^ovember 18th, Ferdinand's instructions arrived. He demanded the recall of the Weimar delegates. The Roman Catholics insisted that they would not proceed until this had been done. But as the Protest- ants refused to do this, the conference was adjourned until the meeting of the next diet. The Protestants lodged complaint and protest against this adjourn- ment, and in the beginning of December wended their way homeward. Much bitterness of feeling was engendered by the THE RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE AT WORMS. 249 outcome of this conference. The Weimar tlieologians laid the bhime upon Mehmchthon and his adherents, and said that these " holy pharisees " liad excluded them from the negotiations and sent them home ; Me- lanchthon's adherents laid the blame upon the Roman Catholics ; while the Roman Catholics, delighted with the dissensions so apparent among the Lutherans, spared no pains to exhibit these divisions to all the world, and to prove that, after the Protestants had cut loose from Rome, no different result could liave l)een expected. Melanchthon had made an attempt to restore har- mony between the Protestants. After he returned from Heidelberg to "Worms, he had been requested by several princes to endeavor to bring about a reconcilia- tion. He drew up a formula for the purpose. In the article of justification he emphasized the fact, that we are justified by faith alone. He opposed Osiander's doctrine, and with regard to Major's formula stated simjoly, ^' Good works are necessary," leaving away the objectionablepart of the proposition, "unto salvation." Concerning the Lord's Supper he declared, that the real presence of Christ was not to be doubted. He rejected transubstantiation, local inclusion of the ])ody and blood in the bread and wine, and Zwingliaiiism, wliic'h regarded the bread and wine simi)ly as signs. " Christ is substantially present in sucli a inanncr, that, by the communication of his body and l)lood. He makes us members of his body and gives assurance that He applies to us his benefits, wishes to ])e efiica^ cious in us, and desires to save and vivify our miseralde being which has been planted in Him; as Hilary also 250 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. declares, ' Eating and drinking these bring it to pass, that He is in us, and we in Him.' " This formula of agreement received the approval of all the theologians but those of Wittenberg. These made some objection to the article on justification where it treated of Osi- ander. When Melanchthon saw that a dispute was likely to follow upon this point, he withdrew his for- mula until the subject should come up in the regular order of discussion at the conference. But as this con- ference came to a sudden and unexpected end, nothing resulted from Melanchthon's form of agreement. I CHAPTER XXV. HIS LAST YEARS AND DEATH. 1558-1560. y f I HE dissensions in the Protestant Church were becoming greater and more formidable every day. But for this, the Reformation would have triumphed in many places where thus it failed. The Protestant princes were filled with dismay at the sight of the controversies which were so rife among the theologians, but they were powerless to restore harmony. There was no prospect that synods, even if called together, would be able to accomplish any good. An effort was made, however, to bring about peace. In March, 1558, the electors of Germany met in Frank- fort and conferred the imperial crown upon King Ferdinand. The three Protestant electors agreed at HIS LAST YEARS AND DEATH. 251 the same time, that the best way to restore harmony in the Chureli would be, to have all parties subscribe an agreement prepared for the purpose. The agree- Emperor Ferdinand I. ment which they had in mind was an "opinion" drawn up on the subject by Melanchthon, and known by the name of the Recess of Frankfort. Xo sooner was this opinion made public, than the stricter Lutb- 252 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. erans began an attack upon it. Flacius called it the '' Samaritan Interim." Amsdorf, at the request of Duke John Frederick, prepared a refutation. The Magdeburg theologians said that the princes wanted to make themselves the law-givers in matters of faith. It was even proposed to hold a synod for the purpose of condemning the action of the princes. This effort, therefore, which was intended to effect a reconcilia- tion, served only to add fnel to the flames. To make matters worse, the synergistic controversy was added to those which already existed. In 1550, Dr. Pfeffinger had published some propositions on the freedom of the will, and had been at once attacked by the strict Lutherans. But presently the matter was forgotten. Early in 1558, however, Amsdorf came out with his " Public Confession of the True Doctrine of the Gospel, and Confutation of the Fanatics of the Present Time." He declared that Pfeffinger had ad- vanced the proposition, that the will of man conspired with the grace of God. Pfeffinger republished his propositions, and put forth a reply in which he claimed, that he had been misrepresented; that he had simply maintained that the human will cannot, indeed, incite itself to any good work and must be awakened by the Holy Spirit; but that the human will is not excluded in conversion and must do its share, because the Holy Ghost does not deal with men as with blocks and stones. A violent controversy followed, in which many darts, ostensibly aimed at others, were meant to strike Melanchthon. For a long time, however, he did not reply. Finally, in 1559, the Dukes of Saxony pub- HIS LAST YEARS AND DKATII. 253 lished a " Confutation " in which all the heresies which had hitherto appeared in the Lutheran Church, in- cluding the last one of all, Synergism, were formally condemned. Synergism was represented in this work as the error of the adiaphorists, and the doctrines which were condemned were couched in the language of Melanchthon. To this he made reply. In Mare-h he sent his son-in-law Peucer to the elector at Dresden with a writing, in which he declared that the whole article in the " Confutation " referring to synergism was directed against him, hut that he must stand by his convictions. It is true, he said, that God through the Word sends the Holy Spirit into the heart and works in it, and that the prevenient grace of God is necessary for conversion ; but that conversion follows only when the human will co-operates with divine grace. The elector sent this opinion to the landgrave, and the landgrave sent it to the younger John Frederick, with the remark, that the paper had his approval. John Frederick replied that he did not know of a single place in the Confutation in which ^^i'lanc'h- thon's name was mentioned; hut that if Melanchthon had cried out, he must have been hit. At the land- grave's request, however, John Frederick consented to release Strigel, who had been imprisoned for his synergistic views, and to arrange for a colloquium be- tween Flacius and Strigel. In the meeting which iol- lowed between these two, it happened that Flacius, the great champion of orthodoxy who had assailed M«- lanchthon so violently, made a misstep himself In the excitement of debate, he asserted that original sin 254 LIFE OF MELANCHTHON. is not an accident but the essence of human nature. He obstinately refused to retract his statement, and was therefore banished for his heresy. He died in great poverty in 1575. In September, 1558, there were published thirty-one articles by the authorities of Bavaria for the use of the Inquisition in that State. In May of the following year, Melanchthon issued a " Reply to the Wicked Articles of the Bavarian Inquisition." This publica- tion is valuable, because it appeared so shortly before his death and therefore presents the views which he held on many of the subjects involved in the contro- A^ersies of the time. In this work he not only se- verely attacked the Roman Catholics, but expressed himself upon the controverted doctrines of the Luth- eran Church. In his last will and testament he states that he wants this reply to be regarded as his confes- sion. Concerning conversion, he claims that grace precedes, and the human will follows, as Chrysostom says : God draws, but only him who is willing. " At the same time I confess," he adds, " that in all the saints, God accomplishes most of the work in such a way, that the will remains a passive subject. N'ever- theless, this rule is to be maintained : Faith cometh by hearing, it is nourished by meditation upon the prom- ise, it is assailed by mistrust. Amid true sighings we may say, ' I believe. Lord, help thou mine unbe- lief " Melanchthon now became involved also in a dis- pute which raged in the Palatinate concerning the Lord's Supper. A controversy arose there between the general superintendent Hesshus of Heidelberg and HIS LAST YEARS AND DEATH. 255 the deacon Klebitz. The latter liehl Calviuistic views. The elector of that State, Frederick III., deposed both of them from ofhce, and sent to Melanchthon for ad- vice. He wanted to know, whether lie had acted properly, what was Melanchthon's opinion of tlie merits of the controversy, and how harmony might be restored. In his reply, Melanchthon approved the elector's course, and advised the employment of the apostle Paul's formida : " The bread which we break, is it not the communion of the body of Christ?" The apostle, he declared, " did not say that the nature of the bread is changed, as the papists maintain. lie did not say that the bread is the substantial l)ody of Christ, as those of Bremen maintain. He did not say that the bread is the true body of Christ, as Hesshtis does; but that it is a communion, that is to say, it is that by which a union with the body of Christ is ef- fected, and Avhich takes place during the use [of the sacrament] and by no means without cogitation, as for instance, if mice should eat tlie bread. Most fiercely do the papists, and others like them, quarrel over the question, whether it should be said that the body of Christ is, apart from its reception, contained in the form of bread or in the bread, and demand its adoration. Thus Morlinus of Brunswick has said : ' You must not say mum, mum, but must say what thisis which the priest holds in his hand.' . . . . Christ is not present on account of the bread, l)ut on account of man, as He said, 'Abide in me, aii